THE KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND THEIR KINSHIP ORGANIZATIONI

By LEOPOLD POSPISIL

INTRODUCTION
APAUKU is a name applied by the coastal people of south-western Netherlands
K New Guinea to a tribe of about 60,000 mountain Papuans who inhabit an area
in the Central Highlands located between 1350 25' and 1370 east longitude and 3 0 25'
and 4 0 10' south latitude. Although much shorter (the males average 151'2 cm.,
females 142' I em.) and brachycephalic, these people resemble lowland Papuans.
The country they live in is rugged with high mountains (some peaks attain an altitude
of 14,000 feet) and deep valleys. The climate is mild all the year round. The
vegetation of the virgin forest, which covers especially the higher mountain reaches,
is dense and lush; but the animal life is rather scarce. Marsupials, wild pigs, a few
rodents and reptiles, and several species of birds constitute the whole faunal inventory.
In this environment of rich soil and luxurious vegetation the Kapauku live by
horticulture. With their polished stone axes they clear patches of secondary growth
and fence them to protect the growing crops from both wild and domesticated pigs.
The newly cleared land is burned over and on the following day planted with a variety
of crops, among which sweet potatoes, sugar cane and taro are the staples.
The domesticated pig is the chief source of protein in the native diet. Moreover,
pig breeding constitutes an important means of acquiring wealth, prestige, and political
power. Hunting is sporadic. The rivers and lakes provide no fish, but an abundance
of crayfish, frogs, water insects and dragonfly larvse, which the women catch with
nets. From time to time men dive for crayfish or spear them. '
The people live in rectangular plank houses roofed with thatch or bark. The
male occupants of a dwelling sleep in a common room, but every adult woman, at
least ideally, has a room for herself and her children. The household is patrilocal
and normally consists of two or three monogamous or polygynous families. Within
this extended family, each nuclear family functions as an autonomous unit in respect
to education and social control. The father usually punishes and admonishes his
children, and the husband has exclusive authority over his wife. The head of a
household exercises direct jurisdiction not only over his own family but also over any
younger brothers who may live with him. However, he never exerts any authority
over his brothers' wives and only seldom over his brothers' children.

1 The author wishes to acknowledge the helpful and suggestive comments and criticisms of
this article by Professor G. P. Murdock. Particularly, he is indebted to Professor Floyd G.
Lounsbury for his help with the analysis of the kinship terminology. The research among the
Papuans of Netherlands New Guinea was generously financed by the Ford Foundation. However,
the Foundation is not to be understood as approving by virtue of its grant any of the statements
made in this article. To the Administration of Netherlands New Guinea the writer makes grateful
acknowledgements for protection and support during the period of the research.
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 189

Whereas the head of the household acquires his position because of his ownership
of the house, wealth and skilful oratory are the prerequisites for political leadership
within the village. Since wealth depends upon successful pig breeding as well as
upon age, the political structure of the village is in constant flux. New individuals
succeed to village leadership only to lose their position some years later to younger or
more successful pig breeders. The native leaders maintain order by applying
unwritten law, which is the basis for decisions informally rendered. Several villages
form a political confederacy, the largest unit in the political organization of the
Kapauku. The confederacy constitutes a unit in warfare, which almost never occurs
between its component villages. One village headman, through his influence and the
numerical strength of his followers and allies, achieves a territorial leadership over
the confederacy as a whole.
The Kapauku believe in and practise a capitalistic economy in which money,
credit, and savings play important roles. Individualism is even more pronounced
in this culture than in the West. No single item of property is owned by more than
one individual. Even wives, and children who have reached the age of eleven years,
have rights of property that are defined and distinguished from those of other members
of the family. In the economic sphere, the individual is largely independent, and
few regulations restrict his activities.
In their personal relations, all people consider themselves equal. There are no
castes, slaves, or social classes. Although subjected to a husband's authority, the
position of the woman is not greatly inferior to that of the man. The people are
realistic in their outlook, placing little emphasis upon ceremonialism and the super-
natural. Perhaps the most outstanding trait of their personality is a quantitative
approach to the universe. A highly developed decimal numerical system, running
well into the thousands, constitutes one manifestation of their quantitative orienta-
tion. They place value upon higher numbers and larger volume, with a degree of
emphasis that comes as a shock to a Western observer. When shown a magazine
picture of a smiling girl, my informants failed completely to react to her beauty;
instead they started to count her teeth.

THE SIB SYSTEM

The purpose of this article is to describe the sib system and kinship structure,
and the relations between these. In the following paragraphs we shall adopt Professor
Murdock's concept of sib, clan, and phratry. Accordingly, the term sib will mean a
unilineal consanguineal kin group whose members recognize a traditional bond of
common descent, but are unable to trace their actual genealogical relationship.
Subdivisions of such a group, which possess the same attributes mentioned above,
will be called subsibs. Grouping of several sibs whose members recognize a more
tenuous and conventional bond of kinship but distinguish themselves from groupings
of the same order will be called phratry (George P. Murdock, Social Structure, New
York, 1949, p. 47). Finally, by the term clan we mean a unilineal kinship group
whose members exhibit residential unity and actual social integration (ibid., p. 68).
190 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION
A cluster of about 15 houses forms a village, ideally an exogamous unit. Since
the Kapauku are organized in exogamous, patrilineal, totemic sibs, and a village is
normally composed of the male members of the same sib with their in-marrying
spouses, the village may be regarded as a patri-clan.
Twenty-eight of the Kapauku sibs are represented by their male members in the
Kamu Valley. Most of these sibs, usually two in a given case, group themselves
into phratries. All the members of the same phratry share totemic taboos and a
common incest prohibition toward individuals of either another specific phratry
or a specific single sib that does not belong to any phratry. However, the phratry
itself is not an exogamous group. Individuals may marry into the other sib of the
same phratry and their common totemic taboos constitute no hindrance to such
unions. Among the Kapauku totemism is divorced from the concept of incest.
Thirteen sibs (45% of those represented in the Kamu Valley) are each further sub-
divided into two groups which are identified by special names, always occupy separate
settlements, and are, as a rule, mutually very hostile. Thus these pairs of subsibs,
despite sharing common incest and totemic taboos and myths of origin, are politically
divided and belong invariably to confederacies which intermittently wage wars
against each other. Consequently, the Kapauku sibs as units play no important
role in politics, war, and economy. Their function lies in regulation of marriage and
inheritance.
Marriage is concluded by the payment of bride price, invariably collected by the
bride's brother. Despite the brother's obligation to return the price in case of
divorce, the marital bond is by no means firm. Dissolution of marriage occurs
rather often, and in the Kamu Valley is the main cause of wars. Although considered
a crime punishable by execution, adultery frequently is the first logical step in the
divorce proceeding. The collected genealogies reveal approximately one-third of
all marriages to be polygynous, with an occasional man having as many as 10 wives.
Sororal polygyny, sororate, and levirate are permitted but not preferential. Marriage
is prohibited (a) within the sib, (b) with any consanguineal relative of a different
generation, and (c) with any first cousin; but any second cousin who is not a sibmate
is a potential spouse.
In intestate inheritance, the Kapauku recognize three different situations which
are relevant to the allocation of the property of a deceased in the absence of a
testament. Two of these situations are defined by the sex of the deceased. Thus
different rules apply to the inheritance of property left by a man as against that left
by a woman. The third type of a situation relates to children under eight years
of age.
With the exception of such feminine articles as digging stick, fishing net, and
woman's net carrying bag, the mentioned three categories of specific rules of
inheritance do not differ in allocating specific property to different heirs. The
difference lies rather in the degree of inclusiveness of the sibling of the main heir in
the sharing of the estate. In all three types of inheritance it is the eldest son of the
deceased who becomes the main heir. In case of deficiency of sons, the woman's
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 191

estate becomes the property of her husband, and the man's property is inherited by
his eldest brother. In absence of the husband, the woman's property is inherited
by her husband's relatives in the same way as her husband's own property. Thus,
if the husband dies without leaving a son, his own and his wife's property go to
his eldest brother (a nauwa, if older than Ego, a weneka, if younger than Ego). If
there is no brother the man's first fraternal parallel nephews (classed as his " children,"
joka) inherit. In their absence the father of the deceased acquires the estate; and
in case the father is dead the father's eldest brother inherits. In deficiency of father's
brother the eldest father's brother's son (anepa) takes possession of the inheritance.
Ultimately, if all the mentioned relatives are not available, the eldest father's father's
brother's son and, in his absence, his eldest son (classed as paternal" parallel" cousin,
anepa) become the main heirs.s In other words, the rules of inheritance follow the
principles of primogeniture in the male line and limit the selection of heirs to the sib-
mates of the deceased male (or to those of the dead husband of the deceased female).
Those second paternal" parallel" cousins (anepa) who do not belong to the sib of the
deceased (e.g. F.F.S.S.S.) do not benefit from the death of their relatives.
When referring to the incest taboos and rules of inheritance, the Kapauku use
the following sib terminology:
(I) Muuma: individual of the second ascending generation of the same sib
as Ego,"
(2) Nakagaa: individual of the first ascending generation of the same sib as
Ego.
(3) Keneka: individual of the same generation and sib as Ego.
(4) ]okagaa: individual of the first descending generation of the same sib as
Ego.
(5) Wadojokagaa: individual of the second descending generation of the same
sib as Ego.
(6) Naamama: all husbands of females of Ego's sib of the first descending
generation (e.g. B.D.H., F.B.S.D.H., etcetera).
(7) Naitama: all men of Ego's sib of the first ascending generation (e.g., F.B.,
F.F.B.S., etcetera).
(8) Namaima: all women of Ego's sib of the first ascending generation (e.g.,
f.sr., f.f.b.d., etcetera).
The terms naamama, naitama and namaima are rarely used.

THE KINSHIP SYSTEM

In their behaviour toward Ego, consanguineal relatives fall into two broad
categories. The first includes all male paternal relatives of Ego and their spouses
with the exception of those who are noone "cross cousin" (e.g. F.Sr.S.), naama

I See definition of .. parallel" below under the heading of .. Bifurcation."

I Muuma is also a kinship term. As such, it refers to all consanguineal and affinal relatives
of the second ascending and descending generations regardless of sib membership.
192 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION
" nephew" to male Ego (e.g. F.B.D.S.), or ooka "nephew" to female Ego (e.g.
F.B.S.S.) and their spouses (see definitions below), e.g. paternal grandparents;
male paternal "parallel" cousins, anepa, with their wives; paternal uncles, naita,
with their wives. The second category comprises, in general, all remaining con-
sanguineal relatives, i.e. maternal relatives of either sex, female paternal relatives,
and all noone, naama and ooka, together with the spouses of all these.
Relatives of the first category display behaviour very similar to that of Ego's
parents and siblings, naturally with intensity diminishing with distance. These
relatives are jointly liable to any third person. They are bound by the duty for blood
vengeance and are also obligated to contribute to the payment of the dabe uwo, a
reward for killing the assassin of a relative. Moreover, all these male relatives and
their spouses have a joint right to the me mege, the blood money paid by the killer of
Ego, to the exclusion of all the other relatives.
All the members of this category (including women) usually assist Ego in buying
a wife by contributing to the one and kade parts of the bride price. One, the main
payment, must be paid in the old and precious cowries and pigs. Kade, an accessory
to the main payment, consists of small gifts of inexpensive shell money and beads.
In the everyday life of the village, relatives of this first category frequently visit
one another, and they help each other in clearing land and in tilling fields in return
for a customary payment. This mutual assistance extends even to financial matters.
These relatives are not ashamed or embarrassed even to ask for extensive loans of
shell money. The older relatives participate in the education of a boy or girl. They
love them but do not hesitate to mete out occasional punishment. They display
affection toward a young girl, but if she resists marriage to a man selected by her
father, they support the father's choice and punish the girl to induce her to accept
the proposed husband.
The second category of relatives is residual to the first one. As compared with
those of the first category, these relationships are emotionally stronger but they lack
joint liability. The duty of blood vengeance is less strongly felt, as is the sponsorship
of tapa, the blood reward ceremony. They have, however, no right to collect blood
money from the killer of Ego. These kinsmen offer their houses as an asylum against
parental wrath, but they render less financial assistance than do relatives of the first
category. They make no contribution, for example, to the one part of the bride
price. In general, a feeling of shame prevents a Kapauku from seeking financial
assistance from kinsmen of this category.
Relatives of the second category may be further subdivided into two groups
according to their behaviour toward Ego. Maternal grandparents, all cross-eousins
(noone), maternal uncles (naama) , paternal aunts (ooka), and female paternal
" parallel" cousins (paneka) feel emotionally more involved with Ego than do maternal
" parallel" cousins (ijoka) and maternal aunts (niika). While the affection of the
former group results in indulgence, the relatives of the latter group behave more
objectively and feel free to criticize and to punish by mild reprimands or, under very
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 193

unusual circumstances, by spanking. The child or adolescent finds it more attractive

to visit the relatives who do not punish him. A boy reciprocates their indulgence
with gifts of game, especially of species taboo to his sib but often not to theirs.
Children regard the home of a maternal uncle in particular as a paradise. While
the uncle does not exceed the paternal aunt in the degree of his affection, as a male
he is better able to resist the anger and pressure of parents insistent upon punishment.
The latter may even wage a stick fight with the mother's brother to regain control
over their misbehaving offspring. "I had such fun watching my father arguing or
fighting with my mother's brother," confided a Kapauku boy, "that I sometimes
started trouble on purpose to enjoy it more often."
The behaviour and residence of affinal relatives merits a few comments. An
elderly couple usually live with the family of their eldest son. In exceptional
instances they may reside with a married daughter, especially if they are poor and
have no son. Matrilocal residence, in which a Kapauku is invited to live with his
wife's parents, is comparatively rare. 4 As in our culture, parents-in-law are usually
not held in affection. A mother-in-law frequently visits and helps her daughter, and
on these occasions observes and freely criticizes the behaviour of her son-in-law,
which does not conduce to the development of a friendly attitude on his part. The
relationship of a man to his wife's brother or of a young woman to her husband's
sister, on the other hand, often develops into mutual respect and deep friendship.
Also, a young wife may find in her mother-in-law a protector against her husband's
anger.
Some common features may be observed in Ego's relations with his in-laws
and with his consanguineal relatives of the second category. Thus a Kapauku owes
blood vengeance for the death of an affinal relative as much as he does for the death
of a consanguineal relative of the second category, but in neither case has a right to
claim blood money from the killer. Similarly he is embarrassed to ask an affine for
financial assistance, and is less willing to become a co-sponsor of a tapa or blood
reward ceremony in honour of the killer of his affine's murderer. However, the house
of an affinal relative is not an asylum in case of matrimonial difficulties, and the
affection so characteristic of consanguineal relatives of the second category is usually
weak or even completely absent. The reason may lie in the temporary nature of
affinal bonds which results from the ease and frequency of divorce.
Kapauku kinship terms are of two kinds; "relative terms" which define a
relation between the speaker and the person spoken or referred to, and "absolute
terms" which, if used by themselves, are applied to an individual irrespective of his
relationship to the speaker. The" absolute terms" are included in the category of
kinship terms because they are frequently compounded with the" relative terms."
For example, naita (my paternal uncle) and ibo (first-born male) are combined into
nataibo (my father's eldest brother).
4 The parents of the wife are usually old, have no son, and the wife is their eldest daughter.
The son-in-law, who accepts a matrilocal residence, is frequently a poor man who is not the first-
born son of his parents.
o
194 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION

A bsolute terms :
(I) Ibo, ibome. Oldest of male children born by a woman to a man. Thus there
may be as many ibo sons of a man as there are wives. A given woman has
sons called ibo as often as she remarries and bears a son.
(2) Ipouga, ipougame. Second oldest male child with the above specifications.
(3) Mabii, mabiime. Children of either sex between the second born and the last
born of the same sex, with the above specifications.
(a) Degemabii. The third born of the children of either sex with the above
specifications.
(b) Bunamabii. The fourth born of the children of either sex with the above
specifications.
(c) Kepagamabii. The fifth born of the children of either sex with the
above specifications.
Note.-Terms 3 (a) to 3 (c) are used only if there are several persons called mabii.
This is the case only if a woman bears five or more children of the same sex to the
same husband.
(4) Amoje, amojeme. The last born of male children with specifications given
under (I).
(5) Oumau, oumaume. The first born of female children with specifications given
under (I).
(6) Maga, magame. The second born of female children with specifications given
under (I).
(7) Amaadii, amaadiime. The last born of female children with specifications
given under (I).
(8) Epame. The first wife.
(9) Jupikaame. The second wife.
(10) Imoudame. The last wife.
(II) -pa. A suffix added to the above ten terms connoting offspring of either sex-
Thus ibopa means a son or a daughter of ibo. In cases (8), (9) and (10)
the suffix -me (man) is dropped and replaced by -pa: imoudapa. In case
(8), to avoid immediate repetition of the same syllables (epaapa) ko
(demonstrative feminine article) is inserted: epakopa.
(12) Enaago. An individual of either sex with no siblings of the same sex.

Relative terms":
(I) Ani pigoka (" my great-great-grandkinsman ").
(a) Used by a speaker of either sex for paternal or maternal con-
sanguineal relatives of either sex and of any degree of collaterality,

5 For paradigms, see Appendix. All the relative terms may be qualifi,ed by the following
optional specification: didee--collaterally closest kin types, epee-any of collaterally more distant
kin types; e.g., anepa didee means first paternal parallel cousin.
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 195

of the fourth ascending and descending generations. E.g.

F.F.F.F., f.f.f.m., F.M.F.F.B., f.m.m.f.sr., F.F.M.F.F.B.S.,
m.rn.m.m.m.b.d., F.F.M.F.M.Sr.S., m.m.m.m., m.m.f.f.sr.,
M.M.M.M.F.B.S., S.S.S.S., s.s.d.d., d.d.d.d., B.S.S.S.S., sr.d.s.d.d.,
Sr.D.S.S.S., M.B.S.S.S.S.S.
(b) Used by a speaker of either sex for his step-relatives of the fourth
ascending and descending generations; i.e., for the spouses of his
consanguineal relatives (paternal or maternal, and of any degree of
collaterality) of the fourth ascending generation, and for the
consanguineal relatives (paternal or maternal, and of any degree of
collaterality) of Ego's spouse in the fourth descending generation.
E.g. f.f.f.f.b.w., F.F.M.M.S.H., M.M.F.F.S.H., H.B.S.S.S.S.,
W.S.S.S.S.S., W.F.B.S.D.D.5.5.
(c) Extended, as an alternative term (in place of ani baaka) , by a
speaker of either sex to his in-laws of the fourth ascending genera-
tion, and to their spouses; and also, under some circumstances,
to his and his spouse's in-laws of the fourth descending generation;
i.e., to the consanguineal relatives (paternal or maternal and of any
degree of collaterality) of Ego's spouse in the fourth descending
generation, and to their spouses, and potentially also to the
reciprocals of these. E.g. H.F.F.F.F., h.f.m.m.m.,
H.M.M.M.M.B., hJJJJ.b.w., H.F.M.F.M.S.H.; also potentially
S.S.S.S.w., D.D.D.D.H., d.s.d.s.w., h.b.s.s.s.s.w., w.sr.s.d.s.s.w.

(2) Ani aija (" my great-grandkinsman "). Used by a speaker of either sex for all
relatives of Ego and of Ego's spouse of the third ascending and descending
generations and for their respective spouses, in a way analogous to the uses
of the terms ani pigoka (I) .

(3) Ani muuma (" my grandkinsman "). Used by a speaker of either sex for all
consanguineal relatives of Ego and of Ego's spouse of the second ascending
or descending generations and for their respective spouses, in a way
analogous to the uses of the terms ani pigoka (I) and ani aija (2).

(4) Naama (" my maternal uncle"; "my sororal nephew or niece," male speaking).
(a) Used by a speaker of either sex for a male maternal consanguineal
relative of mother's generation, and of any degree of collaterality.
E.g. M.B., M.F.B.S., M.F.S.S., M.M.Sr.S., M.M.B.S.
(b) Used by male speaker for a consanguineal relative of either sex,
of the first descending generation, and of any degree of collaterality,
whose mother is a consanguineal kinswoman of the male speaker
and of his generation. E.g. Sr.Ch. (male speaking), F.B.D.Ch.
196 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION

(male speaking), M.Sr.D.Ch. (male speaking), F.Sr.D.Ch. (male

speaking), M.B.D.Ch. (male speaking). The kin types of (4) (b)
are the reciprocals of those of (4) (a).
5. Ani ooka (" my paternal aunt"; "my fraternal nephew or niece," female
speaking).
(a) Used by a speaker of either sex for a female paternal consanguineal
relative of father's generation and of any degree of collaterality.
E.g. F.sr., f.f.b.d., f.f.sr.d., f.m.sr.d., f.m.b.d.
(b) Used by a female speaker for a consanguineal relative of either sex,
of the first descending generation, and any degree of collaterality,
whose father is a consanguineal kinsman of the female speaker and
of her generation. E.g. B.Ch. (female speaking), F.B.S.Ch.
(female speaking), M.B.S.Ch. (female speaking), M.Sr.S.Ch. (female
speaking), F.S.S.Ch. (female speaking). The kin-types of (5) (b)
are the reciprocals of those of (5) (a).
(c) Loosely extended to the female paternal and maternal consanguineal
relatives of the second ascending generation who are also called
ani muuma (3). E.g. f.m., m.m,
(d) Loosely extended to the wives of male paternal and maternal
consanguineal relatives of the second ascending generation, of any
degree of collaterality, who are also called ani muuma (3). E.g.
f.f.b.w., m.f.b.w.
(e) Loosely extended to the wives of Ego's spouse's male paternal or
maternal consanguineal relatives of the second ascending genera-
tion, of any degree of collaterality, who are also called ani muuma
(3). E.g. w.f.f.b.w., h.m.f.b.w.
(f) Loosely extended by a female speaker to the reciprocals of the
kin-types of (5) (c), (d), (e). E.g. S.Ch. (female speaking),
D.Ch. (female speaking), B.D.Ch. (female speaking), H.B.S.Ch.
(female speaking), H.B.D.Ch. (female speaking), H.B.S.D.H.
(female speaking), h.b.d.s.w. (female speaking).
(6) Ani joka (" my child "). Used by a speaker of either sex for a paternal or
maternal consanguineal relative of either sex, of the first descending
generation, and of any degree of collaterality, whose parent is either Ego,
or Ego's consanguineal relative of the same sex and generation as Ego.
E.g. Ch., B.Ch. (male speaking), Sr.'sCh. (female speaking), F.B.S.Ch.
(male speaking), F.B.D.Ch. (female speaking), F.Sr.S.Ch. (male speaking),
F.Sr.D.Ch. (female speaking), F.F.B.S.S.Ch. (male speaking), F.F.B.S.D.Ch.
(female speaking), F.F.Sr.S.Ch. (male speaking), also M.B.S.Ch. (male
speaking), M.B.D.Ch. (female speaking); but not, for example, Sr.Ch.
(male speaking), F.Sr.Ch. (male speaking). Ani joka kin-types are the
reciprocals of those of niikai (7), niika (8), naitai (9) and naita (ro),
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 197

(7) Niikai (" my mother "). Ego's mother.

(8) Niika (" my maternal aunt "). Used by a speaker of either sex for a female
maternal consanguineal relative of mother's generation, and of any degree
of collaterality other than zero (i.e. other than lineal mother). E.g.
m.sr., m.m.sr.d., m.m.b.d., m.f.sr.d. This term is also used for step-
mother in a polygynous or monogamous family."
(9) Naitai (" my father "). Ego's father.
(10) Naita (" my paternal uncle "), Used by a speaker of either sex for a male
paternal consanguineal relative of father's generation, and of any degree of
collaterality other than zero (i.e. other than lineal father). E.g. F.B.,
F.F.B.S., F.F.Sr.S., F.M.B.S., F.M.Sr.S.
(II) Noone (" my cross cousin "), Used by a speaker of either sex for a paternal or
maternal cousin of either sex, of the same generation, and of any degree of
collaterality, whose parent is Ego's father's female consanguineal kinsman
of his generation, or is Ego's mother's male consanguineal kinsman of her
generation. E.g. F.Sr.Ch., F.F.sr.D.Ch., F.F.B.D.Ch., F.M.Sr.D.Ch.
F.M.B.D.Ch., M.B.Ch., M.M.B.s.Ch., M.M.Sr.S.Ch., M.F.B.S.Ch.,
M.F.Sr.S.Ch. ; but not, for example, F.F.Sr.s.Ch., M.F.Sr.D.Ch.,
M.M.B.D.Ch.
(12) Ani ijoka (" my maternal parallel cousin "). Used by a speaker of either sex
for a maternal cousin of either sex, of the same generation, and of second or
higher degree of collaterality, whose mother is Ego's mother's consanguineal
kinswoman. E.g. M.Sr.Ch., M.F.B.D.Ch., M.F.Sr.D.Ch., M.M.B.D.Ch.,
M.M.Sr.D.Ch. ; but not, for example, M.F.B.S.Ch., M.M.Sr.S.Ch.,
M.M.B.S.Ch.
(13) Ani paneka (" my sibling or paternal parallel cousin of opposite sex "). Used
by a speaker of either sex of a paternal kinsman of the opposite sex, of the
same generation, and of any degree of collaterality, whose father is either
Ego's father or Ego's father's male consanguineal kinsman of the same
generation. E.g. sr. (male speaking), B. (female speaking), F.B.S. (female
speaking), f.f.b.s.d. (male speaking), F.F.Sr.S.S. (female speaking),
F.M.B.S.S. (female speaking), f.m.b.s.d. (male speaking), F.M.Sr.S.S.
(female speaking), f.m.sr.s.d. (male speaking), but not, for example,
F.M.B.D.S. (female speaking), f.f.b.d.d. (male speaking).
(14) Ani weneka (" my younger sibling or paternal parallel cousin of the same sex "].
Used by a speaker of either sex for a younger paternal relative of the same
sex, of the same generation, and of any degree of collaterality, whose father

• Relatives of a stepmother are called by the pertinent kinship terms for true maternal
relatives.
198 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION
is either Ego's father, or Ego's father's male consanguineal kinsman of his
generation. E.g. B. (younger than male speaker), sr. (younger than female
speaker), F.B.S. (younger than male speaker), f.b.d. (younger than female
speaker), F.F.B.S.S. (younger than male speaker), F.F.Sr.S.S. (younger
than male speaker), f.f.sr.s.d. (younger than female speaker), F.M.B.S.S.
(younger than male speaker), f.m.sr.s.d. (younger than female speaker) ;
but not, for example, F.F.Sr.D.S. (younger than male speaker), F.F.B.D.S.
(younger than male speaker).
(15) Nauwa (H my elder brother or elder paternal male parallel cousin, male
speaking "}. Used by a male speaker for an older male paternal relative
of the same generation and of any degree of collaterality, whose father is
either Ego's father or Ego's father's male consanguineal kinsman of his
generation. E.g. B. (older than male speaker), F.B.S. (older than male
speaker), F.F.B.S.S. (older than male speaker), F.F.Sr.S.S. (older than male
speaker), F.M.B.S.S. (older than male speaker), F.M.Sr.S.S. (older than
male speaker) ; but not, for example, F.F.B.D.S. (older than male speaker),
F.M.B.D.S. (older than male speaker).
(16) Anibai (H my elder sister or elder paternal female parallel cousin," female
speaking). Used by a female speaker for an older female paternal relative
of the same generation and of any degree of collaterality, whose father is
either Ego's father or Ego's father's male consanguineal kinsman of his
generation. E.g. sr. (older than female speaker), F.B.D. (older than
female speaker), F.F.Sr.S.D. (older than female speaker); but not, for
example, f.f.sr.d.d. (older than female speaker).
(17) Anepa" (H my paternal parallel cousin of same sex "). An optional alternate
term used by a speaker of either sex for a paternal cousin of the same sex,
of the same generation, and of second or higher degree of collaterality,
whose father is Ego's father's male consanguineal kinsman of his generation.
E.g. F.B.S. (male speaking), f.b.d. (female speaking), F.F.B.S.S. (male
speaking), f.f.sr.s.d. (female speaking); but not, for example, F.M.B.D.Ch.
This term may replace the terms ani weneka (14), nauwa (15), and anibai
(16) either when it is desired to specify that the kinsman referred to is not
a real sibling, or when for any reason his real age is unknown and he therefore
cannot be classified in the younger v. older categories.
(18) Ani wape (H my step-uncle; my step-nephew or step-niece," male speaking).
(a) Used by a speaker of either sex for a husband of a female paternal
or maternal consanguineal relative of the first ascending generation,
and of any degree of collaterality. E.g. F.Sr.H., F.F.B.D.H.,
F.F.Sr.D.H., F.M.B.D.H., M.Sr.H., M.M.Sr.D.H., M.F.B.D.H.

7 Kinship terms (1)-(17) are extended to the close relatives of the speaker's best friend.
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 199

(b) Used by a male speaker for his wife's" fraternal" or " sororal "
consanguineal relative of either sex, of the first descending genera-
tion, and of any degree of collaterality. E.g. W.Sr.Ch.,
W.B.Ch., W.F.B.D.Ch., W.M.B.S.Ch. The kin-types of (18) (b)
are the reciprocals of (18) (a).
(19) Naamai (" my step-aunt; my step-nephew or step-niece," female speaking).
(a) Used by a speaker of either sex for a wife of a male paternal or
maternal consanguineal relative of the first ascending generation,
and of any degree of collaterality. E.g. f.b.w., f.f.b.sr.w., fJ.sr.s.w.,
f.m.b.s.w., f.m.sr.s.w., m.m.b.s.w., m.m.sr.s.w., m.f.b.s.w.,
m.f.sr.s.w., m.b.w.
(b) Used by a female speaker for her husband's "fraternal" or
" sororal" consanguineal relative of either sex, of the first descend-
ing generation, and of any degree of collaterality. E.g.
H.Sr's.Ch., H.B.Ch., H.F.B.S.Ch., H.M.B.S.Ch. The kin-types of
(19) (b) are the reciprocals of those of (19) (a).
(20) Ani waka (" my spouse "). Ego's spouse. E.g. H., W.
(21) Ani geeka (" my sibling-in-law of opposite sex "). Used by a speaker of either
sex for his in-laws who are of the same generation but of opposite sex to
himself; i.e., for the spouses of Ego's same-sex consanguineal relatives
and for Ego's spouse's same-sex consanguineal relatives. E.g. Sr.H.
(female speaking), b.w. (male speaking), F.B.D.H. (female speaking),
m.b.s.w. (male speaking), M.Sr.D.H. (female speaking), H.B., w.sr., w.f.b.d.,
H.F.Sr.S., w.f.sr.d.
(22) Ani baaka (" my sibling-in-law of same sex," or "my off-generation in-law
or step-in-law of either sex "].
(a) Used by a speaker of either sex for his in-laws who are of the same
generation and of the same sex as himself; i.e., for the spouses of
Ego's opposite-sex consanguineal relatives, and for Ego's spouse's
opposite-sex consanguineal relatives. E.g. Sr.H. (male speaking),
b.w. (female speaking), F.B.D.H. (male speaking), m.b.s.w, (female
speaking), M.Sr.D.H. (male speaking), W.B., h.sr., W.M.B.S.,
h.f.b.d., W.F.B.S.
(b) Used by a speaker of either sex for his in-laws of any ascending or
descending generations; i.e. for the consanguineal relatives of
Ego's spouse in ascending generations, and for the spouses of Ego's
consanguineal relatives of descending generations. E.g. W.F.,
W.M., H.F., H.M., W.M.B., h.f.sr., H.F.F.B.S., W.F.F., h.f.m.,
H.M.F., D.H., S.w., S.S.w., f.b.d.s.w., m.b.s.s.w., S.S.D.H.
200 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION

(c) Used by a speaker of either sex for the spouses of his in-laws in any
ascending or descending generation; i.e., for his spouse's relatives'
spouses in any ascending or descending generation, but not in his
own generation. E.g. w.rn.b.w., h.f.f.b.s.w., W.M.M.B.D.H.,
h.f.f.b.w., w.b.s.w., W.B.D.H., h.b.s.w.
(23) Ani geeto (" my step-sibling-in-law "), Used by a speaker of either sex for a
spouse of the spouse's paternal or maternal consanguineal relative of either
sex, of the same generation, and of any degree of collaterality. E.g.
w.b.w., H.Sr.H., W.Sr.H., h.b.w., W.F.B.D.H., h.f.b.s.w.
Analysis of the above definitions discloses the following kinds of distinctions
that are observed in the use of the Kapauku kinship terminology.
1. Generation distance (±4, ±3, ±2, ±I, 0). With the exception of ani baaka
(22) all Kapauku terms imply generation distinction.
2. Bifurcation (cross v. parallel). Bifurcation distinctions are made only within
the generation distances ±I and o.
We may observe three variants of this criterion for terminological differentiation
which operate in the first ascending (4), (S), (7), (8), (9), (10), first descending (4), (6)
and Ego's generations (II)-(I7). In all the variants the compared sexes which are
responsible for the respective terminological dichotomies are those of relatives of the
same generation which is never removed from that of the Ego more than once.
Ego's generation. The distinction between the Kapauku cross (II) and parallel
cousins (12)-(17) follows a principle which differs from that implied in the popular
usage of those terms. 8 The principle becomes obvious when we consider the Kapauku
classification of second cousins. For example, in the case of f.f.sr.s.d. it is not the
sexes of the two ancestral siblings from whom Ego and this cousin are respectively
descended (F.F. and f.f.sr.) which furnish the criteria for distinguishing between
cross and parallel. Rather, it is the sexes of the immediate parents of Ego and the
cousin (F. and F.F.Sr.S.) which furnish it. These being both male in this case. the
f.f.sr.s.d. is a Kapauku " parallel" cousin. In Ego's generation it is the difference or
identity between the sexes of the first and last genealogical links which provides the
necessary criterion for distinguishing between cross cousins (noone (II)) on the one
hand and parallel cousins (ani ijoka (12), ani paneka (13), ani weneka (14), nauwa (IS),
anibai (16) and anepa (17), on the other.
First ascending generation. The difference or identity between the sex of the
first genealogical link and the sex of the kinsman furnishes the criterion which accounts
for the distinction between the parallel relatives of niikai (7), niika (8), naitai (9),
naita (10) categories on one hand, and the cross-relatives of naama (4) (a) and ani
ooka (S) (a) categories on the other. Thus, for example, f.f.b.d. is cross (ani ooka
(S) (a)), while F.F.Sr.S. is parallel (naita (10)).

8 Independently of this writer's findings among the Kapauku, Professor Floyd G. Lounsbury
arrived at the same conclusions with regard to the Iroquois type of cousin terminology among the
North American Indians.
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 201

First descending generation. The difference or identity between the sex of Ego
and the sex of the last genealogical link furnishes the criterion which accounts for the
distinction between the parallel relatives of ani joka (6) category on one hand, and
the cross-relatives of naama (4) (b) and ani ooka (5) (b) categories on the other. Thus,
for example, a male speaker's F.Sr.S.S. is parallel (ani joka (6)), while his F.B.D.S.
is cross (naama (4) (b)).
3. Generation direction (descending v. ascending). This contrast, which
dichotomizes between descending (6) and ascending (7)-(10) directions, is made only
among parallel consanguineal relatives of generation distance equal to one.
4. Side (female side v. male side; i.e., matrilateraljsororilineal v. patrilateralj
fratrilineal). If employed in the first ascending or zero generations, this criterion
for terminological differentiation dichotomizes between matrilateral relatives (naama
(4) (a), niikai (7), niika (8), ani ijoka (12)) and patrilateral relatives (ani ooka (5) (a),
naitai (9), naita (10), ani paneka (13), ani weneka (14), nauwa (IS), anibai (16), anepa
(17)). If employed in the first descending generation this criterion is responsible
for the distinction between sororilineal (naama (4) (b)) and fratrilineal (ani ooka
(5) (b)) consanguineal relatives. The term" sororilineal " is used to apply to children
of Ego's sisters or female cousins (parallel or cross), while" fratrilineal " applies to
children of Ego's brothers or male cousins (parallel or cross). Since the sororilineal
v. fratrilineal distinction is employed only in case of consanguineal relatives of the
" cross" type (for definition see above), it is implicit that only male Ego can call
his sororilineal consanguineal relative of the first descending generation naama (4) (b),
and only female Ego can call her fratrilineal consanguineal relative of the first
descending generation ani ooka (5) (b).
5. Sex of kinsman relative to sex of Ego (sex opposite to Ego's v. sex same as Ego's).
This criterion reflects the reality that the speaker and his kinsman may be of opposite
sex or of same sex, irrespective of whether the particular sex is male or female. Thus
this criterion is distinct from those of speaker's sex and sex of kinsman specified in
absolute terms. It applies to the terms for consanguineal relatives of Ego's generation
and differentiates between ani paneka (13) of the sex opposite to Ego's and ani weneka
(14), nauwa (IS), anibai (16), anepa (17), all of the same sex as Ego. It also applies
to the terms for affinal relatives of Ego's generation and differentiates between ani
waka (20) and ani geeka (21) of sexes opposite to Ego'S, and ani baaka (22) with the
same sex as Ego.
6. Collaterality (lineal v. collateral, in first ascending and descending generations;
first-degree collateral v. second- or higher-degree collateral in Ego's generation).
The criterion of collaterality distinguishes between the following classes: niikai (7)
and niika (8), naitai (9) and naita (10), ani waka (20) and ani geeka (21), anepa (17)
and ani weneka (14), nauwa (IS), anibai (16).
7. Relative age (younger than Ego v. older than Ego). This criterion differentiates
the younger same sexed patrilateral consanguineal relatives of Ego's generation
ani weneka (14) from the older relatives of the same types nauwa (IS) and anibai (16).
202 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION
8. Speaker's sex (Ego being male v. Ego being female). Sex of Ego is employed
as criterion for terminological differentiation in the following pairs of terms of the
Ego's and the first descending generations: nauwa (IS) and anibai (16); ani wape
(18) (b) and naamai (19) (b).
9. Sex of kinsman (male relatives v. female relatives). The criterion of sex of
kinsman is applied in the following pair of terms: ani wape (18) (a) and naamai
(18) (b).
Sex of kinsman and speaker's sex, used jointly, furnish an alternative criterion
for conceptualizing the distinction between naama (I) and ani ooka (5).
10. Kind of relation (consanguineal, step, affinal, step-affinal). All Kapauku
relatives may be classified into four main categories: consanguineal relatives who
have no marital link in their genealogical relations with Ego; the step relatives,
i.e., consanguineal relatives' spouses in ascending generations and spouse's con-
sanguineal relatives in descending generations; affinal relatives, i.e., spouse's con-
sanguineal relatives in Ego's and ascending generations and consanguineal relatives'
spouses in Ego's and descending generations; and step-affinal relatives, i.e., the
spouse's relatives' spouses in all generations.
The structure of the Kapauku kinship terms can be presented in an outline form
as follows, where each successive indentation represents another of the above kinds
of differences:
I. Consanguineal Classes
(Classes (1)-(17) contain all consanguineal relatives as well as some step relatives
and affinal relatives, as noted below under II, III, and IV.)
±4. Fourth ascending and descending generations ani pigoka (I)
±3. Third ascending and descending generations ani aija (z]
±z. Second ascending and descending generations ani muuma (3)
Cross:
Female side (matrilineal male relatives in Gl/Male
Ego's sororilineal relatives in G-l) naama (4)
Male side (patrilateral female relatives in Gl/Female
Ego's fratrilineal relatives in G-l) ani ooka (5)
Parallel:
(a) Descending (G-l) ani joka (6)
(b) Ascending (Gl) :
Female side (matrilateral female relatives) :
Lineal niikai (7)
Collateral and/or step niika (8)
Male side (patrilateral male relatives) :
Lineal naitai (9)
Collateral and/or step naita (10)
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 203

o. Ego's generation:
Cross noone (II)
Parallel:
Female side (matrilateral) ani joka (12)
Male side (patrilateral) :
Sex opposite to Ego's ani paneka (13)
Sex same as Ego's:
Any degree of collaterality:
Younger than Ego ani weneka (14)
Older than Ego:
Ego being male nauwa (IS)
Ego being female anibai (16)
Optional alternate term for second- or higher degree
collaterals of the ani weneka, nauwa, and anibai
classes anepa (17)

II. Step Classes

All types of step-kin relatives are classed with consanguineals (see above), except
for the following:
±. First ascending and descending generations:
Collateral:
Ego's male relatives in Gl/male Ego's relatives
in G-l ani wape (18)
Ego's female relatives in Gl/female Ego's
relatives in G-l naamai (19)

III. Affinal Classes

'0. Ego's generation:
Sex opposite to Ego's:
Lineal (i.e., Ego's own spouse) ani waka (20)
Collateral (i.e., collateral relative's spouse) ani geeka (21)
Sex same as Ego's ani baaka (22)
±I-±4. All ascending and descending generations ani baaka (22)
(±2-±4. Consanguineal terms (ani muuma (3), ani aija (2), ani pigoka (I)
may be extended, as alternatives to the term ani baaka, to affinals of second or greater
ascending and descending generations. This is especially true for those of ascending
generations.)
IV. Step-affinal Classes
All step-affinals are classed with affinals (see above) except for the following:
o. Ego's generation ani geeto (23)
204 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION
CONCLUSION
The Kapauku sib system and kinship system structure the various types of
behaviour of an individual toward his kinsmen so that these fall into two broad
categories.
The definition of incest and the regulation of marriage and inheritance are
determined in part by the sib system and in part by the kinship system. Legal
liability, duty of blood vengeance, obligation to contribute to the blood reward
payment (dabe uwo), participation in sponsorship of the blood reward ceremony
(tapa), right to collect the blood money (me mege), contribution to the bride price,
economic assistance, indulgence, and feeling of shame, on the other hand, are cor-
related with categories of relatives defined by the kinship terms alone.
The distinct influences of sib membership and kinship status upon the various
behaviour patterns become apparent only when we extend our kinship investigations
beyond first cousins in Ego's generation. If applied to kinship terminology, this
extension discloses a surprising and unfamiliar definition of cross and parallel cousins.
Although the Kapauku kinship terminology is clearly of Iroquois systern.? the principle
differentiating between the two kinds of cousins is markedly different from that
employed by the Dravidian type of the Iroquois system. In our case, it is the
sexes of the first and last link (which connect genealogically Ego with the relative)
that determine whether the particular kinsman will be a cross or a parallel cousin.

ApPENDIX
Regular paradigms:
These paradigms are formed by the pertinent personal pronoun and the term,
for example:
(20) ani waka-my spouse.
aki waka-your spouse.
okai waka-hisfher spouse.
Irregular paradigms:
(4) naama-my maternal uncle.
akaama-your maternal uncle.
amakame-hisfher maternal uncle.
(7) niikai-my mother.
akuukwai-your mother.
ukwame-hisfher mother.
(8) niika-my maternal aunt.
akuukwa-your maternal aunt.
okaukwa-hisfher maternal aunt.

• f.s.d. and m.b.d. are called by the same terms, but terminologically differentiated from
parallel cousins as well as from sisters (George P. Murdock. Social Structure. 1949. p. 223).
 KAPAUKU PAPUANS AND KINSHIP ORGANIZATION 205

(9) naitai-my father.

akaitai-your father.
nakame-hisfher father.
(10) naita-my paternal uncle.
akaita-your paternal uncle.
okaita-hisfher paternal uncle.
(II) noone-my cross-cousin.
akoone-your cross-cousin.
oneme-hisfher cross-cousin.
(IS) nauwa-my elder brother (male speaking).
akauwa-your elder brother.
aika-his elder brother.
(16) anibai-my elder sister (female speaking).
akibai-your elder sister.
aika-her elder sister.
(17) anepa-my paternal parallel cousin of same sex.
akepa-your paternal parallel cousin of same sex.
akapa-hisfher paternal parallel cousin of same sex.
(18) naamai-my step-aunt; my step-nephew or step-niece, female speaking.
akaamai-your step-aunt; your step-nephew or step-niece, female speaking.
okaamai-her step-aunt; her step-nephew or step-niece, female speaking.

LEOPOLD POSPISIL.