Car Free Development - EN

Division 44
Environment and Infrastructure

Sector project "Transport Policy Advice"
Sustainable Transport:
A Sourcebook for Policy-makers in Developing Cities
Module 3e
Car-Free Development
OVERVIEW OF THE SOURCEBOOK
Sustainable Transport: A Sourcebook for Policy-Makers in Developing Cities
What is the Sourcebook? Modules and contributors
This Sourcebook on Sustainable Urban Transport Sourcebook Overview and Cross-cutting Issues of
addresses the key areas of a sustainable transport Urban Transport (GTZ)
policy framework for a developing city. The Institutional and policy orientation
Sourcebook consists of more than 20 modules. 1a. The Role of Transport in Urban Development
Who is it for? Policy (Enrique Peñalosa)
The Sourcebook is intended for policy-makers in 1b. Urban Transport Institutions (Richard Meakin)
developing cities, and their advisors. This target 1c. Private Sector Participation in Urban Transport
audience is reflected in the content, which Infrastructure Provision
provides policy tools appropriate for application (Christopher Zegras, MIT)
in a range of developing cities.
1d. Economic Instruments
How is it supposed to be used? (Manfred Breithaupt, GTZ)
The Sourcebook can be used in a number of 1e. Raising Public Awareness about Sustainable
ways. It should be kept in one location, and the Urban Transport (Karl Fjellstrom, GTZ)
different modules provided to officials involved
in urban transport. The Sourcebook can be easily Land use planning and demand management
adapted to fit a formal short course training 2a. Land Use Planning and Urban Transport
event, or can serve as a guide for developing a (Rudolf Petersen, Wuppertal Institute)
curriculum or other training program in the 2b. Mobility Management (Todd Litman, VTPI)
area of urban transport. GTZ is elaborating Transit, walking and cycling
training packages for selected modules, being
available since October 2004. 3a. Mass Transit Options
(Lloyd Wright, University College London;
What are some of the key features? Karl Fjellstrom, GTZ)
The key features of the Sourcebook include: 3b. Bus Rapid Transit
A practical orientation, focusing on best (Lloyd Wright, University College London)
practices in planning and regulation and, 3c. Bus Regulation & Planning (Richard Meakin)
where possible, successful experience in
3d. Preserving and Expanding the Role of Non-
developing cities.
motorised Transport (Walter Hook, ITDP)
Contributors are leading experts in their fields.
An attractive and easy-to-read, colour layout. 3e. Car-Free Development
Non-technical language (to the extent (Lloyd Wright, University College London)
possible), with technical terms explained. Vehicles and fuels
Updates via the Internet. 4a. Cleaner Fuels and Vehicle Technologies
How do I get a copy? (Michael Walsh; Reinhard Kolke,
Please visit http://www.sutp.org or http://www. Umweltbundesamt – UBA)
gtz.de/transport for details on how to order a 4b. Inspection & Maintenance and Roadworthiness
copy. The Sourcebook is not sold for profit. Any (Reinhard Kolke, UBA)
charges imposed are only to cover the cost of 4c. Two- and Three-Wheelers (Jitendra Shah,
printing and distribution. You may also order World Bank; N.V. Iyer, Bajaj Auto)
via [email protected]. 4d. Natural Gas Vehicles (MVV InnoTec)
Comments or feedback? 4e. Intelligent Transport Systems (Phil Sayeg, TRA;
We would welcome any of your comments or Phil Charles, University of Queensland)
suggestions, on any aspect of the Sourcebook, by 4f. EcoDriving (VTL; Manfred Breithaupt,
e-mail to [email protected], or by surface mail to: Oliver Eberz, GTZ)
Manfred Breithaupt
Environmental and health impacts
GTZ, Division 44
5a. Air Quality Management (Dietrich Schwela,
P. O. Box 5180
World Health Organization)
65726 Eschborn
Germany 5b. Urban Road Safety (Jacqueline Lacroix, DVR;
David Silcock, GRSP)
Further modules and resources
5c. Noise and its Abatement
Further modules are anticipated in the areas of
(Civic Exchange Hong Kong; GTZ; UBA)
Financing Urban Transport and Benchmarking.
Additional resources are being developed, and an Resources
Urban Transport Photo CD-ROM is available. 6. Resources for Policy-makers (GTZ)
Module 3e
Car-Free
Development
Findings, interpretations, and conclusions

expressed in this document are based on infor-
mation gathered by GTZ and its consultants,
partners, and contributors from reliable sources.
GTZ does not, however, guarantee the accuracy
or completeness of information in this document,
and cannot be held responsible for any errors,
omissions, or losses which emerge from its use.
Author:
Lloyd Wright (Gakushin Fellow)
Osaka University / University College London
About the author Editor:

Deutsche Gesellschaft für
Lloyd Wright is currently conducting transport Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH
planning research as a Gakushin Fellow at P. O. Box 5180
65726 Eschborn, Germany
Osaka University. Mr. Wright formerly directed http://www.gtz.de
the Latin American activities of the Institute for
Division 44, Environment and Infrastructure
Transportation & Development Policy (ITDP). Sector Project "Transport Policy Advice"
Additionally, Mr. Wright has worked with the
Commissioned by
International Institute for Energy Conserva- Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche
tion (IIEC), the US Environmental Protection Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (BMZ)
Agency (USEPA), the US Agency for Interna- Friedrich-Ebert-Allee 40
53113 Bonn, Germany
tional Development (USAID), the United Na- http://www.bmz.de
tions, and Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische
Manager:
Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) on transport and Manfred Breithaupt
environmental issues. He was also previously a
Editing:
fellow with the US-Asia Environmental Part- Manfred Breithaupt
nership in Bangkok, Thailand. Mr. Wright is
Cover photo:
currently completing a PhD in Urban Transport Lloyd Wright
Planning at University College London. He also Car-free street in Oyumino
(Chiba City), Japan; April 2005
possesses an MSc in Environmental Assessment
from the London School of Economics, an MBA Layout:
Klaus Neumann, SDS, G.C.
from Georgetown University, and a BSc in Engi-
neering from the University of Washington. Eschborn, September 2005
i
Preface
"Imagination is more important than knowledge. demonstrating that life without the car is not as
Knowledge is limited. Imagination encircles the unimaginable as once thought.
world." The first part of Car-Free Development docu-
—Albert Einstein (1879–1955)
ment sets out the current state of urban quality
Imagine streets filled with the chatter of chil- in developing-nation cities and notes the on-go-
dren, neighbours, and friends. Imagine cities ing trends. The second part defines many of the
that are as much playgrounds as they are homes, most common types of car-free development
shops, and offices. Imagine your neighbourhood and provides an array of examples from both
as simultaneously a park, a garden, a work and developed- and developing-nation cities. The
education centre, and a holiday destination. third part provides an outline of the steps to
Image a vibrant and economically-successful plan and develop a car-free project. Part four
community. Imagine being able to walk or continues the project development process by
bicycle just about everywhere. Imagine places presenting some different design options. Part
where the only noise is the human voice and the five then briefly outlines some of the different
air is pure to the eyes and nose. And most of all, strategies for promoting a car-free project. Part
imagine a city with no cars. six of the document describes how to evaluate
For much of the world, such ideas are unim- the impacts from such projects. Finally, a listing
aginable. Our cities have long succumbed to of car-free reference materials is also provided.
motorised life. However, the imagination of a Car-Free Development is intended as a resource
few visionary individuals has led to a reappraisal document for local government officials and po-
of what is possible. Car-Free Development en- litical leaders. However, the contents also hold
compasses a range of ideas that places humans much relevance to non-governmental organisa-
before cars and stresses a new urban order based tions, community-based groups, and concerned
first on quality of life. individuals. Without the active participation
This Car-Free Development module attempts to of citizen groups in this process, few car-free
summarise the myriad of activities and lessons projects will be realisable.
learned to date from cities seeking an alternative This Car-Free Development module is part of a
to motorised development. There is no evidence broader package of resources available to de-
to suggest that the internal combustion engine veloping-nation decision-makers. However, the
will be disappearing from the planet anytime document is perhaps as relevant to developed
soon. Despite concerns over global climate nations as it is to the developing world. When
change and depleting fossil fuel stocks, the car it comes to public space and car-free environ-
is seemingly intricately embedded into modern ments, there are few places in the world that are
life. However, a few cities and communities are truly developed.
ii
Further, the wealthiest nations have a special
responsibility with regard to global fuel security
and the potential consequences of global cli-
mate change. Due to the geographic position of
many developing nations, these countries will
likely bear the brunt of extreme weather events.
The developing world will thus likely be the
victims of climate change rather than the perpe-
trators. Until emission reductions are achieved
in the wealthiest of nations, meaningful emis-
sion stabilisation is not achievable anywhere.
The divisions of developed and developing,
North and South, East and West, OECD and
non-OECD, etc. are also overly-simplistic
monikers that are not representative of a world
with a spectrum of realities. These terms par-
ticularly provide few insights into best practice
in urban design. To date, some of the world’s
best examples emanate from locales such as
Bogotá (Colombia), Curitiba (Brazil), and Fez
(Morocco). The North may have as much to
learn from the South as vice versa.
Car-Free Development is very much a work in
progress. The document is certainly not the last
word in car-free possibilities, but it will hope-
fully stimulate creativity from local officials
and professionals in developing new approaches
to urban design. If the car is symbolic of the
twentieth century, then it is hoped that the
human being in public space will come to
represent the twenty-first century.
Lloyd Wright
Osaka University / University College London
iii
Acknowledgements
From the publication of Jane Jacobs’ seminal wealth of information and insights on car-free
work on the importance of public space The development and related topics.
Death and Life of Great American Cities to the Ben Hamilton-Baillie in the UK and Hans
efforts of residents in Delft (The Netherlands) Monderman in Holland are re-defining road
in creating the first woonerf (traffic-calmed design through their work on Shared Space.
street) to more recent efforts with car-free days Likewise, individuals such as John Whitelegg
and car-free housing, these concepts have ben- and John Adams have been respected voices
efited from at least four decades of advancement. of reason calling for more rational approaches
Jan Gehl’s contribution to the success of Copen- to transport policies and urban design. And in
hagen over the past decades has set an important terms of making projects happen on the ground,
precedent which continues to influence other Walter Hook, John Ernst, Karl Fjellstrom, Yaa-
cities. Likewise, thanks to the creative efforts of kov Garb, and the entire team at the Institute
former Mayor Jaime Lerner, Curitiba became for Transportation & Development Policy
an international urban success story begin- (ITDP) have been a principal force in facilitat-
ning in the early 1970s. During the 1990s, the ing actual implementation in developing cities.
car-free movement benefited from the efforts of Other leading non-governmental organisa-
Eric Britton, who has since fostered discussion tions working on the topic of improved public
and information exchange through EcoPlan space include Ecocity Builders, Living Streets,
International and The Commons. During the Project for Public Spaces, and Walk21 as well
late 1990s, former Mayor Enrique Peñalosa led as Paul White and his team at Transporta-
the urban transformation of Bogotá, which has tion Alternatives. Creative interventions from
included the world’s largest car-free day as well organisations such as Critical Mass, Reclaim
as the world’s longest pedestrian corridor (17 the Streets, and Space Hijackers are helping to
kilometres). Today, Enrique Peñalosa continues reshape conventional thinking on public space.
as a worldwide ambassador for the promotion of In developing nations, several organisations are
more human urban forms. proving the effectiveness of thinking globally
The car-free movement also owes much to a and acting locally: Biciacción (Ecuador), Ciu-
small group of dedicated professionals who are dad Viva (Chile), Fundación Ciudad Humana
working tirelessly to raise awareness of an alter- (Colombia), Por el País Que Queremos (Co-
native future. The World Carfree Network is an lombia), Sustran-LAC (Latin America and the
association of individuals and groups seeking to Caribbean), AALOCOM (Tanzania), Afribike
help catalyse car-free initiatives. The secretariat (South Africa), Bicycle Empowerment Network
of the World Carfree Network has particularly (South Africa), FABIO (Uganda), Firefly
played a role in coalescing attention to this issue. Brigade (Philippines), Networks for Green
Joel Crawford’s book Carfree Cities represents Transport (South Korea), Pelangi (Indonesia),
an important new vision for cities to consider, Sustran (Asia), and WBB Trust (Bangladesh).
and the periodic publication of the Carfree This publication has been particularly assisted
Times provides an invaluable information through the inputs of Carlos F. Pardo of GTZ-
resource. Marcus Heller has also been in- SUTP and Oscar Diaz of ITDP. A special
strumental in documenting car-free efforts in thanks must be extended to those who have
Germany and elsewhere. The new interest in facilitated this research, especially David Banis-
car-free housing has been aided tremendously ter and Harry Dimitriou at University College
by individuals who have documented existing London as well as Yasutsugu Nitta, Katsuhiro
efforts. James Kushner and Jan Scheurer have Iida, and Hiroto Inoi at Osaka University. Ap-
been particularly prominent in this area. Fur- preciation is also extended to Klaus Neumann
ther, the creative work of David Engwicht in for his work on the layout and formatting of the
street reclaiming has been an inspirational base final document. And finally, without the sup-
for many aspiring cities. Todd Litman’s Victoria port and efforts of Manfred Breithaupt of GTZ,
Transport Policy Institute (VTPI) provides a this document would not have been possible.
iv
1. The car society 1
1.1 Trends 2
1.2 Impacts 8
1.3 Pedestrian conditions
in developing cities 15
1.4 Equity 18
1.5 ‘Leap-frogging’ 22
2. Defining
car-free development 24
2.1 History of
car-free development 24
2.2 Car-free terms 28
3. Project development 54
3.1 Project leadership 55
3.2 Institutional and legal issues 59
3.3 Stakeholders 61
3.4 Participatory processes 73
3.5 Financing a car-free project 75
3.6 Implementation issues 79
4. Design 87
4.1 Social streets 88
4.2 Design features 91
4.3 Integration infrastructure 100
4.4 Interface with architecture
and land-use 104
4.5 Designing for street conversions107
4.6 Designing for special needs 110
5. Promotion 112
5.1 Marketing 112
5.2 Promotional events 116
6. Evaluation 134
6.1 Evaluation framework 134
6.2 Measuring the impacts 137
7. Information resources 141

7.1 Web Sites 141
7.2 Funding organisations 146
7.3 Key texts and articles 148
Epilogue 152
References 153
v
List of abbreviations
BRT Bus rapid transit
CDC Center for Disease Control
CFD Car-free day
CO Carbon monoxide
GEF Global Environmental Facility
GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für
Technische Zusammenarbeit
(German Overseas Technical
Assistance Agency)
GDP Gross domestic product
ICT Information and communications
technologies
IEA International Energy Agency
ITDP Institute for Transportation &
Development Policy
NMT Non-Motorised Transport
NOx Nitrogen oxides
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-
operation and Development
PM Particulate matter
PPS Project for Public Spaces
SOx Sulphur oxides
SUTP Sustainable Urban Transport
Project
TDM Transportation Demand
Management
TOD Transit-Oriented Development
TRB Transportation Research Board
UNCFD United Nations Car-Free Day
programme
UNDP United Nations Development
Programme
UNEP United Nations Environment
Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organisation
USAID United States Agency for
International Development
VOCs Volatile organic compounds
VTPI Victoria Transport Policy Institute
WBCSD World Business Council for
Sustainable Development
WHO World Health Organization
WRI World Resources Institute
WTO World Trade Organisation
vi
Module 3e: Car-Free Development
1. The car society
I 'm not sure…about automobiles… With all their speed forward they may be a step backward in
civilization—that is, in spiritual civilization. It may be that they will not add to the beauty of
the world, nor to the life of men's souls. I am not sure. But automobiles have come, and they bring
a greater change in our life than most of us suspect. They are here, and almost all outward things
are going to be different because of what they bring. They are going to alter war, and they are going
to alter peace. I think men's minds are going to be changed in subtle ways because of automobiles;
just how, though, I could hardly guess. But you can't have the immense outward changes that they
will cause without some inward ones, and it may be that…the spiritual alteration will be bad for
us. Perhaps, ten or twenty years from now, if we can see the inward change in men by that time, I
shouldn't be able to defend the gasoline engine, but would have to agree…that automobiles ' had
no business to be invented'.
—Eugene, from Booth Tarkington's The Magnificent Ambersons, 1918
Fig. 1
The promise of the
automobile society has
left many behind.
Photo by Lloyd Wright
At some point during the previous century, our the car has become ubiquitous in most parts of the
streets and communities were lost. Instead of being world, the sights and sounds of children playing
places of human interaction, they became places for in the street and neighbours happily socialising
operating and storing metal machines. The change have receded. Those who cannot drive, such as
happened somewhat gradually over a period of the very young, the elderly, the poor, and the
decades. It was a trade-off many made willingly. The physically disabled, have become isolated (Figure 1).
car provided unprecedented mobility, and it seemed Dependence on petroleum products has threatened
to fit with visions of modernity and progress. It also national security and has dramatically shaped
supported economic interests selling vehicles and foreign policy and even war. Exhaust emissions
fuels, which were seemingly fundamental parts of impair health and threaten our climatic system.
the modern economy. The car came to symbolise Road accidents have become a leading cause of
power, virility, freedom, and status. death and injury. From all of this, can we really
And yet, some now question whether we are a conclude that we are a happier society for becoming
better society for becoming so car dependent. As fully motorised?
1
Sustainable Transport: A Sourcebook for Policy-makers in Developing Cities
This document suggests how cities and communities to developing cities, which have not yet become
can move towards an alternative development path fully motorised. Such cities also possess fairly
that is not so inherently dependent on motorised high population densities situated in mixed-use
transport. Car-free development is a term given to neighbourhoods. An opportunity exists for such
a range of options that offer the opportunity for cities to potentially leap-frog over car dependence
economic, environmental, and social advancement into a new paradigm for transport and urban
without dependence on motorised vehicles. The design, a paradigm which emphasises quality of
examples presented here are particularly relevant life first.
1.1 Trends
“A man who beyond the age of 26 finds himself
on a bus can count himself as a failure.”
—Margaret Thatcher, former UK Prime minister
Fig. 2
“If you think the U.S. has stood still, who built An advertisement on a bus shelter
the largest shopping centre in the world?” in Johannesburg (South Africa).
—Richard Nixon, former US President Photo by Lloyd Wright
1.1.1 Background the diversity and accessibility of exchange

The planet will soon reach a milestone of being opportunities…The role of transport is to help
resident to over one billion motorised vehicles. maximise exchange” (Engwicht, 1999, p. 19).
While developing cities have historically lagged Thus, mobility and accessibility are intertwined
behind in terms of private motorisation, the with development. And yet, paradoxically,
trends now point toward unprecedented growth. transport conditions tend to worsen as eco-
Unfortunately, few of these cities are well pre- nomic development increases:
pared for the historic changes underway.
“While sanitation, health, education and em-
Development is closely related to movement.
ployment tend to improve through economic
To undertake commercial exchange, access
development, transport problems tend to
public services, or engage in recreation and
worsen” (Peñalosa, 2003).
entertainment, society relies upon the ability to
move persons, goods, or information from one In the cities of the developing world, increased
location to another. The concepts of exchange private motorisation is tending to decrease
and movement can be viewed as core elements exchange and accessibility. As developing cities
in defining a city: replicate the mass motorisation as implemented
“Cities are an invention to maximize exchange
in OECD nations, the streets and lives of the
opportunities and to minimize travel. These
residents are simply being overwhelmed.
exchanges may be exchanges of goods, Bangkok, which in Thai (Krungtheep) trans-
friendship, knowledge, culture, work, educa- lates to the “City of Angels”, was once known
tion or emotional and spiritual support…Cities as the “Venice of the East” with its plentiful
are a deliberate concentration of these ex- canals and beautiful temples. Today, the canals
change opportunities in order to increase both have largely been paved over, flyovers dominate
2
Fig. 3
Despite significant
investments in car-
based infrastructure,
Bangkok has yet to
see any appreciable
reductions in congestion.
Photo by Karl Fjellstrom
the streets, and the drone of traffic never stops the year 2000 and 2050 (IEA/SMP, 2004). The
(Figure 3). While a huge investment has been reference case from the IEA spreadsheet lays out
made in elevated roadways, the condition of the expected business-as-usual scenario. Figure 4
footpaths has been virtually ignored. Walking shows the expected trends in vehicle ownership
the streets in Bangkok has become an assault levels. There are two striking features of Figure
upon one’s senses. In Dhaka, cycle rickshaws 4. First, despite the existing saturation of vehicle
are being banned from the streets in order to ownership in countries like the US, growth in
make room for the 5% of the population with ownership in these countries is expected to con-
automobiles. In Beijing, five ring roads have tinue through 2050. Second, the rate of growth
been constructed and officials are hoping to in developing countries is significant, resulting in
build another five. In Mexico City, breathing the number of developing-nation vehicles surpass-
the air is equivalent to smoking two packs of ing the number of vehicles in the OECD by 2030.
cigarettes a day. In São Paulo, the term “rush- Currently, there are approximately 982 million
hour” has become “rush-day” with traffic jams passenger vehicles worldwide; by 2050 this figure
likely at almost all hours. Much the same can is projected to be 2.6 billion (IEA/SMP, 2004).1
be said of Buenos Aires, Santiago, Lagos, Cairo,
Mumbai, Shanghai, Jakarta, and just about any 1
Passenger vehicles include cars, motorcycles, three- Fig. 4
wheelers, mini-buses, and buses. This value does not Vehicle ownership
other urban conglomeration in the developing include freight vehicles, train carriages, water trans-
by region.
world. Motorisation continues unabated. port, or air transport.
Source: IEA/SMP, 2004
However, developing cities still have a choice to

��
make. With existing shares of travel still pre-
dominately made by walking, cycling, or public
��
��
transport, these cities can work to preserve their ��
inherent strengths. For those developing cities
��
��
with strong leadership, a new transport para- ��
��
digm, emphasising car-free development and ��
quality of life, is still quite possible.
��
1.1.2 Vehicle ownership �
The International Energy Agency (IEA) has ��
compiled a comprehensive set of spreadsheet
��
analyses projecting transport trends between
3
The growth in motorised vehicle ownership has world. The continued growth of vehicle usage
largely followed trends in per capita income. in the already heavily-travelled developed world
Dargay and Gately (1999) show that in the per has prompted the notion of ‘hypermobility’ in
capita income range of US$2,000 to US$5,000 which excessive mobility undermines the social
vehicle purchases jump sharply. Other factors fabric (Adams, 2000).
affecting vehicle ownership growth are popula- It has been hoped that information and
tion growth, urbanisation levels, importation telecommunications technologies (ICT) will
regulations, and the quality of alternative trans- eventually reduce the need for physical travel.
port services. Several major developing nations Telecommuting and online shopping offer the
are now entering the development zone of rapid promise of eliminating many existing trips.
motorisation. However, “predictions of the effects of greater
It may be argued that vehicle ownership is not use of the Internet, of e-commerce, and of tele-
the central problem. The focus of a successful working vary considerably,” and thus it is still
urban strategy should be reducing vehicle us- too early to conclude that any travel substitu-
age and not ownership. However, ownership, tion is taking place (DETR, 2000). The evi-
emissions, and congestion are in fact closely cor- dence to date suggests that telecommuters may
related for several reasons. First, approximately actually end up undertaking more travel since
one-third of a vehicle’s lifetime emissions stem there is a tendency to conduct more household
from the upstream manufacturing process of errands in suburban locations in which the
the vehicle. 2
��Second, once a vehicle is purchased, distances between shops is greater (Mokhtarian,
the convenience of use tends to induce addi- 1998). The spreading of such errand shopping
��
��
tional travel (Gilbert, 2000). trips to non-peak times may also act to under-
��
mine the viability of public transport options
1.1.3 Vehicle usage
��
��
�� which depend upon peak volumes (Hjorthol,
“The pedestrian remains the largest single obstacle 2002). Additionally,
��
there is no clear evidence
to free traffic
��movement.”
that internet shopping reduces freight distances
—Los Angeles
�� planning report (Engwicht, 1993)
as one may encourage a greater number of long-
Vehicle usage�trends have thus largely followed distance household deliveries of single items.
ownership trends.
�� Figure
�� 5 provides
�� a��
projection
�� From
�� the perspective of the developing cities,
of vehicle usage levels through 2050. Like vehi- the issue may be somewhat moot. The existing
��
cle ownership, vehicle usage is expected to grow digital divide means that if ICT does help to
for both OECD and non-OECD countries, reduce physical travel, the developing world is
with the highest growth rates in the developing not likely to reap the benefits anytime soon.
2
This value is based upon vehicles in Western Europe.
The increased usage of motorised vehicles in
The value is slightly less in North America where life- developing nations is a particular concern due
time kilometres travelled per vehicle are higher to the types of vehicles being deployed. In
(Gilbert, 2000).
the developing world, ownership has tended
to arrive by way of
��
highly polluting,
�� used vehicles. In
��
��
��
countries such as
Peru, the lifting of
��
used vehicle import
�� restrictions resulted
��
in 70% of the annual
��
growth in vehicle
Fig. 5 � fleet from older, used
Vehicle usage by vehicles (Zegras,
��
region (vehicle-
kilometres travelled). ��
1998). In the wake
Source: IEA/SMP, 2004 of the recent military
4
Fig. 6
With low-cost
motorcycles flooding
developing city
markets, quality of
life has suffered.
(GTZ photo CD on urban transport)
actions in Iraq, the US-led coalition lifted the particularly when the vehicle quality is left
previous prohibition on the import of used uncontrolled. Two-stroke motors are still per-
vehicles (Sustainable Transport, 2004). As a mitted in many Asian nations, despite the fact
result, Iraq was flooded with thousands of used that these motors produce substantially more
vehicles within months of the coalition’s actions. contaminants than improved four-stroke mod-
An older vehicle fleet in conjunction with poor els (Shah and Iyer, 2003).
maintenance practices and limited vehicle test- “In New Delhi, for example, 45% of particulate
ing can mean that the impacts of motorisation emissions and two-thirds of unburned hy-
on developing nations are many times worse drocarbon emissions in the transport sector
than an equal level of motorisation in a devel- are estimated to come from two- and three-
oped nation. The narrower, historical streets wheelers powered by two-stroke engines.
found in many developing cities also means that These are estimated to emit more than 10
even low levels of traffic can translate into heavy times the amount of fine particulate matter
congestion. per vehicle-km than a modern car…”
In Asia and parts of Africa, the first progression (Gwilliam, 2003, p. 205).
from non-motorised travel is often towards In recent years, low-cost motorcycles manufac-
two-wheel motorised vehicles such as scooters tured in China are flooding the streets of cities
and motorcycles. Two-wheel motorised vehicles in Asia and beyond. In Laos, a new motorcycle
offer several advantages to the user, includ- currently costs approximately US$500 while a
ing: “lower capital and operating costs than functional used model may only cost half this
automobiles, coupled with lower levels of real amount. Thus, even in countries of modest
purchasing power; superiority in time and family incomes, a motorcycle is within financial
door-to-door convenience relative to autos in reach. For this reason, the mode share of mo-
congestion; superiority to an often deteriorating torcycles in Vientiane, the capital city, is now
public transport system” (WBCSD, 2001, p. nearly 60%.
4–6). In cities such as Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh In much of the developing world, though, mode
City in Vietnam, two-wheel motorised vehicles share is ultimately heading towards four-wheel
are replacing bicycle as the most common travel motorised vehicles. The combination of ris-
mode (Figure 6). In Hanoi, motorcycles repre- ing incomes, poor public transit services, and
sent approximately 75% of the total motorised lowered import restrictions all means that the
fleet (Gwilliam, 2003). Unfortunately, such developing world stands on the cusp of an
vehicles create a host of negative externalities, explosion in private vehicle ownership.
5
1.1.4 China and India European ownership levels, China is still adding
“Experience is a wonderful thing. It enables you to nearly 550 million vehicles. The automobile is
recognize a mistake when you make it again.” officially touted as a symbol of progress and mo-
—“12 useful things to learn before the age of 40” dernity for both China and India. Ultimately,
the policy may deflect investment from more
Few regions of the world epitomise the concerns
pressing development needs. Chinese govern-
over the global consequences of mass motorisa-
ment surveys indicate that families are likely to
tion as Asia, and particularly the nations of
be prepared to spend two years of income for a
China and India. At present, vehicle ownership
car (Gakenheimer, 1999).
levels are less than two vehicles per 1000 inhab-
itants. In comparison, the United States has 769 The trends in car ownership are spurring a
vehicles per 1000 inhabitants while the average spending-spree on road-based infrastructure
for Western European is approximately 430 as well. At the end of 2004, China had 34,000
vehicles per 1000 inhabitants (Whitelegg and kilometres of motorways, more than double
Haq, 2003). In 2004, China’s annual growth the 2000 figure; just 17 years ago, the nation
in vehicle ownership reached 75% (Economist, had no motorways. China is planning to again
2005). China’s motorisation rate has gained double the length of its motorways by 2020
another boost with the country’s admission into (Economist, 2005). China is effectively attempt-
the World Trade Organization (WTO). Tariff ing to replicate 80 years of US-styled motorisa-
protection for automobiles is currently as high tion in the span of just a few decades.
as 80%, but by 2006, China’s WTO commit- In cities such as Shanghai and Guangzhou the
ments require that such tariffs must be reduced promotion of local automobile manufacturing
to 25% (Hook, 2002). is resulting in a discernible lack of emphasis on
bicycles. In Shanghai mode share has gone from
While countries such as China and India are
33% in 1995 to 27% in 2000; in Guangzhou
starting from relatively low ownership levels,
mode share has fallen from 33% in 1995 to
Fig. 7 both are entering the income zone of height-
less than 20% in 2002 (Hook, 2002). The
As vehicle ownership ened vehicle purchasing (Figure 7). If China
impact on air quality has been profound (Figure
and usage explodes in was to reach an ownership level equal to that of
China and South Asia, 8). Shanghai officials, though, have become
the US, the global vehicle fleet would grow by
the local and global alarmed at the extreme growth rate of cars in
approximately 1 billion. If India was included
environment will the city, and have implemented a system to
undoubtedly suffer. in this scenario, then another 740 million vehi-
ration vehicle registration. A monthly auction
Photo by Karl Fjellstrom cles would be added to the global fleet. Even at
system has been in place for several years. Nev-
ertheless, the permitted number of registrations
is simply being increased on a regular basis.
Even as the auction price becomes quite costly,
even by developed-nation standards, there does
not seem to be any slowing in the demand:
“The profusion of cars has launched a new cul-
tural revolution, transforming Chinese life and
society in ways that bear surprising resem-
blance to what happened in America 50 years
ago… In Shanghai the bridges and tunnels
crossing the Huangpu River are so congested
that a cab ride from one side to the other can
be an hour-long ordeal” (Chandler, 2003).
The rise of the car culture has prompted
Shanghai to build a state-of-the-art Formula
One race track in the city. The US$320
million facility essentially serves the single
Formula One race each year and otherwise
6
sits idle (Economist, 2005). It is nevertheless a

monument to national aspirations.
Many major Chinese cities are also actively
discouraging bicycle use through priority meas-
ures for automobiles and through the neglect of
non-motorised infrastructure. A few Chinese
cities have actually even banned bicycles from
large sections of the urban area. The capital,
Beijing, has also followed this trend:
“In Beijing, non-motorised vehicles are
increasingly being squeezed by motorised
vehicle parking in physically segregated non-
motorised vehicle lanes and the reallocation
of space in wide non-motorised vehicle lanes
to through motorised vehicle traffic. On the
Second Ring Road, the outside half of the non- over US$1 billion a year in foreign exchange Fig. 8
motorised vehicle lane has been reassigned earnings (Hook, 2002). In 2001, of the 97 Air quality in Shanghai
to motorised vehicles and the nearside half million bicycles manufactured worldwide, 51 on a normal day.
Photo by Manfred Breithaupt
is used by buses and taxis. Non-motorised million (53%) were manufactured in China. (GTZ photo CD on urban transport)
vehicle parking at work is increasingly being This production level represented a milestone
moved to distant inconvenient locations to by being “perhaps the first time ever that one
provide more convenient space for motorised nation has supplied more than half of global
vehicle parking. A recent high-profile closure in output” (Worldwatch, 2003). Unfortunately,
Beijing of a commercial street at Xidan to non- the vast majority of this production, nearly
motorised vehicles epitomizes current practice” 70%, is destined not for domestic use but rather
(World Bank, 2001, p. 134). for export (Worldwatch, 2003). Thus, despite
Despite government efforts to prioritise indus- the significant economic, social and environ-
trial policy towards automobile manufacturing, mental factors supporting continued bicycle
the bicycle industry still employs a greater use in China, official policy is solidly behind an
number of persons. The sector also generates emphasis on private motorised vehicles.
7
1.2 Impacts
T he disadvantages involved in pulling lots of black sticky slime from out of the ground where it
had been safely hidden out of harm's way, turning it into tar to cover the land with, smoke to
fill the air with and pouring the rest into the sea, all seemed to outweigh the advantages of being
able to get more quickly from one place to another—particularly when the place you arrived at
had probably become, as a result of this, very similar to the place you had left, i.e., covered with
tar, full of smoke and short of fish.
—Douglas Adams, The Restaurant at the End of the Universe, 1980
Air quality Congestion

Vehicle emissions harm Time lost in congestion affects
human health and the natural overall productivity
environment
Energy security
Noise and vibration Dependence on petrol-based
Noise affects productivity and mobility affects national
health security
Accidents Economic efficiency

Each year 1.2 million lives are Financial capital consumed
lost due to vehicle accidents by car expenditures reduces
capital for other investments
Global climate change
Vehicles are responsible for Severance
roughly 25% of fossil-based Roadways sever communities
CO2 emissions and inhibit social interactions
Natural habitats Visual intrusion

Roadways disrupt habitats Cars, roads, and parking
and open areas to exploitation areas all detract from a city’s
beauty
Fig. 9
Waste disposal
The impacts of The disposal of vehicles and Loss of living space
increasing motorisation. Roads and parking consume
Source: Adapted from
vehicle parts contribute to
European Commission (2005) landfill problems large amounts of urban space
and Litman (2005a)
The impacts of the car society are readily evi- by the car, the various problems of pollution,
dent. From the air that we breathe to the form noise, accidents, severance, and congestion have
of our cities to the structure of our economy, undermined its overall contribution to society.
motorised vehicles have shaped virtually all Car-free options hold the potential to simulta-
aspects of modern living. Yet, it may be the neously address each one of these impacts. It
very ubiquity of the car’s impact that sometimes is this characteristic that has helped to spur
shields it from heightened scrutiny. The per- renewed attention to car-free development.
ceived indispensability of the automobile means
1.2.1 Air quality and noise
that many tend to overlook its undesirable
consequences. Despite over 100 years of technological refine-
ment, emissions from a vehicle’s tailpipe remain
The negative impacts of motorisation are well a serious health concern. Air pollutants from
documented (Litman, 2005a; USEPA, 1999; transport are linked to a litany of serious ail-
USEPA, 1996; and Delucchi, 1996). Figure 9 ments, most notably respiratory illnesses and
outlines the most common problems associ- cardiovascular disease. Epidemiological studies
ated with increasing motorisation. Despite have directly linked transport-related contami-
the freedom and mobility seemingly provided nants to asthma, bronchitis, heart attacks, and
8
strokes (Dockery and Pope, 1994). A survey of

studies shows that the number of deaths from
outdoor air pollution ranges from 200,000 to
570,000 annual deaths globally (WRI, 1998).
In addition to premature mortality, there are
also other economic costs resulting from pol-
lutant-induced illness. Hospital admissions, lost
work days, discomfort, and stress are just a few
of these impacts.
Vehicles account for about 30% of nitrogen
oxide (NOx) emissions, 50% of hydrocarbons
(HC), 60% of lead, and 60% of carbon monox-
ide (CO). In city centres the values rise to 95%
for CO and up to 70% for NOx (WHO, 2000).
Vehicles also emit air toxics, including benzene
and formaldehyde, which can be carcinogenic
even in small quantities (McGranahan and
Murray, 2003). Another group of emission average 22.6 miles per gallon (9.6 km/litre), and Fig. 10
products called volatile organic compounds the Explorer (SUV model) gets just 16 miles per Children suffer from
(VOCs) can combine in the atmosphere with gallon (6.8 km/litre)” (Sierra Club, 2003). Jakarta’s deteriorating
air quality.
NOx to form ground-level ozone (O3). Ground In the developing world, no stabilisation of Photo from the Swisscontact 2002
level ozone is also commonly known as photo- emission levels is in sight anytime soon (Figure photo competition
chemical “smog” and is associated with a host 10). The dramatic increase in car ownership and
of pulmonary illnesses and the brown haze that usage in China and India has overwhelmed any
permeates car-dependent cities. modest improvements in emission technologies.
In developed nations, the emissions resulting WRI (1999) conducted a ranking of the cities
from this increased fuel usage has to a certain with the most polluted ambient air. The ten cit-
extent been mitigated by advanced engine tech- ies with the world’s highest emission concentra-
nologies and cleaner-burning fuels. With cleaner tions all reside in the developing world (Box 1).
technologies, the 1990s saw a stabilisation of
air pollution levels for criteria pollutants such Box 1:
as carbon monoxide (CO), particulate matter World air pollution rankings
(PM), nitrogen oxides (NOx), sulphur oxides Most unhealthful ambient air quality3:
(SOx), and volatile organic compounds (VOCs). 1. Mexico City (Mexico)
However, this stabilisation of total emissions 2. Kolkata (India)
may be short-lived as increasing motorisation, 3. Delhi (India)
even in OECD nations, can work to overwhelm 4. Mumbai (India)
the benefits of improved tailpipe technologies 5. Beijing (China)
and cleaner fuels (OECD and EMCT, 1995). 6. Tehran (Iran)
The trend towards even larger vehicles, such as 7. Shanghai (China)
sport utility vehicles (SUVs), has meant that 8. Sao Paulo (Brazil)
average fuel efficiency is actually decreasing in 9. Tianjin (China)
some parts of the world. In 1988, the US aver- 10. Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
age fuel economy for new vehicles stood at 25.9 3
The ranking only examined cities with a popula-
miles per gallon (11.0 km/litre). By 2002, this tion greater than 9 million inhabitants. Ranking is a
value had dropped to 24.0 miles per gallon (10.2 weighted-average of peak concentrations of three
different pollutant types: 1. Total suspended par-
km/litre) (USEPA, 2003). A leading environ- ticles (TSP); 2. Nitrogen dioxide (NO2); and 3. Sul-
mental organisation notes that “Nearly a century phur dioxide (SO2). The study also weighted the
ranking by the projected impacts on children.
ago, Ford’s Model T got 25 miles to the gallon Source: WRI, 1999
(10.6 km/litre). Today, Ford’s cars and trucks
9
The situation in developing nations is particu- background noise, such as traffic and car alarms,
larly affected by poor fuel quality, poor main- has been indicted for its impact on the ability to
tenance and inspection of vehicles, a lack of concentrate. In turn, these lapses in concentra-
emission standards, a lack of enforcement, and tion carry with them implications for worker
an older vehicle fleet. Leaded fuels have long productivity and child development.
been banned elsewhere, but they still predomi-
nate in Africa and parts of Asia. 1.2.2 Climate change
Emission control technologies have to an extent
Noise is also a growing concern from both
slowed the growth of health-related vehicle
the perspectives of health and economic pro-
emissions in developed nations. However, the
ductivity. Noise from vehicle operation, horns,
same cannot be said of greenhouse gas emissions.
and car alarms can all bring negative health
Greenhouse gas emissions, particularly carbon
consequences. The World Health Organization
dioxide (CO2), have grown at unprecedented
(WHO) has documented the most common
rates. Such emissions are linked to the entrap-
problems associated with sustained and/or
ment of heat within the atmosphere, and thus
excessive noise levels (WHO, 2005):
giving rise to concerns over global climate
n “Pain and hearing fatigue
change (Figure 11). While debates linger on over
n Hearing impairment including tinnitus
the shape of climate policy, the world’s leading
n Annoyance
climate scientists have established a “discernible”
n Interferences with social behaviour (aggres-
link between human activity and climate im-
siveness, protest and helplessness)
pacts (IPCC, 2001). The direct link between cli-
n Interference with speech communication
mate change and any particular extreme weather
n Sleep disturbance and all its consequences on
event is not known. However, more frequent
a long and short term basis
Fig. 11 and more powerful hurricanes and typhoons,
n Cardiovascular effects
In 2003, an extreme temperatures, and drought are consist-
n Hormonal responses (stress hormones) and
unprecedented ent with projections from climate change models.
" hurricane" in the their possible consequences on human me-
The devastation wrought in 2005 by hurricane
southern hemisphere, tabolism (nutrition) and immune system
Katrina in New Orleans and the gulf coast may
the first off the coast of n Performance at work and/or school
Brazil's Catarina state, unfortunately not be a singular occurrence.
decrements.”
has prompted concerns Global concentrations of CO2 now stand at ap-
about changing climatic Sustained exposure to noise has been associ-
ated with reduced cognitive development and proximately 368 parts per million (ppm), an in-
patterns.
Photo courtesy of the National classroom performance of children (Evans crease of 31% from pre-industrial levels of 280
Aeronautic and Space
Administration (NASA) and Maxwell, 1997). Even seemingly harmless ppm (IPCC, 2001). In terms of carbon dioxide,
which accounts for 95% of the transport sector’s
greenhouse gas emissions, transportation is
the fastest growing end-use sector (Greene and
Schafer, 2003).
“In 1999 … the transport sector was the
source of approximately 24% of global energy-
related carbon dioxide emissions. This rep-
resents an absolute increase of 1017 million
tonnes of carbon dioxide and a share gain
of 2.4% since 1990. Worldwide, emissions of
carbon dioxide from the transport sector are
projected to grow at the rate of 2.5% each
year through 2020. The growth rates of trans-
port sector carbon emissions in the develop-
ing world and in economies in transition are
projected to be even higher—4.0% per year
and 3.3% per year, respectively” (OECD and
IEA, 2001).
10
Given the trends noted in vehicle ownership Table 1: Average travel speeds by mode in
and usage it is not surprising that transport 1990 (km/h)
greenhouse gas emissions are projected to follow
City Car (km/h) Bus (km/h)
a similar pattern of rapid growth (IEA/SMP,
2004). However, despite such trends and grow- Bangkok 13.1 9.0
ing concerns over climate change, the transport Jakarta 23.6 14.6
sector has largely been left out of mitigation
Kuala Lumpur 29.4 16.3
strategies to date. The promise of alternative
fuels, such as hydrogen (fuel cells), biofuels, or Manila 25.5 15.5
natural gas, is unlikely to make a meaningful Sydney 37.0 19.0
contribution to greenhouse gas emission reduc-
Brussels 37.9 19.1
tions over short or medium terms (Wright and
Fulton, forthcoming) in a cost-effective manner. London 30.2 19.0
Unfortunately, more effective solutions, such as Paris 25.7 19.3
public transport improvements, non-motorised Chicago 45.0 17.9
options, and car-restraint measures, are far from
Los Angeles 45.0 19.9
taking centre stage in climate mitigation efforts.
New York 38.3 18.8
1.2.3 Congestion and economic efficiency Source: Newman and Kenworthy (1999)
The smooth and timely movement of goods and nation norms, the impacts of motorisation in
people is a significant determinant in productivity developing nations has been relatively quite se-
and overall economic efficiency. Cities inundated vere. The World Health Organization (WHO)
with heavy vehicle congestion are effectively leav- lists road accidents as the leading cause of
ing part of their potential domestic product on accidental death world-wide, with an estimated
the roadway. The cumulative financial impacts of 1.2 million persons killed in road accidents and
traffic delays can be staggering. In the US, traffic another 50 million injured in 2001 (Table 2).
congestions costs the economy an estimated of
US$63.1 billion each year, principally due to the The global accident statistics also point towards
value of passenger time and wasted fuel (Texas an alarming disproportionate share of fatalities
Transportation Institute, 2005). Congestion and injuries from automobile accidents occur-
tends to also worsen other externality impacts ring in developing nations. Low-income nations
such as the quantity of air pollutants. incur 80 times more traffic fatalities per vehicle
than high-income nations (World Bank, 1996).
Developing cities are often unprepared for the
sharp rise in private vehicle usage. As a result, Table 2: Incidence of death by cause for
average travel speeds can be significantly less selected categories (2001)
than wealthier cities (Table 1), even though
Estimated number of
vehicle ownership is still relatively low in the Cause of death
deaths in 2001
developing world.
HIV/AIDS 2,866,000
The loss of worker productivity and the inef-
Diarrhoeal diseases 2,001,000
ficiencies from late or missed deliveries of goods
Tuberculosis 1,644,000
and services due to congestion can be a signifi-
cant cost to a society. The World Bank estimates Road accidents 1,194,000
that traffic congestion in Bangkok reduces the Malaria 1,124,000
gross domestic product (GDP) of Thailand by Measles 745,000
6% (Willoughby, 2000). Breast cancer 479,000
Alzheimer’s disease 368,000
1.2.4 Accidents
Tetanus 282,000
The motorisation of the developing world has
brought with it near pandemic proportions of War 230,000
death and injury from accidents. With both Meningitis 173,000
vehicle and driver standards below developed- Source: WHO (2002)
11
1.2.5 Obesity n 18% of all secondary students qualify as obese.

