Cashed Up Bogans
Cashed Up Bogans
Cashed Up Bogans
Josephine Previte
University of Queensland, Australia
Abstract
For a number of years the social and cultural landscape of Australia has been
haunted by the figure of ‘the Bogan’, which, although malleable, has typically
been deployed as a negative descriptor of the white working-class poor. The
nation’s most recent resource boom has, however, seen the emergence of a
new classed figure that of the ‘CUB’ (cashed-up Bogan). In examining the
figure of the CUB, this article draws on Bourdieu’s notions of capital, distinction
and taste in light of Skeggs’ claim that Bourdieu may not be as useful in the
Australian context. Her point of departure is that class involves more a ‘display
of money rather than the display of culture’. We demonstrate the importance
of cultural capital in defining and disparaging the CUB and in asserting the
legitimacy of elite cultural dispositions, while pointing to the emergence of
spiritual capital and environmental capital as part of this process.
Keywords: Australia, Bogan, Bourdieu, class, mining
Towards the end of 2011, the Wall Street Journal published a rare article
dealing with Australia entitled, ‘The $200,000 a Year Mine Worker’ (Miller,
2011). The article focused on James Dinnison, a Western Australian mining
employee, who was identified as a ‘CUB’ that is, ‘a Cashed-Up Bogan’,1
which, as the writer explained to United States readers, is an Australian col-
loquialism for a blue-collar worker. At the same time, the headline, along
with discussions of Mr Dinnison’s $44,000 custom-made motorcycle and
even more expensive Chevy Ute, suggested that the identity CUB may
not be so easily applied to the all-encompassing figure of the ‘blue-collar
Journal of Sociology © 2013 The Australian Sociological Association, Volume 49(2-3): 256–271
DOI:10.1177/1440783313481742 www.sagepublications.com
Pini & Previte: Bourdieu, the boom and cashed-up Bogans 257
While one form of capital may be converted to another, not all capital
is traded equally. This is because, as Bourdieu famously argued in
Distinction (1984), assignations and determinations of cultural value are
not objective, neutral or natural. He noted the way in which what is
afforded distinction – that is, what is legitimated and deemed worthwhile
culturally – is what is valued by the hegemonic middle class; he referred to
this as symbolic capital (Bourdieu, 1989: 17). Two processes may flow
from such symbolic capital: at one level, elite tastes are normalised as more
worthwhile; more symbolically violent is the stigmatising of working-class
taste, thus imposing a ‘definition of the social world’ that is consistent with
elite interests (Bourdieu, 1979: 13).
An important context for Skeggs (2006),3 that is, commentary on the
efficacy of Bourdieu for the Antipodes, is the large-scale national study of
Australian tastes undertaken by Bennett et al. (1999). As Woodward and
Emmison (2009) note, despite Australian sociological interest in the ques-
tion of class, few studies have drawn on Bourdieu, and so he is particularly
useful in orienting our own work. Bennett et al. (1999) report on a distinc-
tion between what they label ‘inclusive’ and ‘restricted’ modes of cultural
practice. The former, which involves cultural competence across high/low
boundaries, is associated with high levels of education, urbanity, youth and
women as opposed to men, as well as the occupational groups of profes-
sionals and managers. The latter, in which cultural competence and taste is
confined to a narrow range of activities, is associated with low levels of
education, rurality, age and men rather than women, as well as the manual
working class. However, beyond this broad categorisation, the authors find
that there is no singular hierarchy of cultural legitimacy in contemporary
Australia (see also Emmison, 2003; Turner and Edmunds, 2002). Reviewing
this finding they write:
Watching the football on Saturday, playing beach cricket, growing giant pump-
kins for the show, driving a stock car, walking a bush trail, doing voluntary work
for a service club, playing bridge, gardening, working out, going to the movies or
to a dance club … each of these is diversely configured and specifically valued in
ways that do not sustain generalization. (Bennett et al., 1999: 263)
Bennett et al.’s (1999) conclusion resonates with the wider literature which,
as Bennett and Silva (2011) summarise, has found little to support
Bourdieu’s original thesis of a clearly differentiated hierarchical structure of
cultural practices in contemporary western societies, and specifically, a set
of fixed aesthetic dispositions associated with elites. In response, Savage et
al. (2000: 19) have advocated that, rather than abandoning Bourdieu’s
framework for understanding symbolically informed social distinctions,
there is a need to recognise the ‘fluidity and complexity of the processes
defining cultural distinction’ (see also Prieur and Savage, 2011). It is this
perspective which guides our analysis of the CUB.
