ISLAM.

IN THE HINDU TANTRAS

M. C. JOSHI

ISLAM has influenced many aspects of the Hindu way of life. Its
impress on medieval and later Hindu culture and thought is also
well known. However, what is little known or even unknown is
Islam's deep impact on the mystic Tantra tradition of Hindu origin
and its acceptance by orthodox Brahmanical society. Islam's contri
bution to Indian Tantras of the medieval period is both in the form
of hymns (mantras) including the Quaranic-ayatas and mystic-dia
grams (yantras) to be used, respectively, for repeated recitation to
achieve various ends and as protective amulets or auspicious charts.
This tradition is still living and scores of Hindus believe in the effi
cacy of the mysticism and religio-magical rites of Islamic origin.
These hymns and charts are commonly used for curing ailments, pro
ducing charms and incantations, inflicting defeat on enemies, etc.

These beliefs, from a modern standpoint, would be classed as

superstitions, yet they reflect a mystic synthesis between Hinduism
and Islam.

The aforesaid mantras invoke God as Bismilla-Rahimām-e-Rahim

(Bismillahir-Ramānir-Rahim), one's own guru, prophets, Baba
Adam, Hazrat Khizr, Hazrat ‘Ali, Hazrat Imām Husain and Hazrat
Fātimã and other saints like Ismāi'l Jogi, Hazrat Muinu'd-Din Chishti
and Shaikh Sarfu'd-Din Yahyà Maneri and rulers like Mahmūd of
Ghazna besides Siva, Narasimha, Brahmā, Hanumān and other Hindu
deities.

In the Hindu Tantra, such hymns are included amongst the

Śābara Mantras, which are believed to fulfil all desires as can be
observed from the undernoted verse:—

Vaksyāmyahari sã(Sã)barāni mantra-tantrini Pârvati /

Sarvakāma prasādhini srnusvāvahita priye //
It is not easy to determine as to when the tradition of Islamic
mysticism got intermixed with the Hindu Tantra lore and was incor
porated in the approved religious practices of the Hindu Society. It
is not unlikely that Süfi saints, who came and lived in India, may
have created the requisite background for such a cultural fusion.
52 M. C. JOSHI

During the Mughal period and later this composite Tantra tradition
seems to have attained great popularity.

Tulsidasa,
the famous Vaisnava poet of the sixteenth century,
praising the efficacy of the Śābara mantras says that in spite of their
meaningless and incoherent character their recitation is effective be
cause they were specially created by Śiva and Pârvati for the bene
the people” during Kali age:
fit
of

Kali viloki jagahita Hara-Girijá Sábara mantrajála Jānu sirijū

/
Anamil ikhar aratha-najāpu prakat pratāp maheśapratāpu //

on
Perhaps on account Islamic impact the language and con

of
Śābara hymns, Tulsidasa called them incoherent and un
of

tents
intelligible.

-
Saktisangama Tantra,” well recognized Tāntric work

of
the
a

seventeenth century, following verse, refers

to
in

the sacred shrine

a
on
place Värunaprastha
or

of
India
as

in

Makkesvara the the west

along with Hiñgulāja and other sacred spots:—

Varunākhyam Mahādeve Kathyate érºu sămpratan

/
Makkešvarah paschimābhyān-uttare Hijiguli bhavet //
These references thus clearly point

of
Hindu
in to

the existence

a
mystic tradition with Islamic influence the age the Mughals,
of
which also confirmed by some other sources.
is

Šábara hymns with Islamic impact are mostly

to or
Hindi its
in

associated forms. Their language all cases does not appear

in

be
very old perhaps for the reasons that they formed part
of

the sacred
a

and secret hymnal lore that was being transmitted by one

to
the
other orally. Hence the original language does not seem
to

have
retained its character. Yet, the reference few of the mantras
in
a

historical persons like Mahmūd Ghazna, Saint Muinu'd-Din

of
to

Chishti, Jogi, native tradition regards an associate

or

Ismaīl whom
a

Yogi Gorakhanātha, suggests pre-fourteenth century

of

in

date
a

A.D. for the beginning mystic intermixture.

of

such
a

We now propose
of

of
to

discuss some the Šābara mantras the

origin. Historically, interesting
of

medieval the most them are those

which invoke Ghaznavide Sultan Mahmudº e.g.:—
Bismillāhir-Rahimāmirrahim
Setú ghodā setāpalān, tápar chadhe Mahmiid sultân
/