Dependence on motorised vehicles in conjunction Data from Mexico likewise confirms that the
with an unhealthy fast-food diet has produced battle of the bulge is being lost in just about all
a near world-wide pandemic of obesity. With corners of the world. During the past decade,
car travel replacing even short walking trips in there has been a 158% increase in obesity
many parts of the world, a sedentary culture has levels with 28% of Mexican women and 19%
emerged in which exercise is rarely undertaken. of Mexican men being defined as “obese”
In some states of the US, over 25% of the (Maharaj, 2003).
population is considered “obese4” (CDC, 2005) 1.2.6 Energy security
(Figure 12). In such areas a staggering 10% of
Under the current energy economy, being a
the population in some states are suffering from
car-dependent society implies being a fossil
weight-related diseases such as type II diabetes
fuel-dependent society. Unfortunately, as a non-
(Mokdad et al., 2001). Through a study of over renewable resource, fossil fuel stocks are being
12,000 US households, a correlation has been depleted at faster and faster rates. However,
established between urban densities and levels given the relative size of the transport sector and
of obesity (Frank, 2003). Family members in the resulting consumption of petrol, any move
lower density, suburbanised areas showed a away from fossil fuels will carry with it signifi-
markedly higher tendency to suffer from obes- cant economic and political implications.
ity than their counterparts in more walkable,
In 1956, a Shell geophysicist by the name of
higher-density areas. M. King Hubbert generated projections for
The developing world is surprisingly not far the eventual peak of US oil production by the
behind in the obesity race. In a survey of Bei- 1970s. The projections proved to be largely
jing residents, the Beijing Centre for Disease correct. Subsequent use of the Hubbert Curve
Control and Prevention uncovered the following has shown that world oil production is now at
troubling results (Xinhua, 2005): or near its peak as well. Rising demand from
n 32% of Beijing residents suffer from coronary nations such as China and India in conjunction
heart disease, hypertension, or obesity with an eventual decline in production will
n 47% of the population rarely or never under- most likely imply continued price instability.
took exercise The impacts are not just limited to commod-
ity prices. Access to dwindling resources can
4
"obese" is defined here as being overweight by shape foreign policy and even provoke violence
13.6 kilograms or more (CDC, 2005). between nations.
��
��
Fig. 12
Obesity trends in the US
Percentage of
population considered
"obese" (≥13.6 kilograms
overweight) ��
Source: CDC, 2005
12
As of mid-2005, a combination of events, Fig. 13

including war, political instability, climate- As fossil fuel stocks
induced production problems, and increased decline, the search
for new production
demand from newly developing nations, have sites intensifies.
conspired to push petrol prices to new heights. Photo from “Useful Photo
As national and household expenditures for Images” photo CD
petrol increase, other types of expenditures run

the risk of being displaced. A nation’s increased
spending on oil imports may well translate into
less spending on social development in such
areas as education, nutrition, and healthcare.
Of course, one nation’s imports are another
nation’s exports. Nations producing petroleum
products will reap a windfall from the height-
ened world price levels, albeit as long as pro-
duction stocks permit. However, increased oil
revenues have not always produced the expected
results. There is some evidence to suggest that
oil wealth has acted to fuel corruption, poor
governance, and overall inequity in many na-
tions. In such cases, oil revenues have done little
to increase the well-being of the average citizen.
The Chairman of Transparency International,
Peter Eigen, notes that (Transparency Interna-
tional, 2005):
“Corruption robs countries of their potential.
As the Corruption Perceptions Index 2004
Ecuador, Indonesia, Malaysia, Nigeria, and
shows, oil-rich Angola, Azerbaijan, Chad,
Yemen have produced violent protests from
Ecuador, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kazakhstan,
transport operators and the general public.
Libya, Nigeria, Russia, Sudan, Venezuela and
Yemen all have extremely low scores. In these China has historically been an exporter of oil
countries, public contracting in the oil sector products, but by the early 1990s the nation had
is plagued by revenues vanishing into the become a net importer. The growth of China’s
pockets of western oil executives, middlemen vehicle industry is contributing to the current
and local officials.” strain on world commodity markets for steel
and other resource imports (Goodman, 2004):
Economic potential is also being severely
hampered by the tendency for high subsidisa- “This as much as anything defines these times
tion of petrol prices in developing nations, and in the global economy: The world needs
especially in oil producing nations. Metschies more freighters because China's growth is
(2005) has collected retail petrol price data tying up much of the fleet. But the shipyards
for most nations. The highly-subsidised petrol can't get the steel they need, because there
prices in nations such as Indonesia, Nigeria, aren't enough ships to move the ore to the
and Malaysia all represents a significant loss steel plants.”
of national income. Government expenditures Since many oil producing nations are non-
on subsidies ultimately diminish spending on democratic states, the in-flow of oil revenues
more pressing social needs. However, the rapid may also allow unpopular regimes to extend
increase in oil prices may force nations to recon- their grip on power. Thus, car dependency
sider policies. Such a transformation is wrought may tend to undermine world human rights
with potential political and social upheaval; efforts, democracy building, and even the war
modest petrol price increases in Bangladesh, on terrorism.
13
Fig. 14, 15, and 16

Urban expressways
leave their mark
on communities.
1. A roadway cuts
through a low-income
community in Caracas
Photo by Caracas Urban Think Tank
2. The “Segundo Piso”

elevated roadway
changes community
life in Mexico City
Photo courtesy of Reforma
newspaper (Mexico)
3. The “Costanera 1 2 3
Norte” expressway
being constructed 1.2.7 Severance tarmac tends to only induce more vehicles onto
in Santiago’s the streets and encourages sprawl-type develop-
Mapocho River Severance refers to the disruption of community
Photo courtesy of Ciudad Viva interactions due to a physical barrier such as ment farther from the city centre. For these
a roadway. When a roadway cuts through a reasons, Enrique Peñalosa, the former mayor of
community, neighbours are physically and Bogotá, has famously stated that “there are two
psychologically separated from one another. The effective ways of destroying a city: One is with a
mere act of attempting to cross the street can nuclear weapon, the other is with elevated roads”
become an act of endurance and futility. Noise (Peñalosa, 2004).
and emission levels also increase making any Severance is not just limited to human popula-
outdoor activity an unpleasant experience. The tions as the natural environment can also suffer.
visual intrusion of a large concrete structure jut- The city of Santiago (Chile) has taken the quest
ting through a community can be overwhelm- for roadway expansion to a new extreme. When
ing for residents. The results are quite predict- faced with limited options for roadway align-
able: Social activity is curtailed, stress levels ments, the city decided to place the Costanera
rise, and property values drop precipitously. The Norte expressway in a river bed (Figure 16).
large urban roadway projects in cities such as By replacing parts of the Mapocho River with
Caracas (Venezuela) and Mexico City (Mexico) the expressway, the city officials made a grave
are prime examples of the effects of severance concession to the priority of motorists over local
(Figures 14 and 15). communities and the city’s natural environment.
At the same time, such roadways often do little
to mitigate traffic conditions. The additional
14
1.3 Pedestrian conditions in developing cities
T he car is so deeply immersed in our culture as an ideological ‘being’ that it replaces human
beings in people’s minds. It is like a powerful fetishism. When I was waiting at the crossing
with a friend in Sao Paulo I decided to test how this phenomenon had also affected his perception.
There were several automobiles, buses and trucks around us and I asked him: ‘What is coming
from there? You have three guesses.’ He said: ‘Well, a car!’ I said: ‘No, take your second guess.’ He
looked and said: ‘A vehicle.’ I said: ‘No, and now you have your last chance.’ And he answered,
angry with me: ‘An automobile.’ I still wonder when he will realize that what was coming was a
person, inside a metal case, and that there is no reason whatsoever for that person in the role of a
car driver to have priority over us standing on the sidewalk.
—Eduardo Vasconcellos, 2001, p. 157
Fig. 17
A pedestrian makes
for a lonely figure
attempting to cross an
inhospitable urban
street in Panama
City (Panama).
While the trends indicate continued growth If pedestrian infrastructure is of poor quality,
for private motorised vehicles, another type then motorisation can be the mode of choice
of trend is implied for non-motorised options even for very short distances. The developing-na-
(walking and bicycling) and public transport. tion pedestrian runs a gauntlet of challenges each
These modes are being discarded as soon as day, many of which contribute directly to the
persons have the economic capacity to switch to high injury and fatality rates witnessed in these
motorised vehicles. This exodus is not without countries. These challenges include the following:
reason. For residents of the developing world n Complete lack of pedestrian pavements
mobility is not an easy proposition. Daily travel n Poor quality of pavements, often dirt or mud
can be quite long, uncomfortable and unsafe. n No physical separation from high levels of
Footpaths are either not maintained or are traffic and from high-speed traffic
non-existent. n Extreme levels of noise and air pollution
“Despite its economic importance to the poor, n Lack of infrastructure to permit crossing of
both as a mode of transport and a source of street
income, and its environmental advantages, n Obstructed pavements due to illegal (or legal)
the potential of non-motorized transport is car parking, poor design, uncollected rubbish,
often unmobilized or even positively sup- etc.
pressed… As a consequence non-motorized n No protection from harsh climatic conditions
transport becomes less safe, less convenient n Lack of pedestrian support infrastructure
and less attractive, making the forecast de- such as street lighting
cline of NMT a self fulfilling prophesy” (World n Pedestrian overcrowding due to narrow or
Bank, 2001, p. 131). below-capacity pavements
15
n High levels of robbery, assault and other

crime befalling pedestrians.
Adapted from Vasconcellos (2001, p. 113) and Hass-Klau et al., (1999, p. 105)
The complete lack of formal pedestrian pave-

ments in developing nations is relatively com-
mon. Hook (2003, p. 1–2) notes that: “Over
60% of the roads in Jakarta, for example, have
no sidewalks, and those that exist are heavily
obstructed by telephone poles, trees, construc-
tion materials, trash, and open sewer and drain-
age ditches.” Likewise, in African cities, poor
districts will rarely be provided with pedestrian
infrastructure, even though virtually all of the
population of such areas do not own a motor-
ised vehicle (see Figure 18).
Crossing a street can be particularly difficult in
developing-nation cities due to a lack of formal
crossings. In some instances pedestrian over-
passes or underpasses are provided, but pedes-
trians often eschew such infrastructure due to
reasons of safety and convenience (Figure 19).
Pedestrian overpasses and underpasses in devel-
oping-nation cities are often either filled with
Fig. 18
informal merchants or inherently dangerous
Just a few kilometres from the site of the 2002
from a crime and safety standpoint. Darkened World Summit on Sustainable Development
underpasses put pedestrians at particular risk (WSSD) in Johannesburg (South Africa), the
Fig. 19 to criminal elements. Not surprisingly, many township of Alexandra goes without sidewalks.
Pedestrians in Dhaka developing-nation residents choose to take Photo by Lloyd Wright
(Bangladesh) have
few options for their chances crossing through the chaotic and are provided, they rarely give priority to the
crossing the street. dangerous maze of traffic. Vasconcellos (2001, pedestrian:
Photo by Karl Fjellstrom p. 114) also notes that even when crossings “Crossing facilities are also inadequate; zebra
crossings are rare, and signals rarely con-
sider pedestrian needs; in such cases, pe-
destrians are seen as something that might
be ‘stacked’ until some gap is available in the
traffic stream: ‘second class citizens’ have to
wait until first class ones exert their rights to
use roads.”
The poor pedestrian conditions in develop-
ing-nation cities can result in pedestrian trip
distances that are considerably longer than
those endured by motorised vehicles. Hook
(2000) documents how sidewalk barriers and
other detours in Surabaya (Indonesia) result in
substantially longer journeys for pedestrians:
“…pedestrian barricades and one way streets
have been used to facilitate long distance
motorised trips but which simultaneously
impose huge detours for short distance
cycling and pedestrian trips. People wishing
16
to cross a main shopping street often find it many Malaysian cities, the penalties for pedes-
easier to take a taxi two kilometres than to trians using unmarked crossings will greatly
walk across the street. In Surabaya, the World exceed penalties for motor vehicle violations.
Bank estimated that these measures generate For example, in the city of Kuantan the first
an additional daily 7000 kilometres of need- illegal street crossing is a penalty of RM 1,000
less vehicle traffic.” (US$250) or up to three months in prison. A
The poor pedestrian conditions are not just second violation will mean a penalty of RM
due to neglect. In some instances municipali- 2,000 (US$500) and/or six months in prison
ties perpetrate direct aggression against non- (Fjellstrom, 2005). However, given the relatively
motorised users. In Manila, the government poor crossing options, many must take the risk.
devised a “Wet Rag Campaign” to discourage In Dhaka, police will humiliate pedestrians
pedestrians from straying off the footpath and who cross illegally by forcing them to do knee
onto the roadway. Any pedestrian found doing bends while holding their ears (Fjellstrom,
so would be struck by a wet rag hanging from a 2005). These tactics are justified in the name of
municipal van (Fjellstrom, 2005). The measure public safety, but are perhaps actually more a
was finally abandoned after having been found manifestation of the inferior position pedestri-
to violate international human rights laws. In ans hold in society.
17
1.4 Equity
A t first it may appear that pedestrian space is a frivolous issue in a developing country; but the
privations of low income people are not really felt during working hours—it is during leisure
hours that the differences are felt. While higher income people have cars, clubs, country houses,
theatres, restaurants and vacations, for the poor, public space is the only alternative to television.
Parks, plazas, pedestrian streets and sidewalks are essential for social justice. High quality sidewalks
are the most basic element of respect for human dignity, and of consideration for society’s vulnerable
members such as the poor, the elderly and children.
—Enrique Peñalosa, former Mayor of Bogotá (Peñalosa, 2003)
Fig. 20
Pedestrian
infrastructure in
many developing cities,
such as Bangkok, is
far from adequate.
Photo by Carlos Pardo
It is ironic that walking, the most fundamental transport themselves, at the same time they
means of transport, is often the most neglected receive the brunt of the negative impacts of
from a transport planning and municipal motorisation.
investment standpoint. In much of the develop- Of the high numbers of transport-related fatali-
ing world, though, walking remains one of the ties in developing nations, a high percentage
principal forms of mobility, especially within of these deaths are not motorists but rather
low-income sectors. Improving pedestrian pedestrians (Table 3). It is the most vulnerable
conditions helps to prioritise a mode that serves members of society who bear the consequences
a society on an equitable basis. The creation of (Figure 21). While low-income residents are the
car-free environments is one of the best means most exposed to high pedestrian fatality rates,
to restore more equitable conditions for all “middle and upper sectors often travel by car
members of society. and park close to their destinations, minimizing
Today’s conditions in developing cities present a their exposure as pedestrians” (Vasconcellos,
harsh lesson in inequality. As the wealthy enjoy 2001, p. 208). Low-income housing is often
the principal benefits of private motorisation located near busy roadways and informal work-
in terms of speed and status, the poor receive ers often ply their goods amidst dense traffic
the lowest-quality mobility options, in terms of (Figure 22). Such areas typically receive the
space, costs, convenience, comfort, and risks. highest concentrations of air contaminants and
While few of the very poor may own motorised the resultant negative impacts on human health.
18
Table 3: Pedestrian fatalities as a per- Fig. 22

centage of total traffic fatalities Informal vendors
working on the street
Pedestrian fatalities receive exceedingly high
Region
(per cent of total) intakes of contaminants,
Europe,
as shown here in
United States
20% Quito (Ecuador).
Latin America 60%
Africa 45%
Middle East 51%
Asia 42%
Source: Guitink and Flora (1995)
The most vulnerable groups are frequently those

with weaker immune systems, which include
“infants, the elderly, and those suffering from
chronic respiratory conditions including asthma,
bronchitis, or emphysema” (WHO, 2000). In
developing-nation cities air pollution causes an
estimated 50 million cases of chronic coughing in
options, and the longer distances that low-in-
children under the age of 14 years (WRI, 1998).
come groups must often travel to reach central
The distribution of wealth in developing nations business districts:
translates directly into the amount of mobility “A study of low income households in Temeke,
a person has available and the quality of the 8 kilometres from the center of Dar es Salaam,
transport experience. “In places as diverse as estimated that households spent between 10
Santiago, Chile, and Jakarta, Indonesia, higher- and 30% of their income on transport, with an
income residents make 30% more trips than average of 25%. And the upper bound was
lower-income residents” (WBCSD, 2001, p. very income constrained, many low income
4–3). Low-income residents also often spend a earners in the formal sector claiming that they
higher percentage of their income on transport could only afford public transport in the period
than higher-income groups. This situation is immediately after being paid. Later in the
due to the lower-disposable income of these week they walked.” (World Bank, 2001, p. 27)
groups, the captive nature of their transport
Comfort and convenience in travel is also
largely a matter of one’s economic status. In
Mexico City, approximately 20% of the com-
muters spend more than three hours travelling
each day, and 10% spend more than five hours
travelling (Schwela and Zali, 1999). The end
result can be a choice between home and the
street: “Many of the ‘street people’ of south Asia
and Africa indeed have homes; it is just that
they are unable to reach them—because of the
cost and/or time involved—between work days”
(WBCSD, 2001, p. 4–2).
Municipal budget priorities are quite often
ill-attuned to the mobility needs of the major-
Fig. 21
ity. Although non-motorised trips and public
The global pandemic of vehicle accidents too transport trips are the predominate options for
often claims the most vulnerable members of
society as its victims. most residents of developing cities, municipal
Photo by Transportation Alternatives investments are mostly focussed upon the
19
Fig. 23 and 24
A comparison of
investment priorities:
Kuala Lumpur’s
high-technology
traffic control
centre and a typical
footpath in the city.
Photos by Lloyd Wright
continued provision of infrastructure for the The transport inequities experienced in develop-
car-driving minority. From 1990 through 1998, ing-nation cities are most acutely experienced
the city of Jakarta (Indonesia) directed 88% by groups that are least able to cope with the
of its urban transport budget to roads even difficulties (Figures 25 and 26). Gender and age
though only 12% of the population had access inequities create mobility challenges for large
to a private vehicle (Cervero, 2002). In 2005, parts of the population. Women face specific
Fig. 25 and 26
the city of Kuala Lumpur completed work on restrictions on movement due to the nature of
Transport
infrastructure and a 400-million ringgit (US$100 million) traffic their activities in many developing-nation cities.
services in developing control centre, employing the latest in camera Activities such as child-care, household manage-
nations too often fail technologies and software. At the same time, ment, and informal sector employment “require
to consider special the city allows many footpaths to be essentially women to make more and shorter trips than
user groups such as used as parking facilities for cars and motor- men, more trips at off-peak hours and off the
women, children,
the elderly, and the cycles (Figures 23 and 24). How is it possible main routes, and engage in more complicated
physically disabled. that city officials can successfully develop and multi-leg trips, all of which tend to make their
Photo by Lloyd Wright manage a complex traffic control system but movements relatively expensive to provide for
are not able to manage by public transport, and hence highly priced or
a basic footpath? The poorly supplied” (World Bank, 2001). “When
answer perhaps lies 700,000 squatters resettled on the periphery of
in political will and Delhi, female employment fell by 27%” due to
resource priorities. the limited transport options available (Cervero,
20
2002). Women may also be more susceptible to make widespread use of ramped curbs, low-floor
insecurity related to travelling alone or by way buses, or pedestrian signalling.
of public transport, which may force them to By comparison, while developing-nation plan-
depend upon more expensive alternatives or to ners have often forgotten pedestrian conven-
forgo all but the most vital trips. ience, the efficiency of travel for the wealthier
The insecure and uncomfortable nature of groups who travel by automobile or airplane
public transport also creates physical hardship can be quite good. “In some countries it now
for these groups as well as those who are physi- takes as long for people to walk from their
cally disabled. The World Bank (2001, p. 28) homes to the nearest bus stop as it takes to fly
notes that “in most countries, over 10% of the from Sao Paulo to Rio de Janeiro (Hook, 2003,
population has some form of physical disability p. 2).” The continued lack of investment in
imposing serious disadvantage both in terms of this area suggests that conditions are not likely
mobility and safety.” Unlike developed-nation to improve, particularly in the face of rapid
cities, the cities of lower-income nations do not motorisation.
21
1.5 ‘Leap-frogging’
T he newly motorising countries can see what a mess the North has made and how inefficient
are its very large investments in a transport system that fails to deliver health, social equity
and regional equity. It is possible for a newly motorising country to leapfrog the last 40 years of
European and the last 70 years of North American transport development and move directly into
a sustainable strategy that genuinely conserves resources, reduces pollution and pays great attention
to the poorest when disbursing scarce cash.
—John Whitelegg, 1997, p. 220
For developing-nation cities, the major por- could infer a move directly to more sustainable
tion of the decisions to emulate western auto transport options rather than committing to a
dependency or craft an alternative urban predominantly auto-based urban form.
transport strategy will likely set over the course The evolutionary path ahead for developing-na-
of the next decades. Cities in the early stages tion cities may be akin to a sort of hierarchy
of large-scale infrastructure development have of needs for urban mobility. At the base of the
a unique opportunity to choose an efficient hierarchy are long, difficult trips made princi-
pathway. Since major investments in road-based pally by foot to access water, food supplies, and
infrastructure are relatively irreversible over the other essentials. As incomes and services allow,
medium term, decisions made by developing- residents can also make basic trips through
nation officials today will likely determine the paratransit providers. These mini-bus vehicles,
shape and direction of their future urban form. while often poorly maintained and driven in a
Technological leap-frogging refers to a proc- dangerous manner, connect communities not
ess in which developing countries can bypass served by other options. As incomes rise further,
intermediate development steps and progress private motorised vehicles become an option,
directly to more advanced technological options. especially lower-cost two-wheeled vehicles such
With regard to urban transport, this process as scooters and motorcycles. Later, imported
used automobiles provide an outlet for latent
Fig. 27 demand for western car culture. Eventually,
Hierarchy of urban the diminished quality of life that occurs from
transport through an
evolutionary process. the resulting congestion, pollution, and social
Source: Adapted from Maslow (1970) tension leads a city to consider more sustainable
�� alternatives. In reality, few developed-nation
�� cities can claim to primarily conduct transport
�� planning through quality of life considera-
��
��
tions. Thus, the top tier of the hierarchy
�� may resemble more a broad
Leap–frogging objective rather than a fully
�� realisable urban form. This
�� evolutionary perspective assumes
�� that quality of life considerations
will only be addressed after severe
�� problems force change. Figure 27
�� outlines this process.
This process assumes that all coun-
�� tries will have to endure severe levels
�� of congestion, contamination and other
negative externalities prior to being
able to cater to quality of life con-
�� cerns. In this model, motorisation
is a necessary part of achieving
22
economic development. Vasconcellos (2001, p. In addition to a high usage of public transit

283) confirms this ingrained belief with the and non-motorised options, developing cities
following observation: also typically possess a fairly high-density,
“When faced with increasing accident figures
mixed use design pattern. The challenge for
these cities is merely to improve and modern-
in developing countries, some experts men-
ise their transport systems in order to preserve
tion the developed countries’ experience,
the market share of the existing sustainable
saying that accident rates will ‘gradually
modes. A few developing cities, such as Bogotá
reduce’ as motorization increases. This cyni-
and Curitiba, may be moving in this direction
cal thinking means that developing countries
towards greater sustainability. However, for
have to pass through the problem until ‘time’
most of the developing world, the trend is that
takes care of it. It is implicit that motoriza-
of China, in which rapid motorisation is the
tion is a good in itself and that thousands of
primary objective.
people will have to die, get injured or disabled,
until the situation comes to a ‘normal statisti-
Transport policy decisions made today in devel-
cal level’.”
oping nations will have profound ramifications
on any possible attempt to control global con-
Conversely, technological leap-frogging suggests cerns such as greenhouse gas emissions. These
that it may be possible for developing nations policies will also in part determine the extent to
to move directly towards higher quality public which other key developmental objectives, such
transport and non-motorised infrastructure as health levels, economic efficiency, and overall
since motorisation levels are still relatively low. quality of life, are realised in developing cities.
Further, many developing-nation cities do not Once policies are orientated towards motorisa-
yet have a set urban transport infrastructure tion, it will be difficult to return to more sus-
that precludes priority measures to public tainable options at a later time. As the developed
transport and pedestrians. Table 4 presents world has discovered, moving commuters away
a sampling of mode share data from various from cars to public transport and non-motorised
developing cities. options is quite difficult and costly.
Table 4: Mode share of urban transport in selected developing cities
Mode share (percentage of daily trips)
Non- Private
Public
City motorised motorised Other
transport
transport vehicles
Bamako, Mali (1984) 63 12 26 0
Havana, Cuba (1998) 57 27 6 11
Hanoi, Vietnam (1995) 54 4 42 0
Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso (1994) 52 3 45 0
Cairo, Egypt (1998) 36 47 17 0
Sao Paulo, Brazil (1997) 35 33 31 1
Santiago, Chile (1991) 20 56 16 9
Bogotá, Colombia (2000) 15 71 12 2
Sources: Vasconcellos (2001), WBCSD (2001)
23
2. Defining car-free development
W hat if we fail to stop the erosion of cities by automobiles?… In that case, we… will hardly
need to ponder a mystery that has troubled men for millennia: What is the purpose of life?
For us, the answer will be clear, established and for all practical purposes indisputable: The purpose
of life is to produce and consume automobiles.
—Jane Jacobs, 1961
The car-free movement is in many ways at its nascent stages of development. However, as concerns
over energy security and quality of life become ever greater, interest in car-free concepts is likely to
grow. This section traces the early history of this movement as well as provides an overview of the
experiments to date in car-free living.
Fig. 28
A vehicle restriction
device that was
employed in
ancient Pompeii.
2.1 History of car-free development the mid-nineteenth century, the “walking city”
best described the nature of urban structures.
Until the late nineteenth century, all cities were
City form during this period was characterised
car-free. However, attempts to limit the types of
by high densities, mixed land use, and narrow
transport modes in cities dates back to the Ro-
streets that allowed access principally by pedes-
man Empire when restrictions on horse-drawn
trian means. Around 1860, the appearance of the
carts and the resulting noise were imposed on first trains allowed for city expansions along rail
many central districts. “Wheeled traffic was corridors and thus giving rise to the “transit city”.
not allowed during the daytime in the streets Finally, around 1930 the “automobile city” came
of Rome. This regulation was extended under into being along with the ensuing lower-density
Claudius to all Italian towns and Marcus suburbanisation and longer-distance travel
Aurelius extended it further to every city in the between home and workplaces. Newman and
Empire without regard to its own municipal Kenworthy (1999) note that “the reality of most
status” (Hass-Klau et al., 1999). Figure 28 is an cities today is that they contain some elements
example of a mode restriction mechanism that of all three city types, as distinguished by their
was once employed in Pompeii (Italy). different patterns of transportation and density.”
Newman and Kenworthy (1999) suggest that a The modern concept of car-free development
city’s mobility characteristics have evolved with owes its creation to research in the 1960s and
each new dominant technology. From the time 1970s that highlighted the high social and
cities first appeared some 10,000 years ago until environmental costs of uncontrolled automobile
24
Table 5: Historical chronogram of modern car-free development
Date Location Description

Publication of “The Death and Life of Great American Cities” by
1961 New York
Jane Jacobs
1962 Copenhagen First street pedestrianised in the city centre
1968 Delft Community-led traffic calming project (woonerf) takes place
1972 Delft First official woonerf project is launched
In response to the oil crisis of the early 1970s, four Car-Free
Jan.–Febr. 1974 Switzerland
Sundays are organised in Switzerland
First international conference on Auto-Free Cities, organised by
1991 New York
Transportation Alternatives
Non-binding referendum is passed by 52% of voters to make
25 March 1992 Amsterdam
Amsterdam a car-free city
A grassroots effort is launched by groups of bicyclists to reclaim
25 Sept. 1992 San Francisco city streets; the movement, known as Critical Mass, spreads to
many other cities
1992 Ottawa Auto-Free Ottawa newsletter launched
Car-free city network launched by the European Commission
March 1994 Amsterdam
and Eurocities
“Thursday: Car-Free Day” proposal and work plan present at
October 1994 Toledo
Accessible Cities Congress
The first “Reclaim the Street” event is staged; idea of citizens
14 May 1995 London
occupying streets continues to be repeated in UK and elsewhere
Copenhagen Declaration issued by European government
1996 Copenhagen groups to recognise the importance of forming a Car-Free Cities
network
June 1996 Reykjavik City organises its first Car-Free Day
June 1996 Bath First Car-Free Day held in the UK
The UK’s Environmental Transport Association (ETA) organises
1997 UK
the first of three Car-Free Days in several UK cities
1997 La Rochelle First Car-Free Day held in France
1997 Amsterdam Car-Free Times journal launched
1998 Germany National car-free mobility event held (“Mobil ohne Auto”)
First national Car-Free Day held in France with 34 cities
22 Sept. 1998 France
participating (“En ville, sans ma voiture?”)
19 Sept. 1999 Netherlands National Car-Free Sunday held in The Netherlands
Second annual Car-Free Day held in France and the first annual
22 Sept. 1999 France and Italy
Car-Free Day held in Italy with over 90 Italian cities participating
Bogotá holds the world’s largest Car-Free Day event across an
February 2000 Bogotá
entire city of 7.2 million inhabitants (“sin mi carro en Bogotá”)
Several Italian cities participate in a national Car-Free Sunday
2000 Italy
event during the first Sunday of four consecutive months
22 Sept. 2000 Europe First pan-European Car-Free Day held
Through a public referendum, 63% of voters approve an annual
29 Oct. 2000 Bogotá
Car-Free Day
19 April 2001 USA Car-free events held across the USA during national “Earth Day”
Over 1000 cities in a total of 33 countries participate in the
22 Sept. 2001 Worldwide
International Car-Free Day
Adapted from UNCFD (2005a)
25
usage. Table 5 outlines a historical chronogram At approximately the same time, the city of
of some of the events contributing to car-free Copenhagen began its transformation with the
development during the previous 40 years. A pedestrianisation of its historical core (Figure
seminal and inspirational work in this area was 29). A few years later, a group of frustrated
the writing of Jane Jacobs in describing the residents in Delft (The Netherlands) took
character of New York streets. Jacobs astutely matters into their own hands by creating the
observed that the urban planning profession “woonerf ”, which effectively launched modern
had somehow missed the essence of effective traffic-calming techniques. Shortly thereafter,
public space (Jacobs, 1961, p. 16): the world experienced the first significant oil
shock in which prices dramatically rose in
“In city after city, precisely the wrong areas,
the early 1970s. In some countries, such as
in the light of planning theory, are decaying.
Switzerland, car-free events were launched as
Less noticed, but equally significant, in city a response. In Holland, Germany, and other
after city the wrong areas, in the light of plan- parts of Western Europe, innovative city coun-
ning theory, are refusing to decay.” cils and concerned citizens worked to pedestri-
Jacobs was one of the first to observe the role of anise central shopping streets and calm traffic
public space and especially of the pedestrian in in residential areas. However, these measures
defining the actual dynamic of a city were typically local in nature and thus did
(Jacobs, 1961): not inhibit growing car ownership and use. In
North America, despite a temporary period of
“Streets and their sidewalks, the main public
improved fuel economy for vehicles, little else
places of a city, are its more vital organs.
changed (Figure 30). During the 1980s, some
Think of a city and what comes to mind? Its
resistance to highway construction emerged in
streets. If a city’s streets look interesting, the
specific locales, but growth in car ownership
city looks interesting; if they look dull, the city
and usage continued.
looks dull” (p. 39).
It was not again until the 1990s that significant
“Sidewalk width is invariably sacrificed for attention to reducing the reach of motorised
vehicular width, partly because city sidewalks vehicles re-emerged. In this instance, envi-
Fig. 29 are conventionally considered to be purely ronmental concerns and quality of life began
In the early 1960s, space for pedestrian travel and access to to play a central role. The spectre of climate
Copenhagen buildings, and go unrecognized and unre- change, health impacts from smog, and intrac-
began a process of spected as the uniquely vital and irreplaceable
pedestrianising much table congestion on the roadways all created
of its central core. organs of city safety, public life, and child- the conditions for renewed interest in car-free
Photo by Lloyd Wright rearing that they are” (p. 97–98). options. Again, much of the most recent ef-
Fig. 30
Sprawl, the sport utility vehicle (SUV), and
high fuel consumption remain the defining
features of transport in the US.
26
fort has come from a few leading individuals

and organisations. The car-free movement
has largely emanated from grassroots efforts
and activist-based events. In 1992, a group
of cyclists in San Francisco (US) staged the
first “critical mass” ride. These rides, in which
swarms of cyclists descend on a city’s streets,
became common worldwide. Likewise, in the
mid-1990s, the “Reclaim the Streets” movement
in the UK indicated that there existed a large
segment of the population that truly valued
better public space.
The 1990s also represent a period in which the
mainstream of transport planning began to
accept the notion of induced traffic. The em-
pirical evidence was unequivocal over a rather
counter-intuitive result: Additional road
construction results in more traffic conges-
tion. Induced traffic essentially implies that a
city cannot build its way out of the problem.
While additional road construction may lead to
a temporary reduction in traffic levels, this free
road space eventually attracts additional traf-
fic, especially when there is latent demand for
private vehicle usage. Interestingly, the research
suggests the process works in reverse as well.
Evidence from bridge and street closings in the
UK and the US indicates that a reduction in
road capacity actually reduces overall traffic
levels, even accounting for potential traffic
transfers to other areas (Goodwin et al., 1998).
This disappearance of traffic, known as “traffic
degeneration”, gives one of the strongest indica- India also casts a worrying shadow over global Fig. 31 and 32
tions to the viability of implementing car-free energy security and the global environment. Visionary mayors in
Bogotá (top photo) and
interventions. Today’s reality is a massive tide of motorisation in Curitiba (bottom
The new millennium has brought a surge in car- against which the nascent car-free movement photo) have created
free activities. The movement has gained cred- has yet to slow in any substantial way. Cer- very high-quality
tainly much has been learned in the last few urban environments
ibility at the governmental and international without requiring large
level with Car-Free Day programmes from the years about the alternatives to car dependence.
financial investments.
European Union and the United Nations. Fur- Whether the political will exists across a broader Top photo by Shreya Gadepalli.
ther, the efforts of visionary leaders in Bogotá array of cities and national governments is a Bottom photo by Charles Wright
(Colombia) and Curitiba (Brazil) have now question still to be answered.

proven that a city does not need to be wealthy
to create a high-quality human environment
(Figures 31 and 32).
At the same time, the Sport Utility Vehicle
(SUV) has become firmly established in North
America, and has contributed to a steady decrease
in vehicle fuel economy there since 1998. The rise
of mass motorisation in countries like China and
27
2.2 Car-free terms

"I number it among my blessings that my father had no car…This meant that all these distant objects
could be visited just enough to clothe them with memories, and not impossible desires, while yet
they remained ordinarily as inaccessible as the Moon. The deadly power of rushing about wherever
I pleased had not been given to me. I measured distances by the standard of man, man walking
on his two feet, not by the standard of the internal combustion engine. I had not been allowed to
deflower the very idea of distance; in return I possessed ' infinite riches' in what would have been
to a motorist 'a little room'."
—C.S. Lewis, “Surprised by Joy” (1956)
The term “car-free” can encompass a range of different restrictions on motor vehicle use. Vehicle
restrictions can be pictured as a spectrum of possibilities from limited demonstrations to long-term
absolute bans. Figure 33 illustrates this range of possibilities.
Fig. 33 ��
��
The car-free spectrum ��
��

��
��
��
��
On the one side of this spectrum are areas that

discourage vehicle use without an absolute Box 2: Car-free terms
ban. Such areas are sometimes termed “traffic- Car-free city – Motorised vehicles are banned
calmed” areas or even “car-lite” areas. In this from all parts of the cities, with only a few pos-
case, cities and communities permit full mo- sible exceptions such as emergency vehicles.
torised vehicle access but deter unfettered use Car-free shopping street – Pedestrianised
and speeds through road design. On the other mall which focuses upon commercial activity;
side of the spectrum are cities and communities motorised deliveries may still be allowed during
that completely prohibit motorised vehicles.5 In off-peak hours.
between a traffic-calmed area and a completely Transit mall – A car-free shopping street that
car-free city is a range of other possibilities that permits access by public transport vehicles.
vary by both the spatial and temporal nature of
Car-free historical centre – Historical area
the vehicle restriction. Rather than encompass- which bans motorised vehicles.
ing the entire surface of a city, a motorised
vehicle ban may be limited to a particular Car-free housing – Residential area restricting
motorised vehicles and, in some cases, restrict-
district or precinct. Vehicle restrictions may ing the ownership of motorised vehicles.
also vary by the time of day, day of week, and
even the season of the year. Box 2 provides Home zone – Term used to describe a residen-
definitions for some of the common terms used tial area in which street design discourages the
use of motorised vehicles.
to describe car-free areas. Figure 34 provides a
matrix showing a sampling of the diversity in Car-free day – Special day providing an experi-
existing car-free efforts. ment with car-free living; vehicles may be banned
from the entire city or just in selected zones.
5
Motorised vehicles here do not include some personal Car-free lifestyle – Term used to describe per-
mobility devices such as electric wheel chairs for the
sons who individually choose to live without the
physically disabled. However, scooters, golf carts, and
Segways would be considered motorised vehicles use of motorised vehicles, even if they live in a
that would probably not be allowed in a strict car-free car-dependent area.
environment.
28
Fig. 34
��
The car-free matrix 6
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
6
Not all car-free areas are
�� represented in this graphic.
The matrix merely shows
relative comparisons
between sample areas.
The distinctions between car-free cities, car-free Even within cities that are almost completely
housing, car-free shopping streets, car-free histori- car free, there are times when exceptions are
cal centres, and Car-Free Days will be observed permitted, such as the use of emergency ve-
in this document. The terms car-free areas and hicles. There are also many examples of cities
car-free development will be utilised as a general that permit small electric vehicles to assist with
concept to encompass the broader spectrum of the movement of goods and the transit of the
car-free possibilities. elderly or disabled persons (e.g., Zermatt, Swit-
zerland). In general, though, the term “car-free
2.2.1 Car-free city
city” represents the deepest manifestation of the
shall be telling this with a sigh concepts presented in this document.
somewhere ages and ages hence:
two roads diverged in a wood, and i- The historical portion of Venice (Italy) is per-
i took the one less traveled by, haps the best known of cities that are predomi-
and that has made all the difference. nantly car free (Figure 35). In Venice’s case this
—Robert Frost (1874–1963) aversion to the automobile is due to its unique
geography and the need to retain historical
In the absolute case, a car-free city would imply
character. Likewise, other historical and resort
the complete absence of any motorised vehicle
cities such as Louvain la Neuve (Belgium),
travel at all times. Cities that are completely free
Capri (Italy), and Zermatt (Switzerland) are es-
of any motorised vehicle transport are quite rare.
sentially car free within city boundaries. Venice,
Venice (Italy) and the medina of Fez (Morocco)
are probably the closest of any major urban Capri, and Zermatt are also notable as locations
areas to the true meaning of a car-free city. The with some of the world’s highest residential
central area of Fez most likely hosts the world’s property values, and thus indicating that car-
highest car-free population in a single concen- free locations can in fact bolster economic value.
trated area with approximately 156,000 inhabit- Venice’s popularity has to a degree undermined
ants (Carfree Times, 2002). its character as a vibrant, living city. Venice has
become such a choice of second homes for the
wealthy that the effective full-time population
29
in Box 3. Island cities have largely retained a

car-free nature due to the following factors:
n Difficulty of developing car-based infrastruc-
ture within the given topography
n Relative inaccessibility of the locales
n Existing densities and short distances be-
tween key destinations
n Local customs and preferences.
Most car-free cities have another characteristic
in common. Virtually all these cities are noted
tourist destinations. A car-free city is a highly
attractive environment for people wishing to
escape the stressful atmosphere of their home
cities. A car-free strategy for a city may thus be
appropriate for urban areas that are seeking to
position themselves as a tourist destination. In
fact, although Santa Barbara (US) is far from
Fig. 35 has been reduced. Many of the homes are now
Venice represents being a car-free city, local businesses market
only occupied during weekends or during cer-
perhaps the most tain parts of the year. themselves as offering a “car-free” holiday
noted example of (Figure 36).
a car-free city. There also exist several smaller island cities that
Photo by Joel Crawford are also largely car free (Wikipedia, 2005a). Hass-Klau et al., (1999, p. 113) note that many
These island cities include Capri, Landau (Hong other cities are giving serious consideration to
Kong), Gulangyu (China), Buyukada (Turkey), the car-free option:
and Fire Island (US). A description of Buyu- “Whereas traditionally pedestrianisation
kada, one of Turkey’s Princess Islands, is given was seen as excluding cars from the main
Fig. 36
Santa Barbara (US)
specially markets
holidays in which
persons can take a
break from motorised
vehicles (Car Free
Santa Barbara, 2005).
30
Box 3: Princess Islands, Turkey The cleanliness of the air and the quiet of Buyukada
By Yaakov Garb, ITDP
are striking. As society has become so accus-
tomed to a constant background of motorised
The nine Princess Islands, lie in the Sea of Marmara, noise, its absence is startling. Imagine a bustling
just south of Istanbul. Three are uninhabited, one central transit station that is quiet and fume-free,
is private, and the others are home to small com- or a musical evening held on a terrace just a few
munities, totaling a population of 17,000 people that meters from a main street. What also strikes one
swells to a quarter of a million during the summer about Buyukada is the spaciousness of the streets
months. Buyukada, the main island, has 8,000 once stripped of parked and moving vehicles. After
year-round residents, but at least ten times that in a few days where nothing happens faster than a
person can run, the occa- Fig. 37
sional police vehicle is a
jarring experience.
Rush hour on
Buyukada Island.
Photo by Yaakov Garb
Much small freight is man-
aged by bicycle and horse
carriage. Larger items can
be moved, with written
permission, by vehicles
brought in by the ferry for
this purpose, on a one-time
basis, or by one of the is-
land’s hauling services,
that specializes in mov-
ing large loads, such as a
piano, through horse and
human power.
Perhaps one of the most

the summers. Government and privately operated remarkable things about this island that has quietly
ferries as well as catamarans arrive frequently. It decided to let motorisation pass it by, is precisely
is 40 or 50 minutes from the heart of Istanbul, an how low-key and ordinary their approach is. The
easy commute. fact is not trumpeted to tourists; there are no
loud declarations. Within sight of the metropolis
As one steps off the ferries, one begins to notice of Istanbul, yet still serene, Buyukada demon-
Buyukada’s subtle secret: it and the other is- strates that a community can thrive and enhance
lands forgot to motorise. The first car appeared in its attractiveness by forgoing motorised transport
Istanbul in 1911. It was difficult to transport cars almost entirely.
to the islands, and the inhabit-
ants were not much interested Fig. 38
in them. Somewhere along the Spot the obsolete
way, this leaning solidified into technology.
custom and law. The system of Photo by Yaakov Garb
horse-drawn carriages that had

operated for well over a hun-
dred years remained Buyukada’s
main form of transportation, and
at some point bicycles grew in
number as well. Today the island
remains mostly free of motorised
vehicles. In the winter, a 17-seater
minibus takes children to school.
And there are some service vehi-
cles: two police vans, a handful
of municipality vans, seven fire
engines, a truck for emptying
septic tanks, another for clean-
ing the streets, and some forest
service pick-up trucks.
31
shopping streets which had high pedestrian

flows, pedestrianisation increasingly became Box 4: Traffic calming measures
part of an overall transport strategy not only Speed humps – Rounded raised area across
for the town centre but for the city as a whole.” the vehicle lane with typical dimensions of 3–4
metres in length and 50–100 mm in height.
For some cities, creating a large-scale car-free
Speed table – Flat topped speed humps that
area can be a strategic decision built upon a are often constructed with brick or textured
sound analysis of the economic, social, and materials and are usually long enough for the
quality-of-life advantages. wheel-base of a standard car to rest entirely
on the flat surface
2.2.2 Car-lite areas Raised sidewalks – These are speed tables
“A journey of a thousand miles begins outfitted with crosswalk markings and signage
to channelise pedestrian crossings, providing
with a single step.”
pedestrians with a level crossing. Additionally,
—Lao-tzu (604 BC–531 BC)
by raising the level of the crossing, pedestrians
For most cities and communities, the abandon- are more visible to approaching motorists.
ment of motorised vehicles will not happen Raised intersections – Flat raised areas that
overnight. The political leadership required to cover the entire area of the intersection, with
transform a city in the manner of a Bogotá or a ramps on all approaches and typically con-
structed of brick or other textured materials.
Curitiba is not a common trait amongst today’s
public officials. However, cities and communi- Realigned intersections – Changes in inter-
section alignment which converts a “T” shaped
ties may choose an intermediary step that at intersection with straight approaches into curv-
least begins to shift the balance in urban design ing streets.
away from the primacy of the automobile. Textured and/or coloured pavements – Pave-
Measures which restrict private vehicle movement materials are used to create a coloured or
ments and speeds are a basic step in this process. uneven surface for vehicles to traverse across
an intersection, crossing, or even an entire
Traffic calming city block.
Historically, traffic calming measures have been Traffic circle – Raised islands in the centre of
seen as mechanisms to improve pedestrian safety intersections, around which traffic circulates.
and curb some of the negative impacts of mo- Chicanes – Curb extensions that alternate from
torisation. By making the streets take on charac- one side of the street to the other, forming S-
shaped curves.
teristics of a yard or a park, motorists would be
Neckdowns – Curb extensions at intersections
obliged to curb dangerous speeds. The idea was
that reduce the distance required for a pedes-
to use design features like trees, chicanes, and trian to cross a street.
bumps to force motorists into acceptable behav- Chokers – Curb extensions at mid-block lo-
iour. After the initial “woonerf” experiments cations that narrow the street and widen the
in The Netherlands, the traffic calming concept footpath area.
quickly spread to Germany, where in 1976 the Pedestrian islands – A raised island located
state of North-Rhine-Westphalia began a series in the centre median area; also known as pe-
of neighbourhood-based projects. In a short destrian refuges.
amount of time, the concept spread to Bavaria Traffic cells – A street enclosure that permits
and then the whole of Germany. a direct link for a pedestrian or cyclist but force
a longer trip by car.
Today, traffic calming consists of a multitude of Source: Adapted from Institute of Transportation Engineers, 2005
design options, including speed humps, raised
intersections, textured and coloured pavements, pedestrians. Traffic calming measures carry
chicanes, neckdowns, and pedestrian islands. the advantage of being largely self-enforcing.
Box 4 provides summary definitions of each Vehicles can only move at speeds that are physi-
of the most common types of traffic calming cally possible based on the configuration of the
measures. inhibiting infrastructure.
The idea behind these design features is to give However, whether traffic calming actually
both physical and psychological priority to achieves a meaningful advantage to the
32
pedestrian is sometimes debated. Some meas-

ures, such as traffic circles, can make pedestrian
crossings even more difficult. While speed
tables and chokers will temporarily reduce
vehicle speeds, motorists may compensate by
accelerating rapidly between barriers, and thus
increasing risks. The measures may also increase
certain externalities such as noise from vehicles
rapidly accelerating and decelerating as well as
the noise of vehicles striking the raised surfaces
of speed humps and speed tables. Rapid ac-
celeration and deceleration also increases fuel
use and the associated air emissions. Further,
rather than producing a net reduction of traffic,
these measures may simply represent a transfer
of traffic to other streets where congestion and
emissions could be even worse than before.
Further, it is not entirely clear if traffic calming killed when struck by a vehicle at 60 kilometres Fig. 39
measures are effective in moving cities towards per hour. By comparison, 5% are killed when Residents in this
more extensive vehicle restrictions and bans. struck by a vehicle at 30 kilometres per hour neighbourhood of Accra,
Ghana constructed
If investment is made in accommodating the (Limpert, 1994). their own speed bump
automobile, even in a restricted form, then it Thus, restricting automobile speeds to much in order to restrain
may be psychologically and financially difficult slower speeds (30 kph) or the speed of a bicycle motorists from risking
to justify a total ban at a later date. the lives of their
(20 kph) or even the speed of a light jog (10 kph) family members.
Individuals will often promote traffic calming dramatically improves safety. Such speeds also Photo by Paul White
measures in their own neighbourhood but not encourage alternatives to private vehicles that can
elsewhere. Motorists will want the safety benefits compete more equally on a basis of travel times.
for their own family but may object to slowing However, while speed limits are a basic compo-
their commute across other communities. nent of any road legal code, speed limits alone
However, another interpretation is that traffic do not ensure a safe road environment. Speed
calming may be a necessary first step in making limits alone also do not address many of the
residents realise that the streets are public space negative impacts stemming from the presence
which do not belong exclusively to the automo- of motorised vehicles. These limitations are
bile. Additionally, measures such as reducing particularly true in developing-nation cities. To
the length of pedestrian crossings through be effective, speed limits require both enforce-
neckdowns and pedestrian islands do appear to ment and a culture of traffic law compliance.
reduce injuries and deaths when compared to Unfortunately, both of these characteristics are
standard, unprotected crossings. frequently missing from developing cities. The
lack of resources available to traffic police in
In some instances, communities have taken it
such cities make strict enforcement difficult.
upon themselves to construct their own form of
traffic calming (Figure 39). The fact that such a Traffic cameras do offer a mechanism to create
step is necessary says much about the failure of the conditions for better enforcement of traffic
local governments to firmly address the imbal- laws. Such cameras have been used with success
ance between vehicles and people. in the UK to discourage various violations, in-
cluding speeding and the running of red lights.
Speed limits and enforcement cameras As usage of enforcement cameras is becoming
Limiting vehicle speeds by law is fundamental more common, the costs of the technology are
to road safety. Speed is perhaps the most lethal falling and the cameras are increasingly an
contributor to accidents and injury from motor affordable option for developing cities. Despite
vehicles. An estimated 85% of pedestrians are such accolades, many motoring groups argue
33
that enforcement cameras are inherently unfair, In many ways, the idea of shared space seems
suggesting that a traffic violation does not occur counter-intuitive: “Build roads that seem dan-
unless physically witnessed by actual traffic po- gerous, and they’ll be safer” (McNichol, 2004).
lice. Some privacy groups also express concerns The idea is that the lack of signage and road
on how camera information is used. Despite markings increases the uncertainty for motor-
these concerns, the number of cameras contin- ists, who will then be more cautious within an
ues to increase and bring with them impressive undefined road environment. Through intrigue
improvements in road safety. However, cameras and uncertainty motorists become more en-
alone do not completely ensure safety and gaged in their surroundings (Engwicht, 1999).
certainly do not mitigate many of the negative A monotonous roadway with high dosages of
impacts from mass motorisation. signage and markings increases speeds and
lowers driver awareness, which is a combination
Shared space inviting accidents. Monderman makes this
One of the most innovative concepts in recent point with (McNichol, 2004):
years has been the idea of “shared space”, which is
"A wide road with a lot of signs is telling a story.
also known by several other names including “post-
It‘s saying, go ahead, don‘t worry, go as fast
traffic calming”, “second-generation traffic calm-
as you want, there‘s no need to pay attention
ing”, “psychological traffic calming”, and even
to your surroundings. And that‘s a very dan-
“naked streets”. In some respects “shared space”
gerous message.“
represents the antithesis to traffic calming, and
yet, both share the ultimate goals of slower vehicle In an area of shared space, neither pedestrians
speeds and reduced accidents. With shared space, nor motorists have explicit signage to dictate
all physical differentiation between car space and who has priority. People must resort to eye
pedestrian space is removed (Figure 40). contact and other forms of subtle communica-
tion to navigate the roadway. The end result is
that motorists instinctively reduce speeds in
order to engage in this subtle communication
process.
The extent to which shared space is applicable
to larger cities and to developing cities is not
yet known. While the lack of signage results in
greater caution from motorists in The Nether-
lands, it is not clear if the same success would
be achieved on the streets of Lagos, Jakarta,
or São Paulo. Additionally, as traffic volumes
increase the lack of signalling may eventu-
ally reach a critical point in which gridlock
prevails. Further, simply explaining the shared
space concept to traditional road engineers
and planners can be challenging. Nevertheless,
shared space represents an innovative approach
Fig. 40 The origins of shared space are attributed to that will likely receive increasing attention.
The concept of “shared Hans Monderman of The Netherlands who has
space” has successfully taken his designs to roadway intersections of Home Zones
reduced traffic accidents
in The Netherlands and such Dutch cities as Drachten and Oosterwolde. In the UK, an analogous approach to shared
elsewhere. In a short amount of time, these concepts have space is known as “home zones”. A home zone is
Photo by Hans Monderman made their way to a variety of other locations a residential street in which traffic calming and/
including Christianfield in Denmark, Wiltshire or shared space techniques are used to restrict
and Suffolk in the UK, and West Palm Beach vehicle speeds and movements. Home zones
in the US. In each case, improvements in safety may also feature traffic cells in which roads are
have been recorded. partially closed to outside traffic (Figure 41).
34
Home zones also represent an integrated ap-

proach featuring community involvement in the
decision process. The Northmoor neighbour-
hood in Manchester has been the sight of one
of the initial successes with home zones. The
Northmoor project benefited from the support
of both the local council as well civic organisa-
tions and the community itself. A street party
served as the initiation of the resident-led design
process (Figure 42). While the end result is not
entirely car free, the textured surfaces and the
presence of street furniture make for a highly
people-friendly environment (Figure 43).
Smart growth development