Pini & Previte: Bourdieu, the boom and cashed-up Bogans 259
ing cartoon, suggests otherwise. The man is dressed in King Gees,5 Jackie
Howe6 singlet, and steel-capped boots, and wears a hard hat with helmet
light. He stands with stubbie7-in-hand in front of what is perhaps the most
ubiquitous CUB signifier – the ute.8 In an acknowledgement of the reso-
nance of the figure of ‘the miner’ in the Australian psyche, Macken writes:
‘The Aussie miner might have been turned into a Bogan by big incomes but
he’s always been part of our national character’ (Macken, 2011: 42). Despite
this assertion, it is precisely the incomes of miners which render them prob-
lematic as a representational figure of working class/nation. Macken’s
(2011) own ambivalence about the figure of the CUB is evident as she charts
similar territory as others in contrasting the CUB’s economic capital against
their assumed lack of institutional cultural capital. Thus she catalogues the
wages of mine employees and notes the disparity between these earnings and
those of ‘arts professionals’ and further asserts, ‘They’re getting more than
their teacher ever thought they’d earn and they’re spending it now.’ This
emphasis on a lack of cultural capital, set in opposition to the prevalence of
economic capital, underpins the majority of texts. Illustrative is the follow-
ing response to one iteration of Jimmy Dinnison’s story:
Ticks me off that I busted my guts at Uni for actual degrees and studied my rear
off at school while this clown gets a free ride by being a dim bulb dropkick high
school dropout reject who can barely tie his shoelaces. Wait till the boom is
over.… A sad day when some cretin whose school years [were wasted] and gets
rewarded for his efforts while the rest of us who busted our guts and struggled
and fought to be somebody, get rewarded by being taxed to the hilt and job
scarcity/insecurity. (Thomson, 2011)
The posting reveals the vitriol directed at the CUB, and the sense conveyed
in this vitriol that ‘the game’ – Bourdieu’s commonly engaged metaphor –
has delivered incorrect/or unfair results to players. Like all of us, the poster
is engaged in the ‘games of society’ (Bourdieu, 1986: 241) and, as such, tells
us that he has ‘struggled and fought’ with the aim of ‘rewards’. That is, he
strategically invested time and other resources in obtaining valuable cul-
tural capital in the form of educational credentials, but there is no (immedi-
ate) conversion into economic capital. In contrast, there is the CUB, whose
habitus allows no ‘feel for the game’ to attain equivalent cultural capital,
but despite this, the CUB is prospering economically (Bourdieu, 1998: 98).
The shifting of the rules of the game or potential loss of the game expressed
by the above poster may, as he recognises, be rectified when the resource
boom ends. As a consequence, it is a time gleefully anticipated by many who
express a loathing for the CUB.
The distinctions drawn between the CUB’s economic capital (as mani-
fest in the reported salary of Jimmy Dinnison) and the CUB’s attributed
impoverished cultural capital are often underpinned by both spatial
imaginaries and by discourses of morality. In terms of the former, the CUB
is associated largely with the states of Western Australia and Queensland.
Pini & Previte: Bourdieu, the boom and cashed-up Bogans 261
This not only indicates that the majority of the nation’s mining operations
are located in these locations, but also represents the way class designa-
tions are spatialised (Gidley and Rooke, 2010). CUBs occupy a range
of specific places beyond particular states, such as the outer suburbs,
McMansions and gated communities. Along with the geographic markers
used to characterize the CUB are discourses of morality which may either
be implicit in texts (e.g. in relation to terms such as ‘rewards, ‘waste’,
‘struggles’ as above), but equally often rendered explicit as the following
exemplifies:
I just do not believe people doing that job deserve $800 a day and it is not like
he has skills as a doctor, teacher etc. Like I said it is disgusting…It’s about prin-
ciples and morals which a lot of people have lost through greed or whatever.
