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1-1-1982

Proverbs : tools for world view studies : an exploratory comparison

of the Bemba of Zambia and the Shona of Zimbabwe
Larry L. Niemeyer
Portland State University

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Niemeyer, Larry L., "Proverbs : tools for world view studies : an exploratory comparison of the Bemba of Zambia and the Shona of
Zimbabwe" (1982). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 886.

10.15760/etd.886

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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Larry L. Niemeyer for the Master of Arts

in Anthropology presented June 3, 1982.

Title: Proverbs: Tools for' World View Studies

An Exploratory Comparison of the Bemba of Zambia and the

Shona of Zimbabwe

APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE:

Daniel J. Scheans

/JON Plerce
/

Darrell Millner

The proverbs of people - defined by Webster as short sayings

"in common use expressing a well-known truth or common fact ascertained

by experience or observation" - have been an object of study to many

kinds of'people for many decades. Robert R. Marett (1938) has said
 2

that proverbs are a key to both the language and culture of a people.

But, knowledge of the language and culture of a people, in itself, can-

not be satisfying to the discerning anthropologist. An eff~rt must be

i

made to identify and understand the categories of thought, codes and Ii

III
III
symbols that undergird their language and culture. The anthropologist i'l
II:
'I
cannot be satisfied to simply view their world; he must also discover Ii:1
the ways they view their world. He must discover their world view.
[I

Marett rightfully acknowledged that proverbs are a useful key for learn-

ing language and culture. It is the contention of this paper, however,

that they are, likewise, excellent tools for world view studies.

A unique' opportunity. arose to prove this thesis when a combina-

tion of factors presented the researcher with considerable data. First,

he had learned the languages of the Shona and Bemba peoples of Southern

Africa. Second, he had collected and studied the use of the proverbs

of these people for twelve years. Third, others had collected and

published the proverbs in different forms (Hoch 1968, Hamutyinei and

Plangger 1974). The paper, then, is a presentation of the results of

hours of study of 1,556 ·Shona proverbs, and 1,286 Bemba proverbs, plus

contextual ·data collected from ethnographies, dictionaries, and per-

sonal observations.

The theoretical framework of the paper is, of necessity, care-

fully presented. Necessary, because neither world view nor proverbs

are well understood in the social sciences. Michael Kearney, one of

the prime resources for information on world view, says that it is not

a "well-established field of study in the sense that it appears in

course catalogs, or that there are recognized schools of world view

L
 3

theory or many scholars specializing in it" (1975:247). Carolyn Parker

(1974), one of the main sources of study for proverbs, says the same
~

thing for this subject. According to her, although there has been a

long histo~y of the study of proverbs, much of that study has been

characterized by shallowness, superficiality and casualness. Benefitt-

ing considerably from the contributions of these two, and others as

well, the theoretical framework of this paper rises out of an anthro-

pology characterized by the related disciplines of the cultural pattern-

ing of the 1950s with its emphasis on psychology and philosophy, the

ethno-science and symbolic anthropology of the 1960s with their empha-

ses upon linguistics and philosophy respectively.

Methodologies centered around the extraction from the proverbs

of all references to people and their relationships.. Lists of this

data were compiled and analyzed with the objective of comparing the two

groups in question. Special attention was given to three categories:

Self, Other'and Relationship. The data extracted was analyzed statis-

tically by use of a chi-square test. Primary analysis, however, de-

pended upon the content of the proverbs themselves. Problems of trans-

. lation, classification, comparison and statistics were given careful

consideration in the analysis.

Several observations on both world views and proverbs were the

result of methodologies carried out within the theoretical framework

described. More than fifty dimensions of the world views of the Bemba

and the Shona were brought to the reader's attention. These dimen-

sions point to similarities as well as distinctives between the two

groups. They reinforced observations made according to other method-

 4

ologies and they also revealed new possibilities for future research.

Observations on the proverbs concerned the practicality of using them

·c

for the purpose of world view studies. This practicality was obvious,

though it has its limitations which must be acknowledged. Application

of this methodology in the social sciences may contribute to a greater

understanding of people from diverse cultures.

REFERENCES CITED

Hamutyinei, M. A. and A. B. Plangger

1974 Tsumo/Shumo: Shona Proverbial Lore and Wisdom, Mambo Press,
Gwelo, Zimbabwe.

Hoch, E.
1968 Munshifika ku Bwingi: Tapeelwe Shina, Language Centre,
Ilondola, Zambia.

Kearney, Michael
1975 World View Theory and Study, Annual Review of Anthropology,
4:247-270.

Marett, Robert R.
1938 Introduction to the Proverbs of Africa, In Racial Proverbs,
S. G. Champion, Barnes and Nobel, Inc., New York.

Parker, Carolyn Ann

1974 Aspects of a Theory of Proverbs: Context and Messages of
Proverbs in Swahili. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Washington.
 PROVERBS: TOOLS FOR WORLD VIEW STUDIES
AN EXPLORATORY COMPARISON OF THE BEMBA
OF ZAMBIA AND THE SHONA OF ZIMBABWE

VOLUME I

by

LARRY Lo NIEMEYER

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the

reqciireme~ts for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS
in
ANTHROPOLOGY

·PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY

1982

~
 TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH:
The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Larry Lo

Niemeyer presented June 3, 1982.

Darrell Millner

APPROVED:

Head, Department of Anthropology

Stanle Studies and Research

~
 ACKNOWLEDGgMENTS

The presentation of this thesis has been made possible with the

help of many people, only some of whom are listed here. My family,

Judy, Heath, Ronan; friends among the Shona and Bemba peoples; Edward

and Lemias Dube, Enias Mpofu, Mutono Sikazwe, James Mulenga, Jesse

Chitimba, and many others; professionals in the field of anthropology

including Dr. R. Clyde McCone, California State University at Long

Beach, whose humble courage and commitment will have a lasting impact

on many lives, and the Department of Anthropology at Portland State

University whose help was characterized by encouragement and accept-

ance - a lift-up rather than a put-down; my advisor, Dr. John Atherton,

who insisted on being more -- a friend and helper -- right to the com-

pletion of this project; my typist, Mary Dozark, and graphic artist,

Dean Dozark, whose contributions are most clearly evidenced in the end

result and, finally; 109 special people who contributed in their own

unique way.

There are others to whom my appreciation is likewise extended.

I will remember their courage, commitment, encouragement, acceptance,

friendship, diligence, and silent contributions.

 TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE
1"I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................................. . iii iik
I';
I"
LIST OF TABLES ................................................ . vii I

.J~
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................... . viii

CHAPTER

I INTRODUCTION ............................... ... ...... .

PART I. THEORY AND METHODOLOGY

II WORLD VIEW .......................................... . 6

Historical Overview............................... 6

Conceptual Overview - A Model for World

View Studies...................................... 9

Overview of African World View Studies............ 26

III PROVERBS ............................................ . 32

The Nature of African Proverbs.................... 32

The Study of Proverbs in Africa................... 37

Theoretical Basis of the Paper.................... 45

IV METHODOLOGY ..... ,.................................... . 54

PART II. DATA

v SUBJECTS: THE BEMBA AND SHONA PEOPLES .............. . 67
The Bemba ............... .;......................... 67

People and Panorama............................ 67

Cultural Patterns and Performance.............. 71

 v

CHAPTER PAGE

The Shona .................... e • G G • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 80

People and Panorama............................ 80

Patterns and Performances...................... 85

Summary and Conclusions........................... 92

VI SELF ORIENTATIONS ................................... . 99

Data Analysis..................................... 105

Conclusion ............... G........................ 120

VII OTHER ORIENTATIONS - OVERVIEW AND KINSHIP ........... . 126

Data and Analysis ........................ ,.......... 132

Kin and The Nuclear Family..................... 135

Children. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
Mothers/Wives............................... 149
Husbands/Fathets............................. 158
Other Kin................................... 168

Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168

VIII OTHER ORIENTATIONS - COMMUNITY DIMENSIONS ........... . 172

Women and Men..................................... 172

Women.......................................... 173

Men............................................ 178

Elders and Authorities............................ 181

Elders. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188

Authorities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

Spirits and Gods.................................. 198

People Identifiable by Activity and Role.......... 211

Conclusions....................................... 215

IX RELATIONSHIPS ....................................... . 220

 vi
CHAPTER PAGE

X CONCLUSIONS ........................... " . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234

Observations of the World Views of Two Peoples.... 234
Observations on the Use of Proverbs............... 247
Recommendations................................... 250

REFERENCES CITED............................................... 252

APPENDIX A BEMBA PROVERBS WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS.......... 270

APPENDIX B SHONA PROVERBS WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS.......... 353

APPENDIX C INDEX OF ORIENTATION .............. ,. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 457

APPENDIX D DATA FOR CHI-SQUARE TESTS......................... 501
Table I ..................... ,.................. '. 501
Table II....................................... 503
Table III...................................... 506
Table IV....................................... 507
Table V........................................ 508
 LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

I Seventy-Five Peoples Represented in the Proverb

Collections. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

II Frequency of Reference to Individual Components of

the Self and X2 Results.......................... 109

III An Overview of Other Orientations Showing the

Frequency of Reference to Items in Eleven

Categories and X2 Values......................... 133

IV Frequency of Reference to Members of the Nuclear

Family and X2 Values............................. 138

v The Spiritual Hierarchy of the Shona ................. . 203

VI The Spiritual Hierarchy of the Bemba ................. . 206

VII Frequency of Reference to Role Identified People

and X2 Values.................................... 214

VIII Dimensions of World View for the Shona and the

Bemba as Revealed in the Proverbs................ 236

 LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

Kraft's model of world view in relation to pattern

and performance ........•....................•. 12

2 Kearney's model of world view in its environment •.. 15

3 Integration of world view universals (Kearney

1981 : 161 a) •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 18

4 Present-day Bembaland, showing its geographical

location in Zambia and Southern Africa........ 68

5 Present-day Mashonaland, showing its geographical

location in Zimbabwe and Southern Africa...... 81

~
 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

"Just talk to them like you would to eleven and twelve year-olds

back home, and you will do right." With that ill-founded advice, I

began missionary service to Africa in 1967. It was not long, however,

before I realized just how ill-founded the advice was. I discovered

that it was not the people among whom we had gone to live who were the

children, we, the American missionaries, were the children. Our use of

the language was childish as was our behavior~ We were living among

people mature and wise in thier culture's view of the world.

With the impatience of youth and its naivete I set out to dis-

cover their view of the world - impatient, because all study had to be

crammed into a small bit of time left over after expecte,d tasks were

performed; naive, because the college education I acquired had barely

taught me how to deal with my own world, let alone the world of others.

My few classes in anthropology, however, had sharpened my desire to get

into that world.

Well-armed I was not.'Yet, my two years among the Shona people

of Zimbabwe, and later six and one-half years among the Bemba of Zambia,

were the best years of my education. Perhaps they were "best" only

from my perspective. Looking back, I wish that I had been a better

student. I learned the languages of these peoples - but not as well as

I wanted. I studied their cultures - but not in enough depth to satisfy

 2

me. Nevertheless, those eight and one-half years among two Bantu-speak-

ing peoples provided the background to many important aspects of my

life today; they also provided the background to this study of proverbs

and world view.

Robert R. Marett (1938) has said that proverbs are a key to both

the language and culture of a people. I found this to be true while

living among the Shona and the Bemba. What began as a slight interest

in Shona proverbs in the sixties developed into a serious interest in

Bemba proverbs in the seventies. Proverbs'did unlock gateways to their

worlds. My interest wa~ hampered, however, by difficulty in finding

collections and sources for proverbs. At that time, I had no expertise

in eliciting proverbs from informants. I remember poring through books

and articles in the Africana section of the library in Bulawayo when-

ever I was in town for supplies. The Shona dictionary (Hannan 1961)

became a source for many proverbs. Later the Bemba dictionary (White

Fathers 1954) proved to be a good source for Bemba proverbs. In 1975,

after laboriously collecting proverbs from that latter dictionary I was

chagrined to discover that The Society of Missionaries of Africa,

popularly called White Fathers, had already made a collection of the

proverbs, and had published them in mimeograph form (1968). William

Bascom, in his attempt to survey the field of folklore research in

1964, drew the same conclusion: it is very difficult to gather toget-

her the existing collections of African proverbs for analytical pur-

poses.

Fortunately, two excellent collections of proverbs are now

available for the Shona and the Bemba. M. A. Hamutyinei and A. B.

 3

Plangger have provided a collection of 1556 Shona proverbs available

in hardback (1974) and E. Hoch (1968) has provided a similar list of

1286 Bemba proverbs in mimeograph form from his language cente~at

Ilondola, Zambia. The collections require a knowledge of both lan-

guages, and though I could not be considered an expert in either lan-

guage, it is hoped that my knowledge of ChiShona and ChiBemba will add

to the credibility of this study of their proverbs.

While proverbs did unlock a gateway to the languages and cUl-

tures of the Shona" and Bemba.peoples,.:it became clear to me at a later

date, that those gateways were external only. The doors to which those

keys were applied could be likened to~the gates df a courtyard which

allowed access to the house. I could then get near enough to get a

proper view of the Shona and Bemba scenes. But there was obviously an-

other door that had to be entered. That was the front door - the door

that would give access to all the various inner rooms. Entrance to the

various rooms would reveal windows through which the Shona and Bemba

looked to view their worlds. Marett had said that proverbs would un-

lock the gateway allowing my knowledge of their language and culture

but he did not relate their applicability to the door that would allow

me to see their perspective on the world.

My personal interest in this view from their windows was first

sparked as an undergraduate student of Dr. R. Clyde McCone's of Cali-

fornia state College in Long Beach. That interest developed somewhat

after my experience with the Shona and before my experience with the

Bemba. "World view" became an intriguing study to me that continued

into my graduate studies. In 1972 when I returned to Africa I was

 4

equipped to study the world view of African peoples. A lack of defini-

tive literature on world view made this study somewhat fru$trating~

Yet I grabbed at anything I could find that had the slightest semblance

of this perspective on a people.

Looking back, it seems only natural that my interests, experi-

ences and study should result in an effort to wed the subject of pro-

verbs with the subject of world view. Marett recognized in proverbs a

useful tool for learning language and culture. The question is, are

proverbs likewise a tool for understanding the world view of a people?

Are they an effective key for unlocking the doors to implicit knowledge

as well as explicit knowledge? It is the contention of this presenta-

tion that they are, in fact, excellent~~tools for world view studies.

~I
II
II
II

:1

il

I
i~
XD010aOH13W aN~ XH03Hl
I lH~d
 CHAPTER II

, WORLD VIEW

World view is not a well-established field of study in

the sense that it appears in course catalogs, or that there
are recognized schools of world view theory or many scho-
lars speciallzing in it. And yet, rather paradoxically,
literature about world view and world-view-related sub~
jects permeates anthropology (Kearney 1975:247).

In order to unite the study of world view with the study of pro-

verbs, it is necessary to define 'and delineate both. This is an espe-

cially difficult task in regard to the concept of world view. An his-

torical overview reveals some of the reasons for this difficulty.

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

Alan Dundes (197:1) and Michael Kearney (1975) provide two differ-

ent overviews of the studies that have been made of this subject. Ac-

cording to Dundes, Malinowski attempted to get anthropologists beyond

the narrow cosmological/mythological conceptions of world view that

were current in the early decades of the century. To Malinowski is

traced the introduction of the word Weltanshauung: "What interests me

in the study of the native is his outlook on things, his Weltanshauung .

. . . Every human culture gives its members a definite vision of the

world . . • "(1922:517). Following this Dundes referred to various

other scholars who have studied world view from different vantage

I
points: language, folklore, religion, and even architecture. The
I studies of these scholars have ranged from a very general terminology

I
I

i. . . ._______
 7

that leaves the reader thinking he is merely viewing culture, to a very

specific terminology that leaves the reader wondering what he really is

viewing. They have studied single individuals and entire groups for

world view perspectives. Single features of world view such as time,

space, self and other (to be discussed later) have been studied in some

works, while the whole realm of these features has been considered in

other works.

Michael Kearney's overview is confined to the field of anthro-

pology. He points out what he calls a developmental history of world

view studies, associating various anthropologists with the different

phases. By-passing Malinowski, he considers first, a formative period

in the 1930's, rising out of the work of Burckhardt, Kroeber, Sapir,

Whorf, and Benedict. Ruth Benedict's Patterns·of Culture (1934) typi-

~\

fies these studies. Next came a time of transition in the 40's and 50's

when Tax, Hallowell, and Redfield described world view in more detail.
V
Hallowell's Culture and Experience (1955) is designated a representa-

tive volume for this time. Kearney's third historical phase of world

view studies was the propositional period of the 60's and early 70's.

It is represented by Foster, Hoebel, Kearney, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck

all of whom derived propositions dealing with various aspects of parti-

cular world views they ~tudied~ Kearney believes that Foster's "Peas-
V
ant Society and the Image of Limited Good" (1965) proved to be the

greatest stimulant during this period. It is likewise interesting that

Westerners began looking at their own philosophic and scientific sys-

terns as world views during this time (Kuhn 1970).

 8

Common to all of these studies up through the early seventies

is the vagueness already mentioned. World view was variously called,

"primitive categories", "cognitive maps", "ethos", "forms of 'life",

"ideology", "theme", "style", "ultimate Cosmology", "pattern", "world

hypothesis", and "climate of opinion" during these years (Jones 1972:

79). Jones went on to say that

.critics suspect that a concept so variously named

is itself somewhat vague, and· this suspicion doubtless ex-
plains why some students of culture prefer to ignore the
notion of world view altogether and to concentrate instead
on the directly observable institutions and practises of a
cul ture" ( ibid. ) .

While various schools of thought grew up· around the observations of

cultural patterns and performances, no "recognized schools of world

view studies" emerged. One observer noted in 1970 that various re-

searchers touched on religion, law, folklore, magic and other familiar

categories of ethnography, but avoided the "intellectual facets of

world view such as logic and epistemology" (Albert 1970:101). He at-

tributed this deficiency to presuppositions in the scientific world

about "non-western, non-scientific conceptual systems." Another rea-

son for the vagueness may arise out of a fear of being "out-of-synch"

with current research trends. Indeed, Egbujie (1977) called world

view studies "the left out" side of research.

Kearney believes that the vagueness that has enveloped world

view studies began disappearing somewhat in the late seventies and

early eighties. He calls this fourth phase of developmental studies

the systematic period. It is a period characterized by a mounting

concern that various world view features be properly related and ef-
 9

fectively integrated. In Kearney's opinion, Mary Douglas' Natural

Symbols (1973) is an examp~e of this kind of systematic approach to

world view studies. He places her in that broad school of anthro-

pological thought called cultural idealism. In contrast, he sees him-

self contributing to this new period, as a proponent of historical

materialism, a second broad school of thought. His 1981 volume sets

forth the principles of this school very clearly. His aim, he says,

is to "rescue world vi~w from the idealist camp" (1981:12). Along

with this systematization, whether of one school or another, there

comes a concern for conceptualization and definition in the field.

So, the fog is lifting - the wedding of proverbial studies and world

view studies becomes a greater possibility.

CONCEPTUAL OVERVIEW - A MODEL FOR WORLD VIEW STUDIES

At the beginning of his survey on the study of world view,

'\
Michael Kearney said that his major problem was finding a meaningful

definition of the subject (1975:247). He was not satisfied with those

definitions that were current:

The "world view" of a people, . . . is the way a people

characteristically look outward upon the universe. If
"culture" suggests the way a people look to an anthro-
pologist, "world view" suggests how everything looks to
a people.

But if t~ere is an emphasized meaning in the phrase

"world view," I think it is in the suggestion it carries
of the structure of things as man is aware of them. It is
in the way we see ourselves in relation to all else (Red-
field 1957:85-86).

The world view of any individual is a set of very wide-

range vectors in that individual's belief space a) that he
learned early in life and that are not readily changed and
 10

b) that have a determinate influence on much of this ob-

servable behavior, both verbal and nonverbal, but c) that
he seldom or never verbalizes in the referential mode,
though d) they are constantly conveyed by him in the ex-
pressive mode and as l~tent meanings (Jones 1972:83).

World view is the way a people characteristically looks

out on the universe. It consists of the most general and
comprehensive concepts and unstated assumptions about life
(Spradley 1975:280).
i
Kearney found Redfield and Spradley bound by the biases of their

cultural idealism. The work of Jones, a philosopher, was judged "peri-

pheral" to real cognitive studies and was said to be of more signifi-

cance to personality studies than to world view studies. At that time,

Kearney himself stated: "I take world view to be virtually synonymous

with cognitive anthropology" (1975:247). By 1981, he had changed

somewhat as he tried to put theoretical distance between himself and

others interested in the subject. Yet, he simply wrote,

The world view ofa people is their way of looking at

reality." It consists of basic assumptions and images which
provide a more qr less coherent, though not necessarily
accurate, way of thinking about the world, (1981:51).

In fact, he had said little by way of definition that had not already

been said. To his definition, I would like to add a definition con-

tributed by a fifth person - a definition not unlike all the others:

The world view is the central systematization of con-

ceptions of reality to which the members of the culture
assent (largely unconsciously) and from which stems their
value system. The world view lies at the very heart of
culture, touching, interacting with, and strongly influ-
encing every other aspect of the culture (Kraft 1979:53).

Kraft added later, "A people's world view is their basic model of

reality" (op. cit., 54).

 11

Combining the contributions of various people to a definition

of world view, and noting especially the contributions of Kearney and

Kraft, world view will be defined in this thesis as:

The basic assumptions and presuppositions with which

people look out upon their world, systematized and inte-
grated so as to bring coherence to their thinking about
the world. World view is basic to every subject, whether
individual or people,1 effecting and being affected by the
patterns, performance and panorama that make up that sub-
ject's culture.

Beyond definition, Charles Kraft attempts to discuss world view

in connection with the entirety of the culture in which it is found,

describing that culture according to structure and behavior. Beyond

discussion, he also tries to portray it graphically (see Figure 1).

Referring to Robert Redfield, Kraft presents world view as the "cen-

tral control box" of a culture or subculture (1979:53). World view

is the "organizer of the conceptual system taught to and employed by

members of that culture/subculture." It governs the application of

this conceptual system to performance in all areas of the "arena of

reality." Everything, says Kraft, ties in with the world view's cen-

tral conceptualization. Drawing on Malinowski's discussion of reli-

gion (1925), he goes on to say that world view functions to explain,

evaluate, reinforce, integrate and adapt within this model.

1Thus , world view can be held by an individual or a group, of

these two possibilities, Kraft says, "A groups' world view does not
completely determine the perception of all its members at all times.
Though there is characteristically a very high degree of conservatism
to such conceptualization, there is change in this as well as in all
areas of culture. . . ." (1979: 56) .

Itt.
 12

1. Cultural Patterns (Structure)

Linguistic Structure
Semantics, Grammar
Phonology
~

Social Structure World View Religious Structure

as
Family, Associations, Organizer of Belief, Values,
Economic, Political, Conceptualization Ritual,
Educational Structures Mythology

Tools, Techniques

Technological Structures

2. Cultural Performance (Behavior)

Use of Language

Speaking

Use of Social World View Use of Religion

as
Organizing and Governor of Application of Judgment,
Operating Family, Application of Performance of ritual,
Associations, Concepts Production of myth
Economic, Education,
Political Structures

Apply Skills

Use of Technology

Figure 1. Kraft's model of world view in relation to pattern

and performance.
 13

Kraft's concept of world view within culture has both strengths

and weaknesses. An obvious strength is the way he discusses cultural

structure and behavior as it relates to world view. He also acknow-

ledges the place of cultural change and its impact upon world view and

vice versa, the place of world view change and its impact upon culture.

A third strength that Kraft brings to the discussion is an awareness

of the place of world views in what he calls "reality" - the external

world. Quoting Barbour (1974:37-38), he says, "The fact that as human

beings we see reality not as it is but always from inside our heads in

terms of such models means that 'no direct comparison of model and

world is possible'" (1979:29). Kraft speaks for many when he says of

world view models, "We cannot, therefore, take our models (or our

paradigms and world view) literally or absolutely. We must, however,

take them seriously" (ibid.).

Some weaknesses are apparent in Kraft's presentation of world

view. Wh~le he gives proper place to world view within its cultural

environment along with discussion of the interaction of the two, he

does not sufficiently delineate the interaction. His concept is a

static concept rather than a dynamic one. Then, too, although Kraft

gives attention to "reality" the external world, he seems to do so

only in a philosophical sense, not a physical sense. Finally, Kraft

discusses world view without presenting its features and dimensions.

He makes little reference to the actual makeup of world view. While

saying what it does, Kraft does not clarify what a world view is.

Like Kraft, Michael Kearney is not only verbose, but he is also

graphic in his description of world view. His model for world view in
 14

its environment clearly shows the bias of historical materialism (1981:

178, Figure 7). External sources of change can and do modify the

social and geographical environment; environment, in turn, modifies

the world view; world view oirects the activity of a person in the

culture, and the person then alters the environment in which he lives.

At the same time, with perceptual schema and cognitive maps imbedded

(1981:57a, Figure 2), and with "universals" such as time, Space,

Causality, Self, Other, Relationships and Classification, integrated

(1981:161a, Figure 6),2 world view generates cultural symbols and pro-

jective systems which Kearney carefully defines. Reification, the

elevation of abstractions to the position of being a material part of

the social and geographical environment, occurs at this point; the

symbols and systems become part of the total environment. Figure 2 is

an attempt to bring Kearney's three models (1981:57a, 161a, and 178a)

together.

Two weaknesses in Kearney's model caution the student to careful

study of his viewpoint. First, as an historical materialist, he

clearly makes his bias known throughout his volume. This bias can be

seen somewhat· in Figure 2 where world view is seen not only directing,

generating and exploring various features of the environment and

culture but is also being mGdified by the environment itself, and this

in a direct way. All sources of change are external. The same bias

can be seen as he considers world view universals as "analogs of phy-

siological principles necessary to maintain life" (ibid.). A second

2These "universals" will be discussed more fully on pages 16-18.

 ACTION:
Perceptual exploration,
locomotion among "things",
behavior in general.

Samples
WORLD VIEW
IT axonomies Q)
0\
,Paradigms C
CIJ
.c
Cognitive u
c 4-
Maps e e
.r-!
+l (/)
, CIJ
Cultural Symbols Sensory, Social Q)
H
Generates Reifies U
0\ and 7 and --' H
Q) """' :J
\ .j.J
C
Projective Systems
- Geographical e
U)
rl H
CIJ Environment rl
:J CIJ
.j.J C
a. CIJ H
Q)
U
E
Q)
" Q)
+l
H ..c X
Q) U W
a.. U)

Figure 2. Kearney's model 'of world view in its environment.

Vl
 16

weakness is that Kearney assumes that only the historical materialist

can have a practical perspective on world view. Others do have such

views. I, fsr example, am not an historical materialist, but consider

myself practical in terms of my understanding, interest in, and appli-

cation of world view studies.

On guard for the weaknesses, one can benefit considerably from

the strengths in Kearney's model and· discussion. The most obvious

strength is his effort to bring world view into focus in its social

and geographic environment. He wants to avoid discussion of world view

as though people just sit around and speculate on philosophical issues.

Instead, he says, it is a prominent part of every culture, a part that

is involved in the direction of action, the generation of cultural

symbols and the exploration of its own environment. A second strength

that Kearney's model of world view in its environment brings to the

study is his judgment that world view serves "the pragmatic necessity

of communication," and that the various elements of which it is com-

prised are like tools (1981:96) for this communicative purpose (1981:

96). World view is not just something to be thought, it is something

to be talked and to be used as the basis for conversation and communi-

cation. This brings_a practical significance to the subject of world

view. Central as it is to, communication, it is incumbent upon those

who desire to communicate and improve communication to learn what they

can of the various world views involved.

It is necessary to call attention to one more strong feature of

Kearney's study, because it becomes the theoretical basis of this

thesis. It appears that Kearney has succeeded where others have

 17
failed, in providing an integrated model of world view. This was an

important objective in his study, as he himself says,

Throughout this discussion of world view universals I

have attempted to indicate how they are in different ways
and to varying degr~es interdependent. As we saw the back-
bone of a world view is the opposition and integration of
Self and the Other. From this most primary structure we
were able, using both genetic and structural arguments, to
identify other universals as necessarily deriving from the
presence of Self and Other. The first of these was Relation-
ship. The existence of Self and Other as well as further
necessary major discriminations within the Other are also
tantamount to the origin and structure of the Classification
dimension. Whereas Classification is a static structure,
Relationship is~dynamic in that it deals with interaction
between, first of all, Self and Other, and later with inter-
action among elements both within the Self and within the
Other. It is thus from this dynamic aspect of the Relation-
ship universal that we derive the general category of
Causality. And as we saw, the cognition of causality is
dependent not only upon Relationship, but also upon the
cognition of space and time (1981:160-161).

Kearney then went on to diagram these summarizations, showing the

"logico-structural linkages" between the various "universals" (Figure

3). To understand the integration he sought and discovered for his

own satisfaction, it is necessary to discuss both the linkages and the

universals.

Before Kearney develops his model of the integration of "univer-

sals", he discusses "categories".3 In reference to the latter term,

Kearney says they are the "necessary dimensions of any functional world

view," and went on to say,

The study of world view is to a great extent the analysis

of the major categories of reality recognized by a people and I I,
the criteria by which they group the contents of these cate-
gories together (1981:115).

3The integration of categories is more acceptable than lIthe

integration of universals". "Categories" is preferrE?d in this thesis,
since one can always find an exception to "universals".
 CLASSIFICATION

SELF _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ OTHER
RELATIONSHIPr

CAUSALITY

TIME SPACE

Figure 3. Integration of world view universals (Kearney 1981:161a).

(X)
 19

All students of world view would agree that these categories are neces-

sary. They~ould not agree on what to call them, neither generally nor

specifically. Generally, the terminology varies from "vector" (Jones

1972), to "operational units" (Spradley 1972), to "universals"

(Kearney 1981), to "ideas" (Dundes 1971.), to "orientation" (Hallowell

1955). In arriving at specifics, Redfield called attention to 75

common'elements in the world views of all cultures. Some of those

elements are the self, other, "us" and "them", men and women, human as

distinct from non-human, invisible forces and beings, animals and all

of nature, space, time, birth and death (Spradley 1975:280). Kluckholn

and Strodtbeck referred to human nature orientations, man-nature orien-

tations, time orientation, activity orientations, and relational orien-

tations, with variations postulated for each (1961:11). Kearn~y ar-

rived "willy-nilly" (sic) at the seven important elements presented in

his model: time, space, causality, self, other, relationships and

classification (1975:247). Fortunately, however,he elaborated on the

seven elements in his later volume (1981) and the model presented in

my paper incorporates those same elements and his model for showing

their integration (Op. cit., 161a, Figure 6). J

Not wanting to belabor

my presentation or repeat what Kearney and others (Redfield 1952;

Hallowell 1955:75-11)) clearly presented, these elements will be de-

fined and exemplified as follows:

Self

Definition: The identity of a given person as distinct from all

other persons and things.

__________
iJra_~_
~
 20

Examples: Kearney's observation that the Ixtepeji people of

Mexico do not view self and the body as necessarily harmoni-

ous elements (1972). Dorothy Lee contended that the Wintu

Indians of Northern California do not place strict bounds on

the self, do not name it, and do not view it as a separate

entity (1959:132).

Other

Definition: Everything that is not part of the identity of a

given person. May be human and non-human.

Examples: The Ojibwa's belief in a universe of supernatural

beings (Hallowell 1955), the American struggle with indivi-

duality and a weak base for group adherence (Riesman 1950).

Relationships

Definition: The interaction of Self and Other.

Examples: The Arapesh see a relationship of maintenance

between self and other, the Zuni - harmony, the Mesopotamian -

obedience, and the American - action upon (Redfield 1952:

33-34).

Time

Definition: Temporal frame of reference.

Examples: Gay and Cole's analysis of Kpelle time in Liberia

/ (1967), Henle's evaluation of Hopi temporal considerations

(1958:20).
 21

Space

Definition: Spatial frame of reference.

Examples: Hallowell's study of Ojibwa use of wind and the

cardinal directions (1960). Ohnubi-Teirney's study of

Ainu use of the opposition between shore and mountains

(1968), Douglas' observation that the Are'are of New

Guinea do not emphasize territorial boundaries (1973).

Causality

Definition: The interrelation of time and space in event with

special emphasis upon cause and effect.

Examples: Piaget's study of causality from an empiricist point

of view (1930), Kluckhohn's discovery that 'perhaps' was one

the most frequently uttered words in Navaho (1949:361).

Classification

Definition: The conceptual grouping of all world view elements.

Examples: Westerners focus on particulars rather than generics

while California Indians do just the opposite (Kearney 1981:

232), Conklin's treatment of folk taxonomies (1969).

The "universals" then (or "categories" as I prefer to call

them) are vital to Kearney's integrated model (Figure 3, page 17). The

other vital feature of this integration has to do with the "logico-

structural linkages." Kearney plainly states the basis for this con-

cept:

The theoretical bias behind the concept of logico-

structural integration is that a world view is a dynamic,
 22

more or less internally consistent system which demonstrates

logical and structural regularities. Furthermore, these
regularities exist both synchronically and diachronically
(1981:71).

He likens his viewpoint to that of Anthony Wallace who says that "every

human brain contains 'a unique mental image 'of a complex system of

dynamically interrelated objects' which he refers to as a 'mazeway'"

(Wallace 1970:15 in Kearney 1981:71). Kearney contrasts his viewpoint

with that of Robert Redfield, saying that in both

. . the opposition of Self and Other is the primary axis

of world view. But in Redfield's model each dimension is
in effect an isolated category which presumably can vary
independently of the others. To the contrary the lines
[Figure 3J represent dynamic inter-connections in which
the presence of assumptions in anyone has logico-structural
implications for all the others. I have argued that those
relationships indicated by heavy lines are the most direct,
but that nevertheless all dimensions are directly or in-
directly connected one with another (1981:161).

Kearney makes it quite clear that he stresses linkage: integration,

inter-connection, inter-dependency of various world view categories.

Kearney's integration of world view categories is the perspective

taken in this paper - with certain reservations. The chief reservation

concerns Kearney's contention that his seven categories are "univer-

sals". That is not something that can be verified. However, the

categories are helpful "tools" for analyzing other world views and

they will be used as such 'in this thesis. Another reservation concerns

Kearney's understanding of causality. He states again and again that

he is an historical materialist, and as such, has his own presupposi-

tions conc~rning causality. Those assumptions make clear that deter-

minism in a closed system is the accepted premise in discussions of

causality. Yet it has not been proven by the materialist, whether

 23
cultural or historical, that such is not the case at all. Furthermore,

people with such biases have historically left the individual and per-

sonality factors out of the picture and world view is all about in-

dividuals and their personalities. These two reservations lead me to

seek theoretical distance from Kearney. Although his integration of

world view "universals" (Figure 3) is the clearest presentation of

such features that I know of, and becomes the basic model of this

paper, Kearney's definitions are not necessarily accepted, nor are his

claims for universality.

Having conceptualized the subject matter in terms of verbal

definitions and graphic dimensions, all the attendant problems that

face students of world view now come to play upon this attempt as well.

A few of these problems need to be broached so that it will not appear

as though this study was undertaken oblivious to their presence. The

whole study of world view obviously rises out of Western intellectual

tradition with its inherent biases (Kearney 1981:327). Moreover, world

views are not neatly separated into elements, indexed and readily ac-

cessible. Instead they are made up of elements often fused together,

covert, or'exceedingly difficult to identify. Jones refers to the

difficulty informants can have trying to verbalize something that is

seldom if every verbalized in a culture (1972:82). In fact, says

Jones, direct interrogation concerning world views is not possible. To

compound the difficulty, world views change, though every so slowly

(Kraft 1979:53). Robert Levine says, "Traditional ways of viewing the

world persist long after the conditions that led to the formation of

the world view have changed" (1966, as recorded by Salamone 1970:39-44).

J
 24

Kearney quoted Ernest Gellner (1970) who objected, "Concepts are as

liable to mask reality as to reveal it, and masking some of it may be

a part of their function." That presents problems of another kind to

students of world view. Masking may occur at the most fundamental

level. I r~member the difficulty of learning personal names amo~g the

Bemba. This would seem a simple task of classification. But I was

often given newly created names - in order to have realities masked

from the questioner who was not yet to be trusted.

Similar problems are referred to by others such as French anthro-

pologist, J. J. Maquet:

Few, if any, native cultures will be so well integrated

that all ideas bearing on a certain phenomenon, e.g., death,
as expressed in mythology, in ritual, in professed belief,
in linguistic useage, in proverbs and sayings, etc., will
tally with one another . . . . in the endeavor to synthesize
the various expressions of native belief, sentiments, and
custom into a coherent and congruous system of thought, he
can scarcely avoid imposing to some extent his own way of
thinking (1954:27).

There is a danger, too, in these studies to form vast, complex world

views on the basis of a limited amount of information. At the Ameri-

can Anthropological Association's annual meeting in Los Angeles

(December 5,' 1981), Roger Keesing raised the question of the appropri-

ateness of the long-standing use of "mana" and "taboo" by anthropolo-

gists in the formulation of world views. Keesing challenged his

listeners to engage in the quest for "indigneous thought" rather than

participate in "anthropological theology." I.,

Speaking of the categories themselves, several observations have

been made. Studies of Self and Other are hampered by the fact that

one is not likely to find a corresponding linguistic term for either

 -25
in the language of the people studied (Hallowell 1955:90). Usually, the

image of Other is not as well defined even as Self (Kearney 1981). When

speaking of Relationships, one is speaking of a wide, diverse field of

possibilities and different levels of relationship that make this

particular study veryc complex and time-consuming. Time, one of the

universal elements, is also "one of the most abstract and intangible

concepts in human thought" (Kearney 1981:259) and references to Causal-

ity per se "are almost non-existent in world view literature" (ibid.).

The study of Causality is further compounded by the prevalence of pro-

bability theory in the social sciences today. And finally, Classifica-

tion, though the most explicit of the elements, usually lies at the
subconscious level of language usage.

In addition to these general and particular problems facing one

in the study of world view, he must also be on guard to distinguish

world view from other fields of research. Redfield, back in 1952,

distinguished it from some of the terms in vogue at that time, includ-

ing "ethos," and "national character." Geertz (1957) attempted to show

the difference between world view and values, saying that the former is

based on "intellectual and experiential data" while the latter is based

. ./
on "normative data." Nevertheless, Foster (1966:387) says that world

view studies often slip off into the study of values. World view

studies differ from religious studies. "A world view provides people

with their basic assumptions about reality," says Paul Hiebert (1976:

371), "while religion provides them with the specific content of this

reality." Kearney, being the one who wanted to "rescue" world view

from all these "idealists," distinguished it from belief systems (1981:

 26
69-70), and just as importantly, from the studies of cognitive psychol-

ogy, personality and culture, ethnosemantics and ethnoscience (op. cit.

35-60). The reader is invited to read Kearney's explanations on his

own.

All these challenges confront the student of world view. They

are the kind of challenge that cause him to sink or swim.· Attempting

to swim, it is now time to consider studies of African world views.

OVERVIEW OF AFRICAN WORLD VIEW STUDIES

Like the diversity of the continent itself, world view studies

in Africa have been approached from several different vantage points

and persuasions. The peoples who have been the focus. of world view

studies have been located in all of the continent. Those who have

studied them have done so from the perspectives ranging from art to

personality studies and in three major European languages: English,

French, German. Consequently, the resultant reports show significant

variations in both systematization and scope. Additionally, the stu-

dent must carefully weave through this maze of studies which, when

compared with other African studies, seem marginal. Undoubtedly, this

is a reflection of the general unpopularity of this approach in African

studies.

Daryll Forde's African Worlds, Studies in the Cosmological Ideas

and Social Values of African Peoples (1954) brought together the

largest number of studies that I know of which dealt with different

aspects of world view. The volume also brought together studies re-

presenting most of the continent. Representing North Africa was

 27
Godfried Lienhardt's study of the Shilluk of Sudan, Kenneth Little's

study of the Mende of Sierra Leone, K. AD Busia's study of the Ashanti

of Gold Coast, and P. Mercier's study of the Fon of Dahomey. The

volume gave representation for East Africa to Gunter Wagner's study of

the Abaluyia of Kenya and J. J. Maquet's study of the Banyarwanda of

Rwanda. One study in South Africa was J. D. Krige and E. J. Krige's

presentation of aspects of Lovedu world view in the Transvaal. Thus,

Forde compiled a signifi9ant number of articles relating to the subject

in hand.

The North is further represented in studies of the Dinka

(Lienhardt 1961), the Nuer (Evans-Pritchard 1940, 1956) and the Azande

(Evans-Pritchard 1937), all from the Sudan .. West Africa is further re-

presented by the work of Kagame (1956) among the Dogon of Mali, Vaughan
\

among the Marghi (1964), the work of Tessler among the Kanuri (1973),

and the work of Lowery-Palmer among the Yoruba (1980) - all in Nigeria,

the work of Kirk-Greene among the Adamwa of Cameroons (1958), the work

of Goody among the Lodagaa (1962), and the work of Kilson among the Ga

(1970) - both in Ghana. Studies from East Africa include Middleton's

study of the Lugbara of Uganda (1960), Wilson's of the Nyakusa of

Tanzania (1957, 1959), Tessler's of the Usangi of Tanzania (1973), and

Mbiti's of the Akamba in'Tanzania (1971). To the Krige accounts from

Central Africa can be added the accounts of Theuw and Erny among the

Luba in Zaire (1973). Additional Southern African peoples studies with

attention to matters of world view include the Ndembu of Zambia (Turner

1967, 1968, 1969), the Zulu- (Berglund 1976) from South Africa, and the

Sotho of Lesotho and South Africa (Hammond-Tooke 1981).

 28
The large number of world view studies from allover the conti-

nent is encouraging, but one must be aware of the various perspectives

through which the subject is brought into focus. Although recent

studies have dealt specifically with world view (Lowery-Palmer 1980,

Hammond-Tooke 1981), many of the, earlier studies are parts of more

general studies (Evans-Pritchard 1940; Turnbull 1961), with world view

discussed in relation to other interests that dominated the researcher's

attention, whether language, folklore, law, personality and culture,

art, philosophy, politics, education, or social patterns. Religion,

for example, was the basis for many of the studies. Kiernan (1981:4-

5) finds it unfortunate that world view studies have been so dominated

by and immersed in religious studies in Africa, to the neglect of its

integration within a broader physical and social environment. In some

~

cases, religion was seen to be the major component of world view (Forde

1954). In other cases, world view was seen as an aspect of religion

(Fortes and Dieterlen 1965). It would be a major study in itself to

identify various researchers who have made religious studies the basis

of their world view studies· (Turner 1967, 1968, 1969; Hammond-Tooke

1974; Mbiti 1969) with either Forde's approach or Fortes and Dieterlen's

approach. Second to religious studies would be personality studies.

Those who have considered world view from this perspective would in-

clude Lloyd (1972), Gay and Cole (1967), Carothers (1972), Erny (1973),
I. :
and many others. Language,was the basis for Doob's marginal interest i

in world views (1961). Parrinder's interest (1967) was in folklore.

Tempels (1959) and Jahn (1961) shared a common interest in philosophy,

but came at the subject from two entirely different ways.

 29
In addition to the different perspectives on the subject there

are various schools of thought represented in the literature. For ex-

ample, English studies of world view in Africa may be those of a

British social anthropologist like Evans-Pritchard (1956), or those of

an American cultural anthropologist like Lowery-Palmer (1980). French

studies may be those of a structuralist like Claude Levi-Strauss (1966)

or those of a Durkheimian like Marcel Griaule (1948). Kearney (1981)

would have us aware of the differences between idealists (Turner 1968)

who have a "limited" grasp of world view, and materialists (Lowery-

Palmer 1980) whose perspective is "holistic."

Finally, world view studies in Africa are themselves character-

ized by varying degrees of scope and systematization. The scope of

certain studies are all-encompassing, intending to speak for all, or

large parts of Africa (Jahn 1961, Tem~els 1959). Some such studies

appear as comparisons of African world view with Western world view

(Horton 1967, 1973); others generalize. For example, Kiernan considers

an outlook on life that is "bounded" (in the sense that space and time

have definite limits) rather than "open" as an outlook characteristic

of all of Africa. Relationships would "scarcely stretch beyond the

immediate neighborhood and at most might extend to contain a small

region" (1981:6). All one's needs would be supplied within limited

space and time, according to this world view, so there would be no need
I'i
to look beyond. In contrast, the scope of other studies is minute,

dealing with only one people - and then with qualifications. For ex-

ample, Forde, whose 1954 edition brought together a variety of studies

said there was no "blue print" for world view that will directly apply
 30

to all African peoples. Even Kiernan who had done much work among the
: i

Zulu with his bias toward a "bounded" outlook, said, "It may no longer
, I,
be permissable to speak of e.g., the Zulu world view without qualifi- iI I

cations. There is no one single Zulu world view, but many" (1981:10).

Another contrast in the scope of world view studies in Africa concern

dimensions of the world view itself. Certain studies include all - or

a-large number of elements of world view, others include only specific

elements. The latter is more common. Kirk-Greene was concerned about

Time among the Adamwa (1958). Evans-Pritchard's early reports on the

'I :,i
Azande of Sudan concerned their relationships. Relationships are a
'lilli',',
:i
,,1
commonly discussed element, because they lend themselves to more
I,
,I :il"",,'
I.;
tangible study. Littlejohn (1963) and Kilson (1970) were concerned

with the spatial-orientation of the Temne and Ga respectively. Lloyd

(1972) reported on Serpells' interest in the other-orientation of sub-

jects in Zambia. Two researchers specialized in the areas of numerals

(Raum 1938; Zaslavsky 1973). The systematization of all these elements

into an integrated whole may be according to the structures attributed

to Maquet by Kearney (1981:255) or according to the logico-premises at-

tributed to Griaule and his students by Alexandre (1973:4) or it may be

according to the logico-structural approach fostered by Kearney and

practised in Africa somewhat by Lowery-Palmer (1980).

Amidst all these divergencies, what place does this immediate

I:,
research occupy in the study of African world views? Obviously, it III "

1
,'

stands in the school of American cultural anthropology. The scope of

the study is necessarilY narrowed for reasons of expediency to matters

of Self, Other, and Relationships. Though very intriguing studies in

 ~ 31
their own right, Time, Space, Causality and Classification will have to

be analyzed at a later time. Relationship will allow for some discus-

sion of integration - but only in a very limited way. Systematization

will not be att~mpted beyond summary statements. Since proverbs, an

aspect of folklore and language, provide the primary data for this

study, and since the Bemba and Shona peoples of Southern Africa are the

peoples studied, these added parameters must be noted.

Having considered the literature and theory surrounding world

view, it is now necessary to provide a review of the literature and

theory as it relates to the linguistic side of this project, with parti-

cular emphasis upon proverbs. Chapter Two discusses proverbs as they

are known throughout the African continent.

I'

i
 !:

CHAPTER III

PROVERBS

Proverbs are common ways of expressing religious ideas

: I
and feelings. Unfortunately, little study of proverbs has ! ~

been made, and our information on the subject is scanty.

It is in proverbs that we find the remains of the oldest
forms of African religious and philosophical wisdom.
Mbiti 1970:86

Just as there has been a need to clarify the subject of world

view before any attempt to wed its study with the study of proverbs,

there is a need to clarify the subject of proverbs before the wedding

can take place. In 1974, Carolyn Ann Parker, student of Swahili pro-

verbs, said, "a comprehensive theory of proverbs is lacking in either

the scholarship of anthropology or literature ••.. " (1974:1). The fog

and the ambiguities must be overcome. Then it will be seen that the

combined study of world view and proverbs is, indeed, worth the effort.

THE NATURE OF AFRICAN PROVERBS

Basically, African proverbs are messages with distinct character-

istics .that are transmitted for specific purposes and in particular

contexts. Their distinct characteristics, says Ruth Finnegan,

authority on the subject of oral literature in Africa, include "short-

ness, sense, and salt" (1970:393). illIIl

A typical proverb from the African scene is the Bemba proverb,

"Iyalemana: taibulwa cilaso" - the stubborn is seldom vJithout a wound

 J'lP_,,- 33
Hoch 1968:59). That is a short, terse statement. However, it should

be noted that there are short phrases and comparisons that are prover-

bial in nature, but are not proverbs. A common phrase among the Bemba

is "Akabeyo kapusene no mwefu" - The razor missed the beard, i.e., you

missed the occasion (White Fathers 1954:226), and a common compari-

son is, "alula nga lunda" - As bitter as the rind of a "pumpkin"

(ibid., 226). Proverbial phrases and comparisons, though short and

pithy, should be distinguished from proverbs (Boswell 1962:21).

"Sense" characterizes proverbs because there is a "popular ac-

ceptance of the truth tersely expressed" in them (Finnegan 1970).

Parker elaborated on this aspect of proverbs in her definition, and

called a proverb "a message coded by tradition and transmitted in

order to evaluate and/or affect human behavior" (1974:80). She is say-

ing that proverbs make sense to the people acquainted with them; and

because they do, they are effective in the evaluations and influence

of human behavior. In regard to the sense of proverbs, Abrahams says,

Proverbs are descriptions that propose an attitude or a

mode of action in relation to a recurrent social situation.
They attempt to pe'rsuade by clarifying the situation, by
giving it a name, thus indicating that the problem has
arisen before and that past practise has come up with a
workable solution (1972:121).

The third feature of proverbs is their "saltiness.'" Bergsma

(1970:153) points out how proverbs sometimes have repetitious utter-

ances in them that are near to being or are "tongue twisters." Often

these utterances not only create the meaning implied, but amuse the

listeners - add salt to' their daily diet of activities. Balance adds

to this saltiness, as many proverbs appear in binary (two-part) com-

position.

..
even given a name i~ the literature: caesura (1972:120). Figurative

language, metaphor, simile, rhythm, humor, archaic words, and near

poetry also enhance the impact proverbs make upon people (Doke 1947:

102). Finnegan says their most noticeable characteristic in this re-

gard, however, is their allusive wording (1970:390). Simon Kapwepwe,

a Bemba man and former Vice President of Zambia, was a master of this

kind of wording. The Bemba people talk admirably of his skill at this

usage of words -- which non-Bemba couldn't begin to understand to

his and his listener's pleasure 0 Messenger (1965:229-300) says that

the Ibo of Nigeria gave the Annang, whom he studied, their name. The

term Annaga denotes "the ability to speak wittily yet meaningfully on

any occasion." The Annang are adept at this through the use of pro-

verbs.

Besides being messages with distinct characteristics, proverbs

are transmitted for specific purposes. Finnegan points out that pro-

verbs serve to advise, rebuke and shame (1970:407-418). This is an

evaluative purpose that is fulfilled so as to avoid conflict. Joyce

A. Okezie says that this may be a universal feature of proverbs. She

reports that the Maninka of Mali prefer the usage of proverbs in situ-

ations where negative reactions are expected. In such cases, reaction

can be directed at the message - the proverb used - rather than the

messenger (1978:14). Bergsma says that the Tiv of Nigeria use pro-

verbs for the same purpose and adds that they provide ways for Tiv to

get out of difficult situations without losing face (1970:151).

Finnegan, reporting on the Ila of Zambia, says that they can sometimes

be laughed out of a disagreement more effectively than they can be

 35
argued or forced out~f it - the laughter rising from one's usage of

proverbs. In this same connection, Parker makes the general observa-

tion that proverbs serve to release social tension, giving a kind of

psychological release to individuals involved (1974:119-122). I con-

firmed this usage of proverbs by noting the way the Bemba and the Shona

incorporated them in stressful situations involving kinship (1979).

Patrick Essien's way of making this same point was by showing that

proverbs are used to "soften words," mellowing and abolishing "the

clash of contradicting opinions that appear to be common in oral

societies" (1978:26, 125). Much earlier, Merriam and Armstrong said

that proverbs enable people to adjust, adapt, alter, and even avoid

certain circumstances (1954:267). At the more official level, they

are widely used throughout Africa in traditional and contemporary

judicial procedures to settle disagreements, close dispute, and win

arguments. Arewa and Dundes (1964) report that proverbs are often

cited as precedents in judicial cases much like Western lawyers cite

cases from the past. Thus, the advice, rebuke, and shame to which

Finnegan referred is served in an ameliorating way.

In addition to this evaluative purpose, proverbs can be said to

be transmitted for esthetic and educational purposes. "Among the Ibo,"

says Chinua Achebe, well-known Nigerian novelist, "the art of conversa-

tion is regarded very highly and proverbs are the palm-oil with which

words are eaten" (Lindfors 1968). People like Achebe use proverbs for

purposes of complexity, unity, coherence, pattern direction, clarity,

and focus (Essien 1978:9). Boadi (1972:184) thought that brilliant

 36

speakers who used proverbs did so for the poetic value primarily.

Bergsma found that the Tiv ~~ed them as a form of praise (1970:151).

In yet other instances, proverbs can be seen today in a city like

Nairobi, Kenya, on buses, dresses, hats, bedsheets, and handkerchiefs

(Parker 1974:82-83).

According to Roger Abrahams, one who has made a general study of

proverbs, the function of African proverbs distinguishes them markedly

from European proverbs (1972:119). Finnegan found that they are com-

monly used in initiation rites where cultural values and mores are

transmitted to the younger generation (1970:413). Bergsma observed

that they are often used among the Tiv to explain things beyond compre-

hension, i.e., sickness 'and traumatic events (1970:151).

The purposes of proverbs can then be summarized as evaluative,

esthetic and educational. These purposes are well-known to the peoples

themselves; they know what purpose is intended when a proverb is used.

A proverb from Abarry's collection from the Ga of Ghana (1978:68) says,

"Kansatswi Ie enuntso" - the target of a proverb knows himself. A Ga

song amplifies this message. The song tells of all the animals prepar-

ing for a iong journey by tying all their possessions in one bundle.

The elephant declares that the ugliest one among them must carry the

bundle, whereupon'the monkey breaks into tears.

Context is a third distinguishing feature of African proverbs.

Ruth Finnegan says that they should not "be regarded as isolated say-

ings, . . . but rather as just one aspect of artistic expression with-

in a whole social and literary context" (1970:393). The social context

of a proverb is very important. Here, one becomes aware of who says

~
 37

what to whom, when he says it, where it occurs, how it takes place, the : I
I
\rl~
intent of the speaker, and the effect of the proverb upon the situa-

tion (Parker 1974:~2). As just one brief example, Dan Ben-Amos (1977:

23-24) shows that among the Fante and Yoruba of West Africa, the age of
Ii:
the person declaring the proverb is very important; children should 1

I ~
never use proverbs. The social context also includes beliefs, values, ~ : I

social behavior, structure, categories and plans - all that is pattern

and performance. The literary context of a proverb is also important.

~..-"--

It must be seen in the context of other oral literature (Herskovits

1963:10) or folklore (Boswell 1962:12-13), as the various genres are

unitedly called. These other genre include sign language, gestures,

jokes, beliefs, ideas, phrases, charms, blessings, curses, riddles,

tales, legends, and songs. Only when the context of a proverb is

known can the meaning of that proverb be fully known. When knowledge

of the context is combined with knowledge of the distinctive character-

istics and the specific purposes, then the study of proverbs takes on

depth.

THE STUDY OF PROVERBS IN AFRICA

Those who have studied proverbs in Africa have done so with

different objectives in mind. Some have been content with merely

collecting the proverbs of various peoples. Others have been inter-

ested in delving into the content of those proverbs. :\;11

1'1

The collection of proverbs is a science called paroemiology

(Abrahams 1972:118). Africa is a great continent in which to pursue

this science, for, as Carolyn Parker says (1974:1) it is "one of the

 38

richest proverb areas ,in the world." According to Abrahams, the first

collection. of proverbs in Africa was made by J. Dard in 1826 among the

Wolof of Senegal. Then came Eu~~ne Casales' collection of 56 Tswana

proverbs from Nigeria (Jahn 1966:60). Jahn credits Gottlieb

Christaller with the production of the first large collection of pro-

~

verbs with his 3,600 Twi proverbs fro~ Ghana. Bascom (1964) lists

collections with comments in the English, French and German languages

and gives a summary of what he considered the 36 major collections of

500 proverbs or more. There was a seeming proliforation of collec~

tions between 1954 and 1964, at least according to Bascom, who counted

eighteen new collections during that time. Janheinz Jahn, likewise,

listed a large number of collections (1966). Several others have

collected proverbs since Bascom and Jahn's lists were published. Some

of these collections are those of Mbiti (1966), Hoch (1968), Burton

(1969), Rattray (1907), Biebuyck (1970), Kuusi (1970), Thomas (1970),

Hamutyinei and Plangger (1974)~ and Ekwulo (1975).

Table I shows the various peoples of Africa represented in the

1
collections. Notably absent from the list of peoples are the !Kung

and related peoples of Southern Africa, and the Nilotic and Nilo-

Hamitic peoples of North Africa. Unlike other African groups these

people have few if any proverbs (Finnegan 1970:389). The list refers

to collections that range from 36 to 4000 proverbs. The collections

may be translated into English, German or French, and may appear in

1The African Studies Association Center for African Oral Data,

Indiana University, receives and processes collections, making them
available to researchers everywhere.
 39

TABLE I

SEVENTY-~kVE PEOPLES REPRESENTED

IN THE PROVERB COLLECTIONS

Akamba Giryama Masai Shona

Algerian Gogo Mongo Somali
Arab Hausa Mpangwe Sotho/Pedi
Ashanti Haya Ngbandi Swahili
Bambara Harero Ndau Temne
Bemba Hova Ndebele Tigrinya
Bbaya Ibo Nyanga Tonga
Bari Ikweri Nyanja Tsonga
Chokwe Ila Nkundo Tswana
Chopi Jabo Nyika Tukulor
Congo Kambe Oji Tumbuka
Dogon Kanuri Oron Twi/Akan
Duala Kikuyu Ovambo Vai
Edo Kimbundu Pol Wolof
Efik Kru Rundi Xhosa
Fang Lamba Rwanda Yoruba
Fulani Luba Saho Zulu
Ga Malinke Shangaan
Ganda Malagasy Sambaa

j
 40

books, journals, grammars, school texts, and dictionaries. The collec-

tions may be the work of anthropologists and linguists or missionaries,

foreigners or nationals.~ Whatever the case, they can be very difficult

to obtain. Bascom concluded his survey with the observation that the

available collections are but a small fraction of all that are avail-

able in Africa. Viewing the available collections, he was of the

opinion that "no single publication has yet surpassed Doke's monumental

collection" (1964:16) of Lamba proverbs in Zambia (1927). However,

Finnegan (1970:389) draws attention to the Rundi collection of 4000,

the Nkundo collection of 3000 and the 2000 proverbs collected for the

Luba and the Hausa. I believe Hamutyinei and Plangger's volume (1974)

deserves much praise as well. In 1964, Bascom made the observation

that more verbal art had been collected for the Nkundo of Zaire than

for any other people. This statement would have to be re-evaluated in

view of the work that has been done since the publication of his survey.

Collections are valuable, but Ruth Finnegan's warning must be

heeded at this point:

We have in fact no way of telling whether some of the

'proverbs' (that have been collected) are not just the
contentious utterances of a single individual on a single
occasion which happened to appeal to the investigator (1970:
394).

The study 'of proverbs in Africa has consistently been character-

ized by an interest in their content. There may be said to be four

approaches to the study of content: the rhetorical approach, the

historical approach, the literary approach, and the anthropological

approach (Abrahams 1968:143). All approaches have their proponents.

 41

Those researchers who take the rhetorical approach to the study

of proverbial content see the primary function of the proverbs. as

esthetic' or poetic - not dida~~ic or social. The literary context of

the proverbs with its ar,g,umentation, wit, sarcasm, humor, and rhetoric

is of primary importance. L.A. Boadi, as a proponent of this method,

says,

In Akan society, rhetoric is a far more important part

of an adult's linguistic equipment than in most other
societies. A mature participant in a dialogue or public
discussion always strives to use vivid language because his
audience is continually making folk-literary analyses of his
speech. The importance attached to brilliance and imagina-
tiveness in public speech leads those who aspire to enter
traditional public life and hope to exert influence, espe-
cially in the courts and in politics, to cultivate the use
of striking images (1972:186).

He went on to make observations on the esthetics of Akan proverb use,

demonstrating that Akan adults recognize two different image levels.

Another proponent of the rhetorical approach is Roger D. Abrahams who

gives credit to Kenneth Burke for being the "most persistent and im-

portant exponent of the rhetorical method" (1968:144). The influence

of these most outspoken proponets is recognized most notably in recent

studies that are coming out of American universities (Abarry 1978;

Egbujie 1977).

Abrahams points out that those who pursue the historical approach

to proverb study are usually not concerned with the art of the subject

as is the rhetorician. Instead they are concerned about the geographic

1;'1
and historic distribution of the proverb and its elements. Richard M. 'I!I

Dorson is a proponent of this approach. He believes that contents cast

light on historical records (1972:58). In this regard he refers to the

 42

writings of Ebiegberi J. Alogoa (1968) who says that all oral litera-

ture, including proverbs, provides insights beyond those gained from

written sources alone and from historical traditions. Alogoa also saw

value in the proverbs for di~covering traditional ideas about cultural

patterns and institutions, about cultural contact with external

sources, and about origins. Gray (1944:102) and Doke (1947:104) also

saw possibilities in tracing Bantu migration by means of an in-depth

study of African proverbs. Dbke, for example, mentions that one pro-

verb common to many Bantu-speaking peoples describes the monkey which

has difficulty seeing its hollow eyes, own tail, hinderparts, buttocks,

and overhanging brows. He suggests the origin of this proverb was at a

single geographic-historical poipt before Bantu dispersal. However,

Doke did not study proverbs purely from the historical veiwpointo He

was in fact more aligned with the third school of thought - the liter-

ary approach.

The literary approach to the study of proverbs is distinct in its

interest in the form and structure of the proverbs themselves. There

are said to be three basic styles: the literal, simile and metaphor

(Finnegan 1970:395). Doke (1947) was an early proponent of this

method. His own research upon the Lamba of Zambia (1927) led him to

distinguish structural features such as parallelism, cross parallel-

ism, double positive propositions, negative axioms and propositions,

rhetorical questions, reduplication, negative commands, and others. !'II

'Id
I

George Fortune and Dan Ben-Amos are more recent proponents of this

approach. Using this methodology, George Fortune (1975) studied the

literary qualities of Shona proverbs under the two-fold aspects of

U
 43

form and imagery. His conclusions centered upon observations of para-

dox, correspondence and cross-correspondence. He commented,

Study of the [Shona] proverbs reveals a remarkable skill

in manipulating abstract ~t~uctural patterns in order that
the comparison of· selected images may take place with the
desired effect of ·comic surprise' and without distractions
(1975:55). .

My own comparison of the literary forms of the proverbs of the Bemba

people and the Shona people (1981) shows a marked contrast as to liter-

ary preference for the two pebpleso For instance, the Bemba showed

preference for negative axioms and propositions in contrast to the

Shona who also had a high incidence of such statements - but balanced

with frequent use of double positive propositions. Its results have

yet to be compared with those of George Fortune. It began with an

intriguing quote from Patrick P. Essien who said, "An oral culture such

as that of the Annang, not only puts its knowledge into mnenomic pat-

terns but also thought it out in mnenomic patterns" (1978:98).

Finally, there is the anthropological-approach. Abrahams (1968:

143) says,

. the anthropological folklorist is more interested

in audience values in most of his forays in the areas of
esthetics. He is usually concerned with the public nature
of symbolic action and representation within specific groups,
or with the public values and practises depicted.

The "forays" of the anthropologists have been many and varied. Hersko-

vits (1930) and Arewa and Dundes (1964) are often depicted as exemplary

in their analytical approach to the contents of proverbs. However, :I'I[

Kulah (1973:4-5), another proponent of the anthropological approach,

points out that the work of Herskovits "was mainly with a single in-

formant, Tagbwe, far removed from his culture for an extended period
 44
of time, studying at the University of Chicago." As for Arewa and

Dundes, Arewa himself was the main informant in that study. He was a

student of Dundes' at Berkeley. Seitel (1969:143) credits George

Herzog and C. C. Blooah (1936) with their ethnographic approach to,the

~
study of the Jabo of Liberia as being the best in the field. Another

early proponent of this approach was James Christensen (1958). Later

proponents have included Bergsma (1970), and Messenger (1965) and

various students (Okezie 1918, Eastman 1972).

Within this approach a variety of methods have been employed to

analyze proverbs in their context. Carol Eastman's method was to

elicit Swahili proverbs from speakers while reading Swahili literature

to them (1972:202). Kulah used a method he calls, "a similarity dis-

tributional technique" in his study of Kpelle proverbs (1973). His is

a psycholinguistic approach, useful in determining if the proverbs are

organized into groups according to any conceptual or thematic schemes.

Of all those who have studied proverbs from the anthropological

perspective, Carolyn Ann Parker's "content-context hypothesis" in her

thesis at the University of Washington sets her apart in the field.

She saw a great need for scientific study of the field. In spite of

the long history of study, she was bothered by the shallowness, super-

ficiality, and casualness of that study. Basically, her thesis pro-

poses that the proverbs cannot be known outside their context. In-

fluenced heavily by Forster's (1968:16) presentation of the three

levels of context which she names literal, micro- and macro-, she

further developed this hypothesis in her 1974 dissertation. It is a

worthy approach to the study of proverb content and is holistic when

 45
used in its entirety. Typical of the anthropological school, however,

Parker concentrated on the micro-context of the Swahili proverbs she

explored and ignored the other two contexts. She listed eight common

features of micro-cont~xt: 1) attention is focused on behavior,

2) comparison between metaphor and~~ituation, 3) there is always a

source, an object and a receiver, 4) evaluation occurs, 5) status is

understood, 6) a value judgment is made, 7) ambiguity as to roles is

apparent, and 8) concise timing of proverbial expression is important

(1974:136-137).

In summary, the study of proverbs in Africa has been represented

by collections and by content analyses. The ·collections vary consider-

ably in terms of quantity and quality. The content analyses are af-

fected by four schools of thought: the rhetorical, historical, liter-

ary, and anthropological. They likewise vary according to quality and

extent of study. These factors needs to be considered by the investi-

gator of anyone corpus of proverbs.

THEORETICAL BASIS OF THE PAPER

Having considered proverbs,their nature and their study, with

particular emphasis upon those found in Africa, it is necessary to

state the theoretical basis of this paper. My approach is basically

anthropological, rather than rhetorical, historical or literary. Yet,

I have found great value in considering the contributions made by the

other approaches. My emphasis is, of course, upon the linguistic

branch of the anthropological study, and since I have a specific in-

terest in what has been identified as world view, my interest goes

 46
beyond the social fabric of the societies in question.

Edward Sapir (1929) was one of the first to describe language in

part as "a guide to social reality." He is quoted as saying,

Though language ,is not ord~narily thought of as of essen-

tial interest to the stud~nt of social sCience, it power-
fully conditions all our thinking about social problems
and processes. Human beings do not live in the objective
world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as
ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of
the particular language which has become the medium of ex-
pression for their society. It is quite an illusion to
imagine that one adjusts to reality essentialiy without the
use of language and that language is merely an incidental
means of solving specific problems of communication or re-
flection. The fact of the matter is that the 'real world'
is to a large extent unconsciously built upon the language
habits of the group. No two languages are ever sufficiently
similar to be considered as representing the same social
reality. The worlds in which different societies live are
distinct worlds, not merely the same world with different
labels attached (Hoijer 1964:142).

Commenting on this marked change in the status of linguistics in the

social studies as perceived by Sapir, Hoijer, a later follower, com-

ments on Whorf who followed Sapir's' lead. In a representative paper,

Whorf said,

The ethnologist engaged in studying a living primitive CUl-

ture must often have wondered, "Wh~t do these people think?
How do they think? Are their intellectual and rational
proCesses akin to ours or radically different?" But there-
upon he has probably dismissed the idea as a psychological
enigma and has sharply turned his attention back to more
readily observable matters. And yet the problem of thought
and thinking in the native community is not purely and
simply a psychological problem. It is quite largely cul-
tural. It is moreover largely a matter of one especially
cohesive aggregate of cultural phenomena that we call a
language. It is approachable through linguistics, and, as
I hope to show, the approach requires a rather new type of :[':1
emphasis in linguistics, now beginning to emerge through
the works of Sapir, Leonard Bloomfield, and others, though
Boas enunciated it decades ago in his introduction to the
Handbook of American Indian Languages (1956, as quoted in
Hymes 1964:129).
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JO SqJ8A。‘ld 8 디각 JO Apn각 S 1nJ8JB:) B 8pBill (LL6L) uO~1e4S -r u1~sn'if
-8J11 uodn 81d08d
B J 。 껴。 01~no :)1SBq 84~ pUB sq ‘18AOJd U88M각 8q U01~B18JJO:) 끽 :)8J1P B S88S
~B4~ 8 A 1 각 :)8dSJ8d S14각 。각 각 U8ill~t따띠。:) Jτ84각 다 1 :)下‘J1:)8ds 8JOill U88q 8AB4
sq ‘18AOJd JO s~u8pn각 S J8 그 B1 ’ (8Uτ따 S1 SB 4 d 따 8) ", 81d08d B JO 1nos ‘ 84~
각 U8S8Jd8J SqJ8A 。‘ld ‘ ~U1UB8ill JO S4~d8P pUB S8U。끽 J8AO JO S81J8S 8104M B
다~n。‘14 그 디 :)14M U1 ABM 81~qns pUB 81q1x8τJ 84각 A11nJ 8JO Ul 8 각 B1:)8JddB 。각 u
81q1ssod S1 각 τ ‘ P1BS 8다 S ‘ ~U~OdM81A 84각 S1 s14~ u84M ’ (9Lry:OL6L) 다 ~nJ':+
‘JO ~d8:)UO:) S 81d08d B JO ~8:)BJ 8U。 각 nq SB p8pJB~8‘1 8q O~ P88U SqJ8AOJd
‘
각 B4각 SJ8pB8J P8PU1띠8J 04M UB~8uu1~ 4 각 nH 4~τM 88‘l~B I ·sq ‘18A 。‘ld - B~BP
:)1 각 Sτn~U11 84~ J 。 각 JBd 11B따S 8UO A1UO uodn A1sn01AQO Sτ sn:)0J λN
• ‘18dBd S1디각 JO 8SBq 1B:)1끽 8J084각
84~ 。각 UJn끽 8J O~ AJBSS8:)8U s1 ~1 ‘ SJ88U 0 1 d 8S84~ illOJJ SABM ~U8J8JJ1P
A1~4~11S Uτ 딩그 Bp :)1~S1n~U1T 84끽 ~B ~U1~001 8JB 04M SJ8디끽。 JO SU01각 nq
-1J끽 UO:) 84각 JO pUB ‘ S1 S8 4각。 dA4 JJ04M-J1dBS 84각 JO S~U8pn~s pUB JJ04M
pUB J1dBS Aq 8PBill UO‘1 각 nq1J~uo:) 84각 J 。 ‘ U84~ ‘ ~U8Ul~P81MOU껴 :)B uI
-S1 SA 1 B UB JO 4~d8P S J8UJ8M 각 dill8각각E 각。U S80P
, ‘ TB1J8 끽 E따 1 B :)τX81
U1 p8~S8J8각 U1 4~n04각 ‘ J8dBd Sτ다각 JO SτS84~ 84~ ~B디각 P8~B각 S 8q 각 snill 각 1
‘ seq1 ‘1:)S8P ‘18UJ8M 각 B4~ S8τ따。UOXB~ pUB S8~B껴 U11 84각 JO 8띠。 S ~B p8껴。01
~U下ABHι O(LS2:SL6L) u M8τ A P1JOM JO s~:)8dsB 1B8A8J 111M S8~B껴U11 8S84각
각 B4~ U01~dillnSSB 8다~ UO S8τillOUOXB각 U1 SpJOM U88M~8q ‘ S8~B~U11 ， 84 각 pt낀J
O~ S1 ~SB~ 84~ A1~UτpJO:):)'8’ pUB ‘ ill81q 。‘ld 1B:)τX81 B s1 U01~BZ1JO~8~B:)
8션
 °.1 8dBd eq각 JO su01snl:::>uo:::>
8q~ U1 pUB A~010POq 각 8U1 U。 ‘le~dBq:::> 8q~ U1 p8 각。 U 8q 11111 su01 끽 BA .1 8Sq 。
s ‘ 。 n.1 8q:::>3 JO 8 U1 0S pUB (99-ε9: LL6L) 8U1rπ 。 A 8 U1BS 8다~ U1 ‘ 。 q~I UB ‘ 。 n .1 8q:::> 단
Aq 각 no p8 끽 U10d AlqB 8 .1 811 q:::>B 。‘1ddB S ‘ uO~18qS JO S8SS8U껴ESM aI{JlZ
°8 .1 n~:::>n .1 ~S SSB1:::> S각 1 u1 P8~S8J1다 BU1
SB U01~BUτp .1 0 .1 8dns pUB 끽 JB .1:::>디 :::>~111 :8 .1 n~ln:::> 8PUBZ~ JO S8 U18q 각 각 UBU1 U1 0P
。I에각 S띠각 각 :::>8τ J8 J. A 각 81:::>OS 8PUBZ~ U1 8ZUBS ABI1 8q~ P8~B18.1 P .1Bq:::>각 1 .1 d- SUBA3
110q P8q1 .1 :::>S8P oSlB 8qS ’ q:::>88ds JO SU .1 e 각각 Bd pUB SU18 각 SAS 8nlBA .1 0 S8따8q~
U8811~8q A:::>U8pu8dep .1 8 각 U1 UB I1BS (2L6L) 각.1eql~ ~Bq~ ~U1~.1 0d8.1 ‘ Sq .1 8A0 .1 d
JO Apn 끽 S .1 8디 U1 각 U8띠각 1따liO:::> srq 각 p8sse 냐 dX8 8S1118~11 (8L6L) 81 Z8껴 O
o ( BU 1디 :::>81qO ~U1 각。nb ‘ OL
:8L6L ue1SS3) A .1 0U18띠 。그 pe각각 τ따liO:::> 8q O·그 SBq 8Jτ1 ABp O~ ABP
。·그 각 UBA818 .1 pUB ~U1110U 찌 다각 .1 011 ~U1q~A .1 8A8 q:::>τq l1 U1 S81 그 81:::>OS
U1 8:::>1A8P :::>1U0 U1 8U따 B U1.1 0J pUB ‘ SP .1 011 l1eJ B O~ ~un.1다 S SU01 각
-1sodx8 lB.1 0 U1 pUB lB:::>τqdoS011qd 8 ‘1B A8q .r. °eldoed "[BU。 τ~ -r: PB.1~
eq~ JO U1 0PS111 8q~ U1B~UO:::> 다 :::>1q l1 S18U .1 e~ eq 각 a ‘ 1B Sq .1 8A 。‘ld
o (O~:8L6L λ.1.1 Bq~) ‘ q~n .1~
lBn 각 1 .1 τds ~unq Se .1 n~ln:::>lBqτJ 각 찌 :::>1ql1 uo ~8d lBn~:::>el18~u1 pUB
lBU01 각。U1 8 eq 각 SBI1 ~.1B lBU01~1pB.1각 UB:::>1.1J~ ~Bq~ ‘ 81qBq0 .1 d 각 :::>BJ
uτ pUB ‘ 81qBA18:::>UO:::> S1~I 0 • •
‘ ·SABS OqU1Bτ 8A08P~ ‘ UB:::>1 .1J~
a다각 JO 8Jτ1 l BU 。下각。 U18 8q~ u1 S 그.1B 8디~ JO e:::>Bld 8q~ ~noqB ~U1
-~1 .1M • 각.1 B UB。 τ .1J~ lBU01 각 1PB.1~ .1 8q각。 AUB 8>l1 1un ':\.OU S1 e .1 n~
-B .1 8~11 eq~ ‘ ':\.:::>edS8 .1 s1q 각 UI ·SU01각 B.1 1dSB pUB s8doq ‘ S.1 B8J
‘ s8nlBA ‘ sJeτ18q pUB SlB8P1 peqs1 ‘ 1eq:::> .1 18디 q ‘ 1181A• Pl .1 0M :::>1 따SO:::>
S ， 81 doe 깅 BD 8q~ JO U。 τ~:::>81Je .1 B s1 8 .1n각 B.1 8~11 l B.1 0 8q.L
:S 끽 :::>ef 。‘ld ':\.U8:::>8 .1 8 .1 0 U1 u1 p81BeA8 .1 SB ‘ SM8τA Pl .1 0M JO Apn~s 8q~ q각 1 M
sq .1 eA。‘1d JO Apn 각 S 8q~ :B uτuτq U10:::> 8 .1 B S8A18S따8q 각 S~U8pn~s UB:::>1 .1J~
·U18q~ JO ~U1PUB~S ‘1epun Sτq O~ ~U1P .10:::>:::>B - sq .1 eA。‘1d 8S 。디각 U1
A~τ3 。‘1d1:::>e .1 pUB U1S1~B U1~B‘ld ‘따SτA1~B18 .1 JO 8:::>Bld 8q 끽 MOqS 。각 u。 끽 U8M 8H
:::' 0 (9 션 : LL6 L)
~unnBq:::>SUB각 t8M oq~I e 다각 JO s~:::>8dsB ~UB 각.1 0d따1 8따。 S 8~B‘1~snl11
O~ ‘ Sq .1 8A。‘ld oq~I U1 S8 U18디 q 각 U8 .1.1 n:::>8 .1 U1B 각.1 8:::> JO Apn~s 8Ll각 。각
S 각 nq1 .1 ~uo:::> 。각 각 d띠S 각각 E 다B S1 .1 8dBd S1 Ll‘L °Sq .1 8A0 .1 d JO ~U8 각 UO 。
8 Ll':\. JO .1 0 8 .1 n 각 :::>n .1각 S pUB U1.1 0J
lB1q .1 8A0 .1 d JO .1 8q':\.18 S1S A I BUB
P811B~8P 81 각각 11 A.1 8A U88q SB디 8 .1 8q ‘L ·S .1 8~1 .1M oq~I U .1 ~POU1
Aq .1 0 AIIBU01~1PB .1각 Sq .1 8A。‘1d JO ~U8 U1AOld U18 8 디각 J 。 다 01~BUBld
6i?
 ’ B:>1 ‘1‘JV JO se1 d oed eq~ JO eJn 각 BJe~11
1BJO eq~ U1 U01~1sod enb1un B q:>ns eABq Aeq~ e:>u1s Apn 각 S ':j. Bq~ U1 e:>B1d
각 UB 각 JodW1 UB eABq sqJeA。‘1d "Me1A P1JOM pUB eJn 각 BJe 각 11 1 BJO JO se1pn 각 S
peu1qwO:> eq~ 。그 ueA1~ ~u1eq s1 ‘ ue다각 ‘ u01~ue ':j. ~B ~U1SBeJ:>ul
"A~11BsnBJ pUB Jel낌 O ‘ J1 e S
:s ':j. ue따e1e 1BSJeA1Un eeJq~ U1 각 seJe~U1 ‘lB1 n :>τ 각 JBd 디각 τM Apn 각 S M81A P1JOM
。~ Apn 각 S qJeAoJd se ':j. B18J A1eA1 ':j. :>eJJe eU1AJl snq‘L ‘ ·~ue띠u<그 J1AU8 eq 각 u 。
pe 각 Jexe eq O~ swees 1 。‘X 각 UO:> sn01:>suo:> ou JO 81 각각 11 ‘ 8UτAJl 。각 ~UτpJO 。
-:>B ‘ ~SBJ~UO:> ul ·A~τun따따。:> pUB U1 껴 ‘ J1es uo ~SJτ‘J se:>uenbesuo:> pBq
SUO·띠 :>unrU1 eAJesqo O':j. eJn1 下E ‘표 ·s81 각 τ11 각 n pUB S1τsU8~n uo A11BU1J pUB
‘ S 각 1qBq 1BUOSJed Sl8다。 uo ueq 각 ‘ sexes eq각 JO Jeq ':j. OUB JO euo 。각 :>1 ‘J1:>eds
su01~:>unJ JO SU01 각 :>unJ 1B1:>OS q각 1M S 각 :>8rqo uo ue다 q ‘ S1B따τUB pUB 、 s ':j. :>er
-qo 1BJn':j. BU UO ~SJτJ s11eMp sq ‘leAOJd U1 q~JOJ 끽 eSSB 8~pe1MOU 껴 BUOqS
각 Bq~ S1‘{。다 S A11B:>1qdBJ~ 8q ue디.r. ·pe각 B~S SU01각 :>unrU1 eq각 eAJesq。 각。u op
BUOqS 8q 각 J1 p8 각 :>edxe s8:>uenbesuo:> JO PU1 껴 8디끽 pUB ‘leU8 각 S11 eq~ O~ AJBS
-se:>eu 8~P81MOU~ JO puτ 껴 S다각 :B1J8 각 τJ:> 01애각 。~ ~U1PJO:>:>B s~ue 따S 각 E각 S eq 각
pe1J1SSB1:> eU1 AJ l ’ BeJB JnOA u1 11BJ O~ UτBJ OU esnB:> ABW nOA ~M。‘1:>
B JO s~~e e찌각 AOJ 끽 sep ':j. ou Ocr (E pUB ‘ e~딩 1 냐 JB따 。~ Aq각 Bdτ 각 UB UB d01eA8p
각 q~τw nOA ~S 각 :>erqo 1BJn':j. BU JOJ U01 각 BJτ따pB sS8Jdxe ~OU Ocr (2 ‘ 81P ~q~1W
pUBq snq Jeq ~ e U<그각 S q~JBe디 B UO ~1S 각。 U ~sn 따 UBillOM V (l SB pe~B1s 다BJ 각
8JB U01~S8nb U1 sqJeAoJd eq .r. ·SJe 다각。 pUB we 디각 ssn:>s1P 。각 UO ~U8M ueq~
pUB sqJeAoJd eeJq각 pe~sτ1 eH ·81d08d eSOI깎 JO sUJe~ 각 Bd 각 q~noq 그 eq 각
~U1PUB 각 SJepun u1 ~essB 각 BeJ~ B eJeM sqJeAoJd BUOqS e 디 q 끽 Bq~ punoJ (LS2
-SS2:ryL6l) 8U1AJl ·JedBd s1q각 JO s ':j. :>erqns 8 디각 JO euo - e1doed BU。띠S
a디각 ~UOillB 8U1AJl ·H ’ S JO ~Bq 각 s1 SJe각각 Bill 8seq ':j. U1 e:>ue1 ‘ledxe J 。 디 ~d8P
J8 각 B8‘1~ B 디각 1 M ‘x 。각 B~1~seAU1 UB £q ipn끽 S ZfU1 ':j. seJ8각 U1 A11Bτ:>8ds8 U'\f
os
 각 d Ul8-:r:re U감 S 1= '41= ‘ u。 τ 각 E끽 8 .l d .l 8 각 U 1= UB JO PB8 '4 suI ·Sq .l 8AO .l d 84 각 JO :>τ '4 S 1=
-.1 8 각 :>B.lB4:> OS S .l 04dB각 8Ul 84 '4 '4 8 .l d .l 8 '4 U 1= 。각 각 dUl8 '4'4 B UB 각。U S 1= U0 1='4 B~τ '4 S8AU 1=
sτ4 '4 ‘ 8S 下M8 :>11= 1 ·S81 dτ :>u 1=.l d .l OJ U0 1=각 BpunOJ 8 Lj각 S8P 1= AO .l d '4 B Lj'4 U0 1=각 d8:> .l 8d
8 Lj'4 U下 p8 '4 S8 .l 8 '4 Uτ S 1= .l 8dBd S 1=Lj‘L ·UMOU껴 8 .l B 8J 1= 1 UO S8A 1=각 d8:> .l 8d .1 8 각 JB
P8 Lj S 1= lqB각 S8 8q UB:> 8Jτ1 JO S81 d 1= :>U 1=‘l d ·S81 d08d UB:> 1=‘lJ Tf OM '4 띠。‘lJ sq .l 8A
-O .l d 81qBl 1= BAB 8 Lj각 l l B JO S 1= SBq 84각 u。 ‘ dτ LjSU。 τ '4 B18H pUB ‘.l 8 Lj'4 0 'J18S
。'4 U0 1=，+U8각'4 B 8U 1= J8P 。각 S '4 d 따 S 각각 E 끽 τ ‘ PB8 '4 SUI ·Sq .l 8A。‘ld M8J B JO SτSBq
8 Lj'4 UO S81d 1= :>U 1=.l d 8'+B '4 S 0 '4 ，+ d띠8 '4'4 B UB 각。U S 1= ‘18dBd S 1=디각 끽 Bl껴 p8 '4 B 끽 S 8q
UB:> 각 1 ‘ E 각 Bp '4 8 .l d 니 g 각 U 1= Al .l 8 d 。‘ld pUB IIS81dτ:>Uτ.l d PτlBAu .l 8AO:>S 1= P ，0 각 8UO
JO A '4下TτqB 8 Lj'4 U 。 τ 끽 s8nb 0 '4 U 1= llB:> Lj :>τLjM ‘ p8SτB.l 각 snr su。 τ '4 :>8rqo 8Lj각 。 q
‘18MSUB UI °B:> 1=‘I J Tf JO S81d08d 8 Lj각 JO SM8 1=1\ Pl .l 01η 84 '4 ~U 1= PUB 각 S .l 8pUn .l 0J
Sl°。끽 SB Sq .l 8 1\。‘ld 8S8 Lj'4 JO 8sn 각 SOUl 8 Lj각 8 :>1 B Ul 。그 ABM B .l 8AO:>SτP 0 '4 8pB Ul
8q 끽 sn따 각 dUl8 '4'4 B 8 Lj'4 ‘ SU。 τ '4 :>8rqo 8S8띠'4 JO 8 '41= dS u 1= ‘ SS81 8 Lj'4‘18A8N
• (션 9G:~L6L)
각 S 1=~010do.l디각 UB .l 8 Lj,+ OUB λq 8SU8S lB:>1=.lo Lj dB각 8Ul 각 U8 .l 8‘JJ "t P B
U8A 1=~ 8q SABMIB UB:> ABM 8UO Uτ S '4 8 .l d .l 8 '4 U τ '+Sτ~010dO.lLj'4UB 8UO
Lj:>1= 4M 8SU8SUOU lB.l 8 각1= 1 8디각 - 8UO '4Lj~1=‘1 8 Lj'4 S 1= SJ8 1= 18q lBn각 1=.1
JO S '4 UnO :>:>B lB1\ τ .1 JO Lj:>τ다M. ~Uτ118'4 JO ABM ou s 1= 8 .l 8 Lj'+ ‘x 。‘묘
·81q 1= ssodID 1= S8 UlO:>8q AIP 1= dB .l A~Olodo.lLj각UB U8 Lj'4 ‘ λlI B :> 1=.l OLjd
-B각 8Ul U8찌 B'+ 8q UB:> 8SU8SUOU lB.l 8 각1= 1 JO 8:>8 1= d AUB J1
‘ ~UτABS SB Sτ110H p8끽‘10d8.l 8H °S8:>UB.l 8 각각 n 8 1\1=각BU lB:> 1=.l04dB각 8ID
pUB lB.l 8 '41= 1 U88M'+8q ~U下LjS 1= n~U1= '+sτP J 。 따81qO.l d 8 Lj,+ P8 .l 8P 1= SUO:> (OL6L)
S 1= 110 H ·W Lj :>τ LjM U 1= ABSS8 .l 84 ,+ OUB 。각 u。 τ ，+ U8 각각 B P811B:> OSIB A8U.l B8~
II·SUOτ각1= PUO:> l B :>τ~0104:>Asd pUB lBτ:>OS IBn각 :>B ‘ ，+.1 0 각 S 1= P AIQ 1= ssod .1 。 ‘ ,+ :>81J
-8 .1 [8SB:> .l no U 1= sQ .l 8 1\ O.l dJ 8 .l n ，+ B.l 8 ，+ τ1 lB.l。 κ18S01:> MO Lj u p8 .l 8pUOM ‘ l Bτ4
-8 끽 BUl Lj :>ns UlO .l J P8 1\1=.l 8P 8Q Plno:> 8J 1= 1 )0 S81dτ:>U1=‘ld M04 p8 ，+ B.l끽 SUOID8p
Al~U1= :>Uτ1\ UO:> 8 Lj Lj :>τ LjM 다1= S8A 1=,+ B .l.l BU l B .l O Lj sBUln Lj J JO snd .l o:> 8~‘IBl
딩 따。‘IJ (~L6 L) 껴.l OM S ‘ U.l nq껴 :>B18 OJ • .1 ~Uτ 1"1 8 1=1\ uodn ‘ (9~G:~L6L) λ8U .l B8 )l
·Lj :>BO .l ddB Sτq각 4'+ 1= M SID81Q 。‘ld ,+ UBpU8 ,+,+ B ‘ 8S .lno:> J 。 ‘ 8 .l B 8 .l 8 Lj‘L
L~
 ·S .1。각 ~8110~
pUB SUO~~~8110~ 4~oq S8~UB4~-그.1 04S 84 S 각 B4각 pUB ‘ S8~ .1 nOS 8S04~ U~
s8n1BA .1 84~0 8 .1 B 8 .1 84~ 8A8~18q I ‘ .1 8A8MOH ·p8τpn~s ~U~8q Sq .1 8A0 .1 d 84~
JO λ .1 0~Sτ4 ~U01 84~ M04s A84각 각 E디각 sτ E각 Bp 4~ns U~ S88S 84s 8n1BA A1uO
84 ‘L ·Apn~s 1BU~~~ .1 0 op O~ P18~J 84~ 。그 。~ pUB A18+81d띠。~ U184각 SSBd
-Aq P1n04s .1 84~.1 B8S8.1 sn。 τ .1 8S 84각 pUB SS818Sn 8 .1 B S8~ ‘lnos 1BA~4~ .1 B 84 각
U84 각 ‘ S8~ .1 nOS 1BA~4~ .1 B 84+ Uτ 81qBT~BAB 각。U Sτ 각 X8 그 UO~-。‘1~τ띠 84+ 각 noqB
u。 τ 각 BU1.10JUτ 8~UτS +B4+ S8~1dU1τ ‘18~.1Bd ·U。 τ 각 88nb Uτ S81 d08d 84+ J 。
S8 .1n각 1n~ 84+ UO 8 .1 n 각 B .1 8+~1 84~ U~ p8p~AOJd Sτ 각X8+UO~- 。‘l~B띠 : S8A 18S
-U184~ SqJ8A。‘ld 84+ U~ P8P~A。‘ld S 下 끽 X8+UO~ 1BJ8각 ~1 ·+1~nq 8JB sqJ8A。‘ld
JO Su01~~unJ pUB S~U1UB8U1 84~ 4~τ4M uodn 8uo~+d띠nSSB pUB SU01+τsoddns
-8Jd ~UτA1J8pun S8A1+~8dSJ8d 84 각 JO :5U~PUB각 S .1 8pUn 다B 그 B 8AτJJB O~ .1。각 B:5
-τ+ S8AU 1 84끽 JOJ 8~Bnb8pB 8q UB~ sq‘18A。‘ld JO +X8+UO~-。‘l~B띠 84+ PUB+X8~
-UO~ 1B.18+~1 84~ +noqB U01+B띠.10J U 1 각 ng ·81qB+d8~~B S1 +B41 ·p8~pn+s
81d08d 84+ :5 UOU1B S81dτ~U1Jd p8+d8~~B 4Sτ1qB+S8 pUB SqJ8AOJd 84+ +8 .1 d
-.1 8+U~ A1J8d 。‘ld 。각 8U。 ‘10J 18A81 +X8각 UO~-OJ~τ따 84각 +B U01+B따냐。JUτ 4 :5 nou8
8p 下A 。‘ld +OU Op S8~ .1 nOS 1BA~4~ ‘lB 84 끽 그 B4끽 S1 UOτ+U8+UO~ S J8~JBd ‘ ·4~JB8S
-8 .1 JO S8A~각 ~8rqo A1UO 8 다~ 8q +OU P88U UOτ+~unJ pUB ~U1UB8U1 각 ng ·U。‘1 끽
-~unJ pUB :5uτUB8U1 JO :5 U1PUB+SJ8pUn 84각 ‘10J 1 B 1+U8S88 81 8:5P81MOU~ 1 Bn +
-X8 각 UO~ :U01+J8SSB s14+ 4끽 τM 88J :5B I ·sq ‘18A。‘ld 1BnP1A~pu1 JO U。 τ 각 ~unJ
.1 0 :5uτUB8lli 84+ pUB+SJ8pUn 。각 8UO JOJ uoτ각 E띠JOJU1 4 :5nou8 8pτAO.1 d +OUUB~
(Apn각 S Sτ4각 U1 SqJ8A。‘ld 84각 JO 8:> ‘ lnos A‘lBlli~Jd 84각 ) sqJ8A。‘ld JO S8~JnOS
1BA14~.1B ~B4~ S 각 J8SSB (i? L6L) .1 8껴JBd ‘ 81dU1BX8 .1。‘g ·S+S1:5°10 d 。‘14+UB U1B+
g ‘18~ JO SUO~각 ~8rqo 84+ 8lliO~‘18AO 0+ 8pB띠 8q oS1B +SnU1 +d U18 각각 B U‘F
·Sq .1 8A。‘ld .1 184 각 U1 S8 A 18SU1 84+ 81d08d 84끽 λq P 8 1 B8A
-8 .1 SB M8τA P1JOM S 81d08d B JO S 끽 U8lli818 UτE그.1 8~ 각 U8S8.1 d A18 .1 8 U1 。각
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 55
information in a context that is tri-Ievel: literal,

micro- and macro-.