“Smart growth” is a concept developed by pro-
gressive planners, architects, and social scientists
in the US to encourage the development of
more human-friendly communities. Smart
growth stems from the New Urbanist Move- n Provide a variety of transportation choices Fig. 41
ment of the 1990s, which has sought to counter n Strengthen and direct development towards This home zone in
sprawl through mixed use, higher density existing communities London (Borough
of Camden) restricts
development (Calthorpe, 1993 and Katz, 1994). n Take advantage of compact building design.
car access into an
The principal objectives behind smart growth Smart growth is in many ways quite similar area near a school.
include (Smart Growth Network, 2005): to the UK Home Zone with an emphasis on Photo by Lloyd Wright
n Create range of housing opportunities and calming traffic but not necessarily eliminating
choices motorised vehicles. Since a complete banning of
n Create walkable neighbourhoods vehicles from community projects is difficult in
n Encourage community and stakeholder col- the US context, smart growth advocates assume
laboration that car-lite development is a more realistic
n Foster distinctive, attractive communities course of action.
with a strong sense of place
n Make development decisions predictable, fair Other types of car-lite areas
and cost effective A car-lite area may also be defined by the type
n Mix land uses of vehicles permitted. Some areas may limit car
n Preserve open space, farmland, natural use to only local residents. In other instances,
beauty and critical environmental areas car taxis may also be permitted. While such
Fig. 42 and 43
The Northmoor home
zone in Manchester
(UK) has been
successful in creating a
highly people-friendly
environment.
Photos by the Northmoor
Urban Arts Project
35
areas are not car free, they do represent a As noted, car-lite areas can be seen as part of
potential reduction in the volume of motorised an evolutionary approach to car-free develop-
traffic. Such restricted access areas also can act ment. The political reality for some cities may
as buffer regions that help provide a safe transi- necessitate a phased approach to car-free designs
tion from car-free zones to car-dependent areas. in which traffic calming, shared space, or home
This premise also holds for areas implementing zones are the first phase.
traffic calming measures.
2.2.3 Car-free days and car-free events
Paris (France) has announced an ambitious plan
to close major portions of the city centre to mo- Car-free areas can also be defined by the tem-
torised vehicles by the year 2012. Only residents, poral nature of the measures. Areas can be car-
buses, delivery vans, and emergency vehicles free during designated hours of the day or dur-
will be allowed to enter a 5.6 square kilometre ing designated days of the year. “Car-free days”
zone on the Right Bank that includes the Lou- are a limited one-day experiment in banning
vre, the Ópera, the Marais, Les Halles and the motorised vehicles from street access. A Car-
Ile de la Cité (Michaelson, 2005). While this Free Day can encompass an entire metropolitan
plan is not strictly car free, it will represent a area or be conducted on a neighbourhood basis.
substantive improvement to the quality of Paris’ Car-free days are typically undertaken annually
urban environment. on a week-day to demonstrate the viability of
alternatives during a normal work day. How-
Areas which do not prohibit vehicles but strictly
ever, some cities, have implemented permanent
limit parking may also be considered car-lite
Car-Free Days that occur each weekend on a
(Figure 44). The banning of all on-street park-
particular street or in a particular neighbour-
ing can be the start of returning a community
hood. There are also seasonal events, such as
to its residents. The lack of parking provision is
street closures during summer months, which
an effective incentive to encourage residents and
allow residents to make the best use of an
visitors to seek transport alternatives. A visually
area based on seasonal climate patterns. Many
Fig. 44 car-free street can also help send a psychological
festivals also necessitate a temporary car-free
In cities such as message to everyone that children, pedestrians,
approach due to the nature of the event and the
Takayama (Japan), the cyclists, and other non-motorised users have
banning of on-street amount of people drawn to the area.
priority. Of course, streets free of on-street park-
parking at least reduces ing but still allowing car travel possess many of
the visual intrusion Car-free days
caused by parked cars. the other undesirable features of automobile use, Car-free days are increasingly high profile events
Photo by Lloyd Wright including safety risks. that can be useful in awakening a city and its
residents to the possibilities of a different urban
environment. The principal premise behind
such days is the idea of creating a “pattern
break” in which awareness of transport alterna-
tives is promoted.
“By creating a break in the normal pattern of
behaviour, CFDs [Car-Free Days] can provide
an opportunity for the citizens and the mu-
nicipality to take a step back and reconsider
the development path of the transport sector
and whether it takes into account and meets
the needs of all people…On an even broader
scale, CFDs can serve to spark a dialogue
about the future of the city and allow citizens
to ask what exactly they envision their city to
become in say, 20, 50, and 70 years” (UN-
CFD, 2005b).
36
As noted in Table 5, since 1998 several interna- Table 6: Participating and supporting cities,
tional campaigns have been initiated to promote International Car-Free Day 2004
Car-Free Day activities. Western Europe has
Number of Number of
been a leader in the Car-Free Day movement Country
Participating Cities Supporting Cities
with France launching the first major nation-
wide effort in 1998 with 34 cities participating. Albania 8 -
In the following year, over 90 Italian cities joined Argentina - 1
French cities in the event. In the year 2000, the Austria 197 -
European Commission’s Environmental Directo- Belgium 22 4
rate became a member of the supporting consor- Brazil 59 8
tium and now provides funding to promote the
Bulgaria 69 15
concept of a pan-European Car-Free Day.
Canada 2 4
The day takes place on 22 September each year
Colombia 3 -
and varies in scope depending on the local
Croatia 1 -
circumstances. In some cases, the event may be
just one street in one sector of a city. In other Cyprus – 1
cases, there is a more expansive effort. The Eu- Czech Republic 25 7
ropean Car-Free Day has also become known by Denmark 1 1
the programme name of “In Town Without My Estonia 1 1
Car!”. Since 2002, the day is held in conjunc- Finland 15 2
tion with the European Commission’s “Euro-
France 33 3
pean Mobility Week”, which is a week of related
Germany 27 21
activities aimed at raising public awareness on
sustainable transport and acting as a focal point Hungary 41 10
for new local initiatives (Figure 45). Iceland 7 -
The date of 22 September is now recognised Ireland 19 -
as the International Car-Free Day. While Italy 17 3
observed principally in Europe, other cities Japan - 2
such as Bangkok (Thailand), Bogotá (Colom- Latvia 1 4
bia), Jakarta (Indonesia), Taipei (Taiwan), and Lithuania 18 -
Toronto (Canada) have participated. Table 6
Luxembourg 12 -
summarises the list of cities participating in the
2004 edition of the International Car-Free Day Malta 20 8
(European Mobility Week, 2005). Moldova 1 -
Netherlands - 20
Norway 1 3
Poland 109 -
Portugal 56 7
Romania 36 28
Serbia and Montenegro 6 -
Slovakia 1 1
Slovenia 18 3
Spain 211 1
Sweden 30 33
Switzerland 67 5
Taiwan 2 -
Fig. 45 United Kingdom 10 42
The EU’s “In Town Without My Car” Total 1,146 238
programme is helping to raise the profile of car- Source: Access (2005)
free events worldwide.
37
There are at least two other significant dates

in which some municipalities elect to promote
car-free activities. “Earth Day” is held each year
on 22 April. The first Earth Day was held in
the US in 1970. An organisation known as the
Earth Day Network uses the Earth Day event
as an opportunity to promote awareness of a
range of ecological issues, including the impacts
of motorised vehicles. The Earth Day Network
encourages cities to mark the day with a pledge
to supporting car-free experiments. In 2001,
the Earth Day Network led efforts to hold the
first Car-Free Days in the US. In 2002, car-free
events were held on Earth Day in not just US
cities but also in Amman (Jordan), Dushanbe
(Tajikistan), Kathmandu (Nepal), Lomé (Togo),
and Seoul (South Korea).
Additionally, “World Environment Day” is held
each year on June 5th. The activities of this day
are coordinated through the United Nations
Environment Programme (UNEP). The United
Nations’ General Assembly established World
Environment Day in 1972, which coincides Fig. 46
with the establishment of UNEP. Car-free Bogotá's weekly car-free event covers
initiatives are sometimes one of the focus areas the entirety of a city with a population
encouraged within the framework of World of 7 million inhabitants.
Environment Day. Photo by Lloyd Wright
Fig. 47 Shenzhen (China) hosts its own “Green Action estimated 100,000 residents giving up their cars
The Yom Kippur Day” in early June in conjunction with World for the weekday commute (Xinhuanet, 2005).
holiday is effectively a Environment Day. Shenzhen’s inaugurated its Shenzhen is a special economic zone in China,
car-free day covering event in 2004 and intends to continue into meaning that the city is a target of significant
an entire nation.
Photo by Ron Wolf the future. The event in 2005 resulted in an economic development. Thus, Shenzhen’s ex-
perience represents a key example in one of the
world’s most rapidly motorising nations.
Some cities have created their own day for
car-free activities. The Peñalosa administration
in Bogotá (1997–2000) chose the first Thursday
of February as the target day. The Bogotá event
has become the world’s largest Car-Free Day by
a single city since the private vehicle ban covers
the entire expanse of the city, which has a popu-
lation of approximately 7 million inhabitants
(Figure 46). The Bogotá Car-Free Day has been
legally codified through a referendum.
The largest Car-Free Day in terms of total
area covered occurs each year in Israel during
the Yom Kippur holiday. Virtually all of the
country’s 6.1 million residents refrain from
motorised travel during this 24-hour (sundown
to sundown) holiday (Figure 47).
38
In some instances, Car-Free Day events are

practiced by a select group of organisations
within a city. In July and November of 2002,
Guatemala City (Guatemala) held Car-Free
Days in which municipal officials and staff
refrained from car use (Sustainable Transport,
2002). The city ultimately hopes to expand the
participation of the Car-Free Day to a wider
grouping of citizens and organisations.
In 2002, the United Nations Department
for Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA)
launched an international initiative promoting
Car-Free Days. The subsequent United Nations
Car-Free Day (UNCFD) programme has spon-
sored regional workshops to broaden awareness
of Car-Free Days as a tool for changing mobil-
ity patterns in cities. The first workshop took
place during the third annual Car-Free Day in
Bogotá in February 2002. Mayors and other humans (such as the young, the old, and those Fig. 48
officials from the Latin American region saw with asthma) are recommended to stay indoors During winter
first-hand how a Car-Free Day can be success- while cars are still permitted to operate. months, Santiago’s
fully implemented and institutionalised. UN- unique geography
Arguments for and against Car-Free Days means that pollutants
CFD’s second event consisted of a practicum entrapped in the basin
in Freemantle (Australia) and involved officials Can one day change a city? For supporters of creating extreme air
from across the Asian region. Car-Free Days, the event represents a break from quality problems.
a daily pattern that favours motorised living. Photo courtesy of the GTZ’s
photo CD on urban transport
Air quality emergencies The day provides a vision of what may eventually
Car-free days may also be triggered when pollu- be possible on a larger scale. The day may also
tion levels reach a certain critical point. Italian be the one opportunity some have to experience
cities have particularly adopted this technique public transit, cycling, or simply walking in the
to fight acute pollutant levels. In February 2005, city. Having experienced the advantages of these
the city of Vicenza (Italy) forbid motorised modes, persons may then make a permanent
vehicles for a period of one week in order to change in their commuting habits.
clean the air of a persistent smog formation.
Both Rome and Milan have imposed similar For detractors of Car-Free Days, the event is
bans in the past, especially during periods of a distraction from real improvement in the
climatic inversions when there is little wind to long-term direction of a city’s mobility pattern.
clean the air. Central Rome and Milan along Some officials may in fact use the existence of
with Bergamo, Como, Brescia and Sempione a Car-Free Day as an excuse not to take more
have legalised a “Green Sunday” event in which permanent actions.
motorised vehicles are prohibited from 10:00 to “Stop this one-day a year party, the so-called
16:00. However, the restriction does have one Car-Free Day, which has accomplished
rather Italian peculiarity to it. In addition to nothing more than being just that. It has
the expected exemptions granted to emergency been blatantly counter-productive and totally
vehicles, medical staff, and diplomats, citizens ineffective in US and Canadian cities, by en-
travelling to football matches may also obtain couraging tokenism and impeding progress
circulation permits to drive. towards a sustainable infrastructure. Our
Interestingly, other cities, such as Hong Kong, automobile-accommodating politicians have
Los Angeles, Mexico City, and Santiago been only too eager to play this futile game
have similar air quality warnings (Figure 48). and placate the naive and wistful into think-
However, in the case of these cities, vulnerable ing they are making environmental progress
39
when no progress actually occurs. Car-Free Rio de Janeiro or Mardi Gras in New Orleans
Day has been a political excuse for hypocrisy simply would not function if cars were permit-
and duplicitous excuse for taking no action” ted to dominate. These events also thrive on
(Gary, 2003). spontaneous personal interactions, conducted
In 2000, Stockholm (Sweden) opted out of the within an unrestricted public space. Parades
European Car-Free Day event as public officials are also another form of event requiring the
chided the long-term effectiveness of such prohibition of general traffic, although the
events. The Deputy Mayor of Stockholm at that floats employed within a parade will likely be
time typified this viewpoint with: “The environ- motorised.
ment won’t be improved by one Car-Free Day, Some of the most famous festivals and parades
but [rather] from better public transportation…” include:
(Brand, 2000). n Carnival, Latin America and especially in
Which of the two perspectives on Car-Free Brazil and Trinidad & Tobago
Days is the reality perhaps in part depends on n Notting Hill Festival, London
the nature of the particular Car-Free Day. If the n Regent Street Festival, London (Figure 49)
day encompasses major sections of a city and/or n Oktoberfest, Germany
becomes established as a more frequent event, n Macy’s Parade, New York
then the goals of more permanent change may n Rose Bowl Parade, Pasadena
n New Year’s Eve, Worldwide (Figure 50).
be more realisable. If the day is quite limited in
scope and intent, then certainly little progress is Parades and street events are quite common when
likely to be achieved. celebrating a national or local success. Winning
a sporting championship such as the World Cup
Fig. 49 and 50
Festivals or an Olympic medal is a chance to embrace a
The Regent Street
Festival in London (left Street festivals typically necessitate the clos- collective moment of joy. Likewise, remembering
photo) and New Year’s ing of streets, especially when entertainment the founding date of a city or nation is a shared
Eve in Quito (right and/or displays are involved. Likewise, the source of pride. The street is the democratic
photo) are examples of large number of people drawn to street festivals realm where victories are best shared and defeats
special events requiring
a car-free environment. makes car use both dangerous and impractical. are best commiserated. These are moments that
Photos by Lloyd Wright The street scenes witnessed during Carnival in are likely to live in one’s memories for a lifetime.
40
There is no question that such moments belong

to people at arms length of one another rather
than amongst a sea of automobiles.
Sporting events themselves can require street
space. Running and bicycle races can require
anything from a lane of traffic to entire road-
ways. The world’s largest marathons, such as
New York and London, may have more than
30,000 people participating. These events are
frequently pushed to early morning hours, in
part to mitigate traffic impacts and at times to
avoid mid-day heat and sun. However, the value
of these prestigious events is becoming increas-
ingly recognised by public officials. Such events
bring significant tourism and fame to a city, and
thus again prove that the street’s inherent value
is far more than moving cars about. In most cases, street festivals and street parties Fig. 51
The “street party” or “block party” is a more require approval by local officials, including Street parties break
council members and the traffic police. This the psychological
local version of the city festival. In this case, dominance of a
process will likely narrow the options of the motorised street, and
local residents may barricade street entrances
party to times and areas that will minimise such events also help
to create a social atmosphere (Figure 51). The
impacts on traffic. Thus, residential streets on to create a sense
objective of such parties is often to allow street of community.
weekends are the most common permitted
residents to get to know one another, something conditions for street parties. Unlike many other Photo by Five Roads Forum
(Broughton Road, West
that may not be possible to do when streets and municipalities, the Bristol City Council sees Ealing, London)
residences are separated by traffic. The UK city street parties as private neighbourhood events
of Bristol has taken a lead role in promoting the that warrant the closing of public streets. This
street party concept. Over 25 such street parties designation avoids the need for costly Public
have been held during the summer of 2005 in Liability Insurance that would essentially make
Bristol (Brown, 2005). the event's costs prohibitive.
Fig. 53
If vendor stalls are too
closely stacked, then the
market area may make
Fig. 52 walking difficult and
Markets are an effective mechanism for drawing detract from the urban
residents into public space. environment.
Photo by Lloyd Wright Photo by Lloyd Wright
41
Fig. 54 infrastructure (such as a stall or a table) means

Rio de Janeiro’s that markets provide easy entry for would-be
Avenida Atlântica hosts entrepreneurs. As such, markets are an excellent
a car-free day along
its famed Copacabana employment generator. While sometimes as-
Beach, drawing large sociated with the “informal economy”, markets
crowds each week. can be a major source of formal income and
Photo by Manfred Breithaupt
trade. The importance of markets is particularly
relevant in developing nations, where capital is
scarce and access to more formal commercial
centres is not a possibility for much of the popu-
lation. The small-scale nature of street vendor
stalls is attuned to the speed and movement of
pedestrians. The intense commercial activity of
many markets again strengthens the argument
that car-free areas can be highly beneficial to
Markets commercial interests.
Markets are also a form of an event frequently Kiosks are another form of street vending that
Fig. 55 resulting in street closures (Figure 52). Markets can benefit from pedestrianisation. The high
The Paris Plage can be scheduled on either a daily, weekly, or
brings sand and palm flow of pedestrians provides a concentration of
trees to those who even monthly basis. The initiation and manage- customers for the street vendor. Of course, the
choose to spend the ment of markets can come from a range of control of kiosk development must carefully
summer in the city. sources, including vendor associations (such as consider space requirements and pedestrian
Courtesy of Vincent Kauffmann,
Earthworm France, 2003
farm growers associations), public companies, or flows. Kiosks infringing upon pedestrian move-
http://www.earthworm.online.fr the municipality. The low-cost of street vendor ment will ultimately erode the usefulness of the
pedestrian corridor (Figure 53).
Permanent and seasonal Car-Free Days

Car-free days can also become far more regular
events than just a single day in April or Septem-
ber. A few cities have created permanent car-free
events on a weekly basis. Cities such as Bogotá
(Colombia), Montevideo (Uruguay), Porto
Alegre (Brazil), Quito (Ecuador), and Rio de
Janeiro (Brazil) all close certain city sections on
weekend days. Bogotá closes 120 kilometres of
urban arterial streets on Sundays. Each Sunday
the city takes on a carnival atmosphere with
as many as two million persons taking to the
streets either walking, cycling, skating, or par-
ticipating in community events. Quito closes its
historical centre to traffic and becomes a focal
point for families, tourists and those attending
religious services. Porto Alegre’s closing of its
centre area on weekends is focused on markets
and shopping. On Sundays, Rio de Janeiro
closes Avenida Atlântica along the famous
beach of Copacabana (Figure 54).
Since 2002, Paris (France) has created a car-free
area during the summer months along the
Seine River (Figure 55). Known as the Paris
42
Plage (Paris Beach), the area is decorated with or religious events (e.g., Israel). For other cities,
palm trees and sand. As many as three million car-free events are a mechanism towards greater
persons per week have visited the area, making social equality (e.g., Bogotá). In some instances,
it popular with both local residents and visitors. it is motivated by promotion of tourism and
The area has added a swimming pool as well quality of life issues (e.g., Paris). Thus, car-free
as sand boxes for castle building. The success events are not just the outcome of a single policy
of the Paris Plage has spawned similar efforts objective. This observation permits the develop-
elsewhere. In 2004, London experimented with ers of car-free events to garner a wider spectrum
an improvised beach along the South Bank of of supporting organisations and political affilia-
the Thames, and the city is planning to develop tions. In turn, this quorum of interests can lead
a permanent summer beach area. Likewise to a stronger case for actual implementation.
in 2004, cities as diverse as Berlin (Germany),
Rome (Italy), and Soweto (South Africa) initi- 2.2.4 Car-free shopping streets and
ated their own forms of urban beaches. entertainment streets
Shopping streets are perhaps the most common
The weekend and seasonal events may in fact be
examples of car-free areas. Most cities in Asia,
a reasonable first step for many cities interested
Europe, and Latin America have at least one
in car-free options. Sunday, for instance, is often
commercial shopping street that bans vehicle
the least trafficked day of the week, and thus
traffic during parts of the day. Kaufingerstraße
avoids political concerns with motorised vot-
in Munich (Germany) and Nanjing Road in
ers. By starting with a weekend day, a city can
Shanghai (China) are host to the world’s highest
also gain valuable experience in managing and
pedestrian volumes (Figure 56).
promoting a car-free event prior to committing
to the more difficult task of a work day event. Car-free shopping streets typically do allow
some exemptions from motorised vehicle restric-
Motivations for Car-Free Days tions. Shops may be given special delivery hours
The previous examples reveal a great deal of to bring in goods and products. Also, in some
diversity in terms of a city’s reasons for pursuing instances, public transport vehicles and even
a Car-Free Day event. In some cases there is a taxis can be permitted to share the road space
direct economic link to market activities and with pedestrians. The integration of a pedes-
shopping (e.g., Porto Alegre). In other cases en- trian corridor with public transport is known
vironmental objectives are the principal motiva- as a “transit mall”. Such integration provides
tion (e.g., Shenzhen). There are also examples of residents with a high level of convenience and
Car-Free Days being an outgrowth of cultural accessibility. However, the presence of public
Fig. 56
Nanjing Road in
Shanghai is reported
to record the highest
pedestrian flows
in the world.
Photo by ITDP
43
Fig. 57
Hofbahnstrasse in
Zürich (Switzerland)
brings together the
mutually beneficial
aspects of both
pedestrianisation and
public transport.
Photo by Joel Crawford
transport vehicles can dampen the quality of Car-free centres are quite common in the older
the pedestrian’s experience, as evidenced by cities of Western Europe. During the 1960s and
the overwhelming levels of public transport 1970s many Western European cities, particu-
and taxi vehicles on London’s Oxford Street. larly in Germany, undertook large pedestrianisa-
Nevertheless, there are also instances where the tion efforts. Munich’s Kaufingerstraße is per-
Fig. 58 addition of public transport does not appreci- haps Europe’s busiest pedestrianised shopping
London’s Covent ably deter the quality of the public space, such street with recorded volumes of over 15,000
Garden is a urban as is the case in Zürich (Figure 57). In such pedestrians per hour and 200,000 pedestrians
regeneration success cases, the volume of public transport vehicles is per day (Hass-Klau et al., 1999). Additionally,
story in part due to the nearby Marienplatz is an excellent example
its pedestrianisation. sufficiently low to retain the high-quality ambi-
Photo by Lloyd Wright ance of the street environment. of well-planned social exchange space with a
lively atmosphere and supporting street furni-
ture such as loose chairs and benches. Freiburg
(Germany) is another best practice example,
featuring car-free corridors of approximately
eight kilometres in total length. By the end of
the 1970s, Germany developed approximately
500 pedestrianised areas in 300 cities and towns
(Hass-Klau, 1993).
Copenhagen’s development of pedestrianised
areas began in 1962 and has continued to grow.
The central network of pedestrianised streets
began with the Stroeget and now encompasses
other key streets such as Vimmelskaflet,
Vesterbrogade, Ostergade, Nyhavn, and Koeb-
magergade. During a typical summer’s day, over
260,000 pedestrians take to this area (Gemzoe,
2001). While this number is reduced by ap-
proximately one-half in the winter months, the
area still brings year-round benefits to the area
merchants, relative to other areas.
London’s Covent Garden is a well-known
example of how pedestrianisation can lead to
an area’s regeneration (Figure 58). Prior to
44
pedestrianisation, the Covent Garden market

area suffered from crime and urban decay.
Today the area stands as one of London’s pre-
miere tourism destinations. Likewise, London’s
Carnaby Street is a high-profile example of how
pedestrianisation can regenerate an area and
provide a dramatic boost to retail shops. Other
major car-free zones in Europe include the
Baixa area in Lisbon (Portugal), Las Ramblas in
Barcelona (Spain), the St. Germain area of Paris
(France), and the central areas of Brugges (Bel-
gium), Ghent (Belgium), Nürnberg (Germany),
Obidos (Portugal), and Siena (Italy).
Car-free zones are also typical in many parts
of the developing world. City centres in North
Africa, Asia, and Latin America often quite
naturally become car-free areas due to the nar-
row streets and human-scale form of the centres.
Cities such as Buenos Aires (Argentina), Carta- The pedestrianisation of historical centres helps Fig. 59
gena (Colombia), Curitiba (Brazil), Old Delhi cities attract tourism (Figure 60). Few tourists Car-free entertainment
come to historical sites to experience intense zone in Seoul
(India), Santiago (Chile), São Paulo (Brazil), (South Korea).
Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic), and traffic. At the same time, tourists generally also Photo by Lloyd Wright
Shanghai (China) have permanent car-free areas. want to experience the real local flavour of a site
Analogous to the car-free shopping street is rather than a sterile artificial rendition. Thus,
the car-free entertainment zone. Districts that historical centres that maintain an active street
host a range of cafes, restaurants, bars, gaming, life within a car-free physical environment are
and dance clubs are often car free, especially best placed to attract tourism.
during the evening hours (Figure 59). In fact, a The prohibition of motorised vehicles in histori-
car-free area may be oriented towards shopping cal centres can be helpful in cities achieving Fig. 60
activities during the day and then convert to status as World Heritage Sites under auspices of Antigua (Guatemala) is
predominantly entertainment activities in the the United Nations Educational, Scientific and one of several historical
evening. Like commercial stores, entertain- Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). Motorised cities that have
ment establishments may be densely clustered combined preservation
vehicles are not just damaging to human health, with pedestrianisation.
and draw large crowds, and thus little space is but exhausts and vibrations can damage the Photo by Lloyd Wright
available to accommodate customers arriving
by private vehicle. Further, given that part of
the attraction of entertainment areas is the
interaction with other persons, the presence of
the automobile diminishes the opportunity for
social encounters.
2.2.5 Car-free historical centres

The historical cores of older cities in Asia, Latin
America, and Europe are frequently pedestri-
anised in a similar manner to car-free shopping
streets. In fact, historical centres often double
as principal shopping areas as well. The ancient
central streets of these cities make the auto-
mobile rather impractical, especially once any
sizeable volumes of traffic are reached.
45
Table 7: UNESCO World Heritage Sites with car-free areas car-free event called the “Ciclopaseo” in which
Cities with car-free historical centres that are UNESCO
all streets in the historical core are closed. Thus,
Region within the confines of its historical centre,
World Heritage Sites
Quito is able to represent an example of most
Europe Salzburg and Vienna (Austria); Brugge (Belgium); Prague
(Czech Republic); Tallinn (Estonia); Lyon and Strasbourg
major different types of car-free options (Fig-
(France); Potsdam (Germany); Venice, Siena, and Naples ures 61, 62, and 63).
(Italy); Riga (Latvia); Vilnius (Lithuania); City of Luxembourg
(Luxembourg); Evora (Portugal); Santiago de Compostela 2.2.6 Car-free housing
and Segovia (Spain) “Car-free housing” represents a new market-
Asia Nara and Nikko (Japan) driven force in allowing consumers to choose
a residential area without the dangers of mo-
North Africa Islamic Cairo (Egypt); Medinas of Fez and Marrakech
(Morocco)
torisation. Such housing has become popular in
Western Europe as a niche market for families
Latin America Antigua (Guatemala); Salvador and Sao Luis (Brazil);
and individuals wishing to improve quality of
Cartagena (Colombia); Quito (Ecuador);
life through a car-free environment. The success
Source: Wikipedia (2005) and UNESCO (2005)
of these developments has demonstrated that
built environment, especially in the case of families are placing a discernible market value
ancient historical centres. Further, the noise on neighbourhoods that permit children to play
and presence of vehicles deter from the ambi- without fear of the noise, pollution and acci-
ance and reverence of important historical sites. dents generated by unrestricted car access.
There is thus a remarkable similarity between Table 8 lists an assortment of housing projects
the list of cities with car-free historical centres that are promoted as being car free. Austria and
and the list of UNESCO World Heritage Sites. Germany are generally considered the leaders in
Table 7 lists historical centres that are both car the development of such housing, based on the
free and are World Heritage Sites. number of units constructed and the innova-
Fig. 61, 62, and 63
Quito’s historical Quito (Ecuador) actually hosts several different tions employed in the development.
centre hosts various types of car-free activities within its historical
forms of car-free areas, centre, which is a World Heritage Site. Many Car ownership restrictions
including permanent of the streets are permanently pedestrianised. Car ownership and use restrictions vary amongst
street closings, Sunday However, on Sundays all but a few principal the projects listed in Table 7. All the projects
street closings, and a
bi-weekly bicycle event. streets are also closed to motorised vehicles. discourage motorised vehicles in some form but
Photos by Lloyd Wright Additionally, twice a month the city holds a some projects use stringent legal agreements
46
Table 8: Partial list of existing car-free housing projects

No. of
City, Country Project name housing Characteristics
units
Vienna, Austria Autofreie 244 • Solar-energy generation
Mustersiedlung • Urban agriculture
Floridsdorf • Resident planning in development
• Purpose-built community centre
• Integration with public transport and bicycle network
• Integration of office space with residences
Vienna, Austria Penzing - Sargfabrik 112 • Car-sharing on site
• 0.1 parking spaces per housing unit provided at fringe
Copenhagen, Christiania 1000 • Integration between work places and residences
Denmark residents • Attracts 1 million visitors per year
• Extensive green space and water
• Conversion of former military base
Bremen, Germany Grünenstrasse 23 • Integration with bus and tram
• Car sharing station nearby
Bremen, Germany Beginnenhof 50 • Female-headed households only
• 0.3 parking spaces per housing unit provided
Freiburg, Germany Vauban 2000 • Integration with public transport and bicycle network
• Integration of office space and retail shops
• Solar-energy generation
• 50% of residents own a vehicle, but are required to purchase a
parking space at fringe of development
Hamburg, Germany Barmbek- 210 • 0.15 parking spaces provided per unit (for disabled people, car-
Saarlandstrasse sharing, and visitors)
• 2 bicycle parking spaces per resident or 5 per household
Kassel, Germany Christophstrasse 64 • Bus and streetcar stop nearby
• 0.1 parking spaces provided per unit for visitors at fringe
München, Germany Kolumbusplatz II 75 • Metro station nearby
• On-site car sharing organisation
München, Germany Riem 42 • Rehabilitation of former airport into a car-free city
• 0.21 parking spaces per unit
Münster, Germany Garternsiedlung 200 • Development on former military site
Weissenburg • Socially-mixed project providing housing for lower-income families
• Extensive green space
Nürnberg, Germany Langwasser 900 • Integration with public transport
• Large pedestrian area
• Parking spaces at fringe
Tübingen, Germany Stuttgarter Strasse, 2000 • No parking provided
Französisches Viertel residents • Converted military base
• 40% of households own a vehicle in comparison to 80% of
households in surrounding area
Amsterdam, GWL-terrein 600 • Regeneration of former water works
Netherlands • Purpose-built community centre
• On-site car sharing
• 110 parking spaces at the fringe
Edinburgh, UK Slateford Green 251 • Only 12 of 251 households have a car
• Long waiting list to gain housing
• Regeneration of formally derelict site
• Extensive gardens and green space
• On-site car sharing
London, UK BedZed (Hackbridge) 100 • 100% of energy supply for development from on-site renewable
resources
• Integration of work spaces and residential space
• On-site sewage treatment
• Charging points for electric vehicles
London, UK Elephant & Castle 35 • Free membership for car sharing for the first year
• Integration with on-site work spaces
Sources: Autofrei Wohen (2005), Kushner (2004a), Scheurer (2002)
47
includes a mechanism that helps to encourage

mixed uses. In Compact City residences and
shops/offices are rented together in order to
ensure living and working activities are carried
out within the community (Kushner, 2004a).
However, most other car-free housing is not as
strict as Vienna in forbidding vehicle owner-
ship. In other instances, such as in Amsterdam's
Westpark project, ownership is allowed but
parking must be secured from off-site locations.
The Freiburg Vauban project does not exclude
car owners, but such persons must agree to
purchase an off-site parking space at the cost
of €14,000 (US$16,800) (Figure 65). The term
“optically car-free area” is sometimes applied
to districts that ban motorised vehicles within
its borders but do not restrict car ownership
(Autofrei Wohnen, 2005). In such areas, there
is little visual appearance of vehicles during the
day. While the residents may not be strictly car
Fig. 64 to ensure compliance. The Vienna Floridsdorf free in their daily lives, there is no vehicle access
The Floridsdorf car- project restricts car ownership as a legal require- into the core of the residential area.
free housing project in ment for obtaining tenancy. Despite this rather
Vienna combines an Car-sharing clubs are another option for these
aesthetically-pleasing strict condition, tenancy in Floridsdorf is in high types of communities to retain some aspects
environment with demand (Figure 64). The functionality of Flor- of personalised motorised travel. Car-sharing
mixed-use planning to idsdorf is supported by strong local links with is similar to a car rental company in which
deliver a high-quality public transport and bicycle networks. Further,
living experience. persons may pay for occasional use of a vehicle.
Photo by James Kushner
the area features mixed-use planning, which The Slateford Green development in Edinburgh
puts most essential shops and services within a includes an on-site car-sharing club (Figure
comfortable walking distance. Near Floridsdorf 66). Of the 251 households in Slateford Green,
is another car-free development known as only 12 possess their own car. By contrast,
“Compact City”. The Compact City development in Freiburg, despite the required payment of
Fig. 66
Fig. 65 An on-site car-sharing programme at the Slateford Green
The purchase of a parking bay at a cost of €14,000 is required project in Edinburgh provides motorised mobility for
for residents of the Freiburg Vauban project. residents on an occasional basis.
Photo by James Kushner Photo by James Kushner
48
€14,000 for a parking space, approximately 50% of life has helped to legitimise the idea of car-
of the households own a car (Kushner, 2004a). free housing projects.
In the Bremen Beginnenhof project, there “Car-free living, it was believed, was the choice
are just two seldom used car-sharing vehicles of fringe groups and had no place in the
available to residents. When all residents ceased contemporary mainstream of society. Now
using cars, the management proceeded to pro- suddenly proposals appeared that attempted
vide transit passes. However, subsequently it was to not only save the costs associated to
found that most residents had actually switched developing parking facilities, but simultane-
to walking or cycling instead of public transport. ously create residential environments that
In the end, the management stopped issuing the would reflect the benefits of non-car owner-
transit passes and instead simply lowered the ship by being relatively sheltered from the
rent by an equal amount (Kushner, 2004b). noise, pollution, safety and land-grab impacts
Most of the car-free housing projects do make of automobile traffic. Or, in other words, mak-
ing it exceptionally attractive to consolidate a
provisions for access by emergency vehicles. Ad-
lifestyle regarded as decidedly nonconformist.
ditionally, there is also frequently some nearby
The struggle most stakeholders have had, and
parking for visitors:
are still having to face when warming up to
“…it is common practice to include a limited these ideas cannot be underestimated in a
number of parking spaces for shared vehicles, psychological sense” (Scheurer, 2002).
supplied by a commercial or in-house car
sharing organisation. There is usually some
The mainstreaming of car-free housing is dem-
provision made for visitors‘ cars and while it
onstrated through the significant commercial
is aimed to maintain pedestrian-only internal
demand of projects such as Slateford Green in
Fig. 67
access, it is normally possible to enter the
Edinburgh (Figure 67). The original price of
the units has doubled since its opening to over As evidenced by the
neighbourhood for emergency vehicles or Slateford Green housing
when carrying heavy items” (Scheurer, 2002).
£250,000, and even with this price, the housing project, architects
units are largely unavailable with a long wait list can devote more
The issue of parking, though, does represent confronting perspective buyers (Kushner, 2004a). space to gardens and
one of the most significant barriers to imple- children when not
In other projects, housing ownership is some- constrained by the
menting a car-free housing scheme. In many
times limited to certain groups in order to needs of the automobile.
municipalities, existing development codes
achieve other social objectives. For example, the Photo by James Kushner
require a set ratio of parking spaces per housing
unit. While the noted examples in Western Eu-
rope have overcome such restrictions, in some
cases, the exemptions took considerable legal
investments on behalf of the project developers.
Further, the process of seeking such exemptions
adds an element of risk from the standpoint
of the project’s timing. Vienna’s leadership
with car-free development stems in part due
to city ordnances that in fact give preference
to projects that place parking facilities at a
distance from the project site. Vienna’s policy
requires a public transport stop to be at least as
close as any parking facility.
Resident profiles
The rise of car-free living has necessitated a
psychological change in how municipal of-
ficials view alternative housing schemes. The
transformation from radical fringe groups to
mainstream families seeking improved quality
49
Bremen Beginnenhof project limits ownership Dubai and Mexico principally target wealthier
to women-headed households only. In Vienna customers seeking a unique lifestyle.
one car-free project attempts to better integrate In Loreto (Mexico) a car-free project known
immigrating Turkish families into Austrian as “The Villages of Loreto Bay” is being
society by requiring alternating units to be marketed directly to overseas buyers seeking a
occupied by a Turkish family and then a native retirement home or a second home in the sun.
Austrian family (Kushner, 2004a). The project is a joint initiative of the Mexican
Social objectives sometimes also factor into tourism agency, FONATUR, and a Canadian
the location of the project. Car-free housing not-for-profit organisation called the Trust for
projects are often implemented in areas of urban Sustainable Development. The Loreto project
regeneration. As the site of a former water works, calls for the construction of 6,000 homes with
the Amsterdam Westpark area was in significant a total investment of US$1 billion (The Vil-
decay prior to the car-free development. The lages of Loreto Bay, 2005). The design follows
Freiburg Vauban project stands on the site of a from the “New Urbanism” concepts that have
former military base, and the formerly car-free been developed by progressive planning profes-
Stadthaus Schlump project in Hamburg led sionals in the US.
to the preservation of a historically important
Dubai (United Arab Emirates) has been the
hospital building (Scheurer, 2002).
location of several urban infrastructure projects
Another common quality of most car-free com- that often seem to defy normal budgetary
munities is the relative openness of community limits. In a similarly ambitious fashion, a
members and the degree of public participation car-free housing project is being developed on
in the operation of the community. As noted by man-made islands off the coast of Dubai. The
the research of Scheurer (2002), car-free com- project, known as “The World”, features a series
munity members often share common values of islands that together will form the shape of
in terms of environmental and social objectives a world map (Figure 68). The project envisions
and are likely to seek a high degree of social various end uses for the properties, including
interaction between community members. resorts, golf courses, and homes.
Fig. 68 However, car-free housing projects not only The Mexico and Dubai projects may contribute
Dubai is ambitiously attract socially- and environmentally-conscious to the wider acceptance of car-free living by
building a car-free families. Resort-like developments that target targeting individuals who have the means to
development based on the wealthy have also featured car-free designs.
a series human-made live a largely car-dependent lifestyle but choose
islands in the shape Venice and Capri in Italy largely attract high-in- not to do so. These projects also represent an
of the world map come buyers who are seeking a second home or encouraging market-led indication of support.
(The World, 2005). a weekend refuge. Current greenfield projects in However, neither of these projects will likely
result in net environmental benefits. The resi-
dents in the Loreto project will largely com-
mute to the site by aircraft from countries such
as the US. The Dubai project will be serviced
by petrol-powered boats. Further, the disrup-
tion of the natural seabed from the creation of
human-made islands in Dubai is likely to also
diminish the overall environmental perform-
ance of the project.
Design features and construction costs