(Thomson, 2011)
Woodward (2001: 131) notes that in Bourdieu’s (1984) ‘model of taste and
aesthetic judgement, morality and ethics play an insignificant part in strat-
egies of distinction’. However, subsequent theorising on class relations that
critically engages Bourdieu, emphasises the importance of morality in the
process of establishing and mobilising cultural categories of distinction
(e.g. Lamont, 1992; Sayer, 2005; Skeggs, 2005a). Collectively, this work
exposes the way morality is invoked to create classed boundaries, and to
provide a rationale for class-based inclusions and exclusions. This is echoed
in representations of the CUB, not only to differentiate the CUB from the
middle class but also to differentiate the CUB as ‘other’ to a more respect-
able ‘working class’, who are variously named ‘traditional Bogans’, ‘stereo-
typical Bogans’, ‘genuine Bogans’, ‘plain Bogans’, ‘good old Bogans’ and
‘old school Bogans’, in opposition to CUBs or synonyms such as ‘aspira-
tional Bogans’, ‘postmodern Bogans’, ‘new age Bogans’, ‘Bogan made good’
(BMG) or ‘upwardly mobile Bogans’. For example, one poster celebrates
the ‘old school Bogan’ who ‘stood for something’, and was intent on ‘chal-
lenging the middle-class order’ and, in contrast to the CUB ‘looked on
consumerist shit with absolute disgust’. In this process, ‘the Bogan’ is reha-
bilitated from a long history of vilification to become a figure of decency,
propriety and morality while working-class culture is appropriated as a
‘resource; fixed, fragmented and plundered for elements for others to
authorise themselves through’ (Skeggs, 2005b: 66). This is revealed in a
post to the website, Larvatus Prodeo, where a contributor repeats the
well-rehearsed mantra that the poor working class has no culture9 before
turning to criticise the CUB:
Although there has always been plenty of jokes about working class vulgarity,
or pretension, that was a bit cruel, because the poor working class didn’t have
the opportunity to be much different, and the wealth differential made for a
real power imbalance. But Cashed-up Bogans are fair game. They have the
wealth, but not only do they prefer glittery toys, slobbiness and tasteless, trashy
“fashions” – they’re proud of it! (comment XX on Bahnisch, 2011)
262 Journal of Sociology 49(2-3)
capitals are acquired, transmitted and valued. They write that environmen-
tal capital includes ‘the social values associated with talking and acting in
ways deemed to be environmentalist, the processes through which that talk
and action are recognized as legitimate and the power and prestige such talk
and action accrues’ (Johnson and Clisby, 2009: 173).
It is perhaps not surprising, given the nature of mining and the highly
contested relationship between mining and the environment, that CUB
representations would focus on their environmental knowledge and prac-
tices. However, the uneasy relationship between the CUB and the environ-
ment is pronounced in representations of the CUB’s life well beyond the
workplace. This is evident in the following 2011 post in response to the
Boganomics blog:
The other classic thing to remember is the complete disregard for the environ-
ment. Forget carbon emissions from the coal mine where all the lolly comes from.
These are the people who leave Maxtreme bottles and cans everywhere at the
lake or beach, rip up fire trails13 in the wet so they can’t be used, leave fishing
tackle everywhere, chuck confetti round at the slightest excuse, shoot native
wildlife if they can’t find pigs, release pigs into the wild etc. That’s just the tip of
the (melting?) iceberg.14
The above poster’s suggestion that the CUB is completely lacking in envi-
ronmental capital is challenged elsewhere, such as on the thingsboganslike
website. It suggests that CUBs may have certain environmental knowledge
and engage certain environmental practices, but, like their spiritual disposi-
tions, these are derivative, misplaced and superficial. This is a group that is
said to have garnered their environmental politics from celebrities, and their
environmental knowledge from viewing ‘Al Pacino’s’15 An Inconvenient
Truth, while their environmental action has been limited to supporting
dubious carbon offset tree planting schemes.
