Sun Yat Sen - Memoirs of A Chinese Revolutionary PDF

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MEMOIRS OF A CHINESE
REVOLUTIONARY •
.Dr. SUN-YAT-SEN
MEMOIRS OF A
CHINESE
REVOLUTIONARY
A Programme of National Reconstruction
for China
by
SUN-YAT-SEN
WITH A FRONTISPIECE PORTRAIT OF THE AUTHOR
DAVID McKAY COMPANY,

304-308 South Washington Square,
PHILADELPHIA.
a
Printed in Great Britain at

The Mayflower Press, Plymouth. William Brendon & Son Ltd.
PREFACE
THE CAUSES OF CHINA'S STAGNATION
thirty-one years I have toiled hard for

FOR the welfare of the Chinese people. My life
has been consecrated to the Chinese people,

and my devotion to the tasks I set myself has
remained unchanged during this long period.
Neither the might of the Manchu dynasty nor all
the misfortunes of my life availed to turn me aside

from the aims I placed before me. I strove for
what I aspired to :and the more failures I ex-
perienced, the more I yearned for the struggle.
That is why I was able to raise the mass of the
Chinese people to revolutionary action, and thereby
overthrow the monarchy and found the Republic.
At first it seemed as if I, as the leader, would be
able very easily to give effect to the programme
of the revolutionary party, i.e. nationalism, de-
mocracy, Socialism and the Fivefold Constitution,
as well as solve the problems created by the
Revolution. If I had succeeded in achieving this,
China would have found her place amongst the
family of nations and would have entered the path
of progress and happiness. But, unfortunately,
the Revolution was scarcely completed when the
229577 *
MEMOIRS OF A CHINESE REVOLUTIONARY
members, of our. party unexpectedly turned out
to be of a different opinion from myself, considering
my ideals too elevated and unattainable for the
reconstruction of modern China.
These doubts, moreover, were taken for granted,
and even some of my comrades began to entertain
doubts concerning the realisation of my programme.
Therefore it turned out that my programme had
less chances of being realised when I held the post
of President than when I was the leader of the
Party which was preparing the Revolution. Hence
the attempt at reconstruction was not successful,
and the national tasks, which I put forward, were
abandoned after the Revolution.
The Chinese Revolution, in the minds of many,
was called upon to overthrow the Manchu dynasty
and replace it by the tyranny of a group of bandits
even more savage and rapacious than the former
Tai-tsing Government. This was the direct cause
of the further intolerable yoke that cast a shadow
over the Chinese people. If we analyse our first
promptings to carry out the Chinese Revolution,

we shall see that we had in view the salvation of
the Chinese people and the country whereas the
;
result has been quite the opposite, and the Chinese

people is becoming more and more oppressed, the
country more and more unhappy.
To a considerable extent this results from my
inability to influence my party comrades and,
apparently, my incapacity to guide them. But,
on the other hand, my party comrades also cannot
6
PREFACE
escape the reproach of insufficient conviction and
our revolutionary ideals
effort in the realisation of
and the carrying out of our revolutionary pro-
gramme. As for the causes of their loss of heart,
they do not all spring from the temptation of place
and profit : their efforts slacken rather from their
mode of thought.
What was that wrong mode of thought ? It
was, in their understanding, the idea that " actions
are difficult, but knowledge is easy." This view
was first expressed by Fu-Kueh, under the
Emperor Wu-Ting of the Shan dynasty, two
thousand years ago. Since that time it has taken
root so deep in the mind of the Chinese people
that now it is seemingly difficult to tear out.
My whole plan for the reconstruction of China
was paralysed by this saying.
When the first revolutionary wave went by,
and organic reconstruction had to begin, I could
not help being agitated and delighted, because at
last I had united the ideal which had long
matured within me with my plan of revolutionary
action, in a programme of national reconstruction
for China. I desired immediately to give effect
to my programme, in the hope of leading China
up the steps of progressive modern science. But
there were already people to say to me :
" We
all recognise that your ideal is lofty and full of
merit,and your plan is profound and all-embracing.

But do you know that actions are always difficult,
"
while knowledge is always easy ?
7
When heard this I was dumbfounded and
I first
much confused, because I myself, like other

Chinese, believed in this theory, and considered it
indubitable that our ancient scholars taught us

the truth. However, a little later I made up my
mind to test this and overcome this
principle
obstacle. It turned out that my object was easily
attainable. I inspired my comrades with the
doctrine of Wang- Yuan-Ming, which preaches