Buyers of car-free housing tend to also be well
disposed towards other progressive design
features. Car-free housing projects frequently
utilise renewable energy technologies, such as
biomass or solar energy, for their electricity
50
needs. High-levels of recycling, water conserva- result in higher speeds for the remaining vehi-
tion, rainwater collection, and community food cles. Gated communities will tend to exacerbate
gardening are common in the projects. The social differences by essentially segregating the
BEDZed (Beddington Zero Energy Develop- public from the private enclave. Gated com-
ment) project near London places environmen- munities may create the illusion of security at
tal sustainability at the centre of its marketing the expense of a social environment. This lack of
strategy. BEDZed strives to be “the first large- community socialisation is a notable difference
scale carbon neutral community” (BEDZed, between gated communities and the typical
2005). Much of the electricity utilised is pro- car-free project.
duced either from the many photovoltaic panels
lining the homes or from an on-site combined 2.2.7 Car-free lifestyles
heat and power unit that is fuelled by local “We must be the change we wish to see.”
biomass inputs. BEDZed also makes extensive —Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948)
use of energy-efficiency technologies such as Car-free qualities can also be attributed to
the use of “super-insulation” and triple-glazed individuals. The idea of a “car-free lifestyle” is
windows. Passive solar techniques are employed supported by a growing number of families
in the design by facing the homes to the south. and individuals across a range of cities and
Since car-free housing projects can reduce costs countries. Personal motivations for undertaking
through the avoidance of specific infrastructure a car-free lifestyle vary, but such individuals
(e.g., roadways and parking facilities), capital frequently cite environmental concerns, safety
can be freed up to invest in other features such and health reasons, as well as political and even
as energy-efficiency and water conservation spiritual beliefs as factors. Such individuals are
measures. In turn, these additions can reduce essentially creating new markets for car-free
the long-term operating cost of the homes. housing and pushing local officials to offer car-
The savings in construction costs can also be free zones within city centres. The power of the
applied in other ways. Such savings could internet allows such individuals to form virtual
simply reflect a lower purchase price of the communities in which support is provided
home. Alternatively, in place of a garage, the and experiences are shared. Section 7 of this
developer could decide upon providing a larger document includes a list of internet discussion
living space at the same cost. The avoided costs groups interested in car-free lifestyles.
of catering to car-based infrastructure provide These individuals represent market leaders
car-free developments with additional flexibility who may slowly soften resistance to car-free
in home design. Further, since the municipality concepts and future demonstrations. The person
saves costs in terms of providing services to bicycling in Los Angeles or walking to work in
car-free areas, this savings could even be passed Houston may seem like futile efforts amongst
along as a reduction in property taxes. such car dominance, but such persons serve as a
daily reminder of what could be possible.
Car-free housing versus gated communities
At first glance, car-free housing may bear some 2.2.8 Other types of car-free areas
resemblance to “gated communities”, especially Despite the global dominance of car culture,
resort-like projects in Mexico and Dubai. there are actually many areas of public and
However, gated communities typically permit private space that are typically car free. Parks,
motorised vehicles but restrict access to local reserves, and waterways are also typically car
residents and those with official business in free in nature. Such “car-free open spaces” are
the community. The result is a relatively traffic sometimes quite important in creating green
calmed area that supposedly provides greater corridors in a city, and thus allowing a more
security from crime and other outside distur- effective pedestrian and bicycle network. A
bances. The traffic calmed area does provide a “greenbelt” is a site of reserved open space
potentially improved environment for children around an urban area. This open space is
to play, provided the reduced traffic does not designed to act as a barrier against sprawl. The
51
Fig. 69, 70, 71, and 72

Transforming
waterfronts through
car-free re-development
projects:
1. Osaka’s Dotonburi;
2. Buenos Aires’ Puerto
Madero;
3. London’s South Bank;
4. Singapore’s Boat Quay.
1 2
3 4
development of riverfronts into attractive several vehicular lanes that help motorists
public space is increasingly an option that cities negotiate cross-town travel. The resulting traffic
are pursuing. Car-free waterfronts in cities as congestion on the park’s Loop Drive does much
diverse as Brisbane (Australia), Buenos Aires to diminish usability for joggers, families, and
(Argentina), Guayaquil (Ecuador), London visitors for as much as 12 prime hours per day. A
(UK), Osaka (Japan), San Antonio (US), Tokyo campaign led by Transportation Alternatives, a
(Japan), and Singapore have all become major local non-governmental organisation, has helped
attractions (Figures 69–72). to impose some restrictions on vehicle use.
Of course, the primacy of the automobile in However, many feel that an outright ban would
everyday life has meant that even green areas be more appropriate for the world’s most famous
are not entirely off-limits to motorisation. New park (Transportation Alternatives, 2005).
York’s Central Park holds iconic status as well Most buildings are car free due to the nature
as serving as the city’s lungs, playground, and of their structure, but there can be exemptions,
entertainment stage. The park is also host to such as electric vehicles used at airports and
52
within large industrial plants. It is also some-

times noted that the largest car-free populations
in the world are located in prisons and correc-
tional facilities (Kushner, 2004a). In this regard,
the US actually possesses the world’s largest
car-free population with 2.1 million persons
confined to car-free status (Reuters, 2005).
University campuses are sometimes nearly
car-free environments with vehicle entry often
limited to just delivery vehicles. Universities
may be a unique opportunity for supporters of
car-free areas to launch initiatives.
In a similar manner, some private firms are
encouraging car-free activities amongst its staff.
Toyota Motor Company became frustrated by
the three-kilometre traffic jam that occurred
each morning in front of its Toyota City (Japan)
manufacturing facility. The congestion took an
the modern day shopping mall, Victor Gruen, Fig. 73
hour to clear up each morning and contributed later disparaged the impact such malls had on Ironically, the Main
to start-up delays, worker stress, and lost produc- land-use and urban vitality (Gruen, 1964 in Street at Disney World
tivity. Since February 2003, Toyota has offered is modeled after a
Crawford, 2000). car-free American
a free shuttle service to nearby train stations.
By July 2003, over 2,000 employees joined the Many theme parks and some resort areas may town centre that
also be car free. However, theme parks, like largely does not exist.
car-free commute programme by switching to Photo by Enrique Peñalosa
public transport (Japan Today, 2003). shopping malls, are typically located in periph-
eral areas and depend upon guests to arrive by
Ironically, shopping malls are also car free, at private vehicle. It is notable, and perhaps ironic,
least within the confines of their interior space. that Disneyland’s car-free “Main Street” is
However, this space is typically private space presented as a nostalgic representation of a US
and is generally unavailable to public functions town centre (Figure 73).
beyond commercial exchange. Further, the
shopping mall has also contributed greatly to
car dependence. These centres are typically
surrounded by large areas of free parking,
which is both an aesthetic liability to the sur-
rounding area as well as an inducement for
additional car travel. “Big box” commercial
centres are frequently located at peripheral areas
of cities where land prices are lowest. The malls
are thus typically only accessible by private
vehicles, which must travel further because of
the peripheral location. Further, out-of-town
shopping malls also undermine the viability of
more accessible in-town shopping. The lower
prices offered by out-of-town centres may force
closures of centrally-located shops that have
much higher rental costs. Some efforts are being
made, though, to encourage large retailers,
such as Ikea, Tesco, Wal-Mart, and Carrefour,
to seek out brown field sites located in more
central areas. It is notable that the creator of
53
3. Project development
W e are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with
the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a
thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare,
naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at the
flood; it ebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to
every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations
are written the pathetic words, ‘Too late’. There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records
our vigilance or our neglect… We must move past indecision to action.
—Martin Luther King, 4 April 1967, “A Time to Break Silence”
This section and the remaining sections all present Existing Cities” also provides a useful checklist
an outline of how to move a car-free concept of relevant project development stages (Carfree.
towards actual implementation. These sections com, 2005). Box 5 summarises a few of the key
discuss five principal project steps (Figure 74): points from the 1997 Protocol.
1. Project initiation and development Given that car-free projects range from a single
2. Design street on a single day to permanent district-wide
3. Car-free promotion efforts, any generalisation of the implementa-
4. Implementation tion process risks over-simplification. However,
5. Project evaluation. the following sections attempt to provide a
The Lyon Protocol on “The Design and Im- starting basis for city officials and citizens wish-
plementation of Large Car-Free Districts in ing to consider a car-free project.
Fig. 74 ��
Illustration of car-free ��
��
development process ��
��
��
��
��
��
��
��
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54
3.1 Project leadership

Box 5: The Lyon Protocol
“Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful,
The Design and Implementation committed citizens can change the world. Indeed
of Car-Free Cities it is the only thing that ever has.”
The Lyon Protocol for the Design and —Margaret Mead (1901–1978)
Implementation of Car-Free Cities was first
developed and presented during the "Towards 3.1.1 Project catalyst
Car-Free Cities" conference in Lyon (France) in Any new initiative must start with an idea. The
October 1997.
idea may arise from a simple desire to do bet-
Summary of the Protocol: ter. The current state of the urban environment,
1. Identify interested parties health levels, and child-play opportunities can
Early in the process identify every inter- all be motivating factors. As idea builds upon
est group affected by the changes under idea, a vision begins to take shape. From this
consideration both inside and outside the basis, a concerned individual or group of per-
affected areas. sons will begin formulating ways of how such a
2. Gather necessary data vision could be achieved.
Gather detailed information on existing con- The catalyst for these ideas may be a mayor,
ditions in the proposed car-free district and governor, or other high-ranking public official.
the metropolitan area as a whole, including However, more often than not, the starting
transport patterns, economic activity, and
point for a new urban concept is found amongst
demographic data.
ordinary citizens and citizen groups. The geneal-
3. Develop preliminary concept ogy of most leading car-free initiatives today go
Develop a preliminary concept, including the back to a pivotal person or group of persons who
boundaries of the car-free area, transport simply would not accept the status quo. These
change s, and measure s to ease the
are persons who strongly believed that the streets
transition.
of our cities belong to people and not cars.
4. Media
The inspiration for such a catalytic person or Fig. 75
Enlist the media to help publicize the pro-
persons may come from a variety of sources. A Thousands of
posal and develop interest by those who
visit to another city or community may provide international visitors
would be affected by the changes. have now experienced
insights into alternatives. Cities like Amsterdam, the magic and
5. Political leadership
Barcelona, Bogotá, Copenhagen, Curitiba, Fez, exuberance of Bogotá.
Engage governmental authorities from the
Freiburg, Seoul, and Venice provide glimpses Photo by Lloyd Wright
beginning of the work.
6. Phasing
The transition to a car-free district requires
the gradual implementation of a coherent
set of measures that work together.
7. Design charrette
When the process is well advanced, hold a
week-long design charette to allow all inter-
ested parties an opportunity to participate
directly in the planning of the changes.
8. Implementation
Using the results from the design charrette,
the project team should be have the nec-
essary consensus to proceed towards full
implementation.
A complete version of the Lyon Protocol can be
downloaded from the following web site http://
www.carfree.com/lyon_protocol.htm.
55
(Guatemala), Jakarta (Indonesia), Lima (Perú),

and Santiago (Chile) have embarked on similar
types of sustainable transport initiatives.
In lieu of a direct visit, a photo or video may
stimulate similar reactions. Likewise, inspira-
tion may stem from reading a book or article by
leading proponents of more human urban space.
The defining moment of change may also come
from tragedy. In many cases, only in the after-
math of a terrible accident do we begin to sense
that the status quo is not acceptable. It may be
only in a reaction to accidents, congestion, and
loss of quality of life that cities begin to seek out
a better way. Whatever the source of inspiration,
though, the main intent is to seek a profound
change in how the city functions, particularly
with respect to the overwhelming impact of
uncontrolled usage of private vehicles.
In order to make one voice into many, con-
cerned individuals may form civil society groups
that will devise a specific strategy. Likewise,
existing local non-governmental organisations
are often adept in helping to develop a project
support campaign (Figure 76). The bi-weekly
“Ciclopaseo” in Quito actually owes it existence
Fig. 76 into what is possible with public space (Figure to one such NGO called Biciacción (“Bicycle
For cities interested in 75). A walk in any of these cities may produce Action”). A small team of dedicated supporters
car-free experiments, the reaction: Why can’t my city be more like
there is an array of within Biciacción successfully convinced the
well-qualified NGOs to this? Thousands of international visitors have municipality to experiment with a Car-Free
make the process easier. now experienced Bogotá’s urban transforma- Day. Biciacción’s staff actually provided much
tion. In part due to such visits, cities such as of the organisational and logistical support in
Cape Town (South Africa), Dakar (Senegal), order to overcome the doubts of the municipal-
Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), Guatemala City ity. Since its simple beginnings, Quito’s Sunday
Fig. 77
Through the leadership
of Biciacción, a local
NGO, Quito now has a
regular car-free event.
56
Ciclopaseo has become a highly popular part of the idea greater attention, and then subsequently Fig. 78, 79, 80, and 81
the city’s landscape (Figure 77). they would be in a position to make a trusted Mayors who took the
recommendation to the top political official. chance and transformed
3.1.2 Political leadership cities for the better.
However, even in the absence of support at the From left to right:
At some point, the car-free vision will need to highest levels, a strategy to begin influencing Enrique Peñalosa of
enter the political mainstream in order to move officials at lower levels may still merit effort. Bogotá, Myung-bak
towards ultimate implementation. With politi- Lee of Seoul, Kleist
Fortunately, there are many other starting points Sykes of Dar es
cal will, anything is possible. Without it, the within the city’s political and institutional envi- Salaam, and Jaime
challenge is orders of magnitude greater. ronment. Deputy mayors, deputy governors, and Lerner of Curitiba.
Thus, the search for a political champion of the councillors are also relevant positions from which Photos courtesy of Por el País que
Queremos, Seoul Municipality, Dar
idea becomes paramount. Naturally, the more a car-free project can be launched. Amongst such es Salaam Mayor’s Office, and
the Jaime Lerner Institute
senior the political figure leading the cause, the officials it may be more likely to find a specialist
more likely the official’s influence can lead to with a background in architecture, environmen-
action (Figures 78 through 81). Thus, mayors tal issues, urban planning, or other related field.
and governors are the most important political In such cases, the learning curve for joining the
champions to win over. In some developing cit- car-free cause will likely be less.
ies, support from national ministry officials may Another useful starting point can be unelected
also be necessary for project approval. The role officials holding key positions within municipal
of national officials may be particularly required institutions. Directors and staff within depart-
in capital cities. ments of planning, public works, environment,
In many instances, a mayor or governor will health, sports and recreation, and transporta-
simply not have the necessary background on tion all will likely play a role in any eventual
transport or urban planning issues to grapple project. Without the support of such officials
with the car-free concept. In such cases, the and staff, institutional inertia can delay and
official will not likely have confidence with such weaken implementation. Further, these officials
a seemingly far-reaching proposal. Political often have a direct relationship with top elected
officials will be averse to risk with key constitu- officials. During their daily or weekly briefings
encies, such as car owners, unless the issue is a with elected officials, a discussion of car-free
core part of their platform. concepts can help reverse any doubts. A concept
Further, mayors and governors are busy indi- being supported by both citizen’s groups and
viduals juggling an array of issues and interests. departmental directors will stand a better
The amount of time these officials can devout to chance of approval by a mayor than a project
a studied consideration of the car-free concept being pursued by just one outside group.
is limited. For this reason, it may be more effec- The best strategy is actually to approach all
tive to target the top advisors of the mayor or relevant officials, both elected and unelected,
governor. Such individuals may be able to give who may be influential with a car-free initiative.
57
Even if an official is unlikely to become an overt For these reasons, catching a political official at
supporter of a car-free project, eliminating the the earliest stages of their time in office provides
threat of overt opposition is equally important. the best chance for achieving commitment
Thus, an initial pre-emptory session with the to implementation. Along these lines, it may
potential opposition can be vital to reducing be effective to introduce the car-free concept
any strongly-negative repercussions. Much care even prior to officials taking office. Providing
must be given to the manner in which the issue information to staff within the major political
is presented to any given audience. In fact, the parties can be a worthwhile investment of time
key points to be stressed will likely vary from and effort. Identifying potential future lead-
one official to another given their different start- ers and establishing a mentoring relationship
ing points and initial understanding of car-free with them can be equally useful. Alternatively,
initiatives. individuals within a car-free citizens group may
take it upon themselves to seek public office and
The political environment of just a small city eventually pursue the idea as an elected official.
can be bewildering to even a seasoned insider.
Negotiating the corridors of power is fraught What happens when no political support is
forthcoming? Even when the political estab-
with complications usually beyond the reach
lishment universally shows a lack of interest
and understanding of a small non-governmental
to car-free development, there are still tools
organisation (NGO). Thus, seeking the guid-
at the disposal of citizen groups to pursue an
ance and assistance of larger NGOs or experi-
initiative. These options include promotional
enced lobbyists can be a useful step.
events that provide outreach and education to
One common and rather unfortunate com- the general public as well as direct action events
plication is the existence of opposing political that combine education with the reclamation of
parties in key positions overseeing the project. the streets. In some instances, neighbourhoods
For example, if the local government control is may take matters in their own hands (and do so
held by one political party while the regional or legally) by implementing simple psychological
national government is held by another party, measures to begin taking back their streets.
then cooperation may be lacking in making
the project a reality. While local government
will typically have direct implementation
responsibility, approval from the national gov-
ernment could be required for either budgetary
or legal reasons.
The duration of the political administration’s
time in office is also another key factor to
consider. If a mayor or governor has only a short
time remaining prior to an election, then such
officials may be reluctant to embark upon any
bold initiative. The risk of alienating any po-
tential voting groups can over-ride any political
boost that a project announcement could entail.
Further, once an incumbent takes a strongly
favourable position on a car-free initiative, this
position may imply an equal and opposite reac-
tion from the opposition candidates. It is unde-
sirable to have a candidate running for office by
taking a stridently negative position on car-free
development. Should the opposition candidate
be successful in gaining office, then there may
be little chance of reversing his or her position
over the course of the political term.
58
3.2 Institutional and legal issues Fig. 82: Sample management structure for a car-free project
“It is difficult to get a man to understand

something when his salary depends upon his ��
not understanding it.” ��
—Upton Sinclair (1878–1968)
3.2.1 Institutional management

Assuming that favourable political leadership is ��
taken on a car-free initiative, the mayor or other ��
��
��
political leader should establish a project steer- ��
��
ing committee and a project team to oversee ��
��
its development. The steering committee will
oversee the general direction of the initiative
while the project team will manage the day-to- ��
��
day activities of planning and implementation. ��
��
��
��
��
��
Steering committee ��
��
��
��
��
Ideally, the chairperson of the steering com-
mittee will be the mayor or other top political
all participants will start from a shared point
official. The political leader’s continued involve-
of view. For example, the statement and objec-
ment in the initiative ensures that the car-free
tives would clearly cite the development of a
project remains a priority. Successful initiatives
car-free zone as a principal goal. With this goal
in cities like Bogotá and Curitiba benefited
clearly stated, there will be less chance of some
from leaders who remained intimately involved
stakeholders questioning the project’s merit as
in the process through weekly or even daily
the initiative progresses.
briefings. The mayor’s direct involvement helps
maintain the momentum towards implementa- The committee should also formally decide
tion. Otherwise, staff and resources can easily upon rules of discussion and how decisions are
Fig. 83
become expropriated to other purposes. to be made. It is possible the committee will
A qualified in-house
largely fulfil an advisory role to the mayor who staff working in
The other members of the project steering com-
will have the final decision-making authority. conjunction with
mittee should include all departments and agen-
However, the more inclusive the decision-mak- international
cies with a role in the initiative. These entities consultants has helped
ing, the more ownership each of the committee
may include: planning department, transport Dar es Salaam to
members will assume over the project. Ideally, quickly become a leader
department, public works department, health
decisions will be reached within a framework in sustainable transport.
department, environment department, sports
and spirit of consensus and cooperation. Photo courtesy of Enrique Peñalosa
and recreation department, and traffic police.
Additionally, civil society and private sector
groups should also be represented within the
steering committee to ensure that a full range
of views are included in the process. These other
members could include environmental NGOs,
community organisations, local foundations,
chamber of commerce, trade associations, and
possibly international project partners. Figure
82 provides a sample structure of how such a
committee might be organised.
At the outset all committee members should
agree to an overall vision statement and a list of
specific objectives. The formalisation of a vision
statement and set of objectives will ensure that
59
sufficient support. For some positions, though,

such as the legal and contract specialist, only
occasional support will be required.
The question also arises whether to contract the
project to outside consultants or utilise in-house
professionals. The answer to this depends
greatly on the skills and the experience of in-
house staff. To maximise the sharing of lessons
learned from other projects, some inclusion of
consulting specialists may be advisable (Figure
83). Persons who have participated in pedestria-
nisation or Car-Free Sunday projects elsewhere
can help municipalities from needlessly rein-
venting the wheel. However, an over-reliance on
outside consultants can be unhealthy in terms
of internal capacity building and in terms of
including local knowledge. If the project is suc-
cessful, a skilled in-house staff will then be in a
position to replicate the concept in other parts
of the city or in other nearby municipalities.
3.2.2 Institutional responsibility

Fig. 84 Project team
Car-free initiatives have the somewhat unfortu-
A crime in progress: The members of the project team should be
Street-side eating is nate habit of falling between the institutional
full-time staff dedicated to the effort. A car-free cracks of municipal governments. Pedestrian
technically against
the law in Japan. project, whether a Car-Free Sunday event or space is often administrated quite differently
Photo by Lloyd Wright a permanent pedestrianisation, is not a trivial than vehicular streets. While transport depart-
initiative. It is not likely to be successful if only ments oversee many aspects of street manage-
one or two persons are assigned to develop and ment, pedestrian paths frequently are the
organise the event while also managing other responsibility of another entity (such as council
full-time tasks. The planning of a car-free event offices, planning departments, or public works).
will vary depending on the project’s scope and However, a car-free street or a car-free district
the complexity of the local conditions. A weekly represents a different scale of pedestrian infra-
Car-Free Sunday event will likely require structure. At this magnitude of pedestrianisa-
anywhere from 4 to 9 months of planning. A tion, there may be uncertainty or even strong
permanent street conversion can take anywhere institutional disagreements over which entity
from 12 to 18 months of planning effort. has ownership of the project.
The size of the project team is directly related to The mayor or other political leader will need to
the complexity and nature of the project. Some clarify the institutional responsibilities at the
of the common types of skills and positions project’s outset. The inclusion of all relevant
required include: agencies within the steering committee will
n Project management specialist help to mitigate institutional conflicts. However,
n Urban planner only through a clear delineation of responsibil-
n Urban architect ity will there be certainty in implementation.
n Design specialist
n Information technology specialist 3.2.3 Legal issues
n Civil engineer The conversion of a street to either a temporary
n Legal and contract specialist or permanent car-free area may require some
n Marketing and promotions professional. changes in the existing legal code. Residents
At least two to three persons should be dedi- may be legally barred from certain activities
cated full-time to the project to ensure there is (e.g., walking, skating, napping) based on
60
the street’s current legal designation. In many 3.3 Stakeholders

cases, local ordnances require a minimum "And it should be realised that taking the initiative
number of vehicle parking spaces for any in introducing a new form…is very difficult and
housing development. Such a requirement dangerous, and unlikely to succeed. The reason is
defeats the premise of a car-free proposal. Thus, that all those who profit from the old order will
obtaining an exemption from such regulations be opposed to the innovator, whereas all those
and laws is a fundamental step. More ambi- who might benefit from the new order are, at
tiously, a better solution would be the elimina- best, tepid supporters of him."
tion of these types of ordnances in the first —Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–1527)
place. Kushner (2004b) has outlined many
of the issues involved in negotiating the legal For the average suburbanite in a highly-motor-
complexities of a car-free project. ised country, the idea of car-free living seems
beyond the realm of possibility. For such per-
Changes in zoning laws may also be necessary sons, conducting a modern, normal life would
for similar reasons. The conversion of street be unthinkable without motorised access to
and/or pedestrian space for use with outdoor work, school, shopping, and public services.
cafes, kiosks, and child play facilities may be pro-
However, a car-free district or even a car-free
hibited. For example, to this day, outdoor cafes
city is more feasible than this initial reaction
are illegal by national law in Japan due to safety
implies. Simple solutions to travel, freight deliv-
concerns raised at the time automobiles were first
ery, and public services all are within the reach
introduced (Kitahara, 2005) (Figure 84).
of most communities and especially to develop-
Codifying the practice of a regular Car-Free ing-nation cities, where an existing non-motor-
Day also provides protection against later politi- ised sector is quite strong. Car-free living should
cal administrations rescinding the measure. In not be portrayed as a noble sacrifice. Instead,
1976, the Car-Free Sunday event in Bogotá was car-free communities can bring an individual or
established through a legal decree. The annual family all the benefits of our modern world but
car-free week day event in Bogotá was in fact without the negative consequences of motorisa-
legalised through a public referendum. On 29 tion. A car-free city should enhance and not
October 2000, 63% of the voters in Bogotá ap- diminish quality of life.
proved a referendum to make the first Thursday This section examines each of the major stake-
of every February a Car-Free Day. An ad- holders in a car-free initiative and discusses
ditional referendum measure calling for a daily their likely concerns and reactions to a car-free
six-hour ban on private vehicles during peak proposal.
travel times also passed with 51% approval. The
daily car ban was set to begin in 2015, which 3.3.1 Stakeholder analysis
is the expected completion date of the full A car-free initiative, even a limited Sunday event,
network of the city’s mass transit system known will affect people’s lives and change how many
as TransMilenio. However, the result for the view the city. Given this potential impact, it is
daily six-hour car ban was nullified by a judicial recommended that the project team develops a
panel due to a technicality. Nevertheless, the full stakeholder analysis identifying all relevant
permanent February Car-Free Day remains in groups, organisations, and agencies.
place and cannot be nullified without another
Table 9 lists the various stakeholders potentially
public referendum.
affected by a car-free event. This table also
notes the types of responses frequently given by
each organisation to car-free initiatives. Actual
responses by these types of stakeholders will
clearly depend upon the local context.
A stakeholder analysis as briefly given in Table 9
can be quite useful in predicting the reactions
from each group, especially those groups who
may oppose the project. By understanding the
61
Table 9: Car-free stakeholders and expected project position

Stakeholder Possible position
Municipal departments
Department of Planning Frequently supportive of non-motorised concepts but the reaction will vary by
individual predisposition
Department of Transport Variable response with some staff supporting project while others will see it as a threat
to car-based lifestyles
Department of Public Works Civil engineers may be unaccustomed to this type of project; some will prefer projects
with large road infrastructure
Department of Health Likely to be highly supportive of measures that reduce accident victims and
encourage physical exercise
Department of Environment Likely to be highly supportive of measures that reduce air contamination and noise
Department of Sports and Recreation Likely to be highly supportive of measures that encourage physical exercise
Department of Commerce/ Concern will be expressed over economic impacts, but likely to be persuadable if
Economic Affairs given sufficient evidence
Traffic police Sometimes un-supportive of car-free projects and can fail to properly enforce; may
see car-free areas as a loss of power
Private Sector
Chamber of Commerce A mixed reaction: concern over the economic impacts, but also supportive of
improved urban environment
Petrol stations, car wash facilities, Strongly opposed to any initiatives that will reduce or cause inconvenience to their
car repair shops clientele
Car dealerships Opposed to any initiatives that may contribute to a reduction in vehicle ownership
Insurance industry Highly supportive of measures that reduce accidents and improve overall health
Retail shops Concern will be expressed over impacts on sales
Landlords Will be positive if there is strong indication that land values will increase
Hotels, restaurants, Generally positive if a strong case can be made for an increase in foot traffic and in-
and tourist-oriented businesses street usage
Telecommunications, water, Will be quite concerned about accessing and servicing their infrastructure; will seek
and sewer companies exemptions for their vehicles
Large industrial and business complexes Concerns will be expressed over access for employees and over delivery of goods
Public services
Schools and universities Generally positive over any increase in safety for students but will be concerned about
access; research staff can help to plan project and document its impacts
Hospitals Supportive of reduction in accidents but will be concerned about access for
emergency vehicles
Civil Society
Environmental NGOs Highly supportive of measures that reduce pollution and noise
Child-development NGOs Highly supportive of measures that promote improved child play opportunities
Community-based organisations Highly supportive of measures to improve safety and the aesthetic quality of street
International NGOs and foundations Highly supportive of cities creating best practice examples with potential for
replication elsewhere
User groups
Car owners Concerned about access and usage of personal vehicle
Public transport users Generally supportive and especially so if car-free project is accompanied by priority
lanes for buses
Pedestrians and cyclists Highly supportive of new priority infrastructure
Children Highly supportive of car-free play space
Physically disabled Supportive if car-free measures are accompanied by better access for the disabled
(ramps, raised strips, etc.)
62
likely reaction, strategies can be devised to 3.3.2 Stakeholder objections to car-free

allay fears and address principal objections. The development
given reaction of any particular stakeholder will Understanding the basis of stakeholder objec-
depend greatly on how the car-free project is tions to car-free development is the beginning
initially presented. Like many other aspects of of a transformation process in public attitudes.
life, the first impression is the one that tends to Recognition of such objections permits devel-
be the most memorable. opers to devise strategies for addressing such
The stakeholder analysis can be thought of as concerns.
a checklist of likely project beneficiaries and Box 6 lists actual reasons that have been used to
project detractors. The beneficiaries should be oppose car-free projects. The purpose of this list
targeted and enlisted in supporting the effort. is not to give credence to car-free detractors or
For the detractors, different strategies should to discourage current supporters. For virtually
be devised to engage constructively. The right every issue mentioned in Box 6, it is possible
marketing strategy can help to dissipate the to refute the assertion or devise a solution. For
strongest of objections. example, there is considerable evidence showing
Box 6: List of objections 14. Many persons lack the physical fitness to walk
or bicycle extensively
sometimes given against
15. Many persons do not know how to bicycle
Car-Free Development
16. Disabled persons will be lose access com-
Economic concerns pletely without motorised travel
1. It will not be possible to deliver goods to shops 17. Walking and cycling is simply too dangerous
or businesses in a timely fashion
18. Lives will be lost because public transport is
2. The modern economy depends on vehicle a target of terrorism
sales, road construction, and the petroleum
19. I sleep better with background noise from
industry for jobs and income
vehicles
3. Time is economically too valuable to be lost
by non-motorised travel Status and freedom
4. I have already made a personal investment in 20. My car is a representation of my status in so-
an expensive car; to give up my vehicle will ciety
mean incurring a loss of personal wealth 21. Car-free development is an attack on liberty
5. Current infrastructure is built around the car; and personal freedom
it is too expensive to change how our cities 22. Car-free living is something other people should
are designed do in order to reduce traffic congestion, but it
6. Tourists will stop visiting a city if they cannot is not for me
travel about by car 23. Persons do not like change of any type and
Convenience this is an extreme change in lifestyle for most
persons
7. It will be too difficult to transport groceries
and other household goods 24. Persons like to feel a sensation of speed, which
8. Children will not be able to easily travel to only motorised vehicles can give
school 25. The importance and status of a city is related to
9. Mothers will be highly inconvenienced without the car; a car-free city is decidedly backward
a vehicle to carry children or to carry out other and anti-modern
household chores 26. Walking and cycling is only for the poor
10. Climatic conditions make non-motorised travel 27. Walking is only for children and those too old
impractical (too hot, too cold, too much rain) to drive
11. There are no viable alternatives to the car where Environmental and social
I live 28. Cars give life to the street and prevent crime
12. Persons are too busy with their lives to opt for 29. I will lose touch many friends if I cannot use a
slower means of travel car to visit them
Health and well-being 30. The problems with cars (pollution, climate
13. Lives will be lost due to the lack of access for change, noise, congestion, etc.) are over-
emergency vehicles stated
63
Fig. 85 and 86 the economic benefits and job creation from Britton’s idea of removing “comfort zones” is
The most successful car-free initiatives. Concerns over rain and particularly relevant in the case of car-free
commercial trading temperature extremes can be partially addressed development. The comfort zone of auto-depend-
streets are frequently through design and seasonal planning.
pedestrianised shopping ency is evident in most cities today. Recognising
streets, as evidenced Car-free development is a new concept that will the negative attributes of auto-dependency is a
by these examples undoubtedly be riddled by misunderstanding. difficult but essential step in gaining considera-
from Avenida Florida Turning detractors into supporters will likely be tion for alternative urban designs.
in Buenos Aires
(left photo) and the a principal activity of project promoters until
the concept is more widely recognised. For any 3.3.3 Shop owners and retailers
Shinjuku district in
Tokyo (right photo). supporter of a car-free project, it is vital to look Shop owners and retailers are amongst the first
Photos by Lloyd Wright closely at Box 6 in order to formulate replies to groups requiring reassurance upon initiation
these typical objections. One will never gain the of a car-free project. The idea of possibly los-
support of 100% of the population. There are ing their car-based clientele is clearly a major
very few, if any, issues that would ever gain such concern for shops. Retailers also typically voice
wide-spread support. However, being prepared strong concerns about the viability of delivery
with targeted replies can potentially help win services within a car-free area. There exists
over a sufficient number of persons to make a strong evidence to suggest that retailing can
project a reality. flourish in such areas. However, communicating
Additionally, much can be learned from engag- and convincing the retail community requires a
ing stridently opposing views. The car-free move- concerted outreach effort.
ment will likely be strengthened by understand- Turnover and sales in car-free areas
ing the views of those who disagree with aspects
If retailers feel their livelihood is at stake, then a
of its premise. Engaging a wide spectrum of
rather strong negative reaction can be expected.
actors and opinions provokes the “cognitive dis-
The views and concerns of the retail community
sonance” that Eric Britton regards as essential to
are to be taken quite seriously. Given the sec-
ultimately stimulating change (Britton, 2005):
tor’s influence with policy-makers, opposition
“Then there is the matter of ‘cognitive dis- may seriously damage any chances of project
sonance’ as a learning device… The idea is to implementation.
create a purposeful, rich imbalance of views
and positions within a shared forum, and The retail performance of pedestrianised areas,
then let them rip. The first consequence is though, is generally quite positive. Table 10
usually (if you get it right) to remove ‘comfort summarises findings from studies analysing
zones’, which occur when people tend to impacts on shop sales and property values. The
adopt thoughts or beliefs so as to minimize experience to date suggests the increased foot
the amount of dissonance (conflict) between traffic drawn to a pedestrian zone is a definitive
cognitions (people present).” benefit to retailing (Figures 85 and 86). Clearly,
64
Table 10: Summary of economic impact studies

Years
Study Location Survey size Results
of study
Deutscher Industrie- Various 233 local Businesses in Turnover
und Handelstag authorities 331 pedestria- % of firms with turnover increases inside of area: 83%
(DIHT) 6 (1979) in Germany nised areas % of firms with turnover increases outside of area: 24%
Hass-Klau (1988) Various Hameln, 777 retailers Opinion survey
Göttingen, % of retailers with a positive view of pedestrianisation
Freiburg Freiburg: 71%
(Germany) Göttingen: 74%
Hameln: 85%
Transport and 1987 London Retailers on Neal Turnover
Environment (UK) Street, 60% of survey respondents claimed higher turnovers
Studies (TEST) Covent Garden
(1987)
Wiggins (1993) 1992 Leicester Shops on 29 Shop vacancy rates
(UK) street sections Car-free area: 3.1% vacancy
Low vehicle flow area (up to 200 vehicles/h): 6.4% vacancy
Medium vehicle flow area (200–500 vehicles/h): 10.4%
vacancy
High vehicle flow area (over 500 vehicles/h): 15.1% vacancy
Edward Erdman 1987– 14 UK towns Various street Increase in rental prices
Research (1989) 1988 sections (in prime shopping sites)
Vehicular street: 19.7%
Pedestrianised street: 42.5%
DoE and The 1996 Coventry Sample of Increase in sales levels
Association of Town (UK) retailers in town 40%
Centre Mangement centre Increase in foot traffic
(1997) 25%
Local Government 1997 Lodi (US) Survey of Increase in new businesses
Commission (2001) pedestrian 60 new businesses
improvement Decrease in vacancy rate
area From 18% to 6%
Increase in sales tax revenues
30%
Local Government 1998 West Palm Survey of Increase in property values
Commission (2001) Beach (US) pedestrian 1993: US$10–US$40 per sq. foot
improvement 1998: US$50–US$100 per sq. foot
area
Source: Adapted from Hass-Klau (1993), Local Government Commission (2001), Cabe Space (2004)
6
German Industry and Commerce Association
the actual results are closely tied to the quality experiences. However, they virtually never cam-
of the project. A poorly planned and imple- paign for the abandonment of a scheme once
mented pedestrian project can certainly result in it has come into operation. It is notable that,
less impressive economic results. However, the once a scheme has been put in place, traders
results in Table 10 suggest that retailers can be are often the main people to voice a desire to
one of the major winners from a car-free project. extend its boundaries or period of operation.”
As noted by Hass-Klau (1993, p. 30), retailers
typically become the greatest champions of Jan Gehl relates a similar story regarding Co-
extending a car-free area: penhagen’s experience with pedestrianisation
(Walljasper, 2005):
“It seems to be a law of nature that retailers will
resist the implementation of pedestrianization “The pedestrian zone was popular from the
and traffic calming; this may be because first day…and downtown business leaders
they do not yet have information networks eventually took credit for a plan they once
from which they can learn about other towns’ adamantly opposed.”
65
Fig. 87 However, not all projects can guarantee an im-

Delivery by hand carts mediate return as was achieved in Curitiba. The
can frequently satisfy true economic value of a pedestrian project may
the majority of the
delivery needs within a not become fully evident until after a settling-in
car-free area, as shown period, which may take from one to two years
here in Buenos Aires. (Hass-Klau, 1993). A transition period may be
Photo by Lloyd Wright required as residents become more aware and
accustomed to the new street amenities.
Hass-Klau (1993) also points out that in many
cases the results from the Table 10 surveys may
actually be skewed downwards. Complaining
shops may be more likely to complete question-
naires while more successful shop-owners may
feel less motivated to respond. Hass-Klau notes
that while both retail turnover and profit levels
are often considerably improved after pedes-
Various strategies can be employed to win over trianisation, the profit levels are typically less
the retail sector. The relatively simple infrastruc- improved than turnover. Potential explanations
ture and low-cost of a car-free initiative means for this phenomenon are:
n Rent levels may increase after pedestrianisa-
that such projects carry a high-degree of poten-
tial reversibility. If results are unsatisfactory, then tion, representing an added cost to some shop-
the car restriction measures can be easily termi- owners and a financial benefit to landlords;
n In some cities, the shops must contribute to
nated. This reversibility actually presents both
the costs of pedestrianisation; and,
an opportunity and a threat. Clearly, presenting
n Due to the increased value of the area, prop-
a temporary test period to businesses can help
erty taxes may rise.
relieve concerns over the project. Jaime Lerner,
the former mayor of Curitiba, utilised this Another common concern is that a pedestrian
area will result in a redistribution of retail
approach in obtaining shop owner support for
turnover. While the shops along the pedestrian
a pedestrian street. The shop owners were told
zone may benefit, shops in other areas may
Fig. 88 that they could decide upon the permanence
suffer a downturn due to customer preferences
For delivery companies of the pedestrian street after a trial period of a
like DHL, the use of for the new zone.
few months. In the case of Curitiba, this risky
non-motorised vehicles proposition proved successful since the business Besides retail shops other types of commercial
makes for a cost- interests can benefit from car-free projects.
effective option. community warmly endorsed the project’s con-
Photo courtesy of ITDP tinuation after witnessing the initial results. Hotels and restaurants can gain from both the
increased pedestrian turnover and the increased
aesthetic value of the area. The development of
outdoor eating areas also seems to present an
opportunity to attract new customers.
Of course, a few types of businesses will be
negatively affected by the development of
pedestrian areas. Auto-related businesses such
as petrol stations and auto repair shops may
be affected if the street infrastructure encour-
ages a shift away from motorised travel. More
severely, these businesses would obviously be-
come non-viable if located on a pedestrianised
street. Parking garages would likewise become
non-functional within a car-free zone, but can
prosper if located at the fringe of the area.
66
In summary, the experience to date indicates assistance. For example, the delivery of large
that pedestrianised areas are an overall benefit home appliances (e.g., refrigerator, washer and
to shop-owners and the general local economy. dryer) and other large items (e.g., piano) are not
However, this finding is not necessarily believed without their challenges. However, it should be
by affected firms at the outset of a project. Thus, noted that such deliveries are relatively rare. The
marketing the car-free concept to the retail average lifespan of a refrigerator ranges from 12
sector requires must attention and effort. to 20 years, depending on product quality and
local preferences. On the occasion that such
Deliveries deliveries are required some motorised support
Perhaps the most frequently heard argument could be one option. “Car-free” islands such as
against car-free development relates to the issue the Princess Islands (Turkey) and Landau Island
of goods delivery. If a private motorised vehicle (Hong Kong) possess motorised carts that may
is not an option, how will food and other neces- be rented out whenever the movement of excep-
sities be delivered to the home? How will busi- tionally large or bulky items is required. Further,
nesses receive their inputs and ship their product? in many instances large, non-motorised carts in
The immediate answer is to look at cities that conjunction with pulley systems are capable of
are already largely car free. Somehow cities moving these types of items. It should be noted
such as Venice, Zermatt, and the medina of that even the largest of human-made objects,
Fez function quite well without the presence of such as the stones for the Egyptian pyramids,
automobiles. In fact, if somehow automobiles have been moved without the assistance of
were squeezed into the streets of these cities, it is motorisation.
probably more likely that the ensuing gridlock
3.3.4 Macroeconomic impacts
would inhibit and not help product delivery. In
A potential downfall in shop revenues is not the
these cities as well as pedestrian streets around
only economic fear from car-free development.
the world, deliveries are made by an array of
At a broader level, many fear the impact on jobs,
options, including:
income, and the very effectiveness of a modern
n Non-motorised vehicles, such as hand carts
economy. Behind this concern lies an assump-
and work bikes (Figures 87 and 88)
tion regarding the car industry’s contribution to
n Off-hour deliveries with larger vehicles
economic well-being. Local and national gov-
n Use of delivery services in place of personal
ernments often strive to attract local investment
pick-up.
from automobile manufacturers based on the
Knustler (in Crawford, 2000, p. 13–14) notes belief that the economic and direct employment
that even in circumstances of a highly-dense benefits are quite significant.
city, non-motorised delivery is hardly an insur-
mountable issue: At first glance, it would indeed appear that
the purchase and consumption of motorised
“I grew up on the east side of Manhattan, in a
vehicles is an irreplaceable pillar of today’s
neighborhood of fifteen to thirty story apart- economy. The following list outlines some of
ment buildings, about as dense as it gets in the employment activities associated with the
the urban western world. Everybody who lived use of motorised vehicles:
there needed groceries and the overwhelming n Input materials to infrastructure development
majority depended on small grocers, butch- n Road construction
ers, and bakers who distributed their stuff n Input materials for vehicles
by means of bicycles with large cargo bins. n Vehicle manufacturing
For all this tremendous volume of business, n Vehicle delivery and distribution
there was never any sense of the street being n Vehicle sales
overwhelmed by delivery bikes. Far from it, n Petroleum exploration and extraction
they just blended into the background of the n Petrol delivery and distribution
normal streetscape.” n Petrol sales
There are clearly times when an exception- n Vehicle repairs and maintenance
ally large item may require some additional n Vehicle scrappage.
67
employment generated per input investment,

vehicle manufacturing is actually not as labour-
intensive as many other sectors.
A 1999 Texas (USA) study evaluated the regional
economic activity and employment generated
from expenditures on automobile use, transit use,
and general consumer expenditures (Miller et
al., 1999 in Litman, 2005b). By far, the greatest
income and employment benefits stemmed from
the investments in public transit (Table 11).
A similar type of study conducted in British
Columbia (Canada) also indicated that public
transit outperformed other types of transport
investments in terms of job creation (BCTB,
1996 in Litman, 2005b). Table 12 summarises
these results.
Fig. 89 A more basic issue, though, is whether such Table 12: Jobs Created in British Columbia
Due to the high investments produce more employment and by Transportation Expenditures
material input economic gain than alternative uses of the
requirements and Full Time
use of automation in capital. This section examines the evidence to US$1 million expenditure on
Jobs Created
manufacturing, auto date on this question.
manufacturing is not Petroleum 4.5
necessarily a highly Automobile manufacturing General Automobile Expenses 7.5
efficient generator It is frequently asserted that the advantages Public Transit 21.4
of employment. from motorised mobility “have made possible Source: BCTB (1996) in Litman (2005b)
Photo from “Useful Photo
Images” photo CD our present globalised economy” (WBCSD,
Thus, pursuing economic development through
2001, p. 1–6). Various studies link these proc-
vehicle manufacturing and vehicle usage may
esses to positive economic gains, especially in
not be the best use of resources. Litman (2005b)
the context of the burgeoning developing-na-
notes that:
tion markets and where existing infrastructure
is limited (Ravallion, 1990; Ling and Zhongyi, “Even in Germany, a major vehicle exporter,
1996; and Keddeman, 1997). a less automobile-oriented transportation
system would provide a net increase in
However, the efficacy of an auto-centred
national employment (Ebinger et al., 1998). A
economy may not be as impressive when
comprehensive economic evaluation model
compared to alternative uses of the same invest-
found similar results at an international scale
ment. Much of modern day infrastructure
development and vehicle manufacturing is (ASTRA, 2000). This indicates that policies
highly capital intensive. Mechanisation of the which reduce consumer expenditures on
manufacturing processes means that firms have motor vehicles and fuel tend to increase
greatly succeeded in improving quality and employment and business activity, particularly
reliability as well as minimising labour costs in regions that import petroleum.”
(Figure 89). When measured on the basis of
Infrastructure construction
Table 11: Regional economic impacts of US $1 Million investment In a similar manner to auto manufacturing, road
Category US$1 million invest Increase in income Increase in jobs infrastructure has been regarded as both an ef-
Automobile investment $307,000 8.4 fective employment generator as well as a general
Non-automotive consumer
prerequisite for economic success. However,
$526,000 17.0 Banister and Berechman (2000, p. 3) note that:
expenditures
Transit investment $1,200,000 62.2 “The belief that public investment in infrastruc-
Source: Miller et al., (1999) in Litman (2005b) ture will generate economic growth has often
68
been used as a justification for the allocation

of resources to the transport sector. Much of
the road-building programme in developed
and developing countries has been promoted
on these grounds, yet the arguments seem far
from clear.”
Dittmar (1999) found that motorway invest-
ments create only about one job per US$1.5
million in government expenditures, compared
with US$5,000 to US$30,000 for other govern-
ment programmes. Like auto manufacturing,
roadway infrastructure today largely involves
low employment input in relation to the larger
investment in machinery.
Whether road construction projects are the best
use of funding from the myriad of other invest-
ment options is debatable. Somewhat predict- n Cycle rickshaws in India provide an esti- Fig. 90
ably, feasibility studies on road infrastructure mated 6 to 9 million jobs (AITD, 1996) Most of the investment
development virtually always return a verdict n Cycle rickshaws in Dhaka (Bangladesh) em-
for major roadway
that the project is “feasible”. However, Litman construction, as shown
ploy between 300,000 and 500,000 persons here in Midrand
(2003, p. 7–6) stresses that alternative transport directly (Figure 92) (South Africa), goes
investments to road building should always be n Non-motorised taxis in Sri Lanka employ towards machinery and
considered: 300,000 direct jobs (DFID, 2002) materials rather than
n More persons in China are employed in bicy-
employment.
“Even if highway expenditures increase eco- Photo by Lloyd Wright
nomic productivity, they are not necessarily cle fabrication than in automobile manufac-
the best investment… Investments in alterna- turing (Hook, 2002).
tive modes and management strategies that When compared to automobile manufacturing,
encourage more efficient use of existing road the fabrication of such non-motorised vehicles
capacity tend to provide more economic relies upon relatively low material inputs and
benefit than expanding existing highways to higher labour inputs per investment.
reduce congestion. One major study found
Finally, the operation of a car-free area also
that economic growth rates are higher in
carries with it potential additional employment.
regions with more diverse, less automobile
dependent transportation systems (Kenworthy
et al., 1997).”
Car-free employment impacts