Though the above post does not mention it, a pervasive subject in discus-
sions of the CUBs’ environmental capital is consumption. In a wide range
of texts, the CUB’s consumption practices are derided for being excessive
and vulgar. While this continues a long tradition of the demonising of
working-class culture (Walkerdine 1997), a new development is to link this
to a lack of environmental capital. The types of cars and houses bought,
along with particular leisure items purchased (boats and jet skis) are all
ridiculed for a lack of environmental credentials. Why the consumption
desires and practices of elites, which may also be environmentally detrimen-
tal (e.g. frequent travel overseas and second homes) are not negatively
evaluated in the same manner, is explained by Lawler (2000: 121). He
draws on Bourdieu (1984) to explain that ‘tasteful’, middle-class consumer
goods ‘can be coded as hardly material at all’.
As with other negative characteristics attributed to the CUB, those per-
taining to the environment are put forward to back up broader narratives
of decline in Australian society. Thus, the CUB is presented as illustrative of
Pini & Previte: Bourdieu, the boom and cashed-up Bogans 265
Conclusion
In this article, we have engaged with debates about the appositeness of
Bourdieu’s theories for discussion of the CUB in a different national con-
text to explore Skeggs’ (2006) assertion that Bourdieu’s theorising on class
and culture may not be germane to a study of Australia, where economic
capital is likely to be valued over cultural capital. In mapping the CUBs’
access to different types of capital, and how this positions them in social
space, we demonstrated that a ‘classed relation to the aesthetic’ (Bourdieu,
1984: 56), and indeed, ‘disgust’ as the inverse of the aesthetic (see Lawler,
2005: 440), are critical to generating and defining ways of being in con-
temporary Australia. Even though CUBs may have a volume of economic
capital, they lack the types of cultural competences and skills legitimated
by the middle class to such an extent that they are unable to enhance their
social status as a result of their material success. The types of cultural
resources referenced in the textual material we examined included those
well documented by Bourdieu (1984), such as a formal tertiary education
and engagement in reading. However, it is notable that new forms of cul-
tural capital are emerging in Australia to differentiate class factions,
including spiritual and environmental capital.
As our analysis demonstrates, while the ‘culture quotient measure of
class’, which Skeggs (2006) writes is so important in Britain, is constantly
invoked in characterisations of the CUB, this does not suggest that tradi-
tionally defined high/low culture distinctions are always relevant in
Australia. Indeed, in reviewing the ‘career highlights’ of the concept of cul-
tural capital, Bennett and Silva (2011: 432) report that the types of aesthetic
dispositions that Bourdieu used to characterize French class factions have
not been evident in subsequent research across disparate contexts, including
Australia. Across the texts analysed, we found only one reference locating
the CUB against what is classified as ‘high culture’ (that is, opera and the-
atre). In fact, it was clear that the CUB and the CUB casualties, such as
Adam, share many cultural practices with non-CUB Australians, but under-
take them differently. Mention was made, for example, of the CUB acting
inappropriately at cricket matches (swearing, racism, drinking) while the
poster sought to ‘enjoy the finer points of the game’. In another discussion,
attention focused on the beer-drinking habits of the CUB as inappropriate.
266 Journal of Sociology 49(2-3)
It was not beer drinking or going to the pub that were cause for ridicule,
but the type of beer drunk and the disposition while at the pub. This would
suggest that what is at stake in terms of status is not necessarily which
cultural practice one undertakes, but how one undertakes it.
The struggles over cultural capital that imbue representations of the CUB
are thus complex and often nuanced. They are also, as the cricket and beer
drinking references demonstrate, strongly masculinised. Media reports have
suggested that some working-class women have been able to convert tradi-
tional feminised dispositions into cultural capital to obtain relatively lucra-
tive work as dump truck drivers on mine sites. Employers assert that
women’s ‘natural’ sense of caution and attention to cleanliness, along with
their caring and gentle ‘natures’, mean fewer accidents and lower vehicle
replacement costs (Corby, 2007; Goffet 2012; Kock and Walker, 2010).