" unity of action and knowledge," i.e. the theory
that knowledge is action and action knowledge.
But in time I discovered that the bold mind of
the Chinese revolutionaries could not outstrip their
courage. The whole Chinese people was in the
same position. Later I devoted myself to the
study of the question of " difficulty of action and
easiness of knowledge." I studied this question
for several years, andcame to the convic-

finally
tion that the old tradition was false the exact :
opposite is the case. I was happy because I had

understood the cause of China's stagnation. It
is due to the fact that the Chinese are ignorant of
many things, and not at all because they cannot

act.
The even though they have knowledge,
fact that,
they do not act, is due to their misconception that
knowledge is easy but action difficult. Imagine
that we can prove the opposite, and force the
Chinese to act fearlessly. Without doubt the
affairs of China will move forward considerably.
Therefore I shall try to prove it by a number of
8
PREFACE
examples, in order to confirm the theory of the
easiness of actionand the difficulty of knowledge ;
which may serve, on the one hand, for the subject

of discussion by scholars, and, on the other hand,
may teach the people to forget undesirable and
harmful traditions and superstitions.
The theory of the difficulty of action and the
easiness of knowledge came to us two thousand
years ago, and was accepted all over the country.
In the minds of a people of 400 millions it has
struck such deep roots that they cannot be torn
up without great effort. If we merely tell the
Chinese that it only seems to be the truth, but in
reality is a pure invention, it is hardly likely that
we shall convince them.
The theory of Fu-Kueh is my enemy, a thousand
times more powerful than the authority of the
Manchu dynasty. The power of the Manchus
could achieve only the killing of our bodies, but
it could not deprive us of our will. The might
of the theory of Fu-Kueh not only destroyed the
iron will of my but deceived the
comrades,
millions of the Chinese people. During the time
of the Manchu dynasty, when I was agitating for
the Revolution, I could hope for progress, but in
the days that followed the establishment of the
Republic my plans for the reconstruction of China
could in no way be carried out. My thirty years'
faithfulness to my ideal w as almost crushed by
r
this blow, my iron will almost killed. It was

terrible and hateful.
9
" The best method of struggle is to kill the mind."
So ancient military strategy teaches us. That is
why the national programme of reconstruction of

our Party suffered from the blow inflicted on our
minds by the enemy. The nation is an assembly
of individuals, and individuals, in their turn, are
receptacles of mind. Thus the affairs of the
people are the result of the expressions of mind
in groups of these individuals. While we believe
in our minds in the practicability of any plan, be
it to move mountains or to fill up the sea, it can
be easily accomplished. But when we are con-
vinced in the impracticability, even of such
simple acts as to move our hand or to break a
twig, they cannot be carried out. Truly, great
is the power of mind.
Mind is the beginning of everything that

happens in the world. The overthrow of the
monarchy was carried out by mind, the construc-
tion of the Republic was delayed and later brought
to nought by this same mind. Just at the beginning
of the victory of the Chinese Revolution, the
revolutionaries themselves became the slaves of
the theory of the difficulty of action and the
began to look on my plan
easiness of knowledge,
as a Utopia and empty words, and renounced
responsibility for the reconstruction of China.
That responsibility, of course, was not
have been
to
their monopoly, but should have been borne by
all the citizens of China. But seven years have
passed since the foundation of the Chinese
»
—
PREFACE
Republic, and literally nothing has been done in
this direction. On the contrary, the affairs of
the Republic have become more and
Chinese
more complicated and the difficulties of the
Chinese people have grown with every passing
day.
When I think of this, day after day, my heart
aches. The reconstruction of China cannot be
postponed day after day. The question arises in
my mind " Chinese, why do you not carry out
:
that which should and must be carried out

since, postponing it, you only obstruct your
fulfilling your own appointed task ? Why is this ?
Is it because you do not wish to fulfil it ? Or is

"
it because you are incapable of grappling with it ?
I think that this arises, not because the Chinese
are incapable, not because they have no inclination,
but simply because they do not know it. When
they become aware of it, the work of reconstruction
will be just as easy as the turning of a hand or the
breaking of a twig.
When I recalled all that I had taught the
members of our Party, and what they had
contemned when I saw that my teaching was
:
again coming to the surface as a new current in

modern thought, and might become a plan for
the national building-up of China, I conceived
the purpose of writing a book about it under the
title of A Programme of National Reconstruction
for China, in the hope that my teaching would
be accepted by all Chinese. However, I waited.
ii
I feared that the psychology of the Chinese masses
was the same as the psychology of our Party.
Perhaps the Chinese still hold the opinion that
actions are difficult but knowledge easy ? If so,
the result of my book and my teaching will be
the same as seven years ago they will look on
:
my plan, on my programme for the reconstruction

of China, as a Utopia.
However, I still begin the writing of this book,
first of all for the purpose of crushing the enemy
with the help of my theory, and leading the

thoughts of my Chinese fellow-countrymen out of
the blind alley in which they are at present.
Then they will not look on my programme as a
Utopia, and millions of them will be my sympa-
thisers, will fight for the reconstruction of China,
will consolidate the Republic, and will create a
Government by the people, of the people and for
the people. I believe in this, since I believe in
the Chinese people.
SUN-YAT-SEN
Shanghai,
December 30, the 7th Year of the Republic (1918).
12
CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface. The Causes of China's Stagnation 5
CHAPTER
I. The Mistake of the Chinese Sages
(a) First Proof. Labour and Money . . 15
(b) Second Proof. The Problem of Human
Diet 38
(c) Third Proof. The Writing of Chinese .
57
II. " To Understand is Difficult, but to
Achieve is Easy " (Seven More Proofs) 73
III. The Chinese need Knowledge and Revolu-
tionary Action 101
IV. Problems of the Revolutionary Reorgan-

isation of China 119
V. Who was Right ? 147
VI. The Causes of China's Poverty . . 161
VII. A Plan for the Development of Chinese