The smaller-scale nature of car-free infrastruc-
ture can actually lend itself well to more labour-
intensive construction techniques. While road-
way construction is predicated upon the use of
large machinery (Figure 90), the development
of public space typically relies upon a more
artisan and labour-intensive approach. Thus,
pedestrianisation and other car-free initiatives Fig. 91
will likely generate a higher labour component Most of the investment
for the given investment input (Figure 91). for pedestrianisation
Further, the manufacturing and operation of projects, as shown here
in Bogotá, typically goes
non-motorised vehicles can provide substantial towards employment.
employment: Photo by Lloyd Wright
69
Fig. 92 Table 13: Management staff for the

In many parts of Bogotá “ciclovía”
South Asia, bicycle
Number of
taxis represent a Position
employees
major generator
of employment. General coordinator 1
Supervisors 5
Route managers 22
Ciclovía guardians 165
Aerobics point managers 12
Aerobics instructors 42
Maintenance helpers 24
Social service volunteers 1,900
Police assistants 300
Professional traffic agents 30
Emergency service professionals 5
Wright and Montezuma (2004) documented the Total 2,506
employment benefits emanating from the weekly Source: Wright and Montezuma (2004)
Car-Free Sunday event in Bogotá. This research consumer goods (Figure 93). These results were
noted the employment gained with vendors then compared to automobile-related employ-
working along the car-free corridors and with ment along the same corridors (Table 14). A
the staff managing the event. A typical Sunday total of 70 establishments catering to motorised
event in Bogotá involves approximately 2,500 vehicles were identified along the corridors (Fig-
support staff (Table 13). Of these, roughly 1,900 ure 94). In total, these automobile-related busi-
are student volunteers who are completing their nesses generate employment for an estimated
national service requirements. 274 persons, which is just 13% of the employ-
Fig. 93
Through a survey in 2004, a total 1,517 vendor ment generated during a Car-Free Sunday.
The many informal kiosks were counted along the 120 kilometres The comparison between the two employment
vendors and kiosks of Bogotá’s Car-Free Sunday event. The total figures is quite dramatic. The car-free event
along the Bogotá’s employment in the kiosks was estimated at provides 7.4 times the amount of private sector
Sunday “Ciclovía” 2,033, an average of 1.34 employees per kiosk.
clearly demonstrates employment as automobile-related businesses
The kiosks hosted a range of services and do along the same corridor. This figure becomes
the importance of the
event for all citizens. entrepreneurial activities, including food and 16.5 times automobile-related employment if
Photo by Lloyd Wright beverage, bicycle repair and accessories, and the municipal management functions are in-
cluded. Further surveys indicated that for many
of the informal vendors, the Sunday event was
their only household income. Thus, Bogotá’s
experience indicates that the small-scale nature
of car-free events can offer an environment
hospitable to vital employment opportunities for
at-risk social groups.
3.3.5 Public services

Another common concern with car-free areas
relates to access for public services, especially
fire engines, police vehicles, and ambulances.
Emergency vehicles
For patients with serious trauma or those in
cardiac arrest, the smallest delay in receiving
70
treatment can be life-threatening. Thus, even in

many “car-free” areas, emergency vehicles are
awarded an exemption from vehicle restraints.
Given the relative rarity of ambulance use,
though, this type of exemption does little to
change the overall nature of a car-free area.
In some car-free districts, though, street widths
may be too narrow to allow standard ambulances.
In these cases, and in cases where ambulances are
restricted for other reasons, there are still options
for accommodating rapid medical treatment.
Smaller ambulance vehicles (such as specially-fit-
ted bicycles and motorbikes) are one possibility. However, in these cases, ample options exist for Fig. 94
If population densities are sufficient, the design servicing such infrastructure without the need for The employment
of a car-free quarter could include local medical large motorised vehicles (Figure 95). Personnel generated from
offices. Thus, medical professionals would be automobile-related
can be deployed with packaged service kits that businesses along the
within a short distance from any household. can either be carried or moved through the use of Bogotá “Ciclovía”
Motorised fire and police vehicles are sometimes hand carts. Naturally, there may be exceptional is only a fraction
suggested as exemptions based on similar ra- times when motorised vehicles may be necessary of the employment
or at least highly convenient for certain actions. created by the car-
tionale. The police and fire brigade must re- free Sunday event.
spond rapidly to many types of life-threatening Again, small exemptions can be adequately han- Photo by Lloyd Wright
situations. The consequences of delay outweigh dled without compromising the overall premise
the desire to have a completely car-free environ- of the car-free area.
ment. While there is certainly a case to be made
Traffic police
on the side of motorised fire and police vehicles,
there are also alternative options to consider. In many developing cities, the traffic police are
Many police forces are now operating effectively perhaps the most reluctant to openly support
relying at least partially upon bicycles. In fact,
in densely populated communities, police on
bicycles can often negotiate streets more quickly
than police in motorised vehicles. Further, the
decentralisation of police and fire services into
local sites offer the opportunity for such services
to respond without reliance upon vehicles. Thus,
like medical care, locating fire and police serv-
ices within dense communities can obviate the
need for large numbers of vehicles.
Many of the same arguments, although less con-
vincingly, are made for other public services, such
as water, sewer, trash collection, and electricity.
Table 14: Automobile-related businesses along the “ciclovía” Fig. 95
Number of businesses Average number of

Using work bikes
Type of business
along the “ciclovía” employees per business
for trash collection
in Johannesburg
Service station (petrol only) 13 5.7 (South Africa).
Service station (full services) 6 4.1
Auto repair shop 9 3.4
Car washing facility 17 4.7
Vehicle renting or sales 25 2.6
Source: Wright and Montezuma (2004)
71
pedestrianisation will actually lead to reduced

traffic overall and not just a re-concentration of
traffic elsewhere will also be a priority for the
police. Finally, a bit of marketing can be done to
show that pedestrianisation does not represent a
loss of importance to the traffic police. Images
showing police duties in this new environment
and the level of sophistication of car-free designs
can greatly assist in diminishing their concerns.
3.3.6 Local residents

The conversion of an existing area into a car-free
zone can be fraught with difficult political deci-
sions. Rarely will 100% of the local residents
favour such a conversion. There will invariably
be individuals who wish to retain the use of
motorised vehicles for their personal use. Thus,
in some instances, existing residents have been
Fig. 96 car-free initiatives. Such initiatives may be seen given special exemptions. The proposed car
Bangkok police as either more work for the police or conversely restrictions in central Paris will exempt local
face an immensely as a threat to their main activity, which is ensur-
hostile, stressful, and residents. Likewise, the congestion charging
contaminated work ing the smooth flow of traffic. However, there scheme in London has given a 90% discount to
place; car-free areas can are also selling points that will certainly benefit residents living within the charging zone.
thus be a win for the the traffic police. Ensuring the smooth flow of
traffic police as well. Unlike the exemptions for public services,
bicycles and pedestrians is likely to be far less
Photo by Karl Fjellstrom though, the exemption for residents is a far
(GTZ photo CD on urban transport) stressful and personally dangerous to police than
greater dilution of the car-free concept. In
standing in a busy intersection of cars. Further,
such cases, the area may be as car-intensive as
the reduced on-street pollution from working
any other sector of the city. The exemption of
in a car-free area will have significant health residents essentially erodes the entire basis and
benefits to the police as well as reduce personal intention of developing a car-free area. Even just
injury risks (Figure 96). Demonstrating that a few vehicles penetrating the “car-free” zone
can dramatically alter the pedestrian’s experi-
ence (Figure 97).
Further, the large number of residential vehicles
can make enforcement quite difficult, unless a
costly electronic entrance system is employed.
Thus, in such instances, it is perhaps preferable
to make a brave political decision and disallow
residential exemptions. As Crawford notes
(2000, p. 227), this seemingly draconian policy
could be amicably resolved through the market:
“If there is broad support for the conversion,
then the few who decide to move away should
have no difficulty arranging the profitable sale
of their residences: if the planning work has
been done correctly, more people will want to
move into the area than will want to leave.”
Fig. 97
The presence of a single vehicle in the Chinatown pedestrian zone of Nevertheless, it is recognised that any type of
Kuala Lumpur completely changes the experience for the pedestrian. property expropriation is a difficult issue for any
Photo by Lloyd Wright municipality to undertake.
72
3.4 Participatory processes

“To try to force the people to embrace something
that is believed to be good and glorious but which
they do not actually want—even though they
may be expected to like it when they experience
its results—is the very hallmark of anti-demo-
cratic belief.”
—J.A. Schumpeter, 1961
Change imposed from the top down will likely
meet with resistance regardless of a project’s
merit. Change supported from the bottom up is
unlikely to be resisted regardless of attitudes at Fig. 98
the top. If a car-free project is going to be truly Public participation process in Manila
(Philippines) for a project supported by USAID.
accepted and sustained, then strong community Photo by John Ernst
support is fundamental. The power of citizens
taking ownership over their own community street parties to invigorate interest in projects as
cannot be underestimated. well as solicit ideas and suggestions. The street
party itself also serves as its own best-practice
Unfortunately, this valuable resource is some-
demonstration of the car-free concept. Another
times forgotten in planning processes that may
option is to install a community idea board
focus more on planning and design “experts”
where residents are allowed to post ideas as well
than the average person. When it comes to
as view the opinions of others (Figure 99). If
developing and designing a car-free street, there
resources are available, a full community survey
are few better experts than the persons living
on that particular street. While the design and is perhaps the most effective mechanism to
construction of elevated roads and overpasses ensure all residents have an opportunity to voice
require extensive technical expertise and vast an opinion. Personal interviews present the op-
sums of investment, car-free development is far portunity to discuss the project with neighbours
more inviting to public participation.
Virtually everyone has an opinion on how
to improve their neighbourhood. A car-free
project can be a catalyst for a host of local
area changes that will revitalise a community.
Further, given the impact on property values,
most people will take any transformation of
their community with a great deal of economic
self-interest. People are also inherently proud
of where they live and will take an active role if
given the opportunity.
The challenge of making public participation
work lies in the initial organisation and the ef-
fort made in personal outreach. As evidenced by
the research of Appleyard (1981), car-dependent
communities have often lost their sociability.
Neighbours may not know one another as few
venture out upon the streets.
Creative participatory techniques, though, can Fig. 99
be used to reverse the years of stilted com- Under the administration of Mayor Antanas
Mockus, Bogotá utilised community “ ideas
munity interaction (Figure 98). Home zone boards” to helps citizens express their opinions.
projects in the UK have regularly made use of Photo by Lloyd Wright
73
Fig. 100 In reality, project developers are not relegated

A model of one design to any one public participation technique. Mul-
concept helps residents tiple techniques can be employed at different
of Manchester’s
Northmoor home stages to solicit the widest participation possible.
zone gain insights Interviews and personal survey techniques may
into the project. work well at the early stages in order to ensure
Photo by Ian Finlay Architects all residents (or at least a representative sample)
are approached. This initial approach can then
stimulate interest in further participation. Once
residents feel they have both an interest in the
project and feel they have a voice in the process,
then there is a much better chance of sustained
participation.
As the project progresses, design charrettes in
which actual street configurations are discussed
may be appropriate. A design maquette, or
model building exercise, may then be appropri-
ate to actually develop a 3-dimensional sense of
the project. The use of models and illustrations
are particularly effective in providing a visual
focal point for discussions (Figures 100 and
in a one-on-one basis. Individual questions and
concerns can be readily addressed. Likewise,
interviews also provide the best means to gather
detailed feedback on the proposed scheme.
More cost-effective means to collect such
inputs is through community meetings at a
central location such as a school or community
centre. The challenge of such meetings is to at-
tract a sufficiently wide enough representation
Fig. 101 of the community. Due to the lack of commu-
A design maquette nity coherence and the difficulty in scheduling,
during the Towards such community sessions sometimes only
Carfree Cities
Conference in Budapest. attract those fervently in favour or opposed to
Photo by Joel Crawford the project.
Fig. 102 and 103

Today’s software packages put the power of
design imagination into the hands of all.
Images courtesy of Fundación Ciudad Humana
74
101). Simple software tools, such as AutoCad 3.5 Financing a car-free project
and Photoshop, can facilitate hands-on design “It costs $10 million to construct a single highway
inputs from residents. Advanced photographic flyover. The beneficiaries of this flyover will be
editing software (for still images), as well as 3- quite mixed, but concentrated among wealthy
dimensional modelling programmes (for videos motorists. This same $10 million could buy
and walk-through tours), allow residents to get 150,000 good quality bicycles, or cut the price
a strong visual sense of the project (Figures 102 in half for 300,000 bicycles. It would also buy
and 103). 100,000 modernized cycle rickshaws, creating
Community-based meetings should be well or- 100,000 jobs. Why should the general taxpayers
ganised with a definitive agenda that is clear to subsidize one and not the other? Put another way,
all. At the same time, enough flexibility should you could give every man, woman, and child
be employed in order to allow a free-flowing in Senegal a bike for $500,000,000, roughly
discussion to the extent possible. However, as the cost of 10 kilometres of metro, or one major
desirable as a pure consensus based process is, highway.”
there will unlikely be 100% agreement on all —Walter Hook and John Howe, 2004, p. 70
points. Thus, a written copy of all comments Financing a car-free initiative is rarely if ever a
should be noted to maintain an official record. major obstacle to implementation. The relatively
A studied review of the comments can allow simple nature of a car-free project implies
solutions to be developed that will hopefully only modest planning, infrastructure, and
be acceptable to the widest range of residents. management costs. A car-free conversion may in
Further, meeting minutes and project updates fact be less costly than the annual maintenance
should be periodically distributed to residents, of a car-based roadway.
and especially to residents who have been un-
able to attend the community meetings and Nevertheless, some developing-city municipali-
design charettes. ties have limited budgets even for the relatively
modest cost of a car-free project. This section
Public participation may seem to be a time first describes the types of costs involved in a
consuming and difficult process. However, the car-free project, and then provides some sugges-
benefits of community ownership and accept- tions on financing a project (if project financing
ance of a project far outweigh the challenges is required at all). Fig. 104
involved. Bangkok’s car-free
3.5.1 Car-free project costs event came to a
Table 15 outlines the types of costs involved premature end due
to the lack of political
with both temporary and permanent car-free will to continue.
projects. Photo by John Ernst
75
Table 15: Cost categories for car-free projects

Type of car-free project Cost category Frequency of cost
Temporary car-free event Planning and design costs Single cost event
(including public participation process)
Legal costs Single cost event
Infrastructure (temporary signage and Single cost event
removable barriers) (but requiring eventual
replacement/maintenance)
Promotional costs Higher initial costs with
some on-going costs
Management costs (set-up teams, On-going costs
supervisors, police, first aid, etc.)
Event costs such as aerobics On-going costs
instructors, entertainers, films, etc.
(optional)
Clean-up costs On-going costs
Evaluation costs Periodic
Permanent car-free conversion Planning and design Single cost event
(including public participation process)
Infrastructure costs (street furniture, Single cost event
possible new street surface and street
lighting, signage, and permanent
barriers at entrance)
Property acquisition (if necessary) Single cost event
Promotional costs Higher initial costs with
some on-going costs
Management On-going
(event scheduling, policing, etc.)
Maintenance of infrastructure On-going
Evaluation costs Periodic
Table 15 represents project costs in their total- street means that maintenance costs (such as
ity without comparing costs to existing usages. re-paving) will be less frequent.
For example, the cost of policing and street The modest requirements of a car-free street
management may not be significantly different should enable the project to be financially
than those costs being incurred currently on sustainable. However, Bangkok actually termi-
a car-based street. Further, many of the costs nated its Car-Free Sunday event on Silom Road
may actually be lower for a car-free street. For largely for cost reasons. In 2001, Bangkok
example, the lower wear and tear on a car-free began a weekly closing of Silom Road, which
Table 16: Cost of Bangkok’s expensive car-free events (year 2001) is located in the commercial centre of the
city (Figure 104). An extensive promotional
Cost item Cost in baht (and US$) campaign, including advertisements in televi-
Planning and preparation activities 20 million baht (US$500,000) sion, radio, and newspapers, accompanied the
Advertising 7 million baht (US$175,000)
project. Further, the car-free event involved
(television, radio, and newspapers) an overall theme, known as the “7 Wonders
@ Silom” in which different themes were
Management fee 3 million baht (US$75,000)
to professional street organizers presented through displays and entertain-
ment. These themes included “Green World”,
Traffic management and project evaluation 3 million baht (US$75,000)
“Dance”, “Music”, and “Happy New Year”. The
Total 33 million baht (US$825,000) Sunday events were regularly drawing as many
Source: Laosirihongthong and Pattaramunikul, 2004 as 150,000 people (Laosirihongthong and
76
Fig. 105
Tokyo’s Ginza is
a highly-popular
weekend event that
uses relatively low-
cost street furniture
to create a simple yet
enjoyable environment.
Pattaramunikul, 2004). Unfortunately, the for developing a permanent car-free street, there
extravagance of the event investment eventu- are many potential sources of funding. Costs
ally undermined the entire project. Table 16 can be divided into three distinct categories for
summarises the costs of the seven special events fund-raising efforts:
held during the Car-Free Sundays on Silom 1. Planning and development costs
Road. The seven events came to a total of 2. Infrastructure costs
US$825,000. Ultimately, this expense forced 3. Management costs.
the termination of the weekly street closings,
Table 17 outlines possible revenue sources for
which were enjoyed by such a wide segment of
each of these major cost categories.
the population.
By contrast, Tokyo’s Ginza district manages a 3.5.3 Planning and development
weekly street closing on both Saturday and Sun- The amount of revenues for planning depends
day with little additional costs to the city. In- on the scope and nature of the project. If the
stead simple barriers are placed at street intersec- project is relatively modest and does not require
tions and some simple street furniture is added the use of outside consultants, then most costs
(benches, tables, and chairs). Police personnel
Table 17: Potential revenue sources for car-free projects
largely conduct this activity as part of their
normal duties. Despite this modest investment, Cost category Potential revenue sources
the Ginza event is extremely popular and draws Planning and • Existing departmental budgets
large crowds each weekend (Figure 105). development • Regional and national governmental budgets
• International bi-lateral agencies
Thus, Bangkok possibly needlessly created an • Global Environment Facility (GEF)
overly complex and overly expensive design that • International organisations (e.g., UNDP, UNEP, and
was not sustainable in the long term. Cities World Bank)
such as Tokyo and Bogotá host weekly events • Regional development banks (e.g., ADB, IADB, AfDB)
• Private foundations
that have become a permanent fixture for the
Infrastructure • Local tax revenues
population. As the implementation of a weekly
• Regional and national governmental budgets
car-free event becomes routine, costs are eventu- • International development banks
ally reduced to quite modest levels. Management • Existing departmental budgets
• Commercial advertising
3.5.2 Car-free financing • Private sector sponsorship
To the extent municipalities require any ad- • Congestion charging, roadway tolls, and parking fees
ditional funding for holding a car-free event or • Commercial property development
77
can be absorbed within existing staffing budg- on the type of application and the nature of the
ets. In some cases, though, the nature of the project. GEF funding mechanisms include:
project and/or the desire to incorporate outside 1. Small Grants Programme
experiences implies the procurement of consult- (funds of less than US$50,000)
ing professionals. However, in comparison to 2. Small and Medium Sized Enterprise Pro-
roadway projects for cars, the planning and gramme
engineering requirements of a car-free project 3. Project Preparation and Development Facility
are not extravagant. Thus, existing budgets pro- (PDF)
vided by general tax revenues may be sufficient. • PDF Block A
Additionally, regional and national governmen- (up to US$25,000 for project preparation)
tal entities may be able to financially contribute • PDF Block B
to the project, particularly if the project (up to US$350,000 for project preparation)
represents a national best practice that will act • PDF Block C
to influence other cities. For the same reason, (up to US$1 million for project preparation)
international donor agencies may also contrib- 4. Medium-Sized Projects
ute to the planning of the project, especially if (up to US$1 million for project)
the project holds replication potential. Bi-lateral 5. Full-Sized Projects
agencies, such as the Swedish International (large grants of sometimes over US$10 million).
Development Agency (Sida) and the US Agency 3.5.4 Infrastructure
for International Development (USAID), may
To the extent infrastructure upgrades are re-
contribute funding to the development stage of
quired within the project, financing for car-free
the project. Other agencies, such as the Ger-
infrastructure can follow the same list of op-
man Technical Agency (GTZ), may be able
tions as other types of transport infrastructure
to contribute technical assistance through the
(albeit with a significantly lower overall cost).
provision of international experts.
Local and national financing sources for infra-
Another international funding source, the structure are a logical first line of consideration.
Global Environment Facility (GEF), has been However, international sources, such as regional
created to help catalyse projects that result in development banks and the World Bank, are
reductions of greenhouse gas emissions. Car- also possibilities.
Fig. 106 and 107 free projects would thus likely qualify. In fact,
Advertising revenues GEF projects in cities such as Santiago, Lima, 3.5.5 Management
help finance the car-
free Sunday events in Mexico City, and Manila have project compo- Finally, the management and maintenance of
Bogotá and Quito. nents that include the promotion of non-motor- a car-free project perhaps involves the greatest
Photos by Lloyd Wright ised transport. The size of a GEF grant depends diversity in terms of potential funding sources.
78
In most cases, existing local and/or national 3.6 Implementation issues

governmental budgets will be sufficient to sup-
“You see things as they are and you ask why.
port the modest costs involved.
But I dream of things that never were and I
However, partnerships with the private sector ask why not.”
are also an option. The Sunday car-free event —George Bernard Shaw (1856–1950)
in Bogotá has received approximately half of
Few decisions in the project development proc-
its on-going support from an insurance com-
ess will generate more debate than the choice
pany. Since the car-free event promotes health
of project location and the initial project size.
and a reduction in vehicle accidents, the insur-
An overly-ambitious initial project may result
ance industry often sees such events as a sound
in less than satisfactory results. An unsuccess-
business investment. Commercial sponsorship
ful first phase may dampen the possibilities
in moderation can be a useful financing source,
for any future attempts. However, an overly-
provided that the commercial message does
cautious initial phase may produce little in
not begin to visually overwhelm the event. Cit-
tangible benefits, and thus likewise damage
ies such as Bogotá and Quito have permitted
the future prospects of car-free projects.
some commercial signboards during the car-
free event in order to help defray costs (Figures 3.6.1 Project location
106 and 107).
The identification of the appropriate community
The revenues from charging schemes that are or commercial street for a car-free demonstration
designed to discourage car use may be an ap- involves a range of considerations, including:
propriate mechanism for financing car-free n Local support from residents and shop owners
activities. Demand management tools such as n Ease of implementation from a topological
congestion charging, roadway tolls, and parking and infrastructure standpoint
fees all help instil the right set of incentives to n Current travel patterns and traffic levels
support the viability of car-free development. n Likely cost of project
Tying these revenues directly to the on-going n Potential for project replication elsewhere
management and maintenance of a car-free n Overall likelihood of success.
project can provide a sustainable revenue stream.
Communities with low levels of existing car
ownership could be a logical target in terms
of greater ease of implementation. However, a
more prominent display in an area of high vehi-
cle use will be a more powerful demonstration.
Further, since vehicle ownership can be related
to income, the choice of areas with few cars can
raise questions over equity. Such a demonstra-
tion may suggest that car-free designs are only
for the poor. This message clearly runs counter
to the general intent and philosophy of well-
designed car-free efforts. To realise the true
potential of a car-free event, especially in terms
of pollution and congestion reduction, the
focus should be on car-dependent areas to the
extent possible.
3.6.2 Project size

The area covered by a car-free initiative is closely
related to the project’s impact and effective-
ness. However, size can also be related to the
complexity of the project, with wide-area appli-
cations requiring greater planning, investment,
79
Fig. 108
Camden borough
(London) holds an
annual car-free event
spanning just a few
blocks. As the sign in
the photo suggests, such
small-scale events may
just be a “ diversion”
from more serious
car-free efforts.
and management. In general, cities should opt to a large window of permitted motorised
for initial experiments of the greatest size that access. Obviously, to truly instil the car-free
can be effectively implemented. concept in an area, something more than a to-
Many car-free events held on the International ken few hours of closure is required. To firmly
Car-Free Day (22 September) are fairly small instil the car-free idea, vehicle restrictions
endeavours. In many cases, these events only during both periods of day-time shopping and
cover a single city block (Figure 108). The lim- evening promenades are preferred. If motorised
delivery periods are required or are a compro-
ited nature of this approach likely will do little
mise to nervous businesses, then the deliveries
to raise city-wide awareness of car-free options.
are best scheduled during late evening and/or
In fact, only the residents located on the car-free
early morning hours. Resident access is more
block may be aware of its existence.
complicated since in it tends to be a wider
Ideally, the Car-Free Day should cover enough range of hours (or even unrestricted hours of
distance to at least allow for an interesting bicy- access). Even occasional access to vehicles can
cle trip. The distance should also be sufficient to do much to dampen the atmosphere of a car-
encourage at least some mode shifting to occur free area. A single vehicle can greatly reduce
for local trips (e.g., work, shopping, school). the “care-free” nature of the area since users
Thus, some strategic analysis connecting resi- will suddenly need to become more aware of
dential areas or major public transport stations their movements and safety.
to shopping streets would be appropriate. The shop hours on a car-free street will influ-
3.6.3 Operating days and hours ence usage patterns. If shops close early, then
there may be little night-time activity on the
The scheduling of car-free options is another
street, which can decrease the sense of safety
major decision in the process that will un-
and security in the area. Without the activ-
derpin the success of the area. The longer the
ity generated from cafes and shops, residents
car-free period, the more likely the area or
and visitors will be less likely to engage in
event will enter into the mental framework of promenading. Curitiba has created its version
the citizenry. of the “24-hour Street” in order to stimulate
In the case of a permanent car-free area, hours longer hours of street activity (Figure 109).
for exemptions vary significantly between On this street shops with 24-hour operations
different projects. The periods may range from are encouraged. Thus, a person always knows
a 24-hour ban on all motorised vehicles (with where one can go for food, reading materials,
the possible exception of emergency vehicles) internet, and other services.
80
For temporary car-free events, the choice of days Fig. 109

and operating hours is determined by a host Curitiba’s “24-hour
of considerations, including the intent of the street” helps to extend
social activity on the
event and many local cultural factors. Dates are streets into the evening
sometimes pre-determined if the car-free event hours.
revolves around a holiday or sporting event. The Photo by Vera deVera
decision to host a car-free weekday versus a

car-free weekend is closely tied to the objectives
and intent of the event. If the objective is to
firmly demonstrate the viability of alternatives
to motorised commuting, then a weekday is the
more logical choice. However, as has been noted,
a weekday car-free event requires more prepara-
tion and an overall review of the suitability of
alternative transport modes.
By contrast, a car-free weekend event is an ap-
propriate choice for cities at the earliest stages of
its car-free ambitions. While car-free weekend
events tend to be more recreational in nature, Fig. 110
these events do represent a lower-risk labora- The nocturnal car-
tory for experimentation. In many (but not all) free event in Bogotá
cultures, Sunday tends to be the day of lowest takes place during
traffic intensity and thus represents perhaps the the holiday season.
easiest starting point. Saturdays can sometimes
be difficult given market activity. There are
certainly non-motorised alternatives to deliver-
ing and carrying products to and from markets,
but the amount of required preparation and
awareness-building can be akin to a weekday
event. Holidays and evenings are also possibili-
ties that should be considered. In addition to its
weekday event in February and weekly Sunday
event, Bogotá also hosts an evening car-free
spectacle during the Christmas holiday period.
An estimated three million of the city’s residents
(nearly half the population) take to the streets
in this nocturnal version in order to be a part of
the festivities (Figure 110).
The operating hours for a weekend event vary
greatly by culture. Since weekends tend to be
days of recreation and exercise for many, an
early start for joggers, cyclists, and families
would ideally be accommodated. The dura-
tion of the event can depend on local custom
regarding promenading and weekend activities.
In Latin American cities, such as Bogotá and
Quito, the Car-Free Sunday event terminates
in early- to mid-afternoon largely because the
local custom is to spend the afternoon meal
with one’s family. The schedule will also be
81
dependent on the availability of support staff. If issues, political leadership and enthusiasm for
only a single shift of support staff is available, car-free development can be rather fleeting com-
then perhaps only an eight-hour period is vi- modities. Once political momentum and atten-
able. However, the staggering of staff hours is a tion is turned to other issues, then the window
simple solution to allow a longer car-free event. of opportunity for a car-free project may close.
Re-election is never a guarantee, and in some
3.6.4 Permanent or temporary cases, such as Bogotá, re-election is prohibited
It has already been noted that the starting point by law. If a dynamic and progressive mayor ar-
for many cities may be a temporary car-free rives in office, the official has perhaps only three
event. A Car-Free Sunday event involves fewer to five years available for project delivery. Jaime
design and management complications than Lerner of Curitiba, Enrique Peñalosa of Bogotá,
a full-fledged permanent conversion. The and Myung-bak Lee of Seoul delivered transfor-
experience gained from a Sunday event can be mational change with significant projects within
invaluable in terms of properly implementing their limited time in office. If any of these lead-
a larger scheme. The choice of a temporary or ers had taken a more cautious approach, then
permanent measure can be compared to chang- these cities and the car-free movement would
ing a city by “evolution” or by “revolution”.
have missed a rare opportunity.
The idea behind a Car-Free Sunday may be to
Of course, change through a revolutionary
slowly build confidence for a more expansive
approach is a higher-risk proposition. Enrique
effort. In this sense, the hope is that an evolu-
Peñalosa was nearly impeached for enforcing
tionary process will be initiated in which the
parking restrictions on pedestrian paths. A
city will move towards more significant car-free
more cautious political figure would have per-
measures in the future. Since citizens are not
haps chosen a more modest approach. However,
surrendering their motorised lifestyle on a
for political officials who truly believe in higher-
permanent basis, there will likely be far less
quality public space, today may well be the right
opposition.
time for bold initiatives.
Copenhagen implemented its permanent pe-
destrianisation of its centre over the course of 3.6.5 Greenfield site versus existing
several decades. As Jan Gehl notes, this incre- community
mental approach reduced the risk of popular A city or an organisation intent on a car-free
rejection (Walsjasper, 2005): initiative may well ponder whether to construct
“One key to the success of Copenhagen’s the project within an existing community or
efforts is that they have been implemented whether to construct the project in an undevel-
gradually over 40 years. Drastic changes all at oped site (e.g., a greenfield site). The question of
once provoke overreactions.” greenfield development versus an existing com-
If Copenhagen had pedestrianised more streets munity carries with it many implications for the
simultaneously, the reaction from shop-owners nature and impact of a car-free project.
and residents could have meant a reversal of A greenfield project may seem more straight-
the policy. An incremental approach allows forward since one is beginning with essentially
citizens to become accustomed to pedestrianisa- a blank page. If existing street designs and local
tion without major upheavals in lifestyles. The preferences are tailored around the car, then
subsequent popularity of the initial experiments any conversion will likely involve compromises.
in Copenhagen has meant that more dramatic Exceptions regarding vehicle use will invariably
proposals now can be presented without a be sought. The existing land uses (commercial,
significant risk of public rejection. residential, education, etc.) may not be ideal in
In the case of cities with highly charismatic and terms of complete car-free access. By contrast, a
ambitious political figures, a more “revolution- greenfield site can be designed around ideal car-
ary” approach may be possible. Given a leader’s free conditions at the outset, utilising a car-free
limited time in office and the demands of other reference design in its purest form.
82
However, for the very same reasons, a greenfield

project may have limitations with regard to
wider replication. Entire populations are not
likely to be moved to greenfield sites any time
soon. The reality of our urban world today
means that existing communities will somehow
need to be adapted towards more sustainable
forms. Greenfield experiments may not lend too
many insights into how this conversion process
will take place.
Greenfield projects also frequently seem to
lack the intangibilities that bring life to a city’s
streets. New town development in Japan has
produced some very high-quality examples
from a design standpoint. Projects in Oyumino
(Chiba City) and Tama New Town present
intriguing glimpses of at least a partially
car-free lifestyle. However, such locations some- an area south of Lisbon. This project, though, is Fig. 111
times seem to be almost artificial re-creations helping to rehabilitate land that was previously An image of the planned
of an actual community. Without a historical mined. Revenues from housing sales will be greenfield project in
reference, the sense of place is often missing. Mata de Sesimbra.
dedicated to park rehabilitation and establishing Image courtesy of
Certainly such developments may well develop a local economy based on eco-tourism. In addi- BioRegional and WWF
such intangibles and achieve a lively street scene, tion to impressive green housing characteristics
but the creation of real community can be a such as energy efficiency, the design calls for
generational process. most internal trips to be conducted by non-
Greenfield sites may also involve environmental motorised means (Figure 111). However, even
compromises that undermine the gains other- if just a small percentage of the planned 30,000
wise achieved through car-free development. A residents commute into Lisbon by motorised
greenfield site may imply the destruction of vehicle, then many of the environmental ben-
natural habitats and existing green space. The efits of the project will be compromised. This
disruption of such natural areas can be quite is a sensitive issue that developers must weigh
counter to the environmental objectives of the against the other benefits of such a project.
car-free area. Further, since greenfield sites An alternative to greenfield development is
are almost by definition located outside of the the use of “brownfield” land. Brownfield sites
metropolitan centre, the development can actu- are created from the reclamation of former
ally encourage more car travel rather than less. industrial properties in or near the urban core
Accessing work, school, or entertainment in of a metropolitan area. Brownfield development
the city centre will likely involve long-distance represents the opportunity for a dual environ-
travel. While this travel may be achievable by mental gain. An industrial site and its inherent
public transport, it can also mean an inevitable residues are cleaned while simultaneously
increase in motorisation. Residents may be able producing an example of sustainable living.
to live a car-free lifestyle within the confines of Obviously, a successful brownfield initiative
their community, but most major destinations is dependent on the ability to rehabilitate the
may reside farther a field. Creating an entirely property to levels for safe human habitation.
self-contained economy within a new greenfield This type of development is also dependent
project is possible but not always immediately on the availability of such properties. While
realisable. brownfield sites are fairly common in Eastern
A greenfield housing project called Mata de European cities (Hook and Garb, 2002), the
Sesimbra has been given development rights availability of such rehabilitation opportunities
within an existing national park in Portugal, in may be limited elsewhere.
83
encourage residents to try sustainable options

such as public transport and non-motorised
modes. If the quality of these alternatives are
lacking in terms of comfort and delivery, then
the event will only harden future resistance
to change. Positive car-free events typically
not only address the provision of alternative
modes but also succeed in creating a carnival
atmosphere that leaves residents with a feeling
that something quite special has occurred.
The ensuing goodwill can easily counter the
perceived political risks, but clearly careful
planning and execution can be the principal
determinant in achieving success.
Fig. 112 In reality, projects involving greenfield sites
If the only alternative and existing communities are both likely Thus, a city must first take stock of the
for transit on the to be needed to make a car-free future pos- alternatives available during the proposed
car-free day looks car-free period. This process also requires
like this micro-bus sible. Greenfield projects permit the full
in Santo Domingo implementation of new designs and concepts. some knowledge of existing travel patterns and
(Dominican Republic), Projects within existing communities provide the number of persons travelling in a given
then the public’s insights into how car-free development can be corridor. Some of the relevant questions to be
overall impression of retrofitted into our current cities. Alone, nei- answered include:
the car-free day will n How many persons currently using private
likely not be positive. ther greenfield sites nor existing communities
Photo by Lloyd Wright may produce the full range of lessons required motorised vehicles will need to identify alter-
to prove the potential of car-free development. natives for the car-free event?
Until car-free projects encompass a wider n What is the capacity of existing alternatives
variety of income groups, urban forms, cul- (such as public transport) to absorb this
tures, and lifestyles, the sector could remain an number of persons?
isolated niche. Experiments in a wide-range of n Is the quality of the various alternatives suf-
scenarios can help legitimise car-free develop- ficient to provide a positive demonstration?
ment as a mainstream option. If the alternatives to the car imply a crowded
and unpleasant bus ride, then the car-free event
3.6.6 Provision of alternatives may actually do more harm than good (Figure
The provision of effective alternatives, such as 112). The car-free event may be the one day
additional public transport services, can help when a person uses an alternative to the car. If
avoid political backlashes from angry motor- the quality of this experience is poor, then the
ists. The principal idea of a car-free event is experiment may well serve only to reconfirm
previous negative inclinations to public trans-
port and non-motorised transport.
Further, since many motorists may not know
public transport schedules, bicycle routes, or
even how to use such options, information
outreach and support will be fundamental to
the viability of alternatives. Ideally, outreach
staff would be available to provide personal
Fig. 113 mobility profiles for interested persons. Based
Police presence in the on where persons live and work, the outreach
historical centre of staff can make suggestions on transit and
Quito helps ensure
a safe and secure non-motorised routes. The staff could be made
car-free event. available through strategically located informa-
Photo by Lloyd Wright tion kiosks prior to the event and/or through a
84
Fig. 114 and 115