This shift, however, appears not to have feminised the CUB narrative, dem-
onstrating that imaginaries of the working class remain deeply masculine
and unequivocally white.16 The intense symbolic struggles over identity that
manifest themselves in representations of the CUB thus reveal a project that
is both racialised and gendered, highlighting the arguments by Skeggs
(2006) and Bennett and Silva (2011) that clarifying how cultural capital is
differentiated not just by class, but also by ethnicity and gender, remains an
important theoretical project.
A key limitation of this analysis is that it does not include the voices
and perspectives of those marked as CUBs and/or those who identify as
CUBs. Apart from Jimmy Dinnison, whose views were, of course, medi-
ated by journalists, we located only one other text in which a person
named themselves as a CUB and expressed an opinion about the types of
issues raised in this article. This was a posting to the thingsboganslike
website on the question of ‘What is a Bogan today?’ The contributor said
they found the discussion and its largely derogatory comments ‘hilarious’
and then explained that s/he worked in mining as did a son and son-in-
law, that they made a ‘fortune’, which they spent on overseas holidays,
boats and ‘big fuel guzzling 4WDs that are great in the city for barging all
the wankers in eco cars out of the way’. The parting comment was, ‘I say
to anyone with any drive to join in and go for it.’ This contribution con-
trasts markedly with other research we have undertaken that has docu-
mented the sense of frustration, sadness and disempowerment of those
marked as CUBs (Pini et al., 2010a, 2010b). There is consequently much
more that needs to be known about CUBs, including the extent to which
such an identity is taken up, embraced or resisted. For this to occur ‘the
boom’ will need to be explored beyond the disciplinary fields of politics
and industrial relations, and will need to be examined by Australian soci-
ologists not simply as an economic phenomenon but one that is also
fundamentally social and cultural.
Pini & Previte: Bourdieu, the boom and cashed-up Bogans 267
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, com-
mercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
Notes
1 We have used inverted commas around our first use of the terms ‘CUB’ and
‘cashed-up Bogan’ to signify their constructed and contested nature. In the
interests of the readability of the text however, we have not continued this
throughout.
2 We draw on texts from January 2010 up to and including February 2012. These
include a variety of online sites (e.g. parenting, stock broking, real estate, travel
sites) as well as a large corpus of online and print media. Online postings
responding to reports about CUBs were also included in the analysis. For
example, a post by Mark Bahnisch (2011) on the Larvatus Prodeo website
pointing readers to a story about Bogans by Humphreys (2011) elicited 211
posts, while the story by Beth resulted in an additional 62 posts. The use of
public texts to understand contemporary class relations has been well substan-
tiated in the literature (see, for example, McRobbie, 2009; Tyler, 2008). We
used both online and offline sources – in fact, any publicly available material in
which the CUB was referenced, as a means to ‘understand the world as it is
revealed in the everyday experiences, encounters and utterances recorded in
written texts’ (Cloke et al., 2004: 312). We began with a detailed and close
reading of the texts, and coding them using both emic codes (that is, those aris-
ing from the texts themselves) and etic codes (that is, those derived from the
theory and literature on cultural studies of class). Relationships between these
codes were then identified and attention given to issues such as potential gaps
and/or incongruities along with what was unique, different and/or similar.
3 Skeggs (2004: 143) discusses the study in her book Class, Self, Culture.
4 The group ‘Toddlers with Tablets’ was used to refer to young children’s engage-
ment with new technologies while ‘Boomer Athletes’ grouped Baby Boomers
(born 1946 to 1964) who are focused on fitness. ‘Smiley Farmers’ was used to
categorise the farmers who are currently enjoying boom prices for a range of
commodity groups.
5 King-Gee is a well known Australian brand of work-wear.
6 Jack ‘Jackie’ Howe (26 July 1861 (?) – 21 July 1920) was a legendary Australian
sheep shearer at the end of the 19th century. He shot to fame in pre-Federation
Australia in 1892 when he broke the daily and weekly shearing records across
the colonies. Jackie Howe became the name given to navy blue singlet tops.
According to legend this is what Howe was wearing the day he broke the
record.
7 The Australian 375 ml short glass bottle used for beer is generally called a
stubby.