Kâmru-deş ki kodi chalāve

Gadh Ghazni ka Kotwäl Kahāve //
 ISLAM IN THE HINDU TANTRAS 53

Bändhre-Turkini-ke pit
Is būlak-ke-chhal har, chhidr-har,
Dristi har Musti-har;
Agar na here to Mātā Añjani dhidh harām kare /
Meri-bhakti, Gurū-ki Śākti
Phwro-mantra Isvaro-wvācha //
The hymn which aims at curing an ailing child, begins with the
auspicious Islamic formula and describes Mahmud as son of Turkish
mother, a Sultan and protector of the fortress of Ghazni and a rider
on a white horse holding the magic-wand of the mysterious land of
Kâmru or Kåmarãpa i.e. Assam. Mahmūd, who is treated as a
hymnal deity, has been warned in the second part of the mantra that
if he would not cure the ailing child, he would be (called) ungrate
ful to the milk of mother Añjani i.e. the mother of Hanumān, the
Monkey god (who is perhaps equated with Sultan's own mother).
The reciter of the hymn is sure about his success due to his own
devotion and power of his teacher guru. It ends with ‘Isvara
Uvācha’ that is “thus says Siva' which places it in the category of
the Hindu ägamas. Whatever may be the historical assessment of
Mahmūd of Ghazna by modern writers, the traditional Hindu con
sidered him divine, comparable to deities like Hanumān and Nara
simha, according to the available Šâbara-mantras. We may cite an
other example which invokes him as Mahmandā-bir after offering
salutations to the injunctions of (one's) guru (namo-idesh guri
ko):—

Om namo àdesh Gurū ko!

Turkini kā piſt Mahmandū bir
Nāri-kā-pút Narsińghā bir
Age chale Mahmandi bir
Pichhe chale Närsimgha bir /
The hymn refers to Mahmūd as Mahmanda, the son of a Turkish
woman and a bir i.e. hero or yaksa (supernatural being) marching
forward followed by Narsingha or Nrsimha for protection. It may
not be out of context to mention here that Yaksas were worshipped
in India from very early time for the fulfilment of desires.

A third specimen recalls great feats of Mahmandā-bir and re

quests him for removing obstacles, suppressing bad spirits and achiev
ing the desired aim of the reciter or of the person on whose behalf
the mantra is being recited. It also mentions Hazrat Imām Husain
and Hazrat Fātimã as under:—
54 M. C. JOSHI

Bismillā(h) Rahimānnir-Rahim!
Pāwan ghungru koth Janjir
Sawū man Lohe kā tīr mâr-mâr karta äve
Dâkimi-ko-bändh, Bhūt-ko-bändh . . . . . .
Pisati-ko-pāv, pakāti ko liv
Hazarat Imām Husain ki jāāgh-seláv
Bibi Fātimã ke chir diman se liv
Phuro-mantra Ishvaro-vācha /
Equally interesting is the mantra addressed to Bābā Adam?
which has a significant beginning and end; owing to difficult old lan
guage, this hymn cannot be fully understood, yet its main idea is
quite clear. It has been aimed to drive out evil spirits and cure
many chronic diseases. The hymn begins as under:—
Gurū satyam Bismillāh-kā
Pújyomá ávankär; Adi-Guri srsti kartàr /
Veda-bahar tārānhi eki ài,
Yuga châri tìnlok, vedachāri, Panchon pāndava
Chhava-mărag, sāt-samudra, āth-vasu, nav-graha
Das-Răvan gyārah-Rudra bārah-ráši . . . . . . 3.
Ghari danda pal-vipal Mahārath sishi (sūkhi i.e. sikshi)
dharbhai haw . . . . . . . . //
After addressing his teacher its unknown author asks the Vedas,
three worlds, five Pāndavas, six ways (philosophies or Śāstras) seven
seas, eight Vasus, ten Rāvanas, Rudras, Planets, signs of Zodiac, five
elements, all the gods, divisions of time, etc., to be witnesses. The
concluding portion reads:—

Dhuhāi Salemān Paigambar-ki, turant vilāhī khinjähi Nataru

. . . .

savālākh paigambar ki vajrathâp, Navmäth-chaurasi-siddhi-ke saràp.

Shesh (Shaikh) Sarpudi (Sarfu'd Din) Ahiyā (Yahyà) Pir Maneri
ki Śakti, Bābā Adam-ki-bhakti jari-bhasma hoi jāi jāhi nihi-nishid
dhrajāhi jāi pind-kushal dosh phitu phitu svāhā (phat phit svāhā).

In the name a prophet

Saleman (Suleman) the hymn-reciter
asks the disease to disappear failing which he warns, it would face
thunder-bolt like strokes of prophet and curse of nine Nāthas and
eighty-four Siddhas and would be reduced to ashes due to the power
of Shesh (Shaikh) Sarpudi (Sarfu'd-Din) Ahiyā (Yahyā) Maneri
and his devotion to Bābā Ādam. Shaikh Sarfu'd-Din Maneri (1262
1377) is a well known Süfi saint of Bihar." This hymn was perhaps
composed by his followers.

