Kitab Akhbar As Sifat PDF

ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY THEOLOGY AND SCIENCE Texts and Studies EDITED BY H. DAIBER and D. PINGREE VOLUME XLVI A MEDIE’ ANTHR Ton al-Face A CRITICAL EDITION NTA MEDIEVAL CRITIQUE OF ANTHROPOMORPHISM Ton al-Jawzi’s Kitab Akhbar as-Sifat \ CRITICAL EDITION OF THE ARABIG TEXT WITH TRANSLATION, INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY MERLIN SWARTZ BRILL LEIDEN « BOSTON : KOLN 2002This hook is printed om acidree paper Library of Congress Cataloging Swartz, Metin I, 1933 A medieval eidque of anthrepomorphism :Thn alJawz’s Kita ARhbar ny Sift ‘critical edition ofthe Arabic text with translation, introduction and notes / by Metin Swarts cm. —(ldamic philosophy, theology and scence, v.46) Includes bibliographical references and indes. ISBN 9004123768 (alk. paper 1 Tonal Jawai, Abi alFaraj‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘AK, 1116 (¢a}-1201. Kitab Akhbar ay-Sifit, 2. God (Mamm)—Actibutes. 3. Hanbalites. 1 Thm al-Jawzl, Abo alsaraj ‘Abd al-Rabman ibm ‘Ali, 1116 (es)-1201, Kitab Akhbir agit 1. Toa Aba al-Paaj ‘Abel al-Rabman ibn ‘Ali, 1116 (a) Kictb AKMbar ay English. TH. 'Akbi, Aba alFadl, Risa, English, IV. Til, V, Sere, BPIG6.2.121468 8.93 2002 297.212-de21 2001013147 Deutsche Bibliothek — CIP. jheitsaufnahme Swartz, Meri A medieval erique of anthropomorphism :bn-AKJawa's Kitab Akhbar as Sifit: erica edition ofthe Arabic txt with translation, introchiction and notes / by Merlin Swartz, ~Leiden ; Boston ; Koln: Brill, 2001 rice; Vl) ISSN 0168. ISBN 9001 2002 by Kinki Brill NY, Leiden, The Nthands ws served. No par of ths publication may i nt t The Cop (Clearance Cet uvod Dr, Suite 910 Dam 925, USA. es are subject to changeFor ‘Sondra and Soubil, Daryl and Wanda, Kenton and Amy whose imagination, optimism and love have been a perpetual source of inspiration and hope‘TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Abbreviations. PART ONE INTRODUCTION 1. Ibn al-Jaw2t: A Biographical Sketch. II Authorship and Date of Composition. IIL The Argument of Kitab Akhbar as-Sifat IV. The Manuscript: A Brief Description. PARTTWO| ‘TRANSLATION Chapter I. The Place of Reason in Matters of Faith and the Problem of Anthropomorphism Chapter II. Quranic Verses Relating to the Divine Attributes Chapter III. Traditions Concerning the Divine Attributes Appendix: A Hanbali Response to Ibn al-Jawz1's Defense of Ta’wi ‘The Risala of Ab0'l-Fadl al-‘Althi Bibliography Index xii 46 65 1 139 170 282 299PART THREE ‘THE ARABIC TEXT Chapter I Chapter 1 Chapter IIL Index ...Aba Shima: Ambivalences: Asm? Attributs divins BA Bayhagi; BEO: BSOAS: Dhayl: DST: El ER: GAL Ton Khuzayma: Ibn “Att bn histoire du mutazilisme.” REE 4 be associated with the has shown tht it played an imapTHE PLACE OF REASON IN MATTERS OF FAITH 109 debate] that the Quran is created (makhlag), he replied: “Unbelief has overtaken you.” Shafifl added: “If people knew [the dangers that lurk in} alam, they would flee it like they flee from lions. Indeed, I have leaned things from" the theologians (ahi al-kaldm) that I had never suspected. For 4 person (0 be in violation of what God has forbidden—polytheism except- ed—is to be preferred to the study of kalam.”" 25 A man once said to Tbn ‘Aqil: “Do you think that I should take up the study of kaldm?” He replied: “Since religion entails [the giving of] sincere counsel (nasiha), itis my honest belief that you are now a sound, well-rounded Muslim (m slim salim) even though you have not taken up speculation on such things as the particle (juz), the leap (fafra),"” the void (Khalé’), the his other Iragt teachers was the Hanafite jurist Abu Yosuf, Following his ret to Egypt, Hafs come into contact with Shafi, sometime between 198/814 and 204/820, and earned the latter's censure (et, Tabagat ash-Shaftiva, Il, 98; cf., also Mican, 1, 564, where Dhahabr reports that Shafi condemned Hafs as a kafr, apparently on account of his involvement with kala). °° Orpethaps “about.” "5 CE, Talis, 82, where a sli Triton, Muslim Theol are cited in transaton, ily different version of this saying is given; see also 53, where some of the anti-kaldm statements attributed to Shai "©The term ju here roughly synonymous with the term jawhar or jawhar-fard, refers to the atom as an indivisible entity (C., Mustard, 280, 8-9: any ge ile «pt gies ince ab oti ly IS TAS i go 2A Lido pL the term patil (or toi an expression for (nts) hat make wp bodies (asm n elt whether is part of @ whole or exists y ise). Foe more on these tem, se “Djahor BP, I, 493494 S, van den Bergh: and “Diz EF Tl 607-608 (L. Garde) cf. also EP 1219-220, on the term dharra. or the imp Danan, The Physical Theory of Kalim; Atoms, Space and Void in Basrian Mavtslt is indivisible + oF atomism on the natural sciences, see Cosmology (Leiden: E. J. Bil, 199: "7 A theory adopted by the Mu‘tazill theologian an-Nazzam (d. ca. 840) to provide a ‘non-atomistic explanation forthe possibility of movement—seemingly rendered impossible bby an-Nazzam’s doctrine ofthe infinite dvisbiity of bodies. Clo iy linked to the concept sp maintained that a body ‘may pass from one point to another without having to pass through all of the intermediate Points of space. For a fuller explanation of the theory and its place in the thought of (of mudakala (mutual penetration of bodies), the theory ofthe ‘an-Nazzam, seo especially the two studies by J. van Ess, Science and Theology: The Case (Ann Arbor 1978), 4-16; and his “Une lecture rebours de Thistoire du murtazilisme.” RET, 46 (1978), 1991. Although the theory of the leap eame to bbe associated with the theology of an-Nazedim among later Muslim thinkers, W. Madelung has shown that it played an important roe in the thought of the Imani theologian, Hishim of Aba Ishag ax10 TRANSLATION plenum (mala), the atom (jawhar), and the accident (‘arad),”® of such questions as whether an accident can endure over two separate moments of time,!" whether the power to act (qudra) [exists only} at the time of the b.al-Hlakam (d, 795-6), and perhaps for some of the same reasons, since Hisham also ctedatomisi (EF, Il, 492). Ics emirely possible, of course, that the idea ofthe leap was taken over from Greek sources since, as van Ess has shown, the idea is found already in the work of the late Neoplatonic philosopher, Damascus (van Ess, Theology and Science, 15). On objections to the concept ofthe leap among later Mu‘tazit and Ash‘ari ans, see Gimaret, La docrrine dal-AsHfari, §4-60. Its interesting that, beginning in the 11th century (if not before), Hanball theologians took up the question (ef. e-. Ibn al-laizt, Say al-Khatir, 479; and AbU Ya‘la, Mictamad, 39, 280, where the position of the Mu‘tazl theologian, Abi'I-Hudhayl, sin effect endorsed). F Triton, Mustin Theology (London, 1947), 93; Pines, Beitrge cur islanischen Atomentchre (Betlin 1936), 12, 141; R. Frank, The Metaphysics of Created Being, 19; A. Dhanani, The Physical Theary of Kaldm (Leiden 1994), espec., 176-181; and KAS, §§27-29. Forth ‘most definitive account of the thought of Nazzm and its impact on subsequent developments Within Musazism and me val Islamic theology asa whole, see J. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3, Jahrhundert Hidschra, IM, 296-445, "2" The terms tial (void) andl mold? (plenum) here refer to a debate catied on primatily Within the Mustzli and Ash‘ar schools, it would seem, over the question of whether there is such a thing as empty. unoccupied space (Kala), oF whether the world is to be thought ‘of as completely filled (mali), Without reproducing the details of the debate here, suffice it {o say that atomists, within both the Muttazilite and Ashfarite schools, appear to have argued for the theory of the void, that is, chat there exists between atoms and bodies interstices, ic. empty spaces which are susceptible of being occupied by atoms or bodies This was the position ofboth al-Jubb¥°l and al-Asivar, for example, a both argued tha if there is no void in the universe, no movement or displacement of space would be possible. For a fuller discussion of the question, see Gimaret, La doctrine dal-Ashtart, 63-64; Pines, Beitrage cur islamischen Atomenlehre (Berlin 1936); and H. Wolfson, The Philosophy of the Kalam, A66EE., esp. 4924. Also ee the work by Dhanani referred to in the pre note, espec., 71-89, where the question ofthe void i taken up. On the terms jawhar (atom) and ‘arad! (accident), see KAS, §5 and notes to the translation, The question, thats, whether accidents are strictly momentary phenomena or have the ccapityt0 nue (bay) a succession of instants, was debated at some length by medieval mmutakaltinn. According to al-Ashart (Maqalat, 58-360) and al-Baghdad (Usa, 50-52) there was litte consensus on this question among the Muétazia; some lke al-Balkht and others (especially in the school of Baghdad) took the position that all accidents are stiety ‘momentary phenomena, whereas Abi'l-Hucdhayl and al-JubbP (oF the Bastan schoo!) held the view that there are different clases of accidents, some momentary in duration and others which have the eapacty to survive overtime (until driven into non-existence by a contrary accident). Ast‘arite, on the other hand, appear to have adhered tothe View that all accidents exist only foran instant, being created anew in each moment of ti all‘THE PLACE OF REASON IN MATTERS OF FAITH un action or is anterior to it," whether the attributes (sifar) are added to the divine essence (dhdt) [or are identical with it]," and whether the name (ism) is the same as the thing named (musamma) or other than it." Tam (cf, al Baghdaat, Us, 50, 11). While early Hanbalis generally avoided such questions because oftheir general antipathy toward kaldm (ef, the Ibdna of Toa Basa, e carly 11th century some Hanbalis were beginning to take an interest inthe question. Thus, Aba Ya'la (4. 458/1066) takes up the question repeatedly in his Mustamad (pp. 30, 36 140, 141, ete). [cis interesting that Aba Ya‘ follows the Ash*art postion on the main point: accidents come into being and cease to exist in each instant of time (ef. 30, 36), Fora ‘more detailed discussion of accidents within the context of medieval kala La doctrine, 75-97, esp., 89-91; Frank, The Metaphysics of Created Being (Istanbul 1966), 16-23; and Peters, God's Created Speech (Leiden 1976), 123 Deby the see Gimaret, "8" A reference to the positions taken by Ash‘aris and Mustazilis on the question of human action, Musazilis in general (hough there were differences among them) took the Position thatthe power to act exists prior tothe act and is a power to perform both an act and its opposite, that is, entails choice on the part ofthe human actor. By insisting on these Points, the Murtala intended to maintain thatthe power to act isa human power independent ‘of Goe's power and one exercised freely. The Ash‘ars, on the other ard, insisted that the Power to act exists only atthe time of the action, that iis a power to perform that act and not another, and that this power to act isa eretion of God, To avoid a radical determinism (long associated with the Jahmiya) and to make a place for some deg responsibilty, Asharites adopted the theory of acquisition (kash), according to which the human actor, though not the creator ofthe power by which he acs, does, nonetheless, play «role in the action and the decision on which itis based (see BF", TV, 692-4, where L Gardet surveys the history of the concept of kasb in medieval Islam), Foran interesting and Petceptive analysis of the Hanbali position (or rather positions) onthe larger question of human action, see Gimaret, “Théories de Iacte humain dans I'école banbalite,” BEO, 29 (1977), 37-178, As Gimaret has shown, Hanbalism underwent a remarkable evolution in this area—as it did on other questions als, For more on the question of the divine atibutes, see “The Argument of the Wor Introduction, part HI ©” Cf,, §24 where a similar statement is altibuted to Shafi. How the relationship musanind (named) is to be understood was a problem for both grammarians and theologians. For an interesting account of the debate as it played itself out in grammatical circles, see Verstegh’s, Greek Elements in Arabic Linguistic Thinking (1977, esp. 149-161. By the 10th century there was virtual unanimity among, sraimmarians that ism and musanim participate in two distinctly different levels of being and, therefore are fundamentally different. Among theologian, for whom it was primarily a question of how the divine names a to be understood in relation toa transcendent God, three principal positions emerged: 1) that of the Mala who, along with the grammatians, maintained that isn to Him are not one and the same: to suppose other between the is (name) an th and musammd ate fundamentally diferent (God and the names aseribed i to compromise His oneness and transcendence); 2) that ofthe Ashrarites, who in general insisted on the identity of ism and12 TRANSLATION certain that the Companions of the Prophet died without knowing of such matters. If you think that the approach of the dialectical theologians (mue ‘akallimin) is more prudent than that adopted by Abd Bakr and “Umar, you are in error. The science of kalam has produced doubts among its proponents, and the odors of heresy (ilhidd) emanate from the errors of their doctrines," The root cause of all this is that the theologians are not satisfied with [the study of] the Sharia and its provisions, and so they seek to probe the divine realities themselves; reason, however, is powerless to apprehend the wis (hikma) to which God alone has access." 