8 ‘Ute’ is a Australian colloquialism for utility vehicle.
9 It is notable that this comment is suggestive of Bourdieu’s claim that working-
class culture is tied to necessity (see Bennett, 2011 for a detailed critique of this
claim).
10 Story found on a website in 2012 that is no longer operative.
11 See: http://thingsboganslike.com/tag/battlers/
12 See: www.noigroup.com/Marketing/last_months_march11.pdf
13 A fire trail is a rural road built specifically for the purpose of access for fire
management purposes.
268 Journal of Sociology 49(2-3)
14 See: www.macrobusiness.com.au/2011/02/boganomics/
15 The CUB is oblivious to mistaking Al Pacino to Al Gore.
16 In a search of media representations of the broader term ‘Bogan’ over a period
going back to 2006 to the present we elicited only a single reference to
Indigeneity. This was from an article in The Monthly by Anne Funder (2007) in
which she reports on a writers’ festival panel investigating the Bogan at which
Indigenous poet Samuel Wagan Watson referred to himself as an ‘Abo-gan’.
References
Bahnisch, M. (2011) ‘Must Read Link: #Liz_Beths on Class, Culture and
“Humour”’, Larvatus Prodeo, URL (consulted February 2012): http://larvatus-
prodeo.net/2011/08/10/must-read-link-liz_beths-on-class-culture-and-humour
Bennett, T. (2011) ‘Culture, Choice, Necessity: A Political Critique of Bourdieu’s
Aesthetic’, Poetics 39(6): 530–46.
Bennett T. and E. Silva (2011) ‘Introduction: Cultural Capital – Histories, Limits,
Prospects’, Poetics 39(6): 427–43.
Bennett, T., M. Emmison and J. Frow (1999) Accounting for Tastes: Australian
Everyday Cultures. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1977) Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1979) ‘Symbolic Power’, Critique of Anthropology 4: 13–14.
Bourdieu, P. (1984) Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1986) ‘The Forms of Capital’, pp. 2410–58 in J.G. Richardson (ed.)
Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. New York:
Greenwood Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1989) ‘Social Space and Symbolic Power’, Sociological Theory 7:
14–25.
Bourdieu, P. (1998) Practical Reason: On the Theory of Action. Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press.
Cloke, P., I. Cook, P. Crang, M. Goodwin, J. Painter and C. Philo (2004) Practising
Human Geography. London: Sage.
Corby, S. (2007) ‘Women Better Tuck Drivers’, The Telegraph 3 June, URL (con-
sulted 10 February 2012): www.dailytelegraph.com.au
Emmison, M. (2003) ‘Social Class and Cultural Mobility: Reconfiguring the
Cultural Omnivore Thesis’, Journal of Sociology 39(3): 211–30.
Emmison, M and J. Frow (1998) ‘Information Technology as Cultural Capital’,
Australian Universities Review 1: 41–5.
Funder, A. (2007) ‘All Bogans Here’, The Monthly November, URL (consulted
January 2012): http://www.themonthly.com.au/nation-reviewed-anna-funder-all-
bogans-here--713
Gidley, B. and A. (2010) ‘Asdatown: The Intersections of Classed Places and
Identities’, pp. 95–116 in Y. Taylor (ed.) Classed Intersections: Spaces, Selves,
Knowledges. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate.
Goffet, N. (2012) ‘Mines Unearth Talents of Women’, Newcastle Herald 9 March,
URL (consulted February 2012): www.theheard.com.au
Goodman, J. and D. Worth (2008) ‘The Mineral Boom and Australia’s Resource
Curse’, Journal of Australian Political Economy 61: 201–19.
Humphreys, E. (2011) ‘Beyond a Joke: Bogan Loathing Bring Us All to Shame’, The
Drum Opinion, URL (consulted February 2012): http:/www.abc.net.au/
unleashed/3571876.html
Pini & Previte: Bourdieu, the boom and cashed-up Bogans 269
Pini, B. and R. Mayes (2013b) ‘Rural Masculinities: A Case Study of Diggers and
Dealers’, in P. Hopkins and A. Gorman-Murray (eds) Masculinities and Place.
