Our Mendicant Foreign Policy

by Claro M. Recto

I. Introduction

A. We had become dependent and welcoming to other nations.

B. We believed that all is well with us and that all good things will come to us
under the protection of powerful friends.

C. We let them handle our own problems even they had their own to look
after.

II. The Inter-Relationship Between Foreign And Domestic Policy

A. Two sides of nation’s policy

1. Domestic Policy

1.a. This should have supreme power or more importance compared

to the foreign policy.

1.b. This should be based upon the welfare, happiness, and prosperity
of the people.

2. Foreign Policy

2.a. This should only be an extension, adjunct, and an implementation

of domestic policy

B. Inter-relationship of this two policy

1. They should be not only mutually consistent, but also complementary.

2. Otherwise, they would cancel each other.

C. Current state of these two policy

 1. The domestic policy has been subordinated to the foreign policy that
made it become, in a sense, foreign too.

D. Things to do in order for a nation to survive

1. Subordinate foreign policy to the domestic policy.

1.a. by freeing ourselves from foreign dictation;

1.b. by maintaining trade relations with any country irrespective of its

ideologies, political institutions, and form of government, whenever such
relations would prove beneficial to us; and

1.c. by industrializing with our own capital, generated from our savings
and supplemented by foreign loans.

III. No Sentimentalism In The Conduct Of Foreign Relations

A. Sentimentalism and emotionalism should not be allowed to play a part in

the consideration of matters affecting international relations.

B. There will be no nation who will sacrifice its welfare and security to pure
idealism or to sentimental attachments.

C. As Filipinos, we must look out for ourselves, because no one else will.

D. International relations must be conducted on the basis of quid pro quo

(something for something; or exchange of goods or services) and for the
national interest.

IV. A Realistic Foreign Policy

A. In order to be a realist,

1. we must free our minds from our habits of complacency and the
foolish illusion that we play a big role in an international game of politics;

2. we must cease believing that there is such a thing as altruism or selfless

concern among nations;
 3. we must subscribe to the proposition that in a world where the nation-
state system still prevails, every state takes care of its own national interest, and
the government will have to determine what those interests are and to adopt
and carry out the necessary policies towards safeguarding them; and

4. we must accept that the reasons why America had built up her
imposing military and diplomatic establishments in our country were to serve her
own self-interest and to safeguard her security as a nation and her position as a
world leader and it is only accidental for our protection.

B. As the world changes, new solutions are needed for our problems.

C. We must accept that communist countries are what they are and not what
we wanted them to be.

D. Grayson Kirk said, “in the field of foreign affairs, the essence of good
statesmanship lies in the ability to protect its fundamental and persistent interest
of the state… a constant reexamination of the forces of stability and change:
and the shaping of policy to fit them.”

V. The Minimum Requirements of our Foreign Policy

A. Legitimate Government

1. Believes in the reality of independence; efficiency in leadership

dignified by a principle of self-reliance

B. Economic Negotiations

1. Loans and subsidies based on equality rather than illogical special

relations

2. With collaterals of a united nation rather than the credit of

incompetent administration

C. National Defense and Security

1. Guarantee of unconditional assistance with equal rights given by the

United States to the members of North Atlantic Alliance, Australia, New Zealand
and Japan

2. It is by formal treaty we receive such guarantees

VI. Philippine-American Relations must be based on Equality

A. Preservation of relations between the Philippines and the United States

1. Change in acceptance, in agreements and in the practice of

sovereign status

B. Filipinos as a race of helots

1. Inner fault of own nature: reconciled to being treated as puppets

instead of equals

2. American people along with their liberty and national pride—the

impossibility of leading a crusade for dignity, rights and freedom without
acceptance of honest criticism

3. Devaluing freedom: Filipinos at fault for allowing domestic distresses,

economic difficulties and depreciated rights gained with the independence

C. Filipino-American relations

1. A relation founded upon generosity: bases, parity, tariff preferences,

immigration rights, other unprecedented concessions and loyalty

2. Addressing conflicts from misunderstood politeness—complaints from a

harsh but relevant truth

3. Give and take: securing rights and interests of the country over
anything else

D. Sovereignty in our own country

1. Resolving conflicts in favor of Philippine interests without other

extraneous matters i.e. communism remarks

VII. Our Independence and American Self-Interest

A. Democrats gave us the Jones Law

1. Promise of independence upon establishment of a stable

government.
 1.a. Republicans who succeeded left the promise unfulfilled.

1.b. For selfish motives, labor, cotton-seed oil, Cuban sugar, and beet
sugar were mobilized.

1.c. American congress passed the law for proclamation of our

independence allowing us to formulate a constitution & establish
Commonwealth but the Republican president vetoed it.

1.d.. When Democrats won this was re-enacted.

1.e. Economic pressure blocs made it possible for US to withdraw the

sovereignty from the Philippines.

1.f. American colonial adventures in the Far East resulted to failure.

2. Americans did not hesitate to demand the most formal and binding
written guarantees that their own national interest would be respected, their
economic & military requirement satisfied.

2.a. Grant of military & naval bases was made a mandatory

provision of independence

2.b. A binding for 99 years

2.c. Tariff exemptions for American goods and currency restrictions

on peso

2.d. Obligatory ordinance protecting American rights

VIII. Our Mendicant Foreign Policy

A. Foreign policy is pursued on erroneous assumption of an identity of

Americans & Filipino interest.

1. Our foreign policy was more correctly of the desirability, necessity, of

subordination or interest of those of America.

2. On 4th of July 1946 it was announced that we follow in the wake of

America.

3. America has no better supporters than Filipinos.

IX. The Recto stand vis-a-vis the United States

A. Opposition

1. Opposed to Bell Trade Act and favor of its Abrogation

2. Opposed of 99-year lease of bases

3. Opposed to the presence of American advisers in government offices

4. Favor in the abrogation of Quirino-Foster Agreement

5. Opposed of any "special relationship" we maintain with the United

States

X. Postwar Reimposition of Economic Control

A. War and the enemy occupation gave us opportunity to reassess our needs,
capabilities & policies.

1. Many realized we could stand in our own if we exert effort.

2. Fresh start in a more independent basis, politically & economically.

B. Popularity of American goods and Americans

1. Due to popularity of American goods we rekindled with our old

colonial beliefs.

2. Excitement of MacArthur's dramatic return

3. Magnanimity of the same old imperialistic policies at work.

4. Independent but beggars of foreign favors.

5. Citizen of Republican but habits & mentality of colonials.

XI. Self-help before Outside Help

A. ECA Agreements
 1. Western European democracies secured the basis of Self-help before
outside help thus ECA agreements.

2. United States is not to intervene in domestic affairs.

3. They were treated equals because they acted as equals.

B. We believed that we could only secure assistance if we submitted.

1. Submitting to the conditions of colonial status.

2. We accepted American dictation without protest that even the

enactment of revenue statutes & social legislation.

3. Returning willingly to the days of dollar diplomacy.

4. We failed to understand and to use a basis for our negotiation for

assistance is a primordial fact of the world in 1951.

5. The America needs her allies as much as her allies needs her.

6. In panic, we have chosen the downward path back to the days of

colonialism.

XII. Why We Are Taken For Granted

A. Upon the proclamation of independence, a foreign policy of masochism

was followed; Americans expected Filipinos to submit to their political powers
and the Philippine administration itself was guilty of planting and encouraging
that thought.

B. Filipinos were done relying on the so-called generosity of other nations.

1. If the foreign policy were different, Philippines would be considered

better off as a state in the American Union.

2. While maintaining relations with other nations is important, the

Philippines must prioritize the welfare of its own people, cognizant of its liberties
as an independent Republic.
XIII. Against Provocative Entanglements

A. Dangerous and provocative entanglements distract the Philippines from

local issues and dissipate its already limited strength and energy.

1. Political, social, and economic securities are at stake.

2. If the war of other nations should break out once more on Asian soil,
Filipino people and resources would take the brunt of it.

B. The Filipinos are victims of their own psychological warfare in which they
follow the United States of America in its various pursuits.

1. They feel responsible for the world in distress, not realizing they are
neglecting their own national interests.

2. As a recently proclaimed independent nation, it is susceptible to

foreign influence and control on the guise of advice and alliance.

3. Other nations, including the US, do not fear the Philippines; they only
see it as a dog tailing the US, not as equals that should not be take for granted.

XIV. A Foreign Policy of Adolescence

A. It is high time that the Philippines grow as an independent nation; it must

take its power in deciding on its own regarding the welfare of its own people
instead of fighting the wars of other nations.

1. It is not expected to immediately regain its self-reliance from other

nations, but it must work towards its full stature slowly and gradually.

2. Every nation must look after its own.

XV. We Must Rely Primarily on Ourselves

A. Too Much Dependency on America

1. Temporary Doting Parent

 1.a. We must not depend too much on America because she can
choose to leave us anytime she wants when her self-interest is no longer being
served.

B. Learning to be Independent

1. Heeding our Elder's Admonition

1.a. We must learn to fend for ourselves with courage, self-

confidence and faith, like how our parents always warned us when we were
young, so that we will be prepared in facing this unkind world alone.

XVI. The Myth of Special Relations

A. A Small, Weak Nation

1. Illusory Progress

1.a. clinging to a high standard of living amid perennially starving

masses

1.b. unable to feed, clothe, and arm ourselves in an age of

industrialization

2. Brothers Against Brothers

2.a. weak in numbers, we compounded our weaknesses with disunity

2.b. plunged into a fratricidal struggle which has rented national

solidarity and worked incalculable harm on the nation's economy

3. War-Mongers Without Armies

3.a. we have given cause and provocation for attack

3.b. we have become war-mongers without armies with our boastful

challenges, threats, and denunciations

3.c. we have helped to disunite the United Nations

B. Our Delusional Love Towards America

1. Dependent Independents
 1.a. fought three wars for independence then surrendering it
without a fight

1.b. vociferating about the reality of national freedom but acted as

if we do not want it nor believe in it

1.c. dependent upon the unguaranteed protection of America

1.d. we have fed upon the fancy that America will never forsake us
nor sacrifice our interests to her own, being her "favorite children"

1.e. the American policy has no other objective other than the
security, welfare, and interest of the American people

C. Filipino’s undiscerning faith to United States of America

1. General Douglas McArthur’s plea

1.a. “Be patient and understanding” with the Philippines

1.b. “Never fail them.” referring to Filipinos

1.c. An indirect implication that the concern of America to the

Filipino People is not unlimited nor automatic.

2. Bounded relation that the Filipino people did not notice

2.a. President Franklin D. Roosevelt signing the Tydings-McDuffie law

contributed to the unyielding trust of the Filipinos to the Americans

2.b. However, the same trusted President denies the Philippines

assurance of help and back - up in the provoking war.

2.c. The prevailing concern was that before when the Philippines
was still under the supervision of the United States, they were already undecided
to protect us from war. Therefore, now that we are claiming independence,
Filipinos must stop this dependency with our relation to U.S

XVII. The Need for Formal Guarantees

A. Philippines as Formosa 1949

 1. The United States, as a powerful country, remained strategic with each
action and fraying with Communist China was a strategic risk.

2. They are willing to give up Formosa, although important to American’s

safety, to avoid friction with China.

2.a. Knowing that Mao-Tse-Tung was an agrarian reformist

3. Without a treaty of mutual defense, Philippines is most likely standing

same plane as Formosa 1949

B. The United States is not a fool to dive into war to save the Philippines.

1. It is highly known that the UK and US are one, if not the closest, of the
closest when it comes to relation.

1.a. Racial

1.b. Ideological

1.c. Military

1.d. Economic

1.e. Sentimental Reason

2. United Kingdom’s state of peril

2.a. U.S. did not enter the First World War until three years after it
started. (1917)

2.b. The U.S did not enter the Second World War until two years after
it started in Europe. However, their main reason was because Japanese made a
suicidal mistake of bombing Pearl Harbor

3. The United States intervened only when Britain was almost annihilated,
but the action was taken as a result of the threat in their own interest.

C. Philippines way of assurance

1. Philippines’ security assurance will not be achieved with ambiguous

declarations of any individual/officials not under the Constitution of the United
States.
 2. Philippines’ security assurance should require a formal, binding
guarantee that, incase of an attack on the Philippines, the United States will go
to war in our defense.

3. The Philippine must ask for guarantees before commitment.

D. Recto's Critics

1. Commitment before guarantee.

1a. They find comfort in words and pretty phrases.

1b. Unquestioning devotion to the master power.

E. Recto's Approach

1. Guarantee before commitment

1a. Policies of big powers are subject to sudden changes very often.

1b. Lack of Guarantee have consequences of being deserted and

forsaken.

1c. We failed to require guarantees when guarantees were possible

and could be demanded and obtained as United Nations may undergo
disintegration and the United States find its forces and resources scattered and
divided in this world of chaos

1d. Policy makers should ask the people, let them choose between
mere presidential statements and unilateral declarations or formal guarantees
and a firm alliance -- those who have suffered the consequences of lack of
guarantee.

1e. If there's war we must be prepared with formal guarantees,

armament and allies.

XVIll. "Let Us Not Make No Enemies Where We Can't Make Friends"

A. The United States

1. Alliance with the United States

 1a. If the United States believes that war is inevitable, it must give us in
Asia a resolute leadership we can trust; It must give us the same unconditional
pledges and guarantees and the same actual evidence of a spirit of equality
and common fate the same to It's kinsmen and allies in the Atlantic Community.

2. If the United States failed to give us guarantees.

2a. Giving up allegiance with any foreign power and cease to fight
battles beyond our borders.

2b. We must stand united, under a lawful and legitimate leadership

as citizens of one country, one flag and one constitution whatever our
economic theories, social grievances, political beliefs and affiliations are and
whatever the future has in store for us. So we won't find our nation in the
paradoxysm of self-annihilation if war comes.

2c. Let us forget that we've been sacrificial race who fought the
battles of the strong but perished because of their abandonment.

XIX. The Charges of Anti-Americanism and Appeasement

A. Charges on Recto

1. He has been called anti-American, neutralist, appeaser and a

defeatist.

1a. Charges were because of him putting the interest and safety of
the country above those of any country and counseling a policy of prudence
and non-provocation unless and until the country is ready to face the
consequences with the binding guarantee that the United States will go to war
in our defense.

2. If charges on Recto are true, President Truman, Secretary Acheson,

Secretary Marshall, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the United States can rightfully
be called appeasers and defeatist "on the side of the communists"

2a. They have carefully avoided bombing Manchurian bases of the

communists forces in Korea, so as not to provoke and open war with China and
possibly Soviet Russia before the United States are fully prepared for it.
 2b. Mr. Acheson followed a policy of moderation and conciliation in
Iran, which supplies the oil for the whole western Europe.

2c. Mr. Truman publicly proclaimed his refusal to plunge humanity into
a third and perhaps final world war.

3. Recto was accused of collaboration with the Japanese

3a. Though he warned about them as being an enemy.

B. Recto is not Anti-American, at the least, he trust them.

1. " Yet it is only fair to add that, also as far back as 1927, I was expressing,
just as I have now, my trust in American Power, and sustaining the proposition
that the best foundation for peace in Asia and the Pacific would be for the
western powers, led by the United States, to maintain the balance of power in
this part of the world, pending the establishment of an organization of united
nations to preserve the peace of the world without resort to arms."

XX. The Bases Agreement Impairs Our Sovereignty

A. For Recto, the Base Agreement have not insured of our territorial integrity

1. It is unjustified.

1.a. The military occupation of Germany and Japan due to war

and unconditional surrender lasted only for ten years.

1.b. We fought on the same side with America not against them,
therefore, must shared in the fruit of victory not suffering indignity from the hands
of an ally.

1.c. Britain got a lease of territory in China for 99 years but was a
result of their war against each other.

2. It is extremely long lease of territory.

3. It is an odious peace-time military occupation by a friendly country

with immunity from certain laws.

B. For Recto, the Base Agreement should either be amended or should be

abrogated completely, if the agreement:
 1. Violates the territorial integrity of the Philippines.

2. Derogates the national sovereignty

3. If the US no longer affords protection for the Philippines but, on the

contrary, exposes her to attacks of such annihilating consequences as those
known in modern warfare

4. If it does not serve to maintain the peace but rather the "balance of
terror" in the Pacific.

C. For Recto, the relationship they brought about must be junked and
replaced with a new one based on recognition of and respect to our
independence.

XXI. American Defense and Self-Interest

A. American bases in the Philippines is not necessary; Reasons are

1. United States was the strongest military power in the world, no

prospect of an attack from any enemy

2. Holds Hawaii, Guam, Okinawa

3. Monopoly of atomic bomb

4. Being America’s friend, we could have at least put to good use its
implicit protection as an ally without having to enter military agreements which
we were on the losing end

B. Bases Agreement together with Military Assistance Agreement are

derogatory to our sovereignty

1. The two agreements allowed America to maintain military power in

and over the Philippines

2. Bases Agreement: “ensuring the territorial integrity of the Philippines,

the mutual protection of the Philippines and the United States of America, and
the maintenance of peace in the Pacific”

3. Reality, it is only for the protection and promotion of America’s

economic policy
 4. Strongest arm of power is the military

5. Once protection is accepted, the national security, and the political

and economic independence of the protected state are ipso facto given away

6. There is no national security without national freedom

7. One who accepts the military protection of another is that he has no

one to protect him from his protector

XXII. The Reality of our Military Position

A. In a polarized word of Giant Powers we can be described as totally

unarmed.

1. Without weapons of war, our soldiers are just civilians in uniform

2. No military strength unless we can provide or manufacture weapons

of war

3. We cannot manufacture these if we will remain as agricultural

4. Whoever we depend on for arms can dictate why, when, how, and
against whom the arms are to be used

5. We are deprived of sovereignty to decide

6. Washington’s Farewell Address, when “to choose peace or war as our

interest, guided by justice, shall counsel”

B. One who accepts protection from another submits himself to dictation

1. The galling and humiliating incidents in military and naval bases in our
country are only minor but inevitable consequences of our special relationship
with the United States

XXIII. In Peace, Foreign Bases Protect Foreign Investments

A. If we deny that the purpose of the US bases here is protection, as

suggested by Walter Lippman, it must be clear that the true purpose of their
bases here is only the promotion and protection of their interests
 B. Bases Agreement was signed on March 14, 1947, three days after the
plebiscite on Parity Amendment

C. The bases are evidence and reminder of American power on and over our
territory

D. Military power can be and is being utilized for political control, economic
control follows as a consequence

XXIV. In War, Foreign Bases Act as Magnets for Enemy Attacks

A. This is where the problem of our physical national survival enters

B. American commentators candidly admit that the purpose of these bases is

not our protection against, but our invitation to enemy attack to protect the
people in the US at the cost of the lives of our own people

C. Hanson Baldwin, the role of the US overseas bases in the world – including
those in the Philippines – is to “act as magnets for enemy attacks, thus dispersing
and weakening his threat to our [United States] cities and fixed installations.”

D. Yet it is understandable that the United States should devise ways to

protect its people

E. Recto's deploration and condemnation

1. We passively accept foreign bases.

2. We are like fools to believe that strategic bases are for the defense of
freedom.

3. Ignorance of true purpose of foreign bases is unpardonable as it is

frankly stated that these serve as magnets and decoys for enemy attack.

4. It is very irresponsible to permit missile bases.

F. Absence of foreign bases in the country

1. A chance that we might be spared.

2. We would not be doomed.

XXV. National Survival

A. State is the guardian of its own security.

1. "Any nation, will ever fight for the Philippines unless it is that nation's
own interest."

2. "If and when a nation does fight for us, she will not do it just for love."

B. People's survival: problem of the problems

1. Sacrificial resolution to represent America in war

2. Commission of race suicide to help America survive

3. Suffering of Filipino on a devastating attack

XXVI. The Need to Make Asian Friends

A. Philippines: a small nation

1. International reign of law is yet to be restored

2. Cannot afford to indulge prejudices and pamper illusions

3. May be troubled that America is almost the only friend

4. Apprehension and dismay at potential friends

5. May know how to regain trust and affection of potential friends.

B. Solve important problem before opening cooperation among Asian

countries

1. Be wary of sources of information

2. Biased information about one another's political and economic lives

3. Own agencies of information

XXVII. Asians and the Cold War

A. Cold War
 1. Powerful Countries

1.a. Bolters the economy

1.b. Prevents economic crises

1.c. Strengthens hold on pawn-like small nations

2. Young Nations

2.a. Cold war must end

2.b. Economic development can only be realized in peace

B. Asians

1. Command attention on the world stage

2. Their power should not be underrated

3. If united:

3.a. Could speak as one

3.b. Opinions not taken for granted

3.c. World will be richer and wiser

3.d. Logical sponsors of peace and freedom

C. Philippines

1. Foreign policy should be oriented toward closer cooperation with

fellow Asian

2. Government was criticized by Recto for indifference about struggles

for political emancipation of Asian neighbors

3. Now, more determined to become integrated into great Asian family.

XXVIII. The Need For Asian Solidarity

A. As to why there's a need for Asian Solidarity

 1. Indifference to our previous position of honor as bellwether of the
nationalistic revolution in Asia

2. Entitled and in a position to formulate our own foreign policy but

tend to chose to echo and re-echo the sentiments and attitudes of foreign state
departments

3. Filipino diplomats of vast pretensions but rather weak political

followings in their homeland overlooking the presence of capable witch-hunters
who had already preempted the former's astounding task of "paul-revering"

4. America has its own foreign policy which, by the wisdom or unwisdom
of its administration leaders, is deemed by them as necessary and adequate to
protect and promote its interest as one of the great powers

4.a. With much of that policy, any truly nationalistic administration

in the Philippines can often be in full agreement

B. "Asia for Asians" is just now perhaps the most effective principle to go by in
the search for solidarity among freedom-living Asian nation

1. The search for solidarity is not easy and the said difficulty is not Asian-
made nor blamable upon freedom-loving Asians

C. The strongest basis for Asian solidarity is a common united stand against
colonialism in any form and any sources

D. If America is seeking to win the cooperation and friendship of a united

Asia, she need to try to understand the meaning and implication that Asians
attach to the principle of "Asia for the Asians"

1. It is not for any Western people to decide for any Asian nation what
principles of foreign policy it may adopt or repudiate

E. There may be individual Asians or even important groups of Asians who

may still believe that they are not competent to decide for themselves and need
the guidance of non-Asians but the large majority among them have already
emancipated themselves from such subserviency

F. Adopting a principle of foreign policy that is from the natural expression of

their desires and feelings entitled free Asian people the presumption that they
know what they want and to what they are going
 G. In seeking to win the friendship among Asians

1. It should not forgotten the sole requirement of friendship is to respect

each other's point of view.

2. It opens the way for the stronger one to understand his weaker friend

2.a. Friendship of Philippines and America-recognized by far-

sighted American leaders as good potential bridge between Asia and US.

3. Failed to comply this sole requirement is also a failure to impose their

glossing motives.

H. The result of not granting the liberty to Asian

1. Nationalism grew more to most of Asian nations

2. Regard Western democracy as hypocritical enemy

3. Turned an eager ear to opposite ideology: the communism

3.a. So, Soviet System captured China, Indo-China and other

Asian regions

4. Retains to impose Western democracy to other Asian nations

4.a. India, Indonesia, Burma, Ceylon and Philippines

I. Salvation of Asian Nationalism/Philippine Nationalism

1. Reconquest

2. Liberation from

2.a. Western Colonialism

2.b. Soviet Imperialism

3. Welfare of the Asian themselves as primacy, above the interest of

Western power and Soviet System

XXVIX. The Future For Asia

A. For Asian to become the masters of their own destinies

 1. It should consider a birth for new civilization

2. It should rebuild new home of

2.a. peace

2.b. justice

2.c. liberty

B. Possible Results if Asian people and leaders achieved to do so

1. Enhancement to mutual cooperation and aid

2. Mutual relations to multilateral collaboration

3. Enrich

3.a. Economy

3.b. Culture

4. Bring forth:

4.a. Peace

4.b. Freedom