Industry 176
VIII. The Revolution is the Path to the Re-
generation of China. (How the Kuomintang

Organised the Chinese Revolution) . 184
APPENDIX
I. " San-Min-Chu " (The Three Principles) . 225
II. " The Fivefold Constitution " . . . 239
13
MEMOIRS OF A CHINESE
REVOLUTIONARY
CHAPTER I
THE MISTAKE OF THE CHINESE SAGES
(a) First Proof. Labour and Money
LET us take the circulation of money,

examine it from the standpoint
and
of proving
my theory that " action is easy and
knowledge difficult/'Of course, the circulation
of money is not something inborn in human nature,
but is rather only a habit of human life, practised
by all civilised people. We need money to
purchase our daily food, clothes, etc. We need
it at home and during a journey. We spend it
daily, and find that quite natural. We know
that we can be masters of everything, if we have
money and, on the contrary, we shall find it
;
hard to make both ends meet, and will be in very

great difficulties, if we have no money. Therefore
we all hunt after money, and begin to depend on
it more and more as society becomes more civilised,
industry more developed, and the utilisation of
229577
money more widespread and
• diversified. Human
bliss, —
sorrow or pleasure nearly everything is
determined by the money question. Therefore
belief in the all-powerfulness of money has taken
deep root in the mind of man.
The relations between man and money are so
close, the mode of its use is so universally accepted
— yet I ask " How many people are there who
:
know what money is and what is its functional

peculiarity ?"
should like first of all, reader, to have a talk
I
with you about what money is. There is an old
definition that money carries out the functions of
exchange (for commodities). The Western
economists also say that money itself belongs to
the category of commodities, and is capable of
determining the two important peculiarities, first,
exchange at the average value of a commodity,
and, second, to be a measure of all commodities.
The writer takes them into account, calls money
" established (or conditional) value," and defines
it as follows " Money is the established value
:
of all commodities."
In far-off timesChina was made of
money in
shells, silk, beads or pearls later on of gold, silver
;
and copper. At the present time the most savage

and uncivilised tribes and peoples have almost
the same kind of money as we Chinese had in
primitive times. Amongst the nomad peoples
oxen and sheep were reckoned as money, in
fishing countries fish and shells, in agricultural
16
countries fruit and In present-day Mon-
millet.
golia and Tibet it often happens that they use tea
and salt as money. In short, there are many things
in the world which may
be counted as money,
and each tribe reckons to be coin the thing which
ismost suitable for it.
Specialists on questions of money-circulation
talk of money as a thing which can act as the best
established value for all commodities, if it possesses
the seven following important qualities : (i) if it
is suitable and has value ;

convenience for
(2)
transport ; (3) indestructibility (4);
purity ;
(5) constant price ; (6) easy divisibility ; (7) if it

is easily distinguished from other things. A
thing which possesses these seven qualities may
be called the best possible to serve as money.
During the Chow dynasty in China gold was
the best coinage, silver the second, and copper
the third. When the Chien dynasty conquered
and seized the throne of the Chow dynasty, a
single coinage was established. They reckoned
gold sterlings and copper cash as money, but
deprived pearls and shells of value. After the
Chow and Chien dynasties, the coinage was
subjected to changes but never went beyond the
bounds of the utilisation of gold, silver and
copper, and the same applies to the coins of all
modern civilised countries. Some countries intro-
duce gold as the chief coinage, with silver and
copper as auxiliaries, while others insist that silver
should be the chief and copper the auxiliary.
b 17
The reason prompting all countries to recognise
gold, silver and copper as money is their possession
of the principal qualities of " established value."
From the foregoing it is clear that any com-
modity suitable for " established value " may be

transformed into money, and gold is only one of
the varieties of such a kind of commodity. But
why has gold retained such power of attraction
up to our times ? The answer is that the importance
and power of gold are drawn by the latter only
from the process of exchange of commodities.
If there were no process of exchange of commodities
gold would be transformed into sand and dust.
Even if there were commodities, but no trading,
gold would also lose its significance.
In order to show this, we shall take two
examples. Some score of years ago there was a
great famine in the provinces of Shensi and Shansi,
in consequence of which cannibalism was rife.
Millions of people perished of this famine. Both
these regions were famous for their fertility and
abundance. Their population had vast sums of
money, and the banks in both provinces were
full of deposits, for the people of these provinces
every year brought home large sums earned as

wages in the other provinces. However, the
drought came, and bad harvests for several years
led to the exhaustion of food stocks. Yet the
gold which had been collected did not diminish.
Many of the starving possessed gold, but they
could not get a single bushel of millet for millions
18
—

of dollars,and were driven to death by starvation.
As there were no commodities, gold was useless.
Have you read Robinson Crusoe ? Try and
imagine yourself in a similar position. You have
brought a vast sum of gold with you, and have
been exiled to a desert island. You have landed
on it. The birds chirped to greet you, the flowers
were beautiful, the fruits in the forest and the
streams in the rocks were delightful and accessible.
The whole island belongs to you, and all its
treasures are entirely at your disposal, to spend
them as you wish. But if you are hungry, you must
procure the fruit yourself when you are tortured
;
by thirst, you must get water from the stream.