In another hymn there is a reference to the matted locks of Bābā

Adam in these words: ‘Mera bidhā chehute to Bābā Adam safi (?)
 ISLAM IN THE HINDU TANTRAS 55

ki jatā sutai; phuro mantra Isvarovácha.” This reminds one of Śiva

or Hindu saints known in the Hindu mystic tradition.

Quite a large number of Šábara hymns invoke Ismail Jogi who

is associated with goddess Kāmākhyā and Kamarup country and in a
few cases with Lona-chamări. The following extracts may give some
idea:—

Om namo àdesh guru ko . . . . . . . . bānjhni putrini, eka binjh

marāksh jāti . . . . . . . . chali chali Kamru gai. Kamru desh Kāmākshā
Rânî Tehi Ismāīl Jogi bakhāni . . . . . . . .
8

Other one reads:—

Kamrudesh Kāmākhyā devi-jahān base Ismāīl Jogi.
Ismāīl Jogi ne lagai kyari, phill bine Lond-chamārī.
Duhăi Adi guru ki . . . . . . . .
9

Reference to Adi-guru in the mantra suggests that Ismāīl Jogi

was a believer in the tradition of Indian mantra teachers beginning
with Šiva or Adi-nātha in the Tantras.
Lona-chamāri and Gorakhanātha also find a mention in the
undernoted hymn wherein refuge has been sought at the feet of a
certain Sayyid'9:—

Lohe-ke-Kothilä vajra ke kivār / Tehi par nåvo bármbār /Tete

nahin pahnahim ekahu. bār / ek panthā anandi bândhaw, dithi-müthi
bändhau, tirá bindhau, svarge Indra bandhau, Patāle bisuki mãg
bändhau Saiyad ke pāv sharan shoda (Khoda-Khudā) ki bhakti
- - - - - - - - Gorakh ki duhăi Noni (Lomā) chamāri ki duhāī . . . . . . . .

More and more specimens of such mantras could be collected

from published and unpublished sources suggesting Islam's strong
influence on religio-magical rituals of the Hindus. Besides this, the
Hindus, who have faith in this tradition, also recognise the divine
character of the Holy Quran and they recite the Quaranic hymns
whenever required with faith and devotion.
Further, the Islamic diagrams or the charts used in amulets or
elsewhere for getting desired results are still quite popular with the
Hindus of all classes.”. Some of them are to be inscribed with names
like Allâh, Al-jalil, Illillāh and Kahab or Hazrat Jebrail, Hazrat
Israil, Hazrat Mekāil, Karmăil, etc. Others bear different sets of
numerals arranged in charts, of which the most popular one is with
a total of 786 (seven hundred and eighty-six).

In the rituals connected with specializing in (attaining perfec.

tion or siddhi) these composite hymns or those associated with pre
56 M. C. JOSHI.

paration of Islamic yantras, a Hindu has to follow some of the rules

prescribed normally for the Muslim type of worship, viz., facing the
west, burning of lobān, covering of one's head preferably with a
green cloth and believing in the sanctity of Fridays, etc. and certain
Islamic tenets without getting converted to Islam.
These are well founded practices known to most Hindus includ
ing Brahmins who regard Islamic Tantras as secret and sacred as
their own age old scriptures.

REFERENCES
1. Harishankar Sastri, Brhat Savara Tantra, Haridwar, 1898, p. 3.

2. Tulasīdāsa, Rāmacharitra Mānasa (Mul Gutaka), (68th edition), Bālakānda,

Gorakhpur, W. S., 2034; p. 45.
3. Benoytosh Bhattacharya (ed.) Saktisangama Tantra, Baroda, 1947, III, p. 72.
4. A few Śābara mantras eulogizing Mahmud of Ghazna were first brought to
my notice about 1964 by a Kānphatā (Gorakhpanthi) ascetic which I later on
published in Dinman, New Delhi, 8.14 Aug. 1976, p. 49.
5. Harishankar Sastri, cit., p. 8.
op.

6. R. R. Diwakar (ed.) Bihar Through the Ages (Bombay, 1959), p. 422.

7. It is an unpublished hymn which is found written on a long sheet of paper
with a Tăntric Brahman family of Almora (U.P.).
8. Harishankar Sastri, op. cit., p. 48.
9. The hymn is from the collection of Shri Alok Joshi, Research Scholar, De
partment of History, Kumaun University, Almora.
10. Harishankar Sastri, op. cit., p. 21.
11. T. K. Irani Jadugari Shiskshā, Delhi, pp. 93-97 and 111; and also sachitra
Indrazal (Delhi), p. 49.
12. Chintaharan Jantri for 1977 (Varanasi), p. 123.