A Guangzhou
pedestrian crossing
with and without
street lighting.
Photos by Michael King
toll-free telephone number. A less cost intensive 1996). It appeared that without a motorised
information resource could be a web site provid- vehicle, many crimes were far less viable. Bogotá
ing much of the same information. However, likewise experienced dramatic reductions in
given the sometimes low internet connectivity crime levels following the various sustainable
of developing cities, kiosks and other direct transport initiatives undertaken in the late
outreach techniques may be more effective. 1990s (Wright and Montezuma, 2004).
Despite these benefits, car-free developers must
3.6.7 Safety and security
still pay attention to safety and security issues.
Safety and security issues often override If a car-free area attracts a mix of both pedestri-
other mode decision factors, especially when ans and cyclists, there still exists the potential
determining the suitability of walking trips for for accidents given the relative speed differences
children and other susceptible groups. Safety of the two modes. Thus, mitigation measures,
for pedestrians is most frequently related to such as informational campaigns and even
the separation and protection from motorised physical segregation, are issues to consider.
vehicles. On the whole, a car-free area is safer
There are also security issues relatively unique to
and more secure than a typical car-dependent Fig. 116
car-free areas. While overall crime is generally
area. Without the size and velocity of motor- The state of a car-free
reduced, opportunities for some crimes, such
ised vehicles dominating the streets, the risk street in the historical
as pick-pocketing, may increase. Further, the centre of Caracas.
of injury and death from accidents has been
users of a car-free area have a different set of Photo by Lloyd Wright
nearly eliminated.
Security is related to design features that avoid
the creation of indefensible spaces in which poor
sight lines mean that pedestrians can be suscep-
tible to attack or robbery. Such security risks are
particularly a concern at night, and especially if
street lighting is poor.
The evidence to date suggests that security
also tends to improve in the wake of car-free
measures. On 24 April 1993 London’s financial
district was rocked by a terrorist bombing that
destroyed the NatWest Tower and damaged
the surrounding area. In response, the City
of London limited vehicle access, creating its
famous “ring of steel” to protect the area. The
car restrictions in combination with security
cameras produced a nearly 50 percent reduc-
tion in overall crime (City of London Police,
85
Fig. 117 and 118 expectations than users of car-dependent areas. does not suffer from this relationship. Regard-
Clean-up takes place The prevalence of children and families in car- less of the aesthetic appearance of a road way,
both during and after free areas means that a higher degree of security motorists will generally continue to utilise the
the Midosuji car- infrastructure as a means of travel. By contrast,
free event in Osaka, is demanded. Thus, special techniques such as
although it would community policing may be appropriate. The parents may not permit their children to play
be preferable to use physical presence of police officers in a car-free in an unsightly area, even if it is traffic free.
non-motorised means area sends an important message to prospective Playgrounds located either under or beside
entirely for such tasks. users (Figure 113). The personal nature of a busy highways often are devoid of users. The
Photos courtesy of Osaka City
Municipal Government car-free area actually provides an opportunity noise and fumes from traffic make parents
for police and other public officials to gain a think twice about permitting their children
more direct and positive relationship with the access to such areas. Likewise, shoppers may
citizenry. elect to stroll through a different retail mall if
a city centre becomes undesirable (Figure 116).
Street lighting that caters directly for pedes- Benches and other infrastructure will not be
trians, rather than indirect lighting intended used if not kept clean.
primarily for motorists, is also basic to both
safety and security (Figures 114 and 115). A Car-Free Day will likely require a cleaning
Appropriate lighting levels will determine team to move through the area either during or
shortly after the event. If the residual effect of a
whether an area is usable during evening hours.
car-free event is rubbish, broken street fixtures,
Likewise, measures such as security cameras
and/or graffiti, then support for continuation
and emergency call boxes contribute to a more
will falter. Local businesses will see the event as
secure environment. Perhaps the best defence
more of a detriment than benefit.
against crime and insecurity, though, is what
Jane Jacobs had called the “eyes on the street” Fortunately, maintenance of pedestrian areas
(Jacobs, 1961, p. 41). A quality car-free environ- and car-free events is not a difficult or costly
ment will encourage a sufficient number of endeavour. Existing municipal cleaning and
persons on the street to make an area to a large maintenance staff will frequently be sufficient to
extent self-policing. The creation of a commu- handle the care of a pedestrian street. However,
nity spirit encourages shop-owners and residents car-free events that draw large crowds may
to develop a subtle social contract in which all require the employment of a special cleaning
look after one another. team. Figures 117 and 118 show the post-event
cleaning activity for Osaka’s annual street festi-
3.6.8 Maintenance val on its Midosuji corridor.
The maintenance and upkeep of a car-free area
is closely related to its continued popularity and
usage by the public. Car-based infrastructure
86
4. Design
A good city is like a good party, people don’t want to leave early.
—Jan Gehl (Walljasper, 2005)
Fig. 119
A street’s design
elements can help create
a highly dynamic street
culture.
There is more to walking than just walking. A car- of goods and access for public services should be
free development creates a social environment that addressed early in the design process. Otherwise,
can stimulate a whole new relationship between the economic and functional viability of an area
a citizenry and the street. The “sociability” of can become compromised. Subtle design features
the street becomes as important, or even more can determine whether an area creates an effective
important, than any singular purpose on just environment in terms of both its sociability and
transport. its functionality. In turn, these features underpin
the ultimate economic viability of the area.
While walking appears to be a relatively low-
technology option, the appropriate supporting
infrastructure can actually require a good deal of
technical sophistication. Ensuring a safe, effec-
tive, useful, and enjoyable pedestrian experience
involves a significant planning and design effort.
The texture of the walking surface, dimensions
of walking area, surface colours, climate control
measures, street legibility, cleanliness, lighting,
landscaping, routing design, ramps and crossings,
amenity infrastructure, and other design factors all
require a rigorous understanding of customer needs,
local conditions, and the available options.
The right combination of design and policy can
create a car-free environment that allows a wholly
functioning modern city. Issues such as the delivery
87
4.1 Social streets most of the town centre streets. The design
of pedestrianisation is also not decisive,
“Walking is not just transportation. One of the
although it will aesthetically improve the town
key factors in understanding the complexity of
centre. What seems to be important is the
areas for walking is that there is much more
right kind of mixture of traffic restraint, cultural
to walking than walking. Pedestrians change
and commercial aspects.”
from walking to standing or sitting without
notice and they have no parking problems when Quality infrastructure, an effective promotional
stopping, staying or sitting down for awhile. It programme, and appropriate supporting poli-
is all the things you tend to do, but did not plan cies all provide a basis for greater pedestrian
to do, while you walk, that makes walking such activity. Copenhagen’s experience shows that
a pleasure…” if one builds it, the public will come. Prior to
—Jan Gemzoe, 2001, p. 20 the opening of the city’s first pedestrian street
A successful car-free area rarely happens by in 1962, Copenhagen had very little pedestrian
chance. Hass-Klau et al., (1999, p. 129) notes street life. As the network of pedestrianised
that increasing pedestrian mode share and street areas developed over the past 40 years, the
social life involves a range of factors: number of people engaged in social activities
in the city centre increased 3.5 times. With
“…it is a difficult and complex job to create each expansion of the pedestrian-only streets,
social life successfully in town centres when even higher numbers of residents have joined in
it is not already there. Any artificial design outdoor social activities. “Every time Copenha-
formula is prone to failure if the urban space gen has added another 14 m2 for pedestrian use,
and the culture of the town itself is not under- a new person has come along and settled in to
stood. Many towns bring in design consult- enjoy the city” (Gemzoe, 2001, p. 24). Copen-
ants to change the town centres according to hagen also provides a dramatic example of how
the latest street furniture fashions. This could a “pedestrian culture” can be learned. The city
be the first step to an artificial centre. It is not now has a new culture of evening promenading
enough to pedestrianise a few streets, even that did not exist prior to the pedestrianisation.
A major difference between pedestrian paths
(e.g., sidewalks) and car-free areas is that while
the former is predominantly concerned with
movement (or mobility), the latter stresses even
higher levels of social exchange (sociability).
Car-free areas are thus not just designed to pro-
vide for the maximum movement of pedestrians,
but to also help in creating an environment that
encourages and enriches personal interactions
(Figure 120).
Appleyard’s research (1981) in San Francisco
was one of the first major studies to capture how
the urban transport environment affected social
Fig. 120 interactions. Appleyard examined social inter-
In a car-free area, actions on streets with different traffic levels:
the street is not just light traffic (2,000 vehicles per day) and heavy
a piece of urban
infrastructure. It is a traffic (16,000 vehicles per day). On the streets
place for conversation, with heavy traffic there were approximately
relaxation, thinking, three times fewer social interactions between
playing, physical neighbours. The research showed a pronounced
exercise, entertainment,
and romance; in other severance effect in which neighbours on oppo-
words, a place for life. site sides of the heavy traffic street particularly
Photo by Lloyd Wright had little social contact.
88
Gehl (1987) noted that there are three types Fig. 121
of activities that take place in outdoor public The right design can
spaces: make for a highly
social environment.
1. Necessary activities Photo by Lloyd Wright
2. Optional activities
3. Social activities.
If the quality of the space was poor, then it is
likely that only necessary activities will take
place, and thus the full potential of an area
goes unrealised. Several authors have noted
that there are often subtle design differences
affecting the sociability of a pedestrian space.
Hass-Klau et al., (1999, p. 128) particularly
stressed the following qualities as fundamental
to a successful social space:
n “To have space for watching, sitting, doing
things
n Plenty of chairs, benches and informal
possibilities to sit and relax and to watch
something (other people, water, even cars)
(Figure 121)
n To be able to participate in an activity which
is already taking place (sitting, standing
These qualities particularly highlight the im-
around, eating together where other people
portance of how good design can help create a
are already eating)
sense of place. However, Hass-Klau et al., (1999,
n Looking at something, for instance shop dis-
p. 31) also note that “Good design…may under Fig. 122
plays, statues, fountains, markets
some circumstances not create any social life Nice but bland designs
n Sunshine and protection from wind”.
at all.” The community’s personal affinity for a may win architectural
Crowhust-Lennard and Lennard (1995) also awards. However,
place is complex in nature, and may be more such designs may not
developed a descriptive set of qualities that are
influenced by historical, cultural, and local stimulate street life.
indicative of successful social spaces:
factors than by solely design features. In fact, Photo by Lloyd Wright
n Provide safe and easy access for everybody in
the community
n Attract frequent and regular use by the local
residents
n Help people feel significant and support their
self esteem
n Reinforce the sense of belonging
n Increase awareness and enjoyment of the
present moment
n Encourage curiosity and interest in the urban
environment
n Frame meaningful and memorable
experiences
n Orientate people and facilitate differentiated
activities
n Make it possible for a variety of people to feel
at home in the space
n Amplify channels for direct interpersonal
communication.
89
Table 18: Infrastructure improvement measures for pedestrian over-design of pedestrian areas can have the op-
areas posite effect as originally intended (Figure 122).
Category Measure The prevalence of international chain stores on
shopping streets has stifled the local character
Art Sculptures
that often makes a place special to its residents.
Chalk drawings on pedestrian areas and on street area
Banners, streamers, balloons, flags hanging from posts
Whyte (1988) underscores this point with:
Aesthetics Entryway over street introducing the community “…too many pedestrian malls and redone
Water fountains streets are over-designed. There is too much
Water channels unified signage, too many award-winning light
Tent-like structure over street and pedestrian area standards—too much good taste in general,
Special tiling of pavement area or the pretension of it, and since many design-
Stepping stones ers have the same good taste, the result is a
Patterns in pavement bland conformity.”
Trees, flowers, and other vegetation
Community notice board
Thus, designers must be careful not to turn
Commemorative plaques, historical markings, monuments
every new regeneration opportunity into a sort
of Disneyland. The bland conformity noted by
Commerce Markets for food and goods
Outdoor cafes
Whyte can be best avoided by incorporating the
Bike maintenance shop on street local context fully into the design. Every town
and every street has its own story to tell and its
Public services Public restrooms
own unique history. Capturing this local legacy
Street Benches and other permanent seating
furniture/ within public space ensures that no two spaces
Loose chairs
infrastructure Bollards, moveable and permanent
should ever be a copy of another. Of course, it
Bicycle parking facilities
should be also noted that for most cities and
Street lighting towns, the prevailing problem is not the over-
Street signage design of public space. Rather, for the most part,
walking and quality public space are largely
forgotten elements from the overall investment
and planning priorities of the city.
Fig. 123–126
(Clockwise from upper
left) 1. Cobblestones
create the right
historical setting in
Colonia (Uruguay), 1 2
but can create walking
difficulties for many.
2. A wooden deck in
Yokohama (Japan)
relates the pedestrian
way to its origins as a
rail line. 3. Patterned
tiles in Putrajaya
(Malaysia) brings a
richness to the walkway.
4. Street tiles can even
tell a story, as evidenced
by these tiles in Japan. 3 4
90
4.2 Design features The colour of the surface will impact comfort
levels for users. Dark surfaces will tend to
“Calling out around the world:
absorb heat more than lighter surfaces, and
Are you ready for the brand new beat?’
thus black or other dark colours may not be
This is an invitation across the nation, appropriate for hot climates. While white and
a chance for folks to meet, light-coloured surfaces absorb less heat, the light
There’ ll be laughing, reflected from these colours can create eye strain
singing, and music swinging, from glare. Thus, the choice of colours must be
Dancing in the streets.” well-attuned to the local climate.
—Martha and the Vandellas, 1962
The surface texture is of primary importance in
Table 18 provides a list of example measures terms of making the walkway useful to all resi-
that help to improve pedestrian facilities. These dents. A perfectly smooth surface may produce
features are tools by which planners and archi- the greatest ease in terms of walking, but such
tects can add variety and intrigue to the street surfaces can be dangerously slippery under rainy
environment. The choice of features will set conditions. At the other extreme, rough surfaces
the mood of a street and greatly affect how the may produce better traction but can create dif-
citizenry makes use of its public space. ficulties for cyclists, the physically disabled, and
parents with strollers. Cobblestones are frequently
4.2.1 Surface materials used in historical areas in order to recreate a city’s
The choice of surface materials should reflect original form, but this choice does involve some
the likely use of an area as well as other tradeoffs with accessibility for some. The ideal
characteristics including climate, topography, surface material combines aesthetic considera-
and local preferences. The surface material will tions in conjunction with functionality. Addi-
also depend on the product availability from tional considerations include the wear and long-
the local market. Locally-sourced materials are term ease of maintenance of the surface. Figures
typically superior in terms of cost and overall 123 through 126 illustrate a few of the options for
environmental sustainability. surface materials available to designers.
Fig. 127 Fig. 128

A planter, as shown here in Caracas (Venezuela), Simple, lightweight barriers help officials
can be both aesthetically pleasing and provide a efficiently set-up the Ginza car-free weekend in
semi-permanent barrier to vehicle entry. Tokyo.
Photo by Lloyd Wright Photo by Lloyd Wright
91
Fig. 129 can create difficulties for bicycles, which are gen-
An electronically erally permitted within a car-free area. Thus, in
controlled, card the case of cities with many motorcycles, some
activated bollard
provides both flexibility enforcement plan will also likely be part of the
and solid deterrence. strategy in addition to any physical restraints.
The type of barrier device will vary depending
on the nature of the car-free area. Obviously,
temporary car-free events will require moveable
barriers while a permanent area permits a more
substantive barrier. Aesthetics should also be a
consideration, particularly since these devices
may be one’s first impression at the entrance to
the car-free area. In some cases vegetation can
make for a pleasant introduction to the area
4.2.2 Bollards and barriers (Figure 127). A tree, plant, or flower arrange-
Protecting a car-free area from motorised intru- ment within a planter often falls into the cat-
sions is fundamental to the credibility of the egory of a semi-permanent barrier, one which
project. Even the occasional presence of mo- can be moved but only with some difficulty.
torised vehicles represents a safety concern for Temporary car-free events frequently make use
unsuspecting pedestrians as well as destroys the of readily moveable devices that are both light-
very ambiance that makes car-free areas special. weight and low-cost (Figure 128). These easily
In some cultures, no protective barrier is transferable barriers permit municipal staff and
required. Signage may be sufficient to dissuade police to set-up the car-free event in a rapid
any vehicles from entering during prohibited and efficient manner. These barriers also allow
periods. However, in other cultures, especially fairly rapid removal in cases of needed access
where enforcement is not strong, restrictive by emergency vehicles. Such barriers, though,
infrastructure may be necessary. There are also may not be appropriate in circumstances where
further complications in locales with high levels motorists are likely to simply move the devices
of motorcycle usage. The width of a motorcycle on their own.
makes for easy avoidance of a bollard system. An electronic bollard system provides the flex-
However, devising a strategy against motorcycles ibility of moveable systems but with the security
Fig. 130 Fig. 131

The right combination of seating, vegetation, and lively atmosphere A bench is not simply a bench in Osaka (Japan); it is
are ingredients for a successful public place, as shown here in also a work of art.
Stockholm (Sweden). Photo by Lloyd Wright
92
of a permanent barrier (Figure 129). These placing seating in places to maximise social Fig. 132 and 133
bollards can be either card activated or remotely interactions and ‘people watching’ will tend to Informal seating can
controlled. Access cards can be distributed to become self-reinforcing. A popular area will be as important as
formal seating.
shop owners, delivery companies, emergency likely be a magnet for even more people. A Photos by Lloyd Wright
vehicles, bicycle taxis, and any others who may bench’s proximity to water or vegetation often
have permission to access the area with a vehicle. provides the right environment to attract usage
These systems are relatively commonly used in (Figure 130).
Western Europe. However, whether these sys- The design of the seating will also be a major
tems are cost competitive for developing-nation determinant in usability. Is the seating attrac-
cities depends much on local circumstances and tive and comfortable? Does the seating allow
product availability. persons with disabilities easy access? Is the size
right to accommodate both individuals and
4.2.3 Seating groups? Thus, colour, shape, and size can all
Allowing seating along pedestrian streets sends affect seating usage patterns (Figure 131).
Fig. 134 and 135
a strong message about a street’s sociability. Informal seating can sometimes be as important Low-cost covered
Benches and chairs tell residents that a street to designers and planners as formal seating. walkways in Panama
is intended for more than just individual Persons may take to sitting on the pavement or City (left photo) and
mobility. The location of seating is a significant a bollard or a curb (Figures 132 and 133). Such Bangkok (right photo)
determinant in its usefulness. Locating seating instances may speak to the need for additional provide vital protection
from the elements and
or other urban furniture along a busy roadway seating in an area. However, such examples may add aesthetic value.
is unlikely to attract users. On the other hand, merely indicate that an area has psychologically Photos by Lloyd Wright
93
been adapted as a living room by its residents. However, the functionality of loose chairs in any
In this sense, informal seating can be a highly particular environment depends on local culture
positive development in an area. The existence and local conditions. In some instances, theft
of informal seating, though, does speak to the represents a potentially insurmountable obstacle.
need of keeping all surfaces of public space as Working in tandem with local shop and cafe
clean as possible. owners may be one potential solution to help
Loose chairs have the advantage of allowing police the longevity of the street furniture.
citizens to control their own environment. It is
4.2.4 Covered walkways
said that viewing the location of chairs following
a social gathering provides insights into the type The climatic conditions in many developing na-
of interaction that took place. Loose chairs allow tions are typically not hospitable to pedestrians.
a person or group of persons to determine many The hot and humid nature of many cities in the
of the parameters of their own personal space. south means that low-cost climate protection
measures, such as covered walkways, can im-
Fig. 136
prove conditions appreciably. The right surface
This veranda in
Takayama (Japan) coating and the colour of the surface material
provides pedestrians can also contribute to a degree of temperature
with the option of mitigation. Unfortunately, investments in such
either a covered or low-cost measures are frequently not considered.
non-covered walkway.
Photo by Lloyd Wright Covering walkways can substantially reduce
the temperature experienced by the pedestrian.
Planting shade trees along a walkway is a com-
mon approach that can provide economical pro-
tection from the sun. Vine-type plants within
a lattice structure can be even more effective
in terms of total coverage since such plants can
be tightly layered (Figures 134 and 135). Both
trees and lattice structures also provide some
protection from rain as well. The type of tree or
plant utilised is a major decision that will affect
the quality of the protective covering, overall
maintenance costs, and long-term durability.
Vegetation that is indigenous to the local area
is typically preferred since it will better match
local climatic conditions. In some cases, non-
indigenous vegetation, such as eucalyptus trees,
may require large amounts of water and thus
harm competing plants as well as strain local
water supplies. Non-indigenous species can also
affect indigenous flora and fauna through the
introduction of predator interactions. Indige-
nous plants and wildlife may have little defence
against newly introduced species.
Fig. 137
This fully covered The characteristics of a trees root structure is
walkway in Berlin also a major consideration. If the root structure
(Germany) provides runs horizontally along the street surface, then
full-time protection the surface material may eventually buckle from
but at the same time the pressure of the roots. Thus, in urban areas,
still retains an openness
to the outdoors. tree and plant species with root structures that
Photo by Lloyd Wright grow vertically may be more practical.
94
Besides natural covers, walkways with built extreme climates, there are also arguments to Fig. 138, 139, and 140
structures can also be an option to consider be made for keeping walkways as natural as The form of a street
light is only limited
in some cases. Verandas have been utilised in possible. Separating pedestrians from the urban by the designer’s
many cities as a mechanism to provide protec- environment can tend to make a public space creativity. The examples
tive cover from the elements (Figure 136). In seem more artificial. The presence of sun, sky, show here are from
many instances, verandas are integrated into natural air, and vegetation is one difference Colonia (Uruguay),
between urban space and a shopping mall, and Takayama (Japan),
historical street designs. More recently, some and Nagoya (Japan).
cities have taken to using modern materials in thus the objective should be to keep the car-free Photos by Lloyd Wright
order to cover pedestrian areas, especially on area as natural as possible. At the same time,
shopping streets. Translucent materials can it is recognised that to compete with enclosed
be effective in mitigating rain and heat while commercial centres, urban areas with extreme
simultaneously permitting natural light into climatic conditions may find it necessary to
an area (Figure 137). The height of any street consider mitigating design options.
covering is important in terms of retaining an
4.2.5 Street lighting
airy feel to the area. Low ceilings will tend to
create a claustrophobic feel to the street as well Street lighting is frequently associated with issues
of safety and security. Women and other vulner-
as limit good air flow.
able users of public space may stay away from an
Outdoor cafes typically require some form of area at night if security is a major concern. Light-
coverage for customers in order to realistically ing is one mechanism to reduce such risks. For
operate across a sufficient number of hours, espe- this reason, the luminosity and the coverage of
cially in areas with strong sun or seasonal rains. the lighted area are important design factors.
However, cafes are effectively served by table Street lights also have an important aesthetic
umbrellas, which help retain a strong connection function. The support structures for lights can
between the table and the environment. The have significant visual impacts on the street envi-
provision of blankets to customers helps cafes in ronment. If the street light structures overwhelm
Nordic countries to extend operating times into its environment, then the structures can reduce
non-summer months and evenings. Gas heating the functionality of the street. For this reason,
can also be an option, but of course, the amount some cities choose street lighting designs that are
of energy consumed greatly undermines the fairly subtle in nature. However, cities sometimes
environmental sustainability of the site. choose lighting designs that reflect a particular
While covering or partially covering walkways street style such as historical, modern, contem-
can be an effective measure in many areas with porary, or humorous (Figures 138, 139, and 140).
95
In many parts of the developing world, uncon-

trolled commercial advertisements overwhelm
the street environment. Large and obtrusive
signage tends to detract from the street’s natural
ambiance and make users feel unwelcome. Thus,
some standards on signage can help avoid a
visual cluttering of public space.
Street signage offering information about dis-
tances and points of interest are as important
to pedestrians as they are to motorists. Maps
and information can be particularly useful for
temporary events since residents will only have
a brief period to become accustomed to the
car-free area. The Paris Plage event thus utilises
signage to direct visitors about the area as well
as to inform persons of upcoming activities,
such as concerts and films (Figure 141).
Unfortunately, signage for the pedestrian is often
poorly displayed or lacking altogether (Figure
Fig. 141 Like all forms of street furniture, the design of 142). Signage that indicates the existence of a
A map and information the lighting system should include a considera- car-free area or of a child play street may help
post helps orientate tion of future maintenance and longevity. raise awareness of these areas (Figure 143), and
visitors as well as in areas permitting some car use, such signage
boosts the marketing
image of the event. 4.2.6 Street legibility can be an important warning to motorists.
Photo courtesy of the A street’s visual appearance says much about Poorly maintained pedestrian signage sends a
Mayor’s Office of Paris
its usability. If a street appears cluttered and message telling residents that the pedestrian is
unclear, then the street’s desirability as a desti- unimportant. Signage appropriate at the motorist
nation is reduced. Street legibility refers to the level may be irrelevant at the pedestrian level.
clarity of the street environment in terms of For example, motorists tend to think in terms
colours, placement of street furniture, and use of kilometres (or miles) while a pedestrian is
of signage. more attuned to distances in metres (or feet). In
Fig. 142 Fig. 143 Fig. 144

This sign in Caracas Signage indicates the Signage in Kobe (Japan) giving distances at the
reflects poorly upon the car-free nature of human scale.
car-free area. Oyumino (Chiba City, Photo by Lloyd Wright
Photo by Lloyd Wright Japan).
96
Fig. 145 and 146

The many faces of
public art: Butterflies
in Bogotá (left photo)
and World Cup cows in
Stockholm (right photo).
comparison to signage for motorists, signage for preferences being perhaps the most important.
pedestrians will tend to be more closely spaced In some instances, the municipality selects an
since possible changes in direction are more fre- artist and the ultimate product is entirely driven
quent in a pedestrian environment (Figure 144). by the artist’s creativity. In other instances, a
While some car-free signage may be relevant in committee of citizens may direct the thematic
terms of providing key information, there are nature and purpose of the art. An artist is then
those who argue that less signage is actually selected to meet these requirements. Public
better. In many instances, signage may be unnec- art can take on a range of conceptual intents
essary since the message may be readily obvious. including humour, historical representation,
Like obtrusive commercial signage, official sig- abstraction, and contemporary themes (Figures
nage can also detract from the clarity and beauty 145 and 146). Art is unlikely to be interpreted
the same by any two persons. A successful art
of an area. The premise behind “shared space” is
piece may conjure highly different emotions
that intelligent, simple design may be the best
from different members of the viewing public.
strategy for creating a safe street environment. In
many instances, the message of the signage is so Art is not only interpreted differently but it can
readily obvious that there does not seem to be also be used differently by certain persons. For
any value added to the sign’s message. Extensive example, public art may double as a play object
sign posting is just another means to reduce a for children or it may act as a place of rest for
motorist’s level of uncertainty and may therefore others. This expropriation of street furniture
create a false sense of security.
The task of the planner and designer is to find a
balance between providing vital information in
a clear and attractive manner without becoming
overly obtrusive upon the urban environment.
4.2.7 Public art

Art in its variety of forms can be a source of
both inspiration and introspection. Public art
is unique in its ability to bring these messages
to the broadest possible audience. Instead of
being sequestered behind museum walls, public
art creates spontaneous interactions between
the artist and the public. A person may not set
out to engage an art form on the street, but the
chance meeting can prove highly beneficial to Fig. 147
the health of a city and its citizens. Children transforming
art into a playground
The selection of the art form and its location (Berlin).
are dependent on a range of factors, with local Photo by Lloyd Wright
97
Fig. 148 The choice of a gateway’s style says much about

The entrance gateway to the nature of the particular community. With
Yokohama’s Chinatown an array of design options available to the com-
creates an iconic image munity, gateways essentially represent another
for the community.
form of public art. The selection of a gateway
style and artist can follow similar processes for
developing public art. Since gateways have com-
munity-wide ramifications, a widely inclusive
participatory process is appropriate.
4.2.9 Water
The role of water in public space is too often
forgotten. In fact, cities today have largely long
buried the streams, ponds, and waterways
that once defined the local environment. The
replacement of water with concrete means that
one of a city’s most valuable resources is essen-
tially being forfeited.
However, this oversight is being corrected in
many cities that are rediscovering their past.
Cities such as Berkeley (USA), Bogotá, and
Seoul (South Korea) are demolishing the con-
crete infrastructure that had erased the presence
of a historical waterway (Figures 149 and 150).
for unintended purposes can be considered a Once upon a time the Cheonggyecheon stream
healthy phenomenon (Figure 147). A place does was a defining part of Seoul’s environment. This
not actually become a “place” until it is used in waterway in fact was one of the reasons that
a way different from its original purpose (Eng- Seoul was selected as the capital of the Joseon
wicht, 1999). A successful public space creates Dynasty in 1394. Unfortunately, in the face
opportunities for spontaneous exchange. of modernisation, the waterway was covered in
Fig. 149 and 150
The Cheonggyecheon 1961 to provide better access for private cars. By
4.2.8 Community gateways 1968 an elevated expressway provided another
restoration project in
Seoul represents one A gateway or archway can act to announce a layer of concrete erasing the memory of the
of the most dramatic new district in a way that helps to define the waterway. The Cheonggyecheon project now
urban transformations community. The placement of a gateway at the restores 5.8 kilometres of waterway and histori-
yet to be undertaken. entrance can help draw special attention to a cal pedestrian bridges, creates extensive green
Images courtesy of Seoul
Metropolitan Government. car-free area (Figure 148). space, and promotes public art installations.
98
represents an opportunity to re-instil a city’s Fig. 152

sense of community. Water can actually serve Mist spraying devices,
a wide variety of roles. A body of water can such as this example
in Aichi (Japan), are
Fig. 151
provide a contemplative focal point for residents. an economical solution
A series of fountains in London makes for a The calming sight and sound of water can for making public
child’s paradise. invoke a sense of serenity. Water can also serve life more comfortable
Photo by Lloyd Wright as an art form through its visual presentation. in cities with hot
In some instances, water displays are combined summer temperatures.
In other cities as well, transport infrastructure Photo by Lloyd Wright
has too often separated a city from its physical with light and music to entertain the passer-by.
and historical legacy. For much of the twentieth Water can also represent a source of fun and
century, waterfronts were unfortunately seen as merriment, especially for children (Figure 151).
ideal locations for the construction of express- Like other aspects of street furniture, water
ways. However, there are a few cities where this helps to create diversity in the urban environ-
process is being reversed. In the US, cities such ment. This diversity helps to represent a pattern
as Portland, San Francisco, and Milwaukee break that engages the eye to help stimulate a
have demolished roadways to reconnect these citizen’s attachment to the city.
cities with their waterfront. The ability of a Water also provides several public services.
roadway to sever the physical and psychological Besides the provision of drinking water, infra-
connection between the residents and their structure is required to prevent local flooding
waterfront cannot be underestimated. The in times of heavy rain. Many former streams
difficulty in crossing such a barrier in combina- reside as storm drains underneath the vehicle
tion with the resulting noise and contamination tarmac. Resurrecting the visibility of these
means that a city is forfeiting an important streams maintains this drainage function
economic asset. Water represents a significant while at the same time providing a valuable
economic attraction in terms of tourism and public amenity. Cities such as Bogotá and Ber-
other business opportunities. Based upon a keley (US) have unearthed forgotten streams
study by the Seoul Development Institute to re-connect the urban environment with the
(2003), the Cheonggyecheon restoration project natural environment.
will produce economic benefits of between 8 In the warm climates of developing-nation cities,
trillion and 23 trillion won (US$8 billion to water may also be utilised to provide relief from
US$23 billion) and create 113,000 new jobs. extreme temperatures. Cities in Asia are increas-
At the street level, the development of canals, ingly making use of mist sprayers to refresh
channels, fountains, and basins likewise citizens making use of public space (Figure 152).
99
4.3 Integration infrastructure competitive with cars for many applications

(Figure 154). Of course, the use of electric assists
“Every time I see an adult on a bicycle, I no longer
both increases vehicle costs as well as reduces the
despair for the future of the human race.”
—H.G. Wells (1866–1946)
overall environmental performance. However, a
well-designed car-free environment in conjunc-
A car-free area does not imply that walking is tion with bicycle use means that residents can
the only form of permitted mobility. The bicycle access most day-to-day needs quite easily.
is typically envisioned as a primary option
Cycle way infrastructure can take a variety of
within such areas. There also exist “car-free”
forms depending on local circumstances. The
areas in which public transport is fully permit-
options can include fully segregated cycle ways
ted. There are even instances where taxi vehicles
as well as examples of cycle ways integrated
may be allowed to an extent.
within the roadway or pedestrian path. In
Further, at some point, the car-free world gives developing cities, the proper width of the cycle
way to the car-dependent world, and thus way should accommodate the myriad of work
some provisions for interaction between the bikes that are utilised for both informal vending
two areas must be devised. For example, park- and cargo loads.
ing facilities for visitors should be strategically
However, given the difference in speed between
located to provide convenience and integration
bicycles and pedestrians some caution must
without deterring from the quality of the car-
be involved in handling the non-motorised
free experience.
mix within denser communities. Just as cars
4.3.1 Bicycles have the ability to overwhelm cyclists from the
streets, cyclists can potentially create similar
Accommodating bicycle usage in the car-free
problems for pedestrians.
environment should be a top design priority.
The bicycle is an ideal non-polluting vehicle to Thus, in zones with dense pedestrian movement,
ease travel beyond distances convenient by foot. cyclists may be requested to dismount from
Cities that excel with car-free areas, such as their bikes and walk through the area. In other
Amsterdam, Copenhagen, Bogotá, and Curitiba, instances, separation of the two modes may be a
also have exceptional bicycle networks. The two solution. The colouration of the cycle way surface
concepts are mutually reinforcing (Figure 153). is one high-profile technique used to differenti-
ate bicycle space. There are also various other
Fig. 153 In a recent survey by the BBC, the humble
mechanisms for physically segregating the lane.
Bicycle parking bicycle was voted the most important inven-
in the Dotonburi tion of the past century (BBC, 2005). Recent
district of Osaka is
well-integrated with advances with work bikes (bicycles with trailers)
the pedestrian zone. as well as human-electric hybrid vehicles means
Photo by Lloyd Wright that such vehicles can begin to be functionally
Fig. 154
A human-electric hybrid vehicle on display in
Aichi (Japan).
100
However, the “shared space” concept introduced station, the coin is fully returned to the user. If Fig. 155 and 156
in section two of this module encourages a peace- the bicycle is parked away from a bicycle station, In Tokyo’s Asakusa
ful co-existence of the different modes. In such then anyone can return it and collect the 20 district (left photo),
shared space between
instances, people will tend to simply use com- DKr coin. The brightly painted advertisements cyclists and pedestrians
mon sense to share street space. In most Japanese on the bicycles helps to pay for maintenance permits flexible access
cities, car-free shopping streets permit a mix of (Figure 157). While bicycle theft had plagued for both modes. In
both pedestrians and cyclists (Figure 155). This many of the initial attempts at city-bike pro- Bogotá (right photo),
grammes, modern technology in combination segregated cycle
mix seems to function quite naturally without ways provide rapid
the need for any restrictive measures on cyclists. with simple design changes has largely elimi-
mobility for cyclists.
However, it is also recognised that within car-free nated this concern. The Copenhagen bicycles Left photo by Lloyd Wright
areas, some segregated cycle ways may be appro- are fitted with a chip to permit GPS-based Right photo courtesy of
Bogotá City Hill
priate (Figure 156), especially when cyclists are tracking. Further, the shape and size of the
bicycle components are unique to the City-Bike
commuting across an area and can benefit from
and thus rendering theft of components to be
reduced spatial conflicts with pedestrians.
ineffective (Poulsen and Mozer, 2005).
Additionally, bicycles require other types of
supporting infrastructure to be fully utilised
by the public. Bicycle parking stations within a
car-free area is quite important in realising the
full usability of the bicycle. Parking facilities
at major destinations, such as offices, schools,
commercial centres, etc., help to make bicycle
usage more convenient. The types of bicycle
parking facilities vary considerably, depending
on costs, the space available, and the degree of
theft risk experienced in an area.
Rent-a-bike facilities can be particularly useful
for casual users. Cities in Denmark, France,
Germany, The Netherlands, and the US all host
different rent-a-bike schemes to encourage non-
motorised travel. One of the most well-known
examples is the “Free City-Bike” programme
of Copenhagen. Uniquely designed bicycles are Fig. 157
distributed throughout Copenhagen at special Copenhagen’s “City
Bikes” provide free
bicycle rental stations. A person only needs to mobility to residents
insert a 20 DKr coin (US$3.30) to gain access and visitors.
to a bicycle. Upon returning the bicycle at any Photo by Lloyd Wright
101
Fig. 158 consumption of large amounts of urban space for

Bogotá’s Alameda vehicles is precisely the reason most cities are not
Jimenez integrates a able to devote more space to car-free usage.
pedestrian zone with an
exclusive busway. The successful development of bus rapid transit
Photo by Carlos Pardo (BRT) systems has brought the power of mass
transit to a whole new set of developing cities,
including Bogotá, Curitiba, Jakarta, Quito,
and São Paulo. BRT is a low-cost mass transit
option that emulates the amenity features of
rail-based systems but at a fraction of the cost
(Wright, 2004). Combining a car-free initiative
in conjunction with a BRT project creates a
mutually-supporting package that provides a
definitive alternative to growing motorisation.
As noted earlier, the “transit mall” is a design
that permits public transport access through
a designated car-free area (Figure 158). How-
ever, surface transit vehicles must take extra
precaution in such areas to avoid accidents with
pedestrians and cyclists. Since car-free areas
allow greater pedestrian freedom of movement,
people will tend to be less aware of the occa-
sional transit vehicle. Thus, the speed of surface
transit vehicles (bus or rail) must be sufficiently
reduced to allow for adequate reaction time.
Grade-separated transit through such areas is
an option that avoids these risks. However, the
cost of grade-separation (elevated rail or subway
systems) is often somewhat prohibitive for
developing-nation cities. Another alternative is
to close cross-street access for pedestrians. In
Fig. 159 The provision of shower and wash-up facilities the historical centre of Quito (Ecuador), barri-
In its historical centre, for cyclists can also be an important infra- ers prevent pedestrians from entering into some
Quito utilises barriers structure component, especially for cities with areas of the BRT system (Figure 159). In this
to guide pedestrians warm climates. Persons arriving at the office case, pedestrians can only cross at designated
along the busway.
Photo by Lloyd Wright by bicycle will likely wish to freshen-up before crossings. However, the restriction on pedes-
proceeding to work. trian movements within a car-free area is a
controversial topic. Such restrictions tend to be
4.3.2 Public transport in conflict with the main premise of such areas,
Public transport and pedestrian zones are actu- namely the freedom of movement for all.
ally two mutually dependent concepts. In order Whether separation between public transport
to be financially viable, public transport depends and the pedestrian area is required most likely
upon a high volume of customers. Pedestrian depends upon the volume of persons being
zones are ideal feeders into the transit system moved by the transport system. If the public
due to the high densities permitted in such areas. transport vehicles are operating on headways
Likewise, public transport supports pedestrian (i.e., frequencies) of just a few minutes, then
zones by allowing access without the need for separation may be the realistic option. On the
the private vehicle. Public transport essentially other hand, if volumes are much lighter than
frees up a considerable amount of urban space this, then a shared space arrangement, in which
that would otherwise be required to move an transit and pedestrians share the same space,
equal number of persons by private vehicle. The may be appropriate and safe.
102
Fig. 160 Fig. 161

Lipscani Street in the historical core of Taxis act as a feeder
Bucharest (Romania) is technically a car-free service to the car-
street since it does not allow motorised vehicle free area in Kuala
movement during the day. However, the Lumpur’s Chinatown.
median of the “car-free street” is used as an all- Photo courtesy of City
Hall Kuala Lumpur
day car park.
4.3.3 Parking
"Ample cheap and free parking is a significant way
in which motorists are subsidized. Real estate
Fig. 162
values in urban areas are costly, yet motorists are Bicycle taxis are the
allowed to use up to 100 square feet of public space ideal feeder service to
for the storage of their vehicles. What reserves the car-free areas since such
side of the street to be used for the sole purpose of vehicles can deliver
parking cars? Could one use the space for storage customers directly to
their destination.
instead? To put a trampoline, maybe? Could one Photo (Berlin) by Lloyd Wright
open up a futon in a parking space and sleep
overnight? What privileges car owners to eat just outside the housing development. Likewise,
up such valuable urban space, when others pay some parking provision is typically made for
visitors to the area.
hundreds of dollars for apartments hardly bigger
than a parking space?" The key to successful parking in both these in-
—Philip Goff, 1997 stances is insuring that the parking facility does
not deter from the car-free experience inside the
Parking is a relevant issue for some car-free
car-free zone (Figure 160). The chosen location
shopping streets and car-free housing projects.
should ensure that noise from vehicles, either
Shop owners may insist on access options for
from operation or through car alarms, does not
clientele arriving by private vehicle. In such
penetrate the car-free area. Further, the access
instances, parking facilities will likely be pro-
points for vehicles should be sufficiently clear of
vided at the outer fringes of the car-free zone. any areas frequented by children or other vul-
Vehicle owners will then walk to the centre, or nerable persons. People living and/or working in
they will arrive via public transport from the a car-free area may be less attuned to the risks of
parking area. vehicles. The transition zone from the car-free
Car-free housing projects that permit car owner- world to the car-dependent world can thus be a
ship will likely need to develop parking areas high-risk area requiring special design attention.
103
4.3.4 Taxis 4.4 Interface with architecture and

Taxi vehicles can be an appropriate feeder serv- land-use
ice into a car-free area. This is especially true for “Many people have never experienced a magical
residents approaching from areas without suffi- place, and they are the poorer for it…Magical
cient population density for cost-effective public places are characterized by human scale, rich
transport services. Like public transport, taxi detail, beautiful setting, harmonious sounds, and
services and car-free areas can actually operate evocative scents. They require an appreciative
to mutual benefit. The taxi services bring cus- public to come alive: people involve themselves
tomers into the area and thus support the zone’s in the magic, helping to sustain it…We should
financial viability. The pedestrian zone provides take up the creation of magic as a shared civic
a concentration of customers for taxi operators responsibility. To leave a magical place for future
and thus helps to simultaneously increase rev- generations is admirable. To do so without thought
enues and reduce costs (Figure 161). Formal taxi of profit is noble. Few of the places we have built
stations at the fringe of car-free areas reduce in the 20th century are ever magical, and many
the need for taxis to needlessly travel the city in are downright repulsive. If we bring this magic
search of customers. Instead, a continual flow
back into our lives, we will be happier people.
of customers from a popular car-free area means
The task lies within our grasp: we need but the
that taxi operators do not need to consume
will to achieve it.”
petrol for this purpose. This scenario is a win —Joel Crawford, 2000
for residents, shop-owners, and the taxi opera-
tors. Likewise, the community at large also wins 4.4.1 Building design and car-free areas
from the reduced traffic congestion, noise, and Good design starts with a customer, the person
air emissions. on the street. Everything else, the street, the
An increasingly popular option to consider buildings, and the larger urban form should be
is modern bicycle taxis, which can provide a moulded to this customer’s needs and wants. A
zero-pollution and zero-noise option for access- building’s architecture should be the last com-
ing a car-free area. Bicycle taxis have enjoyed a ponent designed after a thorough examination
renaissance with new applications in cities such of the street’s usage patterns (Soholt, 2004).
as Berlin, Kyoto, Nagoya, New York, Paris, and Unfortunately, many city centres today are not
Tokyo (Figures 162). The added advantage of based on this premise. Instead, a developer will
the bicycle taxi is their compatibility with the construct an office tower that does not com-
car-free concept, and thus allowing access to municate with the street. Sterile, unfriendly
destinations within the car-fee area. walls create a chasm between the building and
the street environment. Mirrored windows tell
strolling pedestrians that they are not welcome.
There is little intrigue or novelty to the streets
lining the rows of many modern office blocks.
Many designers and architects are now trying to
reverse such practices and create a more friendly
and human-oriented interface between building
architecture and the street. Buildings that enve-
lope the street to form the shape of living rooms
can make citizens feel welcome and comfortable
in their surroundings (Figure 163). Small-sized
plazas help give the street environment a feeling
of intimacy. Ensuring that green space is always
just a short distance away ensures a healthy
connection between the city and nature. Au-
thors such as Alexander (2002) and Gehl (1987
and 1996) have done much to document design
104
concepts that begin to restore a focus on human Fig. 163

usage of the urban environment. Enclosed spaces and
plazas can create an
Building heights also influence the perceived intimate and intriguing
human friendliness of an area. While high-rise environment.
development does deliver the type of densi- Photo by Lloyd Wright
ties favouring urban dynamism, there are

sometimes trade-offs in terms of aesthetics and
sociability. Crawford (2000) uses the concept
of floor-area ratio (FAR) as a mechanism to
compare different configurations. The following
equation provides the basis for calculation of an
area’s FAR:
Floor-area ratio (FAR) = Plot ratio x Number of stories

Plot ratio = Proportion of property taken by building(s)
Table 19 provides a comparison of different FAR

values.
Table 19: Comparison of
floor-area ratios (FAR)
City or Floor-area ratio
Community type (FAR) of urban forms and architectural styles. Cities
Hong Kong 3.73 such as Buenos Aires and Paris are able to create
Central Venice 2.69 intriguing street environments with architecture
Single-family housing 0.23 that is moderately high-rise in nature. The
Source: Crawford (2000)
dynamism propagated by Manhattan’s ultra
high-rise configurations is a defining aspect
Crawford (2000) recommends a FAR of 1.5, of the city, and certainly something that few
which, for example, could be achieved by plac- would want to change. By contrast, the charm
ing a four-story building on 37.5% of a site’s and intimacy created in lower-rise cities such as
total area. Crawford also notes that promoting the historical centres of Latin American cities
buildings with fewer floors can eliminate the and many Italian cities likewise holds much
need for elevators. The cost and amount of promise for those designing a car-free future. In
space consumed by an elevator can free up each case, the history and cultural preferences
significant resources, especially in the context of of the particular city are the guiding factors.
the developing-nation city. Design that tries to over-ride local history and
While much of this type of discussion is local preferences is bound to fail. A car-free
directed towards to car-free development on project should compliment and build upon local
greenfield sites, architectural design is still considerations while at the same time seek to
relevant for car-free conversions in existing create a more sustainable urban form.
communities. The existing urban form of many 4.4.2 Land-use and car-free areas
developing cities, especially in Africa and Asia,
Land-use refers to the manner in which urban
already house medium- or high-density popula-
form is shaped through policy actions and
tions within relatively low-rise development.
consumer preferences. Land-use is often best
Thus, such communities may be well-positioned
characterised by what is known as the “3Ds”:
for conversion to effective car-free designs. Density, diversity, and design. If developed
It should also be noted that it is difficult to through a mutually-supporting package of
make generalisations on the appropriateness of measures, the 3Ds can be the basis of creating a
particular design patterns given the diversity viable car-free environment.
105
to reach financial viability. The car becomes

a necessity to cross such distances. Higher-
density communities can provide a sufficient
customer base within a walking distance. For
this reason, a fortuitous circle of relationships
exist between urban density, vehicle ownership,
energy use, and vehicle emissions. Newman
and Kenworthy (1989) were among the first
to recognise the relationship between urban
density and energy use. Low-density cities
demonstrate a significantly higher degree of
auto-dependency.
Diversity refers to creating a mix of uses within
a local area. By combining residential and com-
mercial uses into a single area, the number of
trips and the length of travel are both reduced.
People are able to meet most of their daily needs
without resorting to motorised means. Further,
people are able to link multiple tasks (shopping,
school, social visits, etc.) into a single trip rather
Fig. 164 Areas with medium- and high-density popula- than travelling separately over long distances for
This example of tions provide a critical mass of inhabitants each task (Figure 164). Litman underscores this
mixed-use planning in to support shops and public services without
Brighton (UK) places point with the following recommendation for
housing units over requiring access by motorised vehicles. In low- car-free areas (Litman, 2004):
ground-floor shops. density areas, customers must be drawn from “Encourage the development of diverse pe-
a wider area in order for commercial centres destrian-oriented activities that attract a broad
Fig. 165 and 166

Curitiba’s land-use
success is based
on policies such as
densification around
transit corridors (left
photo) and applications
like the “Citizenship
Street” (right photo).
Left photo courtesy of the
Municipality of Curitiba
Right photo by Vera deVera
106
range of customers and clients, including 4.5 Designing for street conversions
retail and commercial services, housing and
“The future is only limited by our imagination–and
employment. Apartments and offices can
that is child’s play.”
often be located over shops.” —David Engwicht, 1999
Transit-oriented development (TOD) is another There is a story about two economists that is
mechanism used to encourage higher-density, used as a lesson on the efficiency of the open
mixed-use areas. TOD projects will create market:
development nodes around public transport
“Two economists are walking down the street.
stations. The higher-density development at the
The first one looks down and exclaims, ‘There
stations helps to reduce trips while simultane-
is a $20 bill on the ground.’ The other one
ously providing rapid connectivity to other
turns to him and says, ‘That‘s impossible. If it
parts of the city. In many instances, property
were there, someone would have picked it up
values around stations and TOD sites tend to be
already’.“
higher, reflecting the greater value people place
on quality access. This story implies that the market will react to
profitable opportunities as quickly as they arise.
Curitiba has successfully concentrated housing, If such a golden opportunity really exists, why
offices, and key public services around the city’s has someone not already seized upon it? Of
bus rapid transit system. Through zoning ord- course, someone will always have to be the first,
nances, the city only permits high-rise develop- but given the number of entrepreneurs in the
ment along the public transport corridor (Figure world, the odds are very low for any one indi-
165). Further, the municipality has created vidual (Harvard Business School, 2005).
“Citizenship Streets” in which public services
But what if the ground itself is the $20 bill?
such as health care, counselling, employment
What if residents saw their streets for something
services, gymnasiums, and libraries are located other than storing and moving vehicles (Figure
together along with shopping in order to create 167)? The street itself has an inherent value
a convenient single destination for area residents based on local property markets. In the city
(Figure 166). The Citizenship Streets are fully centre or a desirable residential area, each square
pedestrianised and are typically located near metre of space can in fact be quite valuable. Fig. 167
one of the city’s public transport nodes. Beautiful architecture…
For the most part, the street is assumed to be
Densification around transit stations provides a shame about all
untouchable real estate that exists outside of the metal boxes
many benefits to the municipality beyond just common property markets. However, what if a stored out front.
the reduction of traffic. Delivering public serv- community agrees to close its streets to traffic Photo by Lloyd Wright
ices to denser developments is far less costly
than delivering the same services to sprawl
locations. A sampling of cost data from mu-
nicipalities in the US state of Kentucky showed
an order of magnitude difference in service
delivery costs. For example, in one dataset, the
cost of providing core public services (police,
fire, roads, schools, sewer, and solid waste) to a
concentrated area was US$88 per residence. By
contrast, the delivery of the same services to a
sprawl location was US$1,222 (Berger, 2001).
Policies and investments that support higher-
density, mixed-use development will help to
prepare communities for car-free options. Once
a community builds a critical mass of residents
and key destinations, dependence on motorised
vehicles can largely be curtailed.
107
Fig. 168: Sample design for a street conversion
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and is granted municipal approval? At this stage, lower vehicle ownership levels in developing cit-
a whole reshaping of the street environment is ies allow more flexibility with such approaches.
possible. The street could be become a park, a Households without cars may be particularly
plaza, a play area, a sports field, a swimming keen for this type of transformation. However,
pool, a community centre, plots of urban ag- these cities do face challenges in financing such
riculture, or a combination of all of these. The a conversion. Simply closing a street is not nec-
addition of such amenities would quite likely essarily a costly endeavour, but adding a range
have a highly positive effect on property values. of amenity features such as park and play areas
can require some capital expenditures. A com-
Street conversions could be particularly relevant
bination of financial resources from the local
in developed nations where current urban densi- government and the residents may be possible,
ties are often too low to support economically- but in some developing cities other resources
viable public transport. Converting street space may be required.
into a mix of green space, residential space, and
An alternative financing scheme could involve
small retail shops could conceivably be a solution
a sort of “grand bargain” with private sector
to the long-term sustainability of lower-density
developers. In this scenario, private developers
communities. Although some experimentation
are given property rights to portions of the
of this type is beginning to occur in Western
street in exchange for financing the entire
Europe, popular support and political will to street conversion. Thus, some of the street space
apply street conversions is still lacking. would be converted to residential and/or com-
In developing cities, the political challenges to mercial uses while other portions would remain
gaining resident approval to such a scheme can as purely public space. An illustration of this
be less daunting than in wealthier cities. The type of street conversion is given in Figure 168.
108
Fig. 169 and 170