Everything flourishes on this island, there is any
amount of commodities in their raw state, but
there is no trade —
and therefore no need of
gold. You live not by your gold, but by your
labour. What important in such a situation
is
gold or labour ? In this way the reason for

which gold in civilised societies possesses such a
magic effect is now clear and can be exhaustively
studied.
I want to discuss the nature and importance of
money. The world has never yet seen trade
which could exist if there is no money. What is
it, however, that leads us to utilise money and
what drives us to occupy ourselves with trade ?

We must consider this more closely in order to
know all the secrets of the monetary system.
Before we can discover what leads to the utilisation
19
of money, we must consider it from the stand-
point of the evolution of civilisation.
As we see,savage peoples at the present time
live in deep valleys and remote mountains,
gathered together in clans and tribes. They wear
homespun and feed on what they kill
clothes
themselves. Although they live close to one
another, they communicate with other tribes
very little and rarely. Their customs are very
like those described in our old books, being just
as " simple and sincere." More developed peoples
live in valleys and plains where the earth is
fruitful, produce abundant, communications easy,
which facilitates relations between the various
tribes.
From the way matters stand at the present
day we can judge of what was the case in days
gone by. People then constituted families and
tribes, and maintained themselves. When they
became a little more civilised, they began to engage
in barter. Even the most conservative scholars,
such as How-Shien, who preached the doctrine of
—
self-maintenance weaving and ploughing ourselves
—could not hold out against the current of events,
and were forced to exchange hats or crockery for
rice. Barter was the guiding thread to trade.
But the question is asked, what then is the
difference between barter and trade ? The differ-
ence is this barter is the exchange of commodity
:
for commodity, while trade is the exchange of

commodities for money. Before money appeared,
20
barter existed. This barter arose out of the
division of labour. As the fulfilment by one man
or by one tribe of several different kinds of work
at the same time might harm the work they did,
division of labour was invented with the object
of perfecting it. Agriculturists began to devote
themselves exclusively to tilling the soil, weavers
began to produce only cloth. In this way the
productivity of labour increased and there was
no Thanks to this division of labour,
loss of time.
productivity increased, and as a result there was
a surplus product which could be used for barter.
Thus the period of barter represents a higher
development than the period of self-maintenance.
Yet nevertheless it was by no means the last word
in the division of labour. People might become
specialised, but they could not combine production
and trade i.e. to do simultaneously the work of
:
a craftsman and a merchant. The agriculturist

had to bring the surplus of his rice, the weaver
the surplus of his cloth to the market for exchange
with one another. The same was the case with
the fisherman, hunter, woodcutter, blacksmith
and, in fact, all craftsmen they brought their
:
surplus for exchange for what they required.

Otherwise the possessors of these surpluses could
only throw them away as unnecessary, while
others who needed them would not know where
to procure them.
When one man has to do simultaneously the
work of a merchant, a tiller of the soil and a
21
craftsman, it involves unproductive waste of time.
Yet such a division of labour obliges the agri-
culturist or craftsman to assume the work of a
trader. There are, besides this, many difficulties
in this kind of exchange. A certain Mr. W.
wrote a book about his journey through the
Philippines, in which he tells how, when he went
into the villages of savage tribes, he could not
get a single piece of bread all day, because the
savages did not know the use of money, while
they did not require what he had prepared for
barter.
People living in olden times, and savages to-day,
often experience this difficulty, as is seen from the
following circumstance. The agriculturist has a
surplus of foodand needs clothes he goes to the
:
man who makes clothes and asks him to exchange.

But the latter does not need food, but requires
sheep he goes to the sheep-farmer and asks him
:
to exchange a sheep for his clothes. But the

sheep-farmer does not want such an exchange,
because he requires crockery. He brings his
sheep to the craftsman to exchange for crockery,
but the craftsman wants food. He, in his turn,
brings his crockery to the owner of foodstuffs,
but the latter would like to get clothes.
This circle of wishes will crush all the tillers of
the soil, craftsmen, sheep-farmers, weavers, etc.

Each of them has his surplus and needs something
else, but, because the wish of each does not fall
in with the wishes of others, none of them receive
22
satisfaction. This depends on the absence of a
proper place, where they could all come together
and carry out their exchange. Owing to the
absence of such a market they waste a lot of labour
both on production and on exchange, but with
little results, and of course progress is delayed.
An old Chinese Emperor, named Shien-Lung,
foreseeing this, taught the people to " assemble in
the market-place at midday." Thus people and
commodities could be assembled. After the barter,
people returned home satisfied. If a market is
created, this lightens the difficulties of barter.