26 [fol.7b] If someone should ask what this kaldm is that has been ‘musamma; and 3) that of the early Hanbalts (and other traditionalists perhaps), who argued that the very debate over ism and musamma represented a heretical innovation and ought to be avoided (Fabagat a-Hlanabita, , 280, 4-10). Up until the 4th century, anballs generally sem wo have adhered tothe third positon. By the mid-St/l Ith century, however, and most likely as a result of AbD Ya‘l’s influence, some Hanbalis began to ‘nuance their position on this question (perhaps under dhe Kullaiya). In his ‘Mitamad (11-70), Abn Ya‘ls devotes several lengthy and involved paragraphs to the ‘uestion, in which he differentiates between two classes of divine names: 1) those that designate the divine essence itself (among which he mentions such terms as Allah, gam, ‘mans, thabit, etc.) and 2) those that “belong tothe divine essence (such as heyy, “lim, ‘aalir, bhalig, etc). Names ofthe frst class are identical with the divine essence, but of ‘those in the second class he says: “They canaot be sad tobe identical with (God's essence (oF other than i” (71, 18-19). In his “agida, AbU Mubammad at-Tamimi (d. 488/1095) indie nfluene that Hanbalis were at variance on this question, but he himself advocates a Position that is very close (if not identical 1 that of Abi Yael (Fabagdt al-Hanabia, Th 280, 4-10). Versteegh suggests that the Mu‘tazlite and AsWarite postions reflected a fundamentally different understanding ofthe term ism: the Mu‘tazila took it in its literal sense to mean the “physical” expression (Jaf), ie. the finite (human) word as uttered ‘Whereas forthe AsHfarites the term ism referred to the essence of the thing named. When Asharites said thatthe im and th effec, thatthe essence of the name and the thing named are one and the same (Versteegh, 158-161; cf, Baghdad, Ua, 114fF; and Baqilani, Tamhid [ed. McCarthy, Beirut 195 225-236). Reflected in the Musazilte and Astrarte positions, of course, were ther respective Views on the Quran musamma are one and the same they were saying, in * See Talbis, 85, where the quotation from Ibn “Aqil is found in a slighty different form, Cf, Maks, !bn Ail (1997), 149-150, The idea of a transcendent wisdom that ies beyond the reach of reason—a wisdom which God alone possesses, and in relation to ‘whic human reason has only two choices, submission or resistance—isa theme to which Thm al-Jaw7i eturs repeatedly in his Saya al-Khatir (ee, e.g, 323-326, 364-366, 367 375-376, 478-479).‘THE PLACE OF REASON IN MATTERS OF FAITH. 113 condemned, our answer is that itis something which the theologians (mu takalliman) pieced together out of what they produced, drawing [some of it] from the philosophers" and [some of it] from notions which they developed in the course of debate (jidai) among themselves, most of which is unnecessary and [at best] of fleeting value. [Kalam creates doubts in the minds of people, and itis often difficult to free them from such thoughts, as we have noted in statements cited from Ibn ‘Aqil and others on such matters. The ‘wand? maintain that God has given them protection against such things by relying on the apparent meaning of scripture (zawahir),"” to which reason itself points, without having to delve beneath the surface [of the text), the results of which are not to be trusted. The evidence of reason "See §23, where a similar charge is tributed to Aba Hanif, Kaldm's alleged indebred- ‘ness to philosophy isan allegation that was made frequently by traditionalists, and sometimes even by men who were themselves associated with kaldm (ef., Magalat, 485, where l-Ashfar alleges that Ab0I-Hudhayl borrowed elements of his theology from Aristotle—al- Asharl does not identify the so-called borrowed ideas). Whether Ibn al-Jawzt is simply reiterating a charge made by ea mind is dificult vo determine from dhe general nature of his comments above. Is important to keep in mind, however, that the keldm of Thn al-Jawa1's time was in the process of undergoing something approsching a paradigm shift asa result ofthe infusion of Avieennian thanks in large measure tothe effrs of men ike al- (4, 505/111, Fakhir ad-Din ar-Razl (4, 606/1209), and al-Baydawa (4, 685/1286)—a trend continued in the works of later theologians, among them al- (4. 