6. The literal context and the macro-context of a corpus of

~-

proverbs provides information for the delineation of cer-

tain dimensions of the world views in question._

7. Certain aspects of these dimensions can be established

without becoming immersed in the problems of interpreta-

tion of metaphors and functions of individual proverbs.

8. World view studies and proverb studies can be effectively

combined to present an original and stimulating study of

peoples of Africa such as the Shona and Bemba.

Theoretical considerations give rise to methodological infra-

structures for the study of world views. This was the challenge of

Jack Berry (1970) who, from his perspective of cognition and persona-

lity studies, called for the serious application of linguistic theory

to the study of world view. In his opinion,the African linguist could

contribute "an endless range of possibilities" for such research. Many

methods of study were envisioned. Biesheuvel (1972:104-106) also

called for methodology based on linguistic theory: "It would seem that

no complete understanding of the thought processes of African peoples

is possible without a psychological analysis of their language. . . "

The first two values of such an analysis has to do with world view:

"gaining an impression of the manner in which reality is apprehended,

and, of the kind of symbolism which is used to represent it."

Biesheuvel referred to an investigation carried out by others upon the

Akan langGage of the Guinea Coast of West Africa. It was found that
 56

there was a correlation between the language's richness in nouns denot-

ing particular objects and the culture's emphasis upon the sensual

world. A correlation was also seen between the language's use of verbs

and the unique way the people distinguish position in time and space.

In another study already referred to, O. Werner (1970) attempted the

categorizations of world view after careful study of lexical material.

His objective was to find relationships between words in taxonomies~

thinking that those relationships would reveal significant aspects of

world view. So these and other theoretical considerations have given

I,
I

rise to the suggestion and the implementation of various methodologies.

These methodologies are not without their opponents. Dorson

(1972:35-36) says that valuable studies often "run the risk of empha-

sizing a mirror relationship between the folklore and the culture - the

Boasian concept - through emphasis on a single genre within a single

society." Dorson's opposition must be carefully considered. He goes

on to state:

. • . • An example of this anthropological-sociological ap-

proach to folklore is afforded in studies by Thomas O. Bei-
delman of hyena and rabbit tales among the Kaguru of East
Africa. Beidelman states explicitly the premise of the
great majority of anthropologists when they deal with folk
materials: 'I begin my analysis of them (the tales) with
the assumption that any such popular belief must owe its
popularity to the fact ,that it reflects certain important
beliefs and values held by the society.' This fallacy of
correlating folklore with values is the particular blind
spot of the social anthropologist guilty in Herskovit's
phrase of 'secondary ethnocentrism' in the possessive at-
titude he maintains toward his tribe. Some folklore does
indeed reflect cultural values, but again the same fol~loric
item may be found in many different and quite dissimilar cul-
tures. The mirror approach may work if it is joined with the
comparative approach. Thinking comparatively, the folklorist
wants first to establish the chain of variation of the texts
he considers (ibid.).
 57

Opposition to methodologies arising out of world view studies is

also expressed by African scholars. Several have complained about the

limitations of language knowledge for the researchers. Patrick Essien,

for example, found ten scholars who warned that statements saying one

thing literally could say something entirely different tonally (1978:

27). Eche~uo (1971) soundly criticized Shelton's 1971 analysis of Igbo

proverbs on the basis of faulty translation and misunderstanding of the

subtleties of word usage in the proverbs. Abu Abarry develops the same

theme:

. • • . there are certain esoteric zones of sensitivity in

African literature - those that Bernth Lindfors has called
the 'inner sanctuaries and sacred groves' which are closed
to strangers and accessible only to those who have grown up
learning the passwords (1978:6).

My summary statement of theory also gives rise to'the method

pursued in this project:

1. Acquire a corpus of the proverbs of the Bemba and the

Shona peoples, with English translations.

2. Extract all references to words associated with people

and their relationships, and compile lists of this data.

3. Categorize objects according to four key elements of world

view: Self, Other, Time and Space, along with the inte-

grating prihciple~ of Relationships, Causality, and Class-

ification.

4. Analyze referents that fall in the range of one category

of the world view or another, by considering their literal

context in individual proverbs as well as in all the pro-

verbs in which they are found.

~
 58

5. Make tables so that comparisons can be made of the various

nouns falling together in a given element or part of an

element.

6. Make comparisons about the various feature~ within the

elements for the two peoples in question.

7. Perform Chi-square tests to recognize the presence or lack

of statistical significance of the differences noted in the

comparisons.
8. Relate findings to information available in the literature

about the macro-context of the proverbs for both the Bemba

and the Shona.

9. Relate findings to available information from the micro-

context of the proverbs - a limited application of personal

experience and specific findings of authorities on the Bemba

and the Shona.

10. State general perspectives recognizeable or suggested by the

research which could be the foundations upon which later

principles are stated.

11. Write a brief description of the world views of the Bemba

and the Shona, their common features, their differences,

and the si~nificartce of this information to researchers.

12. Make recommendations for future investigations.

Some defense of this method is necessary, because there are

difficulties centering around translations, categories, comparison, and

statistics. The first difficulty that becomes apparent concerns trans-

lations (steps 1-2). In terms of methodology, this project considers

,
i
 59
similar terms in three different languages. The problem of transla-

tion concerns the equivalency of these terms. For example, the English

term "elder" is used together with the Bemba word, umukalamba, and the

Shona word, umukulu. The question arises, are they equivalents?

Cultural features of translation work need to be understood in

order to fully appreciate the problem of equivalency. Eugene Nida

(1964:90) refers to four factors that obscure these cultural features

in most translation work: 1) the failure to recognize that most trans-

lation work -- and thus most discussion of its problems -- rises with- .

in the Indo-European language family, 2) translation is usually of

interest to people with complex cultures themselves, and this com-

plexity gives a warped view of translation work, 3) words are dis-

cussed in terms of psychological entities instead of social ones, and

4) emphasis upon style and literary factors take precedence over social

factors. With cultural features of translation work obscured, Nida

says, two errors are commonly made. In the first place, literal trans-

lation is made. Secondly, foreign words are avoided. It is the

first error that needs to be guarded against in a work such as that in

this,thesis. Nida goes on to say,

. . . . Words are fundamentally symbols for features of the

culture. Accordingly, ,the cultural situation in both lan-
guages must be~nown in translating, and the words which de-
signate the closest equivalence must be employed (op. cit.,
. 91 ) .

It is to be noted that he says the cultural context in both languages

is important. Finally, Nida describes difficulties in finding equiva-

lency in ecological matters, material culture, social culture, reli-

i ~
I
I '
I

I i
~----."..._._--
 60

gion and language. His comments on the social culture are of special

significance to this paper, concerned as it is with Self and Other.

In defense of the thesis, it can be stated that thts project was

not entered in ignorance of these translation difficulties. Having

recognized the existence of the problems, however, certain actions

can still be taken. Moreover, they must be taken, for to fail to do

so is to give up on the essential task of improving communication with

people whose language and culture is different from our own. There-

fore, the translations in this paper were made, as Nida advises at the

conclusion of his article, so that the words which designate the

closest equivalence known to the author have been employed (see

Appendix C for a record of these words).

The second kind of problem encountered in the methodology con-

cerns the categories into which the various objects were placed

(steps 3-4). It has been clearly pointed out in Chapter 2 that a

theoretical stand has been taken for this thesis that defines and des-

cribes world view and its categories in certain prescribed ways. This

stand is based upon the viewpoints of others who have taken similar

stands,' and has particularly relied on the most current and most

thorough discussion of world view known to the author - the work of

Michael Kearney (1981). Kearney himself says,

. . · . the degree to which these categories exist in the

thought and languages of other world views is problematical.
This is immediately apparent when we attempt translation
from Western European languages into some non-Indoeuropean
languages. If words for such concepts as Self, Other, and
Time are not present, it is possible that these concepts are
absent. But in dealing with this problem I have argued that
such categories must of· necessity be present (1981:327).
 61

If Kearney, in his thorough study of world view, determines that this

matter of categories is problematical, then it would be naive to act

as though it is not for this project. Yet, the problem did not keep

Kearney from going further in his study, and it need not hinder this

project either.

The problem of imposing classifications upon the data is acknow-

ledged, however. Alfred Kulah points out that Herskovit's classifica-

tion of Kru proverbs (1970) is an example of this kind of imposition.

Herskovits maintained that the classification he found reflected

themes of importance to Kru (e.g., deference, a concern with thrift,

the centrality of fishing, etc.). Kulah goes on to say,

• • • . While this work is a very useful illustration of

the analysis of proverbs as a key to understanding culture,
it suffers the limitation of imposing the classification of
proverbs (and consequently the set of cultural themes) on
the data. They are in no way demonstrated to exist in the
data (1973:5).

For this paper it has been suggested that it would have been

better to have simply looked for the elements important to the peoples

concerned. In other words, instead of discussing mouths and hearts

under the category of Self, to simply have studied them as mouths and

hearts, categories in themselves. But to have done so would have re-

suIted in a series of disconnected facts. Instead, it was determined

to assume the existence of a category called Self with various ele-

ments making up this category - including mouth and heart. Neverthe-

less, the data gathered from the proverbs can stand alone without the

category imposed upon it by the author. Those who wish to look at it

in this way are free to do so, and are even encouraged to do so if

that helps them to understand the people in question. But, readers of

 62

this thesis need to know the theoretical base of the author and how

his methods were built upon that base. The author has tried to be

transparent about both.

The third difficulty concerns comparisons (steps 5-6). This,

too, is a worn-out subject of debate among anthropologists. Pertti

Pelto, in his survey of anthropological theory, drew attention to

various comparative approaches well-known in the anthropological field

(1970:276-318). Edward B. Tylor (1889) is credited with comparative

studies presenting the first statistically oriented papers in the

field. Franz Boas (194:8) and the historicalist school aimed at show-

ing differences in the processes of culture history in their compari-

sons of small numbers of societies. P~lto points out that George P.

Murdock (1949) moved to comparative studies of large numbers of

societies. During this same time period when there was much focus on

comparative studies, S. F. Nadel wrote his well-known "Witchcraft in

Four African Societies" (1952) using comparison to show causal rela-

tionships.
:i
What becomes evident in these comparative studies and even in

Pelto's own perspective is that methods were used to prove theories.

In contrast, this thesis is not trying to prove any theory, defend a.

school of thought, or discover causes. Even the model for world view

with i~s seven categories is not defended as the final word on the

subject. The model is merely a tool to be used for understanding

people better. The comparisons of this paper are for descriptive pur-

poses only - not for theoretical purposes.

...~-_.-
:
 63

The fourth area of difficulty in the methodology of this study

concerns the use of statistical data (step 7). Thomas (1976:4) points

out that, of the four branches of anthropology: archaeology, physi-

cal, cultural and linguistics, the latter branch receives the least

attention from statisticians. He states, "Most linguistics still pro-

ceed in purely qualitative fashion, without recourse to either mathe-

matics or statistics" (ibid.). The introduction of statistics into

this paper is in itself an unusual practise, since the paper does have

a linguistic base. But these statistics were not introduced as a

challenge to acceptable" behav-iour among cultural anthropologists and

linguists. They were introduced"as a matter of personal interest and

curiosity and to merely provide one more perspective on the data being

I considered. They are not the core of this analysis. Readers may draw

their own conclusions from the statistical data. The author has made

some observations.

Choice of the chi-square test for statistical significance was

:I not uncommon. Pelto reports,

The chi-square test . . . . is a particularly widely

used s~atistical computation because it can be applied to
data which are assigned simple, categorical values. That
is, the chi-square test requires the theoretical minimum
of measurement sophisti~ation. . . • (1970:182).

Observations on the results of these tests are made with an apprecia-

tion for the warnings made by David Hurst Thomas about the use of

statistical data (1976:457-468). His "ten commandments" are applica-

ble to use of the chi-square test. In particular, he warns against

inferring causal relationships from statistical significance. Once

again it can be stated that there was no intention in this paper to

 64

discover causal relationships. No "universals" or "laws" discoverable

by statistical analysis are the objective of this project. The statis-

tics used in this thesis are for descriptive purposes, not inferential

purposes. They were used simply to show contrasts and similarities -

being but one perspective on these contrasts and similarities, the

content of the proverbs themselves and their three levels of context

being the most important perspective.

Thomas' third commandment "Thou shalt not confuse statistical

significance with substantive significance" is likewise applicable -

a point made again and again by advisers and friends as well. Thomas

said of this pitfall to statistical analysis:

The term significance test can be a culprit creating

problems with statlstlcaI results . . . . Naroll urges us
to call our statistical tools insignificant tests, empha-
sizing that only irrelevant relationships can be estab-
lished with statistical authority . . . . (1970:463).

"Significance" obviously has different meanings to different people.

Not wishing to enter into that debate, it is necessary to state that

"significance" as used in this paper has to do with the relatedness of

the statistical results to the thesis itself - that proverbs serve as

tools for world view studies. As will be seen, the chi-square tests

do show some aspects of this serviceability of proverbs as tools. This

use of significance ma'y not fall in line with the commonly accepted

use of the term, a factor pointed out again by Thomas' "commandments"

four and five which state that statistical significance should not be

confused with strength of association and should be used for scienti-

fic validation, not scientific exploration, but, this is a useful way

to look at the significance of the chi-square tests for this paper.

I;
 - 65

In no way have the methodologies of this thesis sought to place

"mathematical elegance before anthropological relevance" - a cardinal

"sin" according to Thomas (1970:467). He goes on to say, "The objec-

tives of social science are worthy in themselves and need not be sub-

verted by a seductive technological or statistical reductionism"

(ibid.). The interests of this thesis are anthropological - centered

upon people - not mathematical - centered upon numbers.

Thomas concludes his h~lpful volume on statistics with the re-

minder that "Anthropologists should practise just enough statistics

I
:I
not to hurt their anthropology" (opo cit. 468). It is hoped that this

was the practise of this paper. To be sure, there will be those who

will say that not enough reference was made to the statistical data.

Others will say too much attention was given to this dimension of the

study. For the author, it was "just enough."

Having acknowledged the difficulties faced in the methodologies

pursued, it is necessary to attempt what one can. As another student

of the concept of world view has stated,

. . . .Such a transposition of a [world view] from one uni-

verse of thought to another can never be a complete success,
but it should be attempted. Not to try it would be to give
up any hope of communication between different cultures
(Maquet 1964: 17).

....
I

: -----------
 V.Lva
II .LHVd
I
I
I
i l
 CHAPTER V

SUBJECTS: THE BEMBA AND SHONA PEOPLES

A culture as a whole is partially reflected in the corpus

of proverbs which it has created, borrowed, and maintained;
the culture provides a unique macro-level context in which
only this corpus of proverbs could occur (Parker 1974:16)0

Carolyn Ann Parker describes the macro-context of a corpus of

proverbs as the cultural context itself including beliefs, values,

social behavior, structure, categories and plans. In this paper,

macro-context will be defined according to Kraft's model of world

view presented earlier (p. 12)0 There are three features of this
I
macro-context: cultural patterns, cultural performance, and cultural

panorama.

Applying each of these levels of macro-context to the study of

the chosen subjects of this paper, attention will be given to the Bemba

and the Shona: the peoples and their panoramas, their cultural pat-

terns and perfo~mance.

THE BEMBA

People and Panorama

The Bemba are a Bantu-speaking people residing in Zambia (see

Figure 4). Their prominence in that country began around 1650 when a

large contingent of people broke away from the Lunda-Luba Empire which

was centered in present-day Zaire, and migrated east. Crossing the

Luapula River, :separting present-day Zaire and Zambia, this group of

I
I

i~ _
 - - - ----------

Lake
TANZANIA
ZAIRE

j"'_'J"

~""-"
ANGOLA
, ·MOZAMBIQUE
...~ \
"
~
~~LAWI
I )
\ /'
_..... , ~ ~ , ) \ .
V
'-- -- --~
I
- .......... , "'''-lit, _
.. --::_ .. _-..,. "
~--, (
, I
, "- ZIMBABWE ~
, " /
NAMIBIA
~ BOTSWANA " "-,\ I
r" J ,. -< ../
, J
, ,... / - \

8I ," ,I
I r «
e • ,~ ....~_ , ",J)O 500
I " /', , 8
1--
, ... ' SOUTH AFRICA \./ Miles

Figure 4. Present-day Bembaland, showing its geographical

location in Zambia and Southern Africa.'

'Adapted from G. Kay, A Social Geography of Zambia, '967, page 84.

(J'I
())
 69
people began a military campaign that eventually saw them overwhelm

peoples
L
already residing in that countryside: the Bisa, tungu, Itabwa,

Mambwe, and others. Consolidating their rule, they gained virtual con-

trol of Northern Zambia and were in this ascendancy when the colonially

expanding British appeared in the late nineteenth century.

Today the Bemba number about 250,000 people. Another 250,000

neighbors speak their language. That which distinguishes them from

other Bemba speakers is their subjection to the Bemba paramount chief,

Chitimukulu - Chiti the Great (Roberts 1973:xxvii). They are also

distinguishable by an identifying tattoo mark (Mushindo 1976:xv): a

vertical line in the middle of the forehead, ending between the eye-

brows, and two crossed marks on either side of the cheeks.

The Bemba are a people who have been the subject of considerable

study. David Livingstone, well-known explorer, travelled through

Bembaland in the mid-1800s and was the first European to make contact

with the Chitimukulu (Roberts 1973:3). His literary accounts, along

with similar accounts from Portuguese, French, Arab, and other English

travellers, provide invaluable information about early years of Bemba

presence in Northern Zambia. In 1911, just sixteen years after the

Roman Catholic Church established itself among the Bemba, Cullen

Gouldsbury and Hubert Sheane wrote the first ethnography of the Bemba

people. Audrey I. Richards is credited as being the anthropologist

who has most capably described their life (1935, 1939, 1956).

Bemba language, history, religion, and music have received

special attention by different observers. Besides the various

grammars and dictionaries that have been published, contributions

 70

toward language study have been made by Dorothea Lehmann, John Sherman,

Irvine Richardson and Michael Mann (Frost 1977:23). An ~nalysis of

Bemba parables and stories has been most recently contributed by Mary

Frost (1977). Various historical account~ of the Bemba people have

been attempted, but none as successfully as Andrew Roberts (1973) and

Paul Mushindo (1976). Religious patterns and performances have been

considered by Douglas Werner (1971), and Bemba songs have been

collected by Isaiah Mapoma (1970).

Bembaland is an area 22,000 square miles in size. Politically

it is called the Northern Province of Zambia, and contains four ad-

ministrative districts: Kasama, Mpika, Chinsali, and Luwingu. The

Chitimukulu resides in Kasama District - the Bemba heartland:

Lubemba.

The panorama which is Bembaland is a great, wooded plateau lying

south of the equator and at an elevation of 4,000 feet above sea level.

It is bounded by Lake Tanganyika on the north, Lake Bangweulu on the

west, and the Luangwa Escarpment (Mucinga lubemba) - the great wall of

the Bemba country - on the east. There are no natural boundaries on

the south. The plateau is characterized by three kinds of forest:

high veld or savannah,old forest evidenced by taller trees, and ever-

green groves in the marshes that intersect the forests. The Chambeshi

River is the greatest river passing through the country which, as a

whole, is well-watered by this and other rivers and streams. Tempera-

tures are mild, ranging from an average of 50°F in the- dry season (May

to October) to an average of 90°F in the rainy season (November to

April). Certain ecological features hamper productive life on the

'~~~~_-
 71
plateau. The topsoil, for example, is shallow and sandy. Various

insects and parasites also hamper fruitful living. Gbuldsbury and

Sheane said that country like this is "the paradise of the parasite":

.In a land of such vast distances it may seem para-

doxical, but it is none the less true that the tiniest
things are those that count the most, and the most impor-
tant in ultimate analysis (1911:122).

His assessment is true of the plateau on which the Bemba live. Tsetse

flies, mosquitoes, ticks, maggots, and snails thrive in this terrain,

bringing the consequent fevers, boils, bilharzia, skin diseases, diar-

rhea, dysentery, ·and leprosy - diseases which constantly plague this

people.

Cultural Patterns and Performance

Bemba cultural patterns and performance center largely on one

dominant institution - chieftainship. Audrey Richards says,

. . . . On a man's relationship to his chief depends his

residence, his use of land, the economic group he works
with, the way in which his food is distributed, the reli-
gion and magic beliefs that sustain him in his work, and
his social ambitions (1939:24).

The village of the paramount chief called the Chitimukulu is the

most prominent village in Bemba eyes. It is the center of power be-

cause the Chitimukulu is an autocratic ruler who is believed to be the

owner of everything and who bears an authority believed to have direct

impact upon the prosperity of the land and the welfare of the people.

Supernatural power emanates from the village, as the chief ascends to

his autocratic position as intermediary between the people and the

spirits (imipashi) of all former rulers and as owner of the sacred

relics (babenye).
 72

Inhabiting and frequenting the capital village (umusumba) are

various personalities besides the Chitimukulu. Forty to fifty council-

lors (bakabilo) assigned to the capital are the repositories of tradi-

tional law and custom. Though they do ·not necessarily live in the

capital, they. attend it quite often for court and ceremonial duties.

One or two subordinate chiefs (bacilolo) who have villages of their

own in this district also frequent the capital. In pre-colonial times,

these subordinate chiefs were additionally assigned quarters (ifitente)

in the capital from which they led young men to war. Finally, com-

moners among the Bemba frequent the capital bringing tribute of beer,

grain and meat.

The paramount chief's messengers, well-known men easily recog-

nized in days past by the guns they bore and their distinctive head-

dresses and recognized today by their well-pressed khaki uniforms,

are key individuals in the village. They relay messages to the chief

and deliver messages from him. It is through these messengers that

the paramount chief maintains contact with territorial chiefs and sub-

chiefs in this sparsely populated, wide-ranging kingdom, where villages

can be sixteen to twenty miles apart.

Two territorial chiefs (imfumu) have capitals (imisumba) in

, ,

Kasama District along with the Chitimukulu. They are Mwamba and

Nkolemfumu. Nkula is a territorial chief in Chinsali District. These

territorial chiefs have subordinate chiefs under them and, in some

cases, assign sisters and maternal nieces (banamfumu) to hereditary

positions. These and other territorial chiefs inherit their offices

l ______
I
 73
and, like the Chitimukulu, have a retinue of councillors attached to

them by heredity.

Beneath the sub-chiefs in this hierarchy of power are the village

headmen (abene mushi) who usually inherit their positions. They may

also acquire their positions by nomination of the chiefs or by personal

initiative. Their purpose is to maintain law and order, settle dis-

\ putes, and act as an intermediary between the villagers and the chiefs.

Traveling from the chief's village, where all centered upon him,

to the surrounding villages where ordinary people live, other social

patterns can be noted. The average Bemba vi.llage (umushi) consists of

30 to 50 houses with side buildings for kitchens and granaries. Each

village has at least one rest shelter (insaka) built by young men and

elders who gather there with a kind of "membership" involved (Richards

(1935:234). The villages are composed of different kin segments

rather than one extended family.

Kinship among the Bemba follows the matrilineal line. The

: i
Chitimukulu knows his line back 25 to 30 generations; councillors know

theirs back twenty generations, and the common people know theirs back

four generations (Richards 1956:223). These matrilineages are totemic

i I and hierarchical in nature. Forty clans (imikowa) have identifiable

totems and are characterized' by a name, legend, a praise-name, and a

reciprocal relationship to a complementary clan (umunungwe). Joking

relationships, reciprocal burial activities and preferential marriage

characterize the reciprocal nature of the clans. The lineages are

further described as hierarchical in that the royal clan is known as

the people of the crocodile (abena nandu), and proximity to this clan

.~-----
 74
determines the social significance of other clans. In addition, the

kinship lines are exogamic and dispersed. Clan members marry outside

the clan, and clans themselves own no land and take no .corporate

action among the Bemba.

Marriage is preferred between cross-cousins on both sides of the

parents and between a man and his classificatory grand-daughter. The

impact of the matrilineal system upon marriage is seen in many ways.

A man is required to provide only a small gift (impango) for the hand
of his wife - a distinguishing characteristic of Bemba marriages:
I

.The mpango gave the father those limited rights he i

!
secured over his children, although it did not, in this
matrilineal society, give him complete control over his
son or daughter, and never gave him or his lineage control
over his wife's reproductive powers as does the cattle
lobola among the Southern Bantu (Richards 1956:44).

The matrilineal impact upon marriage is further seen in that it is

I
matrilocal, though Richards says it would be more fitting to call it
I

,
I
"marriage with delayed right of bride removal" (1950:225). A man can

eventually establish his own village. A second marriage is often viri-

local, and a polygynous household is not a single social unit but is I i

as many units as there are wives. The divorce rate among the Bemba is

high.
: I
The basic domestic unit for the Bemba can be described art an

older middle-aged man, his wife, their married daughters with husbands

and children. But arrival at this. unit is often a frustrating journey

for both men and women. Men do service for their fathers-in-law for

the first few years of marriage until a number of children are born to

the union. Upon the birth of these children, men seek to found a

village of their own, but are discouraged from doing this by the

i,,__,
I
I
 75

matrilineal system. Their loyalties are usually to the villages of

their sisters where, as maternal uncles, they have much authority.

Women likewise suffer through these times, experiencing several marri-

ages and divorces before they become matriarchs of large villages. It

appears that the social stability experienced by the Bemba people in

political patterns and performance are not a part of the social ex-

perience in matters pertaining to family. There is a fluidity of

village association.

Turning now to patterns and performance in the areas of language,

technology and religion, other important features of Bemba culture can

be noted. The Bemba language has been widely adopted by a large

number of people in Zambia. Compelling features of the language in-

clude the symmetry of its concords, the intricacy of its tense system,

its vocabulary of reversive and intensive verbs (Richards 1939:303),

its unlimited capacity for forming derivatives, and its minute atten-
'\
tion to certain phenomena in the cultural panorama. The author has

been impressed with such things as distinct names for thirty to forty
\
I,

varieties of mushroom and distinct verbs for different ways to perform

j
common activities such as walking. Oral and written Bemba literature

~i includes proverbs, proverbial phrases, songs, historical narratives,

,I stories and parables;

The Bemba economy is based on agriculture, hunting and fishing

with no pastoral tradition. There are four basic tools: the axe,
I

i hoe, spear, and bow. They are shifting cultivators, having perfected
!

I
i

a slash and burn process called chitemene, whereby trees from an area
i I
I
I
,I

I
six and one-half times the size of the eventual garden are lopped and
I

I!
 cut down with branches piled on the selected garden spot and burned at

a signal originating from the Chitimukulu. Alternate crops are

planted in the gardens for a period of three to four years, then a

shift to a new site occurs~ Finger millet, sorghum, bulrush millet,

beans, pumpkins, edible gourds, cucumbers, melons, ground nuts, maize,

cassava, sweet potatoes and yams make up the complete garden variety.

The Bemba staple is finger millet, and preparing it occupies a large

part of every women's day.

Though they are said to be a hunting and fishing people, the

Bemba presently do little of both. Hunting by means of nets, pits,

I'
snares, traps and firearms has been drastically reduced by the reduc- i
tion of the game itself and by protective laws. Fishing by means of I
poison, dams and nets is engaged in as a sport more than as a liveli- ;;..-
~

hood, with the exception of a few fishing villages along the larger

\
rivers.

The primary way the Bemba acquired their goods and food in pre-
I-
j:
I \

colonial days was by raiding, conquering and demanding tribute. The

Senga people provided them with tobacco, the Bisa with fish and salt,

the Wiwa and Winamwenga with hoes, livestock, grain, etc. Wealth to

i I these people was considered in terms of the amount of labor that could

be commanded (Richards 1956': 47) .

Since the Bemba have not pursued with any diligence the three

main economic activities attributed to them, it should not be surpris-

ing that they do not pursue skills at various other economic and tech-

nological activities either. Desiring few material possessions, they

do not seek to improve the skill of trading as an essential way to

:"_lilo=-_-li i i~- _-'----~~

 77
acquire possessions. Having no desire to pass on inheritable wealth,

they pursue arts and crafts as a matter of expediency not of esthetics.

A few women make plain pottery by the coil method, using the simplest

of designs. Men make baskets and mats - but with very little pride in

workmanship. They quickly put aside the task of making bark cloth with

the coming of cotton long ago. Their work as iron smelters and makers

of drums and tools is likewise engaged in with little enthusiasm.

I
House building seems to be one occupation in which men do take some
:1

pride in, the large, round pole and mud houses of the past with their
:1 distinctiv~ verandas giving way to rectangular houses of today built

with adobe and burned bricks.

I Ending this look at the macro-context of the proverbs of the

Bemba people, attention is turned to religious patterns and perform-

ance. Once again, the chieftainship takes center stage.

.The Bemba worship of the dead chief's spirit is the

essential element of Bemba religion: war under his leader-
'I ship was formerly the dominant ambition of each individual:
and, in a community without any storeable form of wealth
such as cattIer rank and social status were determined, not
\
by the number of a man's possessions, but by his kinship with
the chief, or by the services he had been able to give him
(Richards 1935:231).

Mention has already been made of the importance of his access to the
:i
spirits of dead chiefs through possession of the sacred relics.

Ri~hards says that the burial of a chief calls for the most elaborate

religious rites among the Bemba, and that the ceremonies by which a new

chief acquires the relics are the most important religious rites of
I

I
the Bemba people (op. cit. 247). Additional religious factors associ-
I

I!
ated with the chieftainship include protection of the chief from con- .

tact with death, the requirement of strict sex taboos upon him, special
 78
huts for the keeping of the sacred relics and special keepers of those

huts, a sacred fire that burns day and night in a special hut at the

paramount chief's capital, and a sacred grove called Mwalule which is

the burial ground for major chiefs. This sacred grove is guarded by a

priest called Shimwalule and becomes the scene of animal sacrifices if

drought plagues the country.

At the core of this whole religious system is the Bemba belief

in the proximity of the spirits of the dead (Whiteley 1950:29). It is

their understanding that the spirits of the dead go up and down the

land, are present in the huts of descendants at dusk and dawn, linger

in burial groves, and frequent old village sites (Richards 1939:240). i

This belief is of greater importance to the Bemba than their belief in I
Lesa, their high god who lives in the sky, controls thunder, sends ;....,

I..
children and is the source of magic power. The traditional Bemba per-

son appeases the spirits of the dead relatives at small huts called

imfuba but does not worship the high god. It is this belief in the

proximity of spirits that also gives rise to other distinct features I •

of the Bemba religious system: shrines to a hunting god called

Mulenga, veneration of snakes, knowledge of evil spirits, and rites

near unusual objects of the land~cape like waterfalls for ngulu, who

are secondary divinities. It is probably this belief that lies at

the root of elaborate purification ceremonies for a man and wife

following co~jygal relations.

Just as power is attributed to the unseen forces of the dead,

power is likewise attributed to the unseen forces of the living, though

the power of the latter is far inferior to the former. The power at-

I ,
!Jr.
i

L,-.'
'

"~~
.. ~__ ~
 79

tributed to the living leads to witchcraft and sorcery in a negative

vein, and to Bemba doctors (inganga) in the positive vein. The former

is acknowledged out of fear, the latter is sought out of desperation.

The Bemba doctors are said to have been aided in their search for

medicine by two mythical personages Lucele nganga and Kampinda. Today

they are said to be aided by Lesa, the high god. Two kinds of medi-

cine (imiti) are known to the doctors, 1) medicine that is direct from
[

the plants, and 2) medicine that is activated by charms which usually

have attributes of the effect sought. The first kind of medicine is I!

'widely known by many Bemba people, but the doctors are the ones who

have the greatest store of knowledge. These medicines are often ef- i'
fective against headaches, stomach aches, diarrhea and other common i
'le.
:;
illnesses, though they often have harmful side effects as well. The

second kind of medicine is known especially, and sometimes solely, .by

-
If""

i
the doctors who offer it to correct fertility problems, change one's
i.
.-
luck, provide protection, and help the Bemba person through crises.

It is hoped that this brief overview of the Bemba people, their I•

world, cultural patterns and cultural performances provides an ade-

quate introduction to this people of Southern 'Africa. A similar over-

view of the Shona peoples to the south provides a basis for delving

into the proverbs o'fboth groups and ultimately their respective

world views.

:.J..._-_
 80

THE SHONA

People and Panorama

The Shona are a Bantu-speaking people residing in Zimbabwe and

parts of Botswana and Mozambique (see Figure 5). Bourdillon (1976:19)

points out that it is the origin of these people that makes them Shona.

Bushmen (San) and a first wave of iron-using, possibly Bantu-speaking

settlers from the north in A.D. 300 preceded the Shona peoples to this
\

part of Africa. The Shona themselves Originated~rom a second wave of

Bantu-speaking people who came down from t~th in A.D. 1000. Their

migration continued for several decades and soon they became the i....
dominant people of the region (Bourdillon 1976:20).
i
.--
'Ie.
These early Bantu-speaking migrants to present day Zimbabwe and ::.

Mozambique had no common name at the time of the migrations, but as '"'
I...
they settled into the region, the name Karanga (possibly from the word, ;..
1 .1
kurariga, to punish ) began to distingush them from the surrounding

peoples. A Karanga political state emerged around A.D. 1200, giving

greater prominence to this name. This Karanga state was founded upon
i..

their economic and technological prowess, and the famed ruins of Great

! I Zimbabwe give testimony to their strength.

I
,
I
I
I
After decades d~ glory, the Karanga people began to lose influ-

ence. The land could not maintain their growing number of subjects.

Further migrations occurred out of which more power structures emerged,

so that the name Karanga became one of only several identifying terms.

An invasion of Ndebele people from the south in 1830 further divided

1Suggested by Chinyandura (1945).

J..__
r

\
J /,--~, TANZANIA

", ZAIRE \" 0." """"lb

L.. ~.... Be~~~n~:
)f·········· } ~
ANGOLA I ''--l" ,., ., ~ ~.,..~,#'
I " .. J, '- • • I •
I , ...., -, ''')
~-,# -' "', ! MOZAMBIQUE
I --~ \
« '" ..
, ZAMBIA /- 'Mi1-AIPJ.J
I . . ,
•\. ~' ' , I
... ' I
..........- _.. - ----- - ~-,.
--">- --...
..----- ~ \",
f-
t
NAMIBIA t
t
I
_~S
I BOTSWANA _
, J
:
I rI
I ~.
'"''''-~''' n 500
I J
l ,." Miles
- SOUTH AFRICA

Figure 5. Present-day Mashonaland, showing its geograhical

location in Zimbabwe and Southern Africa.

<Xl

........ lI"""aUIA 'Uii'ti iiWiiW-

 82

these early settlers. Geographical, social, political and religious

distance had effectively separated them from each other and they could

not unite against this common intruder from the south. The Ndebele

settled in the region, taking a position to the west of the main Shona

body. To compou~ the complexities of that nineteenth century when

Karanga and ShO:;! influence as a whole was waning, the British appeared

on the scene. Finding the Karanga and related peoples seemingly over-

powered by the Ndebele, the British by-passed them in establishing

treaties and agreements with the residents in their own settlement of

the land.
As the Bri.tish began to administer the neow colony, they belatedly

recognized the inter-relatedness of the Karanga and other peoples. The

colonizers then established a common identity in their own thinking for

these peoples and called them "Shona". The new name, says Bourdillon

(1976:20), "is of recent origin and was applied to all the Shona-

speaking peoples only after the British colonization of the country."

The word Shona was first used by these administrators in 1931 to

I,

identify a language group. Several dialect groups were unified into a

common language based on the Zezuru dialect, the dialect of the Shona-

speaking people living closest to the political powers of the British.

Other groups of related peoples involved in this linguistic unifica-

tion/were the aforementioned Karanga, as well as the Manyika, Korekore,

Tavara, and Ndau.

The recognition of linguistic similarities led of course to a

recognition of cultural similarities of the same peoples. But there

are distinctive differences. For example, the Zezuru are characterized

iJ.. _
 83

by great religious cults and material prosperity. The Karanga are dis-

tinct in certain religious and political practises, and the Kalanga are

at a geographical distance from the others, being cut off by the 1830

invasion of the Ndebele. The Tavara, though politically incorporated

. into Shona so~ety generations ago, maintain a unique kinship system.

And the Ndau,~iVing near the Shangaan, have been influenced by this

neighboring people and are characterized by a distinct politico-

religious structure. Yet, the common cultural patterns and perform-

ances lead scholars to assert that these six million people are dis-

tinctly Shona and as such, deserve distinct study (Bourdillon 1976:32).

.,.,
I'lli
The study of the Shona peoples has been as broad as it has been ....
:1
1'-
intense. Bourdillon's bibliography (1976) refers to more than 200 :~
It:

articles and books about the Shona. Those accounts are sandwiched be- -
'I('"
:....=r
lr-

tween two primary ethnographies: Bourdillon's own ethnography (1976) e

::....
!i
and that of Charles Bullock's in 1928. Bullock's first book (1913) s".
..
about these peoples actually dealt with judicial aspects of their life.

He was later joined in this interest by J. F. Holleman (1952). In

I!
1949, Holleman also presented an elaborate study of Shona family rela-

tionships that has added greatly to our knowledge of the peoples.

Language has been the focus of attention for several authors: C. M.

Doke is credited with standardizing the Shona language (1931); M. Hannan

/

(1961) produced the Standard Shona Dictionary; and more recently,

Hamutyinei and Plangger's collection of proverbs (1974) has sparked

added interest in linguistic aspects of the culture (Fortune 1975).

Two knowledgeable sources on the religious aspects of the culture are

Crawford (1967) and Gelfand (1956, 1959, 1962, 1964, 1968). The Shona

iJ...__""-~_~ _
 84

political system has been well covered by Garbett (1960, 1963). A re-

cent addition to the study of these people is that of Shona music by

Berliner (1978), and the most recent study relates to world view it-

self (Bucher 1981).

The homeland of the Shona in Zimbabwe has been called Mashonaland

(see FigUr~). Since some Shona peoples (Manyika and Ndau) actually

spill over.. J~to Mozambique, the total area involved is more than
150,000 s~u,re miles, nearly seven times the size of the area in which

the Bemba people live.

Three types of sparsely forested grasslands characterize Mashona-

land. First there is the High Veld, a fertile, rolling plateau running ii
400 miles long and 50 miles wide, north to south between the Zambezi
i
and Limpopo Rivers, and at elevations ranging from 3,000 to 5,000 feet .'-::a-
'lCf !

If'"
above sea level. This High Veld rises to the eastern highlands with

heights exceeding 6,000 feet, Mt. Inyangani (8,515 feet) being the

highest point. Then there is a Middle Veld lying on either side of

this plateau at elevations ranging from 3,000 to 4,000 feet. Finally,

the Low Veld lies on the eastern and western ends of the Middle Veld,

dropping to the Indian Ocean and the Kalahari Desert. The Kalanga and·

Ndau inhabit these lower plains, being linguistically and culturally

removed in varying degrees from the greater body of Shona peoples.

The Korekore, Tavara, Zezuru, and Karanga have remained on the higher

plains and represent the main body of the Shona.

As can be expected, the climate varies considerably in this land-

scape. A rainy season from November to March is followed by a dry

season from May to September. Rainfall varies from 15 inches per year

i~ _
 85

in the Low Veld to 55 inches per year in the highlands. The Low Veld

is hotter than the High Veld, but overall, the temperture is mild,

ranging between 54°F for an average in the cold season to 85°F for an

average in theCwarm season.

The terrain identified with Mashonaland also varies in terms of

vegetation, soil and pests. The savannahs are covered by a variety of

II grass and~orest. The High Veld, with its rich, fertile soil, is

1;1 characterofed by an abundance of grass and forest. In contrast, the

I

Low Veld, with its sandy soil, is characterized by a scarcity of both.

The amount of streams and rivers flowing through the three grasslands

also varies considerably, with constant flows enjoyed year round in the

high places, and seasonally dry rivers in the low areas. It is said

that the High Veld is free of pests such as the tsetse fly so common

in the Low Veld. Nevertheless, all levels of the terrain share the

more common insects and parasites: mosquitoes, ticks, maggots, and

snails - making Gouldsbury's comment (page 71) applicable to the Shona

as well as the Bemba. One additional feature of Mashonaland that makes

it distinct and which has had a great impact upon the peoples living

there is its mineral wealth. This wealth has greatly influenced the

Shona in the past and continues to have its influence in the present.

Patterns and Performances

From reading the various ethnographies and accounts of the Shona,

and'having living among them for a brief time, it appears to this

writer that the land is of paramount consideration in their lives. As

Bourdillon (1976:85) says,

I
;~-------
 86

• . . . The Shona do not see their land simply as property,

simply as an economic asset; the land is ultimately associ-
ated with the history of a chiefdom, with the ruling chief
and with ancestral spirits who lived on it.

The relationship of the people to the land is seen very keenly in their

social, technological/economic~ and religious patterns and perform-

ances.
Taking first the social aspects of Shona life, it will be seen

that kinship, family and politics are tied in with relationships to the

land. The Shona kinship system is patrilineal - the patrilineage being

a genealogical hierarchy. The patrilineage is further characterized by

strict classification: the oldest males always having superiority.

Clan names (imitupos) distinguish the patrilineages from each other as

do sub-clan names (zvidao). Marriage is exogamous, virilocal, and in-

volves gift exchanges involving large numbers of cattle and money.

The most evident manifestation of this patrilineal system is in

residential patterns. The typical residential group (chizvarwa) con-

sists of a male family head with three to five generations under him:

his brothers, sons and nephews, grandchildren, and great grandchildren.

This extended family group works together, supports each other in court

cases, acts together in marriage arrangements, and performs ritual

together in honor of deceased members of the lineage. The strongest

bond within the group is that between father and children (Bourdillon

1976:44); upon the father's death, it is believed that his spirit con-

tinues to protect his children and grandchildren.

Kinship ties with the land are seen in that land cultivated by a

given male is most likely an inheritance from his father. In years

I:
II past, the Shona man could farm this land for five to twenty years,

L
 87
depending on the quality of the soil, then expand the farm or move

elsewhere. In the present, the large population, scarcity of lands,

and land tenure laws require that he continue cultivating this same

plot as long as he intends,to farm - or buy land in an expensive

market. When his sons are ready to farm, he can apportion some of the

___ ~nd to them. When he dies, they inherit the land.

The political system of the Shona rises out of the kinship system

- and clearly shows the complexity of the latter. Lines in the line-

ages often become entangled. Chiefs inherit their positions, but there

are frequent conflicts, debates, court battles, and feuds over this

inheritance.

Connections between the political system and land center around

the chiefdom (nyika) - a tract of land with which each chief is identi-

fied. Boundaries for the chief's land may be vague, but ritual res-

ponsibilities of the chief for the prosperity of the land lend impor-

tance to this tract. Bourdillon says,

The boundaries of a chiefdom are usually clearly defined

; I
by natural features such as hills and rivers well known to
its inhabitants, but precise agreement over these boundaries
are not always shared with the inhabitants of neighboring
chiefdoms. The country within the boundaries of a long
established chiefdom usually has a traditional name apart
from the dynastic title of the chief who rules over it, and
the people distinguish themselves from their neighbors by
using the name 'of their chiefdom: thus the people from the
Korekore chiefdom of Diwa (under Chief Makuni) call them-
selves Shona as opposed to Malawians on the farms, Korekore
as opposed to other Shona groups, but at home they call them-
selves vaDiwa distinguishing themselves from their Korekore
neighbors (1976:121).
/

The chief's ritual responsibilities have to do with his appeasement of

spirits that are identified with the country he rules.

i..Jt.z__
 88

Attention to matters of land in the poltical realm of the Shona

is seen again in the boundaries and responsibilities assigned to wards

(dunhu), the sub-divisions of a chiefdom, and villages (imisha). The

average ward covers an area 25-35 square miles in size. In contrast to

the chiefdom in which it is located, its boundaries are clearly marked

by natural features such as rivers, streams, and hilltops. This clear

designation of boundaries gives greater permanence to the wards, and

~---~hat fact, combined with burial practises within the ward, gives the

ward a special place in Shona thinking. "The ward is 'home' to them,

,where they can always return and obtain cultivation rights, and where

they hope eventually to be buried" (Bourdillon 1976:123). There are

usually twelve to twenty villages in a ward, with a population ranging

from single domestic units to as many as 200 people. These villages

are established upon permission of the ward headman (sadunhu) who

drives a peg into the ground where the house of the head wife of the

village headman (sabuku) is to be built. Later, the same village head-

man allocates garden plots to eligible members of the village

(Holleman 1952:6).

It should not be assumed, however, that all activity of these

three political leaders (chief, wardhead and village headman) is cen-

tered upon the land. In their various other functions, an extension of

patrilinea~ activities is seen. The chief (ishe) is like a father

looking after his people, appeasing the spirits of dead ancestors,

settling disputes and receiving work parties. His primary task is to

preside over the court, for his court is the last court of appeal for

the people in his chiefdom. Elders in the community help him in this
 89
task and their objective is reconciliation rather than judgment, al-

though witchcraft and murder are dealt with harshly. The wardhead,

most likely a personage of the chief's lineage, is likewise fatherly

in his functions. His ta~k is to protect, arbitrate and perform ritual

involving his lineage. He usually assigns core members of his own

inShi P group to be village headmen in his ward. The village headmen,

) hen, represent the third level of political organization. They act

basically the same as heads of families, making sure there is suffi-

cient land, settling disputes, and organizing workparties (nhimbe)

which have great social import to Shona life.

While all three of these personages in the political structure .'.

"~
I..
::.
fl:
of the Shona have significant ritual duties as heads of various patri- !~
1lC:
'~ I'
lineal units, the chiefs have special roles to play. They are the :=c
'...
Ir"
guardians of Shona life and strength (Bourdillon 1976:131). Life is C
::...
'

associated with the land, and the chiefs are considered the owners of !:
§
the land by right of succession. Strength comes from their status and
t:
their succession rituals, and much is done to highlight both. Both I!
..
life and strength are intricately woven together with the religious

beliefs and personages of the area. As Bourdillon says, "The tradi-

I \ "
tional Shona chiefship is associated with the spiritual powers which
I
are believed to control the' chiefdom" (1976:129).

Religious patterns and performances are also associated with the

land. Spiritual powers - namely tribal spirits (mhondoro) through

m~diums (svikiro) - are believed to control the chiefdom. They are

believed to do so in various ways. An especially active time for the

spiritual powers is during the succession rituals of chiefs. Beyond

 90
succession ritual, they are believed to have continuous influence upon

events in the chiefdom. This influence is usually expressed through

the chiefs who mediate between their people and the tribal spirits

through the offices of mediums for those spirits. Such mediation is

especially needful during times of drought and pestilence and during

important ceremonies of thanksgiving for crops and well-being. Some-

times the influence of the spiritual powers surpas~es the powers of the

'1 hief himself, and the mediums take a more direct hand in religious

~nd political matters. Bourdillon describes the power of these mediums

as cultic, often serving a unifying purpose for the Shona peoples.

Spiritual power is also recognized through other kinds of spirits :...'"fl:...

1,-

and their mediums. Gelfand (1962) describes the ancestral spirits or ~

it::

family spirits (vadzimu) and the alien spirits (mashave) and their res- --
' C.' .
:::a
Ir'"
i

pective mediums. The ancestral spirits are the ones of greatest con- c:
;:....
cern to the average Shona person. They are unpredictable right after !:
§
.....
death, but by appeasement, are believed to gradually become settled
E
into the community structure as the spirits of dead persons. The worst
;
!
consequence would be for them to become revengeful spirits (ngozi).

Shona doctors (nganga) assist the people in proper behavior to-

ward the spirits. They, too, rely on spiritual powers, being mediums

themselves at times. Their 'assistance is also offered for practical

medication and counsel.

At the pinnacle of this entire religious system, the Shona be-

li~ve there is a high god, Mwari or Musikavanhu. He is so far removed

from the people, though, that he is only given secondary consideration.

I
The high god they believe in is not concerned with any of the daily
I

L
 91
features of their religion, so the people feel no compulsion to involve

him. They would rather involve themselves with the spiritual powers

that have. a daily influence upon their lives - the spirits of the dead.

It is in the techno19gical and economic patterns and perform-

ances that one would expect to see relationships to the land most ob-

viously expressed. This is true. The Shona are very much peoples of

the land. They are primarily subsistence farmers, though many in re-

cent years have become commercial. The basic economic unit is the

·)ousehOld' with the man and his wife or wives having separate fields.

he average field is five acres located near their homes. The main

crop is maize and millet with supplements of a wide variety of vege- ~Ii·l.-·'
::~ Si
I!: 10 I:
tables, melons, ground nuts, beans, etc. In the division of labor, the ;~.•' ::.1,
Ilr.:: 51
I~~: ~
men do the heavy work, leaving the lighter work for the women to do. ::r. ;
~ ;
Work parties result in reciprocal obligations in the farming enter-

prise.

In addition to subsistence farming, the Shona are herders, keep-

I .•
..
,

ing cattle, sheep and goats. They attribute signficance to the cattle

by associating them with the patrilineages; 50% of the men are said to

own cattle. They use the cattle for food, to bind marriages, appease

ancestral spirits, and to measure wealth. They also keep poultry and

, I pigs.

Even this brief consideration of these technological and economic

patterns and performances shows the importance of the land to the Shona.

Bourdillon fittingly summarizes by saying,

The land as a productive resource remains of crucial im-

portance to the Shona even todaY,whether it be for subsis-
tence during life or simply for security in old age. But
it is far more than simply a productive resource. Since
 92
the Shona believe that the productivity of the land is in
the power of its deceased owners, the land emphasizes their
need of contact with their deceased ancestors. The land is
thus important for the continuity of a people with its tradi-
tions. The land links past and present, the dead and the
living, the chief and his people, and it binds the people
together • . • . (197p:88).

The Shona express their own impressions of these matters through

a now unified language. Like other Bantu languages, it is rich in

vocabulary and distinct in character. The different dialects bring

complexity and variety to this language.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

.,,,
Carolyn Ann Parker said that the culture of a people provides a I ....
:lJlI
'·
Ii:
unique macro-level context in which [a given] corpus of proverbs could :$:
IlC
'~ ~
occur (1974:16). These brief glimpses of the Bemba and the Shona have :=c l/il
....
II""
shown the distinctive characteristics of each. They dwell in differ- 11::

. ent environments, have developed distinct cultural structures and be- =

....
!:'
5
havior, and speak different languages. Seeing the culture prepares the
..
t:
lit
way for studying the proverbs. i
I:
::
Ruth Finnegan attributed three characteristics to proverbs in

'Africa; they are short, make sense and have "salt" (see discussion on

pages 32-33). Of these three characteristics, comments pertaining to

2
the Bemba and Shona proverbs can only be made concerning the first

one. Shortness is apparent in the data being considered. The sense

and "saltiness" of the proverbs must be judged by the people them-

selves. Speaking of the brevity of the Shona proverbs, Hamutyinei and

2See Appendix A and B for the collections which are the focus
of this paper.

i.J..,__
I
 93

Plangger say, "No words are wasted and all propositions are stated as

succinctly as possible with the common grammatical forms curtailed or

changed" (1974:16). Though referring specifically to the Shona pro-

verbs, Hamutyinei and Plang~er's comment could be equally applied to

the Bemba proverbs.

Though short, the Bemba and Shona proverbs do not lack for

rhythm. This rhythm is easily grasped by the people whose proverbs

are being studied for their languages make great use of alliteration

and assonance that is based on the repetition of concords. It is not

so easy for the foreigner (to recognize this rhythm though, and to as-

/--~ sist the foreign student, collectors have inserted symbols in the text.
For the Bemba, Hoch shows this rhythm by inserting his own symbol (:)

so as to separate two propositions in the proverbs. Hamutyinei and

Plangger insert their own symbol (/) in the Shona proverbs to show the

same thing.

'I Some comments can be made concerning the styles and structures of
3 There are said to be three basic styles for
'\
the proverbs in question.

African proverbs: literal forms, simile and metaphor (Finnergan 1970:

395). A detailed study of the presence of each of these styles in the

proverbs of these two peoples of Southern Africa provides helpful in-

formation. The Shona, use the literal form of proverb very sparingly

and usually to communicate instruction and give warning. The Bemba

are likewise sparing in their use of the literal form and communicate

facts when they do so. An example of this style is Shona proverb

II
3The author has done an extensive comparison of the literal con-
text of the Bemba and Shona proverbs. See his 1981 paper.

II
:L
 94
number 264: Akura/ataurwa - One who has grown is talked about. No

simile or metaphor is used. Simile is defined by Webster as "a figure

of speech in which one thing is likened to another, dissimilar thing. •

• . " (Webster's New Twentieth Century Dictionary). The simile is dis-

tinct from the metaphor in that there is an explicit comparison for the

former, and an implicit comparison for the latter. The Bemba and Shona

ways of expressing simile are just as clear as the English use of like

and as -- to the one knowing the languages. Those expressions were

found more frequently in the Shona proverbs than in the Bemba proverbs.

An example in the Bemba corpus is number 457,: Insoni:mwenso - Shyness

is fear. ':3
.....
:*'
Metaphor is by far the most common style used in the proverbs of
"-
l!:'; .,
:So1 II
Ie

both peoples. In fact, 90% of the proverbs are seemingly of this kind.

Structures become complex within these metaphoric statements.

Seven kinds of structure are apparent in the proverbs of both

groups. The first kind to be considered is parallelism. H~mutyinei

It:
lit
and Plangger's comments about this structural feature for the Shona can i
... .
:I
,

be equally applied to the Bemba:

Parallelism is a very common feature applied to express ,

simple analogies but also paradox or contrast. This is I
possible because proverbs usually have a balanced structure
and fall naturally ihto halves (1974:15).

Parallelism occurs far more frequently in the Shona proverbs than it

'il I,
t,1

does in the Bemba texts. An example from the Shona collection states,

"Kurava mbudzi nedzisipo/ kurava nedzava matoo" - Counting absent goats

means counting dead ones (#67).

Cross-parallelism is another common structure though the Bemba

use it more frequently. Hamutyinei and Plangger state that "in cross-
 95
parallelism similar forms are not in corresponding positions in each

half of the proverb but in transposed positions." Statements of this

kind may be for analogy, paradox and contrastG It appears that both

groups use this structure most frequently to make statements of con-

trast.

Both Bemba and Shona express themselves quite frequently in the

proverbs by saying one thing in two ways, the second way reinforcing

the firstG In doing this they make use of what is called the double

proposition (Doke 1947:106-111)G The Shona make use of this structure

:I ~more frequently than do their neighbors to the north. Doke (ibidG)

states that double propositions are usually of an explanatory nature.

A review of the proverbs reveals that this is, indeed, true. However,

all were not equally explanatory and it seemed that other words were

necessary to describe the differences. Therefore, it was discovered

that some were illustrative - when only one example of many possibil-

ities was used; consequential - when a warning wa~ involved; contras-

;I
i

tive - when two differing objects or persons were compared, and ad-

visory - when didactics were clearly meant. The Shona, in particular,

t
made great use of these other forms of double proposition.
! I
The fourth kind of structure that is prominent in the proverbs

is called negative axiom of proposition. Do not, cannot, will not,

should not, is not - these are all ways of stating a negative proposi-

tion or making a negative axiom in English. Not surprisingly, the

Bemba and the Shona, likewise, have their ways of expressing them-

selves negatively. What is surprising is the prevalence of this

structural form. It appears that as much as 20% of the Shona proverbs

.~-
 96
are of this kind, while as much as 28% of the Bemba proverbs are. An

example: "Mhizha mbiri hadziwirirani" - Two experts are never on good

terms (Shona #716).

Ruth Finnegan suggested that rhetorical questions be added to

Doke's 1947 list as an important structural form in African proverbs.

It is an easy structure to identify and one would not think there would

be much variety in its usage. Yet the two groups under investigation
\
,I do show significant diversity. The Shona resort to this kind of

question - a question for which there seems an obvious answer - more

:I frequently than do the Bemba. Number 150 serves as an example: "Dai

I ~-~~~a nyimo/ makunguo aizodyei ?"

)
- If there were no groundnuts, what

would the crows eat?

I Reduplication is a common feature of the languages of southern.

Africa. It is often used for emphasis, paradox and humor. An example

from the Bemba text suffices to show the reader its place in the col-

lection: "Muli sekaseka: e mutula lilalila" - Foolish laughter ends

in tears (#628).

Finally, negative commands are an important structure form.

i
I ~, Neither Finnegan nor Doke included negative commands in their lists of

structural forms common to the proverbs of Bantu languages. But it

I \

seemed intriguing to investigate their usage of this form often identi-

fied in the translations as "Do not .... ". The Shona use it more fre-

quently than the Bemba, but neither use it very much.

Both the Shona and the Bemba proverbs have within them other

structural forms deserving of consideration. Many of the proverbs

contain only two words. Both groups make a play-on-words at various

t.~
 97
places in their texts. A Bemba example is #426: "Insaka yasaka:

abalipo"- The rest shelter has its use for those who are there at the

right moment. Rhyme, represented by number 545 of the Bemba text is

common to both collections,: "Ku lupwa ni ku mupya: takuluba mbule" -

A family is like a place cleared by fire. Exaggeration, also common to

both collections, is represented by number 698 in the Shona readings:

"Unokama gava wakarinyengedzera nechitswanda chetsubvu" - In order to

milk a jackal you have to divert its attention with a basket of tsubvu

fruit.

There are certain forms preferred by either one group or the

.''''C ': ;
O±he. The Shona preface many of their proverbs with the word, I·.... =11 1
I:~ =1'
::... Ii! I
I~~I- ~;I!
"Ha ana" - There isn't, there aren't. Another favorite of the Shona :l~~ It..
/
""'C
Ilr~~ 51
Lo
:
I

'It'>I ~.
is to preface the proverb with the word "nhamo" - Trouble. A third :~. ~
,..f It
'!tIt!
II"" ;
form favored by the Shona includes the word, "hazvienzani" - Is better

than, in the middle of the proverb. The Bemba, on the other hand, have

their own favorites. The Bemba are unique in the comparisons in mak-
I
ing use of the first personal pronoun in their proverbs. Another

favorite way for the Bemba to begin a proverb is with the statement,

"apali" - Where there is. Finally, an observation was made that the

word "kano" - If, except - occurs quite frequently in the middle of a

proverb.

These matters pertaining to proverbial style and structure among

the Bemba and the Shona, then, conclude this overview of the people

who are the focus of this probject. The proverbs must be seen in the

cultural context of their respective societies. They will now be seen

as sources of much information regarding the particular perspectives

i..,._ _
 98

that cause the Bemba and the Shona to look out upon and interpret their

worlds in distinct ways. Delving yet further into the literal context

of the proverbs, it is now time for a detailed look at this data.

:I

, \

i \

:!

i \
I!
I

Ii
i;

' L '
 CHAPTER VI

SELF ORIENTATIONS

The African cosmos is like a spider web: its least element

cannot be touched without making the whole vibrate. Every-
thing is connected, interdependent. Everything cooperates
to make up a unity. Nevertheless, man occupies a special
place in this universe: he is the center of it and every-
thing converges toward him (Erny 1973:19).

"

, ,
\ An investigation of the world view of a people should begin with

I that JeoPle's ~iew of the individual within their cosmos. In spite of

PiC~eSqUe, stimulati~g, and concise descriptions of such views by

worthy investigators, it remains a difficult task to discover a sub-

ject's place in the universe as conceived by that subject himself. The

investigator is tempted to say that this position is vague and blurred

to the man looking out on the world (Erny 1973:212). Tne fact is,

,! however, that the view is blurred for the investigator.

•I
Nevertheless, there have been many attempts to present the

"African" view of the individual in both general and particular terms.

Many of the generalizations have concentrated upon contrasts with

Western views, and have been generated by both African and Western in-

vestigators. Most of these contrasting generalities point to the cor-

I porateness of the African person and the individuality of the Western

!
person. For instance, Jomo Kenyatta, first president of an independent
I
Kenya, said that individuality is the European ideal of life, while for

Africans, "the ideal is the right relationships with, and behavior to,

other people" (1961:105). So common is this generalization on the part

 100

of African observers, that novelists and writers often have their

heroes and heroines struggling with this basic difference between the

two peoples (Cohen 1970:41). Scores of Western observers have joined

the chorus, stating that, in contrast to the Westerner, Africans can-

not conceive of man as an individual, as a force existing by itself

and apart from its "ontological" relationships with other living beings

(Tempels 1959:103). Erny neatly summarized the contrast by saying the

African is ontological - concerned with the metaphysical aspects of

being, while the Westerner is psychological (1973:14). It will be

left t1 these various authors to defend their own observations.

_~~tudies of particular peoples on the African continent go beyond ''''II:

'....
itq
..
;~
l~if!
the surface generalizations and reveal much deeper levels of self- l~]
I.~,

orientation. Marion Kilson placed human beings in the middle of a

pyramidal hierarchy of being for the Ga of Ghana, contrasting those

I
beings as either created or creative, immortal or mortal, rational or
, !

irrational, mobile or immobile. Human beings, according to Ga world

view are created and mortal, thus differing from the supreme being and

. divine beings above them; they are rational and mobile, thus differing

from animals and plants below them (Abarry 1978:42). Busia, another

investigator, sought the Ashanti view of people and discovered that

they consider the individual as both biological and spiritual. The

biological is inherited from the mother, while the spiritual is a two-

fold gift from the father and the supreme being (1972:79). Delving yet

further into an African view, Mercier (1954) and Herskovits (1948:

352) analyzed the Fon of Dahomey. Their conclusions differed slightly,

but both revealed the complexity of the Fon view of the individual in

I~
 101

their society. As Herskovits reported, " .all persons have at

least three souls, and adult males have four." The Dogon of West

Africa, on the other hand, view a person as having eight souls, four

dealing with the body and four dealing with ~eproduction (Fortes In
Fortes and Dieterien 1965:18=19)~ Maqu~t (1954) likewise describes the

Banyarwanda in more depth, showing how they distinguish the human being

from animal, and how they describe human nature before and after death.

His conclusion was that these people "do not make any clear-cut distinc-

tions between the concept of body and mind," and "although they recog-

nize ~arts in man, they prefer to consider the unit rather than its

com~~entsll (1954:174). ~I
t1i
I".'!',
I....

r.- Ioi

Generalities and particularities also exist in the descriptions ~~

t.:: .'
of persons by both the Bemba and Shona. It will be helpful to con-

sider observations made by anthropologists and others before consider-

ing the data contained within the proverbs of the two groups.

The Bemba have been characterized as a cheerful, light-hearted

people, quick to express sympathy, adaptable in human relationships,

,courteous, having a high sense of etiquette and a great way with

speech (Richards 1939:28-30). They are good workers at tasks that re-

quire daring and sudden exertion, are great walkers, and are noted for

the heavy loads they shoulder (op. cit., 43). Gouldsbury and Sheane

observed that they take great" pride in personal cleanliness, have a

keen sense of hearing and smelling, concentrate on the control of their

emotions, and like a person who is quiet, easy-going, unemotional and

slow to anger. They also credited them with honesty, fidelity and

generosity.

~
 102

Negatively, the Bemba are said to be inefficient at hard, con-

tinuous work, touchy and quarrelsome, aggressive toward other peoples,

"obsessed with problems of status and constantly on the lookout for

their personal dignity, as is perhaps natural in a society in which so

much depends on rank" (Richards 1939:28-29). Richards says that this

latter trait is observable even in Bemba children at an early age:

"Children who consider that they have been corrected over-harshly

announce that they do not like the offending relative anymore, . • "
:I
(op. ci t ., 144).

Both Richards and Gouldsbury are apologetic in their descriptions

of thelBemba person, admitting that their viewpoints are subjective and

limi~. It is unfortunate that the extent of their description is so

limited, for little is said elsewhere. Both authors discuss values

held by the Bemba but, typically, those values are presented in con-

nection with cultural patterns and performances which predominate in

importance. Little has been done to describe the Bemba sUbject him-

self, particularly as he sees himself.

cMichael Gelfand does a much more acceptable job of presenting the

Shona subject as he sees himself. If Gelfand's contributions can be

considered to adequately portray the insider's viewpoint, his descrip-

tiona are very helpful. For example, he writes,

The Shona begin by considering a person's personality or

makeup, which they call hunhu. A man who has hunhu be-
haves in a decent, good, rational, responsible way. A
worthy man has hunhu. One who fights with others or steals
can be said to be without hunhu (haana hunhu). He is not
human. A person possessed of hunhu can control himself,
!
his passions and instincts, but should his desires overcome
him he has no hunhu. An individual with hunhu has good
morals. Morality is equivalent to maturity. According

il
II

II
 103
to the Shona the difference between a human being and an
animal is his possession of hunhu (1968:53).

Gelfand goes on to describe other characteristics of hunhu (op. cit.,

53-56). For instance, it increases in a person's life as the person

matures. It is characterized by politeness and respect to parents,

elders and neighbors. It is further characterized by a lack of harsh-

ness to young or old, quietness, dignity, pleasantness, and a readi-

ness to laugh with others. It includes foresight and an ability to

comprehend changing ci~cumstances. Hunhu is keenly sought after for

it describes a person who is good - meaning he has good manners and

I,
morals and is intelligent - is right (chakanaka), perfect (kururama),
:!.... ~I!
:=
~ ~
expresses sympathy (urombo), enthusiastically welcomes the success of '"
[,f!
..
!ol

oth~rs (kukorokotodzana), has mercy (tsitsi), is unselfish (munhu asina

i~~.~, I-
t'i-l :
.'. ,ola.'
:::r "1
II. I.Ij1ij,

hUkJkutU), and generous. /"'~!

!f,",
7
There is undoubtedly an element of subjectivity and limitedness ~::I
:.: ~

~I;~:~
"'' ' .>''. "
I"

~:, l.
I.., i:

in Gelfand's account of the Shona, just as there was in the accounts 1.:.1..

""
I: ..~
given by Richards and Gouldsbury for the Bemba. Yet his account does ~s
'"Ill
~r.
give a fairly good picture of what the Shona consider the ideal per-
,.11 .,

son.

The ideal person in the eyes of the Bemba and the Shona may also

be recognized in their proverbs. In fact, this is one of the reasons

the respective collectors classified the proverbs: recognized values

of the peoples become more apparent to onlookers. Hoch (1968) merely

alphabetizes the values along with other outstanding elements, and

sets off with a list including ardour, carefulness, character, charity,

etc. Hamutyinei and Plangger do a more acceptable job, by including

good behaviour and integrity, generosity, humility, gratitude, per-

 104

severance, confidence, preparedness and 9ptimism under the major cate-

gory of human nature (hunhu) already alluded to by Gelfand. Much in-

sight into self-orientation can be gained, then, by going to these

proverbs and recognizing the classifications.

Dependence on the existing classifications, though, means de-

pendence on the classifiers. Hoch's reliability among the Bemba may

not be as high as that of Hamutyinei among the Shona for the simple

reason that the is an alien to the Bemba while Hamutyinei is himself

Shona. Both collectors interpret the meanings of the proverbs and

cannot help but bring an element of subjectivity and limitedness to

II.
the study. There is little the classifiers of the proverbs can do ~ II:
~
~ =t;
about this problem without bringing in a wealth of contextual data. i~I,~, ~i"-~
~~
,. i

Ha~utYinei and Plangger provide some of this data, but Hoch provides

_~e for the Bemba.

Ethnographers and linguists, then, have provided some basis for

knowing Bemba and Shona self-orientation, but more remains to be dis-

covered. This paper attempts to provide yet another basis for delving

into this aspect of world view. My contribution attempts to get be-

yond the generalizations of the ethnographers to the particularities

of certain aspects of this orientation. It attempts to get beyond the

relatively subjective classifications of the linguists by simply rec-

ognizing prominent words that have to do with the human being in the

proverbs.

~-~--~------ - -
 105

· DATA AND ANALYSIS

The 1,556 Shona proverbs analyzed in this research referred to

munhu - person - a total of thirty-three times. The 1,276 Bemba pro-

verbs referred to the equivalent term, muntu, a total of only sixteen

times. An analysis of these occurrences for both groups shows that

the proverbs in question (see Appendix B) describe either human nature

or human capabilities.

Bemba and Shona give roughly the same attention to human nature.

The Bemba refer to it in ten of the proverbs that mention muntu, and

the Shona refer to it in nine of the proverbs that mention munhu. As

suggested by the generalities made by Kenyatta (n.d.), Cohen (1970),

and Tempels (1959), the only quality commonly referred to by both peo-

p\es in their proverbs is a reliance on and security with others. The

_~mba state this negatively by saying, "Umwikalano: taubipa muntu" -

L~ving together does not allow a person to do wrong (#1167), and

"Umuntu umo: ushisalangana" - One person cannot disperse Uf1060). The

Shona similarly state, "Munhu haarasiki kuna vanhu" - A person never

gets lost among people (#1256).

There are many qualities of human nature that are not commonly

referred to directly by the two peoples. The Bemba say that the in-

dividual is created for God (#425), that a little evil in the person

often leads to more evil (#1058), that the individual is dependent on

the ear (#1162), is subject to death at which time he will be replaced

by other humans (#719), and that the person is especially vulnerable

to the spirits which can destroy life (#1068). Two additional refer-
 106

ences to man's nature provide some depth of understanding of the Bemba

view. One reference says, "Utulaala twa munda ya nama: utwa munda sha

bantu tatulaala" - That which sleeps in an animal doesn't sleep in

people (#1178). Hoch (1968:134) explains that this is an allusion to

man's conscience. Whether conscience or not, this is an important

statement of man's nature as opposed to ~nimal nature. The second re-

ference of seeming importance is number 13: "Abantu lisabi: likonka

menshi" - People are a fish, it follows water. Though not so obvious

in this single proverb, it will become obvious that the proverbs as a

whole reinforce a hierarchical concept of mankind, with careful atten-

tion to leadership. It appears that fish could easily represent the

majority of Bemba people who get caught in the on-rushing, forceful,

spiritually encompassing stream of Bemba life.

) The Shona also describe human nature in their proverbs. They do

,I .~ reveal all aspects of that nature through this one medium, but they

dO,reveal important features. A path, not a stream, is associated with

this nature: "Nzira hairasi munhu" - A path does not lead a person

astray (#1257). Along this path, the Shona say that a person develops

only under right circumstances (#533), has limited abilities in that

development (#1211), and is subject to rejection, misery and misfor-

tune (#795 and #1006) as well as to errors (#1123). A person dwells

in the company of many people, and all, including children and witches

(#1449 and #278) should be respected.

i"- _
I
I
 107
A person's capabilities are viewed differently in the proverbs of
1
the two groups. The Bemba limit their description of these capabili-

ties to five observations: the individual is capable of self-protec-

tion (#932), bad behavior and a demanding demeanor (#1056), improvement

(#1057), and discernment: "Uwenda ne mbwa abepa: uwenda na bantu

tabepa" - He who goes with a dog lies; he who goes with people does

not lie (#1253). The Shona mention far more capabilities on the part

of the individual. Speaking of his capacity to do evil, they recognize

that a person can be deceptive (#776) and miserly (#1190). On the

other hand, the individual is capable of overcoming laziness (#45), i.

It;"~ ;
twl:i
freeing oneself (#304), making choices (#305), overcoming bad luck liF-l i
...
"'' ""
If'la.
tt~i
(#1197), and can even avoid·death (#1007). The successful person to ''''
"141

:.,.~'
:;~jlii
the Shona view is the man who speaks well: "Miromo ya vanhuhaiwiri ,~ .....!
1"'1"
!

_r" - The mouths of people do not fall down (#1253).

A review of these observations about human nature in the pro-

verbs of the two peoples reveals both similarities and differences,

1;::1
i)!~
11',:-

''';'1'...
it::
j"i"
~)Ill.

~~I:""
lb·
~1

although no conclusions can be drawn. Both groups view the self in ..

,~

conjunction with others and give relatively equal attention to human

nature, though they express different facts about that nature. The

maln contrast that can be recognized in this limited amount of data

is that the Bemba directly list but few capabilities attributable to

an individual, while the Shona mention more capabilities, including

the ,capacity of free-will, self-determination, and of victory over

many obstacles.

1See Table III, page 133, "Activity related others" to gain an-
other perspective on differences related to capabilities.

'J.__
 108

Alongside the proverbs that refer to the individual, both Bemba

and Shona refer to many parts of a person's anatomy. Although re-

searchers like Maquet (1954) have stated that Africans may prefer a

holistic view of individuality rather than an anatomical view, it seems

proper to analyze the proverbs for what they say about the component

parts in order to see how the parts fit into the overall self-orienta-

tions of the two peoples. It is recognized, of course, that these

components are metaphors, and the proverbs, in most cases, are not to

be taken literally. Yet, it is the thesis of this research that,

metaphoric though they may be, these proverbs reveal observations of

It:.=:
....
the real world as seen by the two groups. "'"
III!
"r..
~:~ !
fill"
Therefore, armpits, beards, cheeks, ears, eyes, faces, necks, ~I!.
"1:1
'1;11~~
noses, teeth, wombs, and other parts of the body are subsumed under .
11oIr.~
liJlllii
lololol,"
~·""i
\ his study of self-orientation. The Shona refer to these various
;r::I'
:.:!~
II;,,,. '
;: ~ j;~ I

omponents of the self a total of 231 times in the 1,556 proverbs

) :r~.;~
::::Nl
analyzed. The Bemba refer to them a total of 210 times in 1,286 pro- r..•~
!t5=
,I verbs. The former refer to 52 parts of the self, or associations with
1l.i2i
$~~
1• •: ; -

the self, and the Bemba refer to 49 such components.

A comparison of the references made by the two groups in their

re~pective proverbs provides information on the way they see them-

selves in their worlds. Erny (1973:8) says that each people has their

"own specific mode of self-discovery." Applied to the Bemba and the

Shona, it would seem that partial self-discovery would occur as a re-

suIt of reflection upon different components of the self.

Table II shows the statistical data for the components given

greatest attention by the two groups. It is significant that all six

iJ.__
 109

TABLE II

FREQUENCY OF REFERENCE TO INDIVIDUAL COMPONENTS

OF THE SELF AND X2 RESULTS

2
Component Bemba References Shona References X Results

Mouth 25 38 4. 1672 ~~~ ~I

; ~;I
~':III ~:

Eye 26 25 .5287 "j~~!

I,! III~ ,~

EI!~ :.
'I~~ :
.~
~. ;tta, ~:
Heart 9 22 4.2460 r I.~ ~
,,:Je, r:
L:;~l
Head 8 16 4.9260 ~ .....
),
r""jj

1 Hands 6 14 2. 1532
:!!t§l
~~:; ~
':, I
~ :;~:II i,
t:;~~
h""~i
I~ ~

~J Stomach
,'( ~
18 11 3.2372
r"~l'
t:~:;
r:~bII~
~:.
~~~
..
*df =
alpha = 0.05 is 3.84146

a + b = 235
c + d = 200

I
I

i. . ._
 1-10

components are given prominent attention by both groups, with mouth and

eye at the top of the list. Yet, attention is not given in the same

proportion. The chi-square tests show significant differences between

Bemba and Shena references to the mouth, heart and head. Although the

chi-square test does not show significance for other components, hands

seem to have a more prominent place in the proverbs of the Shona than

in the proverbs of the Bemba and stomach seems to have this position

for the Bemba.

The chi-square tests provide only one perspective on the data.

A more valuable perspective is gained by a detailed look at each of

these prominent components of self. Consider first, the mouth, given e~~;'t'
e I~
".r.~
significantly more prominence by the Shona who say, "Miromo ya vanhu ~~
''''=- I
~I$ ~'
~ ::t.ijj
haiwiri pasi" - The mouths of people do not fall down (4,1253). The
~~~ "
,I...
,
I"
Bemba reinforce the corporate nature of peopl~ with the proverb, rr::;
1,ll~
:~i::;
::, I

n\/\ kanwa kamo: takomfwa nshama ukupya" - One mouth can't taste the peas .. !'~I

::;fi
:I

ooked (#58). Both groups have many interesting things to say about
".';
.. 10:.

, ". I
~t~~
t"'...
ti;=
:....
the mouth, speaking of either its nature or its function in relatively ~
:~~

equal proportion.

Both groups say that the mouth, by nature, cannot do certain

things. The Bemba say it cannot forge hoes (#608), whistle and play

the flute at the same time (#59), be trusted alone (#58), or lie if it

is bearded (#55). The Shona say that the mouth cannot despise things

because the eyes do that (#1511), give (#328, 722, 723), be stopped by

a river (#329), or be stopped if guilty (#56). There is mention by

both groups of various actions directed toward the mouth. The Bemba

say it must be controlled like a dog (#63), and it must be served to

 111

avoid its having a bitter taste (#1198). The Shona say that the mouth

needs to be held so as not to allow it to laugh (#1396), needs to re-

main quiet no matter what the eyes see (#1124), and needs to be

cleaned (#1290). The Shona identify saliva with the mouth #40), point-

ing out that a finger will get saliva on it every time it is placed in

the mouth; the Bemba identify the mouth with the nose, saying that it

is in line with that part of the face (#57) and always gets water into

it before the nose does. There are other observations related to the

mouth. The Shona say that once it is open it is hard to close (#331),

it behaves habitually (#756), and it eats for only one person (#1434). I

D:0,1
~ ~
The Bemba point to the dual nature of the mouth when they say it burns ~~
" ...~
you but also takes away the pain (#60); and they state that it can be
~ ;;
,; I~e!
..
l'l:fj
"loil.~
I·ta
..
insolent (#829). Finally, in connection with the nature of the mouth, r.IJ.~
III
l,;:
the Shona say that it dies when a man dies (#616), implying that at- ::~
IllIiiii
1,::=

t~tion should
I'~
i~~

l:~r:.
be paid to the living (Hamutyinei and Plangger 1974:
I,oa
"
__;;/0). The Bemba mention that the poor man and the stranger alike have ' ....
I

[5;;
!3"
II..
a small mouth and a big stomach (#1022, 1149). ~~

In terms of function, the Shona recognize that the destructive

power of the mouth (#897, 898, 1138) is directed toward others. This

destructiveness is often seen in loud and boisterous talk (#142, 1414),

an idea that is reinforced later by my discussion of the attention this

group gives to witches. The Bemba, on the other hand r state that the

mouth contains a stumbling block (#3294), a reference to the tongue.

They fault it for being exposed in an open stare that shows lack of

sensitivity (#1190), and for being that which holds all the words of

a poor man so that he dies with them (#1021). Mention of the poor man

......~_.
 112

ties in with the observation that Bemba hierarchical society sometimes

overwhelms the individual.

There are, of course, positive functions for the mouth. Both

groups attribute the natura~ functions of eating, drinking, speaking,

feeling and the containment of teeth and saliva to the mouth. The

Shona refer to the witch when they say that the mouth is capable of

answering a witch (#344). One proverb that seems to stand out from

I all the rest in the Shona collection states, "Miromo ya vakuru inoreva

zviera" - The mouths of the elders say sacred things (#1255). Consis-

tent with what is being learned about the Bemba concept of status, they

say, "Umwele wa mulanda: waba mu kanwa" The knife of the poor man is ~t ~'
~b I
~~ i
I~.. I
in his mouth (#1147), associating mouth with one's status. !:~: ~
I.lj ~
"ta· l!
The eye, too, is considered in terms of its nature and its func- ;~~ I
,.~
I~~ !
tion. Both groups refer to obvious aspects of the eyes: they get red, ::~ l
!!to:
I;fj
are irritated by smoke, widen in the sun, become ill and are made well, ;~lj
"'~
',~~ I~
I :."

sUffer from dirt and blows, shed tears, need to be cleaned, and have " i'
I.l!'
'~'"

_~ir own function (seeing). Various traits are identified with the i~t:
...
~­
~1tI

eye: the Shona mention anger, suffering, grief,and ugliness; the Bemba

mention grief and suffering. Both groups speak particularly of the eye

in connection with spatial-orientation. The Shona say the eye has no

path (#1502) and no boundary (#1501). However, the eye sees more than

what is accessible to man in spite of the services of the foot (#163).

Other proverbs say "Mudya na meso/ musvita wapamawere" - Only the eyes

are fed by (an inaccessible) tree on a slope (#212) and "Chataidya no

muromo/ nhasi chava chokudya na meso" - What we used to eat with our

mouths is now eaten with the eyes (#583). Though it sees a lot, it

i,-_
I
I
 113

does not perceive all that the ears do (#1223). The Bemba say the

eyes, though permanently located in the anatomy of a person, see many

places (#120); and, like the Shona, state that the eyes see more than

the legs can reach: "Ukuf;j..ke linso: ulukasa teti lufikeko" - That

which the eye encompasses, the leg won't reach (#905).

As for function, the Shona assign special functions, both nega-

tive and positive to the eye. Negatively, they show obnoxiousness i:1
i, I'~
:1
(#1511), and lust (#1151). Positively, they are used by old people to II
:1
"pass the buck" (#585), by mothers to guardedly watch the child while , I
ii
1·1,
listening to the advice of the witch (#844), and for meeting in rela- 1,1

F
tionship (#392). This last proverb contributes to the emphasis upon ~li
~~ ,,;
I~.. '
corporateness among the Shona: "Meso asangana/ hwava ukama" - Eyes I'~' i
l~S r:,'

which have met have relationship. The Bemba, too, assign both nega- '''~'i:
:;;~ Ii
:,·iot['
If'" :1
tive and positive functions to the eye. Negatively, they say that it I ... ,

:i';: q
H
II';~:I
:,~~,. Ii
is the eye, not the head, that lies (#187), it sometimes misses impor- :;~:~ !i
',!~II
::.~.~ ~'
\ nt things (#309), and at other times perceives things that ought not ':~te! i'
:,..... 11
![5~; ~l
::~~!I
) o be seen (#342). Positively, the eyes are used by Bemba old people I~.'" ;II
:1lI~:
'''.;1
(I
for begging (#937) and by all for protection (#392). The Bemba, like Ii
~~\~
I

the Shona, use the eye to call attention to the need for unity:
l:
"Ilinso limo: mutulu" - One eye - eyefilm, i.e., dependence on one eye 11

'1:

will be handicapped by film developing in that eye (#355). .~,

1
if
This look at the eye as a component of the self reveals how the li'I

Bemba and the Shona see this part of the self in their total orienta-

tions toward humans. As to nature, both groups recognize the conflict

brought to the life of an individual by the ability of the eye to see

more than what a person can acquire. They state this premise in dif-
 114

ferent ways, but with definite allusions to spatial-orientation an

element of world view not analyzed in this project. As to function, it

is recognized by both groups that the eye of an elder has special in-

fluence and power, and this corresponds to the special place tradition-

ally given to the elders by both societies. Perhaps an observation by

Holleman upon the Shona may equally apply to the Bemba and show the

position of this component of the self in their respective self-orienta- II;:

Ii'

tions. Speaking of the Shona, he said that they like to express them-

selves "in terms of a concrete action or by means of a tangible token, i

i:
'I,i
rather than by abstract words or formulae. Or, to put it more simply: :1

:~~ ~.t
':!

seeing and feeling is more important than hearing" (1952:135). Eyes ~, II

~~I
I~.. I
are at the top of the. list in terms of prominence in the proverbs of !~~ :.;,
"'. :1
i
,.tll'l.
I ••, t,
both groups while references to ears are not numerically prominent at :.~~ I:
11"'1j ~
....... 1
,,>; \
~11. );~J
I~t· It

;~~~ i
Next, consideration needs to be given to the three components of ::;~ ~

Self that follow mouth and eye in prominence for each of the two groups.
'·~ot ~

~:~~I
""u,
:.t_
:Jf~ ,
l~t.a f:
\
.... !j
~ta
The proverbs indicate that the heart is the seat of emotions for the
~
Shona, and judging by chi-square figures, in proportions which signi- r
~
h
,I
ficantly contrast to the Bemba (see Table II, p. 109). It is associ- Ii
If
ated with disappointment (#352), kind-heartedness (#381), and love

(#1533). A perusal of the Standard Shona Dictionary, (Hannan 1961)

i
if
i'
r

lJ

reveals a number of ways in which umwoyo. - heart - is used: umwoyo

unotsvira - a heart burning with desire, -dzora mwoyo - reassure,

-bata mwoyo - restrain, -rasa mwoyo - lose heart. A deep depth of

ii
feeling, then, is associated with the heart for the Shona. Proverb il
II
i:
Ii
number 218 states, "Chinonzi rekera ngechiri mumaoko/ chiri mumwoyo II
'I
1::]

Iii

1
I ' (II
I,",
I
Iii

I,·
j)::
 115

ndingofa nacho" - The thing to be dropped is in the hand, this in my

heart I will die with it. Furthermore, this deep feeling of the Shona

heart is a private affair: "Chiri mumwoyo/ chiri muninga" - What is

in the heart is like that ~hich is in the cave - it is unseen from the

outside (#1422). Only the dweller within the cave knows its contents,

and that is the individual. Parrinder (1969:79) warned against think-

ing that ~raditional African societies were so tightly knit that there

was no individual freedom of thought. The Shona -seem to assert this

in their own way: it is a matter of the heart.