Many developing cities,
such as Vientiane
(Laos), have limited
street infrastructure.
A street conversion
can be the ideal time
to make upgrades.
This figure illustrates just one possible design ship. Additionally, the amount of space being
scenario; the actual usage pattern would depend privatised would be of similar value to the
on local circumstances and resident preferences. cost of upgrading the remaining public space.
In this example, some parking is included at the Likewise, residents could gain value through
fringe of the car-free area in order to cater to a range of simultaneous infrastructure im-
visitors and/or car-sharing schemes. provements. In many developing-nation cities,
In order to reduce visual obstruction of views communities lack storm drains and properly
from current residences, the new street devel- functioning sewer systems (Figure 169). Pro-
opment would likely have to be ground-level viding such infrastructure could be tasked to
activities. Thus, businesses like day care centres the private developer. The project could also
(crèches), small shop kiosks, outdoor cafes, and be an opportunity to put unsightly power and
sports clubs could all be quite appropriate. The telephone lines underground (Figure 170), or
addition of some residential densification would the project could be used to acquire high-speed
also improve the viability of shops in the area as telecommunications access.
well as entice improved public transport services. Street conversions represent one of the most
This sort of public-private exchange is not exciting new opportunities within the car-free
without some sacrifices. Portions of previous movement. For developing cities, the conver-
street space have become private holdings, sions can be an impetus to speed delivery of
although this impact may be somewhat miti- badly needed infrastructure. Street conversions
gated by making the property a long-term lease may yet prove that there are still some $20 bills
rather than a permanent transfer of owner- on the ground.
109
4.6 Designing for special needs land-use and transport plans that are child
“If we can build a successful city for children we friendly. Box 7 summarises some of these rec-
will have a successful city for all people.” ommendations.
—Enrique Peñalosa, In response to concerns over child travel, the
former mayor of Bogotá, Colombia concept of “Safe Routes to School” has been
created in order to provide safe access for
Most cities today are built around the needs of
children. Under such schemes, children are
the private vehicle and not people. The size and
relegated to pathways safely cordoned off from
structure of roadways are designed to meet the
contact with vehicles. Alternatively, children
requirements of vehicles. Likewise, the parking
are herded into a “Walking School Bus” in
requirements of vehicles can largely shape the
which large groups of children are chaperoned
design of both streets and buildings. Accom-
by adults on their walk to school. While these
modating the private vehicle has meant making
efforts are commendable in their intent on
adjustments in where and how people live.
reducing accidents, such interventions can send
Alternatively, urban design could be approached the following sort of message: “Cars have such
from an entirely different perspective. What precedence in our lives that the behaviour of
if streets were designed around people, and children must be adapted to accommodate
specifically around the most vulnerable of users? vehicles first.”
By approaching streets from the perspective of
For this reason, the inventor of the “Walking
a child, the form of a city would most likely be
School Bus”, David Engwicht, has suggested
pleasant for everyone. Child-led design will also
that a better response may be to adapt the
tend to favour car-free environments.
automobile to children rather than the other
Children are particularly susceptible to the way around. Instead of “safe routes to school”,
negative impacts of motorisation. The develop- children really seek something more adven-
ing bodies of children are sensitive to pollutants. turous and interesting. Engwicht has thus
Children living near major roadways are linked developed a new concept known as “Adventure
to higher levels of leukaemia and other cancers. Trails” in which children are given a wider remit
Curb-side emissions from car tailpipes can be in options for school travel (Engwicht, 2004).
quite concentrated and can particularly affect The idea of “Adventure Trails” fits well with the
“walking children and children in strollers who notion of car-free areas since children clearly
are generally closer to tailpipes” (Gilbert and have more freedom within such areas.
O’Brien, 2005, p. 14).
Likewise, designing a space with attention to
The lack of opportunities for walking and the needs of other vulnerable groups (such as
outdoor play in car-dominated cities is also an the elderly, the hearing impaired, the sight im-
increasing worry for children. Childhood obesity paired, and the physically disabled) can ensure
has been linked to lifestyle changes brought on an improved space for everyone. Removing un-
by reduced opportunities to play and by more necessary grade separations and curbs reduces
time spent on sedentary indoor activities. Spon- risks for all groups. The provision of ramps is
taneous, unstructured play helps strengthen a not only beneficial to persons in wheelchairs but
child’s long-term social skills. Permanent car-free likewise helps mothers with strollers and anyone
areas provide a ready-made environment for such moving goods by carts. A simple raised pave-
play opportunities on a daily basis. Temporary ment marker with colouration can mean all the
events, such as Car-Free Sundays, bring value difference to sight impaired persons wishing to
to children as well by providing a forum for access an area (Figure 172).
physical exercise and community socialisation
(Figure 171). Further, such events may provide
a rare opportunity for all family members to
participate together in a public activity.
The Institute for Sustainable Transport in
Canada has developed a set of guidelines for
110
Fig. 171
Box 7: Guidelines for child-friendly Quito’s Sunday car-
land-use and transport planning free event provides
exercise and family
n In transport and land-use planning, the needs interaction for children.
of children and youth should receive as much Photo by Carolina Juna
priority as the needs of people of other ages
and the requirements of business.
n Within each municipality designate a staff
member (and perhaps also a council mem-
ber) as responsible for bringing a children‘s
perspective to transport and land-use plan-
ning issues.
n As may be appropriate, establish or adapt
one or more forums for children and youth to
provide input as to the application of these
guidelines.
n Identify where children and youth want to
go or need to go and, to the extent possible,
provide ways of getting there by foot.
n Explore pedestrian routes used or to be used
by children to ensure that they are as usable
and safe for them as possible.
n For older children and youth, ensure that
destinations which are too far for walking
are no more than a bicycle ride away.
n For younger children, ensure that sidewalks
are suitable for their tricycles and bicycles.
n At destinations, provide secure, convenient
bicycle parking.
n Ensure that every part of a transit system is
safe and welcoming to a child, and afford-
able.
n Avoid transfers by routing vehicles where
children want to and need to go; make trans-
fers easy where necessary.
n Keep fares for children low, so as to en-
courage their use of transit systems, with or
without supervision.
n Examine every aspect of the system from
the perspective of a parent with a child in a
stroller, and make adjustments to meet such Fig. 172
a traveller‘s needs. Raised pavement
n Take all possible steps to reduce amounts markers provide
of road traffic generally. invaluable guidance to
Source: Gilbert and O’Brien, 2005 sight-impaired persons.
111
5. Promotion
F irst they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.
—Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948)
Car-free projects are not just about the “hardware” of a new street. It is the “software” of communicating
the new urban form to residents that will ultimately determine whether a project succeeds. Investing
in the communication and promotion of the new area can be as important as any design or physical
aspect of the project.
Fig. 173
In Buenos Aires, the
street is the perfect
place for a tango.
Cities such as Copenhagen have shown that if a city builds a people-friendly environment, then the
residents will indeed take advantage of it. However, cities can do much to further encourage the
development of a new street culture. Car-free projects may require several months before becoming
fully known amongst the local population. Years may even pass before residents firmly establish new
usage patterns. This initiation period is particularly important for cities without an existing street
culture.
This section outlines techniques for marketing a car-free area as well as offering specific suggestions
on promotional activities.
5.1 Marketing The marketing strategy will be composed of
“You cannot solve a problem with the same mindset several different elements including the develop-
that created it.” ment of:
—Albert Einstein (1879–1955) n An institutional image
n Campaigns tailored to specific audiences
The marketing of a car-free project refers to an
n Specific marketing products (advertisements,
informational and educational process by which
the benefits and use options of an area becomes models, images, etc.).
known to the wider public audience. A success- The marketing process may start through a
ful marketing campaign does not happen by segmentation of the targeted audiences. This
accident. Instead, a concerted marketing strat- segmentation process is quite similar to the
egy is devised to promote the car-free concept stakeholder analysis discussed earlier in this
across a range of audiences, including those document. There will be some information that
stakeholders who may not be initially support- is appropriate at the broadest level of audiences
ive of the project. The ultimate object is to gain while in other instances, individual groups,
the overall acceptance for car-free development such as motorists and shop owners, should be
and to encourage public usage of the areas. targeted with highly specific messages.
112
Fig. 174, 175, and 176

The logos and slogans
used in cities such as
Quito, Bogotá, and
Paris give the car-free
events a unique identity.
Photos of Quito and Bogotá
by Lloyd Wright
Paris photo courtesy of the Mayor’s
Office of Paris
Understanding the demographics of the relevant project. Developers of car-free events, such as a
population and existing attitudes towards car- Car-Free Sunday, will likely utilise an institu-
free development is fundamental to developing tional image for promotional reasons. However,
an effective marketing campaign. Marketing projects involving car-free housing and perma-
professionals will frequently make use of “focus nent car-free conversions may also benefit from
groups” to better understand the inherent con- creating a tangible identity.
cerns and impressions of the specific audience. The words “car-free” may or may not be the
Focus groups involve interview sessions with a right selling point; much depends on the local
representative sampling of the targeted audi- context and the targeted market. While the
ence. During this process, different campaign words “car-free” are perhaps the most direct and
approaches can be tested upon the participants. accurate description of such projects, for many
Their reactions will help to identify which mes- these words may represent more of a denial of a
sages and which promotional tools work best in resource rather than a particular benefit. Thus,
achieving greater support for car-free objectives. other terms such as “child-friendly” or “clean
The development of an institutional image communities” may be more effective in at-
refers to creating the right combination of logos, tracting a favourable response from prospective
slogans, and colours to represent the event or residents. The International Bicycle Fund (IBF)
113
Fig. 177 The logo, event image, and the slogan can also
This iconic poster be integrated within the overall marketing
of Copenhagen used strategy for a city. Many cities have successfully
the quality of the
city’s public space as created internationally-recognisable marketing
a central theme. images as a means to encourage tourism and
Drawing by Danish artist investment. The quality of a city’s public space
Viggo Vagnby in 1959
is often a major selling point in terms of city
marketing (Figures 177).
An array of media outlets is available to project
promoters, including: Television, radio, news-
papers, flyers, community bulletin boards,
and web sites. There are also an array of other
distribution means, such as posters, t-shirts, and
buttons. In some cases, car-free merchandis-
ing can even represent a potentially lucrative
revenue source. However, any commercialisa-
tion of the concept must be handled carefully.
A proliferation of posters, buttons, and other
paraphernalia may simply end up as more trash
on the street, a state of affairs clearly counter to
the environmental objectives of the project.
Each media option involves a different cost
and a different impact. Television is perhaps
the most significant in terms of reaching large
numbers, but the costs can frequently be pro-
has utilised a good bit of creativity to develop hibitive. However, since events such as Car-Free
a list of alternative names for such events Sundays are typically developed by municipal
(IBF, 2005); a few sample names from this list governments, airtime at a reduced or zero-cost
include: may be possible through public service an-
n City Revival Day nouncements. Automobile manufacturers are
n Clean Air Day the largest spenders of product advertising in
n Green Travel Day the world. In 2001, five of the top ten advertis-
n Safe Streets Day ers were auto related (Wentz, 2002). Thus, it
n See Your City Day may be quite appropriate for municipalities
n Urban Community Day. to target public service time on television as a
These alternative names all help to conjure up modest counter-weight to the advertisement
a particular benefit from a car-free event. The blitz that most consumers are subjected to.
right name will reflect the type of theme that The municipality of Bogotá successfully
residents most highly value. launched a series of high-profile television
Likewise, the choice of a logo involves consid- advertisements for its cycle ways in the late
eration of an image that best inspires interest 1990s. The advertisements were professionally
in resident participation. A well-designed logo produced and distributed through local televi-
should be sufficiently memorable that citizens sion networks. Each advertisement cleverly
will readily associate the image to the event. displayed a small vignette on how the cycle
The logo can take upon a range of forms, such way changed a person’s life. In one case a man
as images from: the natural environment, street is seen bicycling to work and in the next scene
environment, cartoon figures, abstract figures, his doctor is at a loss to explain his surprising
and popular culture. Figures 174, 175, and 176 improvement in fitness and health. In another
provide examples of logos for existing car-free ad, a steady stream of bicycles is seen passing
events. by cars caught in a traffic jam. Such clever story
114
lines can be quite effective in opening citizen Fig. 178

awareness to car-free alternatives. A drawing contest
during the 2001 car-
Even if the project successfully gains prime free day in Surabaya
media access through public service announce- (Indonesia).
ments, achieving actual behavioural change Photo by Reinhard Kolke
will likely still necessitate interactions at the
personal and community levels. The media
can raise awareness, but an additional degree
of interaction is typically required to achieve
actual change. Door-to-door campaigning and
community sessions are time-consuming en-
deavours, but quite valuable in communicating
the benefits of a new urban form. From a marketing standpoint, few relationships
Children are prominent stakeholders in any are more important than the relationship with
car-free project due to their importance as the main media outlets. Developing a press kit
reasons for supporting car-free designs in the that targets messages to journalists will greatly
first place. Involving schools and children in determine the extent to which the project is cov-
the promotional efforts can be another outlet ered by the news media. A succinct press release
in any marketing programme. Winning over along with photos and images should be sent to
young scholars may be one of the best ways to all journalists who cover topics such as environ-
ultimately convince parents of the attributes of ment, health, public space, transport, and local
car-free events and car-free areas. Thus, working governance. Although the project team should
with school districts to adapt some aspects of car- include a communications point person, all
free benefits and car-free design into educational project staff should be well-prepared for journal-
curricula can be quite useful. Further, encourag- ist questions and requests. The development of
ing student involvement through drawing com- an FAQ (Frequently Asked Questions) docu-
petitions and other campaigns helps to raise the ment can help staff deliver factually correct and
project’s profile and popularity (Figure 178). consistent responses to typical questions.
115
5.2 Promotional events 5.2.1 Activism

"The Matrix is a system, Neo. That system is our The use of public space is often a highly-charged
enemy. But when you‘re inside, you look around, issue related to public policies, equity, and even
what do you see? Business men, teachers, lawyers, human rights. Reclaiming the rights of citizens
carpenters: the very minds of the people we are to choose the form of their public space is an
trying to save. But until we do, these people issue directly tied to any eventual adoption of
are still a part of that system… You have to car-free concepts. Thus, it is not surprising that
understand, most of these people are not ready advocacy groups are often at the leading edge of
to be unplugged. And many of them are so inert, promoting more equitable use of public space.
so hopelessly dependent on the system that they While authorities sometimes view such groups
will fight to protect it." as a subversive threat to public order, in fact
—Morpheus in "The Matrix" (1999) most of these groups represent a healthy democ-
ratisation of public space decision-making.
In much of the world today, city streets are not
friendly places. Rather, the public realm is a Citizens in other cities, including developing
place to be avoided due to fears of safety, health, cities, may wish to make note of the techniques
and security. Children are receding from play utilised by these groups. The enthusiasm and
in public places and neighbours are increasingly creativity shown by activist organisations is the
strangers to one another. Against this backdrop, very sort of citizen involvement that can ulti-
even the best car-free area can not be expected mately catalyse real change at the street level.
to deliver instant sociability to the street. Thus,
Critical Mass
promotional events are an important compo-
nent of the marketing effort, especially during On a September day in 1992 in San Francisco, a
the initial start-up period. Entertainment, new movement was born through the actions of a
cultural shows, and sporting events all offer few concerned cyclists. The birth of the “Critical
enticements for people to experience a different Mass” movement resulted in an unleashing of
side of their city. Table 20 lists some of the citizen-based activism that continues to help push
promotional options available to cities seeking forward the car-free agenda. A Critical Mass ride
to enliven their streets. consists of bicyclists riding through a city, often
during the busiest times of the daily commute.
Table 20: Examples of promotional events The ensuing gridlock created is intended as a
Activity type Event reminder that cyclists and pedestrians are part of
the transportation mix as well and that municipal
Commerce • Food markets
• Goods markets leaders need to also cater to the needs of these
groups. A Critical Mass maxim asserts that “We
Leisure activities • Game boards in pedestrian area
• Game tables in pedestrian area do not cause traffic, we ARE traffic”.
• Aerobics classes Critical Mass is not actually a formal organisa-
• Street sports (table tennis, tennis, football, basketball, tion. Rather it is a permeable meeting point for
golf, cricket, etc.)
• Street games
like-minded citizens. The organisation does not
have any formal secretariat or legal registration.
Events/ • Street parties
Performance • Concerts
This unique informal structuring also prevents
• Theatre officials from directly curtailing its existence
• Opera and from persecuting any “official” members.
• Film screenings
The concept of Critical Mass has spread to cities
• Art exhibits
• Showing of films and sporting events on large screens in virtually all parts of the world with large
• Street musicians events having been held in over 300 cities world-
• Street performers wide including London (UK), New York (USA),
• Fashion shows Paris (France), Johannesburg (South Africa)
Informational • Bicycle maintenance clinics (Figure 179), Manila (Philippines), Melbourne
• Bicycle riding lessons and demonstrations (Australia), Mexico City (Mexico), and San-
• Health and nutrition workshops tiago (Chile) (Critical Mass, 2003).
116
While such events are predominantly peaceful,

in some cases, acts of violence have erupted
between cyclists, motorists and police. During
the 2004 convention of the Republican Party in
New York, the police used the opportunity to
clamp down on Critical Mass activities. Wide-
spread arrests of Critical Mass participants have
led to legal and human rights challenges over
police actions. Initial court cases have upheld
the basic rights of Critical Mass participants,
but the harsh actions of police in New York and
other cities have continued.
Reclaim the Streets

the dumping of sand on a London motorway Fig. 179
The “Reclaim the Streets” movement emanates which then acted as a pseudo beach and sandbox Critical Mass in
from a similar philosophical belief as the for family fun and play. Subsequently, Reclaim action on the streets
Critical Mass rides. In the case of Reclaim of Johannesburg.
the Streets events have taken place in other Photo by Lloyd Wright
the Streets, a loose-knit group of activists and UK cities as well as Berlin (Germany), Brussels
citizens descend simultaneously upon a street, (Belgium), Sydney (Australia), and Wellington
converting it into a large street party (Figures (New Zealand) (Reclaim the Streets, 2003).
180 and 181). The idea is to raise awareness that
the streets are a public asset and not just the Space Hijackers
private domain of motor vehicles. More recently, “Space Hijackers” has proven
The first Reclaim the Streets event took place that there is no limit to the creativity that can
in London’s Camden Town in May 1995. In be applied to the cause of public space. Space
rather dramatic fashion, two vehicles feigned an Hijackers is a grassroots movement spawned
accident in the central intersection of Camden. in London in 1999. The group’s young roots
The two motorists subsequently staged a heated include art students, architects, and even
argument that culminated in each taking a skateboarders. With this eclectic background,
sledgehammer to the other’s vehicle. At this the group’s out-of-the-box thinking has pro-
moment, hundreds of participants streamed duced some extraordinary events that have
forward from side-streets and the nearby under- frequently captured the attention of the news
ground station. The ensuing street party lasted media. The group is perhaps best known for its
an entire afternoon. Other events have included “Circle Line Parties” in which groups of people
Fig. 180 and 181

Reclaim the
Street events have
demonstrated that there
exists a groundswell
of citizens who are
ready to take action
on public space.
Photos courtesy of Reclaim the Streets
(http://www.reclaimthestreets.net)
117
Fig. 182 n “Mobile discos” in which organisers bring

The Circle Line parties music to a street or square and encourage
of Space Hijackers have people to dance (Figure 183)
become renowned as a
n “Raaaa!” event in which people dress up as
creative way of making
public transport a wild animals and growl at people in sports
socialising affair. utility vehicles (SUVs) (Figure 184)
Photo courtesy of Space Hijackers
n Using car parking spaces as offices
n Placement of home-made artwork in the re-
strooms of shops and fast-food outlets.
The Space Hijacker concept is also spreading
fast with chapters already operating in New
York and Singapore in addition to London.
simultaneously converge on London subway In virtually every case, Space Hijackers have
cars to hold a party replete with music, bever- shown exceptional creativity in challenging the
ages, and dancing (Figure 182). conventional thinking with regard to public
Like Critical Mass and Reclaim the Streets, space. Participation in the events is not limited
Space Hijackers is an informal association of to simply the core membership of the organisa-
like-minded activists rather than a formally tion. Through the power of the internet and
registered organisation. Its permeable and word of mouth, hundreds of individuals
non-hierarchical structure gives Space Hijackers unrelated to the organisation often participate.
the flexibility to grow and adapt to a variety of The impromptu parties on the London subway
circumstances and opportunities. Also, as is the system have grown to the point where multiple
case with other such organisations, the lack of a train sets are being besieged by party-goers. In
formal structure avoids any unwanted legal at- many cases, the events attract accidental par-
tention from the authorities. Members of Space ticipants who just happen to be in the vicinity
Hijackers are known as “agents” and strive to of the action. For the cricket matches, Space
keep a fairly underground persona in order to Hijacker agents entered a pub in London’s
retain their edge as an activist organisation. financial district and issued a challenge to
A few examples of Space Hijacker actions to those present to take up a game. Many profes-
date include: sionals in suits and ties happily obliged and
n Cricket challenge matches in London’s finan- subsequently played until the late hours of the
cial district and in front of Parliament evening.
Fig. 183 and 184

During “Mobile Disco”
events (left photo),
Space Hijackers bring
music to the street and
encourage everyone
to join in dancing.
SUVs are not the most
practical vehicle in
a city centre (right
photo). Assuming that
SUV owners must be
looking for a safari,
Space Hijackers hold
a “Raaaa!” event
in London’s Chelsea
district by dressing up
as wild animals and
roaring at passing SUVs.
Photos courtesy of Space Hijackers
118
Through its creative approach, Space Hijackers n At Times Square in New York, 400 peo-
are re-defining how collective-action organisa- ple gather in front of a dinosaur display in
tions operate (Space Hijackers, 2005a): a “Toys R Us” store; as a giant mechanical
“The aim of our organisation is to provide a dinosaur roars, the crowd falls to their knees
space where likeminded troublemakers can moaning and waving their arms in worship
n In Central Park, a mob gathered to tweet like
meet and develop projects together. Rather
than the Space Hijackers being a specific birds and crow like roosters
n At a sofa store on Tottenham Court Road in
group of people, it is hoping to become a
space for the production of ideas and events London, a Flash Mob gathered by way of mo-
initiated by a range of people. In this way bile text messaging and proceeded to all simul-
hopefully we can grow and spread whilst still taneously fawn over one particular sofa model
n In Berlin, in front of the US Embassy, people
maintaining a fairly permeable and non-hier-
archical structure. Hopefully this will enable us
gathered to make a champagne toast to a fic-
to remain big and small at the same time.”
tional person called “Natasha”
n In San Francisco (US), hundreds of people
Space Hijacker events are effective in creating a gathered on a street to simultaneously spin
sort of urban fraternity of persons who would around like children
otherwise only be strangers. Such bottom-up mo- n In Birmingham (UK), a flash mob gath-
bilisations can contribute to ultimately achieving ered at an Oxfam charity shop where they
the tipping point in which car-free concepts enter proceeded to remove articles of clothing and
the mainstream consciousness. While this elusive donate them to the shop, while at the same
goal is still far from being realised, the growth of time singing the Red Hot Chili Pepper song
these activist events is a positive sign. “Give it Away”
n In Rome (Italy), hundreds assembled at a
Flash Mob
bookstore to ask for a non-existent title.
In the summer of 2003, a rather unusual public
The phenomenon has spread to developing
gathering in New York launched a phenomenon
nations as well through events in such cities
that rather quickly was being replicated around
as Mumbai (India) and São Paulo (Brazil). In
the world. A Flash Mob “is when a crowd
Mumbai, police officials have since warned that
converges at a specific time and place, usually
any such public gathering of five persons or
organised through the internet, to participate in
more would require prior official approval.
apparent random acts and then dissipate once
complete” (Wikipedia, 2005b). Opinions are somewhat divided as to whether
Flash Mobs contribute to street life and the
The initial mob actions have tended to be
cause of improved public space. For the most
oriented towards a sort of performance art. The
part, flash mob activities have had little to no
first successful Flash Mob took place on 19 June
policy motivation. The events are somewhat
2003 in Macy’s department store (New York).
more akin to pranks rather than actions an-
Approximately 150 people were drawn together
chored in any sort of political consciousness.
by emails and word of mouth to gather at
One of the Space Hijacker spokespersons has
precisely 7:27 pm in the rug section of the store.
commented that (Space Hijackers, 2005a):
Once there, the crowd gathered around a large
Persian rug and began to deliberate on whether “The Flash Mob phenomenon is rather like
to make the purchase. When asked by store per- Space Hijacking or Critical Mass but with the
sonnel of their interest, persons replied that they politics taken out to make it easily consuma-
all lived together in a communal warehouse and ble and mass appealing. It seems a real waste
that they were in the market for a “Love Rug”. to gather everyone together just because you
In fact, until that moment, virtually none of can cause a load of trouble or fun, then all
these participants had ever met. A few minutes disperse.”
later, the crowd dispersed (without the rug). However, Flash Mobs at a very basic level may
Since this initial event, some of the subsequent help people make social connections, and thus
Flash Mob activities have included: can be seen to play some role in the socialisation
119
of streets. As a form of entertainment, Flash are removed and the participants begin good-
Mobs may be useful in adding to a society’s natured combat (Figures 187). Like the original
overall sense of playfulness. Flash Mob, Mobile Clubbing and Pillow Fight
Further, some Flash Mob events do show prom- Clubs have successfully translated itself to many
ise as a possible conduit for a more substantive other cities, especially in North America and
expression. The mob donations at the Oxfam Europe.
charity shop in Birmingham is one such exam- There is a misplaced impression that these events
ple. Additionally, youths in the UK have taken only attract teenage youths. However, across the
to a new art form known as “Mobile Clubbing”. spectrum of the various activist organisations
Mobile Clubbing involves a group of individu- and events, the wide range of ages and back-
als arriving simultaneously at a public place grounds involved is impressive (Figures 188 and
such as a train station. Each person carries their 189). Emma Davis notes that (West, 2004):
own personal music device with a earpiece. As "We have had families turning up at events. We
a group these persons then begin to simultane- have had older people and we have had suits
ously dance to the different music playing in but everyone has fun and there is no trouble."
their ears. People dance individually or together
This diversity of participants may help underpin
or even in the form of a conga line (Figure 185 a sustained existence for organisations such as
and 186). Reclaim the Streets and Space Hijackers.
The concept was developed by musical artist The founder of Flash Mobs is a somewhat anony-
Ben Cummings and his friend Emma Davis of mous figure only known by the name of “Bill”.
London. The events provide a healthy outlet for In a news article interview, “Bill” acknowledged
citizens to express themselves in public space. that the initial emphasis of Flash Mobs was pri-
Equally creative are the various urban “Pillow marily on mindless fun (Bemis, 2003). However,
Fight Clubs” that have emerged since the advent he also notes that such events have an important
of the Flash Mob concept. The Pillow Fights social dimension in terms of people undertaking
involve people arriving at a square or street a shared experience. Further, “Bill” has grown to
with a pillow hidden amongst their clothes or recognise the potential of Flash Mobs to change
belongings. At an agreed upon time, the pillows how public space is perceived (Bemis, 2003):
Fig. 185 and 186

For “Mobile Clubbing”,
all one needs is a
personal music device
and an interesting
public setting. Mobile
clubbers at London’s
Euston Station
(left photo) and at
Paddington Station
(right photo).
Left photo by Peter Burnett
(http://www.image-studio.co.uk)
Right photo by David Hoffman
(http://www.hoffmanphotos.com)
120
Fig. 187
Urban “Pillow Fights”
are a good way to
bring out the inner
child in everyone.
Photo by David Hoffman
(http://www.hoffmanphotos.com)
“And the more I did them, the more I realized any other way, suddenly you’re trespassing.
the mobs actually did have a deeply political New York City is blessed with a bunch of
value. The nature of public space in America real public spaces, but at this point, if you’re
today has changed. It’s shopping malls, large young in America, chances are you have
chain stores, that kind of thing. The presump- grown up without authentic public space.”
tion is that you’re going to purchase some- Flash Mob’s success may also say something
thing, but once you try to express yourself in about how the internet and telecommunications
Fig. 188 and 189

A mix of backgrounds
and ages participate
in urban Pillow Fights
and Mobile Clubbing.
Left photo by Adam Giles
Right photo by Peter Burnett
(http://www.image-studio.co.uk)
121
Fig. 190 such as Critical Mass, Reclaim the Streets, and

A Critical Mass Space Hijackers through arrests and aggression.
participant being For the most part, the activists involved in these
placed under arrest in
New York. activities stress a strictly peaceful approach to
Photo by Dani Simons their projects.
Nevertheless, the Critical Mass rides have suf-
fered from a surge in violence and aggression be-
tween participants, motorists, and local officials.
During the 2004 convention of the Republican
Party in New York, the police used the opportu-
nity to clamp down on Critical Mass activities.
During the convention, the police arrested and
seized the bicycles of 264 participants (Colwell,
2005). Subsequently, for the one-year period
beginning in August 2004, the police have ar-
rested and seized bicycles of another 518 persons
(Figure 190). The legal basis for these arrests is
still unclear given that riding a bicycle on New
York streets is technically not illegal. However,
the police actions are having an impact. The
potentially intentional slow handling of these
cases has meant that many individuals have lost
access to their bicycles for over a year.
The arrests of Critical Mass participants have led
technology can be used to the benefit of the to legal and human rights challenges over police
car-free movement. Through the power of the actions. An international campaign is underway
internet, Flash Mob’s founder notes that the to convince New York city officials to change
future of these interventions can indeed have a their approach to Critical Mass (World Carfree
useful political agenda (Bemis, 2003): Network, 2005). The campaign is also seeking
“The way I’ve come to think of the flash mobs to have the impounded bicycles released back to
is that it was an experiment in using e-mail to
their owners. Initial court cases have upheld the
bring strangers together in a collective ac-
basic rights of Critical Mass participants, but the
tion directed toward simple politics. In these
harsh actions of the police have continued.
specific cases, people choosing fun. My hope In the case of Space Hijackers, official responses
is that someone will take the premises that have varied from amusement and general per-
made flash mobs so popular, and they will plexity to obstruction (Box 8). The variety of
become tools in the tool kits of people who responses perhaps stems from each individual
want to do art projects, or want to do political police officer making his or her own judgement
projects.” decision as to how to react. There is clearly a
sense of uncertainty from local officials on how
Leveraging the power of information and com-
best to respond to these creative projects. Space
munications technologies (ICT) may prove to
Hijacker representatives see this process as being
be pivotal in citizen-led efforts to reclaim public
healthy for both official organisations and the
space. While the Flash Mob concept has waned
public (Space Hijackers, 2005a):
somewhat since its publicised debut in 2003, the
concept lives on through related events, such as “I do find it amusing that the authorities clamp
Mobile Clubbing and Pillow Fight Clubs. down on a lot of our projects, but it is certainly
not unexpected. I think a lot of what we do is
Responses to activist actions pushing the laws of acceptable behaviour until
In many cases, local authorities and police agen- we discover where the line of the law actually
cies have sought to counter the actions of groups lays. Then attempting to push this line back,
122
or highlight the overbearing presence of it. In

Box 8: A dialogue with the some ways the police and authorities do us
London police a service by representing the government
The following is an excerpt from the web site and giving us a body to ridicule and question.
of Space Hijackers, relating their experience I think we hope that eventually a lot of the
with the London police during a Mobile Disco questions we raise will filter through to main-
event. In this case, Space Hijackers had taken stream thinking and affect the way that these
their music box to Old Compton Street, a part of bodies work.”
London’s Soho district. Being one of the more
liberal parts of the city and having a semi-pe- A question for many public officials is whether
destrianised space, Space Hijackers thought activist projects represent an opportunity or
their street dancing would find favour there, and some type of threat to public order. The appro-
they were correct: priate responses from police and other officials
"Almost as soon as the sound system was depends on the situation and the local context.
switched on, we had people joining in to dance The novelty of the approaches and events make
with us. Shop keepers came out of their shops, it difficult for officials to devise a precise policy.
girls and boys put down their bags and a street
The immediate reaction is often to prohibit or
party was started! One girl pulled a football
out of her bag and a game of keepie-up was obstruct such unusual behaviour.
started with shop keepers, dancers, bin men and Upon reflection, though, many of the same
passers-by all joining in. Everyone was happy, authorities may find that such groups are actu-
people had stopped in the street to dance or
ally serving a highly useful purpose for the Fig. 191
just watch, and for a long time there was no
betterment of the city. By challenging ingrained “Vegetarians make
Police presence! Then they came, one car, one
biases into how public space is used, these better lovers!” is the
van, and about fifteen Policemen and women message from PETA’s
(over reaction?) came to close down our party” groups are doing much to open new possibilities
street action in Rome.
(Space Hijackers, 2005b). for cities. While there are appropriately legal Such eye-catching
limitations to what groups or individuals may advocacy can be help
Police official: "You are disrupting the local make public space more
businesses."
do in public space, by showing some flexibility,
public officials may find that these events can interesting for all.
Space Hijacker: "Erm, they are dancing with us." Photo by Alessandro Bianchi,
have a positive side. courtesy of Reuters News Service
Police official: "We don‘t mind, you just have
to stay on the pavement."
Space Hijacker: "Okay then."
Police official: "You have to leave."
Space Hijacker: "But we are on the pavement."
Police official: "It doesn‘t matter. It‘s not the
dancing, it‘s the football."
Space Hijacker: "She has left."
Police official: "I know but you can‘t play foot-
ball here."
Space Hijacker: "We don‘t have a football."
Police official: "You have to leave anyway."
Space Hijacker: "Why?"
Police official: "Because, footballs are
dangerous."
Space Hijacker: "We don‘t have a football."
Police official: "I realise that, but you have to
leave."
And so ended the Mobile Disco
(Space Hijackers, 2005b).
123
Democratising public space public space to draw attention to a particular

Direct action in public space is not just unique product (Figure 192). A health club in New
to Critical Mass, Reclaim the Streets, and Space York sent out models in scant clothing onto
Hijackers. A variety of other organisations with the street in order to demonstrate the benefits
different political objectives have made use of of exercise. State officials in Minnesota (US)
similar techniques. Groups such as Greenpeace wished to demonstrate the benefits of vacation-
and People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals ing in their state; on a Chicago sidewalk, they
(PETA) have likewise used the public forum to placed fishing gear and a rowboat while two
creatively articulate their points of view (Figure outdoorsmen pretended to fish.
191). Whether one agrees with the objectives of Such commercial use of public space is a contro-
such organisations is perhaps not as important versial practice. The expropriation of the public
as the principle of a democratised public space. realm for commercial purposes can discourage
In Hyde Park (London), Speaker’s Corner gives public use of the areas as well as be visually
a public forum for anyone to speak on any par- damaging. In 2001, the company IBM spray
ticular topic. In Johannesburg (South Africa), painted the words “Peace, Love and Linux” on
Graffiti Wall provides a visual forum for anyone San Francisco streets. The firm was subsequently
wishing to artistically express themselves. Any- levied a fine of US$120,000 for defacing
one can legally paint their own graffiti on the public property. Likewise, Microsoft was fined
wall. Graffiti Wall has not only been successful for blanketing Manhattan with promotional
in terms of public expression, but its existence stickers, which could not be easily removed
helps to curb unwanted graffiti in other parts of (Crawford, 2004).
the city. Some corporate uses of public space, though,
may provide some public benefit in terms of
All of these examples illustrate how creative use
entertainment. The singer Avril Lavigne has
of public space can be a quite healthy phenom-
utilised Flash Mob techniques in giving un-
enon. By bringing political debate directly to
scheduled performances at shopping malls in
the street, these groups are actually helping to
order to promote her newest releases. In 2004,
alter how the citizenry views public space.
the music group “U2” gave an unannounced
Private sector uses of public space concert beside the Brooklyn Bridge in New
The inventiveness of Flash Mobs has not been York, and in 1987 the group filmed a live video
lost amongst the corporate world. Firms are on top of a liquor store in Los Angeles.
making use of a concept known as “guerrilla Nevertheless, any private expropriation of
marketing” in which actors play out scenes in public space is a controversial matter that cities
should scrutinise closely before awarding event
approval.
5.2.2 Community-based actions

Communities overwhelmed by traffic, noise,
and pollution do not always have the luxury
of waiting for an inspired political leader to
come along. Quality of life should not be some
ephemeral concept set aside for another day.
The urgency of local conditions may require
citizens to develop their own means for reclaim-
Fig. 192 ing their streets.
Advertisers use a bit of Street parties, festivals, and parades are all
creativity during the event options for the temporary procurement
Sunday car-free event of public space. These events help to develop a
in Bogotá. Such private
use of public space can sense of community as well as possibly setting
be a controversial issue. the stage for future more permanent conversions
Photo by Lloyd Wright of the street.
124
Fig. 193 and vehicles (Figure 195). In other instances, Fig. 194
Banners and artwork in Aichi (Japan) are groups have set up temporary “offices” in city Wedding photos in
effective measures for psychologically giving centre parking spaces. By paying the parking London’s Piccadilly
preference to pedestrians without technically Square, sharing a
taking away space from motorised vehicles. meter and occupying the space, these groups are
personal moment in
Photo by Lloyd Wright making a statement about how current policies a public place can be
often give preferential treatment to cars over quite rewarding.
While citizens may not have the legal authority people (Figures 196 and 197). Photo by Lloyd Wright
to directly take away road space from motorised
vehicles, there are nevertheless other subtle The idea behind these measures is to psychologi-
mechanisms for affecting change. “Psychologi- cally establish the presence of people in the local
environment. In the case of car-lite areas, these
cal reclaiming” is a term given to techniques
simple measures of psychological reclaiming can
that help to change the perception of a street’s
lead to lower vehicle speeds and greater driver
usage (Engwicht, 1999). Psychological measures
may include hanging banners and other artwork
above a street, placing chairs on pedestrian
areas, or writing poetry on pavement stones
(Figure 193). Holding personal events, such
as birthdays, weddings, and anniversaries, in
public space is another form of psychological
reclaiming. Sharing a personal event in this
manner can be enriching to all (Figure 194). As
noted by Engwicht (1999):
“Psychological reclaiming reinstates the lost
social, cultural, and economic functions of
the street. This can be done without taking
one square inch of roadway away from cars. Fig. 195
Physical reclaiming takes back some of the Placing chairs and
physical roadspace and converts this to tables on or near streets
exchange space” (Engwicht, 1999, p. 87). is another effective
psychological measure
In some neighbourhoods, residents have taken to regain public space.
to placing tables and chairs alongside roads to Photo courtesy of Five Roads Forum
(Broughton Road, West Ealing,
help re-establish the balance between humans London)
125
Fig. 196 and 197

Space Hijackers turn
a parking space in
the financial district
of London into a
makeshift office. A
simple mechanism
to raise awareness
of how we use and
perceive public space.
Photos courtesy of Space Hijackers
care in interacting with pedestrians. Engwicht 5.2.3 Games and exercise

encourages children to happily wave at passing Exercise, play, and sports do not just belong
motorists in order to “tame” speeding behaviour locked away in a park or a private club. In
(Engwicht, 2005). Through such actions, mo- many developing-nation cities, proper game
torists become engaged and intrigued with the and sports facilities simply do not exist. The
neighbourhood, resulting in a momentary lapse street is the only available venue for physical
in their otherwise normal pursuit of speed. This exercise. Thus, integrating sporting opportuni-
engagement improves street safety by making ties into urban design can be a highly practical
motorists more attuned to their surroundings. decision in many cities.
Psychological reclaiming will not immedi- The provision of street sports venues is benefi-
ately result in a car-free area. However, these cial from both health and social perspectives.
Fig. 198 measures may begin to prepare an area for full
A chess match on As obesity rates continue to climb in both
pedestrianisation at a later date. Perhaps most
London’s Regent Street developed and developing nations, encourag-
draws players and importantly, these actions send a message to
ing physical activity is a vital strategy to help
spectators alike. political leaders that citizens really do care
contain rising health costs. Additionally,
Photo by Lloyd Wright about the quality of their street environment.
sporting events can draw people out onto the
streets and encourage improved socialisation of
public space. Unlike some events, such as art
displays or concerts, games and sports tend to
be more active than passive. The “active” nature
of participation is fundamental to achieving
an ultimate buy-in from the public to the new
urban form.
Chess and other street games

Chess and other street games are well suited to
the urban environment. The amount of space
required for such activities is relatively small,
and the infrastructure is fairly simple and low
cost. These games can be effective in attracting
members of the public who would not normally
become involved in other street activities. By
offering a wide range of activities and events, a
city is best positioned to encourage the widest
degree of public participation in outdoor life.
126
Games are unique in offering intellectual engage- implications can be prohibitive. However, the
ment on the street and thus can be seen through extent to which financial liability stifles project
their educational benefits. Some games also offer development depends much on local legal codes.
a moderate amount of light exercise for partici- In some cases, the legal code can exempt the
pants, and thus in many instances the games are municipality from any injuries beyond recom-
appropriate for providing activity to seniors. mended usage of the equipment.
Game-based infrastructure can take the form Alternatively, elaborate play infrastructure may
of either the more traditional tabletop variety or not be entirely necessary. Given the right circum-
in fact be part of the street surface (Figure 198). stances, children can be quite skilled at allowing
The choice in part depends on the game as well their imaginations to devise fun-filled play
as the degree to which spectators can be accom- without costly equipment (Figure 199). Simple
modated. Board games such as chess or checkers changes of surface texture, such as sand and Fig. 199
can be played in either setting while activities grass, and soft play objects can provide the right Simple, outdoor play
such as bacci ball require a larger street surface. environment without significant injury risks. is fundamental to a
child’s development
A table-based game provides a more intimate en- Some cities have actually turned to the children and does not need to be
vironment for the players, and thus can enhance to get design ideas for their areas. The involve- elaborate or costly, but
a player’s ability to concentrate. However, a ment of children in designing play areas helps it does require a safe
small table limits the extent to which large to provide “expert” input as well as ensures local street environment.
Photo courtesy of
numbers of spectators can observe the proceed- ownership over the project. Transportation Alternatives
ings. By comparison, utilising a wider street
surface for the game makes for a more vibrant
visual scene and can provide sufficient space
for many spectators. The use of a street surface
area also encourages more player movement
which helps to increase the amount of exercise
undertaken.
Child play areas

Children are typically one of the primary
target audiences for car-free development. The
compromised safety of a car-dependent area
has largely meant that families and children
have long vacated public space. Unsupervised
play outside the home is now a largely forgotten
concept in much of the urban world.
Unfortunately, play opportunities and the sup-
porting infrastructure for play are too often seen
unaffordable luxuries, especially in developing-
nation cities. However, even simple play infra-
structure can pay significant dividends in terms
of creating street life. Play areas can be a sure
way of drawing others to the street. Creating a
playful environment for children can produce a
lively and engaging atmosphere for all residents.
Converting a street to car-free status creates
considerable space for child play equipment.
Unfortunately, municipalities are increasingly
reluctant to provide play equipment due to
liability issues. If the inevitable scrape turns
into litigation against the city, the financial
127
Fig. 200 and 201

Aerobic classes take
over the streets of
Bangkok and Quito.
Aerobics typically occur on streets or parks. The street