As for the four people mentioned, they could have
come together in the market-place at the same
time and place, and seek what they required.
They would exchange what they require and would
leave satisfied. The market saves time and gives
facilities for barter. From the moment the
market is recognised, there are no more obstacles
to barter.
The same occurs with the utilisation of money.
Hence the author draws the conclusion that the
method of " assembling in the market-place at
midday " is the guiding thread to the utilisation
of money. Some economists affirm that money
arose from barter. This supposition is mistaken.
They do not know that during the period of barter
there existed a " value " for commodities, just as
nowadays we have a value in the period of trade.
During the period of trade, money serves as a value
for all commodities, while in the period of barter
23
"

" assembly in market-place at midday
the
served, like money, as the measure of value.
A man might utilise this value, i.e. a convenient
opportunity, to secure benefits, while those who
could not do so underwent many difficulties.
Before money entered into use, the institution
exchange was " assembly in the market-
facilitating
place at midday," so that his must be considered
as the cradle of the origin of money. Once there
"
was an " assembly in the market-place at midday
exchange took place very easily, as many com-
modities were set out on view before the crowd.
At the same time this gave great economy of
human labour, and also aroused an increase in
the desire to buy.
Previously people exchanged only the most
necessary and essential commodities, now they
pay more attention to the exchange of elegant
articles. Before commodities were themselves
exchanged, they were exchanged even earlier for
elegant articles, and the latter exchanged in their
turn for commodities. Elegant articles, such as
shells, precious stones and pearls, began to
represent the value of commodities :such is the
origin of money. Thus at first money was not the
chief thing. But from the time that barter
developed into exchange, money began to play
an important part. As money is used in exchange
for a commodity, its possessor nowadays can go
to any trader and buy what he requires, avoiding
his double obligations as a trader and a craftsman.
24
In this way the appearance of money greatly
lightens the difficulties of mankind, greatly
increases the production of commodities, and is
ten times as advantageous as " assembly in the
market-place at midday."The development of
mankind was hastened, and civilisation moved
forward considerably, with the introduction of
the circulation of money.
According to my researches, the introduction
of the use of money took place after the " assembly
in the market-place at midday," i.e. after the
Emperor Shien-Lung. The use of money was
known at the time of the Chow dynasty, when
civilisation had already moved forward greatly.
The interval between them was about two thousand
years. But culture at that time was not only higher
than in previous times, but even could not be
surpassed by the following centuries. This was
really the greatest progress, resulting from the
utilisation of money. From this we may draw
the conclusion that the use of money serves as
a great factor in the growth of civilisation. Only
thanks to circulation of money was humanity able
to step forward from primitive times to modern
civilisation.
Some thousands of years after the appearance
of money, modern machines were invented. After
this the human race went forward more quickly,
and material conditions developed and nourished
still more. Machines afford the possibility of
subjecting natural forces to the power of man,
25
and utilise them in place of hand labour. What
previously could not be done with the strength of
a man is now by machines.
excellently fulfilled
When we use machines to load heavy weights,
they develop an effort with which can be compared
only the strength of several thousand human
hands. When we use them to transport goods,
they can in one day carry great weights for many
hundreds of miles. When we use machines, under
the control of one man, for tilling the soil, they
reap as much rye as will feed several hundred
men. When we use them for weaving, they can
under one man's management produce clothes
for a thousand men, and so on.
This invention created an entire revolution in
industry, and money gradually began to lose its
force. Why ? Before the invention of machines,
world production was carried on by hand labour.
The volume of trade was limited, the total
quantity of commodities did not go beyond the
bounds of the sphere of money. But when world
production passed from hand to machine labour,
which is carried on by the united forces of nature
and man, production increased thousands of times,
and the volume of trade correspondingly increased
many times. This forced the nature of trade to
change. Commercial accounts gradually began to
be managed by means of credit obligations, which
nowadays are driving out money.
This can be illustrated by the following
examples. A merchant sends a ship from Canton,
26
with goods to the value of 1,000,000 dollars, to
Shanghai, sells them, and divides them into ten
parts. He makes 1 per cent, profit on every
part, i.e. 1000 dollars on each. All this is paid
him in cash. If we reckon it up in dollars, each
part will weigh 4950 lan. 1 Supposing he gathers
them together. Then he goes to the market to
buy other goods, in ten lots. Besides the despatch
of goods from the seller to himself, he must
forward to the seller a large quantity of dollars.
The man sells his goods in ten lots, receives their
equivalent in dollars then he must buy goods
:
and pay for all he received also in ten lots. This

means the purest waste of time and energy, and
moreover involves great risk.
Further, when trade is carried on by many mer-
chants in one place, all their goods taken together
are worth millions and billions of dollars, and their
trading operations require too much time for
their completion. The money which passes through
the hands of these merchants will constitute
enormous sums. The silver and gold accumulated
on the market will not suffice for such trade.
Therefore gold and silver in such conditions lose
their value. The strength of money becomes
exhausted, and its place is taken by credit
obligations.
What is the value of bills and mortgages ?
This can be easily understood even by one ignorant