The Bemba likewise give attention to the heart - umutima. Re-

ference to it, however, is less frequent than for the Shona. The oc-

currence of this word is always in association with emotions and feel-

ings ranging from sadness to sickness. Number 165 states, "Cakwebwa

~kU mubiyo cikalifyo mutima" - To be rebuked by your companion hurts the

Heart. This proverb is more understandable in view of Audrey Richard's

comment that the Bemba are very sensitive to criticism and take a

slight very personally (1939:144 note). Gouldsbury and Sheane add yet

further understanding to this attention of the Bemba to the heart:

The Bemba person, they say,

will attribute the baser emotions of which he is

ashamed to an external source. 'Fear,' he says, 'seized
me, and my heart said Pwa-a!' . • . • 'Anger gripped me by
the neck, and shame disturbed my breath.' The more noble
moral qualities are, apparently, conceived as residing in
the larger organs of the body, but are capable of being dis-
lodged by lower impulses. thus, the seat of bravery is in
the heart • • . . (1911:134).

In addition to the association of feelings with the heart, the

Bemba also include the stomach. These authors went on to say, "

.tt._ _
 116

yet the heart itself is literally said to be driven down on occasion

into the stomach" (ibid.). Two proverbs reinforce this observation.

Number 1178, already referred to, states that there is something in

the stomach of a person that is not in the stomach of an animal - that

something being the conscience by Hoch's interpretation. Number 636

states, "Munda ya mubiyo: tamwingilwa" - The depths of your companion's

stomach are not entered. The stomach, then, is considered important to

the emotional well-being of the Bemba.

Primarily, however J the Bemba associate the stomach with hunger

and physical strength. Gouldsbury says, "vigour and strength proceed

from the abdomen" in the world view of this people. Audrey Richards

observed,
,t.,1 i
••, I:
Food and beer are without doubt the most'exciting and :Ii. ii
""11! :
interesting topics of native conversation, with the excep- ~'1 i i
tion of money, in areas affected by white contact. Anyone :~

~
!
,i~~,.;
who can follow the ordinary gossip of a Bemba village will ::L~il
be struck at once by the endless talk shouted from hut to I::':I! !
"'':IIi
hut as to what is about to be eaten, what has already been ::~:;:.•,i
'I'C'i
i
eaten, and what lies in store for the future, and this with ,I
It"_1 t

an animation and a wealth of detail which would be thought m;i:1

~~a,!
, .... !
to be quite unusual in this country . . . (1939:44). •.'~l='il
!!: !

Later, Richards evaluated all the Bemba rituals and discovered that all

the major ones reflect the importance they attach to fertility and the

supply of food (1956:147). The most common greeting among the Bemba is

Mwalileni?" - Have you eaten? It is not surprising, then, to dis-

cover this concern with the stomach reflected in the Bemba proverbs.
i'i

Number 33 simply says, "Akafumo katikila: uko'lya" - The little stomach !

:1

feels a sensation where it is normally fed, i.e., at home.

Turning next to references to heads and hands, it is noted that

these components of the Self are likewise mentioned relatively fre-

'..J..
 117

quently. For the Shona, bald heads - though referred to six out of

sixteen times in reference to the head - are not held in high esteem.

To these people, bald heads are a misfortune (#533) and it is not wise

for a bald man to seed the garden because the seeds may not germinate

(#661). In contrast, the Bemba consider bald heads as assets:

"Ukusebe pala: kutesha, kutekanya" - If one wishes to become old

(bald), he must listen and be careful (#959).

Going back to the Shona mention of heads, shaved heads - baravara

_ are referred to in one proverb: "Heya baravara ndiwo mugarirol

ku~uka mwene wechisvo ndiwo mano?" - Do you think that the shaved head
it
stays permanently shaved and to scold the owner of the razor is wise? :-
:~
~.,

't.
An account by Michael Gelfand suggests a reason for this unique atten- :9
't.a
;~
tion by the Shona: ;~
:~
• An interesting ritual performance by these people lto:

~-
(the Korekore) is the shaving of the heads of all the r:t!
i~~
children of the family as soon as a death occurs. The "'':I
"I,..

sahwira is shaved too. If a man or woman dies, only the

children are shaved, but if a child dies the parents are ..•:~
~~;
also shaved by the sahwira. Children can be shaved by any lbg
1111
villager (1962:124). ...
Ila

The sahwira is a ritual friend, and more will be said of this person in

Shona society at a later time. The point here is simply that the

shaven head has a prominent place in Shona outlook from the perspec-

tive of self-orientation 'and this needs to be taken into consideration

as one searches for clues to their world view.

Additional insights on the prominence given to the head in the

self-orientation of the Shona are gained by yet other proverbs. Con-

tradicting advice comes form numbers 267 and 760. Number 267 says,

"Kudzorera mumwel Kuisa musoro mumakwati" - The best way to take re-
 118

venge is to withdraw one's head into one's shell like a tortoise.

Number 760 says, "Anorwira sorol anorwira rake" - He who fights for a

head, fights for his own head. Regardless of the contradiction, the

head is associated with struggle among contemporaries in both cases.

Proverb number 339 humorously says that the owner knows the ticklish

head. Proverb numbers 680, 681 and 682 are variations on the same

theme: the head is lifted when one bows his head first to get what he

wants - like a bride. Proverb number 1963 is interesting in that it

shows a distinctive Shona view of, not only the head, but also the

stomach. It states that the person in authority should have a big

head, not a big stomach.

It would be interesting to know how the Bemba, with their atten-

.,
'l~

tion to the stomach, would respond to this latter Shona proverb. l~.

;=t
:~
( Their own proverbs partially reveal their orientation to the human ~I':
~~
:~~
~ead. To the Bemba, the head is alluded to in terms of personal owner- '!:a
:t.--
'l.~
ship; even a husband has no right over it for his wife (#318). Like '0.
j!;
,.-t4g
the Shona, they associate the head with an expression of humility 11.1:1
,'t(

(#488). They also associate it with a mother's fond attention (#1286),

and with brains or wisdom (#649 and #1110). Of particular inte~est in

the Bemba proverbs is number 1023: "Umulanda alulubalo mushishi ku

mutwe: munda nawikala" - Although the poor man's hair is unkempt, his

stomach is at peace. This proverb, like others considered in this

evaluation of self-orientation, associates an important component of

the self with the status of a person in Bemba society.

The Shona definitely give more attention to the hands of a human

in their proverbs than do the Bemba. The emphases of the two peoples,

I
! !

i~
 however, is basically the same 0 One proverb in each of the collections

describes something of the nature of handso The Shona say that it is

of their nature to be washed (#260) even when in misery (#796). The

~note that the two haQds of a human body always work together;

what one does, the other does, too (#25)0 The functions of the hands

mentioned by the two groups are not unusual. The Shona say that hands

express respect (#236), are the actual givers, not the mouth (#328,

722, and 723), provide protection, though sometimes unwisely (#66), and

never tire (#1200). When the Shona wanted to describe the importance

01' family and corporate relations, they said, "Hama maoko" - Relatives
..
'
!~I
are hands (#1160). The Bemba also see the hands functioning· in simple ib
:~
III
Ih.
everyday activities. In addition to their being the seekers of help l[i
'ta.
(#122), the Bemba see the hands as the helpers (#732). The prominence 'II..
"
::~

given to the function of the hands by this group is seen in proverb :r:
"-
:~::
::I'~
I~ ::t
number 1010: "Umubili ni ku muboko" - The body is dependent on the ":J
::~
hand. Two proverbs show hands involved in the struggle of relation- tI,_

I:;
ships: number 535 says that the hands or arms of the stubborn need to I,.
Il:1I
11=
"-.!

be twisted and number 961 says that hands that end up tied behind a

person belong to a person who has finally been convinced.

Before summarizing these findings on the self-orientations of the

Bemba and the Shona, a glance at the total picture of individual parts

of the self reveals that certain parts occur only in the proverbs of

either one group or the other. For example, the Shona alone refer to

the back of the head, bowels, breasts, calves, chest, face, face mark-

ings from sleep, fat, feet, the fontanelle, saliva, scars, sweat,

tattoo marks, the temple, the top of the spinal column, and the uterus.
 120

The Bemba are alone in their reference to the buttocks, excreta, eye-

lid, fingernail, groins, hunch of a hunchback, lips, loins, neck,

placenta, ribs, shoulder, and toe. Perhaps the relative frequency of

refe=,nce t.o bowels, feet, scars and sweat is deserving of attention

~g the Shona. The same could be said for the concern of the Bemba

for the neck, ·mentio~ed seven times. The author is aware from personal

experience that the neck is sometimes the residing place of spirits.

Gouldsbury and Sheane mentioned the neck in connection. with anger,

quoting a Bemba person who said, "Anger gripped me by the neck" (1911:

134). The White Fathers report that one belief among the Bemba is that

the brains of a hyena when rubbed into scarifications on the neck give

power of prophecy (1954:37). The proverbs of the Bemba do not provide

any insights fop anyone of these assertions, but they do show that the

neck is associated with life. Number 118 says that it is time to turn

around in a river when the water reaches the neck. Number 713 says

that hair will grow on the neck of a man who doesn't listen, i.e., as

it does on a corpse. Number 851 is a warning not to lag behind; those

who do receive a fatal blow to the neck. Number 755 is straightforward:

"Sungo mukoshi: ubulungu tabubula" - Take care of the neck, the beads.

won't be lacking. Thus, four out of six proverbs that refer to the
\
I neck, do so in reference to life, its continuation and protection.

CONCLUSION

Daryll Forde (1954:xvi) points out that the outlook of African

peoples upon the individual in society differ markedly. He calls at-

tention to the contrasting views of the hierarchical Banyarwanda,

~
 121

Lovedu, Ashanti and Fan and the laissez-faire outlook of the Shilluk,

Lele and Abaluiya. There is variety of outlook and these differences

challenge the discerning student. The challenge has been recognized in

" ~differing outlooks of the Bemba and the Shona upon the individual
in society.

Meeting the challenge of discerning study of differing self-

orientations, ethnographers have described sUbjects in helpful ways.

But their descriptions inevitably focus in on patterns, performances

and panoramas, rather than the people themselves. Consequently, a lot

I
I I
of written material may be available on peoples such as the Bemba and

the Shona which does not lend itself to an intimate knowledge of the t:b
r!t,
subjects themselves. Though helpful, the ethnographers do not give the 1'"
fi
I~
necessary inside view: how the Bemba and the Shona see themselves "
i.
~t
amidst the patterns, performances and panoramas that distinguish their ~:
..::
l~
cultures. l:J
I':S

The proverbs of the two peoples help one to arrive at this inside
:~
I,.

:3
l't'!
"I
I,
view. Classifications of the proverbs, based on variously successful 'OM l
;= I
and accurate interpretations may provide some insights into the self-

orientations of the peoples. But a careful analysis of the literal

contents of the proverbs provides a more objective basis for recogniz-

ing this and other orientations.

The search for particularities rather than sweeping generalities

may not result in profound statements. Satisfaction with singular

words and their natural associations rather than classes or themes and

their interpretations may not result in all-encompassing conclusions.

But both the search for particularities and the attention to singular

i~
 122
words can result in specific contributions to a growing understanding

of the world views of peoples studied. Particularities and singular

words in the corpus of Bemba and Shona proverbs do result in just such

contributions.

Bemba self-orientation as revealed in the proverbs centers upon

th~ ~on inter-_dependent with other persons in a rigidly hierarchi-

c~society. That person follows along in the forceful, spiritually

encompassing stream of the society - like a fish following the flow of

a rushing river. The Bemba individual is not directly ascribed many

capabilities in the proverbs, although proverbial interpretations in

proper contextual consideration may ascribe many that are not directly

visible.

Even Bemba attention to various components of the human anatomy

in the~r proverbs allow for the repeated emphasis of the above features.

Twenty-six proverbs that refer to the mouth include several that rein-

force the accepted hierarchy (#1021, 1022, 1147) and two that reinforce

corporateness (#58, 607). This same emphasis is seen in twenty-seven

references to the eye. Corporateness is important just as two eyes are

important - one eye may suffer disease while the other eye still sees

(#355). Acceptance of the status quo - meaning a strong political

hierarchy among the Bemba - may be reinforced by the reminder that the

eye s~esmore than it can have (#705), implying that one should be

satisfied with what he has. References to the heart likewise support

this view of the self in close inter-relationship with others - but in

a definite hierarchical standing. Proverb number 165 confirms the

Bemba person's heart reaction to defend whatever status he or she has.

L
 123

References to the head in Bemba proverbs yield yet further support for

this dominating theme. Number 1023 says that the poor man's head of

hair is unkempt, but that his stomach is at peace.

This last proverb (~1023), with its contrasting reference to the

head and stomach may point to a significant aspect of Bemba self-

orientation that comes to the foreground in this study of the proverbs.

The~ead, may in a sense, be considered a special component of the

~ba individu~l in that it is associated with individuality (see #318

for example), but the stomach may be seen as a very private domain.

This is important especially in view of the number of references to it

~
in the proverbs. Indeed, proverb number 636 points this out very ex- II
IJ
,!
I,
plicitly: "Munda ya mubiyo; tamwingilwa" - The depths of your com- t.

~
:~
panion's stomach are not entered. Viewing himself in a strict, hier-
'.
I.

~
archical society with much attention to corporateness, the Bemba person
~
'.,
fdcuses on the stomach, associated as it is with food and deepest emo- ~~
.:J
'~

tions, for comfort and satisfaction on a personal basis. One of the :~

'.
i;
l(i
most prevailing impressions I have of the Bemba is the privacy with itll
ill:
''C!.

which they eat - quietly and qUickly, and then they are gone. Perhaps

the most noted occurrence of such privacy is in the evening when a man

sits alone in his house eating the special dish of food prepared by his
I
wife.

Shona self-orientation as revealed in their proverbs centers upon

the person inter-dependent with other persons in a society marked with

care, men forcefully but discernedly guiding the individual down a path-
I
way of life fraught with spiritual forces. The Shona person recognizes
I !
!
the individual as capable of many self-assertions but who, in the end,

'i~
I
 124

avoids death, mankind's destiny, only by luck (#1007). The Shona, like

the Bemba, reinforce these predominant themes in proverbs that refer to

various components of the self. The mouth, eye, heart, head, hands and

stomach receive the most references, suggesting that these components

have a primary place in their self-orientation.

The thirty-eight proverbs that refer to the mouth contain some

that emphasize the corporateness of Shona life by showing the potential

destructiveness of the mouth to social situations (#897, 898 r 1138).

Number 1255 supports the paternal role of the elders in spirit-oriented

idance: "Miromo ya vakuru inoreva ZVier.a n -.The mouths of the elders

t,
~
ay sacred things. Proverbs about the eye, referred to twenty-five

times, say the same thing in different ways. For instance, the Shona

person is warned that the eye has no path (#1502), no boundary (#1501)

and sees more than the foot can reach (#163). The instruction is that

care be taken - the path of life pointed out by the elders be held to.

The eye is also referred to in regard to corporateness (#392). Looking

at references to the hands and head, the same reinforcement of theme is

noted. There is a sense in which the Shona see the head closely and

protectively identified with the individual (#760), but proverbs about

:I the heart (referred to twenty-two times) reveal that this organ is con-
I
sidered the one component of the self that is especially set aside for
I

the Self. Not only does number 1422 with its attention to the resem-

blance of the heart and a cave support this conclusion, but other pro-

verbs do the same. A person dies with that which is in his heart

(#218), hangs what he wishes upon it (#280), watches it germinate when

it wants to - like a tree (#968) and like a seed (#970), and recognizes
 125

that it has the power of a doctor (#983) and a chief (#984) within him.

Conclusions about the self-orientation of the Shona, then, must include

the perception that the individual is a person inter-dependent with

other persons in a paternalistic society that forcefully but dis-

cernedly guides the individual down a pathway of life fraught with

spiritual forces, and the perception that there is a component of self

identified very strongly with the individual himself, that component

is the heart of the Shona man or woman.

Michael Kearney summarized his section on self-orientation in

general world view studies by saying, n •• •• There is considerable

potential for cross-cultural variation in the concept of self" (1981:

105). This cross-cultural variation has been found true in the com-
~
41
parisons of the Bemba and the Shona. The question now rises, does this ,..
III

same variation occur in other orientations?

L
 CHAPTER VII

OTHER ORIENTATIONS - OVERVIEW AND KINSHIP

Just as God made the first man, as God's man, so now

man himself makes the individual who becomes the corporate
or social man. It is a deeply religious transaction. Only
in terms of other people does the individual become con-
scious of his own being, his own duties, his privileges and
responsibilities, towards himself and towards other people.
o • • Whatever happens to the whole group happens to the
individual. The individual can only say, "I am because we
are; and since we are, therefore, I am." This is a car-
dinal point in the understanding of the African view of I
I
man (Mbiti 1970:141).
.
~

~
-'
John Mbiti's reference to "other people" in the world view of his h

J'
~
characteristic African must be seen for what it is: a reference to tI
III

~
others like himself, to the exclusion of many. In other words, Mbiti's
......
:·i
,

generalization could be stated not simply, "I am because we are," but, ~

~~ I

~'
"I am because we, the people, are" - and "the people" have tradition- .
~
til
ally been the multitudinous, exclusive ethnic groups, large and small. b~
I'.:
~

Bourdillon, for example, calls attention to the way the Shona dis-

tinguish themselves from all others:

• . • . the people from the Korekore chiefdom of Diwa (under

Chief Makuni) call themselves Shona as opposed to Malawians
on the farms,'Korekore as opposed to other Shona groups, but
at home they call themselves vaDiwa distinguishing themselves
from their Korekore neighbors (1976:121)1

This reference to the ethnic groups with which a given African identi-

fies, be he Shona or of some other group, has been surmounted in recent

1See page 87 of this paper.

 127

years by the rise of nationalism and - in some small circles - pan-

' .
Af rlcanlsm. 2 Yet, the "average" person still refers to his ethnic

group when he says, "we are." So it is not strange - except to the

Western ear - to learn in Peter Abraham's autobiography that a young

man, running away from an industrial job replies to the question, "But

what will your people think?" by saying, "But I am my people" (Cohen

1970:41).

Looking generally at the ethnic groups, the other orientation of

African peoples is characterized by "strong community sense .. " Vincent

:I
Mu)ago (1969:139-148) says this in different ways:

~ Thus the family, clan or tribe is a whole, of which each

member is only a part. The same blood, the same life which
is shared by all, which all receive from the first ancestor,
the founder of the clan, runs through the veins of all.
Every effort must be directed to the preservation, mainte~
'tance, groHth and participation of this common treasure. ....
The pitiless elimination of everything which hinders this ....
end, and the encouragement at all costs of everything which ~i
~
furthers it: this is the last word in Bantu customs and t~

institutions, wisdom and philosophy (p. 139-140). ~

..
~
• . • . The key to an understanding of Bantu customs and ~,I
I~
rJ
institutions would thus appear to be the fact of community, lC'

unity of life (p. 143) .

• For the Bantu, beings maintain an intimate ontic

relationship with one another, and the idea of distinct
beings, side by side, completely independent of one an-
I other, is foreign to their thoughts (p. 148).
I I
I This unique commitment to other orientation is expressed by vari-

ous ethnic groups in their own ways. Jomo Kenyatta expressed it for

2RalPh Tanner (1967:186) states that discussion of African per-

sonality is popular to those espousing nationalism and pan-Africanism,
while discussion of tribal personality "would be taken as reactionary
and would almost certainly cause unfavourable, political comment."
This issue will be briefly addressed in the conclusions.
 his own Gikuyu people:

• • • • his uniqueness is a secondary fact about him: first

and foremost he is several people's relative and several
people's contemporary. His life is founded on this fact
spiritually and economically, just as much as biologically;
the work he does every day is determined by it, and it is
the basis of his sense of moral responsibility and social
obligation. His personal needs, physical and psychologi-
cal, are satisfied incidentally while he plays his part as
member of a family group, and cannot be fully satisfied in
any other way. The fact that in Gikuyu language individual-
ism is associated with black magic, and that a man or woman
is honored by being addressed as somebody's parent, or some-
body's uncle or aunt, shows how indispensably kinship is at
the root of Gikuyu ideas of good and evil (n.d.:297-298).

John Mbiti describes the other-orientation of the Yansi of Tanzania.

They express their commitment to community in specific rites. For ex-

ample, they throw the placenta and umbilical cord of the afterbirth

into a nearby river. This shows that the child belongs to the Yansi

community, not just the mother: " . .any ties to one person or one
.....
household are symbolically destroyed and dissolved in the act of throw- "~l
::J
~~

ing the placenta and umbilical cord into the river. Such ties are to ~
.
be remembered no more" (1970:147-148). Ralph Tanner contrasts the in- ~
t,1
I~
~
r.!
dependence of the Westerner with the inter-dependency of the Sukuma

people of Tanzania:

. . Dependence on others would be classified as weakness

or lack of character, but the Sukuma value interdependence
rather than dependence, and this is not so much a desirable
I 1
i cultural trait but rather the basic system by which their
I society holds together. They do not see mutual give and
take as a series of independe0t events having little or no
bearing on each other, but as a continuum in which people
are bound together by debts and demands over a period of
years and possibly even over generations (1967:157).

Mary Douglas observed village solidarity among the Lele of Kasai in old

Belgian Congo and concludes that, although the underlying principle

 which could produce unity is difficult to see, this solidarity is a

major occupation of this ethnic group (1954:14). Mulago (1969:142)

goes into great detail for the Rwanda and Burundi peoples:

The name abaguma among the Bashi, abamwe among the Rwanda
and Burundi - the one - is given in the strict sense to all,
living or dead, who descend from the same eponymous ancestor,
all in whom the same life, the same blood circulates in the
paternal line; hence, all members of the same family or clan.

By marriage, each of the contracting parties, with all his

baguma or bamwe, enters the family of the other party. Marri-
age is a bond between two families, who thereby become co-
families. Those united in this way by marriage are identi-
fied with the baguma or bamwe.
:I Blood brothers are. also included in the category of
baguma or bamwe.

) Roots in the same soil, the use of the same means of

life, subjection to the same authority, produce a similar
result to the baguma (cinyabuguma) or bumwe; not a merely
legal, political or social result, but one which influences
~

,U
!

being (ntu) itself, and modifies it intrinsically. r

The whole of society, the family, the clan, the tribe,
the nation, can thus be considered from the point of view
of participation. It is even the degree of vital partici-
pation which determines the hierarchy of beings and social
rank. The Muntu's value, in his own eyes and in those of
society, is measured by the extent to which he shares in
life and hands it on (1969:142).

Included in this attention to community among the peoples of

Africa are the spirits. Tempels (1959:88) reminds the student that the

influences of the dead upon the living "are daily bread to the Bantu,"

I for the living are in constant communion with the spirits of the

ancestors and others. Someone has said that life among Africans can

be likened to a tree. The living are the branches which can be seen.

The dead are the roots which cannot be seen. Without the roots, the

tree dies. Others have described this phenomenon in more scientific

ways. Radcliffe-Brown and other British anthropologists-point out

 130

that, of all religions, those involving ancestors are most closely

interconnected with social structure - other orientation. Welbourn

(1968:12) attempts to show the relationship of the living and the dead

in "Bantu" thinking by means of a three-dimensional model; horizontal

lines indicate living individuals and the bonds between them, vertical

lines indicate bonds from the living to the ancestors. Both horizontal

and vertical bonds are necessary, he says, to the stability of the

whole social structure.

It is recognizably clear, then, that the African who says, "I am

because we are," is referring to others like himself when he says,

"we." The "we-ness" extends to the dead as well as the living. But

mrny others are excluded in this aspect of other-orientation. I re-

I ~ember a conversation with a young Shona man named Edward Ndube in

(WhiCh we were discussing the Shona orientation toward others. He was .,

"
:~
~ ;

explaining who was a munhu .... person. I asked, "Am I a munhu?" at which :,1

~
he laughed uproariously - to my chagrin. I could not be a person in
~

, ~
~I

his other-orientation, I could only be muzungu - a European person. "~" .

Parrinder said the foreigners are regarded with suspicion because no

one knows what relationships can be established with them (1969:89).

John V. Taylor observed,

The traditional African community, for all its solidarity

and the truth of its vision of Man, is corrupted by a two~
fold mistrust- mistrust of the stranger becaus~ he is out-
side the kinship bond, and mistrust of the unknown witch
because he is outside humanity (1963:192).

Since reading Taylor's observation I have often hoped that Edward and

his contemporaries saw me as a stranger, not as a witch - and I would

still desire that he know me as a munhu.

 131

Other-orientation is, then, an extremely important aspect of

African world views. Watching my small son grow alongside Bemba child-

ren in his toddler year, I observed that he became more adept than they

at his orientation toward things. He could manipulate toys and tools

in ways that surprised Bernba onlookers. But I also observed that the

Bemba children were more adept than he at their orientation toward

others. My con's contemporaries in Bemba society were gradually learn-

ing respect, roles and relationships. By the time he (ideally) had

mastered involvement with technical things, they (ideally) would have

mastered involvement with people.

Aware of distinctions, then, the question which is nwo addressed

is, how can we understand the orientations towards others that charac-

terize the societies of Africa. In particular, how can we recognize

the other-orientations of the Bemba and Shona peoples?

w. T. Jones has said that folklore, humor, dreams, legends, myths,

riddles, music, chants and proverbs may provide inside views on the

world view orientations of various peoples (1972:87). The thesis of

this paper is that proverbs provide just such views on the Bemba and

the Shona. Attention is now turned to the proverbs of these two people

with the antcipation that they will indeed provide important information

on some, though not all aspects, of the other orientations characteris-

tic of these peoples.

I
I

I I
I ]

L
 132

DATA AND ANALYSIS

Excluding proverbial references that require interpretation and

explicit contextual data, the Shona make 557 references to others. The

Bemba make 421 such references, 24% fewer than their neighbors to the

south. The difference looks significant to the naked eye, but a

2
chi-square test on this difference of frequency shows that X 0.05 =
2
0.2945 - far below the tabled value of X 0.05 = 3.84146. Therefore,

it appears that the difference may be due to randomness of the sample

rather than any independent variables. However, significance does occur

within the samplp.s, and this is a case where good anthropology must

take over from statistics.

For the sake of further analysis, the references in both sets of

proverbs were divided into eleven categories. Let it be noted that

these categories represent divisions established by the analyst, not

the peoples themselves. They include: kin, women, men, authorities,

elders, spirits, God, people assocj_ated with specific activities, others

identified with roles, and then an eleventh category concerning contrasts

of people. Table III shows how these references compare for the two

peoples.
The data in Table III should be viewed in two ways. First, it

should be considered for the information it provides about the

categories of people both groups refer to in their proverbs. It shows

that Bemba and Shona alike give repeated attention to kin persons, men,

women, elders and authorities, spirits and God. Both groups refer to

people who can be identified according to roles they play in the

J.__
-
 1

133 I
I"

TABLE III

AN OVERVIEW OF OTHER ORIENTATIONS SHOWING THE

FREQUENCY OF REFERENCE TO ITEMS IN
ELEVEN CATEGORIES AND X2 VALUES

Category Frequency x2 Significance

Shona Bemba

205 140 1.8229 No

Kin
38 13 8. 1232 Yes
Women

~n 26 6 8. 1967 Yes

r:lders 19 27 5.3708 Yes

35 32 .5585 No
Authorities
11 16 2.8439 No
Spirits

God 2 32

Activity Related 85 27 19.2234 Yes

69 85 10.4057 Yes
Role Identified
50 37 .0291 No
Contrasts

TOTALS 540 414

NOTE: df =
alpha = 0.05 is 3.84146

~
 134

respective societies, i.e., brides, neighbors, adulterers, etc., and

both groups look out upon people in terms of contrast, i.e., strangers

as opposed to residents. Besides these general observations about com-

mon categories, the data ~lso points to common emphasis. For example,

both Bemba and Shona give paramount attention to the kin group in their

proverbs. There is also relatively equal reference to authorities and

to spirits. So the data provides information on commonly shared view-

points of the two peoples.

Secondly, the data should be considered for what it says about
l
,II

the differences between the two groups. The kinship group, though

~ven priority by both Bemba and Shona, receives more references in the

~ proverbs of the latter group. Although the chi-square test does not

reveal that this difference is statistically significant there is ade-

quate reason to investigate this situation further for what Thomas

i,
I'
calls substantive significance (1976:461). There are differences in I

i
the way the two peoples look out upon women, men, elders, and people
i
I

identified with either activities or roles. Chi-square tests indicate

that all these differences are statistically significant, i.e., are

attributable to independent factors that need further investigation.

Therefore, having viewed Table III and having looked at its con-

tributions to general perspective on the commonalities and differences

of the orientations of the two peoples toward others, it is now neces-

sary to turn to each of the categories within the orientations and

give detailed attention to the data therein. The statistics give only

one perspective, context gives yet further perspective. Members of the

consanguine group receive first consideration.

 135

Kin and The Nuclear Family

John Mbiti observed that,

Almost all the concepts connected with human relationships

can be understood and interpreted through the kinship system.
This is it which largely governs the behaviour, thinking,
and whole life of the individual in the society of which
he is a member (1970:135).

In other words, that which is known about the kinship system of a cer-

tain people is certainly going to help in one's knowledge of human

relationships in general as viewed by that people. Such is the case

with the Bemba and the Shona.

Proverbial referenGes to kin far outnumber all other references

to people for both the Bemba and the Shona. Those references include

both consanguines - those related by blood - and affines - those re-

~lated by marriage or sexual union. It has also been observed in Table

III that 220 Shona references far outnumber the 136 Bemba references.

Both the commonality and differences of these references are intrigu-

ing.

A quick look at nineteen Shona proverbs which refer to persons

(hama,.munhu, vohwo) in this category shows the general Shona outlook

upon kin. Deep ties are associated with these members: they cannot be

purchased (#808) or given away (#809). True security is found with

them - expressed very succinctly in #423, "Yeuka hamal mutorwa ane

hanganwa" - The relative remembers, but the stranger forgets - and in

#1160, "Hama maoko" - Relatives are hands. That kin relationship is

the ideal for yet other relationships is evidenced in #228, "Akupa

dhamba (rengavi) ndowako" - He who gives you a tame ox is your rela-

tive. Hamutyinei and Plangger explain that this proverb is used to

 136

instruct the Shona that anyone who treats you well should be treated

like a relative (1974:94).

The Bemba make similar statements about kin whom they refer to as

ulupwa and uobe in the prpverbs. However, they make only seven refer-

ences compared to the nineteen references of the Shona. These fewer

Bemba references reflect a lesser emphasis upon this subject by this

people - an observation made earlier in the comparison of total refer-

ences in this category. This smaller emphasis on kinship among the

Bemba is even graphically portrayed by proverb #977, "Ukwangala,

kwacilo lupwa" - Playing with friends surpasses the family. Neverthe-

less, the security of kinship is evidenced in such proverbs as #545

where the family is likened to a place cleared by fire where nothing

can be lost, #933 where it is stated that one doesn't buy a one-eyed

cow from relatives, and #934 where it is stated that one is not beaten

where the family is found.

Besides these references to kin in general, particular attention

is given by both groups to various personalities within the group. The

Shona make 187 references to twenty-two different kin categories. They

are especially profuse when referring to children, mothers, wives and

fathers. The Bemba, on the other hand, make 117 references to eigh-

teen different kinds of people, giving considerable attention to the

same members, i.e., children, mothers, wives and fathers.

Some will immediately object to the use of terms such as "child-

ren, mothers, wives and fathers." Obviously, the Bemba and Shona terms

for these personages do not correspond to our English terms. For ex-

ample, certain men in Africa may consider their brother's children as

_;1
 137

"my children," and men may have many mothers (Gluckman 1956:61). The

reader is referred to the ethnographic literature for clarification of

this terminology among the two peoples in question (Richards 1939:114-

118; Bourdillon 1976:39). Bourdillon, for example says of the Shona,

In their use of kinship terms people distinguish members

of their own patrilineal group only by generation, age and
sex, and not according to genealogocal (sic) distance.
Thus the term baba ('father') can mean a father's brother
or any man in the patriclan belonging to the father's
generation . . • . (1976:39).

Understanding the different use of terminology, this paper attempts

only to call attention to the terms themselves as they occur in the

proverbs.

Viewed graphically, the common Bemba and Shona attention to mem-

bers of the nuclear family or basic domestic unit in their societies

. reveals important dimensions of other-orientation (see Table IV on

following page). Although chi-square tests do not show significance

(
for the differences in frequency between the two peoples, important

features of other-orientation are observable in the data. For example,

the frequent reference to children by both groups cannot help but be

noticed. It is interesting that mothers are referred to more fre-

quently than wives, and that both of these are referred to more fre-

quently than fathers. The fact that other kin are mentioned less than

five times each - a frequency too low to even attempt a chi-square test

and too low to even consider for the tabular representation also de-

serves attention. The graphic view provides several insights, then,

and provides an overview for looking at the data in yet greater detail.

'~--
 138

TABLE IV

FREQUENCY OF-REFERENCE TO MEMBERS OF THE

NUCLEAR FAMILY AND X2 VALUES

Member ,Frequency X2 Significance

Shona Bemba

Children 93 59 0.2583 No

Mothers 34 24 0.0460 No

Wives 16 7 0.9840 No

Fathers 9 6 0.0001 No

2
NOTE: Tabled value of X at 0.05 = 3.84146

a + b = 161

c + d = 108

i \

'.1__
 139

Children. Children are given far greater prominence in the pro-

verbs of both the Bemba and the Shona than are mothers/wives and

fathers/husbands. In fact, when the various kinds of children are

combined, they are given more prominence than any other single entity

in the entire corpora of proverbs. Even reference to a child in gen-

eral (umwana - in both Bemba and Shona) is very frequent: 59 times

for the Bemba, which represents 44% of all references to others, and

52 times for the Shona, which represents 25.7% of all references to

others for this group. These facts indicate that in the basic orienta-

tion toward others in the world views of both peoples, children figure

very prominently. Erny has concluded that, more than other societies

of the world, African societies see children "to be impenetrable

beings, beings apart" (1973:90-91).3 They are certainly "beings apart"

in the proverbs of both the Bemba and the Shona.

A careful analysis of all the proverbs in which the child is re-

ferred to shows that their natures,functions, status and treatment, and

, (
passive roles are described in varying degrees. The analysis also

shows that parents acquire status because of children. A third result

of analysis is an understanding of the analogous character of children.

The Bemba devote relatively more attention to the nature of

children, referring to it in 25 proverbs as opposed to the Shona

twelve. The chi-square test shows that this difference is significant

(X 2 = 4.6262).4 Bemba attention to the nature of children results in

3Erny develops this idea quite extensively in his book and the
reader is referred to it for further elaboration.

4s~e Appendix D, Table VI.

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 140

observations typical of many children: they are always around, always

need attention, are young but once, learn by their' mistakes, are gull-

ible, careless and thoughtless at times, learn by their successes and

grow slowly. Two engaging proverbs about children are #1284, "Uwaice

balemulango mweshi: alemono munwe" - a child to whom the moon is

pointed out, sees the finger - and #1127, "Umwana kasembe: nelyo

kakukoma, wakobeka pa kubeya" - A child is like an axe, even though it

cuts you, you still put it on your shoulder (the common carrying place

9f the axe). A final aspect of the Bemba view on the nature of child-

ren is that this people make a special case of the natures of children

belonging to widows (#5) and children who are related by consecutive

marriages (#7)0

The Shona describe the child's nature in much the same way as the

Bemba, adding some comments about their crying and mentioning that they

j>re straightforward when asking for something. A representative Shona

~~proverb about children is #710: Ndezvomwana mudiki/ kubata nhengu

anonzi rasa izizi - it is the way of a small child: In catching a

drongo (small black bird) he is led to believe it is a crow. These

people of Zimbabwe make a special case of the children of adulterers

and paupers. The former are destructive (#652) and the latter are

wasteful (#833).

Significantly absent from either view of the nature of children

are statements that would lend credence to the views alluded to by some

that African personalities become fixed at an early stage. Some pro-

ponents of these views (Ritchie 1943; Ombredane 1954) state that the

African personality is rooted in early childhood experiences with the

'
L
 141
time of weaning having an especial impact upon the result. Verhaegen

(1959:248) states that a "client mentality" is formed during the child-

hood years and is greatly effected by the time of weaning. Other pro-

ponents of this view take a different tack and in a more positive way

say that the weaning experience can "serve as a powerful stimulus to

ego development" - a view taken by two researchers after studying Zulu

children (Carothers 1972:111-112) Although generalizations have been

made by researchers about the nature of children as compared with the

adult nature, neither the Bemba nor the Shona make this connection in

their proverbs.

The treatment and status of children is given relatively equal

attention in the proverbs. Fifteen Bemba proverbs refer to· these as-

pects of childhood, and thirteen Shona proverbs do so. The Bemba sa~

they are not to be traded, reflect the respect due their parents, are

never forgotten by their mothers, are inadequate by themselves but very

necessary to the life of a village, are not to judge their elders, and

become equal to mothers when grown. A warning about the status of a

child because of the child's support group is #1134: "Umwana ushaf-

yala: mukulu mubiyo" - A child you have not borne is your equal. The

Shona seem to give children a bit higher status, saying that if a

child takes something, it is like a chief taking it (#827), and by

likening children to the top of the spinal column (#855) and a diviner

(#1103). The Shona see the child in a communal sense, saying that he

is like a blanket shared by all (#854) and though belonging to the

mother when in the womb, belongs to everyone once born. The reality

of this latter status - belonging to all - especially becomes apparent

I i

L
 142

at weaning time for children - a decisive, harsh, shocking time accord-

ing to many analysts. Erny, referred to earlier, has said, "If wean-

ing does not essentially modify the child's deep nature, it constitutes

a crucial turning point in the psychological level. From now on the

child participates in the life of his community" (1973:176).

Functions of various kinds are performed by children and the pro-

verbs attest to some of these functions. The Shona give more attention

to these functions than do the Bemba, saying especially that they make

journeys for others and bring respect to the elders. The Bemba also

refer to children in regard to journeys. This might be the place to

'I
call attention to the frequency of reference to girls, daughters and

young women in the two societies. The Shona make such references

twenty-four times, while the Bemba do so only twice. It is obvious

that the difference between the two groups is significant and this

significance may have to do with function. Hamutyinei and Plangger

state that daughters are a greater liability for the Shona than sons

(1974:285) but they do ensure future wealth for the family (op. cit.,

237). Proverbially, these views on children by the Shona are stated:

"Kubereka mwanaikana/ kuchengeta mangava" - To bear a daughter is to

store up troubles (11825) and "Mwansikana ndimapfumise" - A daughter is

wealth (#790). The~e two tonflicting views on the place and function

of daughters have apparently led theShona to dwell on them in their

proverbs in what Carolyn Parker has called an attempt to lessen "cul-

tural ambiguity" (1974:127-128).5 Perhaps the lack of conflict among

5parker relates this theory to Claude Levi-Strauss' theory that

"the purpose of myth is to provide a logical model capable of overcom-

L
 143

the Bemba is the reason daughters are only mentioned twice in the Bemba

proverbs, for Richards points out that every man wants as many daugh-

ters as possible (1939:112). Daughters make it possib~e for the Bemba

man to acquir~ much power. during his lifetime. This is a case where a

proven purpose of proverbs (to resolve cultural ambiguity) may point

out the limitations of studying them for purposes of understanding

world views. Cultural data indicates that the Bemba man gives much

importance to daughters in his world view, yet the proverbial data does

not indicate this importance at all. Taking this as a warning, it can

be recognized (with great care) that the proverbs of the Bemba and the

Shona people reveal some aspects of their orientations to others who

are the children of their respective societies, their natures, statuses,

and functions - but that they don't reveal all aspects of that orienta-

tiona

The passive roles of children as they are viewed by the two peo-

pIes are also expressed in their proverbs. The Shona speak of children

in such roles a total of thirteen times, while the Bemba do so seven

times. Turning first to the Shona, commonalities such as the birth of

children, the wiping of their noses, their being cuddled, fed, watched

over, sheltered and caressed are referred to. But one is struck by the

general attentiveness of Shona to children as evidenced in the pro-

verbs. For example, this attentiveness is recognizable in their in-

terest in girls, an interest already touched on. Proverb #10 says

I
ing a contradiction," "The Structural Study of Myth," in Structural
Anthropology (Garden City, N.Y.:Doubleday, 1967:226). For further
elaboration, see Parker, 1974.

L
 144

girls mature only when fed and #1243 says that a person should not

dare beat a girl in the presence of her mother. The attentiveness is

striking and is further enhanced by the fact that the Shona give dis-

proportionate attention to orphans, referring to them thirteen times

as compared to their mention only twice by the Bemba. Admittedly,

several of the proverbs that mention orphans regard them as a nuisance

"Kurera nherera/ kupakira mavhu muchitende" - to rear an orphan is to

fill a calabash with dirt (#225)]. The frequency of reference suggests

an unusual interest, although it should not be assumed that the atten-

tiveness, whether to children in general or orphans in particular,

should be considered as it is often considered from the Western view-

6
pOint. It should be considered from the African perspective, and the

Shona concern with the passive roles of children gives some opportunity

for analysis of this viewpoint.

Perhaps the Shona viewpoint on the passive roles of children can

best be recognized in the limited data being considered, by comparing

. ~t.With the Bemba viewpoint. The Bemba reference to the passive roles
;I
~f children also has its commonalities: their birth, being fed and

taught. But in a limited frequency of reference, they say nothing of

their being cuddled,caressed, watched over, and sheltered. Audrey

Richards observed that the

6LeVine has properly warned students of African personality from

viewing this attentiveness as sentiment and humanitarian concern (1970:
294-296). This, he says, is the Western view, and he goes on to con-
trast what he calls "separation anxiety" in the two societies. Afri~
cans, in general, find separation far less upsetting and cause for emo-'
tional expression than do Westerners: ·"Africans are not immediately
drawn into an attentive and solicitously caretaking attitude by the
sight of a weak, enfeebled or helpless person or creature."

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 145

• . . . women care for their children devotedly, but rarely

give up any time to them exclusively. Babies are washed
with warm water and massaged each morning and fed with gruel
twice a day. • . • but otherwise they are slung on their
mother's back wherever they go- to work or to a beer drink -
but are not definitely 'amused' for any period of time • . .
(1939: 102).

In contrast to the Shona attentiveness suggested in their proverbs, the

'Ii
Bemba proverbs hint at an independency of childhood. In speaking of

the child's nature, the Bemba say, "Mulekele umwaice sembe: nga aikoma

alelipoosa" - Leave the child with an axe, for when he cuts himself, he

will throw it away (#624). Now, in proverbs referring to children in

a passive role, the Bemba speak of the child rescued from hunger by an

onion along the path (#285) - not the intervention of parents. A

second proverb says, "Umwana kweba aleba,: umwana kukana nga akana" -

Tell a child; if he refuses, he refuses (#1129). These are, of course,

tempered with proverbs that do show attentiveness to'the needs of a

child, but there is another dimension of their orientation that is

missing in the Shona outlook. It appears that the Bemba orientation

toward children allows them - and expects of them - an independency

that is not alluded to in the Shona proverbs. It is common for Bemba

children to be separated from parents for lengthy times, often commenc-

ing at the time of weaning. At such times they live with maternal

uncles and grandparents. Independency is reinforced.

A hopefully helpful sidelight to these contrasting views of the

passive roles of children comes in regard to a study reported by J. W.

Berry. According to Berry (1974:132), responsibility and obedience are

emphasized in agricultural and pastoral societies where there is a high

food accumulation and that achievement, self-reliance, and independency

 are emphasized where there is low food accumulation. This seems to be

confirmed among the peoples being studied. The Shona, being agricul-

turalists and pastoralists, emphasize the passive roles and refer to

those roles more frequently in their proverbs. The Bemba; being the

hunters, speak of the passive roles less frequently and when doing so,

give the impression that the child is more independent. Thus, a signi-

ficant contrast is seen in the other-orientations of these two peoples.

To continue the analysis of references to children, it becomes

apparent that parents receive a certain amount of status as a result of

thei~ children. The Bemba say that a dance can't turn bad for a per-

son with a child - the child will always admire it: "Mwa.na pabo:

tabipilwa masha" (#662). They also say that one cannot join the clan

unless he has begotten a child (#971). The Shona make the same empha-

sis on parenthood. They say that a child brings beauty to a woman:

"Unaki hwemukadzi huri pamwana" (#931), and make a special point of

saying that the man is involved in the birth process: "Zviri kumvana/

kubara mwana sina baba" - It is up to a woman to bear a child without a

father. Bourdillon provides some ethnography on the subject matter:

• . . • The importance of children to Shona marriage is

illustrated by the custom that the wife got her own cook-
ing stones . . . • only after the birth of her first child:
prior to this she shared the kitchen and the food supplies
of her mother~in-la~. • . . (1976:64).

Bourdillon went on to discuss the impact of barrenness and sterility

in this society, concluding that "parenthood is necessary to establish

status among the Shona" (op. cit. 65)~

Finally, mention must be made of children and analogies that are

made of them in the proverbs of the two groups. Do these analogies re-
 147

veal anything about their orientations toward others? Pierre Erny says

that

. • . . traditional African thought has a tendency to re-

late the child to everything in the universe which has
analogous status, everything which is growing, entering
into the state of maturity, coming into existence - to all
reality which is in the inchoative stage. The child is
thus integrated into the universe by the play of analogies
and becomes himself a cosmic symbol (1973:24).

Bemba and Shona orientations may have a similar view of the Child, but

the proverbs do not attest to that possibility. The Bemba liken child-

ren to flies, trees, courtyards, loins, gardens and axes. Two of the

six analogies are growing things (trees a.nd gardens) but nothing de-

finite can be said about this view on childhood, relying as this re-

search does, solely upon the proverbs. The Shona compare children to

fewer things than do the Bemba and say they are like mouths, blankets,

and the tops of spinal columns. None of these Shona analogies reflect

growth or maturing. The analogies as a whole, then, allow for no ob-

vious pattern, though they do provide some dimension to the total

orientation toward children.

I
Three statements can be ~aade, then, concerning the orientations
,I being sought. First, children have a prominent place in the world

views of both peoples. Perhaps another quotation from Pierre Erny will

solidify a thought that has ,been planted in this section on children:

. . . . In the Western world, the psychological dimension

is stressed above all, whereas in Africa it seems the mind
finds rest only in ontological apprehension, in exploration
of being. Thus the question "what is a child" or more con-
cretely, "who is that child" can appear odd and somewhat
idle in the Western context. By contrast, it is primordial
in Black Africa (1973:14).

The thought that has been planted is that, of all the personalities

L
 148

available for comment in the proverbs of the two peoples, both peoples

chose children to make the most comment on. This should make clear to

the student of African cultures that a good place to begin a study of

these cultures and their people is, surprisingly, with the children!

Secondly, a major difference in the -orientations of the two peoples

toward children is that the Bemba give more attention to the nature of

children than do the Shona and the tests show that this difference of at-

tention is free of dependent factors. In other words, there is a dif-

ference in emphasis here that needs to be delved into further. The

proverbs, in themselves, do not provide enough data for further analy-

sis, but they point the way! Thirdly, the Shona see children in more

of a passive role than do the Bemba who see them in an independent role.

This passivity on the part of the Shona and independency on the part of

the Bemba is in keeping with research carried on in other parts of

Africa - but seems to be at odds with conclusions drawn for the self-

orient~tions of the two peoples. The self-orientations revealed the

Shona person as one who was capble of many things as long as he fol-

lowed a rather fearsome path in life. Those orientations revealed the

Bemba person with less capabilities in a strict, hierarchical society.

Thi;s incongruity needs to be deal th with in further detail. 7

These conclusions concerning childr~n in the other-orientations

of the Bemba and the Shona are but the first observations made in this

large feature of world views. They are but the first observations on

but one category within this feature - the kinship system. Therefore,

attention is now turned to other entitites within the kinship system.

7See conclusions to the paper (page 234).

'~-
 149

Particular attention is given to mothers/wives and fathers/husbands,

since these entities are referred to most frequently after total re-

ferences to children.

Mothers/Wives. Women of all societies enjoy a certain status by

reason of their nearness to children in the formative years (Schneider

and Gough 1961). This status has been observed and analyzed in several

societies. For example, Ombredane says,

The relationship between the Congolese African child with

his mother is close, that is to say, almost exclusive. Dur-
ing the first two years, if not more, he lives, in a sense,
glued to his mother - astride her haunch when she moves
about and eventually goes back to work. Available when he
wants it is her breast, which remains within reach of his
mouth and his hands; he remains coiled against her body
when she sleeps and even when she lies in a hospital bed.
This situation of complete possession is guaranteed by the
taboo which chastity imposes on the mother as long as the
child has need of nursing, that is to say, well beyond the
time when he can walk, play and talk • • . . (1954:21-22).

Ombredane, like many others, attributes great importance to the

time of weaning for an African child. It leaves a lasting impression

on the child. Some go so far as to say that the mother is actually

dominated by the child prior to weaning (Erny 1973:90-91) and she her-

self is indulgent and non-restrictive. Some observers go even further

and assign these experiences between mother and child to Freudian con-

cepts of hostility in late~ life (Ritchie 1943:11-12).8 Carothers re-

ports that mothers in Senegal even discouraged independence in their

children because they did not want the breast-feeding to stop (1972:
I
/;

97-98). My observation of Bemba mothers breast feeding their children

8For a reply to Richie and others who have made these Freudian
assertions, see Wickert 1967:318. Carothers, too, thinks that Ritchie
is too deterministic at this point, failing to recognize the possibil-
ity of change in adult life.
 150

was that, at least to a certain age, the mothers genuinely enjoyed the

experience, receiving emotional, mental and physical satisfaction from

it. Of the two groups being studied, the Shonahave the proverb that

probably comes closest to, describing the close mother-child bond that

is established in breast-freeding. They say, "Chinozipa chinoregwa/

zamu ramai takarirega" - That which tastes good is left, we left

mother's breast (#1263). The ethnographic literature for this group

also states that the mother-child bond is "the most intimate, cordial

relationship in the Shona kinship system" (Holleman 1952:67).

Bourdillon observed that

• • 0The relationship between a mother and her child is

• •

considered to be extremely close in spite of the fact that

the child belongs to a different clan and lineage from that
of its mother, and sometimes different even from the lineage
of the mother's current husband (1976:46).

Recognizing, then, the high status ~iven to mothers in all socie-

ties and to mothers in the Bemba and Shona societies in particular, at-

tention is now turned to the proverbs of these two peoples. Do these

proverbs add any dimension of knowledge to one's understanding of their

other-orientations?

"Mother" is mentioned 39 times in the Shona proverbs (mai, wabara,

wabereka, mvana, mungozva, wabata mwana, muzvere) and 24 times in the

Bemba proverbs (nyina, noko). As was seen in Table IV, there seems to

be no significance to this difference between the frequencies. That

is to say, variation in number of references to "mother," in itself,

does not require further study for the intent of this paper. There

seem to be no independent factors involved. However, as mentioned be-

fore, the very mention of these persons in the proverbs of both peoples

'~
 151

should alert the student of world view to the prominence of their posi-

tion. The fact that the references occur as frequently as they do for

both groups points to the significance of these persons in the other-

orientations of the two g~oups.

A close reading of the proverbs reveals that mothers are des-

cribed by the two groups in terms of their natures, functions and

statuses. A mother's nature is referred to in seventeen Shona proverbs

and twelve Bemba proverbs. The Shona say she is like food that needs

no seasoning to be liked (#842), requires patience with the children

, I

she bears (#860), is compassionate, even nursing a child not her own

(#876), cries over her own children (#1022), and is knowledgeable in

matters of child-rearing (#841 and #843). She is caused by her own

spirit to continue marrying even after divorce (#562), and is kind to

the one who is kind to her child (#418 and #419). The nature surround-

ing a mother who has just given birth for the first time is especially j
:
,I

intriguing to the Shona who refer to such a person eleven times in the

corpus of proverbs. Bourdillon calls attention to the way the young

girl is supposed to return to the home of her parents for this first

birth and the young man is supposed to give further ritual gifts to

her parents at that time (1976:59). Later, he pointed out that both

parents are allowed greater independence after this time and that they

both achieve full adult status with the birth of their first child,

signified~by the fact that they can begin praying directly to family

spirits (op. cit., 255). The Bemba do not give this kind of promi-

nence to the mother with her first born child. She is, however, in

their orientation, inextricably bound up with her children so that

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 152

loving her, one must also love her children (#302). It is of her

nature, though once young and pretty, to become old (#707). She

doesn't forget her own child #715), and she won't allow another child

the privileges she allows ~er own (#709). This applies, not only to

children when they are young, but also to children when they are adults.

Audrey Richards says,

. . • • A son may always return to his mother's village if

his wife dies or leaves him and he will be certain of a
welcome. Men say that their wives often leave them at a
time of famine and go home to their own people, but that a
mother would never refuse to cook for her son. . . . A woman
has no legal obligation to feed her married son, since he
b~longs to his wife's local group, but the emotional attach-
ment continues strong and a son will always be given pre-
ference if he returns to his mother's community (1939:140).

In a later volume, this same author reminds readers that the most im-

portant tie in Bemba theory is the one between mother and daughter

(1950:228) .

Besides the natures of mothers, the proverbs of both groups also

describe their functions. The Shona do so in eleven proverbs and the

.I Bemba do so in six. Besides bearing children, mothers clean, help,

carry, feed, discipline, guard, comfort and caress them in the two

groups.
I I
It is in regard to proverbial statements about status, though,

that the subject matter returns to the introductory remarks about the

strength of the mother-child bond. Something of the status of the Shona

mother can be seen in the proverb that contrasts a girl and a mother:

"Usikana ishonga kamwel chikuru umvana" - Girlhood is beauty once,

r' .5; •

motherhood is greatness forever (#1307). It is seen again as confi-

dence is said to become the characteristic of a woman who has just

1.,--
 153

given birth for the first time. A mother, the Shona say, can even

quarrel with a traditional doctor (#312), and strangely enough, she

can't be forced to marry (#1277). Moreover, the Shona mother's status

is recognized in that she .is mourned if she dies in birth (#462), and

her wealth can't be fought over (#1280). This last element of her

status is reinforced by number 800 which says that relatives on the

mother's side do not fight - an observation made of patrilineal socie-

ties such as the Shona in general (Gluckman 1956:62-63). Finally, the

status of a Shona mother is further seen in that an unmarried mother

presents special problems for the Shona as evidenced in four of the

fourteen proverbs that describe her status. The conflict may perhaps

best be seen in number 1058 which mocks the unmarried mother for think-

ing she can give birth to a second child without the aid of a man.

High status is likewise attributed to the Bemba mother in twelve

of their proverbs. No complaints are made if she has dirty finger.s

(#708). Flour not ground by her is likened to ashes (#843). Even bad r
il
children don't forget their mothers (#1130). Of special interest in

the Bemba references are references that seem to equalize mother and

child. For instance, number 440 states that the passing of days re-

suIts in this equality, number 1131 states that a big girl becomes like

her mother, and number 1135 states that the first born child is equal

to its mother. In addition, there is a reciprocity in the Bemba rela-

tionships that is not seen in the Shona proverbs: number 592 is a

staterp~nt from the child, "Mayo mpaapa: na ine nkakupaapa" - mother

L
 154

carry me and I will carry you. 9 Finally, it appears that the Bemba

take a unique stance on motherhood in the proverbs of the two peoples

by equating it with their country: "Lubemba na noko; wabula noko

lwakubembula" - Bembaland,is your mother and without your mother it

will harm you (#582). Motherhood and country are bound together, one

a feature of other-orientation and the other a feature of space-orient-

ation - both a feature of their world view.

Going on to discuss the second role of the woman in the nuclear

family - that of wife, background information is provided in the liter-

ature. Speaking of the Shona wife, Bourdillon points out that one's

perspective on her must encompass her lineage and the lineage into

which she marries (1976:53). Providing considerable detail, he adds,

. • The wife, who remains a member of the wife-providing

lineage, has to live among the women of her husband's family
and is expected to respect and serve them. The young wife,
a newcomer to the group in which she is living, has to do the
unpleasant chores around the homestead. Her subordinate posi- i

tion, which is extended to other women of her lineage, is

expressed in the term vamwene (owner) which she applies to
women of her husband's family. The inequality between the
women of the two families is partly explicable in terms of
the residence patterns according to which the young wife is
an inexperienced foreigner to the group in which she has to
live, and partly in terms of the transference of bride-price
cattle: the marriage of the vamwene theoretically provided
the cattle with which the new wife is married.

Audrey Richard's conclusions concerning the important Bemba

initiation rite for girls (chisungu) offers an excellent overview of

the perspective of this group upon the woman as wife. She relates her

observations to "tribal dogma and values" (1956:140-152). Interest-

9 It should be recalled that one of the distinguishing character-

istics of the Bemba language is the flourishing use of reciprocal verbs.
See page 64 and Richards (1939:303).
 155

ingly, she recognized that the combined attention to pottery figures,

pottery floor models, wall designs and songs identified with this rite,

pointed first to the social obligations of husband and wife, and

secondly to sex and fertility, followed closely by the domestic duties

of a wife (op. cit., 140). Perhaps Richard's summary is most telling

as to the Bemba perspective on the wife:

It seems clear that the maintenance of a stable family

group is a difficult matter among the Bemba. There is the
desire of the girl to stay with her own people which is
opposed to that of the boy who wishes to return to his, and
there are no economic links to bind them to one village
rather than another. This type of contract may account for
the chisungu ritual which stresses the link between husband
and wife; the supernatural sanctions against adultery; and
the constant admonishment of the girl to submit to her hus-
band, to give him honour and also to give honour and food to
her in-laws. The series of presentations of food to the son-
in-law might also be listed as part of the whole process of
winning the young bridegroom and persuading him to stay in
his wife's village (1956:160).

The category of "wife" (umukashi - Bemba; umukadzi - Shona) re-

ceives less attention than that of children or mothers in the proverbs

of the two peoples. It receives the most attention in the proverbs of

the Shona (15 occurrences versus the Bemba seven). Unlike the proverbs

jbout mothers and motherhood, the proverbs about wives do not describe
~heir natures or their functions in much detail. Instead, attention

seems to focus on the~r status in the eyes of men.

The status of the Shona wife, as presented in the proverbs, must

be seen in connection with previous observations made upon their roles

(p. 132). In this regard, proverb number 1340 says, "Kupa mukadzi

banga: kuzvikohwera rufu" - To give the wife a knife is to seek one's

own ~eath. Thus, it is the husband's (and his lineage's) obligation to

watch out for the wife - he is responsible for her actions. The Shona

L
 156

wife is in the passive role - the role described for her by Bourdillon

(1976:53). Yet, high status is ascribed to the Shona wife in many ways.

One inter~sting proverb for this people states, "Kure ndokuna amai:

kune mukadzi unofa wasvikau - The mother may be too far"away to reach,

but you will die trying to reach the wife (#239). Another proverb is

an indirect warning made to children when they are told that the woman

is father's wife (#853) and his most beloved (#852). The wife's status

is referred to again when adults are warned of the consequences of

adultery (#119, 120, 639, 955), and when the poor bachelor is pitied

as he makes a mortar as though he actually has a wife (#639). The

highest status is conferred upon the wife who has borne children (#929,

930,· 931); she is "good" and "beautiful." The opposite is true, of

course, if she fails to bear children (Hamutyinei and Plangger 1974:

274) .
Bemba proverbs give far less attention to wives than do the Shona.

The status of the Bemba wife, like the status of the Shona wife, is re-

cognized in different ways. If she is in trouble, the Bemba man goes

to her aid (#485). If care is not taken, she can be lost to another

man more ambitious and concerned (#748). Both these initial proverbs

refer to a man's responsibility for his wife, a responsibility that

seems to be discharged with genuine care. Some rights come with the

responsibility. For example, a reference is made to the right of men

to beat their wives - but not on the basis of hearsay in the rest shel-

ter (#357). Unlike the Shona proverbs, however, no reference is made

to the wives of other men.

d
 157

Similar to other African societies, the Bemba and the Shona both

attribute high status to mothers and wives. Their proverbs affirm this

observation and reveal an important aspect of their other-orientation.

The status of mothers is r~ferred to not only in specific proverbs

about that status but even in other proverbs that deal with their

nature and function. This is most clear in the Shona collection.

There, for example, the mothers are likened to food that needs no sea-

soning (#842). Mothers giving birth for the first time are highly

esteemed by these people and reference is made to this event in several

proverbs. Bemba esteem for mothers is recognizable in proverb #582

which equates them with the land. Significant in the proverbs that

refer to wives is the fact that all of them refer to her status in some

way 'or other.

What is compelling in this review of proverbs that refer to

mothers and wives is association of this emphasis upon their status

with an observation made by Ruth Finnegan in her definitive work on

African oral literature. Finnegan observed that proverbs are specifi-

). cally suited to the resolution of conflict in human relationships (1970:

412). Carolyn Parker (1974) sees this as the paramount purpose of pro-

verbs in African society. Three ethnographers lend support to this

thesis and give particular emphasis to the domestic unit or conjugal

group. Frank A. Salamone studied the Rausa people of Nigeria and dis-

covered their use of proverbs in settling conjugal fights (1976). J.

Cornet worked among the Woyo people of lower Zaire and reported the way

women use sculpture to represent proverbs which criticize their hus-

ba~ds in public (1974). James Boyd Christensen (1958) studied the

 158

Fante of West Africa and learned how they emphasize collective respon-

sibility and cooperation among kinsmen. Touching on many areas of

Fante culture, Christensen provides many proverbs that relate to domes-

tic units within the kinsh~p system. For instance, "It is a house where

there is no male that the female speaks" - showing the authority of men

over women in that culture, or, "A maggot has its own route" - to il-

lustrate the way uterine kin inherit in the system (1958:235). Applied

to the Bemba and the Shona, this would mean that the constant reference

to the status of mothers and wives could be a reference to a conflict

that exists in the minds of these peoples. Both groups elevate the

mothers and wives deliberately, but both groups recognize that much

tension in the domestic unit, simply because of the limited partici-

pants, centers around them. The proverbs may be an attempt to resolve

these tensions by being a constant reminder of their high status. This

has important bearing on the other-orientations of both groups.

Husbands/Fathers. Schneider and Gough's authoritative compari-

son of matrilineal and patrilineal societies (1961) provided the back-

drop to the above discussion of mothers and wives. It can also provide

the backdrop to the present discussion of husbands and fathers. One of

their criteria for comparing the two kinds of societies is the rela-

tionship between husband and wife. A strong, long-lasting institution

of marriage with intense solidarities is not compatible with the matri-

lineal system, they say. Bonds of descent command the greatest loyalty

whether it is the man or the woman who is considered. The marriage

bond is especially delicate because of the men whose authority is

thwarted and limited in many ways. Patrilineal societies, on the other

~

I i

:~
 159
hand, may experience strong bonds of marriage and a stable institution.

The strength depends som~what on the kind of break the wife makes with

her descent group. In these societies, the man is consistently the one

in authority, whether for ~he descent group or for the marriage. Women

abide, by this consistency (Schneider and Gough 1961:16-20).

The man's ,loyalty, among the patrilineal Shona, is to his descent

group. His ambitions are to gather an increasing number of descendants

and dependents, who are united with him for economic reasons and during

times of crisis and tension, during court battles, for marriage, and

for purposes of ritual (Bourdillon 1976:40). The descent group is also

very much concerned with the man, and this concern extends to his mar-

riage. Holleman reports that marital conflicts and quarrels are not

Iconfined to the husband and wife. Family elders, he says, offer counsel

and, beyond that, enforce disciplinary measures where necessary (1952:

155-156) .

This involvement of the man's descent group in the affairs of the

arriage is one thing that helps to stabilize Shona marriages. Holle-

J.an reported on this stability in 1952, when the divorce rate in the

southern Sabi Reserve was .05% (1952:155). Another reason for this

stability, he said, was the fact that cattle involved in the bride-

price are often used 'by the woman's brothers to marry wives, so the

cattle end up in other kraals and may even move on to still other

kraals. It becomes difficult to get the original cattle back if

divorce is sought, and this difficulty discourages divorce proceedings

(ibid.). Dissolution of marriage when it does occur is usually over

ste)rility and lack of sexual relations (Bourdillon 1976:66).

 160

The marriage bond for the Shona people is further strengthened by

the authoritative position of the man, reinforced by his position in the

lineage, and the submissiveness of the woman to that authority. Holle-

man says that there is nO,conflict over authority. A woman will never

disagree with her husband in public (1952:207), and she accepts beatings

for neglect, disobedience and insubordination, having the right to com-

plain only if maltreatment is obvious.

Several things work together to destabilize Bemba marriages. The

loyalties of both husband and wife lie outside the marriage bond to

their respective descent groups. The ties to individual descent groups

may result in neglect of obligations and responsibilities to the mar-

riage partner's group. Karla Poewe's description of matriliny in the

Luapula Province of Zambia, (1978) though of the neighboring Luba

people, is likewise fitting for the matrilineal Bemba. Squabbles are

frequent, husbands and wives each accusing the other of devoting more

attention and help to his or her own descent group (Poewe 1978:211).

Poewe also observed how women want to maximize immediate matrilineal

loyalties, and how the husband and wife are both continuously reminded

of their separate interests, loyalties and commitments. Richards ob-

served (1940:23) that a husband and wife that spent too much time to-

gether were laughed'at and'ostracized.

The Bemba husband's authority is definitely undermined in the

marriage. The marriage begins with his submission and economic depen-

dence on his wife's people (Richards 1956:40). When he comes to the

time when he wants to leave that situation and try to start elsewhere

dn his own, his wife may decide to stay with her mother and simply
 161

breaks the marriage ties. Thus, conflict over his authority is never

resolved. In fact, Richards points out that Bemba women take advantage

of this divided authority. For instance, they often threaten the hus-

band and compare their position with those of their brother (Poewe 1978:

211,). Inconsistencies, however, do occur. Richards says that the wife

is very definitely under the authority of her husband (1950:225). The

man takes the initiative in sex and associated ritualistic acts. The

woman is to act submissively - even when in the village of her parents -

and wife-beatings are common. Richards points out that these inconsis-

tencies are recognized by the Bemba, and suggests that the ensuing con-

flicts are worked otit ritually in the Chisungu initiation ceremony of

girls (1956:50). For example, the women who are initiating the girls

repeat the necessity of submission again. and again during the course of

the rite. The proverb often referred to is 11552, "Kwapa takucila

kubea" - The armpit is never above the shoulder (op. cit., 72).

Divorce is common among the Bemba. In fact, in anticipation of

~-~vorce, many women demand money and gifts from their husbands, while

~eY can, for distribution to their kin (Poewe 1978:357). Richards

found that divorce rates varied from 20.5 to 44.0% in the 1940s. Poewe

learned that the rate was 97% in the village in which she worked (1978:

209), and~ though a tuba village, shows the kind of situation being

viewed among the Bemba. On the Copperbelt, an urban-industrial center

in Zambia, men of other ethnic groups call Bemba women, "Fierceness it-

self" (Richards 1956:49). Yet, there is inconsistency in this exper-

ience, best revealed in a proverb overheard by Audrey Richards in 1939:

IfCU:PO asenda pa mutwe weseshya mukoa If - She carries her marriage on her
 162

head, it is her clan which is dangling below (1939:192). In other

words, during a time of food shortage, the woman shows deference to the

man's family and allows them to remove food from the granary.

The question now arises, do the proverbs reveal these differences

of viewpoint on husbands? Neither group make much reference to hus-

bands. The Shona refer to these persons three times and the Bemba do

not refer to them even once.

For the Shona, the authoritative position of the man is upheld in

two of the proverbs. Number 726 states that the husband is killed by

the one who commits adultery with his wife, thus asserting the serious~

ness of this encroachment of authority. Finnegan referred to the way

Shona people use proverbs to speak about and warn against adultery:

. a dog may be called by the proverbial name 'Things

which change from day to day' in allusion to a capricious
wife, . • . . similarly, a dog's name may be 'home-wrecker',
given him by a ~uspicious husband to warn off his wife's
lover (1970:411).

Holleman, too, discusses adultery and the man's right in such cases,

referring to his ability to collect compensation from the other man.

A proverb evaluated this situation and these people: "Mukadzi nzenza

ndi na pfumise" - An adulterous wife makes me rich (1952:216).10 The

Shona proverb that really catches the eye at this point is #792:

"Muroyi haaroyi murume wake" - A witch doesn't bewitch her husband. Or,

another way to make this statement is, even a witch doesn't bewitch her

husband - a clear reference to his authority. The reader should remem-

10It will be recalled that another Shona proverb (#790) is Slml-

lar, but refers to the value of daughters (page 142). Also it should
be remembered that a special case is made of the children of adulterers
(see page 140).
 .,!

163

ber that Holleman asserted that there is no conflict over authority and

a woman never disagrees publicly with her husband (1952:207).

Moving on to consideration of fatherhood in the world view of the

two peoples, attention can be drawn back to Schneider and Gough's work.

They point out that bonds between mothers and their children are univer-

sally good for obvious reasons. They went on to say that bonds between

fathers and their children may vary from people to people (1961:21-24).

In the matrilineal society, the father has to compete with the

authority of the descent group of the children and limits are placed on

his relationships with them. Any political positions the father may at-

tain or any economic cooperation he may foster within the family poses

a threat to the descent group. The patrilineal society has a different

view of the whole matter. For these people, the bonds between fathers
;1
I
and children are inherently strong and there is no competition with the

descent group nor the mothers. Since the women are not politically

motivated and economically subjective, no threats come to the relation-

~iPS from these quarters.

.) Turning again to the societies in question, we note that the most

important relationship possible in the eyes of the Shona is that between

father and children (Bourdillon 1976:44). Holleman states that the

term "baba" (father) more t'han any other kinship term "implies respect,_

;~ obedience, and recognition of authority" (1952:61). The lack of com-

petition is recognizable in the roles of the mother and her brother.

The mother-child bond is "the most intimate and cordial relationship in

the Shona kinship system (Holleman 1952:67), but there is~no structural

aspect to it that would pose a threat to the father. Her brother may
 164

cqme closest to presenting competition to the father, but he reportedly

has no authority over the child; he merely shows "affectionate inter-

est" and gives aid when needed in a non-superior way (Radcliffe-Brown

1950:35-37). This purely sentimental attachment is seen at the death

of the brother when the wife's children receive small inheritances from

him called misodzi - tears (Holleman 1952:337).

The situation of the Bemba father is a real contrast. He is

truly limited in his relationships to his children because he must

share authority and affection with his wife's brother. Richards points

out that the father has authority during childhood and can maintain
'i
,I
that if he becomes a man of personality, status and birth (1950:226,
Ii
227). But this is difficult to maintain, as we have seen. The wife's I
brother usually comes into the picture more forcefully during the youth I:
, I:

of the children. Formerly he had rights to the life of the sister's

children, even being able to sell them into slavery if it was an econo-

mic advantage to the lineage. He could intervene in their marriages

-~and receive part of the bridewealth (ibid.). Poewe observed that the

~otherlS brother is not all-powerful, though, because as we have seen,

children often move about as they wish, and, if an uncle becomes too

demanding, a child may simply move away from his grasp (1978:364).

As can be expected, there is much tension in these Bemba relation~

ships. Richards says that this tension is inherent in the system (1956:

40-41). The tension remains through the years and emerges again in

later times when the children have become job-holders. Mothers and

kinsmen receive benefits from the children, and fathers become bitter.

L
 165
The Shona do not have similar conflicts because the women are not

motivated to subvert the relationship between fathers and children,

neither politically nor economically. It is to their advantage to en-

courage strong bonds because that means that the fathers will be well-

cared for in old age - and they" too (Bourdillon 1976:64). The inher-

ent conflict among the Shona, as Holleman sees it, is that which occurs

because of children born to different wives (1952:325, 341).

The ethnographic literature, then, is replete with information

about fathers and fatherhood. Do the proverbs provide supportive in-

sights and additional viewpoints of help to the person attempting to

understand these two peoples? There is slightly more mention of fathers

by the Shona (9 times) than by the Bemba (6 times). Not being able to

discover statistical significance in these differences, we need to look

at the proverbs themselves. Remarkably, seven of the nine Shona pro-

~~rbs refer to the father's status. One could then read these proverbs

and discover the position the father has in the Shona world view con-

---~rning others. He has his own home (#7), is never scolded directly

(~3), and is never referred to as old - only dogs are considered old

(#999). A young man is warned to marry only a girl whose father's

status is known in the community (#822). The one proverb that seems

to revert all this ascribed status is Number 877: "Baba muredzi: mwana
!')
kuchema anodaidza mai" - Father is just a nurse, a child, upon crying,

cries for its mother. However, this proverb needs to be seen in con-

nection with Holleman's report (1952:67) and Bourdillon's apparently

conflicting report (1976:44). The former states that the mother-child

relationship is the most intimate relationship for the Shona, while the

'~
 166

latter says that the father-child relationship should be characterized

this way. Going back to Schneider and Gough's remark that bonds between

mothers and their children are universally good for obvious reasons

(1961:21-24), it can be c?ncluded that Shona proverb number 877 in no

way casts doubt upon the high status of the Shona father.

The prominence given to Shona fathers is reinforced by Number

1058 which says, "Zviri kumvana: kubara mwana asina baba" - It is up to

a'woman who is proud of her first birth to bear a child without a father.

This proverb very clearly states the high status of the father in the

conception and birth process. Ethnographers have called this the "ide-

ology of descen~" (Schneider and Gough 1961). The Shona do believe that

it is the blood of the man that is important (Holleman 1952:242), and

the woman is merely a receptacle, a field. Intercourse is allowed and

encouraged up to the seventh month of pregnancy because the semen is

believed to nourish the baby (ibid. 215).

The Bemba do not have a proverb comparable to this Shona proverb

which gives expression to the "ideology of descent." In regard to this

subject, however, Richards states that the Bemba understand that the

blood is passed through the women, and that metaphors of the kinship

system stress the ties between people of the same womb. Fathers are

believed to only quicken the foetus already formed in the uterus (1950:

207). In another vein, however, it is recognized that the proverbs do

reinforce an emerging view of the Bemba father. Richards says that "the

Bemba dramatize the rivalry of father and mother's brother in proverbial

folklore (1940:34). Later, she described the attention given to the

brother-sister relationship in folklore and proverbs (1956:82-83) - at-

I
.~
 167

tention which adds to the "drama" (or trauma?) of the Bemba man's situ-

ation. Indeed, the relationship of brother and sister is referred to

three times in the data at hand (#492, 710, 711) and possibly as much

as seven times with the frequent mention of sisters (#29, 661, 759 and

876) • In two proverbs about maternal uncles (1/710, 711), this person

is seen in a favorable light as helper and protector. These proverbs,

~long with the proverbs about sisters of male members of the society

reinforce the rivalry between father and mother's brother. The emerg-

ing view of the Bemba father is that of a person in an inferior posi-

tion in the Bemba village.

Nevertheless, high status is allowed the Bemba father, in a re-

curring pattern of contradiction in the proverbs. His skills must be

acknowledged as his own (#74), his place of burial is a place in which

his children would want to be buried (#140), and he is to be feared by

a careless child (#1123). The third proverb which mentions the maternal

uncle also speaks to the status of the father in a positive way - as

opposed to the uncle: "Kakokotwa na yama: aba ni .tata nga ampelako"

My uncle ate it, father would have given it to me (#492). Note the

tension possible in the Bemba orientation, however. This tension comes

to the forefront again in #160: "Butata: kutatishanya" - Fatherhood is

reciprocal" or, as it has been interpreted by the collectors, "the

duties of father and children are reciprocal" (Hoch 1968:23).

The limited number of proverbs that refer to husbands and fathers

in the corpora of both groups, prevents one from extracting large

amounts of data on their respective other-orientations. But the pro-

verbs do provide enough information to show that the outlooks of the

L
 168

two peoples are different. Conclusions drawn from the data on husbands

and fathers are included in the general conclusions to this section.

Other Kin. Siblings, grandmothers, grandchildren, nephews,

maternal uncles, and affines are likewise referred to in the proverbs

of the Bemba and Shona peoples. Some of these kin have been referred

to in the discussion of members of the nuclear families. All these

other kin persons have one thing in common in the proverbs - they are
\i
I
referred to less frequently; they are not given the prominence which

members of the nuclear family receive. The reader is referred to

Appendix C for references about them.

CONCLUSIONS

Two kinds of conclusions can be drawn from the data that has been

analyzed thus far. First, there are conclusions concerning the vari-

ous orientations of the Bemba and the Shona toward kin. These conclu-

sions lead toward the understanding of their respective world views.

~t is clear that there is a common focus on members of the nuclear

frmilY or basic domestic unit in the proverbs of the Bemba and the

Shona. Children are given greatest prominence in this attention to

these kin, being spoken of more than any other single entity in the

entire corpora of proverbs.' Children are described in terms of their

natures, statuses, functions, treatment, parental association and ana-

logous character. There is a significant difference between the way

the Bemba describe the nature of children and the way the Shona do so,
1
and one is led to look for independent factors that would explain this ~
'j;

difference of attention. Though not so obvious in proverbs referring

l1;
il
Y
.1:
 169

to the nature of children, some explanation for this difference is re-

cognizable in proverbs about their status, functions and treatment. As

to status, it is clear that children belong to the community, not just

birth parents - an observation made in other cultures of Africa as well.

Functions are described in varying ways by the two peoples, the Shona

giving this aspect of childhood more attention in their proverbs than

the Bemba. Girls need to be considered along with the Shona interest

in the function of children because of disproportionately high refer-

,ence to them (twenty-four times versus the Bemba mention of them twice),

and because of the association of daughters and wealth. In looking at

the treatment of children, there is a reasonably clear distinction dis-

cernible in the proverbs. Shona attentiveness contrasts with the Bemba

lack of it, the former leading to passive, dependent, responsible and

obedient children, the latter leading to independent, aggressive and

self-sufficient children. Both groups give parental association high

priority, recognizing that children mean adulthood and status in the

--~community, And finally, while the analogies made of the children were

rnteresting, they revealed no identifiable pattern for further comment.

Mothers and wives likewise receive prominence in the proverbs of

both groups. References to them are relatively equal in number. High

i
status is assigned to these, personalities of the nuclear family, being ;1
1J
..t
I
described both directly and indirectly as their natures and functions l
~!
,
I

are described. Their status especially becomes observable when, after I

OJ:
.:\:

Fecognizing it in proverbs about mothers, it is the only subject re- "

~;

ferred to in proverbs about wives.

 170

Conclusions about the husbands and fathers can also be drawn.

The Shona see the husband/father in a position of high status with no

serious conflict between himself and other members of the nuclear

family over authority and .affection. Wives are supportively submis-

sive. The Bemba see the husband/father in a position of less status

than his counterpart among the Shona. His is a status that is encum-

bered with serious conflict between himself and others of the conjugal

'group over authority and affection. Adulterers and adultery seem to be

less of a threat to the Bemba husband/father. However, the maternal

uncle seems to pose a threat to the Bemba man. While the Bemba wife is

supposed to be submissive to the husband, that submissiveness cannot be

linked to the 'submissiveness of the Shona woman. It seems to be more of

a begrudging kind of submission that characterizes the relationship of

the Bemba woman to her husband and the father of her children.

Finally, some initial observations about proverbs and world view

studies can be made. The most obvious observation is that the proverbs

reveal some but not all aspects of this orientation. This is important

to keep in mind as one studies something as broad and all-inclusive as

world view. The proverbs may reveal some viewpoints on children in the

two societies, but it should not be assumed that they reveal all as-

pects of that outlook nor that they reveal even the most important as-

~~ peets. They simply reveal some aspects of the orientation. It is

necessary, then, to weave those aspects together with other observa-

tions made in other ways to get a total picture. However, the amount

of attention given to children for example, should be carefully con-

sidered by the researcher in other areas. Erny (1973:12) said that

I~
 171

proverbs would not be good for a collection of data on children. It

seems that he has been adequately proven wrong. Secondly, study of the

proverbs to discover dimensions of world view needs to be carried on in

recognition that this is n9t the indigneous purpose of proverbs. Those

purposes have been discussed elsewhere and have been dutifully acknow-

ledged. It is necessary to be reminded of this aspect of the study as

one gets into the middle of a flood of data and tries to make sense out

of it. In this study of kin, two related purposes of proverbs have

'come to the foreground and key points of discussion. The resolution of

cultural ambiguity (Parker 1974:127-128) came to the foreground as the

question was raised concerning the frequency of reference to girls and

daughters in Shona proverbs. The resolution of domestic conflict

(Finnegan 1970:412) came into the foreground as questions were raised

in regard to the relationships of husbands and wives.

The Bemba and Shona proverbs do, in varying ways, provide impor-

tant information for understanding the respective Other Orientations of

these two peoples. The thesis of this paper - that proverbs are an in-

--~valuable tool for delving into the world views of the peoples of

ffrica - is being confirmed. Attention is now turned to others who are

~"
not referred to in terms of kinship. \1

P~

I~
 CHAPTER VIII

OTHER ORIENTATIONS - COMMUNITY DIMENSIONS

Man is not created to be alone. He is created to be a

being-in-relation. The whole existence from birth to death
is organizally embodied in a series of associations, and
life appears to have its full value only in those close
ties. These close ties will include extended family members,
the clan and village, the various societies and organizations
in the community together with the close ties to the ancestors
and gods who are interested in the day-to-day life of man
(Lowery-Palmer 1980:63 quoted by Kearney 1981:109-110).

Having looked at extended family members in the Other Orienta-

.
taions of the Bemba and the Shona, it is now necessary to look at the

other side of this dimension of World View - people in the villages,

societies and organizations in the community, ancestors and gods. This

chapter will consider respective outlooks on women and men, elders and

authorities, spirits and gods, activities and roles. All these are part

of the larger community with which the African seeks harmony.

WOMEN AND MEN

~:
01'
11

Numerous observations have already been made on the position of

women and men in the world views of the two peoples. Discussions of

mothers and wives, and fathers and husbands, in the conjugal group re-

quired those observations. Further observations are in order, though,

~
since both groups give considerable attention to these complementary

sides of society.

,1

'
L
 173

Women

Schneider and Gough (1961) have already provided insights on the

status of women as mothers and wives. The ethnographic literature has

provided yet other material and material on the Bemba and the Shona in

particular. It is clear that Bemba women, being members of a matri-

lineal society have a different kind of place in the world view of their

people than do the Shona women in their society. Richards tells of

senior princesses who have their own districts, junior princesses who

act as village heads, senior women in the royal clan who have important

ritual functions, and all women being elevated in esteem during the time

of the girls' inititation rites (1939:24). Legally, the Bemba women en-

joy higher esteem than their Shona counterparts, being able to plead

their own court cases (Richards 1956:48-49). In general, Bemba women

enjoy a relatively high status - a status that is ascribed in their

society.

Shona women, on the other hand, must achieve certain status as

1
mothers and wives. Husbands call them by their lineage names until

they have children and are socially elevated. They never attain legal

status in the traditional system, and must depend on men to speak for

them in court cases. Yet, they slowly achieve status as more children

are born to them and they become the ancestors of growing_families.

Bourdillon says that the status of Shona women comes not with their

positions as wives, but their position as providers (1976:69). They

~

1EmPhasis must here be put on "certain status," not all status.

Little (1973:6) says, "We can say without much fear of contradiction
that in African traditional society the greater part of woman's role
is ascribed rather than achieved."
 174

can also establish their own "matri-estates" consisting of "motherhood

cows" received from men who marry their daughters, and goats from the

husbands as children are born to the marriages. They may also achieve

status as they acquire livestock from their labors and trade (Holleman

1952:351), retaining complete control over these personal possessions

while alive and knowing that they will be distributed by family at

death. The final rise to status occurs at death when the family will i
;r

:1' .
continue to remember them out of fear of the spirits (Bourdillon 1976:
1

47) . 1
Ii!
~

~I
Turning now to. the proverbs, it is seen that they provide addi-

tional data for understanding the views on women held by the two groups.
1
The Shona make 39 references to women (avakadzi) with the majority of

those references to women in general, but with $pecial reference to i,

II
barren women, divorcees, "girl friends" (Hamutyinei and Plangger 1974: i

40), and old women. The Shona reference to old women (chembere, mbuya) I
is especially interesting in that it occurs almost as much as reference

to women in general - showing the special status given these people and

elders in general. The Shona references to old women is also intrigu-

ing because the Bemba don't refer to them with specific terminology

even once, although their general term for elder (umukalamba) includes

women. The Bemba, then, refer to women (abanakashi, abakota) only

twelve times, mentioning only barren women in particular. The data in

the proverbs, then, provides ample material to study yet further this

feature of the other-orientations of the two peoples.

Thirty-nine references to women in the Shona proverbs provide an

I
"inside view" on these personalities in the whole broad range of others
I
I

~-
I ·
 175

in this society. The Shona, for instance, assert the difference between

men and women in their own interesting way. Three proverbs provide this

data (#399, 755, 1058), with #755 being the most succinct: "Chakadya

ndebvu dzavakadzi/ ndichow9 chakadya mazamu evarume" - What ate the

beards of women is also what ate the breasts of men.

Although women are associated with quarrelsomeness in the Shona

proverbs (#464, 465) and contribute to the dangers of adultery (#726),

women are seen in a favorable light in this collection of proverbs.

This favorable attitude should be expected in view of previous conclu-

sions made about women in the nuclear family - conclusions which stated

that tensions exist (p. 158) but that the tensions do not center upon
I:
, male authority and affection (p. 167); women offer no threat to male I
I
j,

status. Not surprisingly then, nine proverbs refer to the attraction I

I-I
and beauty of women. However, it is just this attraction and beauty t
JI
Ii
that the society must watch out for. Number 333 says, "Kuona chembere r
yodzinga shiri/ zviyo zvaibva" - To see an old women chase birds means

that the grain is ripe (an allusion to young girls coming of marital

age). Beauty and attraction can be deceptive (#701, 736), enticing

when belonging to someone not your own (#955), and accessible,- like

fruit to be picked (#989) - like a hoe handle (#990) - like a forest

with wood to be cut '(#991) '- and like figs on a tree (#992). Number

111 reveals the extent of a woman's appeal: "Mhosvakadzi/ muripo

mwene" - A woman's fine is her very self, i.e., in the last resort, she

always has herself to offer. Seen in this favorable light, with

'special attention to their beauty, women attract men other than their

husbands and therein lies the danger of adultery, a danger already re-

il.
 176

ferred to (p. 167), and a danger that is said to be mortal for man

(#726) .

The Shona proverbs give particular attention to barren women

(understandable in view of the necessity of parenthood), divorcees,

"girl friends" (understandable in view of the above discussion), and

old women. It is this attention to old women that supports what has

been said in the literature about their status once they have acquired

"matri-estates," "motherhood cows, '! and other evidences of prestige.

Perhaps the old women become an enigma in patrilineal Shona society and

the proverbs provide a way to lessen tension as Parker suggests (1974).

Whatever the reason, the proverbs do give information on the Shona view

upon these oldsters. They are wise and need to be listened to (#20,

21), yet they have definite limits because of their age (#456), 482,

713, 1186, 1187, 1399). The limits are tolerable though: "Chembere

mukadzi/ hazvienzani nokuvata mugota" - An old woman is better than

sleeping alone (#528). Death, of course, lingers around the old women

,(#649,650, and 1153). One proverb says that they shouldn't be fed
'I
bream because they may try to fish for it in the morning and die in the i
)
,'I
I
river (#1342). But, in the final analysis, the old women with their

high status are to be respected, "Kutuka chambere/ kutuka une nhekwe

yefodya" - If you scold an old woman, be sure you have a snuff gourd to

give her as an offering (#699)l The references to old women are un-

doubtedly one reason there is a significant difference between the Bemba

proverbs referring to women and the Shona proverbs.

In stark contrast to the Shona view, the Bemba see women in ser-

ious tension with men - a view that has already been noted in the dis-
 177

cussion or kin (p. 167). The Bemba contrast men and women in ways that

seem to belittle the latter. They are not strong (#105), can't make a

net like men (#1144), and don't even enjoy the same status as male com-

panions: ItBepo mwanakashi: mwaume mubiyo, mwenda nankwe" - Lie to a

woman, but travel well with your male companion (#155). Their gossip

"burns" (#338) and brings about evil things (#746).2 Speaking of their

gossip again, number 333 says it is silly - but he who doesn't listen

to it is a fool! Even comments about the role of women (#10, 1091,

1145) leaves a negative image in spite of #1076 which says the advice

of women can be helpful at times. For example, they are to be submis-

r
,sive (#1091) not aggressive (#1145). Two of the proverbs that deal

with the role of women do so in what is considered by this student a

coarse, unseemly way: they are the dung of duiker (#10), and urine

(#1091). Throughout the Bemba proverbs that refer to women, there seems

to be an aura of tension. This tension is recognized again in #1282,

"Wituka mwanakashi talafuula" - Don't insult a woman before she un-

dresses.

It appears that the Shona respect for old women and the contrast- ),

ing views of women in the two societies may be important factors ac-

counting for differences in reference in the proverbs. The literal

context provides this perspective and the statistical data supports the

pers.pective.