Aldershot: Ashgate.
Pini, B., R. Mayes and P. McDonald (2010a) ‘The Emotional Geography of a Mine
Closure: A Case Study of the Ravensthorpe Nickel Mine in Western Australia’,
Social and Cultural Geography 11(6): 559–74.
Pini, B., R. Price and P. McDonald (2010b) ‘Teachers and the Emotional Dimensions
of Class in Resource-affected Rural Australia’, British Journal of Sociology of
Education 31(1): 17–30.
Prieur, A. and M. Savage (2011) ‘Updating Cultural Capital Theory: A Discussion
Based on Studies in Denmark and in Britain’, Poetics 39: 566–80.
Reay, D. (1998) ‘Always Knowing and Never Being Sure: Familial and Institutional
Habituses and Higher Education Choice’, Journal of Education Policy 13(4):
519–29.
Reay, D. (2004a) ‘Gendering Bourdieu’s Concepts of Capitals? Emotional Capital,
Women and Social Class’, Sociological Review 52: 57–74.
Reay, D. (2004b) ‘It’s All Becoming a Habitus: Beyond the Habitual Use of Habitus
in Educational Research’, British Journal of Sociology of Education 25(4):
431–44.
Savage, M., G. Bagnall and B. Longhurst (2000) ‘Individualization and Cultural
Distinction’, pp. 101–20 in M. Savage (ed.) Class Analysis and Social
Transformation. Buckingham: Open University Press.
Sayer, A. (2005) The Moral Significance of Class. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Schmitt, V. (2011) ‘Cashed-up Bogan from Mandurah Sparks Debate in Wall Street
Journal’, My Community, URL (consulted November 2011): http:www.inmy-
community.com
Skeggs, B. (2004) Class, Self, Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Skeggs, B. (2005a) ‘The Making of Class and Gender through Visualizing Moral
Subject Formation’, Sociology 39: 965–82.
Skeggs, B. (2005b) ‘The Re-branding of Class: Propertising Culture’, pp. 46–68 in F.
Devine, M. Savage, J. Scott and R. Crompton (eds) Rethinking Class: Culture,
Identities and Lifestyle. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Skeggs, B. (2006) ‘Respectability and Resistance: Interview with Professor Beverly
Skeggs’, Redemption Blues, URL (consulted 13 February 2012): http://www.
redemptionblues.com/?p=215
Stark, R. and R. Finke (2000) Acts of Religion: Explaining the Human Side of
Religion. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Stratton, J. (2006) ‘Two Rescues, One History: Everyday Racism in Australia’, Social
Identities 12(6): 657–81.
Thomson, G. (2011) ‘He Drills. He Earns. He Spends. He Doesn’t Apologise’, The
Punch 24 November, URL (consulted February 2012): http://www.thepunch.
com.au/articles/He-drills-he-earns-he-spends-he-doesnt-apologise/
Turner, B.X. and J. Edmunds (2002) ‘The Distaste of Taste: Bourdieu, Cultural
Capital and the Australian Postwar Elite’, Journal of Consumer Culture 2(2):
219–40.
Tyler, I. (2008) ‘”Chav Mum, Chav Scum”: Class Disgust in Contemporary Britain’,
Feminist Media Studies 8(1): 17–34.
Verter, B. (2003) ‘Spiritual Capital: Theorizing Religion with Bourdieu Against
Bourdieu’, Sociological Theory 21(2): 150–74.
Walkerdine, V. (1997) Daddy’s Girl: Young Girls and Popular Culture. London:
Macmillan.
Pini & Previte: Bourdieu, the boom and cashed-up Bogans 271
Biographical notes
Barbara Pini is a professor in the School of Humanities at Griffith
University. Recent publications include Gender and Rurality (Routledge,
2011) with Lia Bryant, and the edited collections Sexuality, Rurality and
Geography (Lexington Books, 2012) with Andrew Gorman-Murray and
Lia Bryant, and Men, Masculinities and Methodologies (Palgrave, 2013)
with Bob Peace. Address: Griffith University, 170 Kessels Rd Nathan QLD
4111, Australia. [email: [email protected]]