To counter the near world-wide pandemic of provides an ideal venue for aerobics, especially
obesity, many city officials are now seeking since the high visibility of the classes helps to
means to reduce spiralling health care costs. attract others.
Initiatives that encourage physical exercise are
one set of simple, practical solutions. Urban golf
Public aerobic classes are particularly relevant The sport of golf is more synonymous with
for developing-nation cities, where only a small artificial greenery and country settings than
minority of the population can afford health a busy city centre. However, “urban golf ” is
club memberships. Further, since pedestrian proving to be an entertaining and creative
conditions in these cities often make walking use of public space. The idea is to organise a
quite difficult, there are few other opportuni- full-fledged sporting event using the urban
ties for exercise. Recognising the benefits of a landscape as the venue. In the case of urban
Fig. 202 and 203 healthier population, cities such as Bangkok, golf, a series of holes are configured around the
Urban golf takes to Bogotá, and Quito have sponsored publicly-held existing urban space. In deference to public
the streets of London. classes (Figures 200 and 201). The classes take and private property, the normal golf ball is
Left photo by Andrea Castanheira
Right photo by Michael Ye Chong place during weekends and/or evenings, and replaced by a softer leather ball and “holes” are
128
defined as manhole covers. Otherwise, the Fig. 204

game is played exactly as normal golf. A test of football skills
during the Surabaya
The urban variety of the sport got its start with (Indonesia) car-free day.
the invention of “crossgolf” in Germany in Photo by Karl Fjellstrom
1992. The sport has now become more formal-
ised with the organisation of actual tourna-
ments. In 2004, the Shoreditch Golf Club held
its first urban golf tournament on the streets
of London (Figures 202 and 203). Tourna-
ments in a range of other cities are now being
planned. Urban golf carries with it the potential
to significantly widen the appeal of a sport
that is sometimes more associated with the
wealthiest segments of society. The developer of
the London tournament, Jeremy Feakes, is an
architect who sees urban golf as a mechanism to
change how people view the urban environment
(Feakes, 2005).
Not all events should or need to be officially
sponsored by the municipality. Events that are
organically developed by individuals or groups In cases of formal street conversions to car-free
can be particularly healthy in terms of creating areas, the replacement of asphalt surfaces
a new street culture. Spontaneous events are a with grass can be appropriate for encouraging
healthy indication that a car-free area is being sports and other play opportunities. Long-term
accepted by the general public. protective infrastructure (e.g., screens) can be
appropriate when windows and other nearby
Other sports structures could be affected by the activity.
The street is not necessarily well-suited to all Alternatively, as the case of urban golf demon-
sporting events. Contact sports obviously can strates, the substitution of a hard ball for a softer
create injury risks for participants on asphalt one can largely mitigate any damage to property.
and concrete surfaces. The close proximity of
personal property (e.g., windows, artwork) can 5.2.4 Entertainment events
create conflicts and even legal liability issues Entertainment activities provide the sort of
for certain sports. However, sports such as lively backdrop to bring street life to the fore-
basketball, football (i.e., soccer), baseball (or front and instil a city with a sense of sociability.
stickball), and volleyball can actually flourish Entertainment activities include a range of
in the streets and do much to increase street both formal, organised events as well as simply
usage (Figure 204). setting the stage for impromptu performances.
While basketball requires specific infrastructure The formal and informal events can be mutu-
(a backboard and rim), many of the other sports ally complementary by attracting a variety of
can be practiced with very little permanent interests.
infrastructure or necessity for street re-configu- Formal concerts in public space have a long
ration. A well known practice in Bogotá is the history in venues such as New York’s Central
“picadito”, in which construction workers play Park and London’s Hyde Park. Concerts in
soccer on the whole street, while sporadically public space typically do not employ an entry
stopping the game to allow cars to pass. Space fee and thus open up access to the widest
Hijackers have organised both cricket matches possible audience. In addition to concerts cater-
and football on the streets of London. These ing to popular music, opera and symphonic
events have helped to raise the profile of the music have likewise proved popular in public
group’s activities. venues. Such large-scale events bring with them
129
Fig. 205 and 206 challenges both from a logistical and a financ- all offer appropriate venues for smaller-scale
BBC hosts “Flashmob ing standpoint. Crowd control and policing are concerts and other entertainment.
Opera” events in rail significant implementation issues, requiring
stations, incorporating In addition to music performances, theatre,
weeks if not months of proper planning. film, and even fashion are well-suited to these
the public into the
performance. The BBC has sponsored several “Flash Operas” types of surroundings. The city of Buzios
Photos courtesy of BBC in train stations and shopping areas in the (Brazil) hosts a renowned annual film festival
UK (Figures 205 and 206). The operas even in its city streets and plazas. Film festivals can
employ the services of passer-bys into their in fact be thematically tailored around themes
performances. The idea is to hopefully bring of sustainable living. For example, the Bicycle
opera and other art forms to audiences who Film Festival features only films with a bicycle
would otherwise never see such an event. These theme, often including such titles as “The
types of events also hold the promise of making Bicycle Thief”, “Beijing Bicycle”, and “Breaking
the street compete with other solitary forms of Away”. This festival began in New York City
Fig. 207
entertainment, such as television. but has now expanded to include events in Los
A fashion show takes
centre stage at Osaka’s Smaller, more intimate venues may prove to be Angeles, San Francisco, London, and Tokyo
2004 car-free event a realistic first step for cities just at the initial (Bicycle Film Festival, 2005). Likewise, many
on Midosuji Avenue. stages of developing a street culture. Plazas, cities have utilised public space as a showcase for
Photo courtesy of the Osaka
City Municipal Government cafes, city centre streets, and residential streets new clothing fashions (Figure 207).
Outdoor cafes and restaurants represent an
opportunity to gain private sector sponsorship
of outdoor entertainment. These establishments
have a logical vested interest in creating and
sustaining a robust street life. Thus, many
Brazilian municipalities, such as Salvador, São
Luis, and Recife, work closely with private
sector establishments to deliver engaging street
performances.
Informal street performers are also an effective
means to bring humour and entertainment to
public space without the risks and overhead of
staging a major concert or play. Through clever
and creative acts street performers are provid-
ing an important public service by instilling
a playful street atmosphere (Figures 208, 209,
210, and 211).
In some cities, street performers benefit from a
long established history that helps to legitimise
130
Fig. 208, 209, 210,

and 211
Street performers bring
life to a city. Photos
clockwise from top left:
1. Tokyo’s Sunday event
in Harajuku is never
dull; 2. Performing
artists take to the streets
of Bangkok; 3. Belly
dancing in London’s
Covent Garden;
and 4. Entertainers
in Buenos Aires.
3 4
their continued activities. Street performing in it is sometimes known. Some municipalities may
London’s Covent Garden dates back to the year view buskers as an undesirable element to be
1662. Likewise, the Pompidou Centre in Paris persecuted rather than promoted. Again, though,
has a long history of improvisational perform- such traditional views are being increasingly
ances. In other instances, municipalities have challenged as being counter to sociability objec-
tried to actively develop a street performing tives. Developing a vibrant and dynamic street
culture through various incentives. Street per- environment means encouraging creative groups
formers may be given market or financial incen- and individuals to see the street as their stage.
tives to ensure that entertainment is provided.
Such support may just be temporary until 5.2.5 Art and photo exhibits
such performances become established. Most In addition to permanent public art displays,
performers will ultimately depend on donations temporary exhibitions can be effective in
from the public audience. enlivening the street landscape. The flexibility
In some instances, local laws may need revision of exhibitions permits organisers to create an
in order to permit performances or “busking” as ever-changing street scene that can excite and
131
Fig. 212, 213, 214,

and 215
Photos clockwise from
top left: 1. In London, a
poignant photo display
of war and human
rights violations; 2. Also
in London, top models
lend their image to a
campaign against breast
cancer; 3. In Bangkok,
cartoon artists are given
a public showing; and 4. 1 2
In Buenos Aires, a photo
exhibition documenting
the city’s rich history.
3 4
surprise the passer-by. Many pedestrians may lead to reductions in the number of trips and
not seek out the exhibits, but the chance en- the length of trips taken.
counter can be particularly rewarding. Wireless technologies offer the chance to sig-
Photo exhibitions have become especially nificantly change how we view leisure space and
popular in recent years (Figures 212, 213, 214, work space. The availability of internet con-
and 215). Bogotá even hosts a regular photo nections through Wi-Fi technology allows the
museum that does not have an actual building street to become an extended office or personal
site. Instead the Street Photo Museum lives only entertainment venue (Figure 216). To an extent,
through street exhibitions. this phenomenon has already caught the atten-
The themes of photo exhibits can vary, includ- tion of coffee shops. Such establishments entice
ing poignant and powerful images from scenes customers by offering free wireless internet
of war, human rights violations, and other connectivity.
injustices. The images serve to both inform Cities are also beginning to realise the pos-
and potentially motivate individuals to become sibilities. With its proximity to Silicon Valley,
more involved in the issues. Additionally, ex- San Francisco has taken a lead in promoting
hibits showing photos and images from a city’s free wireless connections across the expanse
past can be effective in engaging citizens in the of the city. Already, experiments are underway
historical fabric of their city. with free “hotspots” on the city’s Castro and
Fillmore Streets as well as the central Union
5.2.6 “Wired” streets Square (Kopytoff, 2005). The city is building
Information and communications technolo- upon private sector partnerships to realise the
gies (ICT) have already reshaped the modern goal of city-wide wireless provision. Addition-
economy, and these technologies hold the ally, a non-profit organisation called SFLan is
potential to reshape spatial and travel patterns. also working to introduce free Wi-Fi connec-
Use of the internet and mobile telephones may tions in parts of the city. Other cities in the
132
area, including Palo Alto and Half Moon Bay,

have also implemented programmes providing
free Wi-Fi services.
Clearly, the offering of free internet access in
public spaces can be one mechanism to encour-
age people to take to the streets. However,
given that internet and telecommunications
technologies typically inspire individual rather
than collective participation, the overall impact
on sociability is unclear. A street full of persons
absorbed in their own cyber-world is not an
entirely socialising experience. Further, the
sound of mobile telephones ringing and loud
one-way conversations is already off-putting to
those seeking a quieter street experience.
Nevertheless, despite these potential negatives, in the urban environment. This in itself can be Fig. 216
wired streets and street offices do offer the po- a positive step towards greater socialisation of Wireless technology may
tential to encourage more people to participate public space. bring about new types
of uses for public space.
133
6. Evaluation
I n our every deliberation, we must consider the impact of our decisions on the next seven
generations.
—Iroquois Nation Maxim
Fig. 217
A typical Sunday
in Bogotá.
The initial experiments in car-free living will undoubtedly come under considerable scrutiny. Will
residents be able to carry-out daily tasks? Will deliveries be made in a timely manner? Will environmental
improvements be realised? Will social interactions between community members improve? Will the
area benefit economically?
Developing a framework to evaluate the effectiveness of car-free areas can help to objectively measure
these types of issues. This information can help give additional communities the confidence to proceed
with their own car-free initiatives.
6.1 Evaluation framework methodology for evaluating the appropriateness
“Progress…is an essential feature of all life. The of pedestrian infrastructure (Correnti et al.,
whole point is to determine what constitutes 2002 and Litman, 2005c).
progress…Hence the call for taking stock and find- Aesthetic considerations help strengthen the
ing a new orientation. The stock taking indicates public’s opinion on walking as an option. A
that we are destroying our very basis of existence,pleasant and even entertaining environment
and the reorientation is based on remembering can foster a greater psychological affinity for
what human life is really about.” walking, and thus lead to greater mode share.
—E.F. Schumacher, 1973, p. 289 The use of colours, textures, art works, trees and
6.1.1 Evaluation categories plantings, water, etc. are all tools in creating the
right pedestrian environment (Figure 218).
Evaluating the quality of the existing street
environment can be useful in determining Comfort reflects the ease of use of pedestrian
potential areas of improvement. The evaluation facilities and the ability to dissipate unpleasant
process can help officials understand why some outside disturbances such as vehicle noise and
areas do not attract public interest while oth- contaminants. Controlling climatic conditions
ers prosper. Table 21 summarises a simplified can dramatically improve usability as excessive
134
Table 21: Evaluation framework for car-free projects

Category Description
Affordability The cost of car-free measures in comparison to more traditional transport
investments can help with project justification.
Attractiveness Attractiveness encompasses aesthetic design considerations as well as the ability of
an area to affect pleasure, delight, interest and exploration.
Comfort Factors considered by this category include weather protection, climate control,
condition of walking surface, cleanliness, and protection from noise and air pollution.
Connectivity Connectivity relates to how efficiently a pedestrian network permits users to reach
destinations. An effective route structure permits timely access across an array of
potential destinations.
Convenience Walking convenience is affected by such attributes as pathway directness, grades,
sidewalk ramp locations, and other qualities that make walking easier.
Legibility The legibility of an area refers to the ease in understanding the street environment.
The availability of maps and signage can help legibility.
Safety and Safety is largely determined by the ability to avoid pedestrian-vehicle conflicts;
security security is improved through good sight lines, street lighting, and police surveillance.
Sociability The sociability of a street determines the extent to which the environment encourages
residents to undertake social interactions.
Source: Adapted from Correnti et al., 2002 and Litman, 2005c
heat or cold and rain will discourage pedestrian a structured framework. A systematic collec-
travel. Trees and plantings can also be effective tion of street audits permits municipalities and
tools in buffering pedestrians from motorised organisations to compare the pedestrian-friend-
vehicles and other disturbances. Pedestrian liness across an entire city or even between cities.
comfort is also affected by the cleanliness of the A structured scorecard can provide a logical
walking environment, which is in part deter- framework for the audit. Fig. 218
mined by the availability of trash receptacles, Evaluating the quality
Street audits can be particularly effective of public space requires
frequency of cleaning schedules, and enforce-
in gaining the attention of decision makers. examining all the
ment of littering restrictions. design components such
City officials very much care how their street
Walkway connectivity is determined by path as colours, textures,
environments are rated in comparison to other vegetation, seating, etc.
directness and the presence of supporting
locales. A low ranking reflects quite poorly Photo by Lloyd Wright
infrastructure that eases access. The directness
of routes can be measured by the detour factor,
which is the actual trip distance per direct trip
distance. A perfect grid system would yield a
value of 1.4 while a pedestrian-friendly city such
as Delft (The Netherlands) scores 1.2 (Hook,
2000). In some developing-nation cities, poorly
designed street configurations for pedestrians
can result in a detour factor of over 2.0 (Hook,
2000). Eliminating barriers and designing
corridors to reduce pedestrian distances is
fundamental to making car-free areas viable.
6.1.2 Street audits, scorecards, and

rankings
A variety of tools exist to evaluate the quality of
the street environment. Increasingly municipali-
ties are turning to “street audits” in order to
characterise the quality of their streets within
135
Table 22: Streetscape section of Pedestrian-Friendliness Scorecard

IV. Streetscape Points Answer Score
There are trees, flowers, Foliage significantly enhances the route 2
etc. along the route Some trees and flowers along route 1
Few or no trees or flowers exist along route 0
Trees or awnings provide Pedestrian has plenty of protection from sun 2
sun protection Pedestrian has some protection from sun 1
Limited or no protection from sun 0
The sidewalks are Sidewalks have visual appeal 2
visually interesting Sidewalks have adequate visual interest 1
Sidewalks are uninteresting 0
The walking environment The environment is very clean 2
is litter and graffiti free The environment is adequately clean 1
The environment is unclean 0
The walking environment The environment encourages walking 3
is pleasant The environment is enjoyable 2
The environment is adequate 1
The environment deters pedestrians 0
Subtotal
Source: Voorhees Transportation Policy Institute, 2005
upon any administration. Civic pride can thus help to reinforce positive actions and may help
be an effective emotion to parlay into action on to catalyse a response from poor performing
improving street conditions. cities.
Ranking systems will likely draw considerable To date, several scorecards have been developed
Fig. 219 media attention, and thus can form an effective to evaluate the quality of pedestrian space
City rankings part of efforts to market car-free options (Figure (CDC, 2004; Voorhees Transportation Policy
regularly grab 219). Not surprisingly, the media coverage is Institute, 2005; and Pedestrian and Bicycle
headlines. Ranking
pedestrian space can most intense for both very high ranking and Information Center, 2005). These scorecards
help motivate cities. very low ranking cities. Thus, rankings may typically inquire about a qualitative aspect
of the pedestrian environment and ask the
respondent to provide a numerical rating. Table
22 provides an example of one section of the
“Pedestrian-Friendliness Scorecard” (Voorhees
Transportation Policy Institute, 2005). Points
are totalled from each sub-section of the score-
card to produce an overall performance rating.
6.1.3 User surveys

The ultimate measure of a car-free area’s suc-
cess probably resides with the people who use
the area on a daily basis. Surveys may be one
element of a public participation process that
begins to encourage residents and merchants
to think about the alternatives for their com-
munity (Figure 220). Virtually all members
of a community will have an opinion on their
public space. Providing a forum to articulate
136
6.2 Measuring the impacts

"Do not believe in anything simply because you
have heard it. Do not believe simply because it
has been handed down for many generations.
Do not believe in anything simply because it is
spoken and rumoured by many… Do not believe
in anything merely on the authority of teachers,
elders or wise men. Believe only after careful
observations and analysis, and when you find
that it agrees with reason and is conductive to
the good and benefit of one and all, then accept
it and live up to it."
Fig. 220 —Buddha (560 BC–480 BC)
Members of the public are surveyed during the
Osaka car-free event on the Midosuji corridor. 6.2.1 Economic, environmental, and social
Photo courtesy of Osaka City Municipal Government
impacts
these views, such as through a survey, can begin Enrique Peñalosa, the former mayor of Bogotá,
to unleash resolve and creativity in achieving has noted that perhaps the best measure of
an alternative. In the UK, some cities enlist a city’s development is the happiness and
residents to actually conduct the street audit self-esteem of its citizens. While a body of
process (Living Streets, 2005). knowledge on “happiness” exists in the field
Surveying local residents and shop owners on of psychology (e.g., Csikszentmihalyi, 1990),
the quality of their public space thus serves two for city officials “defining happiness much less
important purposes. First, such information measuring it is quite difficult” (Peñalosa, 2002).
provides a valuable data point for comparisons Car-free projects are frequently promoted
with other areas and for comparisons against for their contribution to quality of life. Most
future performance. Second, this information people understand what is generally meant by
provides vital feedback on the effectiveness of happiness and quality of life, but putting these
particular measures and how the street envi- concepts into any quantitative framework is
ronment can be improved. In this sense, local fraught with challenges.
residents are the most important consultants Further, there are many special qualities of
that city officials can engage in the street trans- car-free living for which quantification prob-
formation process. ably should not even be attempted. It is often
the subtle details of car-free living that people
most value:
n Ability of children to play on street with no
fear from vehicles
n Ability of children to walk independently on
street (Figure 221)
n A good night’s sleep with no background noise
n A chance encounter with a neighbour and an
opportunity to chat (Figure 222)
n Fresh air
n The exercise from a daily walk
n The value of sitting in a public place to
drink a coffee, read a book, or simply relax
(Figure 223).
A resident’s value of such benefits is perhaps
best captured through qualitative surveys and
observation.
137
Fig. 221, 222, and 223 improved material standard of living. This
Priceless...some benefits corresponds to the concept of economic and
of car-free development financial sustainability. Second, it must gener-
are beyond monetary ate the greatest possible improvement in the
valuation.
Photos from top: general quality of life, not merely an increase
1. A small child is able in traded goods. This relates to the concept
to walk unaccompanied of environmental and ecological sustainability.
in a car-free area of Third, the benefits that transport produces
Kobe (Japan); must be shared equitably by all sections of the
2. A group of women
chatting in Putrajaya community. This we term social sustainability.”
(Malaysia); and 1 These three dimensions are largely mutually
3. A man sleeping reinforcing. If policies or projects are not
in Berlin.
economically and financially sustainable, then
there is little replication potential to ensure sus-
tainability across the environmental and social
dimensions. Additionally, if policies or projects
do not address the social needs of the very poor,
then resulting social pressures can undermine
the environmental and economic bases upon
which society functions.
The spatial and temporal scope of the project
evaluation should be sufficiently large to cap-
2 ture differences between the new car-free area
and unaffected areas. As noted by Hass-Klau
(1993), a car-free initiative may require a certain
settling-in period before the benefits are fully
known. Thus, choosing an appropriate measure-
ment timeframe will influence the results. In
most instances, it will be useful to collect base-
line data before the car-free area is implemented.
Likewise, understanding how both the car-free
zone and surrounding zones perform will help
make for more robust conclusions.
Economic impacts
3 The economic sustainability of a car-free project
refers to the impacts on employment, shop
However, there are key aspects of car-free sales, property values, and overall productivity.
projects that do lend themselves to measure- Some of the specific indicators for economic
ment, and such measurement can be influential impacts are:
n Employment created during the project devel-
in the future attractiveness of car-free options
to city officials and investors. A common opment and construction phase (Figure 224)
n Employment created from improved shop
framework for evaluating project effectiveness
performance
involves the three dimensions of sustainability:
n Changes in land use functions
economic, environmental, and social. The idea
n Changes in property and rental values
is to make “sustainability” an integrative plat-
n Vacancy rates in area
form (World Bank, 1996): n Shop turnover (Figure 225)
“To be effective…policy must satisfy three n Shop revenues and profit
main requirements. First, it must ensure that n Changes in delivery costs
a continuing capability exists to support an n Employee and owner satisfaction levels.
138
Fig. 224 and 225

Adding up the economic
benefits of car-free
development. On
the left, employment
generated from
maintenance work in
Magome (Japan). On
the right, shops and
cafes benefit from
Brighton’s (UK) street
closings on weekends.
Environmental and health impacts n Number of personal interactions observed

The environmental performance of a car-free n Level of physical fitness amongst the popula-
area is largely determined by the measurable tion, obesity levels, and general health levels
reductions achieved in pollutant and noise n Changes in crime levels.
levels. However, actual measurement of air and
noise levels does require access to monitoring 6.2.2 Co-benefits
equipment that many developing cities are only Unlike other solutions to increasing motorisation,
beginning to employ. In some cases, a car-free car-free projects are unique for their ability to
project can be a platform to launch a broader simultaneously address (and eliminate) a whole
environmental monitoring scheme. range of associated problems. Alternative fuels for
While environmental monitoring of existing vehicles may reduce emissions of some pollutants,
car-free projects is still in its early stages, initial but such fuels do nothing to reduce congestion, ac-
results do look promising. Car-free days in Mon- cidents, severance, and the other negative impacts
treal have produced reductions of nearly 80% for of motorisation. Exhaust technologies may also
both carbon monoxide (CO) and nitrogen oxides stem the most intense emissions, but these tech-
(NOx). Noise levels during the 2004 Car-Free nologies do not address petroleum usage or the
Day dropped from a normal average of 80 deci- many other issues of motorisation. Larger vehicles
bels (db) to just 50 decibels (Gazette, 2005). may do more to protect the vehicle’s passengers but
Some of the specific indicators for environmen- in turn create a whole new set of problems, includ-
tal impacts are: ing heightened safety risks for others.
n Levels of local air pollutants (CO, NOx, SOx,
PM, toxics, O3)
n Reductions in emissions of greenhouse gases
(CO2, CH4, N2O)
n Noise levels
n Number of hospital admissions for respira-
tory illnesses
n Number of traffic fatalities and injuries.
Social impacts
Social sustainability refers to how a car-free
initiative promotes greater social equity, encour-
ages positive personal interactions, and reduces Fig. 226
social ills such as crime. Some of the specific The environmental
and social costs of
indicators for social impacts are: car dependency are
n Use patterns of area by vulnerable groups, all too evident in
including women, children, elderly, the cities like Jakarta.
physically disabled, and low-income house- Photo from the Swisscontact 2002
photo competition
holds (Figure 226) (GTZ photo CD on urban transport)
139
Table 23: Comparing the impacts of car-free areas

Objective Small Area Large Area Comments
Congestion reduction 0 2 Reduces automobile use.
Road & parking savings 1 2 Reduces automobile use.
Reduces automobile costs, but increases
Consumer savings 0 2
other costs.
Reduces motorists’ choice, but improves
Transport choice 1 2
alternatives.
Road safety 1 2 Reduces automobile use.
Environmental protection 1 3 Reduces automobile use.
Reduces automobile use, but may shift travel
Efficient land use 1 2
to other areas.
Community Livability 2 3 Reduces vehicle traffic impacts.
“Rating from 3 (very beneficial) to –3 (very harmful). A 0 indicates no impact or mixed impacts”
Source: Litman (2004)
For car-free options to truly compete against cohesion, and energy security, such concerns
other development alternatives, recognition of have not coalesced around any tangible or
the full set of “co-benefits” is essential. If just effective solutions such as car-free living. For
one impact variable is analysed, car-free meas- most people, car-free development appears as
ures may seem to be of marginal value. How- a well-meaning idea that is unrealistic given
ever, investment analyses that encompass a full today’s circumstances.
set of advantages are likely to produce attractive The biggest risk to the car-free movement
cost-benefit results. Litman (2004) has devised remains its perception as an extreme or fringe
a means to compare different solutions based on concept unattached to the realities of life in the
a full array of co-benefits (Table 23). This type 21st century. Proponents of car-free development
of analysis can help build a case in favour of have much work ahead in making the case
car-free development. before society at large. Measuring the multiple
While public surveys routinely show wide- benefits of existing initiatives and telling the
spread concern over pollution, noise, climate car-free story in understandable terms are the
change, congestion, accidents, community principal tasks at hand.
140
7. Information resources frequently a useful partner in actual project

implementation. ITDP’s periodic newslet-
“And the end of all our exploring ter and annual magazine provide regular
Will be to arrive where we started updates of the latest initiatives being under-
taken.
And know the place for the first time.”
—T.S. Lewis, poet (1888–1965) 5.) International Car-Free Day Campaign
http://www.22september.org
7.1 Web Sites This web site is the focal point for summa-
7.1.1 Key car-free sites and organisations rising activities related to the international
The following is a list (in alphabetical order) of Car-Free Day on 22 September. The site lists
ten key web sites and organisations that support the cities involved and the types of activi-
car-free development. ties that they have undertaken. Additionally,
1.) Autofrei Wohnen (“Car-free living”) information resources related to the EU Mo-
http://www.autofrei-wohnen.de bility Week can also be found on this site.
This site was originally created to support 6.) Living Streets
the development of a car-free residential http://www.livingstreets.org.uk
quarter in Berlin. However, the site also in- Living Streets is a UK-based NGO sup-
cludes links to a wide variety of projects in porting the cause of improved conditions
Germany, Western Europe, and elsewhere. for pedestrians. Living Streets publishes a
While some of the information is available periodic newsletter which is available elec-
only in German, there are also many useful tronically. Additionally, Living Streets hosts
documents and links in English. training courses and develops guidance
2.) Carfree.com publications on pedestrian issues.
http://www.carfree.com 7.) Project for Public Spaces
This site has been developed by Joel Craw- http://www.pps.org
ford, who also authored “Carfree Cities”. The Project for Public Spaces (PPS) is a
The site contains much useful information US-based NGO dedicated to improving the
on overall car-free issues as well as puts for- quality of public space in cities both in the
ward a specific vision for a car-free reference US as well as globally. The web site offers
design. The “Carfree Times” newsletter pro- guidance documents on creating better ur-
vides a periodic update on carfree news. ban places. PPS also publishes a useful elec-
3.) The Commons tronic newsletter that provides updates on
http://www.ecoplan.org projects and reviews of both best-practice
http://www.WorldCarFreeDay.com and worst-practice examples.
The Commons is an “Open Society Sus- 8.) Sustainable Urban Transport Project (SUTP)
tainability Initiative” developed by Eric http://www.sutp.org
Britton and EcoPlan International. The site SUTP is an outreach initiative developed
provides extensive information and offers under GTZ’s Environment and Infrastruc-
the opportunity for cities and individuals to ture Division. SUTP’s web site provides
exchange experiences. Some of the specific a wealth of information not only on non-
programmes housed at the site include: motorised measures but also public trans-
“The New Mobility Agenda”, “Kyoto World port, transportation demand management
Cities Challenge Initiative”, and “World (TDM), and other aspects of sustainable
CarFree Days”. transport for developing nations. SUTP
4.) Institute for Transportation & Develop- staff and GTZ also provide direct technical
ment Policy (ITDP) assistance to cities.
http://www.itdp.org 9.) Victoria Transport Policy Institute (VTPI)
ITDP is a US-based NGO working ex- http://www.vtpi.org
clusively on sustainable transport projects The Victoria Transport Policy Institute
in developing nations. The organisation is hosts one of the most expansive and
141
informative web sites on sustainable trans- Smart Growth Network

port issues. The site has been developed by http://www.smartgrowth.org
Todd Litman and includes a “TDM Ency- Sustainable Urban Transport Project (SUTP)
clopedia” that includes data and reports on http://www.sutp.org
a far-reaching number of sustainable trans- United Nations Car-Free Days programme
port topics. The site also includes a docu- http://www.uncfd.org
ment directly on the topic of car-free cities. Victoria Transport Policy Institute (VTPI)
10.) World Carfree Network http://www.vtpi.org
http://www.worldcarfree.net Wikipedia listing of carfree places
The World Carfree Network has become a http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_carfree_
focal point for car-free information and in- places
spiration. The network’s annual conference,
Towards Carfree Cities, brings together a 7.1.3 Non-governmental organisations
wide array of individuals and organisations African-based organisations
dedicated to this issue. The network also Afribike (South Africa)
encourages new initiatives and provides http://www.afribike.org
technical support to the extent possible. Association for Advancing Low-Cost Mobility
Interested organisations can apply to join (AALOCOM) (Tanzania)
the network. Additionally, the periodic elec- http://www.aalocom.or.tz/index.asp
tronic newsletter of the network provides an Bicycle Empowerment Network (BEN)
update of world-wide activities. (Southern Africa)
http://www.benbikes.org.za
7.1.2 Informational web sites
First African Bicycle Information Office
Auto-Free Life
http://www.autofreelife.info/index.shtml
(FABIO) (Uganda and sub-Saharan Africa)
http://www.jugendhilfe-ostafrika.de/fabiokon.
Autofrei Wohnen (“Car-free living”) htm
http://www.autofrei-wohnen.de
Asian-based organisations
Bikes at Work
http://www.bikesatwork.com/carfree Networks for Green Transport (South Korea)
http://www.greentransport.org
Carfree.com
http://www.carfree.com Pelangi (Indonesia)
http://www.pelangi.or.id
A Car-Free Homepage
http://home.earthlink.net/~jakre/carfree/index. WBB Turst (Bangladesh)
html http://www.wbbtrust.org
Carfree Living
http://www.autofrei-wohnen.de/homeEngl.html European-based organisations
Carfree Universe CABE Space (UK)

http://www.cabespace.org.uk
http://carfreeuniverse.org
The Commons (EcoPlan International) Creative Spaces (UK)
http://www.WorldCarFreeDay.com http://www.creativespaces.org.uk
European Mobility Week Home Zones News (Chidren’s Play Council)

http://www.mobilityweek-europe.org (UK)
http://www.homezonenews.org.uk
International Car-Free Day Campaign
http://www.22september.org Interface for Cycling Expertise
International Home Zones (I-ce) (World-wide)
http://www.homezones.org http://www.cycling.nl
Nottingham University Intermediate Technology Development Group

http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/sbe/planbiblios/ (ITDG) (World-wide)
bibs/sustrav/refs/ST25.html http://www.itdg.org
142
Living Streets (UK) Bikes Belong Coalition (US)

http://www.livingstreets.org.uk http://www.bikesbelong.org
Re-cycle (World-wide) Center for Neighborhood Technology (CNT)

http://www.re-cycle.org (US)
http://www.cnt.org
Sustrans (UK)
http://www.sustrans.org.uk Centre for Sustainable Transportation (Canada)
http://www.cstctd.org/english/index.htm
Swisscontact (World-wide)
http://www.swisscontact.org/english/pagesnav/ Coalition of Appropriate Transportation
frames.htm (Pennsylvania, US)
http://www.car-free.org
Transport 2000 (UK)
http://www.transport2000.org.uk Complete Streets (US)
http://www.completestreets.org
Velomundial (World-wide)
http://www.velomondial.net Congress for the New Urbanism (CNU) (US)
http://www.cnu.org
Walk21 (Europe and world-wide)
http://www.walk21.com Context Sensitive Solutions (US)
http://www.contextsensitivesolutions.org
World Carfree Network (World-wide)
http://www.worldcarfree.net Earth Day Network (US and world-wide)
http://www.earthday.net
Latin American-based organisations Ecocity Builders (US and world-wide)
Associación de Ciclistas Urbanas (ACU) http://www.ecocitybuilders.org
(Buenos Aires, Argentina) International Council for Local Environmental
http://www.geocities.com/acubicicleta
Initiatives (ICLEI) (World-wide)
Biciacción (Bicycle Action) (Quito, Ecuador) http://www.iclei.org
http://www.cicloviasquito.org
International Making Cities Livable
Ciudad Viva (Living City) (Santiago, Chile) (US and world-wide)
http://www.ciudadviva.cl http://www.livablecities.org
Fundación Ciudad Humana Institute for Transportation & Development

(Human City Foundation) (Latin America) Policy (ITDP) (Developing nations)
http://www.ciudadhumana.org http://www.itdp.org
Fundación por el País que Queremos International Bicycle Fund (World-wide)

(Foundation for the Country that We Want) http://www.ibike.org
(Colombia and world-wide) Livable Places (Los Angeles, US)
http://www.porelpaisquequeremos.com http://www.livableplaces.org
Instituto Jaime Lerner (Brazil and world-wide) Living Cities (US)
http://www.jaimelerner.com http://www.livingcities.org
Sustran LAC (Latin America and the Caribbean) Local Government Association / Center for
http://www.sustranlac.org
Livable Communities (US)
Transporte Ativo (Active Transport) (Brazil) http://www.lgc.org/center
http://www.ta.org.br National Center for Bicycling & Walking (US)
http://www.bikewalk.org
North American-based organisations
Access Exchange International (World-wide) Partners for Livable Communities (US)
http://www.globalride-sf.org http://www.livable.com
America Bikes (US) Pedals for Progress (World-wide)

http://www.americabikes.org http://www.p4p.org
America Walks (US) Pedestrian and Bicycle Information Center (US)

http://www.americawalks.org http://www.pedbikeinfo.org
143
Perils for Pedestrians (US) Auto-Free Berlin

http://www.pedestrians.org http://www.autofrei-wohnen.de/projectsberlin.
html
Project for Public Spaces (PPS)
Auto-Free New York
(US and world-wide)
http://www.auto-free.org
http://www.pps.org
Auto-Free Ottawa
Surface Transport Policy Project (US) http://afo.sandelman.ca
http://www.transact.org
Auto-Free Orange County
Transportation Alternatives (New York, US) http://www.auto-free.net
http://www.transalt.org
Bremen, Germany (Car-free housing project)
Transportation for a Livable City (San Fran- http://www.eaue.de/winuwd/56.htm
cisco, US) CarFree City USA
http://www.livablecity.org http://www.carfreecity.us
World Resources Institute (WRI) / Embarq Carfree Day Canada

(Developing nations) http://www.carfreeday.ca
http://embarq.wri.org/es/index.aspx
Car-Free Development London
http://www.carfreehousing.org
7.1.4 Activist organisations
Car-free housing in European Cities
Bicitekas (Mexico City)
http://www.bicitekas.org
(Jan Scheurer)
http://wwwistp.murdoch.edu.au/publications/
Critical Mass (World-wide) projects/carfree/carfree.html
http://www.critical-mass.org
Car-free meetup groups in US cities
Firefly Brigade (Philippines) http://carfree.meetup.com
http://www.fireflybrigade.org Dubai, United Arab Emirates
Flash Mob (World-wide) (Car-free resort development)
http://www.flashmob.com http://www.theworld.ae
http://www.flashmob.co.uk http://www.thepalm.ae
Mobile Clubbing (UK and World-wide) Five Roads Forum (London)

http://www.mobile-clubbing.com http://www.fiveroadsforum.org
Movimiento Furiosos Ciclistas (Santiago) Freemantle, Australia

http://www.furiosos.cl http://www.freonet.net.au/shed-your-car
Reclaim the Streets (World-wide) Freiburg, Germany

http://www.reclaimthestreets.net (Vauban car-free housing project)
http://rts.gn.apc.org http://www.forum-vauban.de/index-en.shtml
Right of Way (US) London (BEDZed housing project)

http://www.cars-suck.org http://www.bedzed.org.uk
Space Hijackers (UK and World-wide) Loreto, Mexico (Car-free resort living)
http://www.spacehijackers.co.uk http://www.loretobay.com
Mata de Sesimbra, Portugal

7.1.5 City/country specific sites
(WWF and Bioregional development project)
Amsterdam, The Netherlands http://www.bioregional.com/programme_
(GWL-terrein car-free housing project) projects/opl_prog/portugal/portugal_hmpge.
http://www.gwl-terrein.nl htm
Amsterdam, The Netherlands New York (Plan to create a transit mall along
http://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~britt/amsterdam. 42nd Street in New York)
htm http://www.vision42.org
144
Northmoor Home Zone (Manchester, UK) 7.1.7 Web discussion groups

http://www.northmoorhomezone.org.uk Car-Free
San Francisco http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CarFree
http://www.bclu.org/carfreemonth Car-Free Cafe
Santa Barbara, CA, USA (Car-free holiday site) http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CarFreeCafe
http://www.santabarbaracarfree.org Car-Free Cities
Seattle Car-Free Day http://groups.yahoo.com/group/carfree_cities
http://www.thinksmall.org Home Zones
Ventura, CA, USA http://groups.yahoo.com/group/homezones-
discuss-l
http://autofreeventura.org
Innovación Urbana (Urban innovation)
7.1.6 Private sector (consultants and http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Innovacionur-
products) bana
Colin Buchanan & Partners Kyoto 20/20
http://www.cbuchanan.co.uk http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Kyoto2020
Creative Communities International Sustran
http://www.lesstraffic.com/index.htm http://list.jca.apc.org/manage/listinfo/sustran-
discuss
Criterion Planners/Engineers
http://www.crit.com World Transport
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/WorldTransport
Gehl Architects
http://www.gehlarchitects.dk
7.1.8 Newsletters
Hamilton-Baillie Associates “Carfree Times” – Carfree.com
http://www.hamilton-baillie.co.uk http://www.carfree.com/cft/index.html
Intelligent Space “Centerlines” – National Center for Bicycling &
http://www.intelligentspace.com
Walking
LEBER, Planificación y Ingeniería, SA http://www.bikewalk.org/technical_assistance/
http://www.leber.org resources_information/publications/centerlines.
htm
Nelson/Nygaard Consulting Associates
http://www.nelsonnygaard.com “e-Bulletin” – Transportation Alternatives
http://www.transalt.org/press/askta/index.html
Socialdata
http://www.socialdata.de/homee.php “Grist Magazine”
http://www.grist.org
TRL (Transportation Research Laboratory)
http://www.trl.co.uk
“Making Places” – Project for Public Spaces
http://www.pps.org/info/getinvolved/mak-
Twike (hybrid human-electric vehicles) ing_places/?referrer=pps_getinvolved
http://www.twike.com
“Planet Ark” – Reuters
Velomobile (human-powered vehicles) http://www.planetark.com
http://www.velomobile.de
“Smart Growth News” – Smart Growth Network
Velotaxi (bicycle taxis) http://www.smartgrowth.org/news/default.asp
http://www.velotaxi.com
“Sustainable Transport” – Institute for Transpor-
Walkable Communities, Inc. tation & Development Policy
http://www.walkable.org http://www.itdp.org/STe/index.html
Walkable Places Annual magazine:

http://www.walkableplaces.com http://www.itdp.org/ST/index.html
Zimmer Gunsel Frasca Partnership “World Carfree News” – World Carfree Network
http://www.zgf.com http://www.worldcarfree.net/bulletin/
145
7.2 Funding organisations Surdna Foundation

http://www.surdna.org
7.2.1 Foundations
Alternative Gifts International Tides Foundation
http://www.altgifts.org http://www.tides.org
Ashoka Toyota Foundation

http://www.ashoka.org http://www.toyotafound.or.jp/etop.htm
Blue Moon Fund Turner Foundation

http://www.bluemoonfund.org http://www.turnerfoundation.org
Charles Stewart Mott Foundation United Nations Foundation

http://www.mott.org http://www.unfoundation.org
Codespa Foundation Wallace Global Fund
http://www.codespa-asia.org http://www.wgf.org
Cottonwood Foundation
William and Flora Hewlett Foundation
http://www.cottonwoodfdn.org
http://www.hewlett.org
David and Lucile Packard Foundation
http://www.packard.org W.K. Kellogg Foundation
http://www.wkkf.org
Earth Share
http://www.earthshare.org Working Assets
http://www.workingassets.com/recipients.cfm
Ford Foundation
http://www.fordfound.org
7.2.2 International organisations
Global Greengrants Fund African Development Bank (AfDB)
http://www.greengrants.org http://www.afdb.org
MacArthur Foundation Asian Development Bank (ADB)

http://www.macfound.org http://www.adb.org/Vehicle-Emissions/default.
asp
New Land Foundation
http://www.gm-unccd.org/FIELD/Foundations/ Clean Air Initiative—Asia (CAI-Asia)
NewLand/FR_Gr.htm http://www.cleanairnet.org/caiasia
Oak Foundation Clean Air Initiative—Latin America (CAI-LAC)
http://www.oakfnd.org http://www.cleanairnet.org/cailac
Rockefeller Foundation
Clean Air Initiative—Sub-Saharan Africa
http://www.rockfound.org
(CAI-SSA)
Rockefeller Brothers Foundation http://www.cleanairnet.org/caissa
http://www.rfb.org
Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA)
Rockwood Foundation http://www.dbsa.org
http://www.rockwoodfund.org
East African Development Bank (EADB)
Rose Foundation http://www.eadb.org
http://www.rosefdn.org
European Bank for Reconstruction and Devel-
Roy A. Hunt Foundation
opment (EBRD)
http://www.rahuntfdn.org
http://www.ebrd.com
Shell Foundation
http://www.shellfoundation.org European Union
Directorate General VIII, Development
Soros Foundation http://europa.eu.int/comm/development/in-
http://www.soros.org dex_en.htm
146
European Union Danish Cooperation for Environment and

Directorate General XI, Environment Development (DANCED)
http://europa.eu.int/comm/environment/fund- http://www.mst.dk/homepage
ing/intro_en.htm
Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs
European Union http://www.um.dk/en/menu/Development-
Directorate General XVII, Energy and Transport Policy/DanishDevelopmentPolicy
http://europa.eu.int/comm/energy_transport/
en/prog_cut_en.html Development Cooperation Ireland (DCI)
http://www.dci.gov.ie
Global Environment Facility (GEF)
http://www.gefweb.org Dutch Ministry for Development Cooperation
(DGIS)
Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) http://www.minbuza.nl/default.asp?CMS_
http://www.iadb.org ITEM=MBZ257572
International Finance Corporation (IFC) Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Develop-
http://www.ifc.org ment Cooperation (Global.Finland)
United Nations Centre for Regional Develop- http://global.finland.fi/index.php?kieli=3
ment (UNCRD) French Development Agency (AfD)
http://www.uncrd.or.jp/env/est http://www.afd.fr/jahia/Jahia/lang/en/pid/1
United Nations Development Programme French Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(UNDP) http://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/thema/dossier.
http://www.undp.org gb.asp?DOS=SOLIDARITYDEVEL
United Nations Environment Programme German Agency for Technical Cooperation

(UNEP) (GTZ)
http://www.unep.org http://www.gtz.de/en
United Nations Human Settlement Programme German Federal Ministry of Economic Coop-
(UN-Habitat) eration and Development (BMZ)
http://www.unchs.org/programmes/sustainabl- http://www.bmz.de/de/english.html
ecities
Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
World Bank http://www.esteri.it/eng/index.asp?
http://www.worldbank.org/transport
Japanese International Cooperation Agency
World Health Organization (JICA)
http://www.euro.who.int/healthy-cities
http://www.jica.go.jp/english
7.2.3 Bi-lateral agencies Japanese Bank for International Cooperation

Australian Agency for International Develop- (JBIC)
ment (AusAID) http://www.jbic.go.jp/english/index.php
http://www.ausaid.gov.au Kf W Entwicklungsbank (German Develop-
Austrian Development Agency (ADA) ment Bank)
http://www.ada.gv.at/view.php3?r_ http://www.kfw.de/EN
id=3042&LNG=de&version=
Lux Development (Luxembourg)
Belgium Development Cooperation (DGCD) http://www.lux-development.lu/e/home.htm
http://www.dgcd.be/en/index.html
New Zealand International Aid and Develop-
Belgium Technical Cooperation (BTC) ment Agency (NZAID)
http://www.btcctb.org/showpage.asp?iPageID= http://www.nzaid.govt.nz
2&sLangCode=EN
Norwegian Agency for Development Coopera-
Canadian International Cooperation Agency tion (NORAD)
(CIDA) http://www.norad.no/default.asp?V_ITEM_
http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca ID=1139&V_LANG_ID=0
147
Portuguese Institute for Development Support Biddulph, M. (2001), Home zones: A planning
(IPAD) and design handbook. Abingdon: Martson Book
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Spanish Agency for International Cooperation Brandes Gratz, R. (1998), Cities back from the
(AECI) edge: New life for downtown. New York: John
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Swedish International Cooperation Agency Breheny, M. (1992), Sustainable development
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Duany, A., Plater-Zyberk, E., and Speck, J.
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151
Epilogue entering the point of adulthood at the age of 17,

a person was required to take an oath to the city
The images and ideas presented in this docu- in order to become a full citizen. The contents
ment are intended to help inform interested of this oath are given below. The oath’s final
cities about some alternatives to car-dependency. line is a pledge to ultimately bequeath to future
Car-Free Development is only a basic introduc- generations a city of even higher quality. This
tion to many of these concepts, and the entire oath is perhaps as relevant today as it was 2,500
field of car-free living is in many respects at its years ago.
nascent stages. However, as more cities begin “We will fight for the ideals and Sacred Things
experimenting with human-oriented urban of the City both alone and with many.
designs, the base of knowledge will undoubt-
edly evolve.
Despite the optimism stemming
from the various car-free experi-
ments to date, the reality of the
trends towards motorisation is
overwhelming. Auto-dependency
is being reinforced everyday in cit-
ies and societies around the world,
and growing rapidly in developing
nations. A few isolated streets or
communities with car-free designs
mean relatively little against this
tide of motorisation.
To make any substantive change
in the overall picture implies a
mindset transformation by con-
sumers and political leaders. None of the design We will revere and obey the City‘s laws, and
concepts presented will mean anything without will do our best to incite a like reverence and
the political will to implement. Moreover, this respect in those above us who are prone to
political support will unlikely materialise annul them or set them at naught.
without a citizenry that is solidly in favour of We will strive increasingly to quicken the
car-free alternatives. Thus, it is appropriate to public‘s sense of civic duty.
conclude this document with a final point on Thus in all these ways we will transmit this
the importance of citizen involvement. City, not only not less, but greater and more
In ancient Athens, the idea of citizenship was beautiful than it was transmitted to us.”
formally embedded into culture and law. Upon —Athenian oath, 500 BC
152
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Division 44

Environment and Infrastructure

Findings, interpretations, and conclusions

About the author Editor:

7. Information resources 141

1. The car society

1.1.1 Background the diversity and accessibility of exchange

However, developing cities still have a choice to

sits idle (Economist, 2005). It is nevertheless a

Air quality Congestion

Accidents Economic efﬁciency

Natural habitats Visual intrusion

strokes (Dockery and Pope, 1994). A survey of

1.2.5 Obesity n 18% of all secondary students qualify as obese.

As of mid-2005, a combination of events, Fig. 13

petrol increase, other types of expenditures run

Fig. 14, 15, and 16

2. The “Segundo Piso”

1.3 Pedestrian conditions in developing cities

n High levels of robbery, assault and other

The complete lack of formal pedestrian pave-

Table 3: Pedestrian fatalities as a per- Fig. 22

The most vulnerable groups are frequently those

economic development. Vasconcellos (2001, p. In addition to a high usage of public transit

Mode share (percentage of daily trips)

2. Deﬁning car-free development

Table 5: Historical chronogram of modern car-free development

Date Location Description

fort has come from a few leading individuals

(Colombia) and Curitiba (Brazil) have now question still to be answered.

2.2 Car-free terms

��������������� ��������������� ������������������ �����������������

On the one side of this spectrum are areas that

in Box 3. Island cities have largely retained a

Perhaps one of the most

horse-drawn carriages that had

shopping streets which had high pedestrian

pedestrian is sometimes debated. Some meas-

Home zones also represent an integrated ap-

Smart growth development

There are at least two other signiﬁcant dates

In some instances, Car-Free Day events are

There is no question that such moments belong

Fig. 54 infrastructure (such as a stall or a table) means

Permanent and seasonal Car-Free Days

pedestrianisation, the Covent Garden market

2.2.5 Car-free historical centres

Table 8: Partial list of existing car-free housing projects

includes a mechanism that helps to encourage

Design features and construction costs

Fig. 69, 70, 71, and 72

within large industrial plants. It is also some-

3.1 Project leadership

(Guatemala), Jakarta (Indonesia), Lima (Perú),

“It is diﬃcult to get a man to understand

3.2.1 Institutional management

suﬃcient support. For some positions, though,

3.2.2 Institutional responsibility

the street’s current legal designation. In many 3.3 Stakeholders

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