2This reference to Satan "Shetani" is obviously of Christian

tradition, and leads the reader to wonder if Hoch, a Roman Catholic,
did not insert the name if not the proverb.
 178

Men

Men, too, are referred to in contrasting ways in the corpora of

proverbs. Table III (p. 133) shows that there are twenty-six Shona

references and only six Bemba references - a difference that is signi-

2 2
ficant (x = 8.1967, where the tabled value of x at 0.05 = 3.84146).
This statistical data is not being used to prove things concerning

world view but it is being used to prod one to further research.

Further ethnographic comments set the stage for looking at the

differences noted in the comparisons. Much attention has been given to

Bemba men in the nuclear family, but they must be seen outside this

group as well. They must be seen as the maternal uncles to whom the

wives of other men (their sisters) turn for help, counsel and protec-

tiona In this role, Bemba men have unquestioned authority.' Radcliffe-

Brown (1950:41-42) reminds us that it is the men of the matrilineage

"who form the corporate group, holding rights over land and acting

collectively in various ways." Yet, as Audrey Richards says, they are

"born in one village, move to another to marry, go to a third to in-

J"
herit a title, or to join some of [their] own relatives, or [set] up a

new village . . • . " (1940:35). The patrilineal Shona men likewise en-

joy unquestioned authority" but arrive at this authority on a different

basis. They, like men in other patrilineal societies, cooperate all

their lives with their male relatives, engaging in common tasks, and

working the same piece of ground (Richards, ibid.).

How do the proverbs present men in the two societies? Do the pre-

sentations provide information that leads to a greater acquaintance with

 179

their world views? The answers to these questions come with a careful

analysis of the contents of each proverb.

Male camaraderie seems to be alluded to in the proverbs of both

the Bemba and the Shona. rhis camaraderie is not like that described

by Maquet of various male associations in Africa with their masks,

dances, beliefs, myths, public ceremonies, furtive practises, philoso-

phies, and brutality of action (1971:219-220). But it is camaraderie

that is distinctly Shona and Bemba.

The Shona say, "Varume ndivamwe/ kutsva kwendebvu vanodzimurana" -

men are all the same; when their beards burn they help each other to ex-

tinguish the fire. Elaboration on this idea of camaraderie is possible

by recognizing the three proverbs that refer to old men in this society.

One proverb says that two old men won't kill each other, but will in-

stead help each other survive (#442). A second proverb lends indirect

support to the idea of male camaraderie by stating that two old men

can't help each other cross a river - as they once used to do. The

third proverb expresses remorse when camaraderie breaks down: an old

~an refuses to share his maize cob although he has no teeth with which

_~to eat it
III
(#135). Supporting this idea of camaraderie are proverbs that

discuss men in various roles. Six proverbs refer to the work that they

do (#412, 413, 782,1204, 1451, and 1452). This last proverb might be

considered representative of these refeFences to work: "Murume-murume/

anoti chamuka inyama" - A man is a man, he considers anything that comes

up as meat - a reference to his willingness to do what is necessary to

eat. Besides reference to work, the Shona also refer to the taboos im-

posed upon men (#663), their contrast with women (#755, already referred
 180

to), their appeal to women other than their wives (#956), their status

(#999), and their relationships (#1411 and 1475)0 A pathetic fellow in

the eyes of the Shona people - and a person deserving frequent mention

in their proverbs (seven times) - is the bachelor (tsvimborume, pfunda).

The bachelor is different: he gets ready for bed then decides he is

hungry (#31), makes a mortar as though. he has a wife (#639), can't be

satisfied (#1409), and pays attention to unmarried mothers although his

I
real desire is for a young girl (#1533). The other proverbs about this

person (#318, 322, 325) present him in the same light. Perhaps it is
:1
II
the difference of the bachelor that calls for such frequent reference

to him in the proverbs of the Shona because one thing that contributes

to camaraderie is sameness of role and function.

The Bemba also give attention to this feature of relationships

among men. Only three proverbs refer to men, but two of those proverbs

give some dimension to camaraderie. Number 155 has already been quoted,

but it states this camaraderie so aptly that it is worth repeating:

"Bepo mwanakashi: mwaume mubiyo,mwenda nankwe" - Lie to a women, but

wa~ well with your male companion. Number 1146 states that the man

... ~ is unsociable, avoiding the men's rest shelter, ends up being hun-

gry himself. However, the Bemba proverbs say very little about men by

direct reference to them. There is no mention of their work, relation-

ships, taboos and status. It is only observed that, besides the cama-

raderie, they are numerous (#16). Reference is also made to bachelors

(#781), old men (#37), and bald-headed men (#959) who, unlike bald-

headed men in Shona proverbs, are seen in a favorable light.

J..~ ---
 181

While no conclusions can be drawn on male camaraderie as expres-

sed by the proverbs of the Bemba and Shona peoples 9 enough has been seen

to recognize that this is an important feature of thei~ respective

Other Orientations .. It will be observed in a later section that this ~

feature is reinforced in different ways by contrasting attention given

to friends and friendship (see page 199). Besides the common interest

in camaraderie, it has been noted that the Bemba make very little re-

ference to men in particular and the Shona give considerable attention

to the work that men do and to bachelors who seem to be an enigma in

this male-oriented society that is concerned with the continuation of

male lines. These various insights point the way to further research in

these areas - research that goes beyond the scope of this paper.

ELDERS AND AUTHORITIES

Hierarchy, power, status, wealth, function, conflict, conformity,

adulthood, and leadership come into the picture in varying ways as one

considers elders and authorities in two contrasting African societies.

The features related to these personalities have likewise been studied

in various ways, being described according to the interests and the

training of outside observers.

A look at some of the studies on elders in some African societies

sheds light on this study of elders among the Bemba and the Shona. For

example, LeVine (1970:286) describes the formality of behaviour in which

African eldership is often steeped:

. . . . There is a degree of social prescription and pro-

scription in African families and other primary groups that
we are accustomed to only in organizational or bureaucratic
settings. Furthermore, the adherence to institutionalized·
 182

norms of behaviours act as a barrier to what westerners

. regard as "intimacy," that is, the sharing of innermost
thoughts and feelings, the giving and taking of emotional ~
support, the private regression to childish means of ex- ~
pressing affection, the experience of temporary union
(loss of ego boundaries) with another person. It seems
that intimacy in this ,sense, and the individualized rela-
tionships that accompany it, are of less importance to
Africans than other goals of interpersonal relations . . . .
So the relative formality of behaviour., like the customs of
avoidance and segregation, maintains social and emotional
distance between persons (1970:286).

J. F. Ritchie explains the roots of this formal behaviour described by

LeVine by reference to child-rearing procedures that are prevalent on

the continent (1943:12),3 stating later that

• • A quantum of dread remains not far below the sur-

0 •

face of6onsciousness, and eventually, under the influence

of later infantile experiences, it becomes mixed with other
emotions and expresses itself as a vague embarrassed uneasi-
ness. This mixed emotion commonly remains permanently the
dominant attitude towards figures of authority . . . . (op.
cit., 15).

LeVine and Ritchie's attention to the formal behaviour usually

associated with elders in many African societies is just one focus of

attention. And, as is always the case, generalities are too broad to

encompass the whole of this continent and its millions of people. Spe-

cific studies can offer a different kind of help to this consideration

of elders. LeVine offers such help by reference to several examples of

formal behaviour centered around elders: among the Zulu a newly married

wife must avoid certain topics in the presence of her senior in-laws,

various peoples of Western Kenya require that young men avoid a wide

range of interpersonal situations with their "fathers" - from touching

3The author does not subscribe to Ritchie's Freudian, colonially-

biased viewpoints. His views are simply referred to as an example of
I
research done.
I
\

l
 ~
183

to jOintly hearing sexual matters discussed. He points out that among

some peoples (the Hausa of West Africa and other groups in the Western

Sudan) the oldest child must be raised so as not to have contact with

one or both of the parents .at certain times (LeVine 1970: 284-285) .

Studies by other observers provide yet a broader base for looking

at the eldership as viewed by the Bemba and the Shona. Tanner (1967:

157) contrasts European and Sukuma ideas of status as it is associated

with elders. The European, he says, views status in connection with

private space around the subject. As one's importance mounts, his

space increases. The Sukuma view status in just the opposite way. For

these people of Tanzania, the status of elders is connected with the

presence of many people around them. This is most clearly seen in the

trips made by the chief among the people: he is often immersed in the

crowd. Placide Tempels (1959:101) shows hierarchical contrasts which

the BaLuba of Zaire see in their orientation toward elders. This group

refers to a person of "middling importance devoid of real force" as

muntu mutupu, while the truly powerful elder is called a muntu mukulumpe.

Tempels explains this classification in terms of his understanding of

the place of "vital force," known in anthropological circles as power

or mana. There is a "gradation in the essential quality of men in ac-

cordance with the intensity of their vital force." Another perspective

on elders in African communities is provided by Victor Turner's observa-

tions among the matrilineal Ndembu of Zambia who attribute great signi-

ficance to the attainment of adulthood by a woman (1968:198).

Consideration of elders in African society provide a basis for

looking at leaders in particular. Leadership involves a broad range of

 ,~~ 184

men and women, usually elders, in political roles. Middleton (1970:79)

points out that anthropologists have classified these leaders according

to three main types: leaders of simple bands such as the Bushmen,4

leaders in societies that ~ack centralized authority but which depend

Ion lineage systems, age-sets and associations, and, leaders in societ-

ties with clearly defined central chieftanships characterized by con-

federations, kinship, homogeneity or heterogeneity, and confederations

united by ritual and religion.

There are, then a variety of ways to look at authorities and poli-

tical leaders in Africa~ The viewpoints vary according to the political

'structures of the societies. References to the leaders in the local

languages 6annot so easily be translated chief, headman, ward head,

etc., with complete uniformity of meaning. This is where "equivalency"

as discussed in Chapter IV becomes a problem. Let it be noted that

proof of equivalency is not the burden of this paper. Instead, termi-

nology is being used that hopefully helps the reader understand the

people in question and which also represents the people themselves in

a fair way.

In looking at leaders and authoritative personalities in the poli-

tical realm, several observations have been made that should be borne

in mind as a study is'made of any particular groups. For example, Le-

Vine (1970:291-292) refers to the "functionally diffuse role relation-

ships" common to traditional societies. Few leadership roles are de-

fined by single functional contexts. Chiefs may be law-makers, judges

4
Recent research has cast doubt on the concept of "leaders" among
the Bushmen (San).

L
 \~
185

and administrators all combined, rather than just one or the other.

LeVine goes on,

• In Africa, when someone is in a position of author-

ity there are characteristic demands and expectations he
makes of others and has made upon him. He expects that his
followers will obey his commands, not only concerning the
function that may have originally brought them together but
for any other purpose he deems si~nificant. Thev must, for
example, help maintain and enhance his social status by pro-
viding him with the conspicuous leisure appropriate to some-
one of high rank. In other words they must perform menial
tasks for him and serve him so that he can appear unencum-
bered in public and can offer a degree of hospitality that
is beyond his private means.

Parrinder adds another observation concerning traditional African

leadership. He remarks that relationships were static and unchanging

in the political arena and were renewed in rituals and sacrifice (1969).

Deviations and individual assertions did not change this basic under-

standing of leadership. Kenneth Kaunda, President of Zambia, adds a

personal note to this study of leadership as seen in Africa:

. • . . For us, to talk of ourselves as the 'servants' of the

people is more than a political platitude. It is a precious
part of our culture and tradition. The essence of servant-
hood is surely availability,openness to the demands of all
those who have a claim upon one's services. This seems to
be in marked contrast to the Western tradition of leadership.
The symbol of rank in Western society appears to be unavail-
ability. The more important you are, the more difficult it
is for anyone to get access to you unless they are important,
too. In our tradition, to be known by name to others is to
"belong" to them in a very real sense, and therefore the more
widely you are known the greater the number of people of all
kinds who have the right of access to you . . . . (1966:33).

Generalities aside, the ethnographic literature provides innumerable

examples of varying orientations toward leaders. Doob, for example,

observes that there is no unequivocal orientation toward the chief in

the Fanti culture of Ghana (1961:266). There, the chief may be viewed

as having ultimate power or as having limited power.

 ~ 186

These and other observations on elders in general and leaders in

particular prepare the way for a more minute look at these personal it-

ies among the Bemba and the Shona. The observations help one to anti-

cipate the differences of o~tlook and emphas~s, a uniquely expressed

formality of behaviour, culturally understood hierarchies that do not

resemble one another, and the different places of men and women in the

eldership roles. The brief review of some literature on leadership

prepares one to anticipate different leadership roles with functional

diffusion most likely, non-equivalency in terminology, attention to

status and conformity in African perspective.

Looking first at the Bemba orientation toward elders in general,

Richards points out that attitudes towards these individuals begin in

childhood (1939:197-198). Children learn to always give deference to

elder brothers and sisters. Moreover, this deference is acknowledged

with affection and pride. The attitude is expressed in adult years in

a variety of ways from taking what one wants from younger siblings to

presenting gifts to older ones. Conventional greetings express the at-

titude as do avoidance rules and practises. At the apex of this at-

tidue is the Bemba grandfather. Richards says,

. . . . it is certain that the position of a Bemba grand-

father is one that gives great power and authority and is
in some respects more enviable than that of the grandfather
in a typical patrilineal Bantu community, since the head of
a Bemba grand-family has established his rule by individual
effo~t and not through the help of his brothers or his
patrilineage . . . . (1950:228).

Attitudes towards political leaders among the Bemba must be viewed

in light of the general attitude toward elders. Then again, those at-

titudes must be viewed in connection with the political system that

L
 187

characterizes the Bemba. Maquet (1971:90) considers the Bemba system

as one of the well-known chiefdoms of Africa, and Richards, using

Linton's description of "orientations" as a society's chief focus of

interests and social institutions, states that "military ambition under

an autocratic chieftanship is the orientation of the Bemba [people]

(1939:25). The chief (imfumu), then, is the paramount leader of the

Bemba people and all thought of leadership centers around the chief tan-

ship (ubufumu). Thus, it is necessary to know what the Bemba believe

about his predecessors and successors, his centrality to ritual and

economic life, his place in times past in migrations and wars, his

ownership of the land, his status, and his distributive powers. More-

over, it is necessary to recognize the people associated with him, from

messengers to councillors.

Elders and political authorities are likewise closely connected in

Shona society. The literature is replete with examples of respect for

age, submission to seniority, and recogni tion of a-uthori ty. Bourdillon,

in explaining the roles of village headmen, ward heads, and even chiefs

brings the reader to a picture of protective elders in extended fami-

lies. For example, he says that "The traditional role of the chief is

an extension of the ideal patriarchal system . . . "(1976:133). Of

the chief (ishe) in particular, Bourdillon says,

The chief is traditionally guardian of the fundamental

values of rupenyu (life) and simba (strength, vitality,
well-being). Life comes from~land of which the chief
is the 'owner', and strength or power comes from the chief's
status and his accession rituals. Both life and prosperity
are necessary for the properity of his people and parti-
cularly for the land and its produce . . . . (op. cit., 131).

l
 -~<
'~

188 !:
11,;

As with the Bemba, details for the Shona are endless. These

limited references, however, provide a backdrop for looking at the data

provided by the proverbs of the two peoples. It will at once be no-

ticed that the Bemba refer to elders considerably more times than do

the Shona. As to authorities in general, there is a numerical equiva-

lence of reference in the two groups (see Table III, page 133). Using

the statistics simply as prods once again to further ethnographic re-

search and as but one perspective on the date, the question is raised,

Do the proverbs reveal anything about respective orientations toward

these leaders that can supply information on respective world views?

Elders

A careful analysis of the Bemba proverbs that refer to elders

(abakulu, abakalamba) shows that twelve of them point to their status,

seven reveal conflicts associated with~elders, four of them deal with

conformity, and two each refer to camaraderie as discussed in the sec-

tion on men (page 181) and limits that must be attached to eldership.

The status of elders is expressed in typically picturesque style.

Several proverbs speak of their knowledge and wisdom for court cases

(#129), to guard against famine (#521), to remove honey (#744), to keep

a fire (#1037), and to speak precisely (#1014). Number 1016 may express

the high status of elders in a representative way: "Umukalamba talangwa

cintelelwe" - An elder isn't shown the shade, i.e., he knows where it

is. The status of elders among the Bemba people is sometimes expressed

in terms of relationships. Number 55 says that a mouth that is bearded

cannot lie to others. Hoch explains that number 131 - where an elder is

there is dimness of sight - is often used when an elder has been care-

i
I

L
 189

lessly overlooked in a social situation (1968:19). Two proverbs refer

to their ability to acquire food and things they want by simply looking

at the people involved (#399, 937). One proverb reveals the generosity

expected of elders themselves: "Umukulu alaipampanta" - The elder feels

himself allover to see if there is anything remaining on him that he

can give away (Hoch 1968:117). Finally, the elders' status is remarked

upon when it is said that their bows hit an animal from where they lie,

i.e., they always get their share of the meat even if they don't go on

the hunt any longer (#864, 865).

Conflict is a second matter addressed in the Bemba proverbs about

elders. Most of these proverbs threaten those who disrespect elders,

proverbially called "Lukanya bakulu" (#587), with early death. These

contradictive, rebellious people don't get old (#587), grow beards on

their necks, i.e., in their graves (#713, 714), fail to delay their end

(#1184, 1185), and die when they reach puberty (#1203). Only one pro-

verb in this group that pictures conflict allows for a view from the

side of those contradicting the elders; number 789 states, "We did not

chase the elders, they chased themselves" from the meeting. The comple-

ment to this conflict is conformity. There are three benefits of this

option as expressed in the proverbs: no disillusionment (#255), ac-

quaintanceship and notoreity (#293), and getting old (#1194). The way

of conformity is, in fact, the way to overcome the elders: "Ukufutulo

mukulu: kunakilila" (#913).

Two final observations on elders by the Bemba reveal them as part

of male camaraderie and as limited in some ways. As to camaraderie, a

seemingly important feature of male association, expression is given

L
negatively: anyone who deceives a fellow elder will be deceived recip-

rocally (#201), and, a thorn is gladly removed from the foot of a stingy

elder - because it gives one an opportunity to squeeze him hard (#1015).

Limits are expressed in terms of physical condition. Old age doesn't

strengthen the brain - "Ubukulu tabukwasha mano" - (#835), and accord-

ing to number 37, a proverb that refers to the legs of an old man, an

elder can dance the dance requiring a lot of tremulous body motions,

but afterwards they meet in order to hold each other up.

The Shona give similar treatment to some of the same features they

observe about elders. In addition to the nineteen proverbs that refer

to elders (vakuru) fifteen proverbs that refer to one particular kind

of elder - grandmothers (vambuya) must be brought into the picture. Old

men (harahwa), referred to three times, should also be considered. When

this is done, the significant difference between numbers of Bemba re-

ferences and numbers of Shona references disappears. There are, how-

ever, some distinguishing characteristics.

The combined Shona references to elders, old men and grandmothers

refer to their status seventeen times, their limits ten times, camara-

derie three times, and conflicts only once. An analysis of the proverbs

referring to status reveals an immediatley recognizable distinction of

the Shona references. The Shona make a distinction between adults

(akura) and elders (vakuru). The former are obviously younger and

socially immature. They are recognizable if they have a crying child

(#8), and identifiable in that they play while supposedly caring for

things (#840). The contrast is most clearly seen in three proverbs

(#263, 264, 265) which basically say the same thing: "Akura/ ataurwa" -
 191
a grown up is talked about, and which are set off from number 659 which

talks about the elder and says he is not to be talked about~ "Mukuru

haataurwi." In addition, the elders' status is talked about in terms

of knowledge and wisdom, relationships and actionsc But unlike the

Bemba, very little is said about their status in regard to knowledge and

wisdom. What is said, is in reference to the old women (#20, 21, 699,

333). Relationships, as they are effected by this status are referred

to in four proverbs: elders give as they desire to give, not as they

are coerced (#109, 110), they are not disciplined for that is limited

to children (#997), and to continue playing with the tail of an elder

can result in emotional trauma (#1221). Unique to the Shona corpus of

proverbs is number 1054 which reminds elders to act like elders:

"Mukuru mukurul hanga haigari pfunde" - An elder is an elder, the

guinea fowl doesn't sit on sorghum stalks - it is too big.

Inclusion of the old women in this consideration of the Shona

view on elders, gives a slightly warped picture of eldership because

weaknesses and limitations are likewise associated with them. Seven

proverbs that refer to these personalities mention their limitations

(#456, 482, 528, 713, 1186, 1187, 1342, 1399). Three proverbs refer to

their death (#649, 650, and 1153), number 1153 stating that an old

woman dies because people were arguing about their responsibilities

toward her. It seems, however, that such limitations are often asso-

ciated with old people. The three proverbs that refer to camaraderie

all do so in a negative way. It seems that old men aren't as capable

of expressing this apparently culturally valued association anymore

. (IF 135, 442, 1293) 0

'L
 192

The single Shona reference to elders and conflict that arises be-

cause of their status is interesting. To shun their words is to refuse

advice (#86). What makes this reference interesting is that it is alone

in this expression. This is totally different from the Bemba proverbs

which deal with this conflict in seven proverbs with four other pro-

verbs complementing them by attention to conformity. There is no threat

of death to those who shun the words of the elders and this fact like-

wise makes it a contrast to the Bemba focus.

A summary of the Shona and Bemba orientations toward elders in

their respective societies brings together the various threads that make

up this part of the screens which are their world views and also pre-

pares the way for a look at authorities. Elders, obviously, have a

prominent place in the world views of both peoples. 5 At first glance,

it appears that the Bemba proverbs give more prominence to these per-

sonalities than do the Shona proverbs, but whe~ all the personalities

that might be considered in this category for the Shona are brought to-

gether, no such statement of more prominence for the Bemba can be as-

serted. The corpus of proverbs from both people, however, present

different views on these personalities. While status is equally identi-

fied with elders for both groups, there are distinctions in regard to

who are included in the cat~gory. There are also limitations, and con-

flicts that center around this subject. The Shona proverbs give dis-

proportunate attention to old women, a feature recognized earlier. They

also give more attention to limits suffered by elders. The Bemba, on

5previous proverbs have also confirmed this. For example, in

discussing self-orientation, it was noted that "the eye of an elder has
special influence and power" in both groups (p. 96).

L
 193

the other hand, give disproportionate attention to conflict and con-

formity as it occurs between elders and their juniors, reinforcing this

somewhat with relatively high reference to the wisdom and knowledge as-

sociated with elders - a reference not made by the Shona except in con-

nection with old women. Thus, a recognizably different view on elders

appears for the two groups. These differing views prepare the way for

looking at authorities within this orientation.

Authorities

The Bemba refer to individuals with political and social authority

thirty-eight times and the Shona refer to them thirty-six times. Chiefs

are the most frequently referred to individuals, though the words used

for these personages should not be considered equivalent in translation.

Besides the chiefs, different leaders are mentioned according to the

political system that is being described in the proverbs. Other differ-

ences can be noted as the contents of all the proverbs are carefully

studied.

Chiefs are referred to twenty-one times in the Bemba proverbs and,

an additional nine references to the chieftanship provide a good quan-

tity of data to consider. Status, associations, tasks, qualification,

conflicts, and limitations are presented in ways that are distinctly

Bemba. For example, the status of chiefs is described in terms of their

places, their nature, wealth, and power. Three proverbs associate their

status with their residences: their palaces are wherever they are

(#142), their habitats are like a man's private parts - respected and

strong (#546) and like a watering place where nothing is left wanting

(#547). Most attention to status is given in regard to their power.

..... ~
194

Five proverbs describe this; power in differing ways: they don't eat

vomit (#369), i.e., they never swallow again what has already come up,

they are not begged for meat (#990), have powerful, large fires (#1040),

and are the metaphor for an insatiable earth (#1089). An interesting

proverb that describes the power of chiefs but mentions only the chief-

tanships, not the chiefs themselves is #824, "Ubufumu busheta amenshi" -

the chieftanship chews water, being able to do whatever it pleases.

Status is again referred to in one proverb about the nature of chiefs

(#152) and two complementary proverbs that refer to the chieftanship

(#820,823). The wealth of chiefs, according to number 213, also lends

to their status, and this wealth is never too small.

The associations that chiefs have reinforce their status in Bemba

society. Six proverbs describe these associations. Three refer to sub-

jects in general: the person who was full and foolishly gave his gra-

nary to the chief (#21), the person who is ill and thus ahould not visit

the chief (#1193), and the whole village which is admonished to follow

the chief so that it won't be eaten - "Konke mfumu: umushi tauliwa."

Three other proverbs describe associations between chiefs and servants.

One says that the person serving a chief doesn't strike (#94). Another

says such a person doesn't run around naked (#501), and the third says

that the person who boasted he would not leave the chief filled his

pants (#712).

Tasks of the Bemba chiefs are alluded to in one proverb directly

and four proverbs indirectly. They are advised to be energetic so that

the country will be strong (#531). Four proverbs that actually mention

the chieftanship rather than the chiefs liken these persons to speaking
 195
---~lf (#821), saying this work causes red eyes (#822) and is not some-

thing enjoyed (#825, 826).

The final references to chiefs have to do with their qualifica-

tions and limitations. The Bemba say that chieftanship is something

given, not something taken, and it should not be treated foolishly

(#827). Limitations are noticeable in that even bad food can keep them

alive if need be (#227), and they cannot beget fellow chiefs (#370).

Like the Fante of Ghana, then, Bemba chiefs do not have unequivocal

power (Doob 1961:266).

Additional personnel in this category of leadership are mainly

supportive personnel to the chiefs. Thus, there is mention of the

chief's headwife (#609), judges (#484), headmen (#77, 605, 671, and

1088), soldiers (#334, 672), and stewards (#656).6

The Shona likewise consider their chiefs in terms of status, as-

sociations, tasks, qualifications and limitations. Status is referred

to a total of eight times. Their status is clearly stated and distin-

guished from others in numbers 191 and 192, for in the former they are

contrasted with servants and in the latter they are contrasted with

headmen. Being chiefs is a position sought after by Shona people. For

example, when a person is drunk he thinks he is a chief (#287). A

second proverb encourages listeners to work diligently·by stating that

a person may leave a place a beggar and return a chief (#619). Power is

associated with the status of Shona chiefs in four proverbs. Two of

them say they are like witches because they can have whatever they want

6AS with other terminology, these words are not necessarily

equivalent with English translations, nor with Shona counterparts.
 '\ 196
(/'60, 961). One proverb compares the Shona chiefs to hearts for the

same reason (#984). The fourth proverb that describes status in terms

of power is number 997 which states that an elder is a chief who cannot

be disciplined like a child.

Significant in the Shona proverbs about their chiefs are refer-

ences to their associations with subjects in general and with servants

in particular. Proverb number 137 states the close association of

chiefs and their subjects: "Ishe/vanhu" - The chief is peopleo Other

proverbs refer to this kind of association in picturesque language:

they grow as the numbers of their subjects grow (#136), they look out for

the poor (#154), children (#827), those who visit their courts (#420),

those who work in their fields (#1107) and those who have been to the

sanctuary forest of the chiefs (#1108). The importance of subjects as-

sociating with the chiefs is seen in the proverb which states that the

reason the tortoise lives so long is because it met a chief (#485).

Limits, however, are placed upon these associations. Number 1228, for

example, states that one should stop mixing his own cattle with those

of the chief. Associations with servants are mentioned twice in the

Shona coprus of proverbs: servants eat where the chiefs eat (#147) and

servants often become wealthier by their association with chiefs, while

chiefs just suffer for their jobs (#644).

Four proverbs that describe the task of chiefs can be summed up

in the statement that everything - all kinds of situations - come to

them. Three proverbs say they are like trash heaps upon which every-

thing is tossed (#1072, 1073, 1074), and one says they are like a well

into which everything is thrown (#1075).

L
 197
The Shona, like the Bemba, refer to that which qualifies a citi-

zen to be a chief. In their case, the proverbs say it is respect for

the ancestral spirits (#896). Limitations upon the chief are also re-

ferred to by these people. They say, "Rufu.haruna ishe" - death doesn't

know the chief, it comes to all. Number 1069 is an interesting proverb

which says the chief stopped the servant's journey, but rain stopped

the chief's. Thus, though powerful and held in high esteem, the Shona

proverbs reveal the Shona as looking upon this figure in their world

view with recognition of his limitations 0

Finally it can be noted that, along with their chiefs, the Shona

refer to other leaders in their proverbs. They refer to councillors

(#1067, 1068), judges (#1121), headmen (#146, 192), sons of the chief

(#201, 463, and 1065), and tribal wards (#254).

A review of the references to leaders in the two collections of

:lli
proverbs, especially chiefs who are given the primary attention, re-

veals a·common reference to associations. Maquet (1971:8790) states

that many Africanist anthropo,logists have erred in describing African

political systems-by first describing functions whether in terms of the

control and regulation of physical force (Radcliffe-Brown), the as sur-

ance of social order (Middleton and Tait) , or the maintenance of inter-

nal cooperation and external independence (Schapera). Instead, atten-

tion should have given over to associations: "The ruler-subject rela-

tion is the basic tie found in all the numerous interactions between

members of a society." The proverbs being considered in this study have

pointed out that, in the eyes of the Bemba and Shona people themselves,

associations indeed are important. This fact adds another dimension to

 198

the growing dimension of other-orientation in the respective world views

of the two peoples - and points out the value of studying proverbs for

this purpose. Such studies can bring out viewpoints easily missed by

the most well-trained observers.

SPIRITS AND GODS

In his overview of relationship in Africa, Maquet (1971:17) calls

relations between individuals and entities such as spirits and gods

"relations of magic or religion, of cult or possession." Maquet admits

that the subject of spirits and gods is an important field of human be-

haViour, but as a sociologist, cannot find an objective way to study

the subject as a part of community life for the people of Africa. He

says, "Important fields of human activity do not fall within the scope

of sociological analysis as such. Exclusion is the price of keenness of

analysis" (op. cit., 20). Others have been a bit more courageous in

this endeavor.

First, some/generalizations about the subject of spirits and gods

in Africa. In addition to introductory references to this subject (page

114), several Africanists have delved into this subject. Placide Tem-

pels was among the first to attempt a sensitive assessment of these im-

portant others in African world views. He said,

. . . . . vital influences of the dead upon the living, are

daily bread to the Bantu. In a greater or less degree these
phenomena are familiar to every muntu: they live in commu-
nion with their dead and this living influence of the dead
should not be adjudged super-normal according to the canons
of our philosophy, but as a natural occurrence, as the normal
ordering of events in the world of forces of Bantu philoso-
phy (Tempels 1959:88).

Il
 199

Tempels ably makes the point that the dead need to be considered in any

study of commun~ty dimensions in Africa.

Janheinz Jahn is another person who has taken a sympathetic look

at a generalized African view on spirits and gods. One of his comments

might likewise prove helpful in this look at the kinds of generaliza-

tions that have been and are being made. Jahn referred to relationships

between the living and the dead (or the "living-dead" as Mbiti would

have it [1970:110J), and said,

Sacrifice is above all a way of entry into relations with

the ancestors, the dialogue of Thee and Me. Food is shared
with him; its existential force is to give him the sense of
life. And this communion extends to identification in such
a way that, by an inverse movement, the force of the an-
cestor flows into the sacrifices and into the community
which he embodies. Sacrifice is the most typical illustra-
tion of the interaction of the vital forces of the universe.

The individual dead are therefore of different "strengths"

according as they have many or few living descendants who
honour them and sacrifice to them • . . . (1961:112).

Obviously, generalizations are dangerous. Tempels speaks from his

perspective in Central Africa and Jahn speaks from his perspective in

West Africa. Both men attempt to speak for all of Africa. But what is

true for one small part of this vast continent need not be assumed true

for it all. For example, in 1940, I. Schapera pointed out that for the

Kgatta of Botswana, "Ancestor worship itself has virtually disappeared"

(1940:309). In 1960, M. J. Field, working among the Ashanti of West

Africa, describe the reliance of a third generation Christian on an-

cestral spirits (1960:48).

Tempels and Jahn are just two of many observers who have attempted

to view spirits and gods in Africa from the perspective of the Africans.
 200

They have aroused the interest of this researcher, though it is diffi-

cult at times to really understand what they are saying! Other names

also come to mind, however: Busia, Nadel, Middleton, Dieterlen, Evans-

Pritchard, Wilson, Rattray, Parsons, Forde, Idowu, Parrinder, Lienhardt

and Little. These, and others provide considerable volumes of material

on spirits, both generally speaking and in particular cases.

Specific cases from various peoples of Africa provide yet further

background to this consideration of the Bemba and the Shona. Of the

Sukuma in Tanzania, Tanner reports that it is believed

G A potential ancestor spirit is in the blood of every

•

man and becomes active after death. It is all that remains

after death, when the human being dies; there is nothing left
when an animal dies, ~ven a cow specially consecrated to the
ancestors of a family. All the spirits of his ancestors are
in his blood and the blood of his relatives. If a man dies
without child, the spirit of the dead man goes to his broth-
ers, by reason of the blood relationship through father and
grandfather; it is not necessary for him to die in order
that his spirit be present in the body of his son, and they
allege that a living man, by this means, is able to affect
another living relative (1967:13).

Monica Wilson (1959:5-6) studied this phenomenon among the Nyakusa in

Southern Africa and determined that there was a close identification

between the spirits and semen in the world view of these people. To

them, spirits "are identical with the procreative principle." In a

similar way, Bradbury J 1965: 1.0 1) observed that for the Edo of Western
Nigeria, the dead are viewed as ancestors and as the "reservoir from

which the group renews itself." Fields (1960:55) observed possession as

it is associated with spirits among the Ashanti and explained: "A per-

son in the 'possessed' state is in the condition known in psychiatry as

'dissociated personality'." Jahn observed the same phenomena in West

Africa and poetically described it as a "sinking into oneself" (1968:

40) .

God and gods are also referred to in general and in specific ways

in the literature. Speaking generally of Africa, Geoffrey Parrinder

(1969:40-41) says that, in African thought, "God is both the creator

and the principle of unity that holds everything together. He is the

source and essence of force, "Ntu, which inspires the whole vital organ-

ism." This viewpoint, he says, is in stark contrast with Greek thought

which could banish the creator and do no damage to its "logical archi-

tecture." The African would not attempt to banish God from its world

view. As is to be expected, Parrinder is challenged.

.
God, in the

African schema, is not Ntu, says Janheinz Jahn (1968:105). Instead he

is "the 'Great Muntu, First Creator and First Begetter in one." Speci-

fic references to God and gods in the various cultures of the continent

provide data on which to get objective viewpoints. Little, for example,

described the Mende concept of God in Sierra Leone (1954:114). There,

he is the creator of human beings, animals, plants, and inorganic mat-

ter, and is also responsible for the existence of a non-material kind

of power known as hale. Parrinder points out that the Ashanti are dis-

tinctive in that they have temples, priests, and altars to their supreme

being, a feature of their religion that is shared by the Kikuyu of Kenya

(1961:15). Data and descriptions could go on and on. These few details

have been presented to show the Bemba and Shona attention to these

matters in a continent wide context.

The numerous volumes published be Michael Gelfand on Shona reli-

gion (1959, 1956, 1962, 1968) are proof enough that great detail could
 ) 202

b~~ered into for a description of Shona attitudes towards spirits

and God. That, however, is not the purpose of this paper. The reader

can look at those for that purpose. The present study simply considers

the broader picture in order to prepare readers for the picture of

spirits and Gods as revealed in the proverbs.

To that end, Michael Gelfand's description of the spiritual

hierarchy of the Shona is most helpful. Table V is a reproduction of

Gelfand's description. At the top of this spiritual hierarchy is the

creator called ~wari, also known as Nyadenga, Dedza, Musikavanhu,

Chikara, Dzivaguru, Chirazamauva, Mutangakugara (Bo~rdillon 1976: 320-

327). This Creator God among the Shona is one whose nature and

relevance is unclear to the people. He is rarely spoken of or spoken

to~ ~nd there are few myths and legends about him in their literature.

Although he knows all, sees all, and is responsible for the weather, the

fertility of the land, the wild forest, the personalities of people,

natural death, thunder and lightning, still it is believed that he is

indifferent to the people themselves, not even allowing for the

mediation of their spirits. "He is not the old, old man of other Bantu

[people]," says Charles Bullock (1928:144). On occasion, it has been

said that mhondoro have appealed to him for the people. Basically, he

is understood to be the cause for widespread events, anything that is

ordinary, and anything that is terrifying. There is a localized Mwari

cult group in the southern part of Zimbabwe, centered in the Matopos

Hills. This group is characterized by priests and priestesses, a cave

shrine, shrine-keepers, messengers, tribute, the offering of millet beer

and an occasional black ox, singing, dancing and consultation.

 203

TABLE V

THE SPIRITUAL HIERARCHY OF THE SHONA

and the place of witchcraft beliefs in the Religion

MWARI (the Creator)

indifferent, all~powerful

MHONDORO
(tribal or clan spirits)

VADZIMU
(spirits of family)

MASHAVE
(alien spirits conferring various
talents on the host)

VAROYI
{evil spirits)

VAROYI WEDZINNZA
(heriditary witch)

VAROYI WA MASIKATI
(day-witch including the category of the
witchdoctor who practises evil)

VADZIMU
(family spirits)

Healing spirit of
NGANGA

·NGOZI
(angered mudzimu)

Within thi~ enclo~ure are the suggested influences

which constitute witchcraft 7 beliefs among the
Shona.

7Gelfand explains his viewpoint that witchcraft includes the evil

of the va.royi as well as the good of the vadzimu and nganga.
 The mhondoro or "lion-spirits" referred to earlier in the text

(page 75) are next in the hierarchy. But the attention of this paper

is going to shift down to the vadzimu or family spirits. Bullock says, 'i
,!
I

If it is not all human nature, it is certainly Shona

nature to regard that'which touches the intimate life of
the family as being of infinitely greater importance than
national welfare. The prolonged illness of pis son will
affect a man more than the crowning of a chief, or even
the semi-starvation he may have to endure in a drought.
Mwari permits the drought; the tribal spirit sanctions the
appointment of the new chief, but it is the family spirit
or mudzimu who is interested in his own particular children,
and governs, guards and sometimes punishes the members of
his family • • . . (1928:152).

Bourdillon combines the accounts of several authors on Shona religion to

give his readers an idea as to what the Shona mean by reference to this

spirit (1976:232), describing it in terms of a "white shadow" that

becomes the spirit of a person when he or she dies. Great care is taken

in funerary ritual to ensure that the proper things occur to this

spirit. Right after the funeral, the spirit is believed to be somewhere

in the veld, the air, the ground, or commonly in a large tree. The

intent of the community is to keep it "cool" and away from the homestead

itself.

It is the spirits of senior members of a family that become the

family guardians. Bourdillon says If • • •• their continued presence is

so real to the Shona that they can aptly be called the 'spirit-elders'

of the community" (1976: 41 note). These spirits may be paternal

spirits or maternal spirits. The latter are often "strongly influential

and sometimes dangerous," too (op.cit., 71). In particular, maternal

spirits are important for the protection, fertility and pregnancy of

daughters. Gelfand points out that none of these family spirits

 I
·1

205

po~s adherents, they simply cause illness and trouble to befall the

family (1962:74).

Appeasement is an important matter. If there is sickness, either

paternal or maternal spirits can be responsible. If there are problems

with fertility and pregancy, maternal spirits are appeased. However,

i
most formal rituals are addressed to paternal spirits (Bourdillon 1976:

48). The nganga comes into the picture as the family tries to discover

which spirit needs appeasing. Offerings usually include millet beer,

cows, goats and oxen.

Although their are several studies on spirits and gods among the

Shona, few are available for the Bemba. A table similar to Gelfand's

for the Shona might be helpful for comparative purposes. The spiritual

hierarchy of the Bemba seems to be simpler than that of the Shona.

There seems to be no reference to "alien spirits," witches are not

associated with spirits, and doctors (nganga) don't have special healing

spirits, but instead invoke Lesa as they give prescriptions.

The high god of the Bemba is known by a number of names such as

Mwanda-Lesa, Lesa Mukulu, Lesa wa Fimbulumbulu, Icona-Lesa and others.

He is understood to live in the sky where he controls the thunder. He

is said to be the original source of magic power and is the one who

sends children. Gouldsbury and Sheane (1911) pointed out that he is not

the object of any cult. The Bemba people did not traditionally address

him directly or sacrifice to him, although they did invoke him with the

mention of his praise names and his attributes. Mostly he was known for

his aloofness and lack of concern for people.

 206

TABLE VI

THE SPIRITUAL HIERARCHY OF THE BEMBA

LESA (the high god)

aloof, source of power

MILUNGU

(secondary divinities

sometimes called ngulu)

IMIPASHI

(family spirits with hierarchical arrangments)

IFIWA

(afflicting spirits also believed

to be angered imipashi)
 207

The Bemba recognized a number of secondary divinities (milungu):

Mulenga, Chewe, Cikompe, Cishimba, Kabwe, Mwaba, Nondo and others. The

most famous of these is Mulenga, a hunting god and the spirit of a

forgotten ancestor (Whiteley 1950:29). Some of these secondary

divinities were "worshipped" at caves and waterfalls. For example,

Cishimba is identified with a series of waterfalls north of Kasama, and

a python in the falls was said to represent this divinity.

The Bemba, like their Sh9na neighbors to the south, however, ex-

press their greatest interest in the family spirits (imipashi).

Whiteley said that the part played by ancestral spirits is the core of

Bemba religion (1950:29). Gouldsbury and Sheane said that contentment

is found in the appeasment of these entities (1911:84). These spirits

go up and down the land, are present in the huts of their descendants

at dusk and dawn, linger near burial groves, frequent old village sites,

return to guard new-born children, and are acquired through succession

rites after the death of a person in the lineage. An hierarchical

arrangement of the spirits, of former chiefs is an important feature of

Bemba religion. In fact, Audrey Richards says that "the chief

characteristic of Bemba religion is the place it accords to the worship

of the spirits . . . . of dead chiefs" (1935:246). Beyond the family

rituals, these spirit~ are wbrshipped at economic functions such as

tree-cutting, sowing, and reaping the first fruits. They are also

addressed at times of calamity, whenever the people are gathered at the

burial groves, and at relic shrines in the chief's capitals. Appease-

ment is sought by the correct calling of praise names, offerings of

 208

pr~er, ,"and material offerings as well. Beer, 'flour and fowls are the

mos~ common
/
types of material offerings.

The afflicting spirits (ifiwa) are the spirits of people who

have died in a neglected state, injured, or having been wrongfully

accused. The Bemba understand that the high god lets them return to

cause sickness and suffering. "Fear of their vengeance," says Richards,

"is so powerful that it still acts as a constant sanction for the keep-

ing of Bemba kinship obligations" (1935:248).

Having established the macro-context for looking at data as

it relates to spirits and gods in the two societies being studied, it is

now time to turn attention to the proverbs. The Shona refer to spirits

fifteen times and to God just twice. The Bemba refer to spirits sixteen

times and to God thirty-two times. The equality of attention given to

spirits is interesting, but the greatest interest is in the great amount

of attention given to God by the Bemba. It appeais that this is a

major difference.

The Shona make only two references to God. They say that to

demand payment from a poor man is to abuse God (#152,153). That is the

entire representation of God in the Shona collection. Truly, he is

represented as indifferent and detached from the human situation. On

the other hand, the Bemba have twenty-two proverbs that deal with his

nature, six that deal with his work, and four that deal specifically

with his relationships to people. How are these to be interpreted?

The desire is to simply report the references as with other

entities and draw conclusions. Plenty could be said about his nature

from these proverbs. No pattern appears, however. One endearing pro-

 ) 209
v~ says, "Apo Lesa atebeta: tapafuuka cushi" - where God prepares

food, smoke doesn't blacken the walls (#138). Another says, "Lesa

Mukolokolo" - God is a clever, skilful craftsman (1;566). Others refer

to his provision (#284), sustenance (#563)y equity (#565), ownership

(#569), revenge (#570), wisdom (#575), and wealth (#578). His work is

described in some detail: he judges (#540), cares for children (#544),

makes medicine effective (#553), and gives strength to the weak (#579).

This last proverb states, "Lesa tuula: uwatuulile mulondalonda nga

aliputwike" - God is the helper who assisted the wasp so it wouldn't

break in two. His relationships with people is described in four

proverbs: just as the pot is ruled over by the fire, so people are

ruled over by God (#425), he comes to take people in death (#559,560),

and he sends people where he wants them to go (#561). This appears to

be an unusual collection of proverbs about God, especially in view of

the ethnographic literature, all of which states that he is considered

8
aloof and indifferent to the affairs of peoPleo This collection gives

the: impression that its source group has an intimate knowledge of God,

a fact worth looking into further.

The fifteen Shona references to spirits seem to express greatest

interest in the ritual act of appeasement and the subsequent receiving

I ,

of requests. Number 230, for example, says "That from the forest is

luck; that from the spifit is yours by invitation." In number 321, a

8Gouldsbury and Sheane say, "throughout the numerous tribes from

[Tanzania] to the Zambezi, although we find the same word Leza indicat-
ing' the existence of a supreme being, yet this term does not connote any
clearly defined idea of God" (1911:80).
_) 210
question is raised, "Why does the spirit give rain when no one asked for

it?" Hamutyinei and Plangger explain that the Shona suspect all gratui-

tous acts (1974:113). Number 327 encourages someone to go ahead and

give something to a poor pe~son - with the reminder that the person's

spirit is what makes him wealthy. Number 896 expresses the greatest

tie-in between the ritual act of appeasment and what one receives; it

says, "To be crowned chief is to respect spirits." The proverb that

probably sums it all up says, "Chawawana batisisa/ mudzimu haupi kaviri"

- hold tight to that which you have, a spirit doesn't give twice.

Appeasement is also part of the reference in the sixteen Bemba

proverbs (.11"1065, 1067, 1068, 1069, 1070). A distinctive feature of

these few axioms is a reference to a clear difference between good

spirits and bad spirits. This is said very succinctly in number 1066,

"Umupashi tawenda na ciwa" - the (good) spirit never goes with the (bad)

spirit. Eight proverbs describe the imipashi and four proverbs describe

the ifiwa. The most intriguing proverb in the Bemba collection is

number 200, "Fikolwe ne calo" - spirits and country; Hoch adds, "are

one."

In review, it is clear that the proverbs provided very little in-

formation that was not already available in the ethnographic literature.

They simply show how the respective groups express some of the things

observers have expressed in their academic ways. In view of that, the

proverbial way of learning some of the facts stimulates further interest

in these and other expressions of the people themselves. Both groups

mention spirits and God - entities in their spiritual hierarchies - and

the very mention of them indicates a place for them in the community
 211

dimensions of their respective other-orientations. Moreover, all the

refjrenCes deal with matters of society. Additionally, the Bemba, give

~nificant attention to God. The a.uthor admittedly is of the opinion

that this high incidence of reference to God may be attributable to the

100 year presence of Catholic missions among the Bemba in forceful ways

(politically as well as spiritually). Then, again, both Shona and

Bemba reference to Satan, number 746 (see note, page 177), was of

obvious "Christian origin. This is an opinion that can only be tested

on the field, however. Then, again, both Shona and Bemba refer to

spirits in connection with ritual acts of appeasement and the consequent

receiving of requests made. The Bemba make a clearer distinction

between spirits most often associated with good happenings and spirits

most often associated with bad happenings, expressing, of course, the

greatest interest in the former".

J

PEOPLE IDENTIFIABLE BY ACTIVITY AND ROLE

Diviners, farmers, hunters, midwives, messengers, teachers,

sentinels, slaves, shepherds, thieves, traders, . weavers , witches and

workers have a common characteristic: they are all engaged in 'activities

that we would call occupations. Adulterers, blindmen, brides, crowds

of people, enemies, experts, fools, friends, "hooligans," cripples,

neighbors, owners, patients, personages, possessed persons, predecessors

and foreigners also have a common characteristic: they fulfil roles in

their societies that are not necessarily associated with occupations.

All of these people - those fulfilling activities and those fulfilling

roles have been mentioned in the proverbs in question.

 212

Rather than spend a great amount of time on these various

personalities as they are referred to in the proverbs and as they take

their places in respective world views of the Bemba and the Shona,

__ ~ttention will be given to a simple overview of these categories.

People identified with activitives are referred to 85 times in the Shona

corpus of proverbs and 27 times in the Bemba collection. This is an

obvious difference, asserted again by recourse to statistical analysis. 9

The Shona refer to fourteen different kinds of people and are distinct

in their mention of messengers, farmers, shepherds, traders and

weavers. The Bemba·mention thirteen kinds of people and are distinct

in their reference to teachers, sentinels, and workers. Some reflection

of cultural pursuits can be seen in the separate reference to sentinels

by the militarily-oriented Bemba. Those personalities in the other-

orientations of the Bemba and Shona who are commonly referred to in the

proverbs include doctors, hunters, messengers, midwives, servants,

thieves and witches. These same personalities are the ones receiving

greatest attention in the proverbs and would normally call for added

comment. The very lack of references to people in one group's proverbs

is sufficient reason to recognize considerable importance for these

people when the other group makes frequent reference to them. This

would also help to account for the significant difference that is

measurable for the category in general. In other words, the Shona seem

to give considerably more attention to activity-related people in their

culture. In particular, they give obvious prominence to witches,

9See Table III, page 133.

 213

doctors and farmers in that order. The first two of these prominent

personalities has to do with the spiritual hierarchies of the Shona

j e pIe and, as was seen earlier, these individuals play an important

ar~ in that hierarchy, having spirits accessible just to them. 10

The Bemba do not give such prominence to either of these personalities

in the proverbs, and this feature of their other-orientation has also

been acknowledged in the ethnographic literature. A careful analysis

of the Shona proverbs, concerning witches, doctors and farmers should

reveal important data for inclusion in a description of this feature of

their other-orientation. A look at hunters and slaves or servants as

they are referred to in the proverbs of this group would also prove

helpful. The Bemba proverbs could be analyzed for what they say about

hunters and slaves or servants in that society.

The same kind of an overview of role-identified people contributes

to the proper understanding of other-orientations. These people are

referred to a total of 64 times in the Shona proverbs and 84 times in

the Bemba proverbs. Chi-square tests show that this difference is

significant, with the Bemba showing the greatest interest. Although

factors of causality are not sought in this paper, an overview of the

category helps the reader to recognize important direction to further

research. The Shona are distinct in their references to brides, experts,

"hooligans," possessed people, predecessors and witnesses. The Bemba

are alone in their reference to crowds, a reference they make four times.

Table VII calls attention to three personalities that could be studied

10
Refer to page 203, Table V.
 214

TABLE VII
FREQUENCY OF REFERENCE TO ROLE IDENTIFIED
PEOPLE AND X2 VALUES

Category Frequency X2 Significance

Shona Bemba

Friend 8 18 7.4670 Yes

Owner/Master 26 18 4.8316 Yes

Personages 2 21 n.a. n.a.

 215

mrre carefully by a careful analysis of the proverbs that refer to them.

_~ifferences between the references to two of them in the two collections
cause one to delve even further into the analysis. For example, the

greater number of times the. Bemba refer to friends in their proverbs is

significantly different from the number of references made to these

people by the Shona. References in both collections, however, cause one

to remember the attention given to camaraderie among the men of both

11
groups. It is also interesting that the Shona give more consider-

ation to owners and masters than do the Bemba and that the latter refer

to twenty-one different personages in their proverbs while the Shona

refer to only two.

Though it will not be proven in this paper, there is every reason

to believe that a careful analysis of the proverbs dealing with people

identified either by activity or by role will shed light on important

dimensions of other-orientations in the World View of these two peoples.

CONCLUSIONS

Some conclusions can now be drawn concerning the emerging picture

or other-orientation in the world views of the Bemba and the Shona and

also about the proverbs as tools for discovering those pictures. First,

some conclusions about the other-orientations. 12

11
Refer back to page 180.

12A complete analysis of other-orientation would include a section

on Non-Human Dimensions, i.e. animals, plants, etc. That section has 'I
been excluded from this study since it would have greatly extended its
length.
 216

The analysis of proverbs that refer to women pointed out that the

j
umber of references to them, in itself, is an important factor to

?nsider. The greater number of references to them in the Shona pro-

- verbs is still another factor to be considered. They are given more

prominence in significant proportions. The Bemba give much less

consideration. The statistics only point to possibilities, though.

Information lies in the proverbs themselves. Comparing the content of

the proverbs, it becomes clear that the Shonaoand the Bemba have

distinctive ways of expressing the differences between men and women.

Combining this new data on women with what was learned earlier about

mothers and wives, it is significant that the Shona do not refer to

women in any kind of tense situations, whereas these kinds of situations

are primary for the Bemba. The Shona are unique in their reference to

the beauty and attraction of women but associate this somewhat with the

dangers of adultery which strike a mortal blow to society and men in

particular. The Shona are also unique in their reference to old·women.

Camaraderie is the keystone of discussion in proverbs referring to

men for both groups. This is seen along with the significantly greater

Shona attention to this category of others as well. Another distinctive

of the Shona view is their inclusion of concern for the work men do and

the enigmatic bachelor.

Elders are prominent in both collections of proverbs, but this

prominence takes on features characteristic to the two groups. The

Shona, for example, give disproportionate attention to old women in

their consideration of elders. They also make careful distinctions

between those who are mere adults and those who are elders - distinc-
 217

tions that would seemingly be important to people concerned about rank

izthe lineages. The Bemba proverbs reveal that conflict and conformity

ar big issues with this group - issues that may be reinforced by

~~ equent reference to the wisdom and knowledge of elders. These issues

can be seen, perhaps, in connection with the emphasis seen in the

analysis of children whereby independency and self-sufficiency were

recognized as importnat dimensions of childhood.

The analysis of proverbs talking about various political authori-

ties showed unmistakeably that chiefs are given prominence in this

category of other-orientation for both groups. For the Shona, the focus

of chieftanship is around the lineage. For the Bemba, the focus is

UpOh the position with its status, power and places. Emphasis upon

chiefs and their associations is observed in the corpora of proverbs for

both groups.

References to spirits and God showed that these entities were

understood in both Bemba and Shona thought to have an important place in

community dimensions. The frequent Bemba reference to God was unexpected

in view of the comments made by all of the ethnographers about the

seemingly indifferent place of God in their religion.

Finally, the brief look at people identified with activities and

roles convin~ingly showed that there was still a wealth of data in the

proverbs - data that would reinforce some dimensions of Other Orientation

already taking affect and data that would introduce yet other dimensions.

In all of this, it is obvious that the proverbs have provided

invaluable information concerning this aspect of World View. Some new

observations about their use as tools for world view stUdies are in
 218

order at the end of this chapter, too. Certain characteristics become

increasingly noticeable in the proverbs. For example, it seems to this

author that the proverbs of the Bemba can be both "coarse" and "sublime"

- though not at the same time. Their coarseness was noticed in this

chapter when women were likened to the dung of a duiker and urine on a

mound - metaphors that are not endearing. Their sublimity was noticed

in the proverbs about God where in brevity of words they could describe

his character and mark those things that distinguish him from all else.

Furthermore, the proverbs studied in this chapter have shown that they

can often suggest the direction of further research. For example,

Shona proverbs about bachelors and male work suggest further research in

these areas. Another observation about proverbs is that they can often

point out features of a culture over-looked by observers set in academic

ways. The example that comes to mind here is that of the importance of

associations between chiefs and subjects. Perhaps Richards, Roberts,

Gouldsbury, Sheane, and Whiteley refer to this in some way. Even if

they did, the Bemba reference to this factor provides an inside look on

the subject. Then again, proverbs in a collection such as that of the

Bemba have to be used with the awareness that they may not, in fact,

represent the general public. This became evident as the proverbs about

God were considered. The frequency of reference to God seemed "out-of-

character" with other observations on the continent and on the Bemba.

The content of the references sounded, to this student to be very

Christain-oriented, they were similar in structure. Ruth Finnegan

warned that collections sometimes could represent the corpus of one

individual (see page 40). The similarity, frequency and content of

proverbs about God causes one to wonder if this is, in fact, what

happened in this particular case. Finally, it became clear once again

in this chapter's analysis that the proverbs speak to some but not all

aspects of world view and the particular orientation that is being

considered. In this case, the centrality of the chieftanship in Bemba

society provides for a lot of information on this institution and its

personalities. Although the proverbs provided some helpful information,

it did not cover the whole broad subject. It seems that proverbs are

tools, but they are not the only tools for world view studies.
 I:
CHAPTER IX

'RELATIONSHIPS ,I, 'I.iI

-) . • .Let the West have its technology and Asia its mysticism!
Africa's gift to world culture must be in the realm of Human
Relationships! (Kaunda 1966:22).

Having considered the self- and other-orientations of the Bemba

and Shona peoples as revealed in their proverbs, the natural considera-

tion to follow is relationship. Michael Kearney says that Relationship

is a "universal" of world views because of the necessary interaction of

Self and Other. And he adds that this interaction can take various

forms and be viewed in different ways. "The particular manner in which

one perceives their relationship vis-a-vis the Other," he says, "is in

effect a stance toward the world" (1981:108).

One thing that can be said about this category is that it is very

broad. Of Redfield's (1952) three kinds of poss'ible stances toward the

world (harmony, subordinance, or dominance), the general African per-

spective has most often been described by harmony, and that, harmony

with the whole. Janheinz Jahn represents this generalization:

In African thinking, the universe consists of a network

of living forces. The universe is a field of forces. Man
and woman, dog and stone, even yesterday and east, beauty
and laughter - all these are forces related to each other
and in continuous interaction. The universe is a unity, in
which each part depends on the others and no part is change-
II;':
less. If you take possession of a part of a thing, you there-
by participate in its life force. If you tear a leaf from a
tree, not only does the tree quiver, but the whole universe
if affected, since nothing stands alone (1964:56).
 221

While the generalization may help, it is necessary to see that

this harmony is expressed in a variety of ways and there are un-

doubtedly exceptions. Some examples from across the continent show

some of this variety. Low~ry-Palmer studied the world view of the

Y1rUba of West Africa and found that group relations were a central

~eme
~
in their account of creation.

Man is not created to be alone. He is created to be a

being-in-relation. The whole existence from birth to death
is organizationally embodied in a series of associations,
and life appears to have its full value only in those close
ties. These close ties include extended family members, the
clan and village, the various societies and organizations in
the community together with the close ties to the ancestors
and gods who are interested in the day-to-day life of man.
These ideas accord with those of Lambo. . . • who observed
that the basic need of the Yoruba individual is that of
attachment to other human beings. The need to belong rules
his entire attitudes throughout his life (1980:63 as quoted
by Kearney 1981:109-110).

Across the continent in East Africa, Beidelman observed the outworking

of African relationships among the matrilineal Kaguru (1981:61-73). A

major problem faced by this society concerns different relations be-

tween men and women. Men have the authority in this society, but

women are the link of men to men. It is worked out, he says, by the

reciprocation of aid and support between men of the group and their

sisters' sons. Another observer, Levi-Strauss, sees harmony expressed

in yet a different way in the clan system he observed on the Luapula

of Zambia (1966-61-62). Kenyatta declared that "It is with personal

relations, rather than with natural phenomena, that the Gikuyu educa-

tion is concerned right from the very beginning" (n.d.). Erny (1973:

24) sees this occurring with children in various societies of Africa.

Finally, John V. Taylor sees the interest in harmony expressed in

 222

reaction to witchcraft and divination - or anything out of the ordi-

nary:

. . . . happiness is not to be sought through a rapacious

individual grasping of the power-force latent in other be-
ings. That way lies ~itchcrafte A man's well being con-
sists, rather, in keeping harmony with the cosmic totality.
/_J When things go well with him he knows he is at peace, and
of a piece, with the scheme of things, and there can be no
greater good than that. If things go wrong then somewhere
he has fallen out of step. He feels lost. The totality has
become hostile and, if he has a run of bad luck he falls prey
to acute insecurity and anxiety. The whole system of devina-
tion (even) exists to help him discover the point at which
the harmony has been broken and how it may be restored. In
this primal view, man's position vis-a-vis the world, there-
fore, is not one of exploitation, but of relationship (1963:
74-75).
The harmony of Self and Other, then, is a strong drive for many

Africans. The search for this harmony takes on many diverse character-

istics though. The Bemba and the Shona are included in this search for

proper relationships. A brief look at the ethnographic literature on

them will reveal some features of this drive.

Audrey Richards again provides ample evidence for the Bemba under-

standing of Relationship, referring to such things as the non-human,

kin, villages, and men and women. An indication of the Bemba under-

standing of relationship to the non-human is recognizable in her ac-

count concerning maize. "There is a curious belief," she said, "that

the cobs should not be stripped off the stalk . . . , but the whole stem

cut down and carried out." In this way, she added, they show "respect"

to the maize (1939:310). In another account she tells how a gardener

did not thin out seedlings of sorghum because all of them, not just

some of them, had been given to him by the spirits (op. cit., 306).

I Speaking of kin relationships, Richards says,

I I

L
 223

The kinship group to which the [Bemba] constantly refers

in common parlance is the lupwa, a
relatives on both sides of his family who join in religious
ceremonies, matrimonial transactions, in mortuary ritual and
inheritance. This group is more important to the MuBemba
sociologically than his matrilineal clan (1935:238).

Another interesting feature 'of Bemba understanding of Relationship has

to )dO with men and women. The Bemba believe that sex, blood, and fire

~e magical influence and can be highly dangerous if brought into con-

tact with the wrong people at the wrong time (Richards 1950:30)0

Babies, young children, and chiefs are especially vulnerable. And,

underlying all this attention to Relationship, one must remember the

basic Bemba temperament as viewed by Richards: "In their relations to

others the Bemba are considered to be touchy and quarrelsome" (1939:

29). Those relations are especially true with members of other groups,

but they are likewise quick to take offense among themselves.

Other observers have likewise remarked on different aspects of

Relationship as understood by the Bemba. Gouldsbury and Sheane re-

marked on the size of the villages before 1900 and their cohesiveness

at that time (1911:274). At the same time of their writing, they said,

"the village is still, to the native mind, far more of a living entity,

corporate and spiritual, than can be realized by any European . . . "

Whiteley (1950:16) observed the place of clans among this people.

Characteristic of the clans are hierarchy and reciprocity, important

features of Relationship.

Relationship among the Shona is also highlighted in the litera-

ture. Family, marriage, parenthood, friendship, the contrast of rich

and poor, kinship and courts can be considered in this assessment.

 224

Bourdillon points out how the Shona marriage is a "contract be-

tween groups rather than between individuals" (1976:56). After going

into details of the contract he says that the obligations of the two

families toward each other ,are nullified when the couple has been mar-

ried for a number of years and has several children. Parenthood is

anotjr, form· of relationship that comes into this consideration of the

Self nd Other. Children are the goal of every couple and it is neces-

sary hat a man have sons who can carryon the family line (op. cit.,

64-65). It would seem that migrant labor would upset Shona r~lation-

ships, but Bourdillon points out that it has sometimes strengthened it

because the young men must make more of an effort to retain ties with

kin and community (op. cit., 108). Referring to the Shona court sys-

tern, the same author says that their whole purpose is to discover the

reason for conflicts and to reconcile people (1976:152). At another

place he points out how some think that "personal relationships are

more important in determining residential choice among the Shona than

are kinship relations" (op. cit., 79). Even a "quasi friendship" is

possible among the Shona. This special relationship is called usahwira.

The individuals in this relationship perform certain funerary ritual

functions. So these and other observations in the literature provide

a background for looking at the proverbial references to Relationship.

-
In addition to what has already been said about relationships

among the Bemba and the Shona in the chapters on self- (pages 89, 91,

96, 102) and other-orientations (pages 102, 103), this chapter dis-

cusses two features. First it discusses references to the words trans-

lated relationship, friendship, and marriage. Proverbs describing

 225

these matters could shed light on already observed features of self-

and other-orientations. Secondly, it discusses a special feature of

relationship: that of binary oppositions or contrasts that seem to

take on importance in some proverbs.

An analysis of Shona proverbs dealing with relationships in gen-

eral does not reveal any important patterno It simply states the im-

portance given to relationships by drawing attention to the reference.

The\word is ukama and ushamwari, and it occurs thirteen times. Various

thijgS are said about relationships: they can be refused (#171, 172),

are established with the meeting of eyes (#392, 393), are like bird

lime that doesn't disappear even after being broken (#798), are like

big things, and are like vessels half-full that have to be filled up

(#799, 912). Relationships result in no inheritance fights if on the

mother's side of the family (#800, 801), they cannot be assumed (#803),

and they leave a scent easy to follow (#804). Ten of these Shona re-

ferences seem to refer to general relationships and three of them re-

fer to kinship relationships in particular. They could variously be

applied to relationships of all kinds in the interaction of Self and

Others. Additional perspective on the Shona emphasis on relationship

is seen in three proverbs that point out the advantage of crowds: An

enemy arrow may land on one of the others instead of you (#1142, 1143),

and you can be helped with the abcess on your back (#1144).

Bemba references to relationships in general are represented by a

variety of words, the most prevalent feature of those words being their

reciprocal nature: balapalamana, umwikalano, pal amana , iciikalano.

The reciprocity is seen in the verb stem -ana. The content of the pro-
 226

verbs, like the content of the Shona proverbs does not provide any

pattern to note. Three refer to friends in general, saying that the

one you travel with is your friend even,in death (#1176), friendship

can be destroyed by death (~314), and it often gets started with a

small thing (#174). Four proverbs refer to kin relationships saying,

they who eat together belong together (#4), and, being together means

not lying to each other (#177, 1167, 1168). Number 1245 states the

case\for the kind of thing that can be expected from the Bemba refer-

encjto relationships: "Uwaumina umo: e waumine babili" - He who beats

onifbeats two. One Bemba proverb refers to friendship, saying that it

starts with a simple request, "fetch me an arrow" (11174).

Marriage is referred to in only two Shona proverbs. Number 784

says there is nothing that cannot result in a marriage, "Hapana chisi-

ngawanisi." Number 785 says it is a path which all girls walk upon.

Three Bemba proverbs about marriage reveal a prevalent orientation to-

ward this relationship: marriage is for things of the back, but things

of the head belong to the one with the head (#318), marriage at the be-

ginning tastes sweet like honey (#319), and, marriage at the beginning

makes a pleasant sound, later it makes a very unpleasant sound (#320).

Tension is noted in these proverbs about marriage just as it has been

noted in proverbs about the spouses and men and women in general.

Special relationships exist between certain people in binary op-

position. There are in fact three such oppositions: 1) residents and

strangers, 2) mountain dwellers and veld dwellers, and 3) rich persons

and poor people. The Shona refer to all three oppositions; the Bemba

refer to the first and the last only.

I

1
 227

In the contrast between residents and strangers, neither group

referred to resident very often. In fact, the Shona proverbs speak of

this person only once, and the Bemba only four times. Included in

these proverbs, however, is one in each language that refers to the

opposition. The Shona say, "Mweni kudyisa hunge aona vohwo vachiita

gapa" - the stranger (Mweni) eats a lot when he sees the resident

(vohwo) doing so (#1157). The Bemba contrast the two in a different

way, "Mweni, celelo mukaya: tondwe alila ku beni" - stranger, greet a

reSident; the woodpecker ~ats with strangers (#668). The Bemba pro~

v:;)s make two other references to residents that imply a comparison to

str ngersG Number 304 says it is up to the resident to say whether or
not one stays longer. Number 316 says that the village wealth is put
into the hands of a resident - not a stranger.

Strangers themselves are referred to quite frequently in both

collections of proverbs. The Shona refer to this personality in their

other-orientation a total of twenty-six times; the Bemba refer to his

complement in their language a total of twenty-four times. These

numbers compare favorably with numbers of references to the most pro-

minent personages in the proverbs. For the Shona, mention of strangers

would be ranked third after children and mothers, together with owners.

For the Bemba, mention of strangers would also be ranked third behind

children and God, sharing this rank with the Bemba mention of mothers'

and elders. So, it is clear that strangers take no small place as a

category in the other-orientations of the two peoplesG

There are probably a variety of ways to analyze the proverbs to

see what they say about strangersG A simple question was asked as each

L
proverb was studied: does it sound as if the stranger is welcome or

not. That question for the Shona proverbs resulted in only four pro-

verbs of twenty-six sounding as if the stranger was welcome. In those

four proverbs, the stranger is welcome because he somehow increases the

food supply (#332), provides a way for residents to enjoy a slain goat

(#1516), and provides an excuse to simply cook a meal (#1518)0 One

proverb says it very directly: "Usatuke verwendol rutsoka ndiMarashe" -

(#1443) which is explained by Hamutyinei and Plangger as, "A passing

traveller should be given the best possible hospitality because you

never ,know, one day you might pass through his area and expect to be

t~e~d well" (1974:414). The rest of the Shona proverbs that mention

the stranger, however, do so in negative ways. The picture is one of

tension yet tolerance. For example, relatives are killed so that the

strangers recognize how fearsome you are (#46,47), and what one has

should be shared with relatives because strangers forget: "Chawawana

idya ne hamal mutorwa ane hanganwa" (#421). Violence upon the stranger

is mentioned in two proverbs (#466,467) although the resident gets into

trouble right away, too. There is frequent mention of the fact that

the stranger never stays long: he leaves soon after eating (#145), and

doesn't stay long enough to empty the granary (#1433). Finally, it

seems that the stranger appears at bad times: when residents are

suffering hunger - "Nzara ishuramweni" - (#144).

The same question asked as the Bemba proverbs were analyzed

resulted in similar results. Only two proverbs indicated that the

stranger was welcome. He is given the guinea fowl - the village's best

food (#172), and he is compared to the rack for putting good kitchen "
':1 1:
 229

things on - "Umweni mukulu: lishiko" (ii 1155). Like the stranger to

Shona villages, the stranger to Bemba villages brings forth toleration

and tension. Number 254 states the case very succinctly: "Icikupempula:

e cikulya" - the one who visits you eats you. Violence upon the

stranger is not mentioned, but there is frequent reference to his short

stays: he is like germinated millet that q~ickly disappears (#19) and

like the leg of a duiker that also disappears rapidly (#1153). The

Bemba make more mention of the stranger in connection with disharmony

between residents. For example, he doesn't enter into family affairs

(#631), doesn't try to settle a case (#1158 - Hoch 1968:132), and

leaves the cases (imilandu) at the doorpost of the home he stayed in

, __ ~ __ ~161). Like the stranger to the Shona village, the stranger to a

Bemba village often comes at a bad time: the path does not announce him

(#448), and it is helpful if he arrives at night time to allow the bone

all day to cook (#1154). Finally, the stranger is described in diffi-

culties of various kinds - gets seated in the smoke (#556), throws the

grind stone into the flour (#1150), and draws dirty water because he

doesn't know the waterhole (#1152). A bit of camaraderie is helpful

among strangers in these kind of circumstances. Number 20 says they

should be like strips of bark tied together for strength: "Abeni ni

nkwa: bakakilwa pamo."

The rich and the poor are also seen in binary opposition in the

proverbs. The Shona refer to the rich person (mupfumu) only one time

saying it is better to move with the snakes than with the rich (#202).

The Bemba refer to the rich (mufyuma) two times, noting that the rich

are overrun - "Bafyuma: babutukilwa" (#143) and that they look good in
 230

their special clothes (#1169). Both groups give considerably more

attentionI to the poor. The Shona refer to them fifteen times and the

Bemba refer to them eight times. Both references show the poor person

in association with the rich and bad luck. The Shona say he is looked

out for and the Bemba say he looks out for himself.

Poor and rich are seen in opposition both directly and indirectly

in the Shona proverbs. Number 617 states the distinctions clearly:

"Beggar, control yourself, milk belongs to its owner." Number 386 warns

the chief that eating with a commoner makes him a servant. A more

beneficent attitude is apparent in four proverbs that say that claiming

a debt from a poor person is like insulting God (#152,153), eating the

food ,of a poor man is the same as eating the food of a chief (.#154),

~~~t giving to a poor person can help him, but that his spirit is

what will make him wealthy (#327).' A final proverb describing

associations involving poor people among the Shona is number 385 which -,II
:11
!i
warns a man from marrying a girl with poor parents because he will end I

up feeding a lot of people.

Six Shona proverbs describe the bad luck experienced by the poor.

They never kill large animals (#549), and are always wishing for what

they don't have (#568, 569,570). They are often short-tempered (#1407)

and moreover, the children of the poor are wasteful (#833). Bad luck

can turn to good luck for the poor: they are ridiculed when they begin

a journey, but return bringing many things with them (#618). Another

proverb states this turn of luck in this way: "Rombe ngerichaenda:

rodzoka ndimambo" - beggar when he leaves, chief when he returns (#619).

i
i

I
J,
~
 231

The Bemba make an indirect association of the poor and the rich

in a proverb that states, "Fwe bapabi, tuli mbule: tatubipilwa pa buta"

- We the poor are the arrow that doesn't miss its mark on the bow

(#205). The poor are likened to the arrow and the rich are likened to

the bow. Both are needed. Number 589 in the Bemba corpus of proverbs

is a reference to association also. It warns a man from marrying a

poor woman lest he catch himself red-handed. Bad luck is referred to

three times. Poor people see but one thing (#635), die with their

words in their mouths (#1021), and have big stomachs but not big mouths

(#1022). Like the Shona person who can leave on a journey and come

back a different person, the Bemba state that no pauper travels (#782),

meaning it is up to him to succeed in a good way, and they further

state that the knife of the poor is in their mouths (#1147).

~ While Bemba and Shona alike share comparisons of residents and

strangers, and rich and poor, only the Shona refer to comparisons

between mountain dwellers (vari mugomo) and plains dwellers (vari pasi).

The Shona state that it is mockery for the mountain dwellers to ask

the plains dwellers for hearth stones (#185,186) and for the plains

dwellers to ask the mountain dwellers for water (#187).

Once again conclusions can be drawn about world views and pro-

verbs. The data in this chapter show the complexity of Relationship

as an integrating factor of self-and other~orientations. Relation-

ships can be expressed in a multitude of ways from society to society.

What is significant to this study is that relationships themselves are

referred to. It is not the experience of this author that the Bemba

and the Shona give much prominence to abstract words. But, "relation-
 232

ship," an abstract word, is given considerable attention in these

corpora of proverbs. In saying that the African gift of world culture

would be in the realm of human relationships, Kenneth Kaunda (1966) was

expressing something over which he and his countrymen have given much

thought and attention. The word that sparks their interest is not

happiness, prosperity, love, - all abstract words - but relationship.

If Kaunda and his countrymen can avoid the rhetoric of those who have

not succeeded so well at human relationships, it is possible that this

will be one of Africa's gifts to the world community.

Two additional observations can be made about the emerging world

views of the Bemba and the Shona. First, this chapter has shown the

recurrence of a theme noted earlier - tension in Bemba society.

Significantly, every Bemba proverb that discusses marriage, even so

~inutely as it must in one small proverbial sentence, presents this

institution as a scene of tension. Undoubtedly, this is an important

feature of Bemba other-orientation that must be taken into consideration.

Secondly, attention has been called to certain contrasts. Maquet

stat"es,

It is sometimes said that traditional societies could

not have been but homogenous, since differences of
occupation, wealth and standards of living were slight.
In the first place, this objection reveals a naive
ethnocentrism - these differences only seem unimportant
and superficial to an outside observer. Furthermore, only
two conditions are necessary for the foundation of a
stratification system: first, that all members of the
society could be ·classified into two categories according
to any criterion whatsoever (not necessarily that of
wealth); secondly, that anyone of these categories are
considered to be superior to the other. Both these
conditions can be met in any society (1971:140).

Strangers and residents are contrasted, as are the rich and the poor,
 233

in both societies being studied. The Bemba reinforce a hierarchical

outlook upon life by likening stranger and poor man in #1022 and 1149.

In addition, the Shona refer to a contrast between those who live in

mountains and those who live on the Zimbabwe plainso Disproportionate

attention seems to be given to strangers and the poor. The former are

seen as untimely guests who are tolerated in tensions they themselves

create in situations which otherwise have carefully spelled out rules

and regulations for relationship. The latter are seemingly pitied for

their position and encouraged to rise above those positions if possible.

One conclusion can be drawn about the use of proverbs for the

study of world views. This chapter has pointed out that certain

recurring themes in many different contexts can take on significant

meaning in the analysis of just one set of references. The theme spoken

of is the theme of reciprocity that has occurred again and again in the

Bemba proverbs - in reference to the status of mothers (page:162), the

~ status of fathers (#160) and the position of elders in Bemba society

(#201). Reciprocal relations are mentioned a small number of times in

these contexts. But, finally, as the study turns to Relationship -

that which speaks of the interaction of Self and Others - reciprocity

stands out as an important dimension of Bemba interaction. It occurs

several times in regard to Relationship, thus confirming the earlier

observations of its importance. The study of proverbs has brought this

theme to the forefront in its own time and in its own way, proving that

this kind of study can lead to significant findings - even without the

aid of ethnographic literaturec

1
 CHAPTER X

. CONCLUSIONS -

The analysis of data contained in 1,556 Shona proverbs and 1,286

Bemba proverbs- as it pertains to three -aspects of World View is at an

end. The contents of those proverbs have revealed invaluable informa-

tion concerning self-orientations, other-orientations (excluding the

non-human), and relationships. Those contents have been scrutinized

according to a methodology that considers theoretical matters pertain-

ing to both world views and proverbs and that acknowledges the great

extent of Africariist literature for the entire continent and for the

Bemba and Shona in particular. It is time to make some observations on

the world views of these two peoples, draw some conclusions about the
~
use of proverbs for this kind of study, and make some recommendations

for the future.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE WORLD VIEWS OF TWO PEOPLES

At the beginning, it must be acknowledged again that only one-

half the picture can be presented. This study has focused on only

three of a possible seven important dimensions of world view, and des-

cribes only one-half the third dimension which concerns Others. The

study goes into great detail for self-orientation, other-orientation as

it deals with kin and community dimensions, and relationships which re-

present the interface of these two features of world view. There re-

i
 235

mains an equally important and equally as large a study to be made of

the other half of other-orientation - the non-human, time-orientation,

space-orientation, classification, and causality as the interface be-

tween Time and Space. Nevertheless, this study has provided helpful

) information on the world views of these two African peoples and pro-

vides helpful data for future studies.

The best way to look at this comparative material is in a tabular

form (Table VIII).

Two qualifications are necessary for this comparative overview of

the ·world views of the Shona and the Bemba. First, these are but "di-

mensions" of the world views, they are not the world views as such.

There is without doubt much more involved for the three categories of

Self, Other and Relationship. But the observations made here are im-

portant considerations for those categories. These dimensions, then,

require further testing. They are not principles in themselves. In-

stead, they are perceptions upon which principles may be established.

For example, a Bemba perception in the category of Relationship may be

that of reciprocity. Looking out on their world and its inhabitants, '1:\

reciprocity would enter into their thinking. But reciprocity is only

a perception upon which principles may be established. The principle

may state something like, "Reciprocity should be a feature of all human

relationship," or, "Reciprocity should be a feature of some human rela-

tionships." This overview has simply pointed out the fact that recip-

rocity is within the Bemba vision.

Secondly, these are but dimensions of world view as seen in the

proverbs. The material presented here - and it is substantial - has

~~-~----
I

.TABLE VIII

DIMENSIONS OF WORLD VIEW FOR THE SHONA AND THE BEMBA

AS REVEALED IN THE PROVERBS

DIMENSION SHONA BEMBA

Self Orientation Interdependent with others in a society Interdependent with others in a

marked with care. rigid hierarchy.

Led along a path fraught with spiritual Swept along in a forceful, spiritual-

forces, by means of forceful and ly encompassing strea~ of soci-

discerning guidance. ety - like a fish in a river.

Frequent direct reference to self- Little direct reference to indivi-

assertion and capabilities. dual capabilities.

Prominent components of anatomy con- Prominent components of anatomy con-

firm orientation (mouth, eye, head, firm orientation (mouth, eye, head,

hands, stomach) - especially corpo- heart), - especially corporateness

rateness and the need for guidance. and status.

Heart is a private domain. Stomach is a private domain associ-

ated with status.

I\)
W
0\
-.. .

TABL~ VIII (Continued)

DIMENSION SHONA BEMBA

Other Orientation

Kin Domestic unit (mother, father, Domestic unit (mother, father,

children) is most prominent unit children) is most prominent unit

of reference. of reference.

Children given greatest prominence Children given greatest prominence

among persons. among persons.

Belong to community; no particular Belong to community; emphasis upon

emphasis discernible. the nature and functions of

children.

Great attention to girls. No distinctive attention to either

sex.

Much attentiveness to children lead- Comparatively less care for children

ing to passive, dependent, res- reinforcing independency, aggres-

ponsible, and obedient children. siveness, and self-sufficiency.

High parental status High parental status.
~-----

~ TABLE VIII (Continued)

DIMENSION (SHONA BEMBA

.~ h'19.h status ..
. Mothers/Wives glven Mothers/Wives given high status .

Wives are supportively submissive to Wives are begrudgingly supportive

husbands. of husband.

Mothers giving birth for first time Reciprocity occurs between mother
~iven unique attention. and child .

All references to wife concern status . Mothers identified with country.

All references to wife concern status .

Husbands/Fathers given high status . Husbands/Fathers - status amidst con-

flict.

No conflict over authority and af- Serious conflict over authority and

fection. affection.

Adultery threatens. Maternal uncle threatens.

Community Women Women

- --
Very prominent in references .. Prominent in references.

No tension with men Tension with men

Beauty and attraction noted I\.)

w
ex>
--
TABLE VIII (Continued)
DIMENSION SHONA BEMBA
Beauty leads to adultery.

Old women are prominent.

Men Men

Very prominent in references. Significantly less prominent in

proverbs.

Camaraderie Camaraderie

Identified with work. No identification with work.

Bachelors are enigmatic. No enigmactic males.
Elders Elders

Very prominent. Very prominent.

Great attention to old women. No attention to old women.

Reference to women bring in limita-

tions

Conflict with young not paramount. Conflict with young is paramount with

attention to conformity.
f\..)
W
1..0
~ ...

TABLE VIII (Continued)

DIMENSION SHONA BEMBA
Careful distinction between adults

and elders.

Status related to children. Status related to children

Paternalistic leadership Frequent reference to wisdom of elders.
Political Authorities Political Authorities

Chiefs are primary figures. Focus Chiefs are primary figures. Focus is
is on lineage on position/status/hierarchy.
Associations with chief are important. Associations with chief are important.
Spirits Spirits

Part of community Part of community

God God

Little reference to. Significant references that raise

questions.
Activity-Related People Activity-Related People
Given great attention. Given little attention.

I\)
.j>
o
 - - ------------- ~
~-~---

~_ TABLE VIII (Continued)

DIMENSION SHONA BEMBA

Witch is paramount, followed by Slave/servant is paramount followed

doctor and farmer. by hunter and doctor.

Slave and hunter equal with doctor.

Role-Identified People Role-Identified People

Owner/master given great attention. Keen interest in these people.

Friends given some prominence. Personages given great attention,

also friends and owner/masters.

Relationship Complex and family-oriented. Complex and hierarchical

Highly valued. Highly valued.

Paternalism and dependency. Characterized by tension.

Important binary oppositions: Important binary oppositions:

stanger/resident stranger/resident

rich/poor rich/poor

mountain/veld dwellers

I\.)
~
 TABLE VIII (Continued)

DIMENSION SHONA BEMBA

Stranger needs special attention; Stranger needs special attention;

is tolerated amidst tension. is tolerated amidst tension.

Poor associated with rich and bad Poor associated with rich and bad

luck. luck.

Characterized by recipro~ity.

I\)
..I>
I\)
 -- -------
- - - - - -

243

been gathered from the proverbs only. But, since the proverbs alone

were the source of this material, it should not be assumed that this is

the final picture. This material should be woven in with yet other

studies of the world views of the Shona and the Bemba. Some of it will

be substantiated elsewhere and by other methods of research. Some of

it may be ·brought into question and challenged. Nevertheless, the pro-

verbs of the two peoples have provided a wealth of information.

Since this is a comparative observation on world views, similari-

ties and differences should be noted. Forty-five to fifty observations

on world view categories have been made on each group. One-half the

features are shared features; that is, both groups make reference to

the same feature in their proverbs. For example, both groups give

greatest prominence to children in their proverbs. The other half of

the features are not shared. Taking children as the example again,

though both groups give prominence to them, they do so in different

ways. The Shona very attentively watch over children according to

their proverbs; the Bemba do not portray this kind of attentiveness to

___ ~ildren in their proverbs. Thus, the proverbs show both similarities

and differences in world view perceptions.

These findings should be viewed alongside generalizations made

about world views in Africa. For example, it has been suggested that

since language is an expression of cultural orientation, then, "Where

there is homogeneity of language, there is homogeneity of world view.,,1

The spokesman went on to say that since· there are four major phyla of

1Donald R. Jacobs, 1972. All African Christian Education Con-

ference, Nairobi, Kenya. "African World Views and African Homogeneity."

..l
 - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - -

244

languages in Africa: 1) Semitic, 2) Chari-Nile, 3) Niger-Congo, and

4)' Khoisan, then each of these phyla should reveal different world
2
views. Accordingly it might be possible to say that since both Shona

and Bemba are Niger-Congo languages their world views should be similar.

But the proverbs alone have definitely shown many differences between

the two. It seems, then, that even within the phyla there are going to

be many different world views. The distinctions are just as important

as the commonalities.

These findings should also be seen alongside in-depth studies of

other peoples. For example, Kiernan, after his study of the Zulu, said,

"It may nb longer be permissible to speak of, e.g., the Zulu world view

without qualifications. There is no single Zulu world view, but many"

(1981:10). Thus, the distinctions not only exist between peoples, but

they may also exist within the peoples themselves. This may be true

for the Bemba and the Shona. It has already been stated that these ob-

servations are not the last word on either world view. Moreover, it

has been recognized that all these observations were gathered from the

proverbs; other data would undoubtedly provide yet other insights. The

final gathering together of all the findings might result in a final

description of the world views - but then it would quite likely occur

that variations would ,begin to appear.

Other observations need to be briefly noted. The question arises,

for instance, how representative of the Bemba and the Shona are these

proverbs and thus these world views? It has been said by some that pro-

2It should be noted that these language classifications have been

revised in recent years.

1
 j
,~

245 ".
verbs are the domain of the men in these societies (Frost 1977). Are

the findings of this project then limited to a male view on the world?

Some of the Bemba proverbs in particular give this impression, e.ga,

those concerning men and women. Yet, Richards relates how the women

use the proverbs in initiation ceremonies for the girls (1956). Another

issue of representativeness has to do with the time period. How old are

the proverbs? Do they represent the people of today? Some proverbs in-

dicate recent formulation, e.g., Bemba proverbs about God and Satan.

Others indicate ancient formulation, e.g., their proverbs about bark

cloth, since thisitechnology was set aside with the coming of cotton

clothing. Therefore, care must be taken in stating that these observa-

tions represent the Bemba or the Shona. They are but one set of obser-

vations. They must be recognized within the limitations allowed them

by the data.

It should also be pointed out that the data in the proverbs raise
I
~ __~~ some
r

questions in regard to world view that the proverbs themselves

could not answer. For example, the incongruity between findings con-

cerning self-orientations (pages 89-90) and findings concerning children

(page 148) remain a puzzle. Under self-orientations, the proverbs

pointed out the Shona emphasis upon one's capabilities, and the Bemba

lack of such emphasis. In contrast, proverbs about children pointed

out the dependency of Shona children and the independency of Bemba

children. It would appear to the reader that capabilities should be

identified with independency and a lack of capabilities with depen-

dency. This incongruity has not been resolved by further study of the
 246

proverbs. It is the type of thing that has to be considered in other

contexts.

Referring to Kenneth Burke's statement that proverbs can be re-

garded as "fragments of a vast and complex dialectical structure,"

Merriam and Armstrong (1954:267-268) point out that the fragments should

be recognized for what they are - pieces of the whole. Quoting Burke

again, they report,

The fact that the various groupings do receive different

stresses, however, ,should not be overestimated. It is per-
haps unnecess~ry to point out that there are other factors
to be taken into account such as the adequacy of the sample
or the fact that some categories may be regarded as more
self-evident than others, as conceptualized by the
Banyaruanda. More important, however, is that other areas
of experience may be more regulated by formal law and sanc-
tions. Thus, for example, the fact that only one proverb
falls under strength of kinship would perhaps suggest that
since such behavior is ordinarily regulated by legal, reli-
gious, economic or other group sanctions, there is little
necessity for proverbs dealing with problems in this area.
The proverbs which do concern family situations all involve
those family activities and conditions not ordinarily legis- :1,
'I:
lated. Finally, the fact that religion figures infrequently

-~
in the generalizations seem to afford additional illustration J'I,
of this specialized use of proverbs (Burke 1947:67 In Merriam ,i!'
and Armstrong 1954:268). i:
,II
Ii
Burke's comment is applicable to the observations being made on the [II
I,ili
world views in question. Those categories given prominence in the pro- .;1'1
'ii,I
verbs may be given prominence because regulations and sanctions con- III
'II,

cerning them may be abSent in' other structures. This, for example, may ,:II'1'1
'II
!!I
,il!
be the reason for Bemba attention to conflicts between men and women, ,:Ii
:1:
I'
~I ~
husbands and wives, elders and youth. For those categories given little 1

I:
~i 11
'1'"
"I:
attention, the opposite may be true; they may be given prominence else- I'li

where. The Shona may give evidence of this occurrence in their lack of

reference to God in the proverbs. Unlike the Bemba, they have a local-

.L
 247
ized cult of God (Mwari) which may provide them with adequate viewpoints

on this personality in their other-orientation. Thus, another reason

for further study arises. Not only do the proverbs serve as tools for

world view studies by proviqing information on the world views, but

also by providing incentives for the studies themselves.

Finally, it must be admitted that this study of world view falls

short of the expectations of others in the field. Kearney said,

There are three basic problems in the study of world view.

One is, what are the necessary and therefore universal types
of images and assumptions·which are part of any world view,
and what are the specific contents of these universals in any
particular world view? The second problem with which any
theory of world view must come to grips is, How are these
images and assumptions formed; that is, what relationship do
they have with the world which they represent? Finally, and
most important, is the question of a world view's influence
on behaviour, on practical affairs.

This study only attempted to delve into matters of the first problem;

the types· and contents of categories. There remains much more to do.

Perhaps it can b~ said at this point, that this thesis has not attempted

~
to be definitive but has attempted to be exploratory. It invites crit-

icism and challenge.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE USE OF PROVERBS

It has been proven to this researcher that proverbs, are, indeed,

excellent tools for studying the world views of the peoples of Africa.

This conclusion has been drawn for a number of reasons. Chief among

these is the fact that the study of a people's proverbs can lead to a

keen understanding of the people themselves. A lot of written material

may exist on a people - material that describes patterns, performances,

and panorama - but material that fails to leave the reader with the

1
 - - _ ... _ - - - - - - _ .. - ------- - -- -----

.t~

248

feeling that he knows the people studied. Moreover, the data for this

written material is itself interpretation based on outside observation.

Proverbs are data provided by the people themselves - observations they

have made. Thus, they help one arrive at an "inside rr view that satisfies

a desire to genuinely know people.

A second reason for concluding that proverbs are excellent tools

lies in the objectivity that can be brought to bear upon data that has

lain dormant for years because there was no way to corifirm interpreta-

tions, classifications, etc. Careful analysis of literal contents of

proverbs - without interpretation - provides objective data for study-

ing various orientations. As was said earlier, "The search for parti-

cularities rather than sweeping generalities may not result in profound

statements. Satisfaction with singular words and their natural associ-

ations rather than classes or themes and their interpretations may not

result in all-encompassing conclusions. But both the search for parti-

cularities and the attention to singular words can result in specific

contributions to a growing understanding of the world view of people

studied."

Finally, some lesser reasons are just as valid. The proverbs do

reveal some but not all aspects of various orientations. As Ruth

Finnegan has said, proverbs "are but one facet of a people's concept

of truth" (1970:416). This has been testified to again and again in

the paper. The proverbs also suggest directions for new research. For

example, the keen but varying interest in children for both groups

suggests a focus for research that has not been considered by previous

observers. Another good reason for using proverbs as tools for world

.L
 -

"~
,I.

249
view studies lies in the fact that they can sometimes point out

features of a culture that are overlooked by the most astute observers.

A case in point is the keen interest shown for the association of the

Bemba and Shona chiefs with their subjects. Attention to this matter

has not been observable in the ethnographic literature, yet it occurs

as a prominent theme in the proverbs of both the Bemba and the Shona.

A final reason for using proverbs as tools is that it has been shown

that a study of them can lead to a confident declaration of certain

themes. Among the Bemba, reciprocity was mentioned in the ethnographic

literature and was recognized at different points in the data. But

when the study of relationships was made, reciprocity stood out as an

obvious value, there was a new confidence that this theme could be

further investigated, as, for example, Shelton did among the Igbo

(1971).

Two observations suggest a cautious approach. It has been i:.

brought to my attention in this paper that the purpose for which I am

using the proverbs - as tools for world view studies - is a long way

from the indigenous purpose for proverbs. For example, Parker's ex-

I) planations about cultural ambiguity (1974) and Finnegan's explanations

about the resolution of conflict (1970) seemed especially appropriate

1

as some of the matters were pursued, e.g., the ambiguity and conflict

centering around the roles and functions of Bemba men. The thought

crossed my mind, "What if the proverbs give prominence to these people

only because of problems in the culture? How would that change my con-

clusions?U But having considered that possibility, I determined that

even if that were the case, information gleaned from the proverbs was
 ------~-

250

definitely worth it, and at no place in this thesis has the assertion

been made that the proverbs can give a clear and accurate picture of

the entire world view. They can only provide a glance at the total

picture. Yet, their perspe~tive may open up many new possibilitie~ as

we have just seen.

The other problem that needs to be considered by the student of

world view and proverbs is one mentioned in the text. Any collection

may represent, not the collective thought of a large number of people,

but the intensive thought of only a few who may be adept thinkers (see

note on Finnegan, page 40). This was especially brought home to me in

reflection upon the Bemba references to God in their proverbs. I asked

myself, "What if this list is simply the imaginative contribution of a

discerning Bemba catechist in the Catholic church?"

Yet, in spite of the need for caution, the study of proverbs as

a way to further understand the world views of diverse peoples is a

study worthy of more attention.

RECOMMENDATIONS

~
The primary recommendation that would be made at the conclusion
•..
of this thesis is that further studies of this sort be carried out.

Having come this far in the comparative study of the Bemba and the

Shona, it is definitely worth the effort to go on to further analyze

these same proverbs for what they say about non-human Others, Time,

Space, Classification and Causality. Beyond the Bemba and the Shona,

similar studies could be made using the proverbs of yet other people .

.L
 251

Alan Dundes (1971:103), fostering the use of "folk ideas" instead

of world view categories as spoken of in this paper, has expressed a

desire that world view "take its proper place among the 'applied'

social sciences." His reason is that .communication between peoples can

be improved and the number of misunderstandings which arise can be re-

duced when scholars aid in the task of identifying the complex dimen-

sions of world yiew. The task is essential, he said, for when two

cultures contact each other, it is the conflict of these world view

categories which causes the greatest amount of difficulty. Yet, he

said, "it is almost impossible to place one's finger on the specific

details of the conflict" as long as these perceptions are unconscious,

unstated premises. Though not qualified to speak out as boldly as

Dundes to the personnel of the social sciences, I am in agreement with

his proposal. There is a practical place for all this study, and I

hope that this thesis has contributed to that end.

Nevertheless, the project is ended - to this point. It has been

a stimulating experience. The most enjoyable part of it to me is the

satisfaction in knowing that something has been done to know - not just

-~
about some people living in Africa - but something has been done to

know them. And, my knowing them will definitely contribute to our

knowing and understanding of' each other.

1
 ---=::::-~--====..---

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 APPENDIX A

1
BEMBA PROVERBS WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS

1. Abaice ni balunshi: batatatata fye.

Children are flies,they just hum around.

2. Abaice lupapi: talupwa kukobola.

Children are the lupapi tree, it is never finished being
lopped •.

3. Abaima: tabateba nkuni.

Those who rise and go do not gather firewood for them.

4. Abalye mbulu balapalamana.

Those who eat the monitor lizard are always near to one
another.

5. Abana ba kusanga mu ng'anda: tabapwa mukamfu.

The children found in a house have not reached perfection.

6. Abana ba mbwa: tabapishanya meno.

The young of dogs do not chase one another with teeth.

7. Abana buko: ni nsamba sha tulimi tubili.

Children related by marriage are the water monitor lizard
which has two tongues.

8. Abana lubansa: abeni mimena ilanuka.

Children are the court yard, strangers are germinated grain
which always "disappears."

9. Abana musana: abasha mimena ilanuka.

Children are the back or loins, slaves are the germinated
millet that always "disappears."

10. Abanakashi: mafi ya mpombo.

Women are the dung of duikers.

11. Ana nsaka imbi: tabanunsha bwalwa.

Those of another rest shelter do not smell the beer.

1The following proverbs represent Hoch's 1968 collection. He

provided an interpretative translation in English. However, we have
provided a literal translation.
 271

12. Abantu babili, amano yabili: umuntu umo, ilyano limo.

Two people, two brains, one person, one brain.

13. Abantu lisabi: likonka menshi.

People are a fish that follows water.

14. Abantu tabatolelwa m~mo: nge sabi.

People are not gathered in one place like fish.

15. Abaonta: ebo oca.

Those who warm themselves are the ones burned.

16. Abaume ni nyanje: tabpwa kubuta.

Men are maize, they never end (kubuta).

17. Abekala mu mupundu: e bomfwa uko mpundu shilepona.

Those who sit in the mupundu tree are the ones who hear the
mpundu fruit where it falls.

18. Abenda: e baleta makasa ya nkalamo.

Those who travel are the ones who bring the footprints of
the lion.

19. Abeni mimena: ilanuka.

Strangers are germinated millet that always disappears.

20. Abeni hi nkwa: bakakilwa pamo.

Strangers are slabs of bark, they are tied together.

21. Aikuta: alubwila ne mfumu ubutala.

He was satisfied (and) gave his granary away to the chief.

22. Akabangilile: katamba masha ya cungulo.

The little one who hurried stood watching the masha dance
in the evening.

23. Akabangilile: kupeye pulu/ kaumine pulu.

The little one who hurried killed the mongoose.

24. Akabeyo: kapusene no mwefu.

The little razor 'missed the beard.

25. Akaboko: kakonka akabiye.

The little arm follows its companion.

26. Akabomba akabiye; ka munda.

The little worker's companion is a thing of the stomach.

27. Akabufi kaba munda: kasuka kasokoloka.

A little lie is of the stomach, in the end it will appear.

i
 28. Akabushi kali ishilya: bakumwe mpapa/ bakapulikilwa umukwela.
The little goat on the opposite side of the river is wanted
for the skin.

29. Akabwe ka mushi: kaposa uuli ne nkashi.

The little rock of the village - the one with a sister
throws it.

30. Akabwelelo: kalalya.

The little thing that returns always eats.

31. Akacila ka mbushi: kasengula apo kelele.

The little tail of the goat sweeps where it lies.

32. Akafumbe: kantu kali pa bwali.

The little rat - the real one is in the stiff porridge.

33. Akafumo katikila: uko'lya.

The little stomach twitches where it eats.

34. Akafupa utemenwe: e kakushemicene.

The little bone you loved is what caused the "space between
the teeth" to enlargen.

35. Aka kubika: kalasasa.

The little thing put aside always gets sour.

36. Aka kuiteka: kaya keka.

The little thing that governs itself leaves by itself.

37. Akakulu kakulu kacinda masha: kafenenkesha.

The little leg of the old person dances the masha dance,
a dance with tremulous. body motions is the little squeezer.

38. Akakunyelele: takalabwa.

The little one who thrashed you is not forgotten.

39. Akalafya: kaimbile ubushima inshiku shilawilamo.

The little one who caused to forget dug a pit (so that)
the days would always fall into it.

40. Akalayo walaile: tabalaba.

The little promise made they don't forget.

41. Akalimba kakwashima: takapwa misango/ akalimba ka mwine:

takapwa misango.
The little discoloured musical instrument does not finish
the kinds (of songs it plays).

j.
42. Akalimo bashikupele: icilambu lupi.
The little work they did not give you (has) the reward (of)
a palm of the hand.

43. Akalimo ucito mulele: kalakupemba.

The little work you do lazily always waits for you.

44. Akalimo ushishi: takatwalwa ku buko.

The little work you do not understand is not taken to the
in-law.

45. Akalwele wishibe: takafya kuteta.

The little sickness you may know does not cause moaning.

46. Akalyo ulili: ni ntimbwa nako.

The little food you ate is your s~rength.

47. Akampubo: takaileta.

The small quantity of relish does not bring itself.

48. Akamuti ukwete: eko bominako imbwa.

The little stick you hold is what they beat the dog with.

49. Akana ka mfubu ukwibila: ni nyina akalanga.

The young of the hippo upon diving - it is the mother that
shows it. -

50. Akana ka nsha: takaluba muti nyina alileko.

The young of the duiker does not forget the tree at which
its mother ate.

51. Akana ka nsoka: takalala mu nshila.

The young of a snake does not lie in the path.

52. Akanani: kantu kali pa bwali.

The little relish - the real one is in the stiff porridge.

53. Akansoni: kafwilile mwi'funda.

The little shy person died in (with) the bundle.

54. Akanwa bukota': kalapokako.

The mouth is an advocate, it is always received.

55. Akanwa ka mwefu: takabepa.

The mouth with a beard does not lie.

56. Akanwa kali imilandu: kalaibalabala.

The mouth has cases, it is touchy without reason.

57. Akanwa kalungamene ne myona.

The mouth is in accordance with the nose.
 274

58. Akanwa kamo: takomfwa snhamaukupya.

One mouth does not taste the cooked peas.

59. Akanwa kamo: ulishemo mpulu no munsoli.

One mouth (and) you play the whistle made from the stone of
the kaminu fruit and whistle.

60. Akanwa kamo: upyamo uipula.

One mouth (and) you are burned as well as you remove the
pot from the fire.

61. Akanwa katali: kaletelele mfungo.

The long mouth brought trouble to the civet cat.

62. Akanwa katikila: uko'lya.

The mouth twitches where it eats.

63. Akanwa ni mbushi/ ni mbwa: balakulika.

The mouth is a goat/dog, they always tie it.

64. Akanwa takafina: uwafina mutembo.

The mouth is not heavy, That which is heavy is the pole on
which a double load is carried.

65. Akanyelele kasumo mukaya: we mweni, cenjela.

The little ant bites the resident, stranger beware.

66. Akanyelele: kamusenshile.

The little ant carried the load for you.

67. Akanyelele pa myabo: kaba no bushipa.

The little ant has courage at its own place.

68. Akape kakota: tabakasula.

They don't despise an old basket.

69. Akapeni katikila: uko'lya.

The little knife twitches where it eats.

70. Akapeshi kuwame ngala: kwiminina~

The coqui'francolin's feathers are pretty upon standing.

71. Akapiso kapya: kasamuna no tulele/ kemuna no tulele.

A small piece of wood burning deposes those lying.

72. Akapunda bapita bacimbwi: bansofu'kuselebenda.

The hyenas passed by the small hole, (and) the elephants
wobbled.

73. Akasabi ukulya akasabi kabiye: e kunona.

A little fish eating its companion - that is getting fat.

~
 74. Adasemb akakete wiso: bakatasha ukutwa.
They praise the sharpness of the little axe your father has.

75. Akasense ng'anda: kashibula mwisanoo

The cricket is not lacking in the chiefvs place.

76. Akashama kali kamo:, twasanguka twaba tubuli.

The little groundnut was alone, they became two.

77. Akashi kalapya no mwine kashi/no mwine kashi apilemo.

The little village burns together with its headman.

78. Akashi walilile: takalabwa.

The little village in which you ate is not forgotten.

79. Akashililwa: kalatambwa.

The little thing that is not eaten is always admired.

80. Akashinda ka mbushi': kasengula apo kalele.

The little one not holding him says, "Throw him down, let's
go."

81. Akashinda ka mbushi: kasengula apo kalele.

The little tail of the goat cleans where it lies.

82. Akashishi kaingile mpundu: shicili ubuluba.

The little insect entered the mpundu fruit when it was still
a flower.

83. Akasuba kapusene no mweshi.

The sun missed the moon.

84. Akasuba tontela nakashima.

The sun that warmed (us) is tied.

85. Akatanshi kulowa: bwato no muntumo.

The first little thing observed is the boat, then the person
in it.

86. Akantanshi takalisha: akalekelesha kalalisha.

The first little thing does not cause crying, it is the last
thing that always causes weeping.

87. Akatanshi ukunwa: takanwa mfundwa.

The first one to drink does not drink the dregs.

88. Akatungumutolelako: takabulwako.

"The strip of land" in.which you picked up something is not
taken away.
'-',

89. Akaya my~bo: takelilwa.

The one going to his place is not overtaken by darkness ..

~
 90. Akefupa katanishe: aka munofu.
The small bone refused to give anything - meat without bone.

91. Akeso ka mulembwe: kakonka akabiye.

The little one that comes with relish of dry leaves follows
its companion.

92. Ako'lile: ni ntimbwa nako.

The little thing eaten is your strength.

93. Ako wikete: eko bomako imbwa.

The little thing you hold is what they beat the dog with.

94. Akombele mfumu: takoma.

The one who serves the chief does not strike.

95. Akoni kaikala pa ciscolo ca buta: apakulashila pabula.

The little bird sits at the extremity of a bo~ without
struggling at all.

96. Akoni kamene nsuka: umulomo' mu mbali ya linso.

The little bird grew a tail (and its) mouth was beside its
eye.

97. Akoni kekalo muti katemenwe.

The little bird sits in the tree it likes.

98. Akoni kelilwe: na ku muti malalo yeka.

The little bird overtaken by night (finds) a tree that is
just a sleeping place.

99. Akoni Takesha mulemba: ninshi kaya.

The little bird does not try its wing, it (just) goes.

100. Alya imo: ashika no bucinga.

He ate one (animal) and put dirt back in the pit.

101. Amafi yapipa: muka cinani.

Wiping a child after a stool is the vexation of a spouse.

102. Amafuta ya kulomba: tayakumana mubili.

Oil that is begged for is not sufficient for the body.

103. Amafuta ya kupula: yalabutulusha.

Oil that is begged for always makes (things) white.

104. Amaka ya bukoloci: tayapela apatali.

The strength of extreme old age does not go far.

105. Amaka ya bukota: tayapela apatali.

The strength of old age does not go far.

~L
 277

106. Amaka ya buweka: tayapela apatali.

The strength of loneliness does not go far.

107. Amaka ya mubiyo: ayashibalilwa.

The strength of your companion is not aroused.

108. Amakanga ayengi: yaipoka ku mbwa.

May guinea fowls help themselves against a dog.

109. Amakanga ayengi: '

Many guinea fowls ward off danger.

110. Amano mambulwa.

Brains (wisdom) is taken.

111. Amano manika.

Brains are wide meadows.

112. Amano ni mbuto: balalondola.

Brains are seeds which they always look for.

113. Amani ya buweka: tayapela apatali.

The brains of loneliness do not go far.

114. Amano yaba mu ficila mu ficila.

Brains are marked by differences.

115. Amano yafuma mwi'fwasa: yaingila mu cuI'u.

Brains came out of the little anthill and entered the large
one.

116. Amatwi mapuli: yapulapula fye.

Ears are beggers: they just beg for things all the time!

117. Amenshi balinga no bunga.

Water is according to the flour.

118. Amenshi yafika ku mukoshi: bwelela kunuma.

Water arrives at the neck, return.

119. Amenshi yaitika: tabakusa.

Water that is spilled they don't pick up.

120. Amenso yaikalila mumo: nomba ukumona tayamwena mumo.

The eyes dwell in one place but seeing does not occur in one
place.

121. Amenso yakula pa kasuba.

Eyes grow in the sun.
\ 122. Apakumo kuboko: pabula.
A place to knock there is not.
I

Ii
 278
123. Apabilimino mulilo: tapacepa.
Where the fire flares up is not a small place.

124. Apabolele Bunde: ne micila ya kwa Bunde.

Where Bunde rotted is (also the place where) the tails of
Bunde rot.

125. Apabuluma umulilo:' tapacepa.

Where a fire roars is not a small place.

126. Apafwile Shimundu: no mundu wakwe.

Where Shimundu died (is where) his Mundu died •

.127. Apakamaile nondo: pali ubuluba.

The place where the hammer falls repeatedly is where the
mistake is~

128. Apakulu: palapitwa.

The place where there was greatness is always passed by.
129. Apali bakulu: insengo tashipotama.
Where there are elders, horns are not twisted.

130. Apali icikote: e pali iCipyu.

Where there is something old there is something new.
131. Apali umukulu: pali akafifi.
Where there is an elder there is a little darkness.
132. Apali munwe: e pali ibala.
Where there is a finger there is a garden.

133. Apasamike umutali: umwipi teti asamune.

What a tall person has placed up high on a shelf, a short
person cannot take down.

134. Apashintuka amenshi: pali ng'wena.

Where the water recedes there is a crocodile.

135. Apatanuka amenshi: ni pebwe.

Where the water, redounds, there is a rock.

136. Apatebeta Lesa: tapafuka cushi.

Where God prepares food, smoke does not blacken the walls.
137. Apesula citundu: tapesula lupe.
What fills a small basket does not fill a large basket.
138. Apo Lesa atebeta, tapafuka cushi.
Where God prepares food, smoke does not blacken the walls.
 279

139. Apo lusengeleke: taluputuka.

Where it is thin (the bow string), it does not break.

140. Apo tata afw±le: nefwe epo tukafwila.

Where father died is where we will die.

141. Apo ulala: palale nkw~.

Where you sleep, there sleeps a slab of bark (bark cloth).

142. Apo wasange mfumu: e pesano.

Where you may find the chief is where the chief's place is.

143. Bafyuma: babutukilwa.

Those with riches are overrun.

144. Bakolwe baishibana: bapelana mabungo.

Monkeys which know each other give each other the mabungo
fruit.

145. Bamukolwe nga bafula: tabuca bwangu.

If there are many cocks, the sun does not rise quickly.

146. Bakolwe tabatana: umushitu umo.

Monkeys do not hold each other in one grove of trees.

147. Banamune: tabasha mpanga.

Marriageable young women do not leave the forest.

148. Bangilila: mu nshila tamulatelela.

Hurry, lest it is slippery in the path.

149. Bangoshe babili: tabekala culu cimo.

Two green mambas do not live in one anthill.

150. Baponenwa ne mpundu: ishibansha ukutola.

The mpundu fruit fell upon them which prevented them from
taking them.

151. Basa basa: tabashisha bwino.

The one who worked any-old-way did not work well.

152. Bashamfumu ni mpili shalekana kasuba: shacimbana bushiku.

Chiefs are hills which differ in the day time but resemble
each other at night.

153. Batila, "Kafyalweni": tabatila "Kapalaneni."

They said, "Give birth," they did not say, "Resemble one
another."

154. Bemba alyo: ufwilemo.

The lake eats what dies in it.
 280

155. Bepo mwanakashi: mwaume mubiyo, mwenda nankwe.

Lie to a woman. Your male companion, travel with him.

156. Buce buce: komba no kunaka.

Slowly, slowly, work and do it carefully.
I",
I

157. Bufundi te bwa kutola: bwa kusambilila.

Skill is not gathered, it is something learned.

158. Bukwe, bwela: mano.

Brother-in-law, return: that is is wisdom.

159. Bulapo: te kupela.

Take is not giving.

160. Butata: kutatishanya.

Fatherhood is fatherhood reciprocated. i:11

161. Butembele: ngo buliile.

Good treatmen~ if (you want) good eating.

162. Butete: bufuma ku cikondo.

Luck at games comes from the big toe.

163. Bwamba bwandi, lala: tumone milile ya bakaya.

Sleep, my weir, that we may see the eating habits of the
residents.
,II,
164. Bwana bwa nsato: bulaisatula.
The young of the python always come and (go). I

I'I
165. Cakwebwa ku mubiyo: cikalifyo mutima. :1

The scolding of your companion hurts the heart. ill

166. Calila ndubwi: na mu fyalo bacitesha.

The rumor spreads and in the countries they listen.

167. Canga baseka: uwacelwa.

The small lemur-like animal which was late, they laughed at.

168. Ca pa menso: ~ciba m~ myona nga nacifyona.

It is in the eye, if it was in the nose I would blow it out.

169. Capota: ashile ng'anda.

Mr. It-is-impossible left the house.

170. Cayansha: ashile ng'anda.

Mr. It-is-difficult left the house.

171. Cendaeka: musha wa nshila.

The one who travels alone is the slave of the path.

Ii
I'l"l
1
1: 1 :
 281

172. Ceni eni: e ciliishe kanga lya musuma.

The stranger is the one who is fed the good guinea fowl.

173. Cibinda mwaice alya imo: ashika no bucinga.

The childish hunter ate one (animal) and put dirt back in
the pit.

174. Cibusa cafumine: muli "mfwaisho mufwi."

Friendship began in "Fetch me the arrow."

175. Cicili cilepya ngo mulilo: tacilayambilisha.

It is still smouldering like a fire; it has not yet begun to
blaze.
I'I
176. Cifula mulilwa: na bwangu bwa kumutendwa.
The rain season is what is wanted and quickly it is something
with which you are fed up.

177. Ciikalano: tacibifya·muntu.

Living together does not harm a person.

178. Cikokola pa kwisa: tacikokola pa kuya.

It is tardy upon coming, it is not tardy in going.

179. Cikutukutu ca kulya: no kutintilila.

The cikutukutu of eating is the pulling hard and constantly.

180. Cili fye: e cimfimfyo mukonso.

"It doesn't matter" is what made the leg swell up.

181. Cimpatanya: icaikala pakati ka nshila.

It is the cause of dissension that dwells in the middle of
the road.

182. Cimpampa: uwaitobeka mu mitondo.

It it the cimpampa tree growing singly among others which
settled among the mitondo trees.

183. Cinci wa babili: te kuba cinci uli weka.

The work of two does not become the work of one.

184. Cinshe nafwa: no bunkungilo.

The rat living in ant hills died upon "the bait."

185. Cintomfwa: tekala ku muba.

The one who does not listen does not sit in the council of
elders.

186. Cintomfwa: apulikilwe mulemba mu kutwi.

The one who does not listen will suffer sore ears.
 282

187. Cintu mu minwe: amenso yalabepa.

It is the thing in the hand, eyes always lie.

188. Ciombo tanaka: icinaka musashi.

The beaten bark is not tired, the one that is tired is the
person who makes bark cloth clothes.

189. Cisongo ukwalye landa: tabulwako.

Wh~re the bushbuck ate lentils is not taken away.

190. Citala munshonda: abene matala bashala mipalapata.

The big granary does not get thin, the owner of the granaries
they leave as a skeleton.

191. Citala munshonda: umwine butala ashala amapampa.

The big granary does not get thin, the owner of the granary
remains as skeletons.

192. Citiciti camutungo munwe mu linso: camulengele mona akupompa.

The busybody got a finger in the eye so that the nose ran.

193. Ciya tatwala: bunda bwa maluba.

The ciya tree does not bear fruit, (just) flowers.

194. Conde afuta: umwenda.

The ~ush pays the one walking (in it).

195. CuI a abwebweshe kanwa: atula nefyo alile.

The frog moved its lips and let out what it ate.

196. CuI a afika: pa lwakwe.

The frog arrives at its place.

197. Cula afwila: pa mwenshi yakwe.

The frog died at its water(hole).

198. Cula cintomfwa: apulikilwa mulemba mu kutwi.

The frog that did not listen suffered a sore on its ear.

199. Cula pa menshi yaciko: taciya.

The frog does not go from its water(hole).

200. Fikolwe ne calo.

Ancestors and country.

201. Finsha mfinsha: ukufinsha mukulu mubiyo, kufinshanya.

Deceive a deceiver, deceiving a fellow elder is to be
reciprocally deceived.

202. Fulwe pa kufwa: apaso mulilo.

The tortoise upon dying scatters the fire.
 283

203. Fulwe talapya: acili kutomatoma twa munda.

The tortoise is not cooked, it is just little tastes in the
stomach.

204. Funda,kanyelele: ununang'u aifunda kale.

Teach the little ant, the large black ant with a stench
taught itself already.

205. Fwe bapabi, tuli mbule: tatubipilwa pa buta.

We the poor are the small piece of wood used for an arrow-
head, we are not to be separated from the bow.

206. Fwe bashama: ciwa citukonka na mu kupula.

We the unlucky ones, the evil spirit follows us even to work.

207. Fwe bashama:tatukonka nguni aitulanga mupepi.

We the unlucky do not follow the bird that shows us it is
nearby.

208. Fwe bashama: tatutebela inona.

We the unlucky are not accustomed to the ------.

209. Fyonse kweshabesha: mukashi wandi, njipikile sembe, ndye.

Everything can be tried; my wife, cook an axe - that I may
eat it.

210. lbonge liponeshe pompo.

The overripe fruit caused the green fruit to fall.

211. lcabu ca kale: cilabunsha.

An old ford in the stream always causes drowning.

212. lca bukwe bukwe: capwishishe ubuci pa lupako.

Things concerning the brother-in-law finished the honey in
the hole.

213. lcafuma ku mfumu: tacicepa.

That which comes from the chief is not small.

214. lcafwa: tacilala na mwina.

That which died doesn't sleep with a person.

215. lcakana: ciposwa.

That which refuses is thrown away.

216. lcakufwala cimo: cilatendusha.

One thing that is worn always is tiresome.

217. lcakukonko lubilo: nobe cikonke ulubilo.

That which follows you in a hurry, you may follow it in a
hurry.
 284

218. Iqala cimo: tacisala nda.

One big fingernail doesn't pick up a louse.

219. Icalo: manika.

The country (is like) a plain.

220. Icalo masamba ya nshiku.

The country (is like) the western sky of the day.

221. Icalo lifupa: wakolokotako.

The country is a bone - you just pick on it.

222. Icalo mukunku: tacisalila umo.

The earth is an anvil for beating bark - it does not beat
for one only.

223. Icalo tacit~lala: ngomusunga.

The earth does not rest quietly like thin porridge.

224. Icalo te cakukwikila meno luse.

The earth is not a place to establish the teeth the way a
handle is established to the hoe.

225. Icanyanta insofu: calala.

That on which the elephant treads lies flat.

226. Icatwala ensa: na yambala cikamutwala.

That which drives away yensa locusts also drives away
yambala locusts. -----

227. Icibi: cibakile mfumu umweo.

A bad thing took care of the chief's life.

228. Icibolya ca butumpe: caba cimo.

The old abandoned village of silliness is one.

229. Icibomfuma: e citulika.

That which is soft and tender is what is pierced.

230. Icibumba: cansha.

The wall leaves me.

231. Icifu ca ngulube: citemwo mwine/ cilya uutemenwe.

The one who has the stomach of a wild pig eats it because he
likes it.

232. Icifu ca ngulube: katupane ne nghumba.

Marrying a barren woman is like liking the stomach of a pig
(it is up to the individual).

233. Icifulo cimo: cipwe mpeta.

One place may finish the mpeta seeds.

il _____
!
 285

234. Icifulo cisuma: cilakola.

A good place always intoxicates.

235. Icifupg: wamlnlne ubupangalume: na pa kuciluka bupangaluma.

You swallowed the big bone with great energy and the same
energy is necessary to vomit it back up.

236. Icikabile e citalele: icitalelee cikabile.

That which is hot becomes cool and that which is cool
becomes hot.

237. Icikaltlwa pa nsaka: musumba wa bwali.

That which let a few days elapse at the rest shelter is the
large basket of stiff- porridge.

238. Icikalipa: cumfwo mwine.

That which hurts is felt by the owner of it.

239. Icikate cibiye: cikulo mutwe.

That which holds its companion is that which shames the
head.

240. Icikate mpuku: tacifutuka libili.

That which catches the rate does not spring again.

241. Icikete ngoma: no kupilibuka nacipilibuka.

That which plays the drum definitely turns as well (in
dancing).

242. Icikete ngoma:po lwimbo cileshi.

That which plays the drum also sings a song.

243. Iciko: tacikata mumi.

Dirt does not hold life.

244. Icikolwe ne ngala: cikolwe ne milandu.

The big monkey with the feather headdress is also the monkey
with the demanding affairs.

245. Icikolwe: tacikolwa bowa.

The big monkey is not made drunk by mushrooms.

246. Icikomo lwendo: ni nshiku.

That which prevents a journey is days.

247. Icikondo aciba cimo: nga taciipununa.

If there is only one big toe, it would bot be stubbed.

248. Iciku tacipalamana: na mulilo.

A worn out piece of bark cloth does not draw near to the
fire.
 286
249. Icikulu, butala: inganda taikula.
The big thing is the granary - a house is not important.

250. Icikulu cilya cimo: tacilala.

The big thing eats alone, he does not idle around with the
commoner.

251. Icikulu tacalulwa.

The great thing is not shunned.

252. Icikulu tacilabwa.

The great thing is not forgotten.

253. Icikupe mpuku: cibala ku cisu.

What gives you a rat first gives the bladder.

254. Icikupempula: e cikulya.

What visits you is what eats you.

255. Icikutika abakalamba: tacikutuluka.

What listens to elders does not recollect as one absent-
minded.

256. Icikutilwe: tacumfwa ndibu.

What doesn't listen doesn't hear the bell of the dog.

257. Icikwanka: bacimona ku mumpalanya.

What helps you they see in the art of imitating.

258. Icikwana: cilakupalamina.

What helps you always draws near to you.

259. Icikwi: tacipalamana na mulilo.

The old bark cloth does not draw near to the fire.

260. Icikwishibe tacikulya: acikupwilila.

That which is known doesn't eat you nor finish you.

261. Icila na nsaka: umo acileta.

One person brought the cila dance to the rest shelter.

262. Icilafi: e butani.

Forgetfulness is the refusal of something.

263. Icilangililwa: cafumishe mpungu umusula.

Imitation caused the eagle's anus to come out.

264. Icilapungula: casha ba ntenda.

What diminishes things leaves a sickly person.
 287

265. Icilefye nshila: mulele wa kwenda.

That which lengthens the path is the laziness of the walker.

266. Icilekumyangamyanga: cilefwayo kukumina.

That which pays you constant attention wants to bite you.

267. Iciliba cateya Lesa: cilapumikisha.

The trap set by God is always unexpected.

268. Icilobololo muntu: ni nsala.

That which re¥eals a person is hunger.

269. Icilobolole ndao: menshi.

That which cleans the small tubers eaten by wild pigs is
water.

270. Icilola umo: e cabo bufi.

That which is seen by one only is a lie.

271. Icilu cibi: cilayoloka.

A bad pole for the house is always straightened.

272. Icilundo mukowa: kulya.

That which perpetuates the clan is eating.

273. Icilye fupa: cilekatilila.

That which eats a bone holds on to it.

274. Icilye nama: cilekatilila.

That which eats meat holds on to it.

275. Icilye nkoko: cikalya mafi.

That which eats a fowl will eat refuse.

276. Icimone fyuma: mweo.

That which sees wealth is life.

277. Icimpwena cawishishe mpelembe mu bucinga.

The habit of staring at things caused the roan antelope to
fall into the game pit.

278. Icinama cikwishiba: tackikulya aclkupwishishisha.

The big animal that knows you won't eat you or finish you
completely.

279. Icinani: cisapule mpapa.

Anger wears out the skin in which a baby is carried.

280. Icine nkashi: cikala na mashinshi ku busanshi.

Truly your sister (man's) sits on the bed with filth.

l~
281. Icingala ca busole: bamufumbila kabela.
The large feathered plume of the messenger they keep ready9

282. Icintelelwe tubamo: akasuba nacuma9

The shade we.are in the sun has (taken away}.

283. Icintem~a teti cibe lubali.

Love may not be on one side only.

284. Icipa Lesa: tacishibwa.

What God giv~s is not known.
\
285. Icipangwa ca mu nshila: citusha abana ba nsala.
The fruit of the path satisfies the hunger of children.

286. Icipashi citalele: cikolo bwikele.

The small bee's (honey) is sweet and also makes you sick
quickly.

287. Icipaye mpuku: tacifutuka libili.

That which kills a rat doesn't spring again.

288. Icipe ca mwaice: cifinina ku nshishi.

The load of the child is heavy from the bark rope.

289. Icipe ca mwipi: ni mpao.

The load of the short person is the rations for the journey.

290. Icipuba citilo muto: impanda yatobela panshi.

The foolish person spilled the sauce and the kind, generous
person (eats) it on the ground.

291. Icipyu: e cona cintemwa mu nganda.

Anger is what destroys love in a house.

292. Icisalwa, masaka, abana tabasalwa, bana bonse.

That which is selected is sorghum, children are not chosen,
all are (your) children.

293. Icishibwa: cili ku bakalamba.,

That which is kn.own is from the elders.

294. Icishiki baipununako mu kanwa: lulimi.

The stump on which they stub themselves in the mouth is the
tongue.

295. Icishitemenwe kwisha: citila cimo casakunye ku.

That which doesn't want to remain says, something is
stirring there.

296. Icishumfwa: capulikilwe mulemba mu kutwi.

That which doesn't obey surprisingly has sore ears.
 289

297. Icishumfwa nshintu: tacikala ku muba.

That which doesn't understand allusive talk does not sit at
the council of elders.

298. Icisosa: cipa amano.

That which speaks gives wisdom.

299. Icitenenkeshe n'guni: munsoli.

That which causes the bird to sing is whistling.

300. Iciteko mutima: matwi.

That which goy~rns the heart are the ears.

301. Icitemenwe nama: cilekatilila.

That which likes meat holds on to it.

302. lcitemenwe nyina: na bana.

That which loves the mother loves also the children.

303. lcitila lelele: kusangwa.

That which says, "take it easy" is the being found.

304. lcitila linda: cili ku bweni.

That which says, "stay," is from the host.

305. Icitila lumbwe nina: e citila lumbwe ika.

That which says, "son-in-law get up," also says "son-in-law
get down.-"

306. lcitondo ca bwalwa: ni nsokolola twebo.

The big pot of beer is the revealer of little words.

307. Icitungulu ca mu nshila: citusha abana ba nsala.

The wild onion along the path is what satisfies the hunger
of a child.

308. lco babingo mushinku: cintu umwene.

What they measure the height of is something seen.

309. lco ubikilepo umutima: cikusha mu menso poko.

What you may set aside forthe heart leaves you and your
eyes appear sunken (grieved).

310. lco utemenwe: e cikoshe mbafu.

What you like is what strengthens (your) ribs.

311. lcowishibe teti cikume: cikupoke amata ne sembe.

That which you know cannot beat you and cannot take your
bow and axe.

312. lcona ca ngulube: caipeneka.

The snout of a wild pig turns up by itself.
 290

313. Icona nswa: citula ku mwela.

That which destroys the winged white ants comes from the
wind.

314. Icona umuselwe: kubulapo.

That which destroys (friendship) is taking (things).

315. Icuma ca lukasa tabacisunga: basunga cili mu cimpompo.

Wealth of the leg they don't keep, they keep that which is
in the round box made of bark. 1:1

316. Icuma ca mus,hi: babika no mukaya.

The we~lth of a village they put with a resident.

317. Icungwa lya kwiba: licila pa lyobe ukulowa.

The orange that is stolen is sweeter than yours.

318. Icupo ca musana: icamutwe caba na bene.

Marriage is of the back, that of the head belongs to the
owner (of it).

319. Icupo ca nomba: calowa ngo buci.

Marriage (right now) is sweet like honey.

3200 Icupo ca pakubala cilila nje, nje, nje: cela cati cikokolecilila
fukutu fukutu fukutu ngo muba.
Marriage at the first is like a bell ringing, nje, nje, nje,
later it says fukutu, fukutu, fukutu like a bellows.

321. .Ifibalala: tafi tulila kumo.

Places denuded of trees do not all occur in one place.

322. Ififwita bakankala: abalanda babula.

What the important ones reject, the poor receive.

323. Ififwita bankalamo: cimbwi atola.

What the lions reject the hyenas take.

324. Ifikali filatinana.

The fierce ones always frighten one another.

325. Ifikate nkoko: fyalifula.

Those things which catch fowls are plentiful.

326. Ifilala e fibuka.

Those things lying down are the things that rise.

327. Ifilyo tafisa: nga me no ya mu kanwa.

Food doesn't grow like the teeth in the mouth. I

328. Ifilyo: tafyaba ne cishala.

Food does not have a rubbish heap.
 291

329. Ifintu abakilwako: fikasuka afimubukile cimbo.

Things which he set aside will become the elephant tusk that
turns against him.

330. Ifipekelwa: tafifuma nge mono.

Those things that are squeezed out don't come out like
cas tor- beans •.

331. Ifishikumana: fiwa.

Those things which do not meet are bad spirits.

332. Ifishimu fya'muti

\
utali: filaikola.
Caterpil~ars on a high tree fall down by themselves.
L.
333. Ifisosa abanakashi fya buwelewele: nomba uushiteshako cipuba.
Things the women say are silly things, and he who does not
iisten in is a fool.

334. Ifita fya kukuta: tafilwa nkondo.

Soldiers who are enlisted don't lose the war.

335. Ifitumba numa: tafishibikwa.

That which happens later is not known.

336. Ifitwalo: e fikuba.

The fruit is what is finished.

337. Ifunda talicenjela: icicenjel, mwine funda.

The bundle is not wise, the wise thing is the owner of the
bundle.

338. Ifya banakashi: filoca/. Ifya kumfwa ku banakashi: filoca.

Things of the women burn/. Things heard from the women
burn.

339. Ifya kubuko: fyafumishe kabundi amenso.

Things of the in-laws is what caused the lemur's eyes to
protrude.

340. Ifya kulyo bushiku: fitulikila ku malushi.

Things eaten at night are revealed from vomit.

341. Ifya kumbwa ku matwi: fi~oca.

That which is heard by the ears burns.

342. Ifya kumona ku menso: filoca.

That which is seen by the eyes burns.

343. Ifya kupula: tafikafya n'ganda.

Things that are begged for do not make a house lively with
noise.

l:r;",
 292

344. Ify~ kushimikilwa: filanguka.

Things that are spoken ~bout are very strong.

345. Ifya kwa Lesa: tafikatilwa maka.

Things of God are not brought about by force.

346. Ifya mukali: Filala apabutile.

Things of a fierce person lie (scattered) about.

347. Ifya mu n'ganda: te fya kwasaukilwa mu lubansa.

Things of the house are not things to be dishonored in
the courtyard.

348. Ifya n'gumba: filasasa.

Th~ngs of a sterile woman are always sour or bitter.
I

349. If yuma filanonkwa: abana tabanonkwa, bana bonse.

Possessions are always traded, but children are not traded,
all are (your) children.

350. If yuma tafitolelwa mumo nge nda.

Wealth is not picked up in one place like lice.

351. Ikanga lilele fibi: no mutwe mukumpulo.

The guinea fowl that sleeps badly (uses) the head as a
stick to beat down the dew.

352. Ikanga likote: litalishe misolo.

The old guinea fowl brings trouble upon the young guinea
fowl sitting on eggs.

353. Ilanda lyapona mu mupasa.

A lentil fell from the englarged basket.

354. Ilinso lyapola: liba nga lishalwele.

The eye made well appears as one not sick.

355. Ilinso limo: mutulu.

One eye (means) eyefilm.

356. Ilyashi lisuma:,lyalalike cimbwi pa cishala.

Good talk caused the hyena to sleep on the rubbish heap.

357. Ilyashi lya nsaka: taliuminwa mukashi.

Talk of the rest shelter (does not result) in the beating
of the wife.

358. Ilyashi mutwala: ciwa.

The bearer of talk is the bad spirit.
 293
359. Ilyashi ushiliko: litandulula kanwa.
Talk (about events) at which you were not present widens
the mouth.

360. Imamba taifyala mamba mbiye.

A black mamba does not give birth to its fellow mamba.

361. Imbila ye pango: tayankulwa.

The news of a musical instrument is not answered.

362. Imbuto nee: ipwile mwibala.

The little seeds may be finished in the garden.

363. Imbuto nce: shiyana na bala.

The little seeds correspond with the garden.

36~. Imbwa taifwa: kuli shikulu wakwe.

The dog does not die by its master.

365. Imbwa tayali ukulya buta: mukonkelelo lushinga.

The dog was not going to eat the bow, it was following
the bow string.

366. Imbwa ya mukali: taicenjela.

The dog of a fierce person is not smart.

367. Imfula pa kuya: epo yone miti.

The rains upon going destroy the trees.

368. Imfula taipelwa mpango.

Rain is not given the marriage gift.

369. Imfumu tailya cilukwa.

The chief does not eat that which is vomited.

370. Imfumu taifyala mfumu mbiye.

The chief does not give birth to his fellow chief.

371. Imfwa nce: bailinganya na kalindi.

A little death and they measure the grave accordingly.

372. Imfwa nce: iyana ne kalindi.

A little death fits the little grave.

373. Imfwa ya mubiyo: iIi akasekelo.

The death of your fellow is an amusing event.

374. Imfwa tayaba na ntulilo.

Death has no place of origin.
 294

375. Imfwa tayaba na ku ntulilo.

Death has not place of origin.

376. Imfwa yaba nge shishi lya mumbu: uko lisendamina, eko liwila.
Death is like the vine of the yam: where it lies is where
it falls.

377. Imfwi te sha katili:' sha twebo.

Gray hair is not of the small antelope it is our own.

378. Imibombele: ne milile.

The way to work is the way to eat.

379. Imikolele ya nshe: ne milile.

The way you gather locusts is the way you eat.

380. Imilimo: isbkololo busha.

\
Work ~eveals slavery.
I,~

381. Iminwe ikate fibi: ilasamba.

Fingers that hold dirt are always washed.
:!
382. Iminwe iingi: isasho munani.
Many fingers (hands) make the relish sour.

383. Iminwe taikata: ico ishilile.

Fingers (hands) do not hold what they do not cry for.

384. Imipini ibili: yalishishe ngulube.

Two handles cause the wild pig to squeal.

385. Imisontwe sembe: taitema.

Trees pointed out by the axe are not cut.

386. Imiti ikula: e mpanga.

Trees that have grown are the forest.

387. Imiti ili pamo: tailbula kushenkana.

Trees that are near to one another do not lack squeaking.

388. Imiti ipalamene: taibula kulila ng'wema.

Trees that are near to one another do not fail to make
squeaking noises.

389. Impanda nga yaposa mano: icipuba cilatola.

If an honest, straightforward person throws away wisdom,
the fool always picks it up.

390. Impande yalubile: mu kwalaula.

The large, flat, triangular shell was lost in the constant
turning over and over in hands.
 295

391. Impanga yafuta: uwendamo.

The forest pays the one going through it.

392. Impapa balwila: intu iIi pa menso.

The skin for carrying babies which they defend is the one
before their ~yes.

393. Impapa taifyala musha.

The skin for carrying babies does not give birth to a slave.

394. Impofu ishimona: ilanyanta.

What a blind person does not see he always walks upon.

395. Impofu ishinyanta: mu nshiku ikanyanta.

What a blind man has not walked upon (yet) he will walk upon.

396. Impofu yapokel~ ifyuma ku ulelola.

The blind person receivedwealth from the one seeing.

397. Impulu mpya: isukulo mulomo .

. The ~~w whistle peels(the skin) off the lips.

398. Impumi nkulu: ifumye nondo.

The big forehead brought out the hammer.

399. Impumi ya mukalamba: yalombele sembe.

The forehead of the elder asked for an axe.

400. Imputi isula: taileka.

The anus that breaks wind does not stop.

401. Impwila muto: tayonda.

The one who finishes the sauce is not thin.

402. Inama ifwa mu mushi: mu mpanga wayatola fye.

The animal dies in the village, you go to the forest just
to fetch it.

403. Inama nkulu: taikuba mwibondo.

The big animal does not stop in the bone almost picked bare.

404. Inama tailbula: ku cibuko.

The animal is not missing it is at the den.

405. Inama ya mwaice: tainona.

The child's animal is not fat.

406. Inama yapelelwa: yaingila mu cimpelesha.

An animal that is allowed to go enters a hole that leads
nowhere.
 296

407. Inda ilile kanga: taibalala.

The stomach which eats a guinea fowl is not spotted.

408. Inda kumbali: ilaisuma.

A louse alone always bites itself.

409. Inda yaendo muno: ikakumana ne minwe.

The louse that 'goes in here will meet fingers.

410. Ine ndi katiti: ndi mukulu pali yensa.

I am the small warbler - bigger than the locust.

411. Ine ndi mpampa ishicepa: cikulu kukonkanya.

I am the small broken piece of a calabash which is sufficient
unless used continuously.

412. Ine ndi mubu wa nkula: nkasubwa na bambi.

I am a ball of redwood powder and will (myself) be anointed
by others.
1

413. Ingulube bakonke: ilile umumbu.

May they follow the wild pig which ate the yam.

414. Ingulube UkU;~ mwibala: ne milile.

The wild''--cpig goes into the garden and that is the way it
eats.

415. Ingulube yabulo mufyala: icena ne fwasa.

The wild pig that has no cross-cousin romps with an anthill.

416. Ingulube yabula mufyala: icena ne nkashi no mwipwa.

The wild pig that has no cross-cousin plays with its sister
or niece.

417. Injili yabula mwana: baimona lukasa kwifwe.

They see the tracks of the wart hog without children at the
waterhole.

418. Inkalamo nga yapepelwa: ilye cani.

If a lion is allowed to go it eats grass.

419. Inkalamo shibulumana.

The lions call each other by growls.

420. Inkombe taikata pa cinena.

The messenger does not touch the lower parts of the abdomen.

421. Inkose shibili: tashipusa.

Two bird snares do not miss.

422. Inkuntu ya lupwa: itwala ku mfwa.

The touchiness of a family leads to death.
 297

423. Inkwale ya cilalu: taifwa ku nsala.

An old francolin does not die of hunger.

424. Inkwale ye sala: taifwa.

The francolin of an old deserted village doesn't die.

425. Inongo ibumbilwa ukutekwa peshiko: umuntu ena abumbilwa

kukubombela Lesa.
The pot was created to be governed by the fire, a person
was created to serve God.

426. Insaka yasaka: abalipo.

The rest she~ter has its use for those who are there at the
right time.

427. Insala ni ng'anane.

Hunger is common to all.

428. Insala tabalwila nayo matako.

They don't fight hunger with hips.

429. Insala taikongwa mwefu.

Hunger is not ent~ced by a beard.

430. Insala taikwasha menso;\

Hunger does not caUse one to have eyes.

431. Insala tailya uwatensha kanwa.

Hunger does not eat the one who moves his lips (as in eat-
ing) .

432. Insala tailya uwasakunya.

Hunger does not eat the one who bestirs himself.

433. Insala tayaba na matwi.

Hunger does not have ears.

434. Insala ya mubiyo: taifufyo tulo.

The hunger of your companion does not hinder rest.

435. Insala yonsha ne misanshiko.

Hunger makes the rods of the bedposts thin.

436. Insalu taikokola ku bupya: ikokoa ku bukote.

Cloth does not hesitate (losing) its newness, it does
hesitate at (becoming) old.

437. Insele tashitula kalonda.

An insult does not come from a small wound.

438. Insengwa insengwa ya kuta: no kuibulika.

The insengwa top spins and is taken away.

,..I
 298

439. Inshiku e shimone fyuma.

Days are what see wealth.

440. Inshiku shalingenye mwana wa nyina.

Days equalized child and mother.

441. Inshiku shanashishe mpapa.

Days -softened the skin for carrying the child.

442. Inshiku shibikilapo: nga pa bukwebo.

Days add things like articles to trade.

443. Inshiku ishingi: amano yace.

Many days, little wisdom.

444. Inshiku shisuma:.tashica shibili.

Good days do not dawn two.

445. Inshiku tashilila pepi.

Days do not weep soon.

446. Inshiku tashilingana shonse.

All days are not equal.

447. Inshiku tashisabilwa.

iDays are not gathered.

448. Inshlla iletulo mweni: tayeba.

The path on which the visitor comes does not speak.

449. Inshimba cipasho: yapasha bana.

The genet (?) is a likeness, it transmits hereditary traits
to (it) children.

450. Inshimba ishilanyela mupeto: ipamine nshila.

The genet (?) not caught in the snare is familiar with
the path.

451. Inshimba ukwima: ima ne cipala.

The genet (?) rising, rises with an arrow.

452. Inshimu ishingi: tashibika muluba.

Many bees don't set aside the pollen.

453. Inshita yanashishe impapa.

Time softened the skin.

454. Insofu nkulu: taikuba mu ishimba.

A big elephant does not stop yielding (fat) in the foot.

455. Insofu pa bwingi: kalulu.

An elephant before a crowd is a rabbit.
 299

456. Insofu yakulile: nomba ubwaice bwashele mu ishimba.

The elephant grew but its childhood remained in the leg.

457. Insoni: mwenso.

Shyness is fear.

458. Inuma ciliba: ilafwanta.

A rat trap which always crushes is behind.

459. Ing'anda imo: tayafya kulamba.

One house is not difficult to pass by.

460. Ing'anda ishibwelela mpango: ibusu.

A house that does not return a dowry.

461. Ing'anda ushilala: baikumbwo mutenge.

They desire a roof for the house in which you do not sleep.

462. Ing'anda ya buci balengilamo: cikali kutumpamo munwe.

They may enter the house of honey (beehive) but it is
dangerous to plunge fingers therein.

463. 1ng'anda ya cilema: taisalwa.

One does not shut the door of the house of a cripple.

464. Ing'anga ishifwa: ilakuka.

The traditional doctor who does not die always changes
residence.

465. Ing'anga nga tailile: umuti uli ku lupili.

If the traditional doctor has not eaten, the medicine is
still on the hill.
'\I
466. 1ng'oma ya kwashima: yashilile Kolwe ulweko.
The borrowed drum waited for the monkey to fight.

467. Ing'ombe ku Ilala: shaba na bene.

The cattle at 1lala have their owners.

468. Ing'ombe shupana mwitanga.

Cattle mate in the stable.

469. Ing'ombe ukukosa lamba: kulya.

Cattle (with) strong spleens is (their) eating ..

470. Ingombe nkulu: ipaya cibinda.

The big cow (is killed by) the owner.

471. Ing'ongo ifumino wacifutu.

A hump on the back or the chest comes from a hunchback.

..
 300

472. Ing'uni yacenjelo muno: taipikula cisansala acikosa.

The bird that is clever in here does not weave a strong
nest.

473. Ing'wena ishenda: ifwile tenga limo.

The crocodile that does not go on dies in one hole in the
river.

474. Ipompo lilapona: ibonge lyashala.

The green, unripe fruit always falls, the overripe one
remains.

475. Isembe talitwa: icitwa mutima.

The axe is not sharp, that which is sharp is the heart.

I '
476. Ishacepa: shingilo lupako lumo.
!
They are few, they enter one hole.

477 • Ishamfumu._sha Ka tumba: shafwile ku mpepo.

The chiefs of Katumba dies from cold.

478. Isuku lya lutolelwa: lipompo.

The lisuku fruit that is collected is a green, unripe one.

479. Iyakula: tainukwilwa cani.

It has grown and is no longer given grass that is pulled
out.

480. Iyalemana: tailbulwa cilaso.

He who is stubborn is not lacking wounds.

4810 Iyalunga: ilabwela.

It went hunting, it always returns.
~
482. Kaba kamana: kalaipitila.
It is a small river that flows by itself.

483. Kabepe ku Ilala: uko bashakwishiba.

Go and lie at Ilala where they don't know you.

484. Kabilo wa nsoni:, tapwa ,milandu.

The shy chief of an inferior rank (or counselor) does not
end a case.

485. Kabuce: ni muka mubiyo eketwe.

Go to dawn, it is your companion's wife that is caught.

486. Kabuce: twikushe icilele ne nsala.

Go to dawn that we may not satisfy the (corpse) that is
hungry.

'J.________
-.
 301

487. Kabulumine kwisano: ne milimo sobulumine.

Go and take from the royal compound, then go and take from
the work.

488. Kabundi, cefyo mutwe: impako shili na bene.

Kabundi, humble the head, the holes have owners.

489. Kabungo, ukula bucebuce: no kulamwalamwa.

Kabungo, grow slowly and be well taken care of.

490. Kabusha: takolelwe bowa.

The littie-asker is not poisoned by mushrooms.

491. Kafumbe, niwe upala: lelo pala pali musasao

Kafumbe, it is you you praise, today praise the vegetable
with a bitter taste.

492. Kakokotwa na yama: aba ni tata nga ampelako.

It has been chewed by my maternal uncle, if he had been my
father, he would have given it to me.

493. Kakosha fya babiye: ifyakwe takosha.

The pesterer for things of companions do~s not pester his
own.

494. Kalaisha: te mumoni.

The informer is not a wealthy person.

495. Kalando munshicilwa bulamu: nga wamucilo bulamu, waikombola

mwansa pa kulu.
The small log is not stepped over lazily, if you step over
lazily, you chip some of the hair off the leg.

496. Kaluba, mupe bunga: uwalemwa emo alila.

Kaluba, give flour, the lame one is the one who eats.

497. Kalulu atumine nsofu: nimpeniko ako.

The rabbit sent the._elephant (saying), "give me that little
thing." ~I

498. Kalulu munshipuswa mu'nshimi.

The rabbit is never missed in the fable.

499. Kalulu: ng'oma pa yakwe.

Rabbit is a drum on his way.

500. Kalulu tapusuka: mipya ibili.

Rabbit does not escape two burned placeso

501. Kalume wa mfumu: tasunta bwamba.

The young male servant of the chief does not pay respect to
the chief naked.
 302
502. Kalundwe ukulula: ni mwibala.
Bitter cassava is in the garden.

503. Kamfipilile: balimwikete.

They caught the "let-me-finish-it-completely" person.

504. Kampanda akulile mushi: muli "Mwapolenio"

, Kampanda built 'the village in saying , "How is your
health?".

505. Kampahda Katondo: ka kuipika no kuipula.

Kampanda is a small pot which puts itself on the fire and
takes itself off.

506. Kanang'ombe pa mwana: takaya.

The little mother cow does not go away.

507. Kancindincindi: cindiko mwana wa mubiyo na iwe ng'akucindike.

Respect one another. Respect the child of your companion
and he will respect you.

508. Kankombeleshe balimwikete: tafilya uwenda.

Mr. Let-me-lick-the-plate (Hoch 1968:63) they caught, the
one who went was the one who didn't eat.

509. Kanokano akashiwa nge kubi.

On and on it (the sun) does not fall like a vulture.

510. Kapanga nga apelelwa: engila mu cimpelesha.

If a rat is allowed to go it enters a hole that leads no-
where.

511. Kapokela: talumbwa nsupa.

Une who helps for a few moments is not given a calabash of
beer.

512. Kapompo munshinaka: icakumunasha libende.

Very hard mush which is not soft is that which is softened
in the mortar.

513. Kapose nsofu: panokol~me bali kuntanshi.

Go and sell the elephant, your uncle is ahead.

514. Kaputula akokola mu fikamba.

The pair of shorts last long in patches.

515. Kashama muliwa pa kufuka.

You eat the little groundnut at the time of harvest.

516. Kasosa te mukali: kalundulula e mukali.

The one who speaks (slanderer) is not the fierce one, the
one who spreads (the slander) is the fierce one.

I"~
 303

517. Kasosa te mwine cebo: kalundulula e mwine cebo.

The one who speaks (slander) is not the owner of the words,
the owner of the words is the one who spreads them.

518. Kasumba, kake lamba: tulingane na balile.

·Kasumba, tie the belt, that we may be equal with those who
have eaten.

519. Katende shinta lubilo: uli na munyina ashala.

Little heel reach the destination quickly, you have a
brother who has remained.

520. Kolokondwe kuwamo musunga: ni nsala nkali.

The fibrous herb kolokondwe is better than thin gruel, it
is hunger that is fierce.

521. Kolongwe, kwenda no mukulu: ngo mona kaliwa.

Kolongwe, go with an old person if (you) see small little
edible things.

522. Kolwe ali eka: tata ng'onso na bengi.

The monkey is alone it does not play the bark ball with
many.

523. Kolwe angala: pa musamba anasha.

The 'monkey plays on the branch it softened.

524. Kolwe ashilabengwa: enda napunama.

The monkey that has never been cut goes with its head
thrown back.

525. Kolwe, muka cilende: apatile abafyashi bakwe.

Monkey, spouse of an adulterer hated his parents.

526. Kolwe mUlange mungu: wisho mUlange lutanga.

You may show the. monkey a pumpkin then you cause him to
come down to see the cucumber.

527. Kolwe taba na mafundilo yabili.

The monkey does not have two places to cut meat up at.

528. Kolwe ubushiku alefwa: apuso musambo.

Monkey, on the day it will die misses the branch.

529. Kolwe wakota: asabilwa na bana.

The old monkey has food gathered for it by the children.

530. Kolwe wafunda: washa pa cipato.

You skinned the monkey but left the callous on its rump.
 304

531. Komba no kunasha: akombele mfumu takoma.

Work quietly with no fuss, he is serving the chief, not
killing.

532. Konke mfumu: umushi tauliwa.

Follow the chief, the village won't be eaten.

533. Kubala watangisho musungu: ubaba panuma.

First you throw the chaff, the fish poison follows.

534. Kubelebesha: takwilishe suba.

Causing to shine does not darken the sun.

535. Kuboko bapota: ukumine.

They twist the arm that is beating.

536. Ku buko nikwikoshi: bafwenako libili.

In-laws are the neck - they scratch it twice.

537. Ku bwaice~ takubwelelwa.

Childhood does not return.

538. Kubwelela kunse: ni munda mulekalipa.

Returning to the outside is the stomach that is hurting.

539. Ku bwito bwe pala: ni kwikoshi.

The end of a bald head is in the neck.

540. Ku bwito b~e pala: ni kwa Lesa, e pa kupwila milandu.

The end of a bald head is from God and that is where to
finish cases.

541. Ku cibolya: takubula mukaya.

At an old deserted village site no resident is lacking.

542. Ku cupo ni ku mibengelele.

Marriage is like the sun's rays.

543. Ku kulwala: takwaba nshita.

For being sick there is no (set) time.

544. Kukwata akana kamo: kutanganina na Lesa.

To have only one child is to do the same task as God.

545. Ku lupwa ni ku mupya: takuluba mbule.

A family is like a place cleared by fire, there is no
disappearing Qf the wooden arrow-head.

546. Ku mfumu ni ku ceni: ukwacindama, ukwafina.

The chief's place is like the lap - important and heavy.
 305
547. Ku mfumu ni kwifwe: takubulilila fintu.
The chief's place is like the spring, nothing is lacking.

548. Ku musumba takwabbikilwa nkwa.

At the chief's place you do not put a slab of bark in the
water to soak.

549. Kunakilila: aile ria matwi yakwe.

Submitting is his going with his ears.

550. Kuno takwaba bowa bukola.

There are no poisonous mushrooms here.

551. Kutea no kulengula.

Setting a trap is also going to check on it.

552. Kwapa tacila kubeya.

The armpit does not surpass the shoulder.

553. Kwimba kati: kusansha na Lesa.

Digging roots to use for medicine is mixing (them) with God.

554. Kwindi ali eka: asongesha abali abengi.

The rat is alone (but) he brings trouble upon many by his
imprudence.

555. Lalilali: alalike bala.

The habit of putting off indefinitely (means) he abandoned
the garden.

556. Lango mweni ku cushi: alekulangako ameno.

Show a visitor the smoke and he will show you (his) teeth.

557. Lembalemba epeye nkalamo: ni mukunakilila.

The lembalemba spider killed a lion (in) being meek and
obliging.

558. Lesa afwa: abayafwa.

God helps those who help themselves.

559. Lesa alabansa.

God always takes grain out of the granary.

560. Lesa asekule nkoko shakwe.

God takes back his chickens which he put in safe-keeping.

561. Lesa atuposa ku kabanga nangu ku masamba, apo atemenwe.

God throws us to the east or to the west, where he wants.

562. Lesa lupe lwishibo kwela.

God is a winnowing basket that winnows well.
 306

563. Lesa lushinga lwandi ulushiputuka/ muntaputuka.

God is my rope which will not break.

564. Lesa mufimbwa na mpukutu.

God is the one covered with dry leaves.

565. Lesa mufushi: tafulila umo.

God is the blacksmith; he does not forge for (just) one.

566. Lesa mukolokolo.

God is the clever, skillful craftsman.

567. Lesa mukulu kampamba shimwatule ulu.

God is the great thunder that pierces the sky.

568. Lesa mukunku:' tausalila umo.

God is the anvil block for beating bark cloth on, he does
not beat for one (only).

569. Lesa ni kalungu, mwine nkuni na menshi.

God is the blast furnace, the owner of the wood and the
water.

570. Lesa ni malyotola.

God is the avenger.

571. Lesa ni shimwelenganya.

God is an inventive, contriving one.

572. Lesa tafilwa kantu.

God does not fail (even) the small thing.

573. Lesa talaba iciimine.

God does not forget the thing that is standing.

574. Lesa talombwa nama.

God is not begged for meat.

575. Lesa talungushambuto shakwe.

God does not burn his seeds in cooking.

576. Lesa tapingulwa.

God is not judged.

577. Lesa tona cakwe.

God does not destroy his thing.

578. Lesa Tumbanambo: mutima kayebele.

I
God is well off and needs no one to advise him, his heart
I tells.

~.
II"

I
:~ I'
,I·
 307
579. Lesa tula: uwatulile mulondalonda nga aliputwike.
God is the helper who helped the wasp lest he break in two.

580. Lipena fye: taliluba mukanda.

Even a made person doesn't forget the pit.

581. Lobolola nomba: wayobwela.

Set things rights now, you "caused disorder" (Hoch 1968:70).

582. Lubemba na noko: wabula noko lwakubembula.

Bembaland and mother - without your mother, it will entice
you falsely.

583. Lubipa pa kuya: pa kubwela lwawama.

It is difficult to go, but on returning it is good.

584. Lufwinyemba aliwa na kantu.

The chameleon was eaten by a small thing.

585. Lufwinyemba apwishishe malonda: muli limo limo.

The chameleon finished the wasp in doing it a little at a
time.

586. Lufwinyemba ukwenda amakololo: ni pa bamwishibe.

The chameleon's going about (with) dignity is among those
who know it.

587. Lukanya bakulu: takota.

He who contradicts the elders does not get old.

588. Lukonko lwa kubamba: nga atemwa alebwela.

The tireless hunter returns when he wants.

589. Lumbwe ukupilo mulanda: kuicilikisha.

The son-in-law marrying a poor person catches himself red-
handed. '

590. Makunkutu tasosa ico bamutetele.

Amputated limbs do not speak (about) why they mutilated him.

591. Mangilile: mulamba t~latulula.

Allow me to leave before the torrent reaches us.

592. Mayo mpapa: na ine nkakupapa.

Mother, carry me, and I will carry you.

593. Mayo ni mayo: abula nguba ya kumpapa.

My mother is my mother, without her I would have no one to
carry me.

594. Mbula ndume: njifyalile yandi.

I have no brother, I bore my own.

ii,
 308
595. Mfunda buteshi: e iwa.
The illogical, inconsistent teacher is the one that falls.

596. Mpensa fikali: fikali nafyo filampensa.

I am courting danger and danger is courting me.

597. Mpyana ngo: apyana na mabala.

I inerhit a leopard - he also inherits the spots.

598. Mubala kale: aleyafwilisha.

The one who starts early really helps himself.

599. Mu bwalwa muli ntopoti.

In beer there is noise.

600. Mu bwingi: e muli mfwa yobe.

In a crowd - that's where your death is.

601. Mucinsha nsengwa: tabula kalonda.

Th~ person who spins the top in the nsengwa game is not
without a wound.

602. Mufisa mfwa: amalilo yalatumbula.

You hide death, wailing always reveals the secret.

603. Mufulilwa mubi: mubula kanwa.-

The person for whom a tool is forged badly lacks a mouth.

604. Mufwaye shilu: alaluba.

The one who looks for a lunatic always gets lost.

605. Muka mwine mushi: tapapa funda.

The wife of the vilalge headman is not surprised by a
bundle.

606. Muka mupwa: tasunta bwamba.

The spouse of a great woman doesn't walk clumsily because
of poor dressing.

607. Mu kanwa kamo: tabalishamo mpulu na munsoli.

They do not play the mpulu whistle and whistle in one mouth.

608. Mu kanwa tamufulwa nkasu.

You do not forge hoes in the mouth.

609. Mukolo alombele akalesela.

The head wife of the chief asked for that which was dangling.

610. Mukolwe pa kukula: epo afune pindo.

The cock upon growing, that is when he breaks the wing.
 309

611. Mukolwe uko asalilo bubenshi: eko akafwila.

Where the cock scratched for white ants is where it will die.