of commercial affairs. In the case of the Canton
1
One lan equals i? ounce of silver.
27
merchant already mentioned, who shipped goods
to the value of 1,000,000 dollars to Shanghai, he
sold them in ten lots and made 1 per cent, profit.
Therefore he received 1,010,000. But this means
not 49,500 lan, but only sheets of paper. It
means either a banknote, or the note of some
financial house, the share of some company, or a
bill. When he sold his lots of goods, the buying
and selling was limited to ten sheets of paper.
Apart from delivering the goods, they will never
pay one another in gold. A merchant from
Fukien, ordering goods in Shanghai, pays with
the same paper. Therefore in such transactions
goods to the value of millions are sold without
there being any need to bring gold with one, and
this means economy, by eliminating the necessity
of the double transmission of the 49,500 lan from
the seller to the buyer and back. This also
preserves money from loss or accident. Need it
be said that this facilitates trade, reduces the

cares and time spent on commerce, and at the
same time produces advantages for society ?
Hence inmodern civilised states commerce is
carried on by means of credit (bills and cheques).
Gold must lose its power. If the Chinese people
still superstitiously believe that the power of
gold has not fallen, this very much resembles the
way How-Shien, towards the end of the Chow
dynasty, still believed in self-supporting economy.
People do not yet know that from the moment
there began " the assembly in the market-place
28
at midday," self-supporting by mixed forms of
labour was unnecessary. When money came into
use, " assembly in the market-place at midday,"
in its turn, became obsolete. Since men began
to use credit (bills and cheques), money also has
become valueless.
In the first year of the Chinese Republic, when
I proposed that gold be withdrawn from circulation
and bank-notes be introduced to lighten the burden

on the State finances and to develop industry, my
audience shouted that this was impossible. During
the last Great War some countries did away with
gold and introduced paper money in place of it,
i.e. exactly what the author proposed seven years

ago. If paper money is set going in the proper
way, it will fully replace the use of gold.
But some put forward this objection during :
our Yuan and Ming dynasties, four hundred years

ago, paper money was also issued, but thereby
they only hastened their downfall and increased
the poverty of the people. During the Civil War
in theUnited States, their Government also issued
paper money, and this produced the same result.
What was the reason ? It was that they issued
paper money in unlimited and excessive quantities,
and this led to their downfall, as the total money
issued constantly increased, while the quantity
of commodities remained the same.
However, some ask, did not the Pekin Govern-
ment 1 stop paying cash on its bonds ? Is not this
1
The Government of Yuan-Shih-Kai (1912-1916).
29
the abolition of money ? Why
were there not the
results which you expect, but, on the contrary
panic and hesitation ? We think it was because
the Pekin Government, when publishing this
decree, copied only part of the measures adopted
in other countries. In other countries the Govern-
ments did not pay on bills or cheques in specie,
but at the same time they did not accept specie.
The Pekin Government acted otherwise. When
publishing the decree, it thought that it would not
pay in specie to the people, but that this did not
exclude the possibility of not accepting the
bank-notes it had issued itself. But this was only
deceiving the people by worthless and valueless
paper. That is why the Pekin Government fell.
When Great Britain stopped paying on account
of her bills, her Government at the same time
stopped accepting specie. Therefore even war
costs, which amounted to 60 or 70 millions a day,
were paid for in paper, which circulated ceaselessly
on the market and which everyone was glad to
use. This went on for several months. When
the Government issued a national loan, it was
also paid up in paper. Those who had specie had
to exchange it paper bank-notes in the banks
for
to pay their taxes or purchase commodities,
otherwise their specie would have been worthless.
That is how Great Britain ceased paying in cash
(specie). But the Pekin Government did not
accept the paper it had issued itself. It discredited
its own notes, and yet forced everyone to trust
30
them and accept them. Is such a thing possible ?
It is hardly likely that a skilful merchant, or even
a bad broker, would do such a thing :yet it was
done by a Government calling itself the repre-
sentative of the people. This is equivalent to
proclaiming oneself a bankrupt.
The Pekin Government is quite ignorant in the
question of currency. Many people are dis-
tinguished by this failing, even though they some-
times spend a great deal of money. During the
Han dynasty, which inherited the ruin of the
Chien dynasty, all adults were in the army, old
and weak men served in the supply corps, work
was very difficult, and the financial position of
China bordered on bankruptcy. The Government
of the day decided that this was due to insufficiency
of currency, and therefore began to stimulate the
people to coin money. However, little by little
it began to be disquieted by the overproduction
of coined money, and finally was obliged to forbid

it altogether. Of course, this was not a correct
method of procedure. The wealth or poverty of
a nation by no means depends on the quantity of
money, but rather on the quantity of commodities
and their wide circulation.
At the beginning of the Han dynasty, the
latter' s difficulties were connected with a lack of
commodities, and later on became more acute
owing to their insufficient circulation. Therefore
San-Hen-Yang, the counsellor of the Emperor
Wu-Ti of the Han dynasty, introduced the
3i
measure of " the lowering of the prices of com-
modities " down to their nominal value, in order
then to release commodities for proper circulation.
Collecting them in a normal period, he threw his
reserve supplies into the market when prices rose,
and thus lowered prices again to their normal
value. When the need for some kind of commodity
was felt in a particular locality and this raised
its price in that locality when
: or there was a
superfluity of some commodity and therefore its
price he was able to transfer his supplies
fell,
from one place to another, in order thereby to

regulate commodity prices. He did this because
he knew the real meaning of money. It is a great
pity that these measures were not again introduced
after the time of San-Hen- Yang, as Chinese
national economy to-day more than ever is in a
chaotic and confused condition.
At the present day, after the outbreak of the
Great War, nearly the whole adult population in
the belligerent countries was called to arms.
Industry came to a standstill at this time, and the
value of money fell heavily. The Governments
of all belligerent countries were obliged to take
over a number of branches of industry and
commerce, and to adapt them for military purposes.
This was achieved first of all in Germany and
Austria, but other countries followed their example
immediately. This was in essence the policy of
San-Hen- Yang.
According to the teaching of European scientists,
32
human existence can be divided into three grades.
The first represents requirements, the lack of
which makes life The second stage
insupportable.
represents the conveniences, without which life
is not quite pleasant. The third stage is luxury,
which is not very essential to life. We increase
our happiness if we possess it, but it does not.
destroy our convenience if we lose it. Naturally,

if we study these stages in their application to
humanity to-day, they will have a very elastic
meaning. What one man considers a necessity,
others will reckon an article of comfort, and yet
others as a luxury. But if we speak of these stages
with reference to various epochs, these differences
stand out very sharply.
The writer considers that the times which
preceded the use of money were the age of primary
necessities. Human aspirations at that time did
not go beyond the bounds of the desire to be well
fed and clothed. People then did not strive for
other things, and could not strive for them. From
the moment that money came into use, there
began the epoch which we can call the age of
procuring the means for achieving comfort, because
human were growing and could not be
desires
satisfied by food and clothing alone the more :
because they could procure things which brought

them comfort. From the time of the invention of
machines begins the age of luxury. Only in this
period can we observe over-production.
We do not fear poverty any more, but we are
c 33
afraid of inequality of distribution. Countries
with a strongly developed industry try to extend
their market, and to export their manufactured
goods to countries with a less developed industry.
Many civilised countries, unfortunately, maintain
the nonsensical point of view that only articles
of luxury bring benefit to mankind. Corresponding
with the evolution of the three stages of economic
development there takes place the evolution in
the understanding of conditional value. In the age
of primary necessity " assembly in the market-
place at midday " afforded the possibility of
exchange. In the age of comfort, money, which
we still use, was current. In the age of luxury
money is replaced by credit (cheques, bills).
These alterations in the conditional value of
all three epochs are conducive to the happiness
of mankind, and men should take advantage of

them. But this does not mean that it is no use
having recourse to other methods than those
already existing. For example, in the days of
" assembly in the market-place at midday,"
people still continued to conduct self-supporting
economy. There were and are still people who
practice " assembly in the market-place at midday"
during the period of the utilisation of the monetary
system, as for example, a fair which takes place
every three days. This takes place in the neigh-
bourhood of towns. Even before people reached
the age of luxury, they already knew the use of
bills (cheques), paid out in place of money, in
34
the shape of the so-called " flying bills " and
" money notes " of the Tan dynasty, and " notes
of hand " and " notes on call " during the Sun
dynasty. These were the forerunners of bills of
exchange. In our own times we have to use
bills (or cheques), otherwise we cannot carry on
industry or commerce on a large scale. But it

is possible at the same time to use money, even
though this be not so convenient and advantageous

as cheques.
China is now living through the second stage of
economic development. Agriculture and handi-
crafts are still served by hand labour. She has
not yet reached the stage of utilising machines,
and thus harnessing the forces of nature to help
hand labour, by the application of steam, gas,
electricity and water-power. Nevertheless, with
the opening of port trade with other countries,
our economic activity has greatly increased. This
is not because the foreign merchants have more
money than we, but because the quantity of im-
ported goods exceeds the quantity exported by
us : the difference amounts to two milliard
dollars a year. In ten years it will amount to
twenty milliards. If this goes on, the damage
will be irreparable, even if we had piles of gold
as high as mountains, and innumerable and
bottomless copper mines. We know well that
the day will come when our poverty will reach
its culminating point, and our wealth will dis-
appear. What is the way out ? The one and only

35
way out of such a condition is the introduction
of machinery.
When we examine the yearly incomes of
industrial countries and divide them by the
number of the population, we see that every
citizen can receive seven hundred or eight hundred
dollars, on the average, yearly. In our country,
which still makes use only of hand labour, every
person in the population would receive an average
of seven or eight dollars of yearly income. But
if we bring machine production, we shall
in
naturally be able to achieve the same results as
characterise the industrial countries, and then
those seven or eight our national
dollars, i.e.
wealth, will increase an hundredfold compared

with the present time. We can then move on
to a higher stage of economic well-being.
The European and
industrial revolution in the
American countries produced a sudden change in
their living conditions. Their daily life rapidly
entered the period of luxury and great creature
comforts. on society is exactly similar
Its effect
to that which Henry George described in his
book : Progress and Poverty. He said that
the progress of modern civilisation is like a sharp
wedge suddenly driven in between the upper and
lower classes. Those who are above this sharp
wedge are a small minority of capitalists. This
minority is pushed up higher and higher by the
wedge every day. Those who live below represent
the vast majority of workers. They are dragged
36
lower and lower every day. This means that the
rich become richer, while the poor become ever
poorer. The results of the industrial revolution
bring happiness only to a few members of society,
but pain and suffering on the great part of
inflict
the people. It is not surprising that the social

revolutionary movement is growing, as it is natural
that the majority cannot any longer be sacrificed
to the luxurious life of the minority.
Why are such great losses and sufferings inflicted
on humanity Because people do not know how
?
to adapt themselves to new conditions. During

the supremacy of hand labour, the theory of
laissez-faire prevailed, in order to encourage free
competition, suppress the growth of monopolies
and distribute income amongst the whole popula-
tion. This was practised unconsciously for several
thousand years. Only Adam
Smith, in the
after
eighteenth century, discovered the truth at the
bottom of all he express what
activity, did
everyone wanted to say but could not, and this
brought him the respect of his contemporaries
and even of the people of our own day.
About a century passed after the publication
of The Wealth of Nations before the industrial
revolution was fully developed. From that turning
point onwards, humanity began to use machines
for the extension of production. Those who
possessed machinery were enabled to rule the
world by reason of their weath. If we still retain
the custom of free competition, or the method of
37
be like encouraging a lame man
laissez-faire, it will
to contend with an automobile in a race. Even
a child can see the impossibility of such a contest.
From the foregoing we can draw the conclusion
that we cannot ascertain the laws governing
currency if we do not study the evolution of
civilisation and understand the development of
the monetary system. We also cannot know
these laws if we do not carefully study the history
of commerce and industry, banking, the origin
of money, etc. In short, the majority of European
and American citizens, like the Chinese, un-
fortunately, only know the power of money.
Apart from they are quite ignorant of the
this,
laws of currency. They are inclined to think

that money is founded on commodities. Only
Socialists can understand that money is founded
on human labour (including all hand and brain
labour). Thus power rests in human labour and
not in money.
And so I say that people unfortunately know
only how spend money, but very rarely under-
to
stand its secrets. This is the first proof of my
theory that " action is easy but knoweldge
difficult."
(b) Second Proof. The Problem of Human

Diet
Let us take another example human diet. —

This is a very important function of our organism.
At the same time it is a function which every
38
living creature can carry out. A child which has
left its mother's womb, a chick which has broken
out of the egg can carry it out equally well without

being specially trained. But when we reflect
and ask ourselves, do we fully know the secret
of this, then not only cannot the man in the
street reply in the affirmative, but, even after
the remarkable discoveries and inventions of
modern science, not a single physiologist, doctor,
even after devoting
hygienist, physicist or chemist,
their whole lives to the study of this question,
and whether they lived a hundred years ago or
at the present day, can fully grasp all its
significance.
Our China, although backward and imperfect
in everything, has not been outdone by a single
country in the development of the art of preparing
various kinds of food. The dishes prepared by
the Chinese surpass those of the European countries
as much as do our methods of cookery. As for
the taste of the Chinese, the newest and most
up-to-date principles invented by Western doctors
and hygienists cannot surpass the Chinese. Let
us leave aside such dishes as are out of the
ordinary, the so-called " eight delicacies." But
as regards dishes of daily use, such, for example,
as " Chien-Chen," bean jelly and kidney beans,
these are the best form of vegetable dish, but
Europeans do not even know that they can be used /
as food at all. Dishes made of the giblets and
internal organs of domestic animals were always
39
reckoned dainties amongst the Chinese the ;
Americans and English formerly did not eat them,

but now do so.
In Canton I met a foreigner who despised us
as savages and barbarians, because we eat black-
puddings. But a doctor has ascertained that
pig's blood is composed of a mass of ingredients
containing iron, which is an excellent means for
the restoration of energy. All Western people
who formerly were given purified iron after
illness, child-birth or anaemia, now take black-
puddings instead of iron, because the ferrous
compounds which they contain are of organic
origin, and more convenient for physical health
than purified inorganic iron. Thus black-puddings,
used as a food, can serve both to strengthen a
sick man and to benefit a healthy man ; and the
Chinese, who use it as a food, are not barbarians
or savages, but enlightened and hygienic people.
This is only one example, but a great number
might be quoted. A number of dishes, prepared
by the Chinese