756/1355) and alJurja (d. 16/1413). Ina series of important studies, Frank has called attention to the subtle but no profound impact of Avicenna on the cosmological foundations and framework of al- theology; see especially his Al-Ghazall and the AsKarte School (Durham and London, 1994); and the more detailed (Heidelberg, 1992), Earlier, van Ess had called attention tothe impact of Aristotelian Avicennian logic on al-Ghaz2al's thought (see especially his “The Logical Structure of Islamic Theology,” 21-50; ef, also Sabra, A. I. “Science and Philosophy in Medieval Islamic Theology.” Zeitscr 1X [1994],1-42). The changs 1th century were both methodological and substantive, and w significant influence on the future of religious thought in Islam. lier crities of kalam or has something different in ideas into k = theless Ghazza snalysis in his Creation and the Cosmic System flr Geschichte der Avabisch-Islamischen Wissenschafien 3 in kalam that were well underway by the beginning ofthe By gawaihir Ibn al-Jaw2t here seems to mean an understanding ofthe text that isin keeping with its true meaning or intention. As will be seen later in KAS, espectaly in chaps and I, Toa al-Jawt frequently attacks zahirfgqwalir interpretations of scripture; when he does soe has in mind interpretations that carry with them anthropomorphic implications.114 TRANSLATION cannot be denied, for by it we have access to a knowledge [of God's existence] that cannot be refuted. 27 Aba Sulayman b. al-Khastabt" said: “Satan has [sometimes] come in in whom he perceives a high degree of intelligence and understanding: ‘Do not be satisfied with a knowledge of the apparent meaning (zahir) of the traditions of the Prophet (suna), for this is the sort of understanding characteristic of the uneducated masses (“Gmma)- Satan thus misleads them so as to entangle them in doubt. Then ‘when they consider the Book of God in which they profess to believe, they confuse one thing with another and interpret the text (t@awwala) in the light of what happens to occur to them [at the moment]. They display contempt for the traditions of the Prophet and distort their contents in the Course of transmitting them.” ‘Amr b, Le ‘4 desing dissension and seeking its interpretation (wi); and none knows its interpretation save only God.” This distinction between the clear and the ambiguous was la the sayings ofthe Prophet applied to "Tha al-Jaw's positon is thatthe mutaskabihat (ambiguous or obscure texts) cancem ‘mysteries which the human mind cannot penetrate. That being the ease, all such texts should be allowed to stand without comment literal interpretation is particulary offensive since, by equating the mystery known to God alon mockery ofthat mystery, A frankly acknowledged agnosticism is preferable to a with the literal (obvious) meaning, it literal interpretation, or indeed, to any interpretation at al ‘An allusion to the sayi 1m expression that is fund in both the Quran and 13 Sal'larsh (God is seated, oF established, on the Hadith "= Notions tha are perfectly comprehensible! If this isthe kind of meaning that sto be ‘attached to the mutase ity? ‘where is the mystery or the am 'S* On him, soe nates to $36. “The twofold blasphemy may be this: 1) a source that ought to be accepted is given less than the respect it deserves, and 2) God is denied attributes which are rightly His, © Also refered to as khabar al-waid or khabar al-infirdd, i. tradition single authority in contrast to those that are termed mash/iar (reports that go back to more than two sources) and mutandtr (nose that ). See $14, where bck to multiple sour128 TRANSLATION for, in our view, their contents belong to the category of authoritative knowledge (‘ilm).” Statements of this sort can come only from one who does not understand either the principles of jurisprudence or those of reason. (4) They fail to distinguish between those prophetic traditions that rest on multiple authorities (Khabar mashhar) such as “He (God) descends to the lowest heaven,” and traditions that are not at all reliable such as, for ‘example, the saying “I saw my Lord in the best form (fT atsani sizratin)."* In fact, they establish divine attributes on the basis of both categories of traditions indiscriminately. (5) They make no distinction between traditions whose line of transmission goes back to the Prophet (marfi) and [fol.10a] those that go back only to a Companion or a Follower (mawgif)." Indeed, they predicate attributes of God on the basis of both types of traditions without distinction, (6) They interpret certain expressions metaphorically (ta@awwali) in one place but refuse to do so in [another] place, Thus, for example, they take the divine saying: "He who comes to Me walking I will come to him running” as a figure of speech referring to God's bestowal of blessings on His creatures. However, in connection with the saying of Umar b. “Abd alAziz:” “On the day of resurrection, God will come \efinitions of dese terms are given, For more on these tems, see El, IV, 896a; IIL, 25, and B. Weiss, “Language and Tradition," Der Islam, 61 (1984), 94-95; also KAS, §§102 ‘nd 116 where the question of ahd trations i discussed in relation tothe “establish ofthe divine trbutes ce §§72, 74,76, 79 and 184, where this saying or approximations of tae cited and discussed, "*° See §113 where Ibn al-Jawz! comments on the value of traditions that derive from ‘abet sources, ie. reports derived from Followers hese words belong to that class of sayings known a the hadith quasi or divine sayings. For other references to this tradition in KAS, see §§115, 181, and 222; ef, Ibn al-Jawa'sal-Mashyakha (Beirut 1980), 65-66, where the Isnad is given in fll as well as a brief sketch of Ibn al-Jaw2's early encounter with the saying, Virtually all of the canonical collections of hadith contain the saying in one or another ofits variant forms: Bukharl tawhid, 15, 3 (Houdas, Les traditions, 1V, 588{3]}: Muslim, dhikr, 2, 19, 20; tawba, Musrad, 1,251, 315, 391, 413, ete, For medieval disewssions of tis saying, see esp., Ibn Quays, Tail Mubialial-Hadith (Cairo 1386/1966), 224; al-Bayhagi, al-Asma?, 4374. and Tha Khuzayma, Kitab at-Tawhid, 7, For additional references and a summary of more recent scholarly discussion of the saying, see W. Graham, Divine Word, 127-128. "The eighth caliph ofthe Umayyad dynasty, noted for his piety, his tolerant attitude toward non-Muslims, and his far-reaching tform o respect tothe mawal! question, S sovernmental policy, especially with © the biographical notices on him in the Tabagdt of Ton walking,”* they insist on interpret a saying so when considering Finally, they make se: hadith, Thus, they say th moves from place & that such statements are sa they deceive those wh and reason (al- The Nece 34 I someone shou! something by means should be pointed 01 to such an extent the realm of the senses, aa affinity (omujan Sa'd (V, 330-408), imber of his saying the author of fll : Press) under the ttle Sirar Cin 1984/1404. (5 4 180), Iris not entirely clea meant since in the fll Abd al-sAziz” (the vailable to me for ta another of ‘Umar’ sy Tis not cle 1 whether a distinction ccours fairly frequent in K enote one particular sp 1 sophis 5‘THE PLACE OF REASON IN MATTERS OF FAITH 129 walking interpret a saying going back to the Prophet metaphorically but refuse to do so when considering [a similar saying] from ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz! (7) Finally, they make sense experience the basis of their interpretation of the hadith. Thus, they say that God Himself (bi-dhatihi) descends (yanzilu) and moves from place to place (yantagilu wa yataharraku)." They maintain that such statements are not to be understood rationally. By such sophistry they deceive those who listen to them and they contradict both sense experience and reason (al-fiss wa'le‘ag) 2” ® they insist on a literal interpretation, How strange it is that they [The Language of Revelation and The Necessity of Metaphorical Interpretation (Ta’wil)] 34 If someone should ask why the Messenger of God summoned [people] to something by means of expressions that are seemingly anthropomorphic, it should be pointed out that sense experience conditions the way people think to such an extent that they are scarcely able to conceive what lies beyond the realm of the senses, and the reason for that lies in the natural human affinity (mujdnasa) for things temporal (hadith). [This explains why] some Sad (V, 330-408), and the Hilya of Aba Nuaym, (V, 25. hhumber of his sayings are found (cf. also Ton al-Jaw2t's Safina, Il, 63-72). Ibn al-Jaw7i is the author ofa ful-length biography of Usa, published in Cairo 1331/1912 (al-Murayyid Press) under the title Strar “Umar ibn ‘Abd alAzlg and reprinted again in Beirut in 1984/1404 (see also ‘Awaji, Murallafat Ion al-Jaw=t (Baghdad 1965] 112, 129, 163, 180) 2° Is not ent utterance transmitted by ‘Umar ora saying from ‘Umar himself. Apparently the latter is meant since in the following line of the Arabic text it is referred to as “kala “Umar b. ‘Abd al-Azi2” (dhe speech or saying of ‘Umar). have searched the sources on ‘Umar available to me for traces ofthis saying but so far without result. See $§185-186 where nother of (Umar's sayings bearing on the question of God's walking is cited and discussed, 353) where a very large ly clear to me whether this saying is meant to be taken asa prophetic 2 [ris not clea here whether infagala and faherraka are meant tobe taken as synonyms ‘or whether distinction is intended? In general taharrake, which, along with intagala ‘occurs fairly frequently in KAS, is used to denote motion in general whereas inzagala tends to denote one paricular species of motion, vz, movement from one place t another (min ‘main itd maka), 2° The term sophistry is not intended herein its technical sense but in the more general sense of specious argumen ‘obfuscation and forms of reasoning used forthe purpose of deception or130 TRANSLATION people worship the stars and attribute beneficial and harmful influences to them;** [why] some people worship light and attribute good to it and evil to darkness:™ [why] some people worship angels, some the sun, some Jesus, some “Uzayr, and some the cow, and [why] the majority of people [worship] idols. [People] have a natural affinity for those things whose existence can be apprehended through the senses. It was for this reason that [the Children of Israel] said to Moses: “Make us a god." If revelation (shar) had been given {to the Prophet] in the language of pure transcendence (bt-tanzth al-mahd),2" it would have had to express itself through negation and denial (an-nafy wa'-jahd), When they said [to the Prophet]: “Describe your Lord to us," the verse: “Say, He is God the One” was revealed.2"" Had [the Prophet] merely said that He is not a body (jism), [fo1.10b] or an atom (jawhar), oF an accident (‘arad); that He is without length or breadth; that He neither occupies space nor is encompassed by space: that none of the six spatial relations apply to Him; that He ni ther moves (mutalarrik) nor is at rest (skin): and that He is not accessible to the senses (alts), et cetera —{they would not have understood]. Had [the Meccans] only said Limit your use of {the language of] negation by making conerete™' the One to whose worship you summon us [instead of relying solely on the i. guage of] negation,”” otherwise you call us to something that has no 2 See Talbis, 74, where te SBbPOn are described as worshippers ofthe stars: “Most of them (says Thn al-Jawz) claim that the world is uncreated. Some of them term the stars angels (mala) while others call them gods and worship ther, ™ Cf. Talbls, 75. Wh and darkness. Cf, S. 9:30, and Za af-Masir, I, 422, where Ibo al-lawt summarizes the principal views current in the scholarship of his day with regard to “Uzayr (ef, also Talis, 73) Fot brief summary of modem re at. by H. Lazarus-Yafeh, EP, X, 960. " §.7: 138, CE, Exodus 32:1-5, Ibn al-Jawai discusses the Maadian (majds) dualism of light, ch onthe name, see A language stripped of all images and symbolic expressions °° Thats, the Meceans See Zad al-Masir, IX, 265, where Ibn al-Jaw71 presents different views as to the identity ofthe question(s). 5, 112s Lit ly, by distinguishing (-an maya). "= That is, limit the use of negation so that God's existence may be discerned as something concrete and rea scende this reason that the P appealin

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