612. Mukolwe wa musumba: tangala na wa mfula.

The cock of the chief's capital does not play with the
commoner.

613. Mukolwe wa musumba: talila nga wa mfula.

The cock of the chief's capital does not crow like a
commoner.

614. Mukolwe wa musumba: ushikompa nsenga.

The cock of the chief's village does not peck at sand.

615. Mukolwe wa nkalala: utoseshe mpanga umupamba.

The red cock caused the forest to fall under a curse or
bad omen.

616. Mukome-mukome: ni ku kasembe.

Hit and kill, is of the little axe.

617. Mukonso, witeletenta: twafika kwa cimana bantu.

Mukonso, don't oscillate, we have arrived at the torrent
rushing over people.

618. Mu kubebeta: emu kutobolwa.

In scrutinizing, that is the way to be troubled by things
in the eyes.

619. Mu kuitungo bufumu: takwali wa kukoshapoo

In •..•..•.. ~ •.. chieftanship, there was nothing to strengthen.

620. Mukunku: wipapa nkwa.

The anvil block used for making bark cloth does not marvel
at the slab of bark.

621. Mu kutongela: e mu kukumana makungu.

In walking with care is the way to cover the large stretches
of dry ground.

622. Mukutu ali eka:. taikutulula.

The lion which is alone does not enlighten itself.

623. Mulala fibi: bamumone cungulo.

The one who sleeps badly they will see him in the evening.

624. Mulekele umwaice sembe: nga aikoma aleliposa.

Allow the child the axe, if he cuts himself he will throw it.

625. Muli kandolekeshe: e mu kutobolwa.

In "let-me-see-well" is the way to be troubled by things in
the eyes.
 310
626. Mulila-ndya: taba no mulandu.
A poor, honest begg~r doesn't have a case.

627. Mulila-ndya: tabala cibalo.

A poor, honest beggar doesn't have a provocation.

628. Muli sekaseka: e mutula lilalila.

In laughing foolishly is the way to come upon crying
without reason.

629. Mulondalonda apwishishe abana mu kusenda umo umo.

The wasp completed the baby wasps by carrying them one by
one.

630. Mulondola kakwe alalondola.

The one who asks for his things which he had put in trust"
always recovers them.

631. Mu lupwa lwa bene: tabengilamo.

In the family oT others they do not enter.

632. Mumbwe aitile mpahsi: no kumubumba shamubumba.

The jackal called the red ants and they really stuck to him.

633. Mumbwe ukulia: ashintile tako mwi'fwasa.

The jackal, when howling, leans its buttocks against an
ant hill.

634. Mumembe emlnlne: asongeshe ishilele.

The lechwe buck which is standing brings trouble upon those
that are lying down.

635. Mumona kamo: mubusu.

He who sees only one little thing is a pauper.

636. Munda ya mubiyo: tamwingilwa.

~he stomach of a companion is not entered.

637. Munda tamuli nkosho.

In the stomach there is nothing that restores strength.

638. Munda ni mwisano: tamuyako na kamo na kamo.

The stomach is the chief's place, you don't go there with
nothing.

639. Munda ni mwisano: mulala insoka atemwa nsofu.

The stomach is the chief's place in which lies either a
snake or an elephant.

640. Mundu walila mu nsungo: mwe bana banama cenjeleni.

The lion roars in the point of land at the juncture of two
rivers, you baby animals beware.
 311

641. Mu ng'anda ya mubiyo: tamubikilwa buomba.

In the house of your companion you are not given the night
porridge set aside specially for the husband.

642. Mu ng'anda uShilala: tabateya kutwi.

In the house in which you do not sleep, they don't listen.

643. Mungulube talya mpwa: bamwilwila pamo.

The wild pig does not eat the wild fruit resembling egg
plant, they (fight each other?) together.

644. Munshanya walalike bala.

The ungrateful person abandoned the garden.

645. Munshanya wa' kabwa: kasho kuboko ukupaleme, k~fwenena ku kulu.

The ungrateful little dog left the foreleg and scratched
the rear leg.

6460 Munshebwa: aile na mashinshi kwa banafyala.

The person who stands no criticism went to his mother with
filth.

647. Munshifika ku bwingi: tapelwe shina.

The one who does not arrive at the crow is not given a name.

648. Munshinyelwa: tawama.

The one who is not thrashed is not good.

649. Munshipingulwa: amano tayafula mu mutwe.

The one who is not advised does not have a lot of wisdom
in the head. -

650. Munshumfwa ku bakulu: aile na mafi ku buko.

The person who does not listen to the elders went the in-
. laws with dirt.

651. Munyela pebwe: tabula kubwekeshapo.

The slag from a rock is not repeatable.

652. Mupa panono: alatusha.

The one ,who gives a little always satisfies hunger.

653. Mupanga cungulo: ulucelo capela mu kanwa.

A person full of frantic schemes in the evening, in the
morning gives the scheme to the mouth.

654. Mupanga cungulo: ulucelo apangulula.

The one who makes (something) in the evening, breaks (it)
apart in the evening.

655. Museka ndema: nobe ikakuseka.

You laugh at a cripple and he will laugh at you.

~
 312
656. Mushika wa mfumu: tashika wakwe.
The steward or officer of the chief does not bury his
people.

657. Mutema kateshi: atemena ukubyalamo.

The one who clears a thicket in the middle of the forest,
clears it to plant therein.

658. Muteya ciliba, cenjela: nga cakufwanta wilila.

You set a rat trap, beware, if it bruises you, don't cry.
659. Mutuka mfumu: tatuka imo.
The one who insults the chief does not insult one.

660. Mwamina ng'uni alanaka: mwamina abantu tanaka.

He who scares away birds always get tired, the one who
scares away people does not tire.

661. Mwana noko: awama libili.

Your sibling is good twice.

662. Mwana pabo: tabipilwa masha.

The child is there, the dance accompanied by tremulous
motions of the body cannot turn bad.

663. Mwa ndema: mulaliwa.

In the house of a cripple you are always fed.

6640 Mwanya fili kwisaya.

One is grateful (when) there is talking between the teeth
(mouth full of food).

665. Mwapoleni akulile mushi.

"How is your health?" built the village.

666. Mwenda bwino: alile kanga lya musuma.

The one who behaved well ate a good guinea fowl.

667. Mwenda cungulo: tatobela muto.

The one who goes in the evening dces not eat pcrridge with
relish.

668. Mweni, celelo mukaya: tondwe alila ku beni.

Stranger, greet a resident, the woodpecker eats with
strangers.

669. Mwikala patalala: mwine apatalalika.

The one who sits quietly is the owner of quietness.

670. Mwikala cishasha: atule cilundu.

The one who sits improperly, pierced the bark cloth.
 313

671. Mwinemushi tapapa funda.

The headman is not surprised by a bundle.

672. Mwita fita: alaitilila.

The on~ who calls a soldier calls upon himself trouble.

673. Mwi tumba lya mukulu: tamubula kambala.

In the pocket of a great person there is no lacking of a
sma.ll lump of cold mush.

674. Myenu bafuluka: ne ibi.

They long for home - even a bad one.

675. Nacimbusa: afwale ngala.

The midwife wears a feathered plume.

676. Nakulu wakota: tabika nkunka ku beshikulu.

The old grandmother does not treat grandchildren well so
as to gain a good reputation.

677. Na pakulu palapitwa.

Even a great one is passed by.

678. Nansofu: pa mwana taya.

The mother elephant does not go from its young.

679. Ndi ciba: nabinga fye ukusompa.

I am the dove destined only for pecking.

680. Ndi kasuba: nshilaya bufi.

I am the sun, I do not promise falsely.

681. Ndi lunshi: nsambilila panuma.

I am the fly, I wash (my) back.

682. Ndi mumbulu: unakile bucinga.

I am the wild dog which ~ields to the game pit.

683. Ndi musunga wa mpundu: nyambala pa mulu.

I am the thin porridge of the mpundu fruit, I get hard on
the surface.

684. Ndi nengo: naikalila ne loba ku makasa.

I am the ant bear, I live with clay on the legs.

685. Nga bwaca nkasabila, amyo: bwaca, maisabile.

When dawn comes I will gather things, mother. The dawn - I
collect for myself.

III
 314
686. Nga cabula mu kutimpula: mu kukombelesha emo wikute?
If it was lacking in the dipping of fingers into porridge,
will it satisfy in the finishing off of the porridge
completely?

687. Ni kalulu: wa matanda ayengi.

It is a rabbit with many mats.

689. Ni ng'ombe na katil ni ng'ombe: ni mwenda na katie

It is a cow and a small piece of wood/ It is a cow, it
1 is going with a small piece of wood.

690. Ni pa bwebe: apashoneka mpapa.

It is in the groin of animals where the skin is not des-
troyed.

691. Nine Cendaeka: inkombe yandi kasuba.

I am the lonely traveler, my messenger is the sun.

692. Nine Cikwale: nkabilafyonse.

I am personified poverty, I will make inquiries about
everything.

693. Nine Kaling'ongo: mulala kwacenama; te'ti cintu ciise cingile,

kuti nacikanda.
I am the large scorpion which sleeps with doors wide open,
nothing can come and enter without (my) thrashing (it).

694. Nine Kaengele: munshibwela minwe nkutwa.

I am the mythological person, Kaengele, who never returned
with empty hands.

695. Nine Koote: kanama ka kwimba no kucilika.

I am the small meercat the little animal that digs and plugs
the holes again.

696. Nine Tandabube: mushikola nswa, shine sileta.

I am the spider which does not gather the winged white ants
which bring themselves.

697. Nine tete: Oshangila mu lya mung'omba.

I am the tete_bird which does not rely on the (wings) of
the mung'omba.

698. Nkalya mailo: alele pe sembe, apya.

I-will-eat-tomorrow laid on his axe and burned himself.

699. Nkalya mailo: apile numa.

I-will-eat-tomorrow burned the back.

700. Nkalya: ni mu fibolya.

I-will-eat-tomorrow ate in the deserted village.
701. Nkatinkati: alashilwa apo ekele.
The lazy person is always "pierced" where he sits.

702. Nkaya alele pe semba apya.

The one who said, "I-will-go-tomorrow" laid on the axe and
was burned.

703. Nkaya-nkaya afufyo mulimo.

"I will go, I will go" hinders work.

704. Nkaya-nkaya apwile tunga twa mu katondo.

"I will go. I will go," finished the little bit of flour
in the small pot.

705. Nkaya nobe: abale cungulo.

The' one who says, "I will go with you," prepares in the
evening.

706. Nkulange nshila ya lupili: nkulange no kulamba amabwe?

Should I show you the path on the hill and also how to
avoid the rocks?

707. Noko akota: witila, "Taembelebulindu."

Your mother is old, do not say, "She was not pretty in a
youthful way."

708. Noko tafita minwe.

Your mother's hands are not.dirty.

709. Noko wa mubiyo: ushikatilwa pa lwino.

Your companion's mother - you won't take hold of the shelf
placed above the fireplace in a house.

710. Nokolume taba bushilya bwa mumana.

Your uncle is not on the opposite side of the river.

711. Nokoiume alepalepa fye: tashi milandu.

Your uncle (maternal) is far away, he does not know the
cases.

712. Nshashe mfumu: anyele mu itonge.

Mr. I-will-not-Ieave-the-chief wet (his) trousers.

713. Nshumfwa fya bakulu: amenene umwefu kwikoshi.

The one who does not listen to the things of the elders
grew a beard on the neck.

714. Nshumfwa fya bakulu: amenene umwefu mu culu.

The one who does not listen to the things of the elders,
grew a beard in the ant hill.

.I
 316
715. Nyina talaba mwana.
A mother does not forget the child.

716. Nyina umo tafyala mwanda.

One mother does not bear one hundred.

717. Ombela umo ombela: amenso ya bantu tayalya.

Work as you work, the eyes of people do not eat.

718. Pa cabu: betapo uo wishibe.

At the crossing place, call the one who knows (it).

719. Pafuma abantu: apashala abantu.

People come out from there, people stay there.

720. Pali catunka nkuli: muswema tauibutukila.

There was something that tempted (you), the muswema snake
does not run away by itself.

721. Pali umulilo kapashime/ kapalale.

There ·was a fire (let it) die out/sleep.

722. Pa luse lwa kabwa: epo mfwile.

At the mercy of a small dog, that.is where I may die.

723. Pa menso ya mubiyo: tapema nkalamo aikulya.

From the eyes of your companion a lion does not (leap) to
eat you.

724. Pamo pula: muka Mumpanga.

Beating together - the spouse of Mumpanga.

725. Panonse palyafwa: pabo kufwa no kubola.

Here on earth it is difficult, there is dying and rotting.

726. Pefwe tapafina cintu.

At the spring nothing is heavy.

727. Pefwe tapafiswa cintu.

At the spring nothing is hidden.

728. Pempulo musumba: wikala ifikala cimbwi ushikata.

Visit the chief's place, do not sit the way the hyena sat
which lay hold of nothing.

729. Pilikiti pilikiti tanasha fikali: kano malemale na yepi.

Exaggerated efforts do not subdue a fierce thing, but
precaution and "moderation."

730. Pita uko: te mubiyo wa nshila?

Pass by there - this is not the companion of the path?
 317
731. Pita umo wapitile: butanto bwa kanwa bukuleke.
Pass by on the path you passed by on, that you may stop the
mouth's (other story).

732. Pona nkwanke: ni pa kuboko.

Fall that I may catch you in the arms.

733. Pumbwe afwilile pa lyakwe.

A he-goat died because of its thing.

734. Pungwa mulela mu cushi.

The black kite soars in the smoke.

735. Pungwa uko afutatila: eko emina.

Where the black kite turns back that is where it stands.

736. Pungwa ukucula: acula ku malimino ya kutali.

The black kite suffering, he suffers because of a garden
far away.

737. Pungwa ukunona: kano uo wipeye.

The black kite being fat only if it is one you killed.

738. Saba lubali: bukula bukalamba.

Gather on one side, it is a big garden patch.

739. Sakasaka: ni mwibumba.

Being active and energetic is in a crowd.

740. Sango kwete: ngo yanga no kupa.

It is the way of having rather than the way of giving.

741. Sankata noko acilipo: noko wa mubiyo ashikatilwa pa lwino.

Play about in childish ways (because) your mother is still
there, the mother of your companion won't allow you to come
near the shelf above the fireplace in (her) house.

742. Sekeseke twakupandila amano, niwe nkayonena.

Small mouse with bushy tail, we have set (our) brains to
work, it is you I will (blame).

743. Sembe ashikwete wa kumukulika: alaikulika.

The he-goat which does not have someone to tie it, ties
itself.

744. Sha mwibwe: ishafilwa abakulu ukupanda.

It (honey) is in the rocks which will not escape removal
by the elders.

745. Sha mu mushi shafula: sha mu kwenda shinono.

Things of the village are many, things of the going are few.
 318
746. Shetani nga afilwo kumone co alefwaya: atumako umwanakashi.
Satan, if he fails to get what he wants, sends a woman.

747. Shilunga fye: shibwelele teko.

They (animals) are just hunting that they may return to
their dens.

748. Shimucita panlnl: apokele mwikalafye umukashi.

The one who did a little received the wife of the one who
just sat.

749. Shiwalilwa: onto buta bwakwe.

The one on whom the sun has gone down burns his bow.

750. Shiwalya akakwe: tominwa mbila.

The one who eats his little bit of food is not beaten for
the news.

751. Shilwalya akakwe: talimbwa mu ng'oma.

The one who eats his little bit of food is not made fun of
with the drum.

752. Shiwanina: uushisha cileka.

The one who climbs up is the one who leaves the thing behind.

753. Sokosoko: ushafwa kushimwina.

One who incites others to misdeeds and then leaves them to
the consequences does not help to put out the fire.

754. Sumbu lyandi lala:'tumone millIe ya bakaya.

Rest my net, that we may see the ways of eating of the
residents.

755. Sungo mukoshi: ubulungu tabubula.

Take care of the neck the beads are not lacking.

756. Tabalwila na mwine.

They don't fight with the owner.

757. Tabapakata mfumu shibili.

They don't pay respect to two chiefs.

758. Tabasha: balona.

They don't leave (having) destroyed.

759. Tabuca bumo: alubwile nkashi yakwe.

"Mr. He-bides-his-time" redeemed his sister.

760. Tabulumina nsupa nkulu.

It (beer) is not strong in the large gourd.
 319

761. Tabunwa mWlpl.

A short person does not drink (beer).

762. Tabupanda wa luse.

The merciful person did not remove the honey.

763. Tabsilila ushilile.

Night does not fall for the one who did not eat.

764. Tacilwa ng'anda ukufimbwa.

The house fails to be thatched .

765.. Tacilwa nsanso kulungama.

Suggestions given to a person so that he may give the
correct answers when cross-examined fail to correct the
case.

766. Tafipwa kulowa alile: kamfipilile balimwikete.

He did not finish the sweet thing and left, they caught the
one who said, "Let me finish them completely .. "

767- (These numbers were mistakenly excluded in the original number-

776 ing of these proverbs, and are here not included so as to help
in the correct identification of the proverbs referred to in
the text.)

777. Taifyala mulumba nalmlnlna.

It (the animal) does not give birth (while) the hunter is
standing there.

778. Takalabwa mwebwa: kalabwa uwasosele.

The one who was told does not forget, the one who forgets
is the one who spoke.

779. Takaluba kuntu k~sanshilwe.

One does not forget the place of origin.

780. Takuya mwabwe: abantu e bayako.

Stones do not go, people are what go.

781. Takwaba cibolya' ca bashimbe.

There is no deserted village of unwed people.

782. Talwenda mubusu.

A pauper does not travel.

783. Tapafwa noko: apesa umbi.

Your mother cannot die and another come.

784. Tapakafimbwe: palaloka.

It (the house) cannot be thatched, it always leaks.

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 320
785. Tapalabwa mpuma: palabwe sembe.
That won't be forgotten untouched, that forgotten is the
axe.

786. Tapali icacishe mbwa ulubilo.

There is nothing that surpasses a dog in speed.

787. Tata: kutatana.

My father - fatherhood reciprocated.

788. Tatusanga mpulumushi: yamene nsengo.

We do not find a wrong-doer who grew horns.

789. Tatutamfya bakulu: bene baitamfya.

We do not chase the elders, they chase themselves.

790. Te kubangulo munga: kutininkisha.

It is not removing the thorn, it is pushing it in.
I'

791. Temba fulwe ngo mukakekulu.

Treat the tortoise kindly if you intend to tie its leg.

792. Tembe nshiku: inshiku nasho shikutembe.

Treat the days well and the days will treat you well.

793. Tembwe akupele: akulaya, akubepa.

Tembwe gave to you, as he promised, so he lied.

794. Tete nsuka: mu calo ca bene tabenda na nsuka.

Cut the tail (of a bird), in the country of a stranger they
don't travel around with a tail.

795. Tete uushangila mwipinda lya mung'omba: kano mu lyakwe.

The little tete bird is not strong in the wing of the
mung'omba bird but in its own wing.

796. Tinta: ni munda.

Pull, it is in the stomach.

797. Tobela, tobela~ akafye ng'anda.

Eat, eat,warms ~he house.

798. Tondo ukumo mushita: ca pa luko.

The small mouse with the long snout pattered along the path
made by the reedrat is a thing of the family or clan.

799. Tubundi ukufuma kamo kamo ku lupako: e mukupwa.

The little lemur comes out of the hole a little at a time
and that is how it finishes.

'I:
 321

BOO. Tufunda cili mwifwasa: tatufunda cili mu culu.

We teach that which is in the small ant hill, we don't teach
that which is in the large ant hill.

B01. Tulebutanda: kano kashila wa ndala atontwelo.

We will plant it as long as the one drawing lines in the
field doesn't get tired.

B02. Tuli samfwe: tumenena kukubola.

We are the samfwe mushroom, we sprout in order to rot.

B03. Tumba wa ciko: ushiliwa na mbwa.

A bag of dirt is not eaten by dogs.

B04. Tumbe ndya, mwana shicilime: ukatumba nelyo ushilyako.

Work hard, child of the gardener, you will (work) even
though you will not eat.

B05. Twacilike kabundi mu lupako.

We have shut up the little lemur in the hole.

B06. Twali ne mfumu: tapesha mupepi.

We-had-a-chief does not end the journey nearby.

B07. Twa muli samfwe: tatupwa kusala.

The little things in the samfwe mushroom are never finished
in choosing.

BOB. Twisha fye panonse.

We just gasp here on earth.

B09. Ububamfi bwa mubiyo: tabulumbulwa mu mushi.

The skill or luck of your companion is not praised in the
village.

B10. Ubucende mafi: banya ukutali.

Adultery is dung, they always go far away.

B11. Ubucenjeshi bumo: pamo no kupusa.

One clever thing is the same as failing~

B12. Ubucenjeshi bumo: tabulilwa libili.

One clever thing is not eaten twice.

B13. Ubucenjeshi bwa mpelembe: icifulukutu panuma.

The cleverness of the roan antelope isthat which struggles
and kicks as a wounded animal.

B14. Ubuci bulalembelwa no kutipwa.

Honey is discovered and taken with the fingers.

1,,-
 322

815. Ubucishe nshila: tabucisha umo. 1

Helping one out does not help out one (only) 0

816. Ubucishe nshila: tabwaba bumo.

Helping one out does not help one (only).

817. Ubucushi: bwayana ne,cilubo.

Suffering corresponds with the wrong.

818. Ubufi bulabwela.

A lie always returns.

819. Ubufi tabukumbwa musunga/ tabukumbilwa musunga.

They don't stir a lie (to make) thin porridge.

820. Ubufumu bucindika·abene.

The chieftanship respects its owners.

821. Ubufumu e busosa.

Chieftanship is what speaks.

822. Ubufumu bukashisha amenso.

Chieftanship reddens the eyes.

823. Ubufumu bulafwaikwa.

Chieftanship is always desired.

824. Ubufumu busheta amenshi.

Chieftanship chews water.

825. Ubufumu bushili bwa kusansamukila.

Chieftanship is not something to be enjoyed.

826. Ubufumu tabwangilwa.

Chieftanship is not something played at.

827. Ubufumu'bwa kupelwa fye: tababutumpila.

Chieftanship is something given, they don't make it foolish.

828. Ubukali butangila: umwenso walekelesha.

Fierceness goes first, fear comes last.

829. Ubukosa kanwa: tabuteka ng'anda.

Insolent talk of the mouth does not rule the house.

830. Ubukota: bufuma kunuma.

Helpfulness comes from the back.

831. Ubukota bwa mubiyo: tababulesha ibange.

They do not prevent the smoking of hemp (for) the companion
of helpfulness.
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832. Ubukota bwa nkonto: bukota bwa minyololo.

Helpfulness of the cane is helpfulness of chains.

8330 Ubukula, mwana wa mbusa: tabukula bwangu.

A garden is a small new-born baby, it doesn't grow fast.

8340 Ubukulu bwa nkoko: masako.

The greatness of the cock is feathers.

835. Ubukulu: tabukwasha mano.

Greatness or elderliness does not strengthen the brains.

836. Ubukwebo bwakokola: busanguke milandu.

An item of trade that is delayed becomes cases.

837 0 Ubulamu tabulish.a kasuma.

Laziness does not feed (you) good little things.

838. Ubulenge bwa mubiyo: tabutwalwa ku mushi.

The skill or luck of your companion is not spread in the
village.

839. Ubulimi bwa kale: tabutalalika mwana.

Old farming skills do not quieten the crying of the child.

840. Ubululu: bwatulile ku kana ka nama.

Hardheartedness and the neglect of kin came from the young
of the little animal.

841. Ubumi tabwakwata cipimo.

Life does not have a measure.

842. Ubumulumba: tabumwensha calo.

Skill at hunting does not cause (one) to possess the country.

843. Ubunga bushipelele noko: mito.

Flour not ground by your mother is ashes.

844. Ubuomba: bubike mpanda.

Diligence in work puts aside the "evening meal."

845. Ubupalu bwa 'kuuminina: butula ukuibamba.

Skill in hunting that is persevering becomes a self-killing.

846. Ubupe tabucepa.

A gift is never small.

847. Ubunsengunsengu: bwabushishe ng'anse umukoshi.

The habit or liking of changing deprived the fresh water
crab of its neck.
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848. Ubunsengunsengu: bwatangulwile kambasa akanwa.

The habit or liking of change widened the nightfar's mouth.

849. Ubushalila numa: bulalya.

Staying behind is always eaten.

850 •. Ubushalila numa: pwabunshishe ng'oma.

Staying behind drowned the drum.

851. Ubushalila numa: tabubusha kapumba pe koshi.

Staying behind does not prevent the losing of the neck.

852. Ubushiku bumo: tabubosha nsofu.

One day does not rot an elephant.

853. Ubushiku bumo: tabulalika milimo.

One day does not make the work lie down.

854. Ubushiku bwa fiko: impombo taibula mu citungu.

A lucky day (and) the duiker cannot avoid the net.

855. Ubushiku bwalubo mukote: na cimbwi anye mfwi.

The day of losing the old person (is the same as the day
when) the hyena passed gray hair.

856. Ubushiku bwatwele ndema.

Evening helped the lame person.

857. Ubushiku tabwenda mpanda.

An honest, straightforward person does not travel at night.

858. Ubushiku usheme: waumwa ku kaice.

An unlucky day_(and) you are beaten by a small child.

859. Ubushiku usheme: ne cimbala ciloca.

An unlucky day (and) a lump of cold mush burns.

860. Ubushiku washeme: wakol~a no mwela.

An unlucky day (and) you are intoxicated by the wind.

861. Ubushiku wafyelyo mwana: elyo umone mpapa.

On the day you bore a child that is when you may look for
a skin to carry the child in.

862. Ubusuma tabayebela.

Goodness is not announced.

863. Ubuta bumo: tabwisusha ng'anda.

One placenta does not fill the house.

864. Ubuta bwa mukalamba bulashila apo bulele.

The bow of an elder strikes where it lies.
 325

865. Ubuta bwa mukalamba bulashila pa kapanda.

The bow of an elder strikes from the small fork in the tree.

866. Ubuta bwauma: bwaumina ukufunika.

A tight bow breaks.

867. Ubutala: mumino wa lusato.

The granary is the gullet of the python.

868. Ubutani: tabalinganya.

They do not equalize the refusal of something.

869. Ubutani tabona calo.

The refusql of something does not destroy the country.

870. Ubwaca bwakwata manoa

Dawn has brains.

871. Ubwaca: tabuluba ng'uni.

Dawn (and) the bird does not forget it.

872. Ubwaila: tabutungwa bulungu.

Nightfall (and) beads are not strung.

873. Ubwali bumo: bulonsha.

One (kind) of stiff porridge makes (one) thin.

874. Ubwali bwandi bwawa bwino: apo bwaponene mu muto.

My stiff porridge fell well - where it fell was in the sauce.

875. Ubwali bwa nsaka bulya: abalipo.

The stiff porridge of the rest shelter eats those who are
there.

876. Ubwalima mwana noko: tabubashilwa ~wiko.

The garden that your sibling farms does not make ladles
for them.

877. Ubwalwa bwingi: ubucende no lubuli takuli.

Much beer (and) there is no adultery and fighting.

878. Ubwalwa bwasasa mukumbwa: ushilipo.

Sour beer (and) the one that is wanted is the one who is
not there.

879. Ubwalwa tabunwa mwipi.

Beer is not drunk by the short person.

880. Ubwamba bwa mufila: bulalala.

The fishing weir of a lazy person always sleeps.

:~
 326
881. Ubwamba ushifwika: tabumya mutima.
Nakedness which does not wear clothes does not tyrannize
the heart.

882. Ubwana nyina: ubushikonka ng'uni.

Brothers do not follow the bird.

883. Ubwangu kanwa: bulomisha.

Quickness of the mouth always "leads to trouble."

884. Ubwendo bwingila ngoshe: bamona ku mafute.

The hole in which the green mamba enters they see from the
trampled grass.

885. Ubweni bwapeteke akabwa umucila.

Strangeness bent the tail of the dog between its legs.

886. Ubwikalo busuma: bulakola.

Living well always makes (you) drunk.

887. Ubwikalo bwa nsaka: kusengushanyal masengelano.

The living of the rest shelter is to move from place to
place.

888. Ubwikushi: tabubomfya kalimo.

An abundance of food does not cause the little work to
get done well.

889. Ubwile bwapika Lesa: tabupikululwa.

The riddle which God declares is not responded to.

890. Ubwingi busuma: bwabipila pa kushinko munani.

Many is good, (but) it is bad at eating relish without
stiff porridge.

891. Ubwingi busuma: nasango mukashi na kafumo.

Many is food; I find (my) wife with a stomach.

892. Ubwingi bwa nshimu: bwashimisho mulilo.

Many bees put out the fire.

893. Ubwite bubili: bulalike nsala.

Two calls cause hunger.

894. Ucili uleimba fulwe: nakucenama.

You are still digging for a tortoise (and) you left it open.

895. Ukacilika noko bulesuma.

You will plug the hole and from it (the honey) will flow.
 327

896. Ukakulila kuto umukwa.

You will prepare a slab of bark for the frame built around
the hole of bees.

897. Uko mukolwe atola bubenshi: e ku busalilo.

Where the cock pecked at ants is where the fowls usually
go to peck.

898. Uko ushili: imbwa yobe taibutuka.

Where you are not, your dog does not run quickly to.

899. Uko uya citiciti: eko babwela nwanwanwa.

Where you go "provokingly" is where they return from crying.

900. Ukonke ngulub~: ikulilile mumbu.

Follow the wild pig which ate the yams.

901. Ukubangilila mulamba talatulula.

Hurrying before the torrent floods (us).

902. Ukubilile cilu: e ku mwinshi.

Where there is a pole lacking for the house is where the
door is.

903. Ukucile nshila: kutangalala.

To pass over a path is to stretch out the legs.

904. Ukucilo mulando: kutangalala.

To pass over a log is to stretch out the legs.

905. Ukufika linso: ulukasa teti lufikeko.

Where the eye arrives the leg cannot arrive there.

906. Ukufilwe mfumbe pa citutu.

Failing the mouse at the opportune moment.

907. Ukufulilwa uushili noko: kone milomo.

To anger one who is not your mother is to see the lips.

908. Ukufuma pa bwingi: kukaka pa menso.

To come from a crowd is to tie the eyes.

909. Ukufumyo kuboko mu lupaKo: kunakilila.

To take the arm out of a hole is to be submissive and
careful.

910. Ukufundo mwana: kupalama.

To teach a child is to be near.

911. Ukufundo mwana: kusangwapo.

To teach a child is to be found there.

III
I
 328
912. Ukufunde shilu: kuiakasha.
To teach a fool .is to cause oneself to suffer.

913. Ukufutulo mukulu: kunakilila. :,i,

To knock down an elder is to be submissive and docile.

914. Ukufyala: kuliisha mafi.

To give birth is to eat filth.

915. Umufungufungu: walalike kapoli nsala.

The sausage tree caused the wild pig to sleep hungry.

916. Umufwi mu mulu ulunga fye: panshi e pamwabo.

The arrow just hunts in the sky, the ground is where its
home is.

917. Umufwi ukokola fye ku mulu: panshi e pamwabo

The arrow just ,loiters in the sky, the ground is where
their home is.

918. Umufyala cibi: taposa.

The one who gives birth to a bad thing does not throw it
away.

919. Umufyashi taba na cinse.

A parent does not have anger or irritability.

920. Ukuifwena e kuicusha: ukowa e kulomotoka ku fika.

To scratch oneself is to cause oneself to suffer, to bathe
is to "remove" the dirt.

921. Ukukana ilya mushi: kano uli na noko wakonkako.

Refusing the (breast of) a slave only if you have your
mother to nurse there.

922. Ukukokola pa nengo: malole.

To linger in front of the ant bear is an empty stare.

923. Ukukomene nsofu: kuli ulububa.

To have hit the elephant there is a thicket.

924. Ukulala ne yalele muka Mumbolo.

Sleeping the way the spouse of Mumbolo sleeps.

925. Ukulengula kwa mlplnl: kwenendela.

To explore for an axe handle is to go and look.

926. Ukuleshe sembe: kutangalala.

To prevent the axe (from cutting you) is to spread the legs.

927. Ukulete nsense: e pa kufula.

To bring small quantities of anything is to be abundant.
 329
928. Ukuli nama: takubula makubi.
Where there is meat, there is no lacking of vultures.

929. Ukuli nsala: kuli abakote. ':

I

Where there is hunger there are old people.

930. Ukuli nsala: kuli tupumbu.

Where there is 'hunger there are heartless, stingy people.

931. Ukuli nsoke: takumwa nka.

Where there is one who comes to warn others of danger there
is no end.

932. Ukuli nsoke: takufwa muntu.

Where there is one who comes to warn others of danger a
person does ,not die.

933. Ukuli uobe: tabashitako ng'ombe yatulika linso.

Where your family member is they do not sell a cow from
whicn the ey~ has come.

934. Ukuli uobe: takumwa,nka.

Where your family member is, there is no end (to you).

935. Ukuli ubukulu: bwine buyeba.

Where there is greatness or eldership, it tells of itself.

936. Ukulombe cinono: kuti watula pa cikulile.

Begging for a small thing you can begin at the big thing.

937. Ukulomba kwa mukalamba: menso.

The begging of an elder is the eyes.

938. Ukulu undapa umulwele: eko akunyantako.

The leg of the sick person which you healed is what kicked
you.

939. Ukulungikilwa ne ng'anga: kushuka.

To be made to be right ,by the traditional doctor is to be
lucky.

940. Ukulya aka ntenda: kuyundapa.

The sickly person eating the little thing is to be paid.

941. Ululya: kwalafishe lukufu.

Eating distracted the tick.

942. Ukulye suku: kufipilila.

Eating the fruit of the musuku tree is to suck on it.

943. Ukunaila abengi: kono bunga.

To cook for many is to destroy flour.
 330
944. Ukunaila abengi: kano uli no bunga.
Cooking for many only if you have flour.

945. Ukupa: kubikal ukupela: kubika.

Giving is putting aside.

946. Ukupakasha kwa kabundi: kutumbula menso.

The saluting of the lemur is the opening of the eyes widely.

947. Ukupandilo muko cishololo: kano umwana nanaka.

Preparing the larva of the wood borer for your in-law only
if the child is obedient.

948. Ukupangila mukolwe ku lusoso: kano nukwata.

To make a place for the cock at the place where the firewood
is kept only if you have one.

949. Ukupangile nsofu: kano uli ne fumo.

To prepare for an elephant, first have a spear.

950. Ukupata umubiyo: e kuipata.

To hate your cpmpaniqn is to hate yourself.

951. Ukupela ukucilo kupokelela.

Giving surpasses receiving.

952. Ukupele nshiku: takwishibwa.

The giving of days is not known.

953. Ukupelwe cintu ni pe lambo.

To be given something is to have it on the shelf above the
fireplace.

954. Ukupingule shilu: kulosha umo lilefwaila.

To counsel a lunatic is to mean what he wants.

955. Ukupoke cinsenda ku nkoko: kunakilila.

To receive a worm from a chicken is to be submissive and
careful.

956. Ukupoke nkwale ku mwaice: watula kwikanga.

To receive a bare throated francolin from a child begin with
a guinea fowl.

957. Ukupokelela uwa matako yakulu: akakupoke cipuna.

To receive a person with large buttocks, he will fetch a
chair for you.

958. Ukupyana: kubGla fyandalila.

To inherit is to take fyandalila.
 331

959. Ukusebe pala: kutesha, kutekanya.

To become bald is to listen and take care.

960. Ukusendamina nsasa: e kuli ne ibiye.

Where the nsasa plant sleeps, there is another.

961. Ukushinina wa fikan$?: amaboko yali panuma.

To convince an argumentative person (his) arms are (put)
behind.

962. Ukushininako wa miya: kutalala.

The convincing of an insolent person - quietness.

963. Ukushuka kwa musha: cungu cafuka.

The good fortune of the slave is the gourd that is disgust-
ing.

964. Ukusosho ushinkile~ ninshi ulemufukisha.

To rebuke the one who ate the relish without stiff porridge,
then you share .with him (some more).

965. Ukusumina kwa wa miya: kutumbe nkanshi.

The agreement of an insolent person is to frown.

966. Ukusumina kwa wa miya: kukana.

The agreement of an isolent person is a refusal.

967. Ukususha luqgu: kwendapo.

To despise the wide, marshy space on the shores of large
rivers is to walk there.

968. Ukutangalila kubili: kwaipeye climbwi.

Stretching the legs (between) two places killed the hyena.

969. Ukutema ubukula bukulu: kwenda mutende.

Cutting a large garden is going (in) health or peace.

970. UkutIna akampeshimpeshi: kulya aka-Lesa.

Fearing the little bewildering thing - lightning.

971 . Ukuma kwa muko: kumwena ukwafyalo mwana.

The belong to the clan or family is to see where the child
is born.

972. Ukupe ng'umba: kutemwa/ citemwo mwine.

To marry a sterile woman is to want to.

973. Ukupila ntuntushe: na bana ni bantuntushe.

To marry a fat person includes the children who are also fat.

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 332

974. Ukuya ku ncito: kano munda muli lubango.

Going to work only if there is that which strengthens in
the stomach.

975. Ukwafumo mutwe: takutanta.

Where the head is out there is no pain.

976. Ukwafwa imbwa: takuli misowa.

Where the dog dies there are no tears.

977. Ukwangala: kwacilo lupwa.

Playing surpasses the family.

978. Ukwangwa swelele: kano nulwalika.

Caring about the owl only if there is a sick person in the
house.

979. Ukwaye nongo: ne mIko.

Where the pot goes, the "pallet" goes, too.

980. Ukwenda eka: taciyene.

Going alone is not proper.

- 981 . Ukwendele mpanga: kulengula kwa mipini.

Traveling in the forest is to look around for handles.

982. Ukwikalisha: e kutule filundu.

Sitting a lot is what pierces the bark cloth.

983. Ukwikusho mutali: kubangilila.

To satisfy a tall person is to start early.

984. Ukwite mbwa: na kamuti nufumbata.

Calling a dog and grasp a small stick in the hand.

985. Ulebushe mbwa: nge ifwe Ie.

You ask questions about the dog as if it wears clothes.

986. Uleitwike mituntula: amakome filyo.

You are carrying the small mituntula shrubs, the amakome
frui t (are eaten)·.

987. Ulemfuta lelo line bamupele nkoko: apembela nga bamupele nsofu.
The one who said, "You will pay me today" they gave a
chicken to, if he had waited they may have given him an
elephant.

988. Ulesanika: nga pafitile.

You are making a light as if darkness fell.

989. UletIne miti ya mpako.

You are fearing trees with holes.
 333

990. Uli mfumu: taulombwa nama.

You are the chief, you are not begged for meat.

9910 Ulubansa: lulabepa.

The courtyard always lies.

992. Ulubilo: talwebela.'

Speed does not speak for (itself).

993. Ulubuko: e cimpatanya icaikala pakati ka mushi.

Divination is the cause of dissension that dwells in the
middle of the village.

994. Ulubuli: mano ya fipuba.

A fight is the wisdom (brains) of fools.

995. Ulubuli mute: nga aumutoba luma.

A fight is perseverance if you smack him on the head.

996. Ulubuli talwabuka mumana.

A fight does not cross a river.

- 997. Ulukuni: taluba ku mweni.

Firewood is not lost to the stranger.

998. Ulukasa ukulwimya mwangwe: ukuluteka male yakulu.

The leg lifted is early millet; Putting it down is big
millet. .

999. Ululumbi lwa mulanda: kukakata.

The glory of the poor person (commoner) is to be stubborn.

1000. Uluni lulipo: pali ulupako.

The honey-guide is there, there is a hole.

1001. Ulupili luwa lubali: lubali lwashala nalwiminina.

The hills fall down on one side the remaining side has
stood.

1002. Uluse lubwelela abaluse.

Mercy returns to those who are merciful.

1003. Uluse Lwalile nkwale (mbulu).

Mercy ate the francolin (monitor lizard).

1004. Ulushimu lubi: luntu lushele ku muluba.

The bad bee is that one which remained at the pollen.

1005. Uluteka bule bukulu: ulwimya ni mwangwe.

That which is put down takes big millet, that which is
lifted (receives) early millet.
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334
I 1006. Ulwambo lupemba cibinda.
I I'
Slander awaits the expert.

1007. Umo ndebombela: emo ndelila.

The way I work is the way I eat.

1008. Umuba ukulila: ni pa mafito.

The bellows blowing is at the charcoal.

1009. Umubili mutaba: ulalemba.

A body is the mutaba tree, it always puts on new bark.

1010. Umubili ni ku kuboko.

The body is from the arm.

1011 • Umucele ukufina: tuumfwa ku basenda.

The salt is heavy, that is what we hear from those who
carry it.

1012. Umucende tapoka ng'anda.

The adulterer does not receive a house.

1013. Umucinshi wa nseba: kwimina pamo.

The respect of the nseba bird is to rise together.

1014. ( Umukalamba apusa akabwe: tapusa kebo.

The elder misses (with) a small rock, he doesn't miss with
a little word.

1015. Umukalamba ashifukisha: kubangulo munga kutininkisha.

The elder who does not share: removing the thorn (for him)
is s,queezing hard.

1016. Umukalamba talangwa cintelelwe.

An elder is not shown the shade of a tree.

1017. Umuko wa kale: asanguke ndoshi.

The in-law of long ago became a witch/ sorcerer.

1018. Umukowa wa kuli, lunshi,: cilonda.

The totem of the fly is the wound.

1019. Umukowa wa pa nsaka: kape kalasapuka. J

The totem of the rest shelter is the little basket which
is always worn out.

1020. Umukulu alaipampanta.

An elder always feels himself.

1021. Umulanda afwa ne fyebo mu kanwa.

A poor person (commoner) dies with words in the mouth.
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1022. Umulanda akule fumo: takula kanwa.
A poor person's stomach grows, his mouth does not grow.

1023. Umulanda alulubalo mushishi ku mutwe: munda nawikalao

A poor person has long hair on the head (but) sits quietly
in the stomach.

1024. Umulandu mani ya nkoko: uwamina mubili.

A case (is like) the eggs of a fowl, it has a good body.

1025. Umulandu mume: tukumpula fye.

A case is dew, we just beat (it) down.

1026. Umulandu nga wapitile pa mputi: na pa kuushimika epo upite.

I ( a case passed by the anus then passed by the announcing.

1027. Umulandu taubola.

A case does not rot.

1028. Umulandu tawaba na kwabo.

A case does not have a home.

1029. Umulandu uli ku mfula na ku musumba.

A case is (a case) in the (common village) and in the
capital.

1030. Umulandu wa bateba: umo.

The case of those who gather firewood is one.

10310 Umulandu wa ciba: upingulo uli ne mono.

The case of the ring-necked turtle dove is judged by the
one with the castor-bean.

1032. Umulandu wa mbushi: bafute mbushi.

The ~ase of a goat they pay with a goat.

1033. Umulandu wa mubiyo: cibashilo ca mupini.

Your companion's case is the whittling of the handle of a
tool.

1034. Umulandu wa nsala: ulongele mpanda.

The case of hunger attracted the honest, straightforward
person.

1035. Umulangishi wa muntu: alapalama.

The one who shows a person the work to be done is always
nearby.

1036. Umulele ukashisha meno.

Laziness makes teeth red.

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 336

1037. Umulilo ucingile abakalamba: taoca.

The fire screened by the elders does not burn.

1038. Umulilo walapwilwa pa kantu: amenshi mutapwatapwa fye.

The fire gotten from a neighbor's house is for a little
thi~g, (but) water is just drawn often without any reason.

1039. Umulilo walafishe muka-kubommba.

The fire blackened the spouse working.

1040. Umulilo wa mfumu: taucepa.

The chief's fire is not small.

1041. Umulimo usokololo busha/ umulimo utucita basha.

Work reveals slavery/ Work makes us slaves.

1042. Umulola-mpa: ukashishe linso.

A stupid way of staring makes the eyes red.

1043. Umulopa tauluba.

Blood is not lost.

1044. Umulopa taulubuka.

Blood is not released from slavery.

1045. Umulopa tawalulwa.

Blood is not changed.

1046. Umulopa ufuma pa lulembo.

Blood comes from an incision/ tattoo mark.

1047. Umulu wayangwishe kubi.

The sky endeared the vulture (to me).

1048. Umulume wa mbwa: tafwa ku kulu.

The male dog does not die from a (broken) leg.

1049. Umulume wa mbwa: takila mubi¥e.

The male dog does not fetch for its companion.

1050. Umulunshi wei nsofu:' afwa ku nsofu.

The hunter of elephants dies by an elephant.

1051. Umulwele: tafise tako.

A sick person does not hide the hips.

1052. Umumi wa nse: tapendelwa fibolya.

Old villages are not counted for a very healthy person.

1053. Umundemwa: ubulalo bulafunika.

Abuse of another's hospitality is a bridge always broken.
I
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I
I
, I

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1054. Umundemwa uufuno bulalo.

Abuse of another's hospitality breaks the bridge.

1055. Umumona pamo: ukalifye linso.

The one who sees (the same) hurts the eye.

1056. Umuntu mubi wa kupa: wasunako.

You give to a' bad person· - you break off a piece.

1057. Umuntu nga akulwapo: elyo aishiba imyendele isuma.

If a person fights, then he knows the good way to go.

1058. Umuntu wa bubifi: umutima wakwe eko walola.

A person with bad behaviour, it is his heart you see.

1059. Umuntu umo: tafwa lupango.

One persori does not die (from) compensation.

1060. Umuntu umo: ushisalangana.

One person is not scattered.

1061. Umunwe umo: taupwa milimo.

One finger (and) the work is not done.

1062. Umupalu wa nsofu: afwa ku nsofu.

The skillful hunter of elephants died by an elephant.

1063. Umupama pamo: utule ng'oma.

The one who hits the same pierces the drum.

1064. Umupamba ukulu: bepusha pa kubwela.

A big, evil omen they ask (about) upon returning.

1065. Umupashi taupa: wikele.

The spirit of the departed does not give the one sitting.

1066. Umupashi tawenda na ciwa.

The spirit of the departed does not travel with the evil
spirit.

1067. Umupashi ushipalwa: mupokwa nama.

, The spirit of the departed that is not honored is the
receiver of the animals.

1068. Umupashi waishibikwa: taulya muntu.

The spirit of the departed that is known does not eat a
person.

1069. Umupashi wakano bunga: ninshi afwayo mwine ng'anda.

The spirit of the departed that refuses flour wants, then,
the owner of the house.

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1070. Umupashi wa mubiyo: tawenendelwa.

The spirit of your companion is not one to be traveled
with.

1071. Umupashi wa mwaice: wise cungulo/ wende cungulo.

The spirit of a child may come/go in the evening.

1072. Umupelwa: takanga butabo/ bulambo.

The one who is given (things) does not dry (them) over a
fire on the rack for drying meat.

1073. Umepelwa: temika butala.

The one who is given (things) does not build a granary.

1074. Umupemba bwalwa: mupemba rikonto.

The one who waits for beer is the one who waits for a cane.

1075.

1076.
Umupini taukontokela kuli icibinda.
The handle is not broken off by a responsible person.
\'

Umupini ukulangile umwanakashi: libwelelo/ ubwelelwa.

,
.
The handle of a tool shown by a woman returns/ is returned. 1
1077. Umupundu ukulu: taukubilila.
The big mupundu tree does not stop yielding completely.

1078. Umupupu tapoka bala.

A thief does not receive a garden.

1079. Umusana wa balimi: umo.

The back of farmers is one.

1080. Umusha mwaice: aitumina libili.

The little slave child sends itself twice.

1081. Umusha wakokola: asanguko mwana.

The slave that delays becomes a child.

1082. Umusha wanaka: aile na matwi yakwe.

The obedient slave left with his ears.

1083. Umushi taupa.

The village does not give.

1084. Umushi ushilala: baukumbwe mitenge.

They desire the roofs of a village that does not sleep.

1085. Umushi ushili baice taukula: umushi wa baice ulakula.

A village without children doesn't grow, a village with
children always grows.

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1086. Umushi ushili noko: no kupulo mulimo. I'

A village which has no relatives and (you) work for food.

1087. Umushi wa baice: ulawa.
A village of children always falls.

1088. Umushi wa mukali: upya ku mbali.

The village of'a fierce person burns secretly.

1089-. Umushili: ni mfumu munshikuta.

Soil (the earth) is a chief who is not satisfied.
1090. Umushili taubwesha.
The soil does not return (things).

1091. Umusu wa mwanakashi: taucila luputa.

The urine of a woman does not surpass the mound.

1092. Umusuku ubi: utushe. ~panga. <II

A bad musuku tree causes the reviling of the forest. I

1093. Umusuku ushipona: balaunyanta. 1
I

] The musuku fruit that does not fall, they always kick it.

1094. Umuswema ukukose fupa: kutine nshila.

The muswema snake being with strong bones, fears the path.

1095. Umutaba we shilu: baukombola ilyo lipenene.

The mutaba tree of a mad person, they chip it off (the
bark) when the mad person is mad.

1096. Umute: e calo uteka.

Perseverance is the country you rule.

1097. Umute: utule ng'oma.

Perseverance pierces the drum.

1098. Umutekatima: wabushishe konge amaluba.

Laziness in answering a call deprived the sisal-like plant
of leaves.

1099. Umutembo wa kupokela: ufimfyo kubeya.

The pole for carrying two loads causes the shoulder to
swell.

1100. Umutende waba mu kape.

Peace/Health is in the little basket.

1101. Umuti uko wasendamina: eko ukawila/ e ku buwilo.

Where the tree leans is where it will fall.

11
 340

1102. Umuti ukulu tabaunina ku mabula.

They don't climb a large tree by its leaves.

1103. Umuti ukulu: tauwa nga kaice.

A large tree does not fall like a little child.

1104. Umuti uwila: uko wakongamina.

A tree which falls down where it is bent over.

1105. Umuti wa fikansa: kutalala.

The medicine of fights is to be quiet.

1106. Umutima lucebu: alacebula.

The heart of a white spotted carnivorous beatle always
warns.

1107. Umutima usunga:cibinda.

The one who cares for the heart is the owner.

1108. Umuto wa lupwa: tawitika.

The sauce of a family is not spilled.

1109. Umutombwa tomya kulu.

The one who engages in conjugal relations tastes the leg.

1110. Umutwe wabule ngala: cishiki.

A head without a feather headdress is the stump of a tree.

1111. Umwabi wa mubiyo: tawendelwamo.

You do not walk together with the mwabi beetle of your
companion.

1112. Umwafi, bulungu: tabupita pa kafundo.

Trial by the poison ordeal is a bead which does not pass
by a knot.

1113. Umwaice afumine apsamikwe: aya apaleloka.

The child came out of a nice place (and) goes to a place
leaking.

1114. Umwaice ashilafimbilwa: atobelatobela fye.

A child 'that has never suffered from indigestion just eats
stiff porridge with any kind of relish.

1115. Umwaice ashilafwa: atila na kwa Lesa balalya.

The child that has not died says that they eat also at
God's place.

1116. Umwaice ekalishe lyo anya.

The child is the one that makes a sound when it passes a
stool.

• •

\11

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 341
1117. Umwaice tapingula cimbala pa mukalamba.
The child does not judge the lump of cold mush at the
elder's.

1118. Umwaice tawila mweshi.

A child does not fallon the moon.

1119. Umwaice ukwatola fulwe: tabulwakoe

A child will not be missing where it picked up a tortoise.

1120. Umwaice uwangala ne sembe: akalipos nga lyamukoma.

The child who plays with an axe will throw it away if it
cuts him.

1121. Umwaka ushili obe: taucilwe baka.

The year which is not yours is not jumped over (even) by
applying oneself.

1122. Umwana ashenda: atasha nyina kunaya.

The child that does not travel praises the cooking of its
mother.

1123. Umwana ashibusha: alIle musumba wa kwa wishi.

The child who did not ask ate the large (basket) of stiff
porridge belonging to its father.

1124. v,Umwana ashili obe: mukulu mubiyo.

The child that is not yours is your companion elder.

1125. Umwana ashili obe: takongwa nshima wa nama.

The child that is not yours is not enticed (with) porridge
and meat.

1126. Umwana bukwe: bupanda bwa kuno akono.

Brother-in-law (sister-in-law) a small fish trap is the
esteem associated with this place.

1127. Umw~na kasembe: nelyo kakukoma, wakobeka pa kubeya.

A child is an axe, although it cuts you, you hook it on
the shoulder.

1128. Umwana kasembe: kuti kakukoma watola wakobeka.

A child is an axe, it can cut you, (but) you take it and
hook it (on the shoulder).

1129. Umwana kweba aleba: umwana kukana nga akana.

Telling a child is telling him, if the child refuses, he
refuses.

1130. Umwana mubi: talaba nyina.

A bad child does not forget its mother.

II
, I

I
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1131. Umwana mukulu: cikanga na nyina.

A child is an elder, it goes beyond even its mothero

1132. Umwana mulima napona: ne mikalile bubi.

The young of a large bat has fallen (because of) its bad
way of sitting.

1133. Umwana mwaume butala bwa ku lukungu.

A son is the granary on the veranda.

1134. Umwana ushafyala: mukulu mubiyo.

The child not borne (by you) is your fellow elder.

1135. Umwana wa bubeli: cikanga na nyina.

The first-born child goes beyond its mother even.

1136. Umwana wa mpuku: tacilika bwendo.

The young of a rat does not fill a hole.
"
1137. Umwana wa mfubu: angala matenge yonse. t.
The young of a hippo plays "on both sides of the river."

1138. Umwana wa mfubu: alIla mashilya yabili.

1
The young of a hippo eats on both sides of the river.

1139. Umwana wa mpushi: ekuta bushiku nyina apulile.

The child of a beggar is the one satisfied on the day his
mother begged.

1140. Umwana wa mupe: tafwa nsala.

The child of a generous person does not die of hunger.

1141. Umwana wa ng'wena: akulila kwitete.

The young of a crocodile grows in the reeds.

1142. Umwana wa nshiwa: talya nyanje nkulu.

An "orphan" does not eat big maize.

1143. Umwana wa nsoka: ni nsoka.

The young of a snake is a snake.

1144. Umwanakashi tapikula cisumbu.

A woman does not make a big net.

1145. Umwanakashi male tayeta mpombo.

A woman is finger millet that does not call the duiker.

1146. Umwaume ashikala nsaka: akumbwe nshima ku banankwe.

The man who does not sit in the rest shelter envies the
stiff porridge of his fellow.

\1

'I
 343
1147. Umwele wa mulanda: waba mu kanwa.
The knife of the poor person is in the mouth.
1J 48. Umweni abika mata: amatwi tabika.
A stranger puts his bow down not his ears.

1149. Umweni akule fumo: takula kanwa. /

A stranger is large (in) the stomach, he is not large (in)
the mouth.

1150. Umweniasha afutwile mpelo mu bungao

The stranger left and threw the upper of the two grind
stones into the flour.

1151. Umweni ashifumba: noko atula tafumbao

The stranger that is not generous came from a place that
was not generous.

1152. Umweni ashishi kwifwe: atapa pa cintimpwe.

The stranger who does not know the spring, draws water at
the pool of a stagnant water.

1153. Umweni kulu kwa mpombo: takulinda pa lwino.

A stranger is the leg of a duiker, it does not remain
(long) on the shelf.

1154. Umweni lifupa: bamwipike lyo akasuba kaciliko nga alinaka.

A stranger is a bone, they cook it when the sun is still
up so that it is soft.

1155. Umweni mukulu: lishiko.

An elderly stranger is the fireplace or hearth in a house.
1156. Umweni takolokote fupa: ninshi uko aba amina ayatuntulu.
L A stranger does not pick at a bone, for then he swallows a
whole bone where he is.

1157. Umweni talisha monsoli: ninshi uko aba ni ng'omba.

A stranger does not whistle, for then he is a drum where
he is.

1158. Umweni tepula nkama.

A stranger does not remove the sledge hammer.

1159. Umweni wa kolwe: alya uto kolwe alyako.

The stranger (in the home of) a monkey eats the little
things that the monkey eats.

1160. Umweni wa mpapa ntali: alala pa mpapa yakwe.

The stranger with a large skin sleeps on his skin.

i I
II
I
 344

1161. Umweni wa ingwe: akashila ingwe imilanduo

The guest of a doorpost leaves the cases for the doorpost.

1162. Umweo wa muntu: waba mu kutwi.

The life of a person is in his ear.

1163. Umweo wa nkoko: waba kuli cibinda.

The life of the fowl is with the owner.

1164. Umweshi mulundu mabaka: tekuti ulaye wa mulandu.

The moon "goes by strides and bounds," you cannot promise
one with a case.

1165. Umweshi tautolwa nama.

An animal is not collected in the moonlight.

1166. Umweshi wapusene na kasuba.

The moon missed the sun.

1167. Umwikalano: taubipa muntu.

- Living together (with others) does not harm a person.

1168. Umwina mupalamano: e ulye fintu.

A neighbor is the one who eats things.

1169. Umwina musumba: tabipilwa ngala.

A person from the chief's capital is not made to look bad
by the feathers.

1170. Umwine mbwa: tashita.

The owner of dogs doesn't call them.

1171. Umwine mfwa: ekata apabolele.

A widow or widower holds that which decays.

1172. tlmwine mfwa: amoneka akakumbe.

A widow or widower appears with mud stains on clothes and
body.

1173. Umwine musunga: talamba minwe.

The owner of the thin gruel does not have soiled fingers.

1174. Umwine mwiko: alakololamo.

The owner of the ladle always scrapes remains from the
pots.

1175. Umwipi: tafunda mutali.

A short person does not teach a tall person.

1176. Uo mwenda nankwe: ni mfwa mbiyo.

The one with whom you travel is your companion (in) death.

II:
'II
I.
 345
1177. Uo washIka: tabamuluba ku ntambaliloo
They do not make a mistake in what is the foot of the bed
for the one you bury.

1178. , Utulala twa munda ya nama: utwa munda sha bantu tatulala.
The little things that sleep in the stomachs of animals
does not sle.ep in the stomachs of people0

1179. Utwalayene: twawilile pamo.

Those who promised one another are those who agreed
together.

1180. Uubika: abikila abengi.

The one who puts (things) aside, puts (them) aside for
many.

1181. Uub~tile e uletelele uufitile.

The one who was white is the one who brought trouble to
the one who was black.

1182. Uucili na nyina: e uli" ne filamba mu menso.

The one who still has a mother is the one that tears in
the eyes.

1183. Uuc~la: e mwana kashiwa.

The one who suffers is the child that is left (orphan).

1184. Uukana amashiwi ya bakalamba: takokola.

The one who refuses the .words of the elders does not dawdle.

1185. Uukanyo mukulu: takota.

The one who refuses an elder does not get old.

1186. Uukwebele mfwa ya noko: mutanshi.

The one who told you about the death of your mother is
the first one.

1187. Uukwenseshe ubushiku: bamutasha nga bwaca.

The one who helped you go throughout the night, they
praise him in, the morning.
~

1188. Uulanda na bantu: e wishibe amano/akwata amano.

The one who talks with people is the one who knows/has
brains.

1189. Uuleyafwilisho mwine: Lesa esamwafwa.

The one who goes and helps himself, God is the one who
comes to help him.

1190. Uulelila: tacebwa ku kanwa.

The one who is crying is not glanced at by the mouth.

i I
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JJ.......
 346

1191. Uuli ne mpepo: talangwa mulilo.

The one who is cold is not shown the fire.

1192. Uulutambile: e ulwile.

The one who watches a fight is the one who fights.

1193. Uulwele munda:, tapakata mfumu.

The one who is sick in the stomach does not pay respect
to the chief.

1194. Uumfwa bakalamba: alakota.

The one who listens to the elders always gets old.

1195. Uumono bufumu: untu abumona.

The one who sees chieftanship is the one which sees it.

1196. Uupamfiwe: e ulwa ne cibi.

The one who is in a hurry is the one who fights with the
door.

1197. Uupingula kamangu: no kumusenda amusenda/ e umusenda.

The one who beats the wooden drum must also carry it.

1198. Uushibambila kanwa kakwe: akomfwo kusasa.

The one who does not work for his mouth tastes a sour taste.

1199. Uushilanda mfwa: ni muka mwenso.

The one who does not talk about death is the spouse of fear.

1200. Uushimwikete: atila mufutule tUleya.

The one who did not know him says, "knock him down, let's
go."

1201. Uushili noko: akutonya mu mbafu.

The one who is not your mother feels your ribs.

1202. Uushindiko mweni: nga wamutwalo kutali tabwela bwangu.

The one who accompanies a stranger - if you take him far,
he won't return quickly.

1203. Uushumfwa fya bakulu,: apela pa maso.

The one who does not listen to the things of the elders
"dies as soon as he reaches puberty" (has hair).

1204. Uutambile: e uulwile.

The one who stood gazing (at a fight) is the one who fought.

1205. Uutangile: e uukulango kwabuka.

The one who led the way is the one who shows you the
crossing.

i I
 --- ------- - - ----- ----- II
I

I.

347
1206. Uutema mupundu: taceba kwi'luba.
The one who ~uts a mupund~ tree down does not glance at
the flower.

1207. Uutila nkakunaila: akakunaila.

The one who says, "I will make 'stiff porridge for you,"
will make it f9r you. I

1208. Uutolo mupamba: tashibata. I

The one who picks up an evil omen, does not close the eyes. 1\1
I

1209. Uwabamba: tabambuluka.

The one who has killed game does not stop having success
at hunting.

1210. Uwabika: abikila abengi.

The one who put (things) aside, put them aside for many.

1211. Uwa bingo kowa: teminina. ..

The one ~ho was set on swimming, does not wait. I..
1
I
1212. Uwabufi: talengula fita. 1
A liar does not go and see (if) soldiers come.

1213. Uwabuko mupashi wakwe: cifungalashi.

The one who consults his spirit is the itching sensation.

1214. Uwaenda: taceba ku mulu.

The one who journeys does not glance at the sky.

1215. Uwafwa: ashinge lulu.

The one who died departed for good.

1216. Uwafwa: tamona mulopa wakwe.

The one who dies does not see his blood.

1217. Uwafwa: teti bamufwiluluke.

The one who dies they do not "bring back to life."

1218. Uwafyala Ngosa: tabula kuoswaoswa.

The one who bears the one who personifies the type who
brings endless trouble on others does not lack for a
constant need of being cared for.

1219. Uwafyala: taliwa na mbwa.

The one who bears children won't be eaten by a dog.

1220. Uwaikete fibili: afwile ku menshi.

The one who held on to two things died in the water.

II, i
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1221. Uwaingila ku mushitu: tomfwa nswanswa.

The one who enters a grove of high evergreen trees in a
swampy place does not hear footsteps.

1222. Uwakalema: taleka.

The one who contracts a bad habit does not stop.

1223. Uwakana Musa: ne nsomo shakwe balakana:

The one who refuses Musa (a legendary figure) also refuses
his fees for the traditional doctor.

1224. Uwakana kwela: akano koca.

The one who refuses to fish with a basket, refuses to roast
(them).

1225. Uwakanwa: takutula.

The one who has a mouth does not eat stiff porridge without

1226.
relish.

Uwakupe calo: talabwa.

,
...
1I
The one who gave you the country is not forgotten.
1
1227. Uwakupela akufinya: uwakutana akwangusha.
The one who gives to you makes you heavier, the one who
refuses you makes you lighter.

1228. Uwakwensho bushiku: bamutashe lyo bwaca.

The one who helped you to go at night they thank in the
dawn.

1229. Uwalefya: tonaula.

The one who lengthens (something) doesn't destroy it.

1230. Uwalwala munda: tapakata mfumu.

The one who is sick in the stomach doesn't pay respects to
the chief.

1231. Uwalya akansumbi: umutima wnuwke cibabo.

The one who ate the small animal such as rabbits, rats,
etc., has a heart that smells like burnt hair.

1232. Uwalya namba: takambatila munda.

The one who eats gum does not stick to (his) stomach.

1233. Uwalya noko te mukali: mukali untu atile noko ali kwi?
The one who ate your mother is not the fierce one, the
fierce one is the one who said, "Where is your mother?"

1234. Uwamabele: talangwa nshila.

One with breasts is not shown the path.
 349
1235. Uwanwa menshi: taba fintu aciba.
The one who drank water does not have the thing he once had.

1236. Uwaoba amato yabili: alashika.

The one who paddles two boats always sinks.

1237. Uwaowele: tashika.

The one who swam does not sink.

1238. Uwapata bambi: aipata.

The one who hates others, hates himself.

1239. Uwapata mwana noko: nani uo mukaseka nankwe lukubuli.

rhe one who hates a sibling - whom will he laugh heartily
with.

1240. Uwapunda owe: balamutula.

The one who shouts, "Owe" (Help), they always help him.

1241. Uwapyana ng~she: apyana no busungu.

The one who inherits from a green mamba, inherits also the
snake's venom.

1242. Uwashama tatobela inona.

The one who is unlucky does not eat stiff porridge with
relish .•.

1243. Uwatwala pa nsaka: tonaula.

The one who carrys (it) to the rest shelter does not
destroy everything.

1244. Uwauma nafyala: amumina limo.

The one who beats the mother-in-law, beats her one time.

1245. Uwaumina umo: e waumine babili.

The one who beats one person is the one who beat two.

1246. Uwawa bamuseka fye: tabamuma.

They just laughed at the one who falls, they don't beat
him.

1247. Uwawa: tainmina.

The one who falls does not stand up.

1248. Uwaya: ashinge lulu.

The one who goes is gone for good.

1249. Uwayafwilisho mwine: ni Lesa esamwafwa.

The one who goes and helps himself - it is God who comes
to help him.

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1250. Uwayambwa ninshi akula.
The one who is slandered then grows.

1251. Uwela mu misapa: akasuka ela na mwi'tenga.

The one who fishes with a basket in a large pool formed by
flood water in a plain will end up fishing also in the deep
pool in the river.

1252. Uwenda na kanwa: taluba.

The one who goes with his mouth does not do wrong.

1253. Uwenda ne mbwa abepa: uwenda na bantu tabepa.

The one who travels with a dog lies, (but) the one who
travels with a person, doesn't lie.

1254. Uwenda na ngoshe: apyana no busungu.

The one who travels with a green mamba, also inherits the
snake's venom.

1255. Uwenda na ngosa-kati: nobe walaba ngosa-kati.

The one who travels with a "troublesome person" always
becomes a troublesome person.

1256. Uwenda no ulwele pa mutima: alambukilwa.

The one who travels with a sick person alwiys gets hurt.

1257. Uwibukisha ifyakale: alafwa.

The one who remembers the things of old always dies.

1258. Uwibukisha kamangu: no kumupapa.e umupapa.

The one who remembers the wooden drum used formerly as a
war or alarm drum is the one who also carries it on his
back.

1259. Uwikwite: asontelo bwali ku kanwa.

The one who is full points to the stiff porridge with the
tongue.

1260. Wabala icikali: uyange na maka.

You provoked a fierce thing, may you sham a battle with
power.

1261. Wabulapo cushi: washo mulilo uleyaka.

You took away the smoke (but) left the fire burning.

1262. Wa bunga: tomwa.

The one with the flour is not beaten.

1263. Wa bulema: taleka.

The one with an inveterate habit does not stop.

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 351

1264. Wakoma lyobe: washa lya mubiyo lilesalaba.

You killed your own ("child") and left your companions to
gambol about.

1265. Womone linso lyabuta auti talyalwele.

You see a clear eye and say, "It was not sick."

1266. Wa mwabi: tacingwa.

The one who has a mwabi beetle is not protected.

1267. Watinina lunshi pa menso.

You squeeze a fly into the eye.

1268. Watobela mu muto wa bimbye.

You eat stiff porridge with the relish of a mess.

1269. Watule nsupa akapunda: iyenda ilasuma.

You pierced a hole in the calabash - it runs, it always
leaks.

1270. We mWlpl: usamune icasamiko mutali?

,
1....
I
You short one, you would take down what a tall person has •
put up?

1271. Weshiko tatukwa: ilishiko likamufutila.

The owner of a fireplace or heart in a house is not
insulted, the fireplace will compensate.

1272. Weshiko tatukwa; ilishiko likamusutila.

The owner of a kitchen is not abused; his good kitchen will
do amend for him.

1273. We shuko: tafishilwa.

You the lucky one are not kicked about.

1274. We ushishi njili: uishibile mu lunweno.

You who are ignorant of the warthog, you know it in the
pot.

1275. Wifunda lushishi taulateba; ulecenjeshe nkuni.

Don't strip bark rope before you gather the wood, (or) you
will warn the wood.

1276. Wikabala muko: taulalila.

Don't strut in front of the in-laws before you have cried.

1277. Wilatuka muko: taulalila.

Do not insult the in-law before you have cried.

1278. Wimono muti ukupululuka auti: walyuma.

Do not see a tree stripped of its leaves and say, "It is
dry."
 352

1279. Wimone linso ukulwala nge lishabutile.

Don't see a sick eye as one that was clear.

1280. Wintobola: kubangilila.

Not throwing dust into the eyes is starting early.

1281. Winyuka mpapa taul~fyala: ulecenjeshe fumo.

Do not look for a skin to carry the baby in before it is
born, you will warn the womb.

1282. Wituka mwankashi talafula.

Do not insult a woman before she has undressed.

1283. Yakuntila apatali.

It rumbles far away.

1284. Umwaice balemulango mweshi: alemono munweo

They show a child the moon (and) he sees a finger.

1285. Umunani umo: ube cifukushi.

One relish becomes digust arisi~g from repetition.

1286. Uushili noko: takutonya mutwe.

The one who is not your mother does not feel your head.
 APPENDIX B

1
SHONA PROVERBS WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS

1. Kupedza nyota/ kuenda padziva.

To quench thirst (one) goes to a pool.

2. Kupedza nyota/ kuenda patsime.

To quench thirst (one) goes to a well.*

3. Kupedza nyota/ patsime.

To quench thirst (one goes to a) well.*

4~ Charovedzera-charovedzera/ gudo rakakwira mawere kwasviba.

What one is used to, one is used to; the baboon climbed up
a steep ascent after dark.

5. Kuziva mbuya huudzwa.

(In order) to know the mother-in-law, one has to be told
(about her).

6. Waita mbereko ada kusuka machira.

She who has a carrying cloth (borne a child) has chosen to
wash napkins and blankets.

7. Wanzi baba wada kamusha kake.

He who is addressed as father has chosen to have his own
home.

8. Achemedza mbudzana yake akura.

He who has a crying child has an adult.

9. Dzvinyu kuzambe zuva huona bako.

A lizard suns itself within reach of its hiding place (hole).

10. Nzou haikarari ina makaka.

An elephant with calves does not cough up phlegm.

1The following proverbs represent Hamutyinei and Plangger's

collection and translation (1974). They are presented with the written
permission of Mambo Press, Gwelo, Zimbabwe. English translations
followed by an asterisk (*) represent the author's own translation
based on Hamutyinei and Plangger's previous translations.

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11. Imbwa ine hona haihukuri.

A dog with a bone (in his mouth) does not bark.

12. Mombe yenzuma kufuma ivetel kufunga chakadya nyanga dzayo.

A hornless ox lying down early in the morning puzzles over
what ate up (hindered the growth of) its horns.

13. Chirema ndechina mazanol chinotamba chakazendama kumadziro.

A lame person is clever; he dances while leaning against
a wall.

14. Kunzi musikana kana kuti mukomana ari apal kudya.

One is (comes to be) called a girl or a boy if one is
(properly) fed.

15. Kunzi munhu ari apal kudya.

One is (com~s to be) called a person if one is (properly)
fed.*

16. Tsvaga zano iwe une rakowo. 1

...
See for (somebody's) advice when you have got yours. tI
i
17. Zano hunge une rako.
Advice (means) you have yours.*

18. Kuchenjeral kuruka nhava.

To be wise is to make a woven basket.

19. - Kungwaral kukosha ngoyi.

To be wise is to prepare strings (for a woven bag).

20. Ziriwo rechemberel ziramba waravira.

An old woman's relish i~ refused (only) after tasting.

21. Zipfuko rambuyal ziramba watonha.

The content of an old woman's pitcher is refused (only)
after tasting.

22. Kuramba nyama ye chidembo hunge uine yetsuro.

If you refuse the meat of a pole-cat, it means you have
hare's meat.

23. Kuramba butu uno mukonya.

One who refuses bran has something better which makes him
arrogant.

24. Kuramba dzvukul kuona jena.

Refusing red implies seeing white.

25. Kuramba rutsakara hunge uine maziviro.

To refuse a ragged article means you have got something
better.
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26. Kuramba mvana hunge uine mhandara.

To reject a woman means you have a girlfriend.

27. Kufira guyu kuuya/ hazvienzani nokufira shamba.

To die for a fig is better; it cannot be compared to dying
for a cattle melon.

28. Kufira gavhu kuuya/ hazvienzani nokufira shamba.

To die for a dried squash is better/ it cannot be compared
to dying for a cattle melon.*

29. Kureva ndokunei/ kutarisa kurevawo.

Why say something; a sharp look is also a remark.

30. Kutaura ngekunei/ kunangisa kutaurawo.

Why say something; looking is also a remark.*

31. Kurova mbira/ kurova bako.

To hit the rock rabbit involves hitting the cave.

32. Mupanje wekunze unodzivirira iri mukati.

The outer ridge (of a field) guards those inside.

33. Mupanje we kunze unodzivirira we mukati.

The outer ridge (of a field) guards those inside.*

34. N'ai kwadzo ndedzomucheche/ dzomukuru dzinoreva kudya.

A genuine yawn is that of a child; an adult's indicates a
desire to eat.

35. Kuzamura chaiko ndokwomudoko/ kwomukuru kunoreva kudya.

A genuine yawn is that of a child; an adult's indicates a
desire to eat.*

36. Ateyera mariva murutva haachatyi mhapa kusviba.

One who sets stone traps on burnt grass is not afraid of
blackening his (posterior) skin wear.

37. Usatya bhurukwa kusviba iwe wakateya mariva murutsva.

Never be afraid to blacken your trousers when you have set
stone traps in burnt grass.

38. Apinda murutsva anosviba tsoka.

One who passes through burnt veld will get dirty feet.

39. Chirega kutya kununa iwe wakasasikwa.

Never be afraid of losing your fat when you are held by
the fire.

40. Hapana munwe unoiswa mukanwa ukabuda usina mate.

No finger put into the mouth will come out without saliva.

,t,
 356
41. Tenda muchero wadya zvinotenza mwoyo.
Be grateful for the fruit when you have eaten all you want.

42. Tenda muchero wadya zvinogadza mwoyo.

Be grateful for the fruit when you are satisfied.

43. Matukirwo ababa/ kunema mwana.

The father is scolded by jokingly abusing (his) childo

44. Matukirwo ababa/ kudonza mwana.

The father is scolded by jokingly pulling (his) child.*

45. Chikweya ndechembwa/ chomunhu chinotevera.

A dog lags behind (but) a human being can overcome his
laziness.

46. Kubaya tange hamal vatorwa vakutye.

Kill first the relatives (so that) strangers may fear you.

47. Kubaya tanga nowako/ vokunze vakutye.

Kill first the relatives (so that) strangers may fear you.*

48. Chinono chine ingwe/ bere rinodya richifamba.

The leopard is cautiously slow (but) the hyena eats while
walking.

49. Chinono chine ingwe/ tika rakadya richifamba.

The leopard is cautiously slow (but) the hyena eats while
walking.*.

50. Urombo hwamatede kuniwa nemvura/ makurwe ari mumhatso.

It is the misfortune of baboons to get soaked with rain
while the crickets are in the huts.

51. Nhava yebenzi haitani kusakara.

A fool's woven bag is easily torn.

52. Zino irema/ rinosekerera anorivenga.

A tooth is stupid; it smiles at its enemy.

53. Zino irema/ rinosekerera warisingadi.

A tooth is stupid; it smiles at its enemy.*

54. Wazarira bako mvur-a ichada kunaya.

You have closed the cave while it is still raining.

55. Watsindira bako mvura ichanaya.

You have closed the cave while it is still raining.*

56. Usapedzera mapfumo mukubaya nhema idzo nzou dzichauya.

Don't waste spears on stabbing rhinos when elephants (may
still) show up.
 357

57. Usapedzera tsvimbo kuna vanamakuwel hanga dzichauya.

Don't waste knobkerries on go-away-birds when guinea fowl
(may still) show up.*

58. Itsvimbo dzokutamba nadzo kupotsea makunguo idzo shiri dZiripo.

It's wasting knobkerries to throw them at crows when (edible)
birds are around.

59. Ustanda hwiza idzo tsuro dzichauya.

Don't pursue locusts when hares (may still) show up.

60. Kushaya mano kwendirol kupakurirwa iSingadyi.

(If it comes) to brains a plate has none; it is given food
but does not eat.

61. Ishavil kurova munda neshamhu.

It means one is possessed (by an evil spirit) if he is
beating the field with a stick.

62. Ishavil kuridzira'munda tswinya (tsamwa).

It means one is possessed (by an evil spirit) (kuridzira)
a field (tswinya).*

63. Kushaya mano kwomusikanal kukungira sadza chibhakira.

It is unwise for a 'girl to threaten to fight (despise)
sadza with her fist.

64. Kushaya,nzero kwemhandaral kupfumbira sadza chibhakira.

It is unwise for a girl to fight sadza with her fist.*

65. Zvamangwana zvinozivikanwa nebenzi.

What happens tomorrow is known to a fool.

66. Mwana muduku kudziva musendo noruoko iwo uchazomudziva womene.

(If) a child (is) fending off a 'plane' with (bare) hands,
the 'plane' will fend off (his hands) too.

67. Kurava mbudzi nedzisipol kurava nedzava matoo.

Counting absent goats means counting (even) dead ones.

68. Kurava mambudzi ari kumwel kurava namapapata.

Counting goats that are elsewhere is counting skeletons
also.*

69. Kuverenga mombe nedzisipol kuverenga nemidwe.

Counting absent cattle is counting tails also.*

70. Zundu kugara mundove hunzi neni ndava mombewo.

A kraal worm living in cattle dung (thinks), "I am a cow,
too."
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71. Kanyembana kumera munyemba hunzi ndava nyembawo.

A small bean germinating amongst beans (thinks), "I am a
bean, too."

72. Zizi kurungwa munyu roti ndava hukuwoo

An owl being salted (thinks), "I am a fowl too."

73. Ruzambu kugara munyemba rwoti ndava nyembawo.

A wild grass growing amongst beans (thinks), "I am a bean,
too."

74. Chivendekete anoseka chimedure.

A damaged plate laughs at a broken plate.

75. Zviri musango zvinosekana/ pfunye ikaona hoto inoseka.

Those in the forest ridicule one another; when the go-away
bird sees a pelican it laughse

76. Gunguo kuseka ZlZl lWO muromo waro uchinge dende.

The crow laughs at the owl's beak, yet its own is like a
calabash.

77. Zvirema kusekana mundiro yenhopi.

The cripples laugh at each other in a plate of mash.

78. Makudo anosekana makuma.

Baboons ridicule each other because of their foreheads.

79. Kutumira bete kumukaka haridzoki.

A cockroach sent to (fetch) milk will never return.

80. Mabasa/ kuchonya uri murima.

It is of no use to wink in the dark.

81. Manetsa huma/ kuchonya uri murima.

It is useless to strain one's forehead by winking to some-
body in the dark.

82. Chafamba kamwe hachiteyiwi.

What has passed (happened) once cannot be trapped.

83. Chapinda kamwe hachiteverwi.

What has passed once cannot follow.*

84. Kwadzinorohwa matumburira ndiko kwadzinomhanyira.

Where they (hares) are beaten on the abdomen (killed), that
is where they flock again.

85. Maunga marema/ kudya muti waagere.

(Hairy) caterpillars are stupid, they feed on the tree on
which they live.
 359

86. Kuzengurira izwi romukurul kuramba mhangwa.

To shun an elder's word is to refuse advice.

87. Mamvura mazhinji akatunza kuba.

Heavy rains encourage stealing.

88. Zimvura guru rakatunza kuba.

Heavy rains encourage stealing.*

89. Rega kubvunza nyama kuti ndeyokugochal iwe muto uchiuona.

Do not ask whether the meat is roasted when you see it in
the gravy.

90. Usatsvaga nhava muuswa iro sora ratsva.

Do not look for a string bag in the grass when the grass
has been burnt.

91. Usaruka nhava rutsva rwatsva.

Never weave a string bag after a veld fire.

92. Usakusha mbeu mvura yaenda.

Do not broadcast seeds when the rainy season has gone.

93. Rega kuyera nyoka negavi iyo iripo.

Do not use a fiber string to measure the length of a snake
when the (actual) snake is there.

94. Mazvokudal kuda namaronda enyora.

Death is willful (if) it is (caused) by tattoo marks.

95. Mazvokudal kurumwa nechokudongorera.

It is one's own wish to be bitten if one is (inquisitively)
peeping.

96. Afa namaronda enyora haachemwi.

One who dies of tattoo marks is not mourned.

97 . . Ndomene haichemedzi.
What you do on your own does not make you cry.

98. Zvamina hazvina mafi.

My own affairs cause no grudge.

99. Usaverenga mbeva nemiswe (yadzo).

Do not count mice (together) with their tails.

100. Usaverenga mbeva nemidune.

Do not count shrews (together) with their tails.*

101. (Deno) Ndakaziva haitungamiri.

Had I known I would not have done it.
 360

102. Ndakaziva haana zano.

Had I known I would not have reached the age of discretion.

103. Dai ndakaziva haabatsiri.

Had I known I would not have helped.

104. Usayeuka bako waniwa.

Do not think of the cave after getting wet.

105. Munhu - munhu/ hazvienzani nembwa.

A human being is a human being, he cannot be compared to
a dog.

106. Munhu - munhu/ haafanani neimbwa (inokandirwa zvokudya).

A human being is a human being, he does not resemble a
dog iwhich throws its food about).*

107. Rukova rwizi/ kuyambuka unokwinya nguo.

A brook is a river; when crossing it you fold up your
garment.

1'08. Chikova rwizi/ kuyambuka unokwinya nguo.

The little brook is a river; when crossing it you fold up
your garment.*

109. Chomukuru hachikumbirwi.

That which belongs to an elder cannot be asked for.

110. Chomukuru anopa omene.

That which belongs to an elder he gives away as he wants.

111. Chirozva mauya ndicho chiunza mavi.

That which conceals the good also brings the bad-(things).

112. Chiri mubwe/ chiri mugonera.

What is in a stone is like something in a (natural) beehive.

113. Imbwa yavata/ yatya.

A dog lying down (means it) has surrendered.

114. Imbwa yakwavarara/ yatya.

A dog lying down (means it) has surrendered.*

115. Aridza mhere/ atya.

One who has called for help has surrendered.

116. Apotera/ atya.

One who has taken refuge has surrendered.

117~ Chitende chinorema ndecine mhodzi.

It is the calabash containing seeds which is heavy.

I
 361

118. Dende ringorema ngerine mbeu.

A calabash is heavy if it has seeds in it.*

119. Mukadzi womumwe ndimbuya.

Someone's wife is (like) a mother-in-law.

120. Mukadzi womumwe ndaambuya.

Someone's wife is (like) a mother-in-law. *

121. Apota nechuru avanda.

One (who has) gone behind an ant-heap is hidden.

122. Apota nechidzere ahwanda.

One (who has) gone behind a small ant heap is hidden.*

123. Nherera inozviudza yoga.

An orphan advises himself/herself.

124. Nherera inozvichengeta pachayo.

An orphan cares for himself/herself.*

125. Tsuro inozvifudza yoga.

A hare browses alone.

126. Benzi kunge riri rakol kudzana kwaro unopururudza.

When your (family's) fool dances, you applaud (him).

127. Benzi nderakol kudzana unopururudza.

When your (family's) fool dances, you applaud (him).

128. Ane benzi ndounarol kudzana anopururudza.

129. Varume ndivamwel kutsva kwendebvu vanodzimurana.

Men are all the same; when their bears burn they help each
other to extinguish the fire.

130. Pamanyore hapasimudzwi hapwal dzinozosimudzwa chapo chamuka.

Never expose your armpit in public until you have got what
you wanted.

131. Dembo harivhiyiwi paruzhinji.

A pole cat is not skinned in public.

132. Moto mushoma (ndiwo) unonyautsa muto.

It is a low fire that warms the soup.

133. Moto mushoma ndiwo unondombesa zviri mugapu.

It is a low fire that boils thoroughly that in the pot for
relish.*

t
 362

134. Afa/ anaka.

One who is dead is better off.

135. Ishungu dzomutanawaswera padare/ kuramba nemhandire seane menoo

It is due to (jealous) irritation that an old man who has
spent the day at the fire place refuses to give away dry
maize although he has no teeth.

136. Ishe kukura nokuwandirwa.

A chief grows with the number of his subjects.

137. Ishe/ vanhu.

The chief(dom) is (made by) people.

138. Rwizi runokura nezvikova.

A river grows (depends) on tributaries.

139. Maramba kukombwa/ maramba hweni.

One who does not like people around him also resents guests.

140. (Chinhu) chinodyiwa chino murandu.

Everything (about to be eaten) should first be introduced
ceremoniously.

141. Izivangechomo/ kupa rombe rehama.

It is a deep feeling of sympathy (that causes one) to help
a beggar relative.

142. Kurebesa muromo unodya chedemo/ chebanga hauchiwani.

If you talk too loud and too much, you will (only) eat
something cut with an axe but not with a knife.

143. Kurebesa muromo unodya chomwedzi/ cherima hauchiwani.

If you talk too loud and too much, you will (only) eat
something done in moonlight but not something done in
darkness. *

1.44. Nzara ishuramweni.

Hunger forecasts (the coming of) a visitor.

145. Kubirika mwenil kumudzinga.

To cook for a stranger means to send him away.

146. Kukowa kwasamusha/ kukokwa kwavagere naye.

To invite a village headman means to invite also those
under him.

147. Panodya ishe/ navaranda vanodyawo.

Where the chief eats the servants also eat.*

148. Kutanda imbwa/ ikandire hona.

In order to chase a dog away throw it a bone.
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149. Kudzinga imbwa/ ikandire godo.

In order to chase a dog away throw it a bone.*

150. Dai pas ina nyimol makunguo aizodyei?

If there were no (bambara) groundnuts, what would the crows
eat?

151. Gunguo rinodya mbambal rino muchero waro.

The pied crow eats groundnuts; that is its fruit.*

152. Kureva chikwereti kumurombol kunema Mwari.

To claim a debt from a poor man is (tantamount) to scorning
God.

153. Kubvunza mangava kumurombol kutuka Mwari.

To demand the 'debts of a poor person is to insult God.

154. Chadywa nomurombol chadyiwa nashe.

What has been eaten by a poor man has been eaten by a chief.

155. Akumbira bangal ada kupa muridzi nyama.

He who borrows a knife wants to give meat to the owner.

156. Zuva rimwe haripedzi dura.

One day's stay does not empty a granary.

1?7 •. Shiri-ipinda haipedzi mhunga.

A passing bird does not finish a mhunga field.

158. Mombe inopfuura haipedzi uswa.

A passing ox does not finish the grazing.

159. Mweni haaendi nedura.

A guest does not carry away the granary.

160. Usayeuka pwere waminya.

Do not remember the child when you have (already) swallowed
(food).

161. Kupa huvigisa.

To give is to bank.

162. Kupa kuturika.

To give is to hang (something) up.*

163., Mutsa worutsokal kuperekedza ziso.

The food is kind (feels obliged) to accompany the eye.

164. Kuchengeta imbwa yomwenil kuda mwene wayo.

Keeping a stranger's dog means liking its owner (too).
 364

165. Kuchengeta imbwa yomwenil kuda muridzi wayo.

Keeping a stranger's dog means like its owner (too).*

166. Aguta haaoneki.

When satisfied, one does not bid farewelle

1670 Aguta haachaoneki.

When satisfied, one does not bid farewell to it.*

168. (Mombe) Inonanzva inoinanzvawo.

It (e.g., an ox) licks the one that licks it.

169. Chisi chakol kuita musoko-musokol unodya wakatarisa kumusuo.

What is not yours, you are bound to eat in mouthfuls while
facing the door.

170. Chisi chako hachibatsiril unodya wakaringa kumusuoo

What is not yours is useless, eating it, you are choked at
the door.*

171. Aramba ukamal apa huku yangu kurarama.

He who has refused relationship has given my fowl (longer)
life.

1720 Aramba ushamwaril apa huku yangu kupona.

He who has refused friendship (and) thereupon my fowl lives
longer.*

173. Masuka mukanwal bere harirariri chipashupashu.

(It means just) rinsing the mouth, a small locust cannot
feed a hyena.

174. Masuka mukanwal bere harirariri mapapata emhashu.

(It means just) rinsing the mouth, a small locust cannot
feed a skeleton.*

175. Chirango chatimbal kuti nzou pinda mumba.

It is a mere formality for a (small bird) to invite an
elephant to its nest.

1760 Kandiro kanoenda kunobva kamwe.

A small dish (of food) goes where-another one comes from.

177. Kandiro kanopfumba kunobva kamwe.

A small dish (of food) makes way for another one.*

178. Kandiro endal kandiro dzoka.

Little dish go, little dish come back!

179. Chitsva-chitsval munamba wejenachena.

What is new is new like milk porridge.
 365

180. Chitsva-chitsval mudzamba wejenachena.

What is new is new like milk porridge.*

181. Chitsva-chitsval hazvienzani nechitsaruo

What is new is new; it cannot be compared to something old.

182. Ane jira ndeane rukunara (rusakara)1 ane idzva akariwana meso
atsvuka.
The one with an old blanket (has been satisfied all along);
the one who got a new one has acquired it with red eyes
(after a struggle).

183. Ane jira ndeane musakaral ane idzva akariwana meso atsvuka.
The one with an old blanket has an old article; the one who
has got a new one has acquired it with red eyes.

184. Mafutura avakatangal kuturikidza svinga nechirongo.

It is over-confidence, if those who came first put a pitcher
on a bundle of wood on their heads.

185. Kudada kwavari mugomo! kukumbira vari pasi mapfihwa.

It is mockery when mountain dwellers ask those for hearth
stones who live in the veld.

186. Kuvirima kwavari mugomol kukumbira vari pasi mapfihwa.

It is mockery when mountain dwellers ask those for hearth
stones who live in the veld.*

187. Kudada kwavari pasil kukumbira vari mugomo mvura.

It is mockery when veld dwellers ask those for water who
live on a mountain.

188. Kutaura kwowadye gandal kunokunda wadya mushuna.

The one who has eaten meat with skin praises it more than
the one who has eaten steak.

189. Chishashavira chowadye gandal kukunda wadya mushuna.

Boasting about what was eaten with skin praises it more
than the one who has eaten steak.*

190. Huku kudzidzowana gonyel inopedza musha naro.

A hen getting a worm (for the first time) runs with it all
over the place.

191. Ishe-ndishel muranda/muranda.

A chief is a chief (and) a servant is a servant.

192. Ishe-ndishel ngoya ndingoya.

A chief is a chief (and) a kraal head is a kraalhead.

193. Usiku humwe chete hahupedzi ushe.

A night's (lodging) does not take away chieftanship.
 366

194. Usiku humwe hahupedzi urarami.

A night's (lodging) does not take away well-being.

195. Usiku humwe hahupedzi umambo.

A night's (lodging) does not take away chieftanship.

196. Pakukutu hapaurayi. ,

Rough accommodation won't kill you.

197. Vatsva vetsambo (chena)/ kudzisungira vanozvlrlnga.

Those wearing plaited bangles for the first time keep
proudly looking at themselves.

198. Akumbira banga/ kuti azivikanwe kuti abaya.

The one who asked for a knife wants it to be known that he
has slaughtered (a beast).

199. Ushe ukokwa kuna vamwe.

Chieftanship is but invitation (from the people).

200. Ushe uruvirwa.

Chieftanship is to be worked for.

201. Panotamba machinda/ nherera sinyungwe.

Where the sons (of a chief) are dancing, an orphan should
keep in the background.

202. Enda kumupanda wenyoka/ kwete kuna vapfumi.

Side with snakes, not with the rich.

203. Panorwa hama nehama/ mutorwa bvira kure.

Where relatives fight, a stranger should keep aloof.

204. Tsuro kotsa muromo.

Hare, mind your mouth.

205. Mwana kuchemera nyere yepfuta/ achairega yaputa.

A child crying for a whistle (made from the castor oil
plant) will abandon it when it shrivels.

206. Tsuri itsva inozvimbisa muromo.

A new whistle (made of reeds) makes the mouth swollen.

207. Anonyumwa bere kurira/ ndouya akazora manda.

He who is scared of a hyena's howling is he who has
smeared (himself) with fat.

208. Unonyumwa bere kurira kuita sowakazora manda.

He who is scared of the hyena's howling is smearing himself
with fat.*
209. Anonyumwa chati kwata/ ndeane katurikwa.
He who feels uneasy about what has dropped is he who has
hung up something.

210e Anonyumwa chati kwata/ ndeane chaakarembedza.

He who feels uneasy about what has dropped is he who has
hung something.*

211. Iringa nameso/ muchero wenhundurwa.

It's a thing to be looked at only (like) a bitter apple.

212. Mudya nameso/ musvita wapamawere.

The eyes only are fed by (an inaccessible) tree on a slope.

213. Chirumbwana/ chiturniki.

A young boy is easy to send.

214e Indemo hadzo dzeane nyota/ asi myura haikokotwi.

it is (hopelessly) incongruous for a thirsty person but
wat~r cannot be scraped up with a finger.

215. Chana hacho chene n'yota/asi mvura haikokotwi.

It is (strangely) incongruous for a patient to ask for
water when there is some next to him.

216. Idemo dzomutenda/ kukumbira mvura imwe anayo.

It is contrariness for a sick person to ask you for water
which is there.*

217. Chinonzi rega ndechiri mumaoko/ chiri mumwoyo hachikandwe pasi.

What can be expected to be dropped is (held) in the hands,
but what is in the heart cannot be thrown on the ground.

218. Chinonzi rekera ngechiri mumaoko/ chiri mumwoyo ndingofa

nacho. (M)
What can be expected to be dropped is (held) in the hands,
but what is in the heart I shall die with.

219. Utsi hwenyama hahutosvori.

Smoke from roasting meat does not irritate (the eyes).

220. Utsi hwenyama hahuteyi.

Smoke from roasting meat does not irritate the eyes.*

221. Pachapwa madziva/ miramba tichanyurura.

When pools dry up, we shall catch barbel.

222. Pachapwa madziva/ mahono tichanyukura.

When pools dry up, we will catch big fish.*

223. Mbavarira inoda vane nharo.

Perseverance calls for impetuous people.
 368

224. Kubakisa mvuto kunoda varidzi vadzo.

The blowing of bellows calls for experts.

225. Kurera nherera/ kupakira mavhu muchitende.

To rear an orphan is to fill a calabash with soil.

226. Kurera nherera/ mangwana anofuma okupindukira.

(If you) rear an orphan he/she will turn against you
tomorrow.

227. Kurera imbwa nomukaka/ mangwana inofuma yokuruma.

(If you) bring up a dog with milk, it will bit you tomorrow.

228. Akupa dhamba (rengavi) ndowako.

He who have given you a tame ox is your relative.

229. Akupa dhamba ngewako. (M)

He who has given you an ox is like your relative.* "Ii

I~t
230. Chomujiri ndechemhanza/ chomudzimu ndechawadanirwa. .~:
~I
Whatever you get from a forest (of wild fruit trees)
by luck; what you are invited (to take) is given by the
~i
mudzimu

231. Chomutiri ndechokukomborerwa.

What you get from a tree is by (sheer) favour.

232. Yatsika dope/ yanwa.

That (animal) which has stepped into the mud has been
drinking.

233. Yatsika musheche/ yanwa.

That (animal) which has stepped into the wet sand has been
drinking. *

234. Vataitururira matohwe/ nhasi ndivo votiseka maparapadzwa.

Those for whom'we got down snot apples are today laughing
at our bruises.

235. Tendai/ muchero ugowisa.

Be grat~ful (tb the tree) so that it may yield more fruits.

236. Kuombera/ kukumbira zvichauya mangwana.

To clap hands is to ask for more tomorrow.

237. Usaguta ukasunda dura.

Never be satisfied as to push (wreck) the granary.

238. Rega kuguta nokurutsira mundiro yawadyira. (M)

Don't vomit into the plate from which you have eaten.

~j
 369

239. Kure ndokuna amail kune mukadzi unofa wasvika.

Far away (seems to be) the mother but the wife you will die
(attempting) to reach.

240. Kure ndokuna amail kune mukadzi ndinofa ndasvika.

Far away (seems to be) the mother but my wife I will die
(attempting) to,reach.*

241. Kure ndokusinal kwachiri unofa wasvika.

It is far where there is nothing; where there is something
you are determined to reach.

242. Kure kwegava ndokusina mutsubvu.

A jackal will consider far (only) that place where there is
no mutsubvu fruit tree.

243. Mwana muduku kubvuma rwendol rwakeruri mukati.

If a child agrees to a journey, his interest in involved.

244. Ronda rinosunda ndorine muchiehi.

The. wound closing up causes pain.

245. Mvana inoshushiral ngeine mwana. (M)

An unmarried mother, although difficult to approach, can
still bear another child.

246. Mvura inoshinyiral ngelrl pazambuko. (M)

The most threatening floods are those at a ford.

247. Nyuchi dzinorumal ngedzine uchi. (M)

The stinging bees are those with honey.

248. Ropa uya nderina vatsungi.

Fortune favours the brave.

249. Pfumo rinobaya ngerina hombarume. (M)

The spear that pierces is that of a (successful) hunter.

250. Rugarahomba harugari murume mutyi.

A daring kind of life cannot be adopted by a coward.

251. Apunyaira haashayi misodzi.

One who has worked himself up will not lack tears.

252. Badza harinyepi.

A hoe tells no lies.

253. Hapana mvura isina chura.

There is no water without a frog.

254. Hapana mutunhu usina nyoka.

There is no (tribal) ward without a snake.
 370

255. Hapana imba isina gonzo.

There is no house without a rat.

256. Chidokodoko chirera muviril chikuru chinozouya wakora.

A little thing helps to sustain the body; a big one will
come when you are fat.

257. Nzombe huru yakabva mukurerwa.

A big bull emerged from breeding.

258. Shumba huru yakabva mukurerwa.

A big lion emerged from breeding.*

259. Chakafukidza dzimba matenga.

What covers the huts are roofs.

260. Ageza haanokorerwi.

One who has washed (his hands) helps himself (to food).

261. Kabva muzai kava kashiri.

That which has hatched is (already) a bird.

262. Chasosodzwa chava chitiyo.

That which has hatched is (already) a chicken.*

263. Akural arehwa.

One who has grown up is spoken of.

264. Akural ataurwa.

265. Munhu mukurul kurehwa munda.

For an adult, to be spoken of is (just as natural as) work-
ing the field.

266. Utsva hworurimi hahuna marapiro.

Burns on the tongue cannot be treated.

267. Kudzorera mumwel kuisa musoro mumakwati.

(The best way) to take revenge is to withdraw one's head
into one's shell '(like a tortoise).

268. Zuva rimwe hariodzi nyama.

Meat does not rot in a day.

269. Zuva rimwe hariurayi munhu.

One day does not kill a person.

270. Zuva rimwe hariradzi munda.

One day's (absence) does not (cause your) field to be
neglected.
 371

271. Zuva rimwe haripedzi nyaya.

One day does not settle a case.

272. Panoda mwoyo/ nzira haisviki.

Where the heart wants (to go) the path does not reach.

273. Apo mwoyo ungoda/ gwanza harisviki.

Where the heart wants to go the path does not reach.*

274. Mutoro unorema wasvika.

The load becomes heaviest when you are reaching (the goal).

275. Nhumbu inorema yasvika.

A womb is heaviest near (the time of) delivery.

276. Nhava (homwe, tswanda) inorema yasvika.

A woven bag (small bag, oasket) is heaviest when reaching
(the destination). ",
!~I
277. Makunun'unu (ndiwo) maodzamwoyo. :~:
. Brooding breeds despair.
~i
278. Muroyi munhu/ kubayiwa anochemawo.
A witch is human, when she is pricked she also cries.

279. Muroyi munhu/ kubayiwa angangochemawo.

A witch is human, on being pricked she can also cry.*

280. Mwoyo chipanda/ chaunoda unoturika.

The heart is a place where you can hang whatever you want.

281. Mwoyo ibakwa/ chaunoda unoturika.

The heart is a pile of wood where you can hang whatever
you want.*

282. Zongororo kugonya haro/ asi shungu rinadzo.

Although a milleped coils, it is grieved.

283. Rwavhi kufamba zvishoma/ asi shungu runadzo.

Although a cameleon moves slowly, it is grieved.

284. Kurumwa netsikidzi rambira mumba/ chi tete chinopinza mune

chikobvu.
(In spite of) being bitten by bugs, remain in the house;
a small trouble (may) otherwise lead to big trouble.

285. Rutsva runovira nokuona rumwe.

One (veld) fire spreads at the sight of another.

286. Rutsva runomerera nokuona rumwe.

One (veld) fire grows at the sight of another.*
 372

287. Hwahwa (doro) hune umambo.

To be drunk means to be king.

288. Hwahwa iganganwa urombo.

Beer makes one forget his poverty.

289. Doro ndimapedza mho,sva.

Beer makes you forget a charge against you.

290. Hwahwa hahuna mbuva.

Beer does not provide for a journey.

291. Mhamba haina dura~

Beer is unconcerned about the granary.

292. Hwahwa hahuna ndashanya.

Beer has no regard for a visitor.

293. Mhamba haina uko ndashanyira. (mhamba: beer)

Beer is not concerned where the visitor is.*

294. Kupfuura nomuchinangal hugonda neshangu.

To pass through a thicket you have to rely on shoes.

295. Kupfuura nomuchinangal hunzwa kupitsa hwakwata.

To pass through a thicket you have to know about relying
on sandals.*

296. Kubika sadzal kuziva kuti muriwo uripo.

To prepare food (you must) know that there is relish.

297. Jaha kutizisa mhandaral kuona danga. (M)

A young man eloping with a girl must have cattle.

298. Kubira rwizi rwakazaral kuziva kusambira.

To cross a flooded river you must be able to swim.

299. Ngwena haidyi chebambal chayo chinoza neronga.

The crocodile does not live on raids; its food comes along
the water way.

300. Muromo unodya chawapiwa.

The mouth eats what it is given.

301. Kuuya pamba kwomusvitsal hunge abvisirwa chuma.

For a bride to be brought home beads will have had to be
paid.

302. Muvhimi haatyi mumwe.

A hunter does not fear another (hunter).
 373

303. Hombarume haatyi mumwe.

An expert hunter does not fear another.*

304. Uranda ndohwepfuma (zvipfuwo)1 hwomunhu hunozvirwira.

Domestic animals can be enslaved; a human being will free
himself. ~

305. Nhaka ndeyemombel yomunhu inozvisarudzira yoga.

Cattle can be inherited; a human being (woman) will choose
for herself.

306. Imbwa kuminya honal inodada nechivhuno.

A dog swallowing a bone is confident of its power to break
it.

307. Imbwa kumedza bvupal ingodada nechivhuno.

A dog swallowing a bone is confident of its power to break
it.*

308. Bofu kuti uya tirwel hunge rakatsika pfuti.

When a blind man is challenging you, it is because he is
standing on a gun.

309. Kusvora magol hunge uchitenza chako.

(If you) despise the wasps you must be confident of yourself.

310. -Kuzvigambal hunge wakakombwa.

(It's easy) to be daring if you are (well) guarded.

3110 Kutukana nomuroyil hunge muchizivana.

To quarrel with a witch means you know each other.

312. Mungozva (muzvere) kutukana machirembal hunge achinyinda

(achivimba) notwake.
A mother (after delivery) quarreling with a doctor has again
confidence in herself.

313. Madanha etsvimborumel kudya yawarira.

It is a bachelor's longing to eat after preparing his
sleeping place.

314. Mhandara inosara yosekal kumba yashanda.

A girl laughs after she has finished house work.

315. Mhandara kuita mavendel kuda kuti vanhu vaseke.

A girl having gaps between teeth makes people laugh.

316. Mwoyochena ndoweil bere kugarira mhuru yakafa zvayo?

What sort of altruism if a hyena has to guard a dead calf?

317. Mwoyochena ndoweil bere kugarira munhu akafa?

What sort of altruism if a hyena has to guard a corpse?*

I !
 374

318;. Mwoyochena wei/ tsvimborume kubvisa mwana wemvana madzihwa?

What sort of kindness if a bachelor wipes the nose of a
primipara's child?

319. Kutumikai kwomukwambo/ kutaurira mbuya kuti gapu renyama ratsva?

Why is it easy for a son-in-law to be sent reporting to the
mother-in-law that the water in the relish pot on the fire
has evaporated?

320. Mwoyochena wei/ kugombera inonwa zvayo?

What sort of kindness to guard a suckling calf?

321. Kuitai kwemudzimu/ kunayisa mvura pasina audirira?

What kind of doing by the mudzimu to give rain when nobody
has asked for it?

322. Tsvimborume chenga urarami/ hama dzife ugogara nhaka.

A bachelor should be after a long life; when relative die
he will inherit (a wife).

323. Pfunda chenga urarami/ hama dzife ugogara nhaka. (pfunda:

bachelor)
A bachelor should seek a long life; when relatives die he
will inherit (a wife).*

324. Mutombo wepfuma kurarama.

A charm for getting rich is a long life.

325. Tsvimborume kutenga duri/ kuona mashoko kunaka.

A bachelor is buying a mortar (because) he is doing well in
his love affairs.

326. Hombarume kutema tsvimbo/ kuona sango kukura.

An expert hunter is cutting knobkerries (because) the
hunting ground is large.

327. Chipa muchena/ kupfuma mudzimu wake.

You can help a poor man (but only) his mudzimu will make
him rich.

328. Muromo haupi/chinopa maoko.

The mouth doesn't give but the hands.

329. Muromo hauzarirwi norWlZl.

A mouth cannot be stopped by a (flooded) river.

330. Kutaura kudzikisira/ kuita makata.

Talking is (as easy as) going downwards (but) doing is (as
difficult as) going upwards.

331. Muromo inyore kuvhura/ kupfiga unonetsa.

The mouth is easy to open (but) difficult to close.
 375

332. Kupa mwenil kuchengetera mbuva mberi.

To give to a stranger means to store up provisions for the
future.
333. ~uona chembere yodzinga shiril zviyo zvaibva.
(If) an old woman is chasing birds (it means) the grain is
ripening.

334. Muroyi haana ndagona.

No one can master a witch.

335. Tenda nyakusvitsal mupi haaipotsera.

Thank the delivery man; the giver might not have thrown it
(to you).

336. Kutenda cherimal kutenda wauya nacho.

To thank fora gift (out of) the dark ('blue') one should
thank the delivery man.

337. Muzvimbirwi ndiye muzaruri wesuo.

The one who has overeaten is the one to open the door.

338. , Muzvimbirwi ndiye murwanesasa.

The one who has overeaten is the one who fights the door.*

339. Musoro kutekenyedzal unozivikanwa nomuridzi wawo.

The tickling head is known by its owner.

340. Mudyi wegudo ndiye muvhiyi.

The one who eats the baboon is the one who skins it.

341., Shungu dzembwa dziri mumwoyol kuhukura ndiko kududza.

The dog's grief is in its heart; its barking denotes the
venting of it.

342. Igonyodzol kudya chegadzingani.

It reveals grudge to eat (something) belonging to a stingy
woman.

343. Inotanda yomunyepil younyerere haitandi.

It is the ,dog of ,the talkative man that chases (hares);
that of the silent one does not.

344. Muromo unodavidza nomuroyi.

The mouth can answer (even) a witch.

345. Nharo imhanjire.

Quarrelsomeness breeds hatred.

346. Nharo dzinoparira muviri maronda.

Quarrels cause physical injury.
 376

347. Nharokuudzwa/ mangwana unopona.

A quarrelsome (person) open to advice will escape (danger)
tomorrow.
\
348~ Rambakudzihwa akazoonekwa neropa kudonha.
One who refused advice was (later) seen bleeding.

349. Rambakuudzwa akazoonekwa nembonje pahuma.

One who refused advice was later seen with a head injury.*

350. Zimutsa bope/ kudyidzana nembwa.

It means provoking a fight (if you) eat together with a dog.

351. Zimutsa nharo/ kudyidzana nembwa. (nharo: dispute)

It means provoking a fight (if you) eat together with a dog.*

OR, Anorara nembwa anomuka ava nenhata.

One who sleeps with a dog will get up with fleas.

352. Zvinakisi ndizvo zvikondori zvomwoyo. .

Things which are good but overdone will one day disappoint.

353. Zviururwi zvinofara kana kondo afa ziso.

Small frogs are happy when the hammer-head (bird) has lost
one eye.

354. Majichimbochimbo anofara kana kondo afa ziso.

Small frogs are happy when the hammer-head (bird) has lost
one eye.*

355. Chiripo chariuraya/ zizi harifi roga nemhepo.

Something has killed the owl; it cannot be the wind.

356. Kune chauraya zizi/ harifi ngemhepo.

There is something that killed the owl; it cannot be the
wind.*

357. Chiripo-chiripo/ zizi harifi nemhepo.

Something did it; the owl was not killed by the wind.*

358. Imbwa inohukura haina ·ngozi.

A barking dog is not dangerous.

359. Imbwa inogwauta haina ngozi.

The dog that barks is not dangerous.*

360. Gonzo nachin'ai zvatosvorana.

The rat and soot have irritated each other.

361. Zvatosvorana gonzo nachin'ai.

The rat and soot irritated each other.*
 377

362. Mharadzano dzakabva munzirao

Side paths branched off from the main path.

363. Mhararano dzakabva mugwanza.

Side paths branched off from the main path.*

364. Matukano akabva munyaya.

7~ Abusive talk developed from (simple) conversation.

365. Kudya kakaral kanyama kanopakatira pamazino.

If you eat a (small) wild animal a morsel of meat may stick
between the teeth.

366. Chayambuka chaonekal tsiga rakasiya mbare pagumbo.

What crosses over bids farewell; the burning log as left
scorch marks on the leg.

3670 Chayambuka chasiyal mutanda wakasiya mbare.

What crosses over bids farewell; the burning ~og left
scorch marks.*

368. Chaenda chaonekal mutsiga wakasiya mbare.

That which went away bade farewell; the log left scorch
marks.

369. Chakadya chakaonekal mutanda wakasiya mbare.

That to be eaten will be seen; the burning log will leave
scorch marks.*

370. - Tsvaru anodana tivhu.

A light stroke invites a heavy blow.

371. Tsvaru ungodana tewe.

A light stroke invites a heavy blow.*

372. Kufa ndikamwel kuora mazuva matatu.

(You) die onCe and rot in three days.

373. ~ufa izuva rimwel kuora igore.

To die (occurs) in one day; to rot (occurs in) one year.*

374. Kutamba ngoma'matsive.

Feasts with drums are held in turns.

375. Kutamba ngoma igumwe.

To dance (with) drums (requires) beer for work.*

376. Chindkanganwa idemol chitsiga hachikanganwe.

The axe forgets but the (cut) log does not.

377. Chinokanganwa ibadzal ivhu harikanganwe.

The hoe forgets (but) the soil does not.*

-~
 378

378. Vayanani ndivo varwi.

Friends are (also) fighters.

379. Vadani ndivo vakani.

Friends are (also) fighters.*

380.
\",
Mvura bvongodzeki ndiyo garani.
Troubled water (eventually) becomes peaceful.

381. Samwoyochena ndiye nyamutsvirwa nemba.

The kind-hearted has his house burnt down.

382. Mwoyochena unobayisa.

A kind heart causes one to be killed.

383. Kutseriga muriwo/hudzidzisana.

You learn from others how to (chew) squander relish.

384. Tsoro-ndamba inotangwa ngewayo.

The tsoro game is to be started by the initiator.

385. Kuroorera mukarabwe muchenal waisa udyi mumba.

To marry a girl of poor parents means to feed more people.

386. Mambo kudya nengoyal kutsvaga uranda.

If a chief eats with a commoner he makes himself a servant.

387. Kumutsa kambudzi kane marangal wamutsa karuchemera.

To arouse a small goat with discharge from the eyes means
to arouse one crying (for more help).

\ 388. Kugara hunzwana (navamwe).

In order to get settled (at a place) one should be on good
terms with the neighbors.

389. Potsi haarwirwil tinorwira plrl.

The first (mistake) should not be fought about but the
second.

390. Mhembwe urombo ndohwayol haisweri musvo rimwe nembudzi.

The.duiker is to be pitied (because) it cannot (even) spend
a day together with goats.

391. Zizi urombo ngehwarol harisweri pamwe nedzimwe shiri.

The owl is to be pitied (because) it cannot be together
with (even) one bird.*

392. Meso asanganal hwava ukama.

Eyes which have met have (established) relationship.

"

J
 379
393. Meso aonana/ hwatova ukama.
eyes which have seen each other have relationship.*

394. (Mombe) Dzafura churu chimwe dzave zivani.

Those (cattle) that have grazed on the same ant-hill know
each other.
? ,
395. Hukwana inodya ndeiri pana maio
The chicken that feeds (best) is the one near the mother.

396.' Nhiyo inodya ngelrl pana maio

" The chick that feeds (best) is the one near the mother.*

397. Imbwa payadyira/ haipakanganwi.

Where a dog has fed it does not forget.

398. Godzi paakadya nhiyo/ haapakanganwi.

Where a hawk has eaten a chick it does not forget.
:~c
399. Manenji/ kuona mukadzi ane mhanza. ~2i!!
111 ..1 (
., .. jl,
It is astounding to see a woman with a bald head. ~'I!li·i'
~l !~l~111
:~l:t:la
400. Manenji/ kuona kamba (ingwe) ichitamba nembudzi.
It is astounding to see a leopard playing with a goat.

401. Chishamiso/ bere kutamba nembwa.

It is astounding if a hyena plays with a dog.

402. Vari pachavo vanokwenyana.

People on their own scratch one another.

403. Vari pachavo chikurikuri.

People on their own group together.*

404. Vagere pachavo vangonyinda. (-nyinda: be self-confident)

The ones sitting alone are self-confident.*

405. Musi muvi ndiwo muuya.

A bad day (can become) a good day.

406. Mavi ndiwo mauya.

Something bad (is also) something good.

407. Afirwa haaringwi kumeso.

A bereaved person is not looked in the face.

408. Atosvorwa haaringwi kumeso.

, One with irritated eyes is not looked in the face.

409. Akweva sanzu/ akweva namarara aro.

He who pulls a fallen branch also drags away its leaves.
 380

410. Azvuva sanzul azvuva namashizha aro.

The one who pulls a fallen branch is the one who pulls away
, \
its leaves.*

411. Wadya zail wadya nhiyo yacho.

One who eats the egg also eats the chick.

412. Chirume kufumira pachimwel kumuromo chakatakura.

A man visiting another early in the morning must be (eager)
to talk.

413-. Murume kufuma kubuda mumbal kutumirira muromo 0

If a man leaves the house he wants to convey a message.

414. Ashunyal arwa.

He who has pinched has fought.

415. Atswinyal arwa.

The one who has pinched has fought.*

416. Agumhina afambal hazvienzani naTigere.

The one who has limped has walked; he cannot be compared
to the one seated.

417. ~Ane mombe yake anoziva makumiro ayo.

The owner of an ox knows how it bellows.

418. Chomungozva chinodyiwa nowabata mwana.

What belongs to a woman who has recently given birth is
eaten by one who cuddles the child.

419. Kudya chomuzverel bata mwana wake.

(If you want) to eat in the 'house of a woman who has given
birth, cuddle her child.

420. Chashe chinodyiwa nowagara padare.

What belongs to a chief is eaten by one who sits at the
(chief's) court.

421. Chawawana idya nehamal mutorwa ane hanganwa.

Whatever you have secured eat with relatives; a stranger
easily forgets.

422. Icho waona idya newakol wokuruwa ane hanganwa.

What you see eat with your relatives; a villager easily
forgets.*

423. Yeuka hamal mutorwa ane hanganwa.

Remember relatives; a stranger easily forgets.*

424. Chinoziva ivhu kuti mwana wembeva anorwara.

'(Only) the soil knows that the young of a mouse is sick.
 381

425. Zvinozivikanwa nevhu kuti mwana wembeva anorwara.

It is well known by the soil that the young of a mouse is
, I sick.*

426. Vaviri-vaviril wechitatu muzvinaguhwa.

Two are two; a third party means gossip.

427. Pavaviril wechitatu muzvinaguhwa.

There are two; three means gossip.*

428. Kuvengana hakupi chirol nyama inodyiwa yaswera pachoto.

Hatred brings no reward; meat is eaten after it has spent
a day on the fire.

429~ Kuvengana hakupi nyayal nyama inodyiwa yaswera pachoto.

Hatred brings no conversation; meat is eaten after it has
spent a day on the fire.*

430~ Shungu neganyu zvinodzimba wotandadzal asi chido chinomusimbisa.

Grief and sighing hurt a person in agony while loving
compassion strengthens him.

431. Chirungurira ndechowadya maradzwal chowerinopisa isvoto.

Indigestion attacks the one who has eaten left-overs but
the one who has eaten hot food feels nausea.

432. Chirungurira ngechowadyamunyal cheungopisa masvoto.

Indigestion attacks the one who has eaten left overs,
nausea the one who has eaten hot food.*

433. Maronda asiri ako anonhuhwa.

Wounds other than yours stink.

434. Nyoka inochenerwa chayo samaserwe.

The snake entertains its own kind like maserwe (spotted
skaapsteker).

435. Chikomo shata divil rimwe ritambire pwere.

Little mountain, be 'bad' one one side so that children may
play on the other.

436. Chikomo ipa rutivil rumwe rutambire pwere.

Little mountain, be 'bad' (so th&t) children may play on
the other side.*

437. Muroyi royera kure ugowana anokuviga.

(You) witch, practise your witchcraft far away so that you
will find someone to bury you.

438. Wavengwal anhuhwa.

He who is hated stinks.
 382

439. Warambwa/ anhuhwa.

The one with a death rattle stinks.*

440. Mutumwa haana mbonje.

A messenger should not be injured.

441. Mutumwa haana mhosva.

A messenger is not blamed.*

~42. Harahwa mbiri hadziurayani.

Two old men won't kill each other.

443. Ngoma/ muridzi wayo.

The (sound of the) drum depends on the drummer.

444. Ngoma/ muna wayoo

The drum is (dependent on) its owner.*

445. Muviri/ mwene wawo. ~m

IHl:'
The (disposition of the) body is known by its owner. Ih..1
I...... '

111111

446. Kurooramukadzi roora muroyi/ unofuma wowana chinokurwisira daka. ~:m

:i\,..f'
When you marry, marry a witch; (then) you will have I!A~'I

:11111
somebody fighting on your behalf against a grudge. :::'~I

4470 Kurera imbwa rera inoruma/ igokudzivirira mupfumvu.

If you rear a dcg, rear a fierce one so that it will
defend you in times of danger.
L:
448. Kutanda imbwa yomukuwasha/ kudzinga muridzi wayo. 1. ~ :
'.'1
To drive away the dog of a son-in-law (means) to chase its !:!
owner. ,I

449. Kudzinga imbwa yomuna/ kudzinga tenzi wayo.

To drive away the owner of a dog is to drive away its
owner.

450. Muromo itsvimbo/ unozvidzivirira.

A mouth is like a knobkerrie; it defends itself.

451. Muromo ipfumo/ ungozvikanira.

A mouth is (like) a spear; it fights for itself.*

452. Imhashu yomurwere inogochwa yakabatwa gumbo.

It is a sick man's locust which is roasted while its leg
is held (by him).

453. Ushamwari hwechikweyakweya/ mangwana tichanzwa ZVlplnl zvorira.

Too intimate a friendhsip will end with hoe handles
cracking tomorrow.

j
 383

454. Ushamwari hwechigidigidil hwakazopera mlplnl yorira.

Intim~te friendship will end with handles cracking.*
, I
455. Ushamwari hwechirimol pazhizha hwaparara.
Friendship in spring vanishes in summer.

456. Ushamwari hwechembere hunopera dzagumhana nemidonzvo.

The friendship of old women ends by fighting with their
walking sticks.

457. Ushamwari hwenjiva-varungul mazuva maviri hwaparara.

The friendship of pigeons vanishes in two days.

458. Chipitipiti chakazvara chimwandamwanda.

~~ Excessive intimacy breeds separation.

459. Chaikuda kana chokurambal zvinenge zvine chakwenyera.

If what used to love begins to hate you, it seems something
prompts it to do so. l!il!
II::: ~
H..,
h..l~ !
~;
, .... 1..1,

IIJ1i~U.'
460. Kureva dongal rimwe riripo rinonyumwa. Inlgm"'!
II~ ~I

Talking ill of a muTonga in the presence of another II""

(muTonga) will make the latter (feel) uneasy.

461. Vamwe ndivamwel munajenga kutaura.

Intimate friends are one; be careful when talking about them.

462. Musachema muzvere afirwa nomwana muchisiya uyo afa nomwana wake.
Do not mourn a woman whose newly born baby has died, and
forget one who has died together with her baby.

463. Vari kuno vanoviga nherera mhenyu vachisiya muzvare afa.

People here bury a living orphan and leave the dead son
of a chief.

464. Mhandakadzi ihonza varanda.

A querulous woman makes the servants lose weight.

465. Nharokadzi ihunza mhosva.

Female quarrels breed court cases.

466. Kurova werwendol kuzvikohwera mapfumo mberi.

To beat a traveller (means) to prepare spears (meant) for
yourself in advance.

467. Kutuka werwendol kuzvisosera nzira ngeminzwa.

To scold a traveller (means) to block one's path with
thorns.

468. Moto wakanakira kubika zvinhul kana kuri kupisa chikamukira.

Fire is goed for cooking but dangerous when it (just) burns.
 384

469. Nhanga rokunzel ndimandiparira ngozi.

A pumpkin near the roadside invites trouble.

470. Nhamo yomumwe hairambirwi sadza.

Somebody (else's) trouble will never cause (one) not to
eat food.

471. Nhamo yomumwe hairadzisi musoro pasi.

Somebody (else's) trouble will not cause (one) to keep his
head low.

472. Nhamo yomumwe haiburitsirwi misodzi.

Somebody (else's) trouble will not cause (one) to cry.

473. Chiri pamumwel chiri padanda.

What affects another person is like affecting a log.

474. Ushe hunonyanga dera.

Chieftainship overtakes a coward. lI!'l~
~ ii.~1 Ii

ii:'i~r,
hlhll I'

~4'l1 I

475. Ushe hunonyangira rema. 11

111
Ill;)!:"
"
II 1 ~

Chieftainship overtakes a fool.* 11 ... 1

476. Zidutururu ndiro rinouraya nzou.

It is a fool that kills an elephant.

477. Imbwa yakaipa kazhinji mukanwa munowira bvupa rakanaka.

Into the mouth of a useless dog often falls a tasty bone.

478. Mapudzi anowira kusina haria

Pumpkins abound where there are no pots.

479. Manhanga anowira vasina haria

Pumpkins abound whEre there are no pcts.*

480. Matikiti anowira vas ina haria

Pumpkins abound where there are no pots.*

481. Chibahwe chinowanda kuna vasina meno.

(Green) maize abounds at (the homes of) those without teeth.

482. Chiro irombol kuroora mbuya ikazvara.

It is sheer luck to marry an old woman who happens to bear
a child.

483. Kunonoka huvizhura.

Coming late may turn out to be lucky.

484. Chokuchikidzira ndicho chamunoshayal chokuringa jeyacheya

ndicho chamunowana.
What you seek seriously is what you miss but something you
seek leisurely is what you will find.

M
 385

485. Kurarama kwehamba/ kusangana nashe.

(It means another lease of) life for tortoise to meet a
,I chief.

486. Kurarama kwehamba/ kusangana nousina demo.

(It means another lease of) life for a tortoise to meet
someone withou~ an axe.*

487. Mudzimu waro bveni/ kuwanika mukuni wakatinhuka.

It is due to the baboon's mudzimu if it finds a falling-
log trap (already) set off.

488. Hove dzinokwira dzine muronga.

Fish go upstream when they have a channel.

489. Hove dzine muronga.

Fish have a channel.*

490. Chawira pasi/ imbwa inoti mudzimu wayo makweva.

For that (food) which has fallen (onto the ground) the dog
praises its mudzimu.
(
~
4~1. Chawira pasi/ mudzimu wembwa.
That (food) which falls (is from) the spirit of the dog.*

492. Imbwa kupiwa bvupa yoti mudzimu wangu wabva nepi.

If a dog is given a bone it asks: where has my mudzimu.
come from?

493. Guyo kuchena kuona zviyo.

If a lower grinding stone turns white (it is because)
grains are ground on it.

494. Mhanza kutsvukira kuona pfuta.

Shining baldness is due to oil applied.

495. Musungusungu wakakunda mowa/ muzukuru wakakunda mwana.

Black nightshade (vegetable) surpasses wild spinach as the
nephew surpasses the son.

496. Mhanza mambure.

Luck is (like) a hunting net.

497. Rombo mambure.

Luck is (like) a hunting net.*

498. Nzira masanga.

(Getting onto) a path is sheer chance.

499. Dzatsvokuuya/ nyemba kutsva dzarungwa.

It is a lucky accident when beans get burnt after they have
been salted.
 386

500. Maisokwadzo/ nyemba kutsva dzarungwa.

You are lucky when beans get burnt after they have been
salted.*

501. Mashura anotanga mberi.

Omens appear before (misfortunes).

502. Manenji anongotanga mberi.

Unusual events occur before (misfortunes).*

503. Chakupa ronda/ chati nhunzi dzikudye.

What has given you a wound has sanctioned that flies eat
your (flesh).

504. Mudzimu wakupa ronda wati nhunzi dzikudye. (mudzimu: ancestral

spirit)

505. Chaza masikati charamba ndima/ chaza usiku charamba hope.

That which comes by day prevents weeding and that which
comes by night prevents sleep.

506. Nhamo ndiyo setsi.

Misery is the cause of laughter.

507. Nhamo haisekanwi.

Misery should not be ridiculed.

508. Matakadya kare haanyaradzi mwana.

What was eaten long ago cannot stop a child from crying
(for food).

509. Matakadya kare haanyengedzi mwana. (-nyengedza: quieten)

510. Muzandiripo haarambiri pachigaro.

A predecessor is not entitled to remain in the seat
(indefinitely).

511. Zvoti mwana otsva kudumbu/ amai votsva kumusana (muberekero

hapachisina) .'
If a child burns its belly and the mother burns her back
carrying becomes impossible.

512. Mvura yateuka haina muoreri.

Spilt water cannot be collected.

513. Mvura yateuka haichagoni kuorerwa.

'.\-"' Water that is spil t cannot be collected. *

~
 387
514. Chapfuura chaendal mvura haiorerwi.
What has passed is gone; spilt water cannot be collected.

515. Chafa charoval dai ndakaziva hairairi.

What is dead is gone; to say 'had I known' does not help.

516. Nhamo urimbol inona~ira.

Misery is like bird-lime; it sticks (to men).

517. Nzara haisukwi setsvina.

Hunger cannot be washed away like dirt.

518. Urombo hahudzingirwi ngetsvimbo .

. Poverty cannot be chased with a hunting club.

519. Urombo hwayo mhembwel kufa iri pamusungo.

It is miserable for a duiker to die while in a snare.

520,. Nhaka dzinoguranwa musi wenyatwa.

Inheritance is withdrawn on the day of trouble.

521. Kurwara kwomuranda anorwara akatakura bonde.

When a servant gets ill he carries his mat along.

522. Igangaidza mukwenyil mhezi kuvavira mudumbu.

It confuses the scratcher if a scab itches in the belly.

523. Nherera inoguta musi wafa maio

An orphan gets plenty on the day his mother dies.

524. Tsapata rukukwel hazvienzani nokuvata pasi.

A worn-out mat is better than sleeping on the (bare) floor.
!

525. ~engezha mukombel hazvienzani nokunwa nedemhe.

An old ladle is better than drinking from a broken gourd.

526. Ane ganda ane nyama/ hazvienzani nowakabata hwowa.

One with lean meat is better off than one with mushrooms.

527. Ane kariwongo ane kake/ hazvlenzani neasina.

One with something (any small article) is better off than
one with nothing.

528. Chembere mukadzi/ hazvienzani nokuvata mugota.

To have an old woman is better than sleeping alone in a
sleeping quarter.

529. Agura musuva atozva mwoyo/ hazvienzani neagere.

:?
One who has had a morsel of food is better off than one
with nothing.

I,
 388

530. Ndongwe inyama/ hazvienzani nenhikiti.

Locust meat is better than pumpkin relish.

531. Nhumbu ihuru isina wapa.

A belly is big when there is none to feed it.

532. Nhumbu ihuru isina ,wayo.

A belly is big when there is no one.*

533. Munhu haarerwi nebonde.

A person never develops on a sleeping mat.

534. Rugare rwedafi runouya nemvura kunaya.

A frog's happiness comes with the rains.

535. Atandavara aguta/ apfunya ndowavata nayo.

The one with out-stretched legs has eaten (enough) but the
one with his legs folded has slept being hungry.
~'M~
!~!~I'
~:I~
536. Atambarara aguta/ arara ngenhumbu negewayo. "'~
... 1111
,

11I~U.
The one with out-stretched legs is full, but not the one
Li~"W'
\:1

sleeping on his belly.* ""

537. Chigere ibwe/ muti unowa.

It is the stone that remains (but) the tree will fall.

538. Chigere idombo/ muti unowa.

The stone remains; the tree falls.*

539. Wakagarika ngewakafa/ mupenyu pfumo ririomushure.

The settled person is the one who is dead but, as for the
living, troubles still lie ahead.

540.' Kana shumba ikashaya nyama/ inodya uswa.

When a lion fails to find meat it eats grass.

541. Ukaimba rumbo rwenhamo waparara.

If you sing the song of misery you are finished.

542. Nhamo haizivisi.

Misery does not make (you) wise.
1 ,1
1

543. Chakaringanwa ibvudzi/ upfumi hahuna kuringanwa.

What is shared by everybody is hair, riches are not shared
(equally).

544. Chakaenzanwa ibvudzi/ upfumi hahuna kuenzanwa.

That which is equal is hair; riches are not equal.*

545. Inochema ndeiri paurimbo/ iri muriva inoti denga rawa.

The (bird) which shrieks is the one on the bird-lime; the
one (caught) in a stone-trap thinks the sky has fallen.

~
 389
546. Inoti tsviri-tsviri ndeiri paurimbol iri muriva inoti denga
raputsika.
The bird chirping is the one on the bird-lime; the one
(caught) in a stone trap thinks the sky has fallen.*

547. Kunokanganwa mudyi wenyembal muoreri wamateko haakanganwi.

The one who eats the beans will forget but not the one who
gathers the shells.

548. Munhu asina mutimwi haasimiri mugwada.

One without a waistband cannot wear a loin cloth (passed
between the legs).

549. Murombo haarovi chine nguo.

A poor man never kills (a big animal) with a skin.

550. Ino muto ndiyo ineil yokugocha ikagodyiwa wani?

Why (prefer) meat with soup if roasted meat can also be
eaten.

551.. Zvino munyu ndizvo zvineil chidokohori chikagodyiwa wani?

Why (prefer) relish with salt if stamped ground nuts can
also be used (as relish)? "'~IU'
"'' 'II
'.:I~lIi
.I~II i
552. Urombo uroyil hahuudzwi munhu. ~Irl'l
, !
I

Poverty is (like) witchcraft, it is not talked about. ""'I'e

r;i+~l1
"Ii:i:~
:':1:::1
553. Ndoita zvinganil kuti mhanza, kuti mavende? ""''''~
How many misfortunes can I bear: a bald head and toothless :',::::~i
gums ...

554. Nhamo haizivi pakagara imwe.

A misfortune does not avoid another one.
cS
555'. Nhamo haityi imwe.
A misfortune is not afraid of another one.

556. Tsuro pfupi haitemi uswa hurefu.

A short hare does not cut tall grass.

557. Roora rousina ,baba rinonetsa.

Marriage for a fatherless young man is difficult.

558. Kuroora kweasina tewe kunonetsa. (tewe: guardian)

Marriage for one without a guardian is difficult.*

559. Chirombo chenhereral kudya ikarutsa.

It is the fate of an orphan that he eats and has to vomit.

560. ~rombo hune nhereral kudya ikarutsa.

The pity of an orphan is to eat and vomit.*
 390
561. Chiromboi chagara nherera/ kudya ikarutsa. (-gara: sit on)
The little pity dwelling on an orphan is eating and
I vomiting. *

562. Mudzimu wemvana/ kuroorwa ikarambwa.

It is (because) of the mudzimu of a woman (who has given
birth for the first time) that she marries and gets
divorced.

563. Wacho ndowacho/ kuwanikwa nomumwe chinopinda napamwe.

"Wacho ndowacho" - for one to find object of search and
for others to surpass it.*

564. Wegudza ndowegudza/ kufuga gumbeze rinotsva.

The one who is meant to have a bark blanket has to have it;
if he uses a woollen blanket it gets burnt.

565. Nhamo ine dzimba dzayo.

Misery haunts its (chosen) families.

566. Zhara inodyisa mutupo.

Hunger makes (a person) eat the meat of his clan's totem
(animal).

567. Nzara ingodyisa mutupo.

~!·.~nm
Hunger can make one eat his clan's totem (animal).* ~:!:::~T.l. '
',III:i;r." ,,',
::'~~~:;l r
~ j'~ II~~
•.
'
568. Chiri pamuchena/ chiri pamutenure. 11.11 ~

,::":::'~i:!
'i

What is in a poor man's hands is perched on a slope. I,P,iMU1'" !,

569. Chiri pamuchena/ chiri pamutsvedu.

What is in a poor man's hands is sitting on a precipice.*

570. Chiri pamuchena/ chiri pamawere.

What is in a poor man's hands is sitting on a slope.*

571. Nhamo hadziiti mbiri.

Misfortunes never come in twos.

51~. Njodzi hadziiti mbiri.

Danger never comes in twos.*
I,
573. Charova sei chando/ kuzoona hamba yokwira mumuti?
How cold must it be that (even) the tortoise is climbing
a tree.

574. Nhonhongora kudya chayo/ kukumbirirei uchi kudondi.

A big bee eats from its own and does not ask for honey from
a smaller bee.

I .
~,:. ~ '..... ~
"1-
 391
575. Yaruma sei nzaral hurudza kurarira hute?
How biting the hunger must be that (even) an expert farmer
eats wild plums in the evening.

576. Zvine mashural gudo kuputsika mumuti.

It is mysterious if a baboon falls from a tree.

577. Heya baravara ndiwo mugarirol kutuka mwene wechisvo ndiwo mano?
(Do you think) that the shaved head stays permanently
shaved and to scold the owner of the razor is wise?

578. Nhumbu tatanana/ hunzi ndiwo mugariro, kutuka muna wedura.

(You think) that when you have your fill you can scold the
owner of the granary.

579. Chura kugara mumvural handi kunwa.

That a frog is living in the water does not imply it is
(always) drinking.
:11lJl
~:1I1

580. Chandiwana nhasil chichazokuwanawo mangwana. ~I~

,,~
'1111

What has befallen me today will befall you tomorrow. IItlli.

!!~i~
581. Nhasi chinenil mangwana chinewe.

582. Mhosva yomumwel mangwana ndeyako.

Someone's (court) case could be yours tomorrow.

583. Chataidya nomuromol nhasi chava chokudya nameso.

What we used to eat with mouths is now eaten with the
eyes.

584. Kusakara kwechari kunotanga masa.

When a shawl wears out it begins at the fringes.

585. Kukwegura kunotanga meso mukarirano.

Old age begins by 'passing the buck' with the eyes.

586. Chinokokwa upfumil urombo hunozvikoka.

(, Wealth is invited but poverty invites itself.

587. Chinokokwa rugare/rufu runozvikoka. (rugare: peace; rufu: death)

Wealth is peace but death invites itself.*

588. Mbiri matendel inoputsika.

Fame is like gourds, it breaks.

589. Chingoma chiririsi ndicho chiparuki.

The drum that sounds loudly is the one that bursts.

590. Kangoma kanoririsa ndiko kanotsemuka.

The little drum that sounds loudly is the one that bursts.*

~- _'----"'01
 .~

392
591. Muchero wakurumbira/ wakuva.
A fruit that is plentiful is already out of season.

592. Ugaro mwena/ kutevedza unoguma.

Settled life is like a hole (in the ground); if followed
it ends (somewhere).

593. Kugara mwina/ kutevedza ungoguma.

Settled life is a hole (in the ground); if followed it
ends (somewhere).*

594. Zuva igore/ rinodoka rava namarevo mavi namauya.

A day is a year, it may set with both bad and good news.
595. Usiku igore/ zuva igore.
A night is a year and a day is a year.

596. Aiva madziva ava mazambuko.

What used to be pools are now fords.
"

:!
r..11i
~R~ ,
:i~
597. Aiva maguta ava matongo. Illll!

1I111~:
r

'
11~i'
What used to be villages are now deserted villagese* i!~1
"~lIbl
""Iii,
598. Dzaiva nhungo dzave mbariro. iI~II~1
",.,'111,'1
What used to be beams are now rafters. !lr ll !$

~;;,~~
599. Chaiti chururu chakapwa/ nhasi tsambarafuta rave igo. i;~l:::::t
"","O'~
II";"IJ
What used to overflow (with fat) dried up; now the flying illwr.

ant is like a wasp. :!::I~'i

600. Chitsva chiri murutsoka. :i,i :~l:i,i =,t'l
:lili!li !

:::,1'111II1II
Something new is in the foot. i:;!!PII~S,:
HiloililUe:1

601. Chaitemura chava kuseva.

What used to eat (food without relish) is now dipping
morsels (into gravy).

602. Chaikanya chototsa/ chaitotsa chokanyawo.

What used to knead now merely dips (a morsel of sadza into
milk); what used to dip now kneads.

603. Nzanga seka dumba/ dumba seka nzanga.

Village laughs at the cottage; cottage laughs at the
village!

604. Chinobhururuka chinozoguma nokumhara pasi.

That which flies ends up by perching on the ground.

605.' Chinobhururuka chinozopedzisira chokambaira.

That which flies ends up by crawling.*
 393
606. Chisingaperi chinoshura.
A thing without end is mysterious.

607. Chisingaperi chine manenji.

A thing without end is a mystery.*

&08. Kukona kwechomundal kutanha muriwo ukavava.

The blame is on the land when it produces bitter vegetableso

609. Ndiyo hayol nyama yousina imbwa.

1
It is sufficient (viz. meat) for the one who has no dogs.

610. Shungu dzinomona kana musungo wapotsa.

Grief grips (the heart) if a set snare misses (its target).

611. Chauya-chauyal urwere hahurambwi.

Come what may, illness can never be refused.

612. Chauya-chauyal rufu harurambwi. 'liP

!:III· .
IBiI'
Come what may, death cannot be refused.* :~~
!t'"'
613. Chimedza matore haachadzipwa_nepfupa remhuru. !~i~
One who is used to eat old cows will not be choked by a ',lIU'
,dim
calf bone. I~II~
IIIL
kll!11

614. Chiruka makudza haakoniwi kuruka nhava.

The weaver of big bark blankets cannot fail to weave small
bags.

615. Afa-afa nomuromo wake.

The deceased has died with his mouth.

616. Warara-warara nomuromo wake.

A person asleep sleeps with his mouth.

617. Rombe pakata hanal mukaka ndowa varidzi.

(You) beggar, safeguard your conscience (because) milk
belongs to the owners (of cattle).

618. Rombe rinosekwa richaendal kana rodzoka hedzo nhureture.

A beggar' is ridiculed when leaving, but on his return he
brings lots of things.

619. Rombe ngerichaendal rodzoka ndimambo.

If it is a beggar when leaving, it returns a chief.*

620. Hunguhwe cherirel mangwana ichauya yava nomukwende.

A black-backed jackal that goes about will bring a load
(of prey) tomorrow.

621. Kubayiwa ngetsotsol mangwana uchatuta.

If you get pricked by twigs, you will benefit tomorrow.
 394
622. Shure kwenzaral maguta.
After famine follows abundance (of crops).

623. Mberi kwenzaral maguta.

First there is hunger (then) abundance.*

624. Nhamo haina duku.

Trouble is beyond any measure.

625. Ronda harina duku.

A wound is never small.*

626. Nyoka haina duku.

A snake is never small.*

627. Nhamo haigochwi.

Misery cannot be roasted.

628. Nhamo haibatirwi pfumo.

Trouble cannot be fought by seizing a spear.

629. Zinyakurasikirwa anotsvaga uta nomugate.

One who has lost his bow will look for it in a clay pot.

630. Kutsvaga kwowarasikirwal kutsvaga uta mugate.

Looking for that which was lost is looking for a bow in a :~:f::l~
clay pot.* ;~'.:.:;:i:'~h
::'!'::::.'
:: ~::: r: II
:":::':~1i
631. Kutsvaga kwowarasikirwal kutsvaga uta nomudziva. ,1.:1'»:liII
I.,,'pll~
Looking for that which was lost is looking for a bow in a :'I.'IIIII'!!
;;JI:l:,
pool.* I;,I!);I:III
::,;'PlllifI
:!:!::~:~~
632. Zviuya hazvidondani.
Happy times don't follow each other.

633. Zviuya hazviwanani.

Good spouses seldom marry each other.

634. Chakata iri pasi ndeya vanhu vosel asi iri mumuti ndeyo wagona
kukwira.
The chakata fruit which is on the ground is for all people
but the fruit up the tree is for him who climbs for it.

635.Chinoda kufa chinovingiral gonzo rakapona norukungiso rwomweni.

What is about to die (seems to) walk into death; the rat
survived because of the stranger's bow string.

636. Idambudziko rehopel kurota kwawakarambwa.

It is a nuisance when you dream of the one who has rejected
you.
 395
637. Imbwa kudya matehwel kushaya wokuvhima naye.
A dog eats hides when there is no one to take it out hunting.

638. Kuona imbwa yodya matehwe inenge yashaya wokuvhima naye.

Seeing a dog eat hides means it has no one to go hunting with
it.*

639~ Inhamo zvayol tsvimborume kuveza duri seine mukadzi.

It is a painful sight to see a bachelor carving a mortar
as though he had a wife.

640. Gore rinorima simbel mvura hainayi.

In the year in which a lazy person ploughs (his field)
rain does not fall.

641. Gore rakarima nyopel haisakanaya.

In the year a lazy person ploughs it will not rain.*

642. Kuneta kwomukuyi/ sadza rinodyiwa navagere. II~

The one who grinds gets tired (but) food is eaten by those
.1Ii
~II
~! ~
'
who (merely) sit around.

643. Kutema kwamai/ bota ringodyiwa nepwere.

The mother gives orders but gruel is eaten by the children.

644. Kufa kwamambol pfuma ingodyiwa navaranda.

The chief suffers but his wealth is used up by the servants.

645. Zvakarimwa navamwe mudyol zvikazodyiwa navane boshwe.

Crops produced by others were eaten by the left-handed ones.

646. Mashura angu kudyirwa munda nembwa sendakarima nyama.

It is a bad omen to have my crops eaten by a dog, just as
if I had planted meat in the field.

647. Nzanga inokura yerema/ yomuchenjeri inoparara.

A simpleton's village grows while that of a shrewd man is
ruined.

648. Rushavashava rune zizil kwarafamba rinonzi muroyi.

It is the owl's· bad luck to be called a witch wherever it
goes.

649. Zvaita sei kuti chembere yorasika/ bere rorutsa imvi?

Why is it that an old woman is lost and the hyena vomits
grey hairs?

650. Chembere yoshayikal bere rorutsa imvi.

An old woman is missed (and) the hyena vomits grey hair.*

I .
~
'~
l. .......
 396
651. Kanyenye kotsakatika/ gondo roonekwa rakaruma nyamao
A small goat gets lost and an eagle is seen with a piece
of meat.

652. Mwana wegomba inhimbanapasi sehwevera.

The child of a male adulterer is destructive like a cutworm.

653. Mubvandiripo imombe yakabva yakaruma uswa pamuromo.

A step-child is like an ox which came with grass in its
mouth.

654. Ukaona tsuro yomisa nzeve yonyera nhanga yokutiza.

When you see a hare raising its ears it is about to run
away.

655. Mbudzi yafura mumera yatorunza.

The goat that has eaten sprouting grain has shown that he
is greedy.

656. Diro raba huku ratorunza.

A baboon that has stolen a fowl is voracious.

657. Imbwa yapinza musoro mupfuko yatorunza.

A dog that has forced its head into a pitcher is greedy.

658. Munhu haarehwi asipo.

A person is not spoken about in his absence.

659. Mukuru haataurwi.

A senior man should not be gossiped about. : "':,";,:"=~
::11::,
i,I,/'I:
::ll,111'II
660. Mweni haataurwi gumba. :~::: II :::II
II.I;I"~~

A stranger is not gossiped about.

661. Ane mhanza haakushi njera/ anotunzira munda kuramba.

A bald-headed man does not broadcast seeds, he would cause
poor germination.

662. Mungozva haabikiri vamwe sadza.

A woman who has just given birth does not cook food for
others.

663. Varume havadyi nyimo dzepfuko yokugwangurwa.

Men do not eat groundnuts boiled for hardening a new clay
pot.

664. Kuipa hakunonoki.

Disrepute comes quickly.

665. Sanga harina rwendo.

I
To meet perchance does not lead to a journey.
I

~
I

:'" 1'"
'~
 397

666. Chomumunda wezundel tenda wachibata.

Count yourself lucky if you get something from a chief's
field.

667. Tenda wakohwal zvomunda wezunde. (-kohwa: harvest)

Thank the one of the harvest for the things of a chief's
field.*

668. Chomunda wezundel tenda wava nacho.

The thing of a chief's field, thank (him) that you have it.*

669. Hara -- iharail isingazivi imbwa!

What kind of a wild animal that does not fear a dog!

670. Chikara -- chikaranyi chisingazivi imbwa!

What kind of a wild animal is it that doesn't fear a dog.*

671. Muchero weJlrl hauvimbwe nawo.

The fruit of the loquat tree cannot be relied upon. II~
all
RII
~!I
672. Muchero wesango hauvimbwe nawo. 1111'
ItW

The fruit of the forest cannot be relied upon. ill~

IlII)!
'!I~
:11111
673. Tenda chaunachol chesango hachisiri chako. ",HI
Il'll~
Be grateful for what you have; that in the forest is not ::'It\ll
yours. WI~!;:

:\\j:\;[t
674. Chako ndechakol kuseva unosiya muto. ","1:111
::':'::1i
Yours is yours; when you dip (a morsel) you leave the gravy. ,.. !lal,1tI

675. Totenda maruval tadya chakata.

We shall believe in the flowers after eating the chakata
fruit.

676. Totenda yabikwal imba yepwere.

We shall confide in a young couple when they keep house
(properly).

677. Totenda dzanwal mombe dzaswera nebenzi.

We shall believe when they have drunk, viz. cattle tended
by a fool.

678. Totenda yaviral tsambakodzi yedemhe.

We shall believe when it has boiled, viz. the pot of a
broken gourd.

679. Totenda nyembal tanwira mvura.

We shall be grateful for beans after drinking water.

680. Chinonyenga chinokotamal chinosimudza musoro chawana.

He who is courting bows, but lifts his head when married.

~
 398

681. Rinonyenga rinohwatiral rozosimudza musoro rawanao

The one who is courting bows down quickly, the one who is
married raises his head.*

682. Chinonyenga chinogwadamal chozosimudza musoro chawana.

That which is courting kneels down, but when married raises
the head.*

683. Ambuya-ambuya pakazara vanhul paseripo yave shamwari.

She is a mother-in-law in public but in private she is a
girlfriend.

684. Nzou mutupo pana vanhul paseri ava machikichori.

A elephant is a totem animal in public but in private it
becomes plenty of meat.

685. Ngava rinofira muridzi waro.

A person. has to die for what he has done.
III
iii
686. Chivi chinodya mwene wacho. Ii\
!!
Sin devours the one who has committed it. III-

iii:
::I
687. K~kara kununal hudya kamwe. 1111
,1111
Itlll
A carnivorous animal gets fat by eating another (animal) 0 "UI,
"'i~

688. Gara rinokora nokudya rimwe. ::ii!:!

:~::l~j~1
A wild animal gets fat by eating one of its own.* :::::: ~
!jlll:!!1
:::::1!
, :!~ ~'L I'
689. Tukara kununal hudyana.
Carnivorous animals get fat eating one another.*
l
,I'n ''''

:;:i:::;
;,ld:llI
1111111'11
~ qill:, :21
690. Kashiri kapangami kanovaka dendere neminhenga yedzimwe shiri. Idll'tl~

A clever bird builds its nest with other birds' feathers.

691. Dzinoenda hudyana.

They live by eating one another.

692. Dzing~enda ngokudyana.

They live by eating one another.*

693. Kunyengerwa hakuna wakural ndakanzi shwinya ruware ndikashwinya.

You will be deceived regardless of age; I was told to steal
the rock and I did it.

694. Kunyengerwa hakuna wachenal ndakanzi shwinya ruware ndikashwinya.

(wachena: one who is grey-haired)
You will be deceived even if you have grey hair; I was told
to steal the rock and I did.*

695. Made echakatal kutsvukira mumuti kuti ndiposherwe.

It is the trick of a chakata fruit to ripen (while still)
on the tree so that it can be thrown at.
 399
696. Chakata kutsvukira hunzi ndipotserwe.
The chakata fruit. ripening on the tree says, "Throw at me."*

697. Mashanje echakatal kutsvukira mumuti kuti ndiposherwe.

It is the surprise of the chakata fruit to ripen on the tree
so that it can be thrown at.*

698. Uno kama gava wakarinyengedzera nechitswanda chetsubvu.

In order to milk a jackal you have to divert its attention
with a basket of tsubvu fruit.

699. Kutuka chemberel kutuka une nhekwe yefodya.

In order to scold an old woman you must have a snuff gourd.

700. Kuseka tezvaral kuseka wabvisa pfuma.

When you ridicule the in-laws it means you have paid lobola.

701. Nhenha isibi inoroya.

A beautiful woman who is not a thief may be a witch.

702. Nhenha isingabi ingoroya.

A beautiful woman who is not a thief may be a witch.*
1111'
1111

703. Kuona roro kutsvuka kunze nyamba mukati makadyiwa namakonye. 11111
"III
"'I~
~pro fruit can be red outside yet eaten inside by maggots.
: il!~!
I~IIII~

704. Kuona onde kutsvuka kunze imo mukati mune honye. (onde: fig) ':::::1'
:1::::: ~
11,.,1:111

·::::~i
•. ;·IIILI'

705. Matende m~shava anovazva doro. 'I'i:·"d

;Tm;~
Red calabashes make beer sour. :.1:,.1:111
:1.1111111
:!:WI,:21
hl:l.!i~

706. Kuona mukombe kunaka kunze izvo mikati mune marovhu.

A ladle appears clean outside yet there is decaying pith
within.
! .
707. Mhosva haiori.
A court case never decays.

708. Mhaka haina dongo. (dongo: an abandoned village)

Crime is not an abandoned village.*

709. Mhosva inorondwal hakuna mhosva yakaita honye.

A case has to be traced; not even one has become worm-eaten.
(with age)

710. Ndezvomwana mudikil kubata nhengu anonzi rasa lZlZl.

It is so with a young person: when he catches a drongo he
is cheated into believing that it is a crow.
 400
711. Mudzimu unoteurwa usiku ndowomuroyi.
The mudzimu that is worshipped during the night is that of
a witch.

712. Gunde repwa rinonaka asi hariiswi mudura.

The stalk of sugar cane is sweet but it cannot be stored
in a granary.,

713. Chembere masikatil usiku imvana.

She is an old woman by day but by night she is like a woman
with her first child.

714. China manenji hachifambisil chinomirira kuti mavara acho aonekwe.

A mysterious thing does not happen hurriedly; it delays in
order to display its spots.

715. Vakachenjera havasvairani mbeva.

Clever people do not hunt mice together.
~
II
716. Mhizha mbiri hadziwirirani. II
~
Two experts are never on good terms.

717. Vanyambare havapfutidzirani moto. 1111

1111
Those with scorch marks (on their skins) do not blow the 1111
1111,
"I~
fire for each other.

718. N'anga hadzifarirani.

Diviners do not enjoy each other's presence.

719. Matsotsi haagerani.

Tsotsis cannot 'barb' each other.

720. Mhosva haipfumirwi.

(Nobody) can prepare (money) for a (possible) future court
case.

721. Hakuna machenjera mhosva.

There is no man clever (enough) to influence a conviction
(in court.

722. Chinogova ruokol muromo haugovi.

What gives away is the hand and not the mouth.

723. Chingopa maokol muromo haupi. (M)

What gives are the arms, the mouth does not give.*

724. Chigare chendal kudya akaitakura.

It makes for the contentment of the louse to feed on its
host.
 401
725. Rugare rwendal kuruma akaitakura.
The louse's peace is to bite the ~ne who picks it up and
carries it.*

726. Gomba rinosiya rauraya muridzi womukadzi.

The adulterer kills the husband of the woman he courts.

727. Nhumwi ndiyo inouraya muridzi womunda.

It is the messenger who kills the owner of the land.

728. Chidziva mudingwi ndicho chinogara ngwena.

It is in the silent pool that crocodiles live.

729. Chidziva chakadzikama ndicho chinogara ngwena.

It is in the quiet pool that crocodiles live.*

730. Imbwa nyoro ndidzo tsengi dzamatoo.

(Seemingly) tame dogs are the ones that eat the hides.

731. Chivingwi kumesol mwoyo wacho imanda.

An ugly-faced (person) may have a heart cushioned with fat.

732. Chivingwi kuseka bere imo mumwoyo macho imanda.

An ugly-faced person laughing at a hyena may have a heart
cushioned with fat.*

733. Jenje kunyangata izvo kuruma harigoni.

The large soldier termite makes (threatening) sounds but
it is unable to bite.

734. Gakanje kunyangata izvo kuruma harigoni.

The crab makes (threatening) noises but it is unable to
bite.*

735. Rwavhi kupinduka nhandol icho chisingagoni kuruma.

A chameleon can change its colour but cannot bite.

736. Zigadzi kunyangaral asi kuroya harigoni.

A hefty woman may be ugly but she does not bewitch.

737. MaZungu manyokal haatani kuumbuka.

The Portuguese are like (painful) bowels, they quickly
change.

738. Chizungu manyokal haatani kuserera.

The Portuguese policy is like (painful) bowels which quickly
cool down.

739. Jenga mhosva ndiye muiti wezvakaipa.

The one who pretends to be innocent is the evil doer.

I
I

~
 402

740. Chibwe chiremera chavar kurel vari pedyo vanotamba nacho.

A stone is heavy for those who are far off; those nearby
play with it.

741. Kungotya nyanga dzezizil nyamba manhenga.

Why fear the 'horns' of an owl when they are just feathers.

742. Mviro-mviro yemhanza inotanga shosha.

The beginning of baldness is shown by the baldness above
the temples.

743. Mviro-mviro yemhanza mapfeka.

The beginning of baldness is the thinning of the hair at
the temples.*

744. Munhu anodya zail mangwana achadyawo huku.

A person who eats an egg will also eat a fowl tomorrow. i
I
i
745. Nyamakuhwa simidza nguo chenal agoonekwa mumhindo.
Dress a gossip in white so that he (she) is visible even i,i
in darkness. 1,1
I'
i,
746. Nyamgumba simidza minhenga yezizil agoonekwa mumhindo. (minhenga
yezizi: owl's feathers)
Dress a gossip in owl's feathers so that he is visible even
in darkness.*

747. Tenda waipiwal pfuma yornukuwasha wenzenza.

Believe a dishonest son-in-law after receiving lobola.

748. Tenda waipiwal pfuma yomukuwasha benzi. (benzi: fool)

Believe a dishonest son-in-law after you have the fool's
lobola.*

749. Tenda wamiral musha unovakwa ngemhutsi. (M)

Believe a reckless person after he has built his home.

750. Zvakanakira gwavava nomukadzi wake rnubako nokuti hakuna anoziva

mumwe kuti ane makwati.
It is good for a rock lizard and his wife to be in a cave
because neither notices the scales of the other.

751. Zvakanakira guvadornbo ngemukadzil havazivani makwati.

It is good for a rock lizard and his wife not to notice
each other's scales.*

752. Mushonga haubati pasina ronda.

Medicine does not work where there is no wound.

753. Muti haurapi pasina chirwere.

Medicine does not work where there is no disease.*
 403
754. Gona haribati pasina rimwe.
A medicine container (usually a horn) does not work where
there is no challenge by its own kind.

755. Chakadya ndebvu dzavakadzi/ ndichowo chakadya mazamu evarume.

What ate the beards of women is the same thing that ate the
breasts of men.

756. Muromo waZ1Vlra kudya mavara/ kuona chivambo wosekerera.

The mouth that is used to eat spots smiles when seeing a
small one.

757. Mbavha ibatwi/ mbavha rutsoka ishamwari.

A thief has to be caught (red-handed); a thief identified
by a foot print (may be as innocent) as a friend.

758. Munongedzo hauzvinongedzi.

A finger does not point to itself.

759. Chidembo hachinzwi kunhuhwa kwacqo chomene.

A pole-cat cannot smell its own odour.

760. Anorwira sorol anorwira rake.

He who fights for a head, fights for his own (head).

761. Upenyu ihwaku-mukwaku/ hapana dacha rinodaukira rimwe.

Life is like a long jump; no frog jumps for another.

762. Ngoma inorira ichiti pangu pangu.

A drum sounds as if to say 'for me-for me'.

763. Ibangano muchateya/ kuzondoona kwava kwomumwe chete.

Consultation is necessary when setting a trap but one (only)
does the checking.

764. Ibangano kugumwe/ pava pakudzoka rwava rumwe rumwe.

Consultation is done when people are assembled but a return
journey is self-decided.

765. Munoda paura pari penyu/ pembeva moisa moto.

You keep your bowels (safe) but those of the mice you burn.

766. Dindingwe rinonakirwa richikweva iro/ kana rokwehwa roti mavara

angu azara ivhu.
~ The cheetah enjoys pulling others along but when it is being
pulled it complains that its spots get soiled.

767. Dindingwe rinoda kukweva kuri kwaro/ kana rokweviwa iro

zvorwadza.
The cheetah enjoys pulling others along but when it is being
pulled it complains that its spots get soiled.
 404

768. Dindingwe rinofara richazvuva/ kana rozvuviwa roti mavara angu

azara ivhu.
The cheetah enjoys pulling others along but when it is
being pulled it complains that its spots get soiled.

769. Murevi afa haasiri iye muroyi.

The deceased who has revealed a secret is not a witch.

770. Murevi afa/ handi muroyi.

If the one who reveals a secret dies, he is not a witch.*

771. Chiripo-chiripo/ ndarira imwe hairiri.

There must be a cause, one brass wire does not tinkle.

772. Chiripo-chirpo/ nyamugwe imwe hairiri.

There must be a cause, one brass wire does not tinkle.*

773. Zviri pavanhu/ zvitunha hazvifambi zvoga.

It is obvious to people (that) corpses won't go about by
themselves.

774. Chidembo kuchera chakatarisa kudenga/ kuti nditosvorwe.

A pole-cat digging (a hole) looking upwards invite grit i'I
II
into its eyes.
\i~
775. Bofu kufamba rlSlna mudonzvo/ kuti ndione ungondibvunza. "'"I
If a blind man walks without a walking stick, he is "I,ll
inviting people to question him. ""I
"I
"I

776. Gudo munhu/ kuvandaidza rinokuzivawo.

':i!I
A baboon is a human being; it knows the art of clandestine :1

stealing.

777. Diro munhu/ kurinyengedza rinozivawo.

The baboon is not a person, it knows how to deceive.*

778. Pabva utsi/ pane moto ..

The smoke comes from where there is fire.

779. Chiutsi hachipfungairi pasina moto.

Smok~ does ~ot rise where there is no fire.

780. Chiutsi hachipwititiki pasina moto.

Smoke does not rise where there is no fire.*

781. Musikana rufuta/ runobarika.

A girl is like the seed of the castor-oil plant which
scatters (from an exploding pod).

782. Rume risinganyepi hariroori.

A man who does not talk cannot marry.
 405

783. Mubayi wetsumo anowana zvaanoda.

One who applies proverbs gets what he wants.

784. Hapana chisingawanisi.

There i~ nothing that cannot bring about a marriage.

785. Kuwanikwa igwara/ vasikana vose vanofamba naro.

Marriage is like a path which all girls have to usee

786. Gomba harina mwana.

A (male) adulterer has no child.
787. Mukuwasha mukuyu/ haaperi kudyiwa.
The son-in-law is a fig tree; he never stops being eaten.

788. Mukuwasha mukoko/ haaperi kudyiwa.

The sori-in-Iaw is a beehive, he never stops being eaten.

789. Mukuwasha ibani/ rimwe zuva unoputsikirapo.

The son-in-law is an (open) plain; one day you may land
on it.

790. Mwanasikana ndimapfumise.

A daughter enriches (her family).

791. Tsuro iri pauzamba inosunungurwa neakaibata.

The hare in the trap may only be removed by the one
holding it fast.

792. Kuwana ndimbuya.

(In order) to marry a girl you cannot bypass her grand-
mother.

793. Muroyi haaroyi murume wake.

A witch does not bewitch her husband.

794. Imbwa hairumi muridzi wayo.

A dog does not bite its master.

795. Kurambwa ndokwavanhu/ geza mabori.

To b~ rejected is human; wash your face.

796. Nhamo ndeya vanhu/ suka maoko.-

Misery is for all people; wash your hands.

797. Ukama hahusukwi nemvura hukabva.

Kinship cannot be washed with water and removed.

798. Uk~ma urimbo/ kudambura hahubvi.

Relationship is like bird lime; even after breaking it
does not vanish.
 406

799. Ukama igasval hunozadziswa nokudya.

Relationship is a half-measure which is filled by being
given food.

BOO. Ukama hwokwamai hahuna rwiranhaka.

Relationship on the mother's side does not lead to
inheritance quarrels.

B01. Ukama hwokwamai hahukanirwi nhaka. (-kana: fight)

Relationship on the mother's side does not lead to fight-
ing over the inheritance.*

B02. Bapana (mhou) inokumira mhuru isiri yayo.

No cow moos for the calf that is not hers.

B03. Ukama hahukambirwi.

Relationship cannot be assumed.

B04. Ukama hunonhuwa.

Relationship is scented.

B05. Nhaka yambuya ndeye n'ombel yomunhu inozvigova yoga.

Iheritance from a grandmother consists of cattle, but as ,

I
for a person inheritance is self-determined. I

I!, I,

B06. Nhaka yambuya ndeye mombel yomunhu ingouyisa yoga. (M) \:1':
Inheritance from a grandmother consists of cattle, but as
for a person, inheritance is self-determined. \1
"II
B07. Barna -- ihamal hazvienzani nomutorwa.
A relative is a relative, he cannot be compared to a
foreigner.

BOB. Barna haitengwi.

A relative can never be bought.

B09. Barna haipiwi munhu.

A relative cannot be given away to somebody.

B10. Kuzvara ndumel kuzvara hadzi.

To beget a male is to beget a female.

B11. Mwana wengwe -- mwana wengwel kuona chikara haatizi.

A leopard's cub is a leopard's cub, it does not flee from
(another) wild beast.

B12. Mwana wekhamba -- mwana wekhambal kuona chikara haatyi. (M)

A leopard's cub is a leopard's cub, it does not flee upon
seeing a wild beast.*.
813. Mwana wengwe -- mwana wengwel an okura achirwa.
A leopard's cub is a leopard's cub, it grows and fights.*

814. Ngozi nehama hazvisiyani.

The avenging spirit haunts its relatives.

815. Ngozi yegombero iqoripwa neinobuka ruva.

The avenging foreign spirit is appeased by (a root of a
plant) with leaf-shoots.

816. Kufa kweane haril anosiya mazonde.

When a person with (only) a claypot dies, he (still)
leaves inheritance.

817. Ndechembal vakadzi kuva nedinha panhova.

It is in,the family that women have a depression in the
fontanelle.

818. Mbudzi kudya mufenjel kufana nyina.

(If) a goat eats ~abbage-tree leaves, it imitates its
mother.

819. Mbudzi kukwira mufutal kufana rudzi.

(If) a goat climbs a castoroil-plant, it imitates its own
kind.
,.,'"
'"
820. Gavi rakabva kumasvuuriro. llh

::Ii;
A fibre came from its bark. :~ HI

:::1,
11H'~

821. Mhembwe rudzil kuzvara mwana ane kazhumu.

i::;i~
A duiker, like its family, bears a child with a taft of i'i:l"
11111/1
hair. 11:.:11
1!I~l~~

822. Roora mwana wababa vane dongo.

Marry a girl whose father's abandoned home(s) is (are)
known.

823. Kuroora -- roorera vamatongo.

Marrying is acquiring a wife from a former village site.*

824. Nyika-mukanza haina' mukwambo.

The ever expanding world has no son-in-law.

825. Kubereka mwanasikanal kuchengeta mangava.

To bear a daughter is to store up troubles.

826. Kusesedza mwana wenhereral kumubereka kumusana.

In order to guide an orphan one has to carry him on the
back.
827. Chatorwa nomuchechel chatorwa nashe.
What has been taken by a child has been taken by a chief.

828. Kutuma pwerel kuzvituma.

To send a small child means to send oneself.

829. Mwana ndeari mudumbul ari kunze anotambwa naye.

The child (of the mother) is the one in the womb but once
born everybody plays with it.

830. Mwana asingachemi anofira mumbereko.

A child that does not cry dies in the cloth it is carried
in.

831. Mwana anochema ndiye anodya.

The child that cries is the one that eats.

832. Kude chinhu kureval kunyarara hauchiwani.

If you need something, better say so; keeping silent you
will not get it.

833. Mwana wowenzara murasi.

A pauper's child is wasteful.

834. Mwana chingwarire haapunyutsi mbeva.

A careful child does not let a mouse escape. "
,I

"."
835. Kubvuma rwendo kwomwana mudukul rwake ruri mukati. :11;
WI
If a young person accepts an errand he includes his own. ::iii
II, t~

"It"
II ' ~ If

836. Mwana muduku kubvuma rwendol rwake ruri mukati. :::IP

,[:111
A young ,child agreeing to a journey (means) his own things 111111
,::11
are inside.* 'tI11~

837. Kubvuma rwendo kwomwana mudukul kubvuma nezviri mberi.

The agreeing to a journey of a young child is the agree-
ing with that in front.*

838. Chava chigondora chava chimombel kukona kutunga urema hwacho.

A bullock is already a beast, if it fails to gore it is
(because of) its stupidity.

839. Kabva muzai kava kashiri.

The hatched (bird) is already a bird.

840. Chakura chinotamba chichiringa kwacho.

A grown-up (person) plays while taking care of himself.

841. Chirango ndechina mail mugoti unopiwa anyerere.

The mother knows how to rectify things; she gives the
cooking stick (with sadza on it) to the quiet child.

..Jj
 409
842. Mai musuva usingasehwi mumuto.
A mother is like a morsel (of sadza) which needs no
dipping into gravy.

843. Mai kunatsa muroyil ziso riri pamwana.

A mother pleases a witch while her eye is on the child.

844. Rudo rwehuku kuisa vana mumapapirol ziso rlrl kurukodzi.

It is love that makes a hen shelter its chicks while her
eye is on the hawk.

845. Tsuro kupeta nzeve kumbwa seisikazwil ziso riri kuvana.

A hare directs its ears towards the dogs while its eye is
on its younger ones.

846. Zhou hairemerwi nenyanga dzayo.

An elephant is not burdened by its tusks.

847. Nzou hairemerwi ngemushinga wayo.

An elephant is not burdened by its tusks.*

848. Machena ose mazail hakuna dema.

All eggs are white, none is black.

849. Machena osel zai rehanga risina dema. (hanga: guinea fowl) /.

"
"",
:i\i
850. Igaroziva kuti mhanza yembudzi iri mumabvi. :! ~ I

It is obvious that the baldness of a goat is on its knees. ::iiiI~

II,

Iltll
1I·,I!
"'IP
851. Igaroziva kuti zai harisehwi muto. ;;:./11
lllill
It is obvious that a (boiled) egg does not provide gravy. 1::11
1I;1~:

852. Iharaziva kuti chide mukadzi wababa.

It is obvious that the most 'beloved' woman is the
father's wife.

853. Igaroziva kuti amai mukadzi wababa.

It is obvious that mother is father's wife.

854. Mwana ijira rinofukwa navanhu vose.

A baby is a blanklet that is shared by everybody.

855. Mwana mudiki chirangaranga.

A child is like the top of the spinal column.

856. Abereka atochena mwoyo.

One who has borne children ought to be patient.

857. Abara achena mwoyo.

One who bears a child is patient.*
 410
I''"

858. Wabereka sekera munyasi medengu. Ii

Once you have borne a child, laugh while under a big basket.

859. Wabereka sekera muchitende.

You have borne a child, laugh under a calabash.*

860. Kugocha kunoda kwaa~ail kwomwana kunodzima moto.

Mother is satisfied when she does the roasting; when the
child does it (it is accused of) extinguishing the fire.

861. Kugocha kunoda kwomukomal kwomunun'una kunodzima moto. (mukoma:

elder brother; munun'una: younger brother)

862. Nyoka huru haizvirumi.

A big snake does not bite itself.

863. Nyoka huru haizvirumi.

A big snake does not bite itself.

864~ Tiri tosel imbwa haidanwi imwe chete.

We are together, a dog is not called alone.

865. Taatosel imbwa haidanwi imwe chete.

We are together, a dog is not called alone.* !i
i
p
866. Muridzo wembwa ndomumwe chete. !~ ~
:'I'j
The whistle for calling dogs is one and the same. :1"
nj!

::1»
867. Mhuno hainwi mvura muromo usina kunwa. 1:11'
WII
The nose will not drink water before the mouth has done so. :,:11
I:l~~

868. Kuyarutsa mwanakomanal kuzvikohwera mapfumo mumba.

To bring up a son means storing up a series of battles.

869. Kuyarutsa mwamunal kupinza mapfumo mumba.

To bring up a son is to admit spears.*

870. Chirerel mangwana chigozokurerawo.

Bring it up well~ tomorrow it will look after you too.

871. Chichengetel mangwana chigozokuchengetawo.

Take care of it, tomorrow it will take care of you.*

872. Hapana angagona nechisingagonekwi nagone.

Nobody can do what an expert cannot do.
, Iii
873. Uzivi hunoda varidzi.
Expertise is accepted when it comes from experts.
 411

874. Mugoni wepwere ndousinayo.

The (best) disciplianarian is the one without children.

875. Manatsira pwere imhanje.

The one who can please children is a barren woman.

876. Mwoyochena una amail kuyamwisa mwana aSlrl wavo.

Compassion prompts a mother to suckle a child that is not
hers.

877. Baba muredzil mwana kuchema anodaidza maio

A father is (just) a nurse; when a child cries it calls
the mother.

878. Taramukai panotamba dera.

Widen the circle where a coward is dancing.

879. Findikirai panotamba ndumure.

Widen the circle where a small child is dancing.

880. Hapana anogona mwana asiri wake.

No one can satisfy somebody else's child.

881. Ura mapokol hunozvara mbavha nomuroyi.

A womb is an (indiscriminate) container, it bears a thief
and a witch. ,I
I

iii
882. Nhumbu ibakwa· rehunil inochengeta nyoka namakonzo. I,ll
I!II
A womb is (like) a pile of wood, it harbours snakes and :lii
"i
rats. ,,'
:i
::1
883. Munhumbu manyachide munobarwa mbavha· nomuroyi. 1:1
"I
lil,
From a beloved woman's womb comes a thief and a witch.

884. Nyoka yemvana yakazvara mbavha nomuroyi.

The uterus of a woman (who has given birth for the first
time) bore a thief and a witch.

885. Kuzvara hakuna hombarume.

To bear children needs no expert.

886. Badza guru kupa murimil kuripa simbe inovat naro.

A big hoe should be given to an (industrious) peasant if
you give it to a lazy one, he will sleep with it.

887. Badza guru kupa murimil kuripa nyope inovata naro.

A big hoe should be given to a farmer, give it to a lazy
person and he will sleep with it.*
 412

888. Kudya mombe idya yebadzal kudya yomwana, mangwana inokudyawo.

When eating an ox, eat the one you got by farming; if you
eat the one from your daughter's lobola, it will eat you
tomorrow.

889. Pagara murimil pagara mupopoti.

Where there is a farmer there is a querulous man.

890. Kurima mazvuru mana huhge usina chawaona.

If you weed four ant-hills it means you were not disturbed.

891. Hurudza inofa ichinzi inodya.

An expert farmer may starve while his neighbours believe
he has plenty.

8~2. Munda wokuna makudo hauradzwi.

A field haunted by baboons is not left unweeded.

893. Pane danga pane mombel pane hundi pagara hu rudza.

Where there is a cattle kraal there must be cattle, and
where there is chaff there is a good farmer.

894. Pane mapfundepane varimi.

Where there is kaffir corn there must be farmers.

895. Kunzi mukadzi ari apal kunatsa munyu.

In order to be called a proper house wife, she must know
how to season her relish. II

ii(
896. Kugadzwa umambol kugwadamira midzimu. ,II

:i~
To be crowned chief is the reward for worshipping one's ~ lIi
,,111

mudzimu. ::11
H:!:

897. Muromo wen'anga ibaradzi.

The mouth of a witch-doctor is a destroyer.

898. Muromo webenzi imhutsi.

The mouth of a fool is a destroyer.

899. Chirungurira chirwerel kunyarara unofa nacho.

Indigestion is a disease, if you conceal it you may die.

900. Dzimba dzinotsva dzakavimbikana.

Adjacent huts burn down at the same time.

901. Wadya imbwal idya gono.

When you eat a dog, eat a male one.

902. Kudye imbwal chi dye gono.

On eating a dog, eat a male one.*
 413

903. Gonzo hariiswi mudura rine nzungu.

A rat is never placed -into a granary with nuts.

904. Kiti negonzo hazviiswi panzvimbo imwe chete.

A cat and a rat cannot be kept at the same place.

905. Ndumudzani hadzidy~' mundiro imwe chete.

Children who follow each other (by birth) do not eat from
the same plate.

906. Ingwe haipfigirwi mune mbudzi.

A leopard is never enclosed together with goats.

907. Imbwa haipfigirwi mune nyama.

A dog is never shut in a hut where there is meat.

908. Vagara imba imwe va va varumudzani.

Those who stay in the same house behave like children who
follow each other (by birth).

909. Chigarisano ndicho chine mhosva.

Acquaintance is the source of friction.

910. Chigarisano chinodana matukano.

Acquaintance breeds quarrelling.

911. Kudya masangal chikuru kuonana.

Eating is incidental but the main thing is seeing one
another.
III
,II
illl
912. Ukama ndihwo hukurul kudya musvitsa. :1II
III'
Relationship is important; food depends on the giver. ::11
u~~

913. Chovoruzhinjil awana ndowatanga.

Something for communal use is found by the one who comes
first.

914. Chaparuzhinji chinoonekwa ngewatanga.

Something for communal use is found by the one who comes
first.*

915. Avhiyira mbudzi kumusanal ati van a vakwane.

One who skins a goat on his back (in a carrying cloth)
wants his children to have their fill.

916. rume rimwe harikombi churu.

One man cannot surround an ant-hill.

917. Chara chimwe hachitswanyi inda.

One thumb cannot crush a louse.
 414

918. Gum.Je rimwe hari tswanyi inda.

One thumb cannot crush a louse.*

919. Mazano marairanwa/ zano ndoga wakapisa Jlra.

Advice is to be shared; 'Know-all' burnt his blanket.
: i

920. Benzi kupengera mumunda maro/ regera rakadare.

If a crazy man' goes mad in his field, leave him alone.

921. Gore harizi rakaze rimwe.

The same year can never come again.

922. Gore nderino.

There is only one year (like this one).

923. Gore musandu.

Every year means a change.

924. Muromo chipfutol unopedza matura.

The mouth is a weevil, it empties granaries.

925. Muromo ndichikumo/ unopedza matura.

The mouth is a wood borer, it empties granaries.

926. Chinokura usipo imombel munda unokura nokuvandurirwa.

What grows (even) in your absence is an ox, a field grows
by being extended.

927. Chinokura usipo imombel munda unokura nokuona nzira.

What grows when you are not there is an ox, a field grows
upon seeing a path.*
"ill:,
:11
I'll
:11
1:1 ~
928. Chinokura choga isangol munda kukura huona tewe.
What grows alone is a forest, a field grows when it sees
its master.

929. Mukadzi akanaka ndoune mukutu.

A good wife is the one with a quiver (carrying cloth).

930. Mukadzi akanaka ngeune matukutswa.

931. Unaki hwemukadzi huri pamwana.

The beauty 6f a wife lies with a child.

932. Humburira inoshapisa.

Underestimation is a disgrace.

933. Humburira chishapiso.

Underestimation is a disgrace.*

~
. "
 415

934. Twemudenhe tune ushorwi.

Keeping little in the storing pot brings blame.

935. Mamutsamwoyo anoda paine gate.

Appetite should (only) be aroused when there is a big pot.

936. Pereka chav~mwe ch~sina vendee

Return other people's property undamaged.

937. Pereka chomumwe chichakanaka.

Return that belonging to another in good condition.*

938. Dzorera chomumwe chisina vendee

Pay back that belonging to another without a gap.*

939. Atora chake haabvunzwi.

He who has taken away his property should not be questioned.

940. Atora chake haateverwi.

He who has taken away his property should not be followed.*

941. Ane chake ndihombarume.

The one who owns something is like a successful hunter.

942. Ane chake haareveteki.

The one who owns something does not talk.*

943. Dzanza kusakara rine mwene waro.

A basket is getting old because of its owner.
"Ii:
944. Hapana murume anofa asina ngava. IiI
I'll

No man dies without a debt,. :11

[I! ~

945. Chiduku ndechokusimira/ chokudya hachina chiduku.

In dressing, something too small can be discarded but not
when it comes to food.

946. Chokudya hachina chiduku/ asi chapamuviri.

Something to eat cannot be small, but something worn (can).

947. Kushaya kunokunyimisa nowaunenge uchida.

Penury makes you stingy even towards the one you like.

948. Kupa huwana.

To give means to have.

949. Ngava hariripi rimwe ngava.

A debt does not settle another debt.

950. Mungava haaripi mumwe mungava.

A debt does not give to its fellow debt.*

.J
 416

951. Zvikwereti hazviripani.

Things borrowed are not compensation.*

952. Zvigapu hazviburani.

Relish pots cannot take each other off the fire.

953. Murume haarohwi netsvimbo imwe chete.

A man is not beaten with one stick only.

954. Mari haina musi waisinganaki.

Money knows no day on which it is not welcome.

955. Mukadzi akanaka ari womumwe.

A woman is attractive when she is somebody else's (wife).

956. Murume akanaka.asiri wako.

A man is attractive when he is not your husband.

957. Zinatsawafal kugadzira hama nemombe.

It is (merely) an act of pleasing the dead to kill an ox
at the magadziro of a relative.

958. Rava zinatsandafal kuuraya mombe paguva.

It is (merely) an act of pleasing me to kill an ox at my
graveside.

959. Rangova zinatsawafal kuuraya n'ombe paguva rehama.

It is just ingratiating behavior to kill an ox at the grave
of a relative.*

960. Muroyi ndishe.

A witch is a chief.

961. Muroyi ndimambo.

A witch is a chief.

962. Mucheche wenyoka unotizwa neane makona.

(Even) a baby snake will put a man with horns (filled with
medicine) to flight.

963. Mwana wenyoka -- mwana wenyokal haana muduku.

A baby snake is a baby snake, however small.

964. Kuzlva gona romumwe hunge unarowo.

To know of someone's horn (filled with medicine) implies
that you have got yours, too.

965. Kuziva uroyi hwomumwel iwe unahwowo.

To know the witchcraft of another (means) you are one too.*
 I!

417 . ':\1

966. Pfini yenyoka/ kungoruma icho isingadyi.

It is the malice of a snake to bite something it does not
eat.

967. Hwoni hwenyoka/ kuruma chaisingadyi. (hwoni: malice)

It is the malice of a snake to bite that which it will <i
'I

not eat.*

968. Mwoyo muti/ unomera paunoda.

The heart is like a tree, it germinates where it likes.

969. Mwoyo muti/ hautumwi pokumera.

The heart is like a tree, it is not sent to germinate.*

970. Mwoyo imbesa/ ungomera apo ungoda.

The heart is like seed, germinating where it wants.*

971. Mwoyo imota/ unomera apo wada. (mota: abscess)

The heart is like an abscess, it sprout~ where it wants.*

972. Chidamwoyo/ hamba yakada makwati.

It is the wish of the heart; the tortoise chose scaly
shells.

973. Ziso rinokunda wakabvisa mombe.

An eye's (look) surpasses (the joy of) the one who paid
cattle (for lobola).

974. Kuziva kune mombo ndokuna ani/ haidyi ichinyima mboyi.

The male baboon shows unprecedented generosity; he does
not eat anything without sharing with his female.

975. rudo rune ngondi ngeruna ani/ kudya ichisiyira nayrwana.

The male baboon's love shows by eating without abandoning
its young.*

976. Papfumba pava nomwena.

Where the ground is trodden on there must be a hole (going
underground).

977. Papfumba mwenza pava nomwina.

Upon (seeing) the grass trampled there is the namer of the
trampling. *

978. Kana mwezha wapfumba/ mumwena mune mbeva.

If the passage through grass is trampled, there is a rat
in the hole.*

979. Ane mhuri mdeane muhurikadzi/ mhurirume inozvitsvagira.

The one with daughters has a family; sons will look after
themselves.
 418

980. Ane mhuri ngeane mhurikadzil varume vaeni.

The one with daughters has a family, sons are guests.*

981. Gondo kuengereral raona zumbu.

When the eagle circles it has seen a fowl-run.

982. Rudo harutumi anoramba.

Love does not send one who refuses.

983. Chada mwoyo hachikonil (nokuti) mwoyo chiremba.

The heart's wish is never foiled (because) the heart is
like a doctor.

984. Chada mwoyo hachikonil mwoyo ndishe. (she: chief)

The heart's wish is never foiled, (because) the heart is
a chief.*

985. Rudo runenge ruvaral runokunara.

Love is like colour which fades away.

986. Musikana chihambakwel asvika anokanda chibwe.

A girl is like a pile of stones (at the side of the path)
on which every passer-by throws another stone.

987. Musikana idombokal rinoti asvika anokanda chidombo.

A girl is a pile of rocks on which every passer-by throws
another stone.*

988. Musikana idzival asvika anokanda duo.

A girl is like a pool, any passer-by can cast a fish trap.

989. Mukadzi mucherol adimura anonhongawo.

A woman is like fruit any passer-by can pick.

990. Mukadzi mupinyi webadzal wasvika anomboedzawo.

A woman is like a hoe handle, any arrival can try it.

991. Mukadzi isango rehunil rinotsvakwa naani naani.

A woman is like a forest in which anybody can find wood.

992. Munhukadzi ishavhil 'anoteverwa neshiri.

A woman is like figs followed by birds.

993. Mhuka hairondwi isina kusiya gwara reropa.

Game that has left no trail of blood cannot be pursued.

994. Mukuyu hauvinge shiri.

A fig tree does not go to the birds.

995. Muonde haufambiri shiri.

A fig tree does not travel to birds.*
 419
996. Kurayira ndokurayira wachenal kwaakabva hakuna vanhu?
Why discipline a grey-head; are there no people where he
came from?

997. Kurayira kunoda pwerel mukuru ndimambo.

Disciplining needs to be done on young children; an adult
is a chief.

998. Ruva rasvava har-ikwezvi nyuchi.

A wilting flower does not attract bees.

999. Chembere ndeyembwal yomurume ndibaba vavana.

(Only) a dog is referred to as being old (but not) a man
who is the father of children.

1000. Mizhezhekedzwa ndiyo inosukudza.

Creaking doors hang longer (than anticipated).

1001 Kuteerera mombe nhorel kunofa ino muchiti.

While nursing an old cow there dies one which is strong.

1002. Zimuonde ziguru kupunzikal pwere dzinovanda pai?

If a huge fig tree falls down, where will young people take
shelter?

1003. Mai vevana kufal pwere dzinorezvwa naani?

If the mother dies, who is going to caress the children?

1004. Rwizi rukuru kupwal mombe dzinonwepi?

If a big river dries up, where will cattle drink?

1005. Chivi hachivingi mumwe, asi vose.

Misfortune strikes not only one but all.

1006. Chitema hachiuyi pamunhu mumwe, asi vose.

Misfortune does not come to one person but to all.*

1007. Rufu runoudzwa mombel rukaudzwa munhu anotiza.

Death can be announced to an ox; if it is announced to a
person he runs away.

1008. Chinonzi ifa imombel munhu anotiza.

Death is told to an ox; a person runs away.*

1009. Hapana mutunhu usina guva.

There is no region without a grave.

1010. Hapana nyika isina rinda.

There is no country without a grave.*

~
 420
1011. Shure kweguva hakuna muteuro. I
Beyond the grave there is no prayer (offering). I,
',1
1012. Kutsi kweguva hakuna munamato.
Beneath the grave there is no prayer to God.*

1013. Kufa kwehanga/ mazai, anoparara •

. When a guinea fowl dies her eggs also perish.

1014. Rufu haruna nzira.

Death has no (defined) path.

1015. Kufa hakuna gwanza.

Death has no path.*

1016. Mubayiro wez~ivi rufu.

The reward of sin is death.

1017. Rufu runoita wegondo/ rinotora nhiyo richisiya mai vachichema.

Death is like an eagle which takes a chick leaving the
mother hen mourning.

1018. Rufu haruwadzirwi nhoo.

For death, no mat is spread.

1019. Rufu haruwadzirwi bonde.

For death, no mat is spread.*

1020. Rufu haruna ishe.

Death knows no chief.

1021. Rufu haruna ndanatsa.

Death knows no 'good man'.

1022. Kubereka/ misodzi yawanda.

To. bear many children (means) to shed plenty of tears.

1023. Shambakodzi yakarindwa haiviri.

A watched cooking pot does not boil.

1024. Kuvaraidza zuva/ kuteya nzou neriva.

It is just killing time if one sets a stone-trap for an
elephant.

1025. Gomo guru rakapera nokumwaukira.

A big mountain was worn away bit by bit.

1026. Nzira inofamba yomuzvinamimba/ yomuzvere haifambi. II

The journey of a pregnant woman is quicker than that of a
woman with a child.
 421

1027. Kwamairidigikira ndiko kwomoringa benyal kwamairinga benya

ndiko kwomoridigikira.
Where you used to visit is where you now give a haughty
glance and the other way around.

1028. Kumirira isaviral kumirira mhosva.

To wait for a pot which is not boiling is to wait for
trouble.

1029. Chaibva chaoral ngachichidyiwal nokuti usiku igore.

What is cooked is going to rot; it should be e~ten be-
cause a night is (like) a year.

1030. Chaibva chaoral ngachiperel usiku igore.

What is cooked is going to rot; it should be finished
because a night is (like) a year.*

1031. Chaibva ngachichidyiwal kusiya hachipedzi nzara.

What is cooked should be eaten; leaving it does not still
the hunger.

1032. Zuva ravira radokal usiku hahuriri shiri.

After sunset, it dawns (already); birds do not sing at
night.

1033. Ravira raedzal usiku hahuriri shiri.

The sun sets and dawns; birds do not sing at night.*

1034. Kare haagari ari kare.

The past will never remain the past.

1035. Pasi mupindu panopinduka.

The world is liable to change, it changes.

1036. Nhasi haasiri mangwana.

Today is not tomorrow.

1037. Nyamusi handi mangwana.

Today is not tomorrow.

1038. Kwava kusakara kwedool kuita serisakambodyiwa nyama.

It is the wear and tear of a hide that makes it (appear)
as if it had never encased meat.

1039. Bvupa jena rakabva munyama.

A white bone stems from meat.
(
1040. Chinokwegura chinokotamal musoro wegudo chave chinokoro. il!
What gets old gradually bends, the head of a baboon is a
scoop.
 422

1041. Regazvipore akabva mukutsva.

'Let-it-cool-down' had already burnt himself.

1042. Ngazvipore akabva mukutsva.

'Let-it-cool-down' had already burnt himself.*

1043. Ane mhamba ndoane cpimeral yanhasi yapera.

The one who has yeast (ready) is the one who has beer;
today's (beer) is finished.

1044. Hurudza ndeino mumeral ranhasi rapera.

The one who has much grain is the one who has yeast;
today's (beer) is finished.*

1045. Murima ngeune dural ranhasi rapera.

A good farmer is the one who has a granarYl today's (grain)
is finished.*

1046. Ziitakamwel gava kudambura musungo.

It is something done once, like a fox breaking a snare.

1047. Zii~akamwel mimba yousikana.

It is something done once like the womb of a girl.*

1048. Kuziva benzi hunge waswera naro.

You know a fool when you have spent a day with him.

1049. Kugara nhakal kuona pane dzavamwe.

Inheritance affairs are learned from others.

1050. Kugara nhakal kuona dzavamwe.

Inheritance is seeing the affairs of' others.*

1051. Chakachenjedza ndechakatanga.

What made one alert is what happened before.

1052. Chakangwadza ndechakatanga.

What put one on guard is what happened before.*

1053. Maisiri ngeune gobvu.

A famous hunter- (gunsmith) is the one who has a big scar.

1054. Mukuru mukurul hanga haigari pfunde.

An elder is an elder; a guinea fowl does not perch on a
sorghum (stalk).

1055. Shiri huru haibatwi nehundi.

A big bird cannot be trapped with chaff.

1056. N'anga nyoro inoodza maronda.

A doctor who is getting soft allows wounds to fester.

~
1057. Zviri kumwene wejiral kufuka nokuwaridza. ii,
It is up to the Dwner of the blanket to put it on or to (,!
I ,I,
spread it. ,1

1058. Zviri kumvanal kubara mwana asina baba.

It is up to a woman (who has given birth for the first
time) to bear a child without a father.

1059. Uzivi hwenzira huri mugumbo.

The knowledge of a path is up to the leg.

1060. Chedahunha chine musoni.

What happens to a kaross is up to the owner.

1061. Chedahunha chiri kumusoni.

What happens to a kaross is up to the owner.*

1062. Chegudza chiri kumuruki.

What happens to a bark cloth is up to the weaver.*

1063. Gombarume kudze sorol kukudza dumbu wonge wave chana.

A person in authority should have a big head; with a b~g
belly you look like a child.

1064. Muranda muuya ndowembwal hairevi zvokwayabva.

A dog is a good servant, it does not reveal affairs from
where it came.

1065. Mwana washe muranda kumwe.

A chief~s son is (like) a servant elsewhere.

1066. Chafamba chasvava.

Whatever is on a journey is bound to wilt.

1067. Ushe makota.

Chiefship depends on the councillors.

1068. Munhu kubata ushel makota.

A person holding chieftainship is like (having)
councillors.*

1069. Rwomuranda rwakoneswa norwashel rwashe rwakoneswa nemvura

kunaya.
The servant's (journey) has been foiled by the chief's
(while) the chief's (journey) has been foiled by rain.

1070. Ushe usiyiranwa.

Chieftainship is a legacy.

1071. Umambo kutambidzana.

Cheiftainship is given away.*

j
 424

1072. Ishe idurunhuru.

A chief is (like) a rubbish pit.

1073. Ishe izarezare.

A chief is (like) a rubbish pit.*

1074. Ishe ihumbarota.

A chief is (like) a rubbish pi~.*

1075. Ishe itsime.

A chief is like a well.*

1076. Ushe hahuzvitongi.

Chieftainship cannot rule itself~

1077. Ushe varanda.

Chieftainship depends on the subjects.

1078. Pabva bango pasekesa.

Where a pole has been removed there is an opening.

1079. Patemwa tsoka rave bomho.

Where a forest has been cut there is an open veld.

1080. Pabva zino rave vendee

Where a tooth has been removed there is a gap.

1081. Ushe idoval hunoparara.

Chieftainship is (like) dew; it evaporates.

1082. Ushe imhute inoparara zuva rabuda.

Chieftainship is (like) fog; it vanishes at sunrise.

1083. Ushe muzhanjel hunokuva.

Chieftainship is (like) a wild loquat tree whose fruits
are seasonal.

1084. Chiranda chinogara chanamata.

A servant gets settled only after paying respect (to the
local people).

1085. Chiranda chinogara chaombera.

A servant "gets settled only afte~ clapping hands.*
\
II 1086. Tsenzi inogara yadziya.
I The honey-guide gets settled when it is satisfied.

1087. Dzimbabwe muswerol harina uraro.

The chief's place is a place for spending the day but not
the night.

......
 425
1088. Dzimbabwe harina dandaro.
The chief's place is not a place for.entertainment.*

1089. Mhosva haitongwi nokurwa.

A case cannot be settled by fighting.

1090. Jee ndiyo mhosva.

Playful behaviour (can lead to) a court case.

1091. Kuorora ngokol kuindira mudziva.

To check a black beetle (from tampering with excreta)
means to excrete into a pool.

1092. Kuorora ngokol kumamira mudziva.

To prevent a black beetle means to excrete into a pool.*

1093. Chapadare chakandwa parurimi rwavapfuuril chomumba chiri

mumhepo.
The issue brought to the chief's court is thrown to the
public but that within the house is still in the air.

1094. Chaiswa padare chakwidzwa panhural chomumba chiri mumhepo.

That brought to the chief's court is placed before the
court; that within the house is still in the air.

10~5. Akonwa haasiyi mudzimu warembera padare.

He who has lost (a case) does not leave his coat at the
chief's court.

1096·. Kubva kwehosi inosiya imwe.

When a senior wife goes she leaves another one (to replace
her) .

1097. Dare harizondi munhul rinozonda mhosva.

The chief's court does not hate a person (on trial) but
the case.

1098. Chinovongwa mutumbil hakuvongwi kuvata pasi.

What must be nursed is the person (who is ill) and not the
lying down.

1099. Chinopepwa urwerel kwete rukukwe.

What must be nursed is the illness, not the mat.

1100. Haitongwi yokunonokal soro rakandwa.

No accusation is laid against a late comer as long as he
shows up.
i I

1101. Ibvapamwe hairoorwi.

A (woman) divorcee should never be married.
 426

1102. Mukadzi akarambwa inhema yokumutsirwa.

A divorced wife is like a rhino aroused for someone (by
somebody).

1103. Mwana muduku in'anga.

A small child is a diviner.

1104. Moto unopisa akaubata.

Fire burns the one holding it.

1105. Mago anoruma mutokonyi.

Wasps sting the provoker.

1106. Nyoka inoruma aidenha.

A snake bites the one who has challenged it.

1107. Abva zunde haachadyiwi navashe.

A person who has been to the chief's field will not be
fined by the chief.

1108. Wabva gwindingwi haachadyiwi namadzishe. (gwindingwi: a

sanctuary, forest)

1109. Rega kurova nyoka ukasiya rumhinda.

Do not kill a snake and leave its tail.

1110. REga kunera nyoka uchisiya rupinda.

Do not strike a snake and leave its tail.*

1111. Mhosvakadzil muripo mwene.

A woman's fine is her very self.

1112. Muripo wanyakambwa ngeune mwene.

A dog's fine is ~ts own self.

1113. Kambudzi kazvarira pavanhul kati nditandirwe imbwa.

If a small goat gives birth where there are people it
indicates that dogs should be kept away from it.

1114. Kambudzi kubarira pavanhul kuti ndidzingirwe imbwa.

If a small dog gives birth where there are people it
indicates that dogs should be kept away.*

1115. Mhosva ndeyomwenel vazhinji zvapupu.

A case concerns the doer, others are just witnesses.

1116. Mhosva ndeyomumwe/vazhinji vapupuri.

A case concerns the doer, others are just witnesses.*

1117. Nyama ndeyomubayil vazhinji vapupuri.

The meat belongs to the slaughterer, the others are
witnesses.
 427
1118. Muranda nyangonaka seil haatongerwi mhosva asipo.
However good a servant may be, he must not be tried in
his absence.

1119. Muto wetsenza ndiwo mumwe.

Soup from root vegetables is all alike.

1120. Muto wenyemba ndiwo mumwe chete.

Soup from beans is always the same.*

1121. Kupara mhosva hakuna mutongi.

Committing a crime knows no judge.

1122. Kupara mhosva hakuna munatsi.

Committing a crime knows no upright man.*

1123. Kuposha ndokwavanhu.

To err is human.

1124. Mhosva haina ndinoziva.

A case knows no legal expert.

1125. Kumuzinda hakuna wako.

At the chief's courtyard, there is no relative of yours.

1126. Kubvuma mhosva handi kuripa.

To plead guilty is not to make up (for the wrong).

1127. Mbende inosimbira kutetel ichisiya kukobvu.

A grey-backed gerbille concentrates on a soft spot leaving
a hard one.

1128. Mutizazanhi ungosimbira kutetel achisiya kukobvu.

A coward concentrates on a soft spot leaving a hard one.*

1129. Areva vii ati idi ribude.

He who has revealed evil has caused the truth to come out.

1130. Kubvongodza mvural kuti iyerere.

To stir (stagnant) water means to make it flow.

1131. Kutakunya jedyel kuti riyambuke.

To flick away a frog means to make it jump across.

1132. Wabvunzal watsvara mhosva.

He who has inquired has caused the crime to become public.

1133. Ndezvowabayal kuti chiropa hachisevesi sadza.

It is for the slaughterer to say that the liver cannot be
used as relish.

.........
 428

1134. Kutaura kwerabaya/ kuti chitaka hachisevesi sadza.

The slaughterer can say that the liver cannot be used as
relish.*

1135. Kutaura kweabata/ kuti gumbo rendongwe haripedzi musuva.

It is for the one who has captured (game) to say that the
leg of a locust cannot be sufficient for one morsel (of
food).

1136. Chinovhikwa ihwanja/ shoko harivhikwi.

What can be fended off is a knobkerrie and not a word.

1137. Izwi rabuda mumuromo haridzivirirwi.

A word from the mouth cannot be avoided.

1138. Izwi rabuda mu~uromo ipfumo rinobaya.

A word from the mouth is (like) a spear piercing.*

1139. N'anga haizvirapi.

A doctor cannot treat himself.

1140. Mhosva haizvitongi.

A case cannot try'itself.

1141. Imbwa mbiri hadzitorerwi nyama.

Meat cannot be taken away from two dogs.

1142. Kuwanda huuya/ museve wakapotera pamuzukuru.

To be many is good; the arrow (shot by an enemy) settled
on the grandson.

1143. Kuwanda huuya/ museve wakapotera pamwanasikana.-

To be many is good; the arrow settled on a daughter.*

1144. Kuwanda huuya/ mota yokumusana ungotumburwa. (M)

To be many is good; t~e abcess on your back can be cut open.

1145. Ari kwake-ari kwake/ sangano mariva.

Everybody lives at his home but the meeting place is where
the stonetraps are set.

1146. Uri kwake-uri kwake/ musangano uri panhimbe.

Each is at his own home (but) the meeting place is at the
beer party.*

1147. Aswera kwake-aswera kwakel pamukonde mosangana.

Everybody spends the day elsewhere but they all meet for
a meal.

1148. Kuchera mbeva/ kukomberana.

Digging after mice involves surrounding them.

....
 429

1149. Kuchera mbeval kukomberedza.

I,!
Digging for mice is encircling (them).*

1150. Kuturika denga rembal kubatirana.

To put a roof onto the walls of a hut needs joining hands.

1151 . Ziso rimwe chete harina ukomba..

One eye does not make for a striking appearance.

1152. Pfumo rimwe harina ukomba.

One spear brings no confidence.

1153. Mukarirano wakapedza mbuya munzara.

, 'Passing-the-buck' killed old women during a famine.

1154. Mukarirano wakapisa umba.

'Passing-the-buck' burned the house.*

1155. Kukanya hurangana.

Mixing milk and sadza calls for approval by others.

1156. Mutambirwi naiye anogwinyawo.

One who is entertained should also join in.

1157. Mweni kudyisa hunge aona vohwo vachiita gapa.

A guest eats much when he sees his hosts doing likewise.

1158. Chikuni chinoda mukuchidziri.

A piece of wood (on the fore) needs a stoker.

1159. Hari haiviri isina mukuchidziri.

A pot does not boil without a stirrer.*

1160. Hama maoko.

Your relativeS are your hands.

1161. Maoko ihama.

Your hands are relatives.*

1162. Maoko muranda.

Hands ar'e a servant.

1163. Kupfuma ishungu.

To be rich is due to ambition.

1164. Kupfuma kunowanikwa nedikita.

Riches are gained by sweat.

1165. Kupfuma ifundira.

To be rich is due to sweat.
 430

1166. Nzara makavi/ inosvuurwa. I

Hunger is like fibre; it can be removed. t,!

I I

,I,
'1
I,

1167. Panotorerwa chirume demo panosara matsunetsune.

The place where a man is forced to part with his axe will
look battered.

1168. Kufa kwomurume hubuda ura.

The death of a man is a fact when his bowels are out.

1169. Zvinorema zvinoda makono.

Difficult tasks call for strong men.

1170. Atapatira ada zhengeni/ agara pfunde ada musoso.

He who struggles chooses the forest while the one who
merely sits (around) chooses peace.

1171. Simba mukaka/ rinosinira.

Strength is like milk; it oozes back in.

1172. Simba mate/ haaperi mukanwa.

Energy is like saliva which does not dry up in the mouth.

1173. Avhiya dembo chiveza achatyirepi.

The one who skins a pole-cat should not resent its stench.

1174. Akanga nyimo avangarara.

The one who fried bambara-nuts is daring.

1175. Atota haachatyi kufamba mudova.

He who is drenched (with rain) no longer dreads walking
through dew.

1176. Waniwa haachatyi kufamba mudova.

The one rained upon does not fear walking through the dew.*

1177. Wenhamo haachatyi kufamba murima.

One who is beset with troubles is not afraid of walking in
the dark.

1178. Hapana kunomera sora roga.

There is no place where only grass grows.

1179. Hapana kusina dura.

There is no place without a granary.

1180. Ukadzinga tsuro mbiri imwe inopunyuka.

If you chase two hares (at the same time) one will escape.

1181. Mhosva mbiri hadzina matongero.

Two court cases cannot be tried (simultaneously).

....II1II
 431

1182. Hari mbiri dzinovirirana hadzina mabikiro.

Two pots boiling (at the same time) cannot be cooked.

1183. Hanga inobatwa namauruko mana.

A guinea fowl is caught after four flights.

1184. Pako hapana radoka.,

At your home there is no sunset.

1185. Kwako hakuna radoka.

At your home there is no sunset.*

1186. Zvinokona ZVllne hata/ chembere ichikoniwa musoro wenzou.

It is after a trial with a head ring that an old woman
admits failure to lift an elephant's head.

1187. Zvinhu zviedzwa/ chembere yakabika mabwe.

Things must be tried; an old woman tried to boil stones.

1188. Gondo harishayi/ kati rashaya rapunga marara.

An eagle will not miss its target; if it does it eats
anything.

1189. Rukodzi haashayi/ kana ashaya anokuwa marara.

A hawk does not miss its target, if it does it falls on
anything. *

1190. Kunyimwa nomunda hazvienzani nokunyimwa nomunhu.

To be treated stingily by a field is not the same as being
treated stingily by a person.

1191. Chomudura hachienzani nechokupiwa.

Something from (your own) granary is not the same as
something given.

1192. Mbeva zhinji hadzina marise.

Too many mice have no lining for their nest.

1193. Mbeva zhinji hadzina mashe.

Many mice have no lining for the nest.*

1194. Sadza huritamburira/ hapana angaridya akatambarara.

To get food one must suffer for it; nobody can get it
while stretching his legs.

1195. Murimi haadyi agere/ anodya amire.

A good farmer does not eat while seated; he eats standing.

1196. Gapakapa ndere fodya/ remhudzi rinokura nokusakurirwa.

A tobacco crop grows freely but pumpkins grow because of
cultivation.

J
 432

1197. Rushambwa ngerwembwa/ rwomumhu runoenderwa kun'anga.

Bad luck befalls a dog, a person's is brought to a diviner.

1198. Nherera ngelslna muredzi/ ine muredzi inodya ichisiya.

An orphan is somebody without a guardian, but if he has a
,I
guardian he has enough to eat. , I'
I,

1199. Meso ihunza nungo/ kubata hazvidyi muswere.

Looking (on) causes laziness; but (the actual) working will
not take the whole day.

1200. Hope ndimapanungo/ maoko haaswedzi.

The face (of) laziness is (like) arms/hands not trying.*

1201. Matanda masairirwa/ unosiya nerino muchenje.

(Standing) logs are tested; you leave the one eaten by
white ants.

1202. Matanda masairirwa/ unosiya nerakaora.

Standing logs are tried, you leave the one with a rotten
base.*

1203. Matanda makuru mazunguniswa/ pamwe ungasiya nerisina midzi.

(midzi: roots)
You shake large logs but leave others which have roots.*

1204. Nhomba yavarume iri pashori youta.

Men's craving for meat is on the (shooting) mark of the bow.

1205. Umhizha hwejaha huri pademo.

The expertise of a young man is associated with an axe.

1206. Padoko-padoko hapadzokeri pakare.

(Although) done step by step, it (the work) won't come
back again.

1207. Padoko-padoko/ kudya kwamadora.

Little-by-little is the way caterpillars eat (everything).*

1208. Pashoma-pashoma/ kudya kwendongwe.

Little-by-little is the way locusts eat (everything).*

1209. Gombo rine chitsva/ ndiro rino kudya.

It is virgin land that provides more food.

1210. Nzira ine minzwa ndiyo ine ushe.

A path with thorns is the one leading to chieftainship.

1211. Kushaya hakunenerwi munhu/ denga ratarama.

Nobo9Y is to blame for poor yields when the sky has not
given rain.

,.~
 433
1212. Chaitwa chanetsa.
Any undertaking is laborious.
1213. Chabatwa chanetsa.
Anything held on to is wearisome.*

1214. Paswerwa pane ziya.

Where people spend a day there is sweat.
~

11215. Anokuti rima/ ati udye.

He who tells you to plough wants you to eat.
1216. Anoti chengeta mwana wako/ anoti ugozotuma zvako.
He who tells you to bring up your child wants you to send
him on errands .
•
OR, Ungokutukira badza/ ungokupa upfumi
The one who urges you to handle a hoe (for weeding) gives
you riches.
1217. Rinofa harina nzeve/ rine nzeve rinozvinzwira.
He who dies has no ears; the one with ears hears for himself.
OR, Tsuro inobatwa nembwa ngeinoradzika nzeve/ inomisa ingonzwa.
A hare caught by dogs is keeping its ears down while the
one putting them up hears.
1218. Kupedza nguva/ munhu kurwa nechinomukurira.
It is a waste of time to try the impossible.
1219. Usanyengedza nyamukuta/ kuzvara uchakuda.
Do not deceive a midwife while you (still) want to bear
children.
1220. Usachenjerera n'anga/ kurapwa uchakuda.
Do not try to outwit a diviner when you still need treatment.
OR, Uchenjeri hunoda n'anga/ hahudi murapwa.
To be cunning befits a diviner and not the patient.
1221; Kugarotamba nomuswe wavakuru/ uno swear wasuwa.
If you keep on playing with the elder's tail you will end
up in a sad mood~
1222. Uti fare-fare tindike/ vakuru igomo.
Know the limits of merry-making because the elders are like
a mountain.

1223. Kure kwameso/ nzeve dzinonzwa.

It is far for the eyes (but) ears will hear.

1224. Ndezvameso/ murorno zvinyarare.

It is for the eyes (only); the mouth must be quiet (about
it) .
 434
1225. Ngwerungwe aiva remal akazochenjedzwa navasikana.
Ngwerungwe was stupid, what made him clever were girls.

1226. Mai Munyarari vakangwarira panhimbe.

The mother of Munyarari became clever at a beer-party.

1227. Rega kufananidza nguo nedzaTarubva.

Do not compare your dress with Tarubva's (dress).

1228. Rega kusanganisa mombe dzako nedzashe.

Do not mix your cattle with those of a chief.

1229. Isimba kaviril kurwa nomukadzi wousipo.

It takes double the energy to fight a wife of someone
absent.

1230. Mombe yenzenzil sungira.

A newly arrived ox should be tied up.

1231. Mombe yenjeni gara wakasungira.

An ox that is strange to the place you tie up.*

1232. Kunyatsa kufambal unOVlrlrwa womhanya.

(If you begin by) walking slowly, you will run at sunset.

1233.. Kufamba kwadi-kwadil unodokerwa womhanya.

Walking slowly and carefully you will have the sun go down
on you and you will have to run.*

1234. Kukwira gomo kusendereka.

To climb a mountain you go zig-zag.

1235. Kukwira gomo huvandurira.

To climb a mountain you do it bit by bit.*

1236. Kukwira gomo kupoterera.

To climb a mountain you go around it.*

1237. Hangaiwa iyemberwi.

A rock pigeon is (to be) enticed (into a trap).

1238. Chivhurumukira hachina imbwa horae

Precipitate barking is not done by an old dog.

1239. Kupatikira hakuna imbwa horae

To be startled by something is not (the way) of an old dog.*

1240. Imbwa huru haihukuri nhando.

An old dog does not bark in vain.

1241. Usarasa mutsakara nokuona chitsva.

Never thnow away the old at the sight of the new.
 435

1242. Regai dzive shiril mazai haana muto.

Let them be birds because eggs provide no gravy.

1243. Rova chiuni amai vari kumunda.

Beat a young girl while her mother is away in the field.

1244. Makurumidze akazvara mandinonoke.

, .

Too much speed breeds delay.

1245. Mandikasire akazvara mandinonoke.

Speed will give birth to delay.*

1246. Ndisvike-ndisvike inoradza vazhinji panzira.

'I want to come I want to come' makes many people to
stay over night on the way.

1247. Mvura yembambaral tiza ichabva kure.

Flee from the rain brought by the south-west wind when it
is still far away.

1248. Mvura haina nhangi-tangil tiza chikorechayo.

Rain knows no racing (competition); flee from its cloud.

1249. Moto wesoral tiza uchiri kure.

To escape a veld fire, flee when it is still far away.

1250. Kudzivirira kwakakunda kurwa.

Prevention is better than fighting.

1251. Katumba kausararal usatanga wakatenda.

A cottage in which you have not slept yet you should not
praise.

1252. Kauya-uyal kamusha kousakapinda.

It is too good, the village you have not entered yet.

1.253. Miromo yavanhu haiwiri pasi.

People's mouths do not fall down (fail).

1254. Miromo vavanhu haipotsi.

The mouths of people do not make mistakes.*

1255. Miromo yavakuru inoreva zviera.

The mouths of elders say sacred things.*

1256. Munhu haarasiki kuna vanhu.

A person never gets lost amongst people.

1257. Nzira hairasi munhu.

A path does not lead a person astray.
 436

1258. Benzi bvunza rakanaka. Ii

I

An inquiring fool is good (wise). II!I

! 'I
1259. Ukashaya nyama kumavhiyiro hauchaiwani kumba. :!
I'
If you do not get meat where an ox was killed, you should :1
I

not expect any in the house.

i!
1260. Chakakodza bere mapfupa.
What made the hyena fat are bones.

1261. Chakakodza nguruve mashamba. I'

What made the wart hog fat are melons.
~,

1262. Chiro chiregwal mutiro achirega nzambara.

Everything has to be left as the babo'on gave up nzambara-
fruit. (wild grapes)

1263. Chinozipa chinoregwal zamu ramai takariregao

Whatever is delicious is to be left since we gave up our
mother's breast.

1264. Chinotiza vamwe iwe tizawo.

When people run away from something, do likewise.

1265. Mhiri kworwizi hakuna cherero.

Over the river there is no pasture.

1266. Nzou yakaramba kuudzwa ikabudisa nyanga nomukanwa.

The elephant defied advice and got his horns (husks)
through the mouth.

1267. Chingoma chamusinzwi chakazoguma naTaisireva.

The drum of obstinacy ended up with 'Taisireva'.

1268. Chiramba kuudzwa akazoonekwa nembonje.

He who refused advice was later seen with a head wound.

1269. Chiramba kuudzwa akazoonekwa neropa kudonha.

He who refused advice was later seen with blood flowing.*

1270. Tsuro haiponirutsva kaviri.

A hare does not escape a veld fire twice.

1271. Tsuro haipunyuki rutsva kavirio

A hare does not escape a veld fire twice.*

1272. Danda hairponi rutsva kaviri.

A log does not survive a veld fire twice.* 1,1:1

1273. Musakurudzira benzi nomupururu.

Never encourage a fool by ululation.
 437
1274. Usavaka danga pas ina mombe.
Never build a cattle kraal where there are no cattle.

1275. Usadzinganisa tsuro nomumyu muchanzao

Do not chase a hare with salt in your palm.

1276. Rega kutanda tsuro.wakabata munyu.

Do not chase a rabbit holding salt.*

1277. Chakona-chakonal amai havaroodzwi.

What is impossible is impossible; a mother cannot be forced
to marry.

1278. Zvikoni-zvikonil amai havaroodzwi.

Impossible things are impossible things; a mother cannot
be forced to marry.*

1279. Zvikoni-zvikonil mimba haibvi negosoro.

What is impossible is impossible; a child (in the womb)
cannot be delivered by coughing.

1280. Charamba-charambal pfuma yamai haikanirwi.

What has failed has failed; the mother's wealth cannot be
fought for.

1281. Nzvimbo imwe haipfumisi.

One place (only) does not make you rich.

1282. Ugaro humwe hahupfumisi.

One habitat does not make you rich.*

1283. Nhambetambe inoregwa ichanaka.

Playing is best stopped while it is (still) interesting.

1284. Nhambetambe inoregwa ichapisa.

Playing is best stopped while it is still exciting.*

1285. Dondo harina mbikira.

A forest provides no place for hiding (something).

1286. Mudondo hamurta mbiko.

The forest is not a place to hide things.*

1287. Mazano marairanwal zano ndoga akasiya gumbeze mumasese.

Advice must be mutual; Mr. Know-all burnt the blanket at
a beer party.

1288. Mano marayiranwal zano ndoga wakapisa jira mumasese.

Advice must be mutual; Mr. Know-all burnt the blanket at
the beer party.*

I
.......Ii
 438

1289. Zano vaviril zano ndoga akatsvira mudumba.

Advice needs two; Mr. Know-all got burnt in the cottage.

1290. Mukanwa mumbal munoda kugara muchitsvairwa.

The inside of the mouth is (like) a house, it needs
constant· sweeping.

1291. Mapofu maviri haatungamirirani.

Two blind men cannot guide each othero

1292. Mapofu maviri haaperekedzani.

Two blind people don't accompany each other.*

1293. Harahwa mbiri hadzibidzani rwizi.

Two old men cannot help each other crossing a river.

1294. Kama wakaringa nziral chimombe chokuronzerwa.

When milking a cow entrusted to you, keep on watching the
path.

1295. Mombe yokuronzerwal kama wakaringa nzira.

The cow committed to your care (is milked) while you
watch the path.*

1296. Igama wakaringa nziral mombe yokuronzerwa.

While you watch the path, a cow entrusted to you (can be
milked).*

1297. Chisiri chako rembedza maokol rega kukungira hata sechako.

What is not yours hold (it) hanging and do not make a
head-pad as though it were yours.

1298. Kunzi pakata handi kunzi ridza.

When you are given a (drum) to carry, it does not mean you
should play it.

1299. Chimwango chokukumbira hachina ndima.

A borrowed hoe does not work a big portion in the field.

1300. Chako ndechakol kuseva unosiya muto.

What is· yours is yours, when dipping (a morsel of sadza)
you leave some gravy. -----

1301. Chako ndechakol pfuma yenhaka inoparadza ukama.

What is yours is yours; inherited wealth destroys
relationship.

1302. Kupfuma hakumhanyirirwi.

To get rich cannot be done in a rush.

......
 439
1303. Kupfuma hakutizirwi.
To get rich isn't done while running away.*

1304. Kupfuma hakukasirirwi.

To get rich you don't hurry.*

1305. Ukuru hahutizirwi.

(Higher) status cannot be won quickly.

1306. Kuponesa-ponesa wepfumol ukaportesa wenzara anofuma oti

ndakazviponesa namano angu.
It is better to save a person in battle (because) if you
save one from hunger he will say tomorrow, 'I survived,
thanks to my own wits.'

1307. Usikana ishonga kamwel chikuru umvana.

Girlhood means splendour once (but) great remains
motherhood.

1308. Usikana idamba kamwel chi kuru umvana.

Girlhood is something enjoyed once (but) motherhood remains
great.*

1309. Musikana muuya kamwel chikuru imvana.

A girl is good once (but) great is a woman with a child.

1310. Rwendo ndorwa apfiga imba.

It is the one who has locked his house that goes on a
journey.

1311. Rwendo ngerwe apfiga umba.

A journey is begun by one who locks his house.*

1312. Rwendo ngerwe atwara butwa.

A journey is begun by one who has lifted his load.*

1313. Kurinda-kurinda dzival kurinda tsime rinopwa.

To guard should mean to guard a pool; if you guard a well
it will dry up anyhow.

1314. Uswa hwenyati ndohuri'mudumbul huri pamuromo inofa nahwo.

The grass of the buffalo is that in its belly; with that
in the mouth it may die.

1315. Chako ndechawadyal chigere mutoro wamambo.

Yours is what you have eaten, the remainder is the chief's
load (portion).
: 1,:11

1316. Gonzo mhini gara mumhangol chomudzimu chikuwaniremo.

You, rat with a cut-off tail, (better) remain in the
hollowed tree where you just meet with your fate (natural
death).
 440

1317. Chinofa ndechakanika ural gonzo mhini gara mumhangoJ chomudzimu

chikuwaniremo.
That which dies is the one with exposed bowels; a tailless
,I
rat (better) remain in the hollowed tree where it will just I

I
meet with its fate (natural death).

1318. Dzingidzi gonyera pamwel chomudzimu chikuwanirepo.

You, wasp, coil yourself at one place where you just meet
with your fate (natural death).

1319. Chiri mumushunje hachichingurwi.

The contents of a grass bundle should never be received.

1320. Chabva kumwe chinobatwa nemishonga.

Something from afar has to be handled with medicine.

1321. Tamba nezvimwel mote ndimashonongore.

Play with other things, fire is disasterous.

1322. Kunyenga zvimvana ita zviviril kuramba kwechimwe chimwe uno sara
nacho.
In proposing 'primiparae' woo them in twos; if one refuses
the other one remains.

1323. Kudzinga tsuro dzinga nesvimbo mbiril imwe ikapotsa imwe yorova.
In chasing a hare use two knobkerries; when one misses
the other one hits.

1324. Kuita mapfumo ita maviril kupotsa kwerimwe rimwe rinobaya.

Having spears, have two; when one misses the other one
strikes.

1325. Kuvaka zvitumba vaka zviviril chimwe kutsva unodzamba nechimwe.

When building cottages build two; if one gets burnt the
other one shelters you.

1326. Hauzivi chingaunza tsapfu.

You never know what causes the calves (of the legs).

1327. Hauzivi chakakodza nguruve.

You do not know what fattened the pig.

1328. Hauzivi tsanga inokodza tsambakodzi.

You do not know which grain seed thickens the porridge
in a cooking pot.

1329. Chawawana batisisal mudzimu haupi kaviri.

Hold fast what you have (because) the mudzimu does not
give twice.

~
 441

1330. Usasvora mbodza neinozvimbira.

Do not despise badly cooked porridge (because) it may make
you over-fed.

1331. Usatanga kumedzal kutsenga kuchada.

Do not swallow before you chew.

1332. Usabata matope pasina mvura.

Do not handle mud when there is no water.

1333. Kugarika tange nhamol rugare rugotevera.

In order to be settled one should begin in misery and end
up in peace.

1334. Usadzinganisa mhuka huru nomwoyosvibal haipindi muguru.

You should not chase big game in despair (because) it
does not enter a hole.

1335. Gudo guru peta muswel kuti vadoko vakutye.

Big baboon, fold your tail so that youngsters can respect
you.

1336. Kwaunobva kanda huyol kwaunoenda kanda hUyo.

Place a grinding stone where you come from and where you
go to.

1337. Natsa kwaunobval kwaunoenda usiku.

Do good where you come from (because) where you go it is
dark.

1338. Natsa kwaunobval uko ungoenda manaki.

Do good where you come from where you go is dark.*

1339. Zvinozipa zvinotanga nzeve kudzivira.

Sweet delicacies begin by blocking the ears.

1340. Kupa mukadzi bangal kuzvikohwera rufu.

To give a knife to a wife is to invite (your) death.

1341. Ukadya goral mangwana rinofuma rokudyawo.

If you eat a·wild cat it will eat you too tomorrow.

1342. Usaravidza chembere muto wegwayal mangwana inofira mudziva.

Do not allow an old woman to taste the sauce of bream;
she will die in a pool tomorrow.

1343. Ukapa munhu gavi reful mangwana anozvisunglrlra.

If you give a person a long rope he will hang himself
tomorrow.
 442

1344. Munhu haarongerwi midziyo yake asipol kupfudzunura kunokunetsai.

Never pack and arrange someone's possessions during his
absence because the re-arranging will be hard for you.

1345. Bembwe rinotsvutsvudzirwa ramuka.

Dogs must be set on a duiker (only) when it shows up.

1346. Chatiza makumbol musoro waona.

When the legs run away, the head must have seen (the
danger).

1347. Kukwira inyorel kuburuka kudana maio

It is easy to climb but descending (will cause one) to
call for his mother.

1348. Kudya nyemba navauyal dzinowana muzvimbiri wadzo.

To eat beans with good people will make one suffer from
repletion.

1349. Kudya nyemba navauyal dzouya dzozvimbira nherera.

To eat beans with good people will cause one to suffer
like an orphan.*

1350. Rina manyanga hariputirwi mumushunje.

That which has horns cannot be concealed (by covering it)
in a bundle of grass.

1351. Kamoto kamberevere kanopisa matanda mberi.

A small and sneaking fire burns logs far ahead.

1352. Kamuhomba kadiki kanoyeredza.

A small furrow can float away (a person).

1353. Chiverevere ndechokubaya mombel chamakombo maitiudzawo.

Secret is the killing of an ox (but) as for the allocation
of lands you should have notified us, too.

1354. Chiverevere ndechokubaya mombel chamakombo tichanzwa nemhururu.

Secret is the killing of an ox, but the allocation of land
is an announced with ululation.*

1355. Chiverevere ndechousikul chamasikati vazhinji vangouya.

Secret is that which occurs at night; for that which
occurs by day people will come.

1356. Zevezeve chirevo.

A whisper is a spoken word.

1357. Katekete chirevo.

A little whisper is a word.*
 443

1358. Zuva rina mesol deko rine nzeve.

The day has eyes, the night has ears.

1359. Nguo chena ihwenyeri.

White attire attracts attention.

1360. Nguo chena inopangidzira.

White clothes "attracts attention."

1361. Manga chena inoparira parere nhema.

The white pumpkin reveals where the black one lies.

1362. Mboko chena inoparira pavete nhema.

A white pumpkin reveals the place where the black one is
lying.*

1363. Mombe chena inoparira pavete nhema.

The white ox reveals the place where the black one is
lying.*

1364. Unofa ukuruwo badza risati raguka mugura.

You will die an uncertain and sudden death (like) a new
hoe whose tapered end breaks.

1365. Unofa ukuruwo badza idzva risati raguka musika. t.

You will die an uncertain and sudden death (like) a new
hoe whose tapered end breaks.

1366. Hufa ukuruwo badza idzva risati rapera muromo.

You will die an uncertain and sudden death (like) a new
hoe whose tapered end breaks.

1367. Kunofa kakuruwo tsombo itsva isati yaguka musika.

You will die an uncertain and sudden death
hoe whose tapered end breaks.

1368. Shiri yomusaririra ndiyo yemhina.

The last bird is (destined) for the wooden-headed arrow.

1369. Njera yomusarlrlra ndiyo yeshiri.

The grain left in the (field) is for the birds.

1370. Chimombe cheshure chinosarira maponda.

The hindermost ox is exposed to hidings.

1371. Mucheri weshana mutevedzeril mudimbidziri anorasa vhekenya.

A digger of fat mice follows the hole; he who takes a
short cut misses the bait. I111I1
,I,

1372. Mucheri wegurwe mutevedzeril mudimbidziri anorasa mwena.

A digger of crickets follows it, the one who takes a
short cut misses the hole.*
 444

1373. Kutengana imbwa chivereverel mangwana munorwira changadzo.

If you make a deal over a secret, you will fight about the
leash tomorrow.

1374. Kudyira sadza mundimal rimwe zuva uchadyiswa negudo.

If you eat food in the field, you may be given baboon's
meat oneday.

1375. Takabva nokol kumhunga hakuna ipwa.

We came through the mhunga-field; there is no sugar cane.

1376. Nyakubika dombatomba anodya zvakaoreral ndidyendidyeanodya

zvimbishi.
One who thoroughly boils the dombatomba plant eats well-
cooked food but the 'I want to eat -- I want to eat' eats
it raw.

1377. Kuve ganda hakuve nyama.

Being a skin does not mean to be (real) meat.

1378. Kuve ganda handi kuve nyama.

To be a skin is not to be meat.*

1379. Kurerera nhiriri mumuraral mangwana inofuma yoruma huku.

If you rear a wild cat in a bunch of grass, it will eat !
your fowls tomorrow.

1380. Kurera imbwa nomukakal mangwana inofuma yokuruma.

If you rear a dog with milk, it will bite you tommorrow.

1381. Imbwa ivete haimutsirwi sadza.

A sleeping dog should not be roused for food.

1382. Imbwa yarara haimutsirwi sadza.

A sleeping dog is not roused for porridge.*

1383. Nyoka yapinda mumwena hainyombwi.

A snake that has entered a hole should not be provoked.

1384. Dziva rine ngwena idivakamwe.

In a pool with crocodiles, you swim (only) once.

1385. Matione akapedzesa mbudzi dzavakare.

Curiosity finished the goats of the ancestors.

1386. Matione akaendisa vaRungu kure.

Curiosity made the Europeans travel far and wide.

1387. Ane marengenya haadariki moto.

A person in rags does not go across a fire.
 445

1388. Rukombesa ropa runorasa neriri mumbiya.

If a person is overexcited to collect the blood he may
even spill that (already) in the porringer.

1389. Kukudza uchipa kunobereka simbe.

To bring up children by spoon-feeding will breed lazy ones.

1390. Manokoro haasiri madiro.

Taking out (in handfuls) is not pouring in.

1391. Gudo harivingirwi pachiro.

A baboon is never pursued up to his sleeping place.

1392. Khamba haridzingirwi panyama.

A leopard should not be chased away from its prey.

1393. Usapinza munwe mumwenal unobuda wareba.

Never introduce your finger into a hole, it comes out
longer than it was.

1394. Chikombe chitekesi chechimwe kana chimwe chisipo.

One ladle is used in place of the oth~r when the latter is
absent.

1395. Seka urema wafa.

Laugh at (somebody's) deformity when you are dead.

1396. Seka urema wakabata muromo.

Laugh at a (person's) deformity while holding your mouth.*

1397. Seka urema wakura.

Laugh at a (person's) deformity when you are grown up.*

1398. Kashiri kushaya besu hakanzi kanyana.

A small bird without a tail should not be taken as a
nestling.

1399. Mhanje lSlna mwana hainzi ichembere.

A barren woman should not be considered as an old one.

1400. Ubatebate hunoparira~

Petty thievery (tricky playfulness) is fraught with
consequences.

1401. Ubatebate hungourayisa.

Petty thievery causes death.*

1402. Muswe wokutumira haurebi.

A tail that is sent for is never long.

~
 446

1403. Kutumira kwakashayisa mbira muswe.

By sending somebody to fetch his tail, the rock rabbit
failed to get one.

1404. Mbira yakashaya muswe ngokutumira.

The rock rabbit left its tail by sending (someone) for it.*

1405. Chiramwa-ramwa hachina mutumbil chino mutumbi ijedye.

Short-temper has no body but a frog has.

1406. Chiramwa-ramwa hachina gura.

Short-temper doesn't have a field.*

1407. Murombo chirega chinya.

Poor man, never be short-tempered.

1408. Rwizi ruzere haruedzwi negumbo.

A river in flood should not be tried by the leg.

1409. Tsvimborume haina mugonil inotuka waipa masese.

Nobody can satisfy a bachelor; he (even) scolds the one
who has given him the sediment (of beer).

1410. Kukwenya ari kuchotol kuti ari kugotsi anzwe.

To scratch the one near the fire place means to provoke ~i j

another behind him.

1411. Zirume kutswinya mwana padamal kuti vari mumba vanzwe.

A big man pinching a child on the cheek wants those in
the hut to react.

1412. Chivi chinodya muridzi wacho.

A sin eats up its doer.

1413. Chitema chinodya muridzi wacho.

An evil deed eats up its owner.*

1414. Kureba muromol unofa nechokuziva.

If you have a big mouth you die of something you know.

1415. Mukwata-runal rweshanu anobuda ave nezvomo.

After sponging four times, the fifth time he goes away
with something (from the house).

1416. Chisi hachieri musi wacharimwa.

Failure to observe chisi is not punishable on the day of
ploughing.

1417. Panoda kumera muswe panotekenyedza.

The spot where the tail is about to grow tickles.

,i
'I
I

~
 447

1418. Kunyanya kusevesa sadza/ unozopedzisira wotemura.

Eating your relish too fast you will end up eating sadza
without it.

1419. Kunyanya kusevesa sadza/ unozogumlslra wokatsa.

Eating your stiff porridge quickly you will end up eating
it with relish.,*

1420. Gapu irindwa nomumwe/ vaviri muto unotsva.

The relish-pot must be attended by one (only); two will
cause the gravy to get burnt.

1421. Chiri mudundu/ chiri muninga.

What is in the chest is (like something) in the cave.

1422. Chiri mumwoyo/ chiri muninga.

What is in the heart is (like something) in the heart.*

1423. Cherimuka/ paridza wabaya.

Announce a kill in a game reserve (only) after you have
got it.

1424. Chomusango/ ridza mhere wabaya.

Announce a kill after getting it in the veld.*

1425. Chisiri chako/ pembera wadya.

For something that is not yours, be grateful after eating.

1426. Chaputika chaibva/ mukwambo haadyi ZV1V1Sl.

Which has burst is cooked; the son-in-law never eats small
water melons.

1427. Nhumbu mukadzi mukuru/ hairevi chayadya.

The stomach is like a housewife, it does not reveal what
it has eaten.

1428. Nhumbu mutseye/ haitauri chayadya. (mutseye: feeble person)

The stomach is a feeble person, it does not reveal what
it has eaten.*

1429. Nhumbu iziso risingatauri zvaraona.

The stomach is (like) an eye which does not speak of what
it has seen.

1430. Regai zvakadaro tigozviudza zvopoya gomo naparutivi.

Leave them alone; we shall tell them when they (desperately)
force their way through the flanks of the mountain.

1431. Regai zvakadaro tigozvitsiudza zvodzoka.

Leave them, we will tell them on their way back.*
 448

1432. Nyama mazhanjel haitani kukuva.

Meat is like mazhanje fruit; it gets finished quickly.

1433. Nyama mwenil haipedzi dura.

Meat is like a visitor; it does not empty a granary.

1434. Muromo haudyiri mumw.e.

A mouth does not eat on behalf of another.

1435. Nzeve hainzwiri umwe.

(Somebody's) ear does not hear for someone.

1435a. Anorwira sorol anorwira rake.

Whoever defends a head, fights for his own.

1436. Kuno kudyal hakuna gomo.

Where there is food there is no mountain.

1437. Kudya hakuna mukwidza.

Eating does not occur on a steep place.*

1438. Kudya hakuna nyope.

Eating is not (for) a lazy person.*

1439. Muto wokupungurirwa haupedzi sadza.

Gravy poured out by somebody (else) will not be enough to
finish (a plate of) sadza.

1440. Muto wokusiyirwa haupedzi sadza.

Abandoned gravy does not finis~ the stiff porridge.*

1441. Mvura yokuchererwa haipedzi nyota.

Water (that is fetched for one) by somebody (else) does
not quench the thirst.

1442. Usatuke verwendol rutsoka haruna mhuno.

Do not scold people on a journey; a foot has no nose.

1443. Usatuke verwendol rutsoka ndiMarashe.

Do not scold people on a journey, the foot is "Marashe."*

1444. Mweni haaiswi padura.

A stranger is not sent to the granary.

1445. Mweni haakwidzwi padura.

A stranger is not lifted up to the granary.*

1446. Diro haripinzwi mumunda.

A baboon is not led into the field.

1<

J
 449

1447. Chenga ose manhangal hapana risina mhudzi.

Collect all the pumpkins, there is none without seeds.

1448. Chaza hachirambwil munhu haangaregeri mhene inokamhina.

Something that has come should not be refused; a person
cannot leave along a limping' steenbok.

1449. Tenda dzose pwerel hapana aSlrl munhu.

Accept all youngsters, not one of them is not a human
being.

1450. Idya zvosel gudo harina nhunzi.

Eat everything; a baboon does not mind flies.

1451. Chirume igumbul chinoparukira kamwe.

A man is like a sack, he bursts once (and for good).

1452. Murume-murumel anoti chamuka inyama.

A man is a man, he considers anything that comes up as
meat.

1453. Sango rinopa aneta. "I

The forest gives (game) to the one who is tired. !

1454. Chifundi ndicho chinopa.

Overpowering heat brings good rewards.

1455. Kashiri kasingapambari hakanuni.

A bird that does not raid does not become fat.

1456. Nyoka. haina musha.

A snake has no home.

~- 1457. Varume tumbwanaal kurova tunodzokera.

Men are like puppies, if you beat them they return.

1458. Gunguo rakaramba kumirira musevel rikapona nehwakumukwaku.

The crow refused to wait for an arrow and escaped by
hopping.

1459. Gudo rakapona namanainai.

A baboon escaped by dodging from place to place.

1460. Kusandudza ugaro kwakapa muranda ndoro.

The change of habitat brought a servant a white shell
(for chieftainship).

1461. Nhumbu inhamburirwa~

The stomach is to be toiled for.

1462. Nhumbu nditenzi wayo.

The stomach depends on its master.

JJ
 450
1463. Makara mazezanwal mvura haipindi neshure.
Wild animals cannot but fear each other just as water
cannot penetrate into the body through the anus.

1464. Hwahwa hahubiwi.

Beer cannot be stolen.

1465. Mhamba haibiwi.

Beer is not stolen.*

1466. Huku haibiwi inotandisa botso.

A fowl given away to appease a dead parent is not to be
stolen •

. 1467. Hombarume haiiti shura nesango.

A hunter has no mysterious notions about the forest.

1468. Maisiri haatyi manenJl esango.

A gunsmith (hunter) does not fear the mysteries of the
forest.

1469. Cheshavo yemombe huonerana.

Cattle sales require both parties to see (the beast).

1470. Shavo meso.

Sales involve your eyes.

1471. Chawawana tengal kutengera mberi kunorozva.

Buy whatever you have come across, (the intention of)
buying. something later causes a loss.

1472. Nhandanyadzi neshavo.

It is not shameful if one who has something asks for
something.

1473. Madzinganyadzil kukumbira uine shavo.

It is not shameful to ask for something of one who has it.*

1474. Cheshavo mwene wayo.

The price of any article for

1475. Chomushambadzi chinozara tsvina.

A trader's article is bound to get dirty.

1476. Chomutengesi chinozara tsvina.

A trader's article is bound to get dirty.* c!

1477. Shavo imbonekwi.

An article (for sale) has to be seen.
 451

1478. Mari ine chitema/ mai vakatengesa mwana.

Money is bound up with evil; (it caused) the mother to
sell her child (daughter).

1479. Mari/ ndiwo mudzi wezvakaipa.

Money is the root of all evil.

1480. Mari ipfuma yanyakutsvitsana.

Money is wealth, coming and going.

1481. Mari ipfuma yaTsvitsanai. (-tsvitsa: cause to reach)

Money is the wealth of Mr. Caused-to-reach-it.*

1482. Mari haina dura.

Money needs no granaryo

1483. Mari makambidzanwa.

Money is something that circulates.

1484. Mudziyo mukuru haudyi chatenzi.

A big v~ssel does not eat bf the master.

1485. Tswanda huru haitori chomuridzi.

A large basket is not stolen by its owner.*

1486. Homwe huru haitori chomwenechiro.

A big pocket is not stolen by its owner.*

1487. Mutengesi ibere/ hapana musha waanopfuura.

A trader is a hyena, he does not by-pass any village.

1488. Mushambadzi haagari pasi.

A hawker does not sit down.

1489. Gotsi rutsito.

The back of the head is like a fence.

1490. Parwendo rwousiku/ anofa haazivikanwi.

On a nocturnal journey, the one to die is not known.

1491. Kusiri kwako/ masango.

A place other than yours is bush-veld.

1492. Dzinobva ruuya/ dzinoenda ruuya.

Those that leave peacefully will go peacefully.

1493. Dzinoendera madzoko/ marindo ariko mberi.

They leave with the idea of returning but spending a night
out lies ahead.

....
 452

1494. Chafamba chapenga.

One who has set out on a journey cannot help being
foolhardy.

1495. Chafamba cahpotal kudzoka miswere.

One who has set out on ajourney is gone; returning takes
time.
I
1'11
1496. Nzira haidzimiri munhu. 1

A path does not disappear before onee

1497. Chikuriri chine chimwe chikuriri chacho.

Every power is subject to another power.

1498. Gone ana gone wakewo.

'I-am-able' also has his master.

1499. Minwe misiyanwa.

Fingers are different (in length).

1500. Chapfakanyika chati ndipenengurwe.

That which moves needs to be unveiled.

1501. Meso haana muganho.

Eyes have no boundary.

1502. Meso haana nzira.

Eyes have no path.*
~
1503. Zvinonyadza mutauri kuti mbudzi yaba nyama iyo imbwa iripo.
It embarrasses the speaker that the goat has stolen meat
while the dog was there.

1504. Chabaya chinototumburwa.

An object that has gone in has to be extracted.

1505. Chapinda munzevel chawaridza bondeD

That which has entered the ear has spread the mat.

1506. Chaindira munzira chatsunga.

That which has ~xcreted on the path has shown defiance
(of the law).

1507. Chamamira munzira chatsunga.

That excreted in the path has shown defiance.*

1508. Hakuna chinonakira chimwe.

There is nothing that is better than the other.

1509. Wadzvova aguta.

He who belches has had his fill.

j
 453

1510. Chinoshara mesol muromo haushari.

What chooses are the eyes and not the mouth.

1511. Chinoshora mesol muromo haushori.

What despises are the eyes and not the mouth.

1512. Mugomberi wemhuru anopiwa mutuvi. 1,1

1,1 "
The one who guards the calf is given the whey. i

1513. Mufudzi weboka anodya mukaka waro.

The shepherd of a herd feeds on its milk.

1514. Mufudzi wembudzi anopiwa nzeve.

The shepherd of the goats is given an ear (for eating).

1515. Hapana mcuhero usina masvisvinwa.

There is no fruit without pulp which has to be spat out.

1516. Kubayira mweni mbudzil kuti vomo mumba vadye zvavo.

To kill a goat for a guest implies that everybody in the
family will have a share.

1517. Kubayira mweni mbudzil kuzivanovohwo.

To kill a goat for the guest (means) to know the family.*

1518. Kubikira mwenil kunzwa neyakowo (nzara).

To cook for a guest means you are also hungry.

1519. Chine munhuhwi -- chien munhuhwil bere rakatiza norwauro

rwemombe.
Something with scent has the power 6f smell; a hyena
snatched away the nose-rope of an ox.

1520. Svosve rakatuma zhou.

An ant sent an elephant (on an errand).

1521. Sonzi rakatuma nzou.

An ant sent the elephant.*

1522. Bveni kuipa zvarol haridyi chakafa choga.

The baboon may be ugly but it does not eat anything that
died on its own.

1523. Muromo chiponzal unopotsera.

A mouth is like a knobkerrie which you can throw.

1524. Muromo chipwere mukutumika.

A mouth is like a young boy when it comes to sending him.
 454
1525. Muromo ishomodzi.
A mouth is a messenger.

1526. Muromo inhume. (nhume: messenger)

Ihe mouth is a messenger.*

1527. Nzira haitauri.

A path does not speak. , "

1528. Gwanza harizivisi.

The path does not inform.*

1529. Chakanaka-chakanakal mukaka haurungwi munyu.

What is good is good, milk is not savoured with salt.

1530. Chakanaka-chakanakal imbwa haihukuri sadza.

What is good is good, a dog does not bark at sadza.

1531. Chitsva chomumwel chitsaru chomumwe.

What is old for one may be new for another.

1532. Chidhiidhii kutsvara hundil mwoyo uri kumakoto.

While a little bird scratches chaff, its heart is after
chaff with grain.

1533. Tsvimborume kutandara nemvanal mwoyo uri kumhandara.

While a bacheolor plays with a mvana, his heart is1; (really)
after girls.

1534. Kamuti kupinyukal mheno akapinyura.

If a (burning) stick springs up someone must have made it
do so.

1535. Gapo rimwe harisvitsi zhizha.

One spell of rain cannot (even) bring about the first-
crop season.

(1536. Imire haimiriri ivete.

The one (animal) standing does not wait for another lying
down.

1537. Imire haimiriri yakarara.

The one standing does not wait for the one lying down.*

1538. Imbwa yakaipa haioni bumhi.

A vicious dog does not see a wild dog.

15)9. Chaona zisol ndecharaona.

When an eye has seen, it has seen.
 ------- , ,'i'
1:1' :!,! I

455

1540. Chaona dziso harirambidzwi.

What the eyes have seen is not denied.*

1541. Fodya haina shura sedoro.

(Snuff) tobacco creates no grudge like beer.

1542. Fodya haina manenJl semhamba.

Tobacco causes no fights like beer.*

1543. Muzivisisi wenzira yaparuware ndiye mufambi wayo.

He who knows the path across the flat rock is the one who
often walks on it.

1544. Mbavha nerimal ushamwari ndohwazvo.

A thief and darkness are friends.

1545. Mbavha nechidima zvinonzwanana.

A thief an darkness understand ea~h other.*

1546. Moto ihwada yomukonde wesadza.

Fire is like a spoonful of sadza in a plate of sadza.

1547. Moto chidodo chomukonde wesadza.

Fire if (like) a small earthenware dish of stiff porridge
in a large plate of stiff porridge.
--,,\

1548. Rumoto runakira ndirwo runokonza mbare.

A pleansantly warm fire is the one that causes scorch
marks (on the skin).

1549. Kana museve woda nyamal unodauka pauta.

When the arrow craves for meat it darts from the bow.

1550. Kana museve woda nyamal unovhomoka pauta.

When the arrow wants meat it darts from the bow.

1551. Simba rehove riri mumvura.

The strength of a fish is in the water.

1552. Makunguo zvaakatya ko, akafa mangani?

Since crows took'fright, how many died?

1553. Mapere zvaakatya, mapapata awo mangani?

Mapere took fright, how many skeletons are there?

1~54. Mbwende haina vanga.

A coward has no scar.

1555. Kutya hakuna gobvu. (gobvu: scar)

Fesa has not scar.*

,,;~:" , i
 456
1556. Gudo kutya zvaro asi haribatirwi mwana.
Although a baboon is fearful, it does not allow its young
one to be touched.

~\
 APPENDIX C

INDEX OF ORIENTATION

I. Self Orientation

A. Category: Human Being

1. Reference: Person

a. Shona -33

1) Proverb Numbers: 45, 105, 106, 269, 278, 279, 304,

305, 533, 658, 776, 777, 795, 796, 805, 806, 996,

1006, 1007, 1008, 1068, 1097, 1123, 1190, 1197,

1211, ?'253, 1254, 1256, 1257, 1448, 1449, 1496

2) Words: munhu/vanhu

b. Bemba - 18

1) Proverb Numbers: 177, 425, 660, 717, 719, 780, 932,

1056, 1057, 1958, 1059, 1060, 1068, 1162, 1167,

1178, 1253, 243

2) Words: umuntu/abantu

B. Category: Parts of the Anatomy

1. Reference: Anus

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1463

2) Word: ishure

.M
 458
b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 400

2) Word: imputi

2. Reference: Armpit

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 130

2) Word: hapwa

b. Bemba - 1
1) Proverb Number: 552

2) Word: kwapa

3. Reference: Back

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 826

2)7 Word: umusana

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 681, 830, 1079

2) Words: panuma, kunuma, umusana

4. Reference: Back of head

a. Shona - 1
1) Proverb Number: 1489

2) Wo'rd: gotsi

b. Bemba - nil

5. Reference: Beard

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 129, 755

2) Word: ndebvu
 459

b. Bemba - 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 24, 55~ 429, 713, 714

2) Word: ~mwefu

6. Reference: Body

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 256, 445, 946

2) Word: muviri

b. Bemba - 3
1) Proverb Numbers: 102, 1009, 1010

2) Word: umubili

7. Reference: Blood

a. Shona - 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 993, 1269, 1388, 348, 1269

2) Word: uropa
/-

b. Bemba - 5
1) Proverb Numbers: 1043, 1044, 1045, 1046, 1216

2) Word: umulopa
!

' "
I

8. Reference: Bowels

a. Shona - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 737, 738, 765, 1168·

2) Words: manyoka, ura

b. Bemba - nil

9. Reference: Brains

a. Shona - nil
 460
b. Bemba - 10

1) Proverb Numbers: 12, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 649, ,

835, 870, 994

2) Word: amano
~)

10. Reference: Breast

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 755, 1263

2) Word: zamu/mazamu

b. Bemba - nil

11. Reference: Buttocks

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba-

1) Proverb Number: 957

2) Word: amatako

12. Reference: Calves

a. Shona - 1

( 1) Proverb Number: 1326

2) Word: tsapfu

b. Bemba - nil

13. Reference: Cheek

a. Shona - '1
-
1) Proverb Number: J 411
2) Word: dama

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 664

2) Word: umwanya
 :!I:
461
14. Reference: Chest

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1421

2) Word: dundu

b. Bemba - nil

15. Reference: Ears

a. Shona - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 1217, 1223, 1435, 1505

2) Word: nzeve

b. Bemba - 8

1) Proverb Numbers: 116, 296, 300, 433, 549, 1082,

1148, 1162

2) Words: amatwi, ukutwi

16. Reference: Eye

a. Shona - 25

1) Proverb Numbers: 163,182, 212, 220, 219, 392,

393, 408, 583, 585, 731, 843, 844, 845, 973, 1151,

1223, 1224, 1470, 1501, 1502, 1511, 1539, 1540,

407

2) Words: ziso/meso, dziso

\ b. Bemba -,26

1) Proverb Numbers: 120, 121, 168, 187, 192, 309, 342,

354, 355, 392, 430, 618, 625, 717, 723, 822, 905,

908, 937, 1042, 1055, 1182, 1265, 1267, 1270, 1279

2) Word: ilinso/amenso
 462
17. Reference: Eyelid

a. Shona - nil
b •. Bemba -

1) Proverb ,Number: 69
2) Word: akapeni
18. Reference: Face

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1200

2) Word: hope

b. Bemba - nil

19. Reference: Fat

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 39, 731

2) Words: kununa, imanda
b. Bemba - nil

20. Reference: Feet

a. Shona - 5 ",

1) Proverb Numbers: 38, 163, 600, 1442, 1443

2) Words: mutsa, tsoka

b. Bemba - nil

21. Reference: Finger

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 40, 758, 1499

2) Words: munwe, munongedzo (index)

b. Bemba - 10

1) Proverb Numbers: 132, 187, 192, 381, 382, 383,

?
 ----------

463
409, 694, 708, 1173

2) Words: umunwe/iminwe

22. Reference: Fingernail

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba -

1) Proverb Number: 218

2) Word: icalo

23. Reference: Fontanelle

ao Shona - 1
1) Proverb Number: 817

2) Word: nhora

b. Bemba - nil

24. Reference: Forehead

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 81

2) Word: huma

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 398, 399, 965

2) Words: impumi, inkanshi

25. Reference: Gums, Gaps between teeth

n
" a. Shona -·3

1) Proverb Numbers: 315, 553, 1080

2) Word: vende/mavende

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 34

2) Word: imicene
 464
26. Reference: Groins

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb. Numbers: 420, 690

2) Words: icinena, ubwebe

270 Reference: Hair

a. Shona - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 543, 544, 694, 996

2) Words; ibvudzi, wachena (implied, grayhair)

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 377, 1023, 1203

2) Words: imfwi (gray), umushishi, amasa (of armpit,

genitals)

28. Reference: Hands

a. Shona - 14

1) Proverb Numbers: 66, 217, 218, 236, 260, 328, 722,

723, 796, 1085, 1160, 1161, 1162, 1200

2) Word: ruoko/maoko

b. Bemba - 6

1) Proverb Numbers: 25, 122, 535, 732, 961, 1010

2) Wdrds: akaboko, ukuboko, amaboko

.'
r

29. Reference: Head

a. Shona - 16

1) Proverb Numbers: 267, 339, 399, 494, 553, 577,

661, 680, 681, 682, 742, 743, 760, 1063, 1346, 1435 I ~ II' ,

2) Words: musoro, mhanza (bald), baravara (shaved)

~
 465
b. Bemba - 8

1) Proverb Numbers: 318, 488, 539, 649, 959, 1023,

1110, 1286

2) Words: ,umutwe, ilipala (bald)

30. Reference: Heart

a. Shona - 22

1) Proverb Numbers: 217, 218, 272, 273, 280, 281, 352,

381, 382, 731, 856, 857, 876, 968, 969, 970, 971,

972,983,984, 1422, 1533

2) Word: mwoyo

b. Bemba - 9

1) Proverb Numbers: 165, 300, 309, 475, 1058, 1106,

1107, 1231, 1256

2) Word: umutima

31. Reference: Leg

a. Shona - 7

1) Proverb Numbers: 366, 535, 536, 1059, 1194, 1346,

1408

2) Word: ~umbo

b. Bemba - 7
1) Proverb Numbers: 180, 617, 684, 905, 938, 998, 1005
.'
~

2) Words: umukonso, ulukasa/amakasa, ubukulu

32. Reference: Lips

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba -
1) Proverb Number: 397

~
 466
2) Word: umulomo "

33. Reference: Loins

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 9, 318

2) Word: umusana

34. Reference: Mouth

a. Shona - 38

1) Proverb Numbers: 40, 142, 143, 173, 174, 206, 328,

329, 331, 344, 450, 451, 583, 615, 616, 722, 723,

756, 867, 897, 898, 924, 925, 1137, 1138, 1172,

I

1224, 1253, 1254, 1255, 1290, 1396, 1414, 1434,

1511, 1523, 1524, 1525, 1526

11,1

2) Words: kanwa, muromo

b. Bemba - 25

1) Proverb Numbers: 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63,

64, 294, 327, 603, 607, 608, 653, 829, 1021, 1022,

1147, 1149, 1190, 1198, 1225, 1252, 1259

2) Word: akanwa

35. Reference: Neck

a. Shona -' nil

~/
b. Bemba 6

1) Proverb Numbers: 118, 536, 539, 713, 755, 851

2) Words: umUkoshi, ilikoshi

36. Nose

a. Shona - 3
 467
1) Proverb Numbers: 318, 867, 1442.
2) Word: mhuno
b. Bemba - 3
1) Proverb Numbers: 57, 168, 192
2) Words: umona, imyona
37. Reference: Palm of hand

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1275

2) Word: chanza

b. Bemba - 1
1) Proverb'Number: 42
2) Word: ulupi

38. Reference: Placenta

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba -

1) Proverb Number: 863

2) Word: ubuta

39. Reference: Ribs

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 310, 1201 'I.

I
"< 2) Word: imbofu 'i Iii

40. Reference: Saliva

i
"I

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 40, 1172

2) Word: mate
 468

b. Bemba - nil

41. Reference: Shoulder

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 552, 1099

2) Word: kubeya

42. Reference: Stomach

a. Shona - 11

1) Proverb Numbers: 511, 522, 531, 532, 536, 1063,

1427, 1428, 1429, 1461, 1462

2) Words: dumbu, nhumbu

b. Bemba - 18

1) Proverb Numbers: 27, 33, 203, 407, 538, 636, 637,

638, 639, 796, 974, 1022, 1023, 1149, 1178, 1193,

12:?0, 1232

2) Words: akafumo, inda, ilifumo

43. Reference: Teeth

a. Shona - 6
jl

1) Proverb Numbers: 52, 53, 135, 365, 481, 1080

2) Words: zino/mazino, meno

bo Bemba-4

1) Proverb Numbers: 224, 327, 556, 1036

2) Word: ameno
- --
44. Reference: Temple I'
I

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 742, 743

- ).
 469
2) Word: shosha (where hair has become thin)

b. Bemba - nil

45. Reference: Toe

a. Shona - nil

be Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 162, 247

2) Word: icikondo

46. Reference: Tongue

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 266

2) Word: rurimi

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 294

2) Word: ululimi

47. Reference: Top of spinal column

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 855

2) Word: chirangaranga

b. Bemba - nil

48. Reference: Uterus

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 884

2) Words: nyoka ye mvana

b. Bemba - nil

49. Reference: Womb

a. Shona - 5

J
 --- ',1',1 !
i

470
1) Proverb Numbers: 275, 829, 881, 882, 883

2) Words: nhumbu, dumbu, ura

I:

b. Bemba - nil

C. Category: Various Conditions of the Human Being

1. Reference: Conscience

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 617

2) Word: hana

bo Bemba - nil

2. Reference: Corpse

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 317, 773, 615

2) Words: munhu akafa, zvituna, afa-afa

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1172

2) Word: bolele
:1 : '

3. Reference: Crippled, Lame

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 77, 13

2) Words: zvirema, chirema

b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 463, 655, 663, 856

2) Words: icilema, indema

4. Reference: Disease

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 753, 1099

- ~~

~
 471
2) Words: chirwere, urwere

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 543, 978

2) Words: ,kulwala, -lwalika

5. Reference: Excreta

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 3
1) Proverb Numbers: 101, 275, 810

2) Word: amafi

6. Reference: Marks on Face from,Sleeping

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 795

2) Word: mabori

b. Bemba - nil

7. Reference: Hunch of a Hunchback

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba -

1) Proverb Number: 471

2) Word: inongo

8. Reference: Life

a. Shona .- 1

1) Proverb Number: 761

2) Word: upenyu

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 276, 1162

2) Words: umweo
- --

I
I '

I
'1

]
,"1

~ ,

III:
 472
9. Reference: Scar

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 1053, 1554, 1555

2) Words: gobvu, vanga

b. Bemba - nil

10. Reference: Skeleton

a. Shona - 1
'J
1) Proverb Number: 1553 .

2) Word: mapapata

b. Bemba - nil

11. Reference: Sweat

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 1164, 1165, 1214

2) Words: dikita, ziya

b. Bemba - nil

12. Reference: Tattoo Marks

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 94, 96

2) Word: nyora

b. Bemba - nil

13. Reference: Tears

a. Shona - 2 ';11111

1) Proverb Numbers: 96, 251

2) Word: misodzi

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 628, 1182

 473
2) Words: umutula, ifilamba
14. Reference: Vomit

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 559

2) Word: -rutsa

b. Bemba - 2
1) Proverb Numbers: 369, 340
2) Words: icilukwa, amalushi
15. Reference: Wound or Physical Injury
I)
a. Shona - 10

1) Proverb Numbers: 244, 346, 349, 433, 503, 625, 752,

971, 1056, 1268

2) Words: ronda/maronda, mbonje (head injury), mota

(abscess)

b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 437, 480, 601, 1018

2) Words: akalonda, icilaso, icilonda

II. Other Orientation - Human

A. Category: Kin

i. Sub-Cat.egory: Children

1. Reference: Boy
,::11111111

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 14

2) Word: mukomana

b. Bemba - nil
 474
2. Reference: Child, Childhood

a. Shona - 52

1) Proverb Numbers: 8, 34, 35, 43, 44, 66, 205, 243,

245, 318~ 418, 419,435, 462, 508, 511, 643, 652,

710, 810, 827, 828, 829, 830, 831, 834, 835, 836, ,II
1'1
'I
I
837, 843, 855, 860, 876, 877, 879, 880, 905, 908,

915, 931, 997, 999, 1002, 1003, 1058, 1103, 1216,

1279, 1449, 1478, 1524

2) Words: ndumudzani, mbudzana, mucheche, mudoko,

mwana, mwana muduku, pwere, mwana mudiki, ndumure

b. Bemba - 55

1) Proverb Numbers: 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9, 285, 289, 288,

302, 349, 440, 507, 537, 544, 624, 662, 715, 833,

839, 840, 858, 861, 910, 911, 956, 971, 973, 1,071 ,

1085, 1087, 1113, 1114, 1115, 1284, 1116, 1117 ,

1118, 1119, 112O, 1122, 1123, 1124, 1125, 1127,

1128, 1129, 1130, 1131 , 1134, 1135, 1139, 1140,

1270

2) Words: abaice, abana, mwipi, bwaice

3. Reference: girl, girlhood

a. Shona -19

1) Proverb Numbers: 14, 63, 64, 297, 314, 385, 781,

785, 822, 986, 987, 988, 1225, 1243, 1307, 1308,

1309, 1533

2) Words: musikana, mhandara, mukarabwe muchena,

mwana, chiuni, usikana

 475

b'--;J Bemba - nil

I

4. Reference: orphan

a. Shona - 12

1.) Proverb Numbers: 123, 124, 201, 225, 226, 463, 523,

559, 560, 561, 826, 1198, 1349 !

2) Word: nherera

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 1142, 1183

2) Words: umwana wa nshiwa, umwana kashiwa

5.. Reference: Stepchild

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number 653

2) Word: mubvandiripo

b. Bemba - nil

60 Reference: Young boy, Young man

a. Shona - 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 213, 297, 1205, 680, 557

2) Words: chirumbwana, jaha, chinonyenga, rousina

baba

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 501 ' I, ~ II

2) Word: kalume wa mfumu : III ~ I

7. Reference: Young woman (marriageable)

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 147, 1234

2) Words: banamune, uwamabele

I!

II!

II:
 476
b. Bemba - nil

ii. Sub-Category: Mother, Motherhood

1. Reference: Mother, Motherhood

a. Shona - 28

1) Proverb Numbers: 6, 239, 240, 511, 523, 643, 713,

800, 841, 842, 843, 853, 856, 857, 858, 859, 860,

876, 877, 1003, 1226, 1243, 1263, 1277, 1278, 1280

2) Words: wabara, wabareka, mai

b. Bemba - 24

1) Proverb Numbers: 302, 440, 582, 592, 593, 707, 708,

709, 715, 716, 741, 783, 843, 907, 921, 1086, 1122,

1130, 1131, 1135, 1182, 1201, 1286, 1233

2) Words: nyina, noko

2. Reference: Unmarried Mother who has given birth for first

time

a. Shona - 6

1) Proverb Numbers: 245, 318, 562, 1307, 1308, 1309

2) Word: mvana

b. Bemba - nil

3. Reference: Mother just after delivery

a. Shona -' 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 312, 418, 419, 462, 662

2) Words: mungozva, wabata mwana, muzvere

iii. Sub-Category: Wife

a. Shona - 16

1) Proverb Numbers: 119, 120, 239, 240, 639, 852, 853,

 477
895, 929, 930, 931, 955, 1229, 1340, 1427, 1096

2) Words: mukadzi, hosi (senior wife)

b. Bemba - 7

1) Proverb .Numbers: 209, 357, 485, 605, 606, 748, 891

2) Words: umukashi, umuka
iv. Sub-Category: Father, Fatherhood
a. Shona - 9

1) Proverb Numbers: 7, 43, 44, 822, 852, 853, 877,

999, 1058
2) Word: baba
b. Bemba - 6

1) Proverb Numbers: 74, 140, 160, 492, 787, 1123

2) Words: wiso, tata, butata, wishi

v. Sub-Category: Husband
a. Shona - 3
1) Proverb Numbers: 726, 793, 956
2) Words: muridzi wo mukadzi., murume
b. Bemba - nil
vi. Sub-Category: Siblings

1. Reference: Brother
a. Shona nil
b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 519, 594, 661, 876

2) Words: munyina, ndume, mwananoko
2. Reference: Elder Brother/Sister
a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 861

2) Word: mukoma (Elder brother if said by boy; elder

 ~-- --------- -_.-

478
sister if said by girl)
b. Bemba - nil
3. Reference: Younger Brother/Sister

a. Shona - 1
1) Proverb Number: 861
2) Word: munun'una (Younger brother if said by a boy; i.

younger sister if said by a girl

b. Bemba - nil
4. Reference: Sister

a~. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 4
1) Proverb Numbers: 29, 661, 759, 876
2) Words: nkashi, mwana noko
vii. Sub-Category: Daughter
. a. Shona - 6
1) Proverb Numbers: 790, 825, 888, 979, 980, 1143
2) Words: mhurikadzi, mwanasikana, mwana

b. Bemba - nil
viii. Sub-Category: Family
a. Shona - 19

1) Proverb Numbers, 46, 47, 141, 203, 228, 229, 322,

421, 422, 423, 807, 808, 809, 814, 957, 1125, 1160,
1161, 151T

2) Words: hama, wako, vohwo

b. Bemba - 8
1) Proverb Numbers: 422, 545, 631, 882, 933, 934, 977,
1108

2) Words: lupwa, uobe, ubwana nyina (male members)

 479

ix. Sub-Category: "Family Fool"

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 126, 127, 128

2) Word: benzi rako

'x. Sub-Category: Grandmother

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 792, 805, 806

2) Word: mbuya

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 676

2) I'!
Word: nakulu wakota

xi. Sub-Category: Grandchild (son or daughter)

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1142

2) Word: muzukuru (grandson)

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 676

2) Word: beshikulu (grandson)

xii. Sub-Category: Guardian

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 558, 1198

2) Words: tewe, muredzi

b. Bemba - nil

xiii. Sub-Category: Nephew

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 495

 -
' -<oc
; c

480
2) Word: muzukuru

b. Bemba - nil

xiv. Sub-Category: Parents

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba-

1) Proverb Number: 919

2) Word: umufyashi

xv. Sub-Category: Clan

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 272, 566, 567

2) Words: mukowa, mutupo

xvi. Sub-Category: Son

a. Shona - 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 495, 868, 869, 979, 980

2) Words: mwana, mwanakomana, mwamuna, mhurirume,

murume

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1133

2) Word: umwana mwaume

xvii. Sub-Category:' Marriage and Marriage Spouses

a. Shona - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 633, 676, 784, 785

2) Words: zviuya, chisinga wanisi, kuwanikwa, yabikwa

b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 318, 319, 320, 1038

 481

2) Words: icupo, muka-kubomba

xviii. Sub-Category: Maternal Uncle

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 492, 710, 711

2·) Words: yama, nokolume

1
xix. Sub-Category: Affines Other than Wife, Husband and Spouse

1. Reference: Brother-in-law

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 158, 280, 1126

2) Words: ubukwe, inkashi

2. Reference: In-laws

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 700

2) Word: tezvara

b. Bemba - 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 339, 536, 650, 1276, 947

2) Words: buko, muko

3. Reference: Mother-in-law

a. Shona - 5 .

1) Proverb Numbers: 5, 119, 120, 319, 683

2) Word: mbuya

1
It must be understood that the words used by the two groups for
people in this category de not necessarily correspond with our English
usage.
 _ _ _____ - - - -- - - - - - ~ _-;~~ - ;: . - ~,;~ ~ _- _~ _- _ _-_ 'I ~ f!i_
-c _ .60-') .

482
b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 646, 1244

2) Words: banafyala, muko

4. Reference: Son-in-law

a. Shona - 9

1) Proverb Numbers: 319, 448, 747 t 748, 787, 788,

789, 824, 1426

2) Words: mukwambo, mukuwasha

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 589, 1017

2) Words: lumbwe, umuko

B. Category: Women

i. Sub-Category: Woman

a. Shona - 17

1) Proverb Numbers: 26, 399, 464, 465, 701, 726, 736,

755, 817, 955, 989, 990, 991, 992, 1026, 1058, 1111

2) Words: mvana, mukadzi, zigadzi, munhukadzi,

mhandakadzi, nharokadzi, nenha

b. Bemba - 11

1) Pro v e r b Nurn be r s : 10 , 105, 155, 333, 338, 746, 1076 ,

1091, 1144, 1145, 1282

2) Words: bukota, umwanakashi

ii. Sub-Category: Barren, childless woman

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 875, 1399

 SI ~{1{j~!1, ..

483
2) Word: imhanje

bo Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 348, 972

2) Word: nghumba

iii. Sub-Category: Divorcee

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 1101, 1102

2) Words: ibvapamwe, mukadzi akarambwa

b. Bemba - nil

iv. Sub-Category: "Girlfriend"

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 26, 683

2) Words: mhandara, shamwari

b. Bemba - nil

v. Sub-Category: Old Woman (and see IV A 11a)

a. Shona - 15

1) Proverb Numbers: 20, 21, 333, 456, 482, 528, 649,

650,699,713,1153,1186,1187,1342,1399

2) Words: chembere, mbuya

b. Bemba - nil

C. Category: Men

i. Sub-Category: Men in General

a. Shona - 14

1) Proverb Numbers: 129, 412, 413, 663, 755, 782, 956,

,I
,i
999,1204,1411,1451,1452,1457

2) Words: varume, chirume, zirurne

 - - __ ~J[Bf_~~__''!il
_ -"'_~_,_~_\,'_,-'!,:,' . ": k'
-c --_
'_'

484
b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 16, 155, 1146

2) Word: abaume

ii. Sub-Category: Bach~lor

a. Shona - 8

1) Proverb Numbers: 313, 318, 322, 323, 325, 639,

1409, 1533

2) Words: tsvimborume, pfunda

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 781

2) Word: abashimbe

iii. Sub-Category: Old Men (but also see "Elders" in general)

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 135, 442, 1293

2) Word: harahwa

b. Bemba - 1
1) Proverb Number: 37
2) Word: abakulu

iv. Sub-Category: Bald-headed Men

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 661

2) Word: ane mhanza

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number 959

2) Word: -ba pala
 - -- - - - - - - - - - - -
- -
~ - .
-- ~ - - - - ..J-lfii.'!:~ . .,: ~,~<
-,"'~LUW ~ ,' 1 l
' .,'

485

D. Category: Elders (see also IV C3)

i. Sub-Category: Elders in general

a. Shona - 15

1) Proverb Numbers: 8, 34, 35, 86, 109, 110, 263, 264,

265, 659, 840, 997, 1054, 1221

2) Words; mukuru, chakuru, akura

b. Bemba - 24

1) Proverb Numbers: 1020, 129, 131, 201, 255, 293,

399, 521, 587, 713, 714, 744, 789, 835, 864, 865,

913, 937, 1037, 1184, 1185, 1194, 1203, 1014, 1015,

1016

2) Words: apakulu, abakulu, abakalamba, ubukulu,

akakulu

ii. Sub-Category: Old People

a. Shona - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 481, 694, 996, 1428

2) Words: vasina meno, wachena, mutseye

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 104, 855, 929

2) Words: bukoloci, umukote

E. Category: Authorities (Political)

i. Sub-Category: Chiefs

a. Shona - 25

1) Proverb Numbers: 136, 137, 147, 154, 191, 192, 287,

420, 485, 619, 644, 827, 896, 960, 961, 984, 997,
 - ---c;c-;- ,">TTi1' i '!iIIIM ~~iiil-~~iitii· ~,~,~~~ ;:~ ~'1i~; l,~fl% ,,:
_----------=:--=---=-- - - -
---""-'-~~=~ -------_ .. ~.-:--:-:::::.~~--

486

1020, 1069, 1072, 1073, 1074, 1075, 1107, 1108, 1228

2) Words: ishe, umambo

b. Bemba - 21

1) Proverb Numbers: 21, 94, 142, 152, 213, 227, 369,

370, 501, 531, 532, 546, 547, 659, 712, 757,806,

990, 1040, 1089, 1193

2) Words: mfumu, shamfumu

ii. Sub-Category: Councillor of the Chief

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 1067, 1068

,'I
2) Word: makota

b 0 Bemba - nil

iii. Sub-Category: Headwife of the Chief

a. Shona nil

b. Bemba-

1) Proverb Number: 609

2) Word: umukolo

ivo Sub-Category: Leader, Great Leader

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1063

2) Word: gombarume

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 606, 1205

2) Words: umupwa, uutangile

v. Sub-Category: Judge

a. Shona - 1
 _ -----------:-;7I '!ell ti'M1. . ~~~~,.,~~:~I~~-I~~;k~{~t' ,1f

487
1) Proverb Number: 1121

2) Word: mutongi

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 484

2) Word: kabilo

vi. Sub-Category: Headman

"
I
~,
~~r,

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 146, 192

2) Words: samusha, ngoya

b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 77, 605, 671, 1088

2) Words: mwine kashi, mwine mushi

vii. Sub-Category: Soldier

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba-2

1) Proverb Numbers: 334, 672

2) Word: ifita

viii. Sub-Category: Sons of the Chief

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 201, 463, 1065

2) Words: muzvare, machinda, mwana washe

b. Bemba - nil (But see IVAlf)

ix. Sub-Category: Steward of the Chief

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba-

1) Proverb Number: 656

- - ---- - - - - -.e" ~~ w.,...,~~~_~~~~~~~_~-=~lijij.~~3L~j~i ~._rlII&~, 1

488
2) Word: umushika wa mfumu

x. Sub-Category: Tribal Ward

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 254

2) Word: mutunhu

b. Bemba - nil

F. Category: Spirits

i. Sub-Category: Ancestral Spirits

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1385

2) Word: dzavakare

b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 200, 1215, 1216, 1217

2) Words: fikolwe, uwafwa

ii. Sub-Category: Evil Spirits

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 814, 815

2) Word: ngozi

b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 331, 358, 746, 1066

2) Words: ifiwa, shetani

iii. Sub-Category: Good Spirits

a. Shona - 8

1) Proverb Numbers: 230, 321, 327, 504, 562, 711, 896

1329

2) Word: mudzimu
 489
b. Bemba - 8

1) Proverb Numbers: 1065, 1066, 1067, 1068, 1069, 1070

1071, 1213

2) Word: umupashi

G. Category: God

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 152, 153

2) Word: Mwari

b. Bemba - 32

1) Proverb Numbers: 138, 267, 284, 345, 425, 540, 544,

553, 558, 559, 560, 561, 562, 563, 564, 565, 566,

567, 568, 569, 570, 571, 572, 573, 574, 575, 576,

577, 578, 579, 889, 1189

2) Words: Lesa, Lesa Tumbanambo

H. Category: Activity Related People

i. Sub-Category: Deliveryman, Messenger

a. Shona - 7

1) Proverb Numbers: 335, 336, 440, 441, 727, 1525,

1526

2) Words: nyakusvitsa, wauya nacho, mutumwa, shomodzi,

nhume, nhumwi

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 281, 420

2) Words: busole, inkombe

 -------

490

ii.. Sub-Category: Diviner, Doctor

a. Shona - 12

1) Proverb Numbers: 312, 718, 897, 962, 964, 983,

1056, 1103, 1139, 1197, 1220, 1220a

2) Words: chiremba, n'anga, -ane makona, kuziva gona

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 46, 465, 939

2) Word: in'anga

iii. Sub-Category: Farmer

a. Shona - 9

1) Proverb Numbers: 575, 886, 887, 889, 891, 893, 894,

2045, 1195

2) Words: hurudza, murimi

b. Bemba - nil

iv. Sub-Category: Hunter

a. Shona - 12

1) Proverb Numbers: 249, 302, 303, 326, 941, 1053,

1117, 1133, 1134, 1135, 1467, 1468

2) Words: hombarume, murhimi, maisiri, mubayi, wabaya,

rabaya, abata

b. Bemba - 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 173, 588, 777, 1050, 1062

2) Words: icibinda, lukonko lwa kubamba, umulumba,

umulunshi, umupalu

v. Sub-Category: Midwife

a. Shona - 1
 ~JI""'"

491
1) Proverb Number 1219

2) Word: nyamukuta

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 675

2) Word: nacimbusa

vi. Sub-Category: Preacher, Teacher

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 595, 1035

2) Words: mfunda buteshi, umulangishi wa muntu

vii. Sub-Category: Sentinel

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 931, 932

2) Word: nsoke

viii. Sub-Category: Slave, Servant

a. Shona - 12

1) Proverb Numbers: 191, 386, 521, 644, 1065, 1069,

1077, 1084, 1085, 1118, 1162, 1460

2) Word: muranda

b. Bemba - 9 '

1) Proverb Numbers: 9, 94, 393, 921, 963, 1041, 1080,

1081, 1082

2) Words: abasha, akombele

ix. Sub-Category: Shepherd

a. Shona - 2
 .r.,t ...

492
1) Proverb Numbers: 1513, 1514
2) Word: mufudzi

b. Bemba - nil

x. Sub-Catego,ry: Thief

a. Shona - 5
1) Proverb Numbers: 757, 881, 883, 884, 1544
2) Word: mbavha

b. Bemba - 1
1) Proverb Number: 1078
2), Word: umupupu

xi. Sub-Category: Trader

a. Shona - 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 1474, 1475, 1476, 1487, 1488

2) Words: mutengesi, mushambadzi .

b. Bemba - nil

xii. Sub-Category: Weaver

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 614, 1062

2) Words: chiruka, muruki

b. Bemba - nil

xiii. Sub-Category: Witch

a. Shona - 19

1) Proverb Numbers: 278, 279, 311, 334, 344, 437, 446,

648, 701, 711, 769, 793, 843, 881, 883, 884, 960,

961, 965

2) Words: muroyi, -roya, kuziva uroyi

 -~ ---,;.n AfIIiiMi

493

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1017

2) Word: indoshi

xiv. SUb-Category; Workers

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba -1

1) Proverb Number: 1079

2) Word: abalimi

I. Category: Role Identified People

i. Sub-Category: Adulterer

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 652, 726, 786

2) Word: ~omba

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Numbers: 1012

2) Word: umucende

ii. Sub-Category: Blindman

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 308, 1291, 1292

2) Words: bofu, mapofu

b. Bemba - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 394, 395, 396

2) Word: impofu

iii. Sub-Category: Bride

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 301

C'
Ij
 . _ .. 'J.I ......

494
2) Word: mutsvitsa

b. Bemba - nil

iv. Sub-Category: Crowd of People

a. Shona - nil

b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 600, 647, 739, 908

2) Words: ubwingi, ilibumba

v. Sub-Category: Enemy

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 52, 53

2) Words: rivenga, warisingadi
b. Bemba - 1
1) Proverb Number: 1212
2) Word: fita

vi. Sub-Category: Experts

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 224, 716, 872

2) Words: varidzi, mhizha, chisingagonebwi

b. Bemba - nil

vii. Sub-Category: Fool, Crazy Person

a. Shona - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 920, 1048, 1258, 1273 (See also

IVA 10)
2) Word: benzi

b. Bemba - 7

1) Proverb Numbers: 389, 580, 912, 930, 954, 994, 1095

 495
2) Words: icipuba, ilipena, shilu, tupumbu

viii. Sub-Category: Friend

a. Shona - 8

1) Proverb Numbers: 378, 453, 454, 455, 456, 457,

461, 757

2) Words: ushamwari, vayanani, vadani, vamwe

b. Bemba - 18

1) Proverb Numbers: 107, 373, 434, 485, 507, 636, 641,

723, 730, 809, 831, 950, 1033, 1070, 1124, 1146,

1176, 1264

2) Words: mubiyo, cibusa, munankwe

ix. Sub-Category: Hooligan

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number 719

2) Word: matsotsi

b. Bemba - nil

x. Sub-Category: Lame Person, Cripple

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 13, 77

2) Words: zvirema, chirema

b. Bemba - 6 '

1) Proverb Numbers: 463, 496, 655, 663, 856, 918

2) Words: icilema, uwalemwa, indema, icibi (child)

xi. Sub-Category: Neighbor

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 388

JE \~
 496

2) Word: vamwe

b. Bemba - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1168

2) Woro: umwina mupalamano

xii. Sub-Category: Owner, Master

a. Shona - 26

1) Proverb Numbers: 155, 164, 165, 339, 417, 443, 444,

445, 448, 449, 577, 578, 617, 686, 727, 794, 873,

928, 943, 1057, 1060, 1061, 1462, 1484, 1486

2) Words: muridzi, mwene, ane -, tenzi, tewe, musoni

b. Bemba - 18

1) Proverb Numbers: 190, 191, 231, 238, 337, 364,

467, 470, 517, 756, 1069, 1075, 1107, 1163, 1173,

1174, 1262, 1272

2) Words: abene, shikulu, icibinda, wa -

xiii. Sub-Category: Patient, Sick Person

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 452, 1220a

2) Words: murwere, murapwa

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 940, 1051

2) Words: ntenda, umulwele

xiv. Sub-Category: Personages

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 1226, 1227

2) Words: Munyarari, Tarubra

 --=~"..I"""".

497
b. Bemba - 21

1) Proverb Numbers: 124, 126, 169, 170, 477, 488, 489,

491, 496, 504, 505, 508, 518, 521, 692, 693, 694,

793., 924, 1218, 1223

2) Words: Bunde, Shimundu, Capoota, Cayansha, Katumba,

Kabundi, Kabungo, Kafumb~, Kaluba, Kampanda,

Kampanda Katondo, Kankombelesha, Kasumba, Kalongwe,

Cikwale, Kalinghongo, Kaengele, Tambwe, Mumboolo,

Ngosa., Musa

xv. Sub-Category: Possessed Person

a. Shona - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 61, 62

2) Word: ishavi

b. Bemba - nil

xvi. Sub-Category: Predecessor

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 510

2) Word: muzandiripo

b. Bemba - nil

xvii. Sub-Category: Foreigners

a. Shona - 5

1) Proverb Numbers: 460, 737, 738, 807, 1386

2) Words; MuTonga, MaZungu, Chizungu, Mutorwa, VaRungu

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 483, 794

2) Words: Ilala, abene

I -- ---- ---- ~~ • -~~~~. .~~,.. ... ~-~ . . . . . -,;;"r·_. "";;;;---==-...::.~alo·J!l

498
xviii. Sub-Category: Witnesses

a. Shona - 3

1) Proverb Numbers: 1115, 1116, 1117

2) Words: zvapupu, vapupuri

b. Bemba - nil

J. Category: Contrasts
I

i. Sub-Category: Resident, Villager

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 1157

2) Word: vohwo

b. Bemba - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: 304, 316, 541, 668

2) Words: umukaya, ubweni

ii. Sub-Category: Stranger, Visitor, Guest, Traveller

a. Shona - 26

1) Proverb Numbers: 46, 47, 139, 144, 145, 159, 164, !:Ii[,
i

165, 203, 292, 293, 332, 421, 422, 423, 466, 467,

660, 1157, 1433, 1442, 1443, 1444, 1445, 1516, 1518

2) Words: vatorwa, mweni, vokunze, wokuruwa, hweni,

I'

werwendo :1

b. Bemba - 24 'Iii

1) Proverb Numbers: 18, 19, 20, 172, 254, 448, 556, 'ii

631, 668, 997, 1148,1149, 1150, 1151, 1152, 1153,

1154, 1155, 1156, 1157, 1158, 1160, 1161, 1202

2) Words: icikupempula, abeni, ceni, umweni, abenda

I ...,..j
_. _______ ._~.....,..._,._~ ...,,,->._.., •. ~~. .'!11 .. ~~~_ •.:':I!'_~_l'!.~_.._~~~i

499
iii. Sub-Category: Mountain Dwellers

a. Shona - 4

1) Proverb Numbers: ?, 185, 186, 187

2) Word: vari mugomo

b. Bemba - nil

iv. Sub-Category: Veld Dwellers

a. Shona-3

1) Proverb Numbers: 185, 186, 187

.2) Word: vari pasi

b. Bemba - nil

v. SUb-Category: Rich Person

a. Shona - 1

1) Proverb Number: 202

2) Word: vapfumi

b. Bemba - 2

1) Proverb Numbers: 143, 1169

2) Words: umwina, musumba, abafyuma

vi. Sub-Category: Commoner, Poor Person

a. Shona - 15

1) Proverb Numbers: 152, 153, 154, 327, 385, 386, 549,

568,569, 570, 617, 618, 619, 833, 1407

2) Words: murombo, muchena, ngoya, rombe, wenzara

b. Bemba - 7

1) Proverb Numbers: 205, 589, 635, 782, 1021, 1022,

1147

2) Words: abapabi, umulanda, umubusu

- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --.,."".i-'--:~H . .,..... ,.. ~"" C. ",~~~~,~ J

500

K. Category: Relationships

a. Shona - 13

1) Proverb Numbers: 171, 172, 392, 393, 798, 799,

800, 801, 803, 804, 912, 1301, 1544

2) Words: ukama, ushamwari

b. Bemba - 8

1) Proverb Numbers: 4, 174, ,177, 314, 1167, 1168,

1176, 1245

2) Words: uo mwenda nankwe, umuselwe, -balapalamana,

cibusa, umwikalano, iciikalano

_______~--~ ____ '"_~~.. ',_,_'.·,..,.,i".~i .. !·.,".~ __ .~·rllti.f.Jl..J,.f·J_ ,

APPENDIX D

DAT~ FOR CHI-SQUARE TESTS'

TABLE I

Reference 2 2
0, E, O,-E, (O,-E,) (O,-E,) IE,

Mouth 38 49.00 11 .00 121.00 2.4694

197 201.50 - 8.50 72.25 .3586
25 28.50 -, 3.5 12.25 .4298
176 171.51 12.49 156.00 .9096
2
X = 4. 1674
Eye 25 27.54 - 2.23 4.97 . '806
2'0 207.45 2.55 6.50 .0313
26 23.44 2.56 6.55 .2794
174 '76.57 - 2.57 6.60 .0374
2
X = .5287
Heart 22 '6.75 5.25 27.56 1.6455
2'3 2'8.23 - 5.23 27.35 . 1253
9 '4.26 - 5.76 33. '8 2.3268
191 '85.75 5.25 27.56 . 1484
2
X = 4.2460

1df = 1, alpha - 0.05 is 3.84146.

 -------~--;----.~~ .~~~

502

TABLE I (Continued)

Reference 0 2 2
1 E1 °1- E1 (Ol- E l) (01- E1) IEl

Head 16 ' 12.97 3.03 9. 18 .7079

219 218.23 - 3.23 10.43 .0483
8 14.26 - 6.26 39. 19 2.7482
192 185.75 16.25 264.06 1.4216
2
X = 4.9260
Hands 14 10.81 3. 19 10. 18 .9417
221 224. 18 - 3. 18 10. 11 .0451
6 9.20 - 3.20 10.24 1.1130

194 190.81 3.19 10. 18 .0533

2
X = 2. 1532
Stomach 11 15.67 - 4.67 21 .81 1 .3918
224 219.24 4.76 22.66 • 1033
18 13.34 4.66 21 .72 1 .6282

182 186.61 - 4.61 21.25 . 1139

2
X = 3.2372
 503

TABLE II

Reference 0 2
1 E1 0.1- E1 (01- E1 ) 2
(0 1- E1) IE1
Kin 205 195.25 9.75 95.06 .4869
335 344.71 - 9.71 94.28 .2735
140 149.72 - 9.72 94.48 .6310
275 264.32 10.68 114.06 04315
2
X = 1.8229
Women 38 28.29 9.71 94.28 3.3326
502 51.1 .67 - 9.67 93.51 .1828
12 21.70 - 9.70 94.09 4.3359
402 391 .68 10.32 106.50 .2719
2
X = 8.1232
Men 26 18.09 7.91 62.57 3.4587
514. 521 .88 - 7.88 62.09 . 1190
6 13.87 - 7.87 61.94 4.4658
408 400. 17 7.83 61 .31 .1532
'2
X = 8. 1967
Elders 19 26.03 - 7.03 49.42 1.8986
536 513.94 22.06 486.64 .9469
27 19.96 7.04 49.56 2.4830
390 394.08 - 4.08 16.65 .0422
2
X = 5.3708
~- ~ t · ;1':7rr=_, - r,~z,

504
TABLE II (Continued)

'Referrence 0 2 2
1 E1 °1- E, (0,-E 1 ) (01- E1) IE1

Authorities 35 37.91 - 2.91 8.47 .2233

505 502.06 ' 2.94 8.64 .0172
32 29.07 2.93 ,8.58 .2951
382 384.97 - 2.97 8.82 .0229
2
X = .5585
Spirits 11 15.28 - 4.28 18.32 1 • 1988
529 524.68 4.32 18.66 .0356
16 11 .72 4.28 18.32 1 .5631
398 402.32 - 4.32 18.66 .0464
2
X = 2.8439
Activity 85 63.39 21 .61 466.99 7.3670
Related
455 476.57 - 21.57 465.26 .9763
27 48.61 - 21.61 466.99 9.6069
387 365.43 21.57 465.26 1 .2732
2
X = 19.2234
Role 69 87. 15 - 18.15 329.42 3.7799
Identified
471 452.81 18. 19 330.88 .7307
85, 66.83 18. 17 330.15 4.9401
329 347.21 - 18.21 331 .60 .9550
2
X = 10.4057
 ----- --- ------ ---~ --'~".#, -"' ... ~ rJllriIflf i;A.ff "

505

TABLE II (Continued)

Reference 0 2 2
1 E1 °1- E1 (01- E1) (01- E1) IE1

Contrasts 50 49.24 .76 .5776 .0117

490 490.72 - .72 .5184 .0011
37 37.76 - .76 .5776 .0153
377 376.28 .72 .5184 .0014
2
X =.0291
 506

TABLE III

CHI-SQUARE TESTS FOR REFERENCES TO MEMBERS

OF THE DOMESTICE UNITS

Reference 0 2 2
1 E1 °1- E1 (01- E1) (01- E1) IE1

Children 93 90.98 2.02 4.08 0.0448

68 70.02 - 2.02 4.08 0.0583
59 61.03 - 2003 4. 12 0.0675
49 46.97 - 2.03 4. 12 0.0877
2
X = 0.2583
Mothers 34 34.71 - 0.71 0.50 0.0144
127 126.29 0.71 0.50 0.0040
24 23.29 0.71 0.50 0.0215
84 84.72 - 0.72 0.52 0.0061
2
X = 0.0460
Wives 16 13.77 2.23 4.97 0.3611
145 147.31 - 2.31 5.34 0.0363
7 9.23 - 2.23 4.97 0.5385
101 98.82 2. 18 4.75 0.0481
2
X = 0.9840
Fathers 9 8.98 0.02 0.0004 0.0000
152 152.01 - 0.01 0.0001 0.0000
6 6.03 - 0.03 0.0009 0.0000
102 101 .98 0.02 0.0004 0.0000
2
X = 0.0000
a + b = 161; c + d = 108
 "VT:.~~- '!
- --, c~~-,~~..,. -- --.-: ;;,~.r:VIfI}ltlll1:dW"

507

TABLE IV'

CHI-SQUARE TEST FOR REFERENCE TO THE

DOMESTIC UNITS WITHIN KINSHIP GROUPS

Domestic Unit 155 149. 14 5.86 34.34 0.2303

50 55.86 .- 5.86 34.34 0.6148
96 101 .85 - 5.85 34.22 0.3360
44 38. 15 5.85 34.22 0.8970

2
X = 2.0781

."
,•.
J' t
.
I

V,
I'

I
 r,.'~" ~ _-;-_.~~=-o
--- ----- - -,,;,:-:;;,,-;:::--- .. ,. UW\tll '.¥M-f1ll/lNll; • eM." I' , I

l
508

TABLE V

CHI-SQUARE TESTS FOR REFERENCE TO THE

NATURE AND PASSIVE ROLES OF CHILDREN

Nature of 25 19.66 5.34 28.41 1.4451

Children
34 39.33 - 5033 28.41 0.7223

12 17.33 - 5033 28.41 1.6394

40 34.67 5.34 28.41 0.8194

2
X = 4.6262

Passive Roles 7 10.63 - 3.63 13. 18 1 .2396

of Children
52 48.37 3.63 13. 18 .2725
13 9.37 3.63 13. 18 1.4066

39 42.63 - 3.63 13. 18 .3092

2
X = 3.2279

.1.;.
, .\ i'

t •

'.', t" :,ft

a + b = 52; c + d = 59
I' "I' ,
t' j
f >;

,'j
II"
I'

l F!l~
" t. i I
.d,! .
.. '\ ", i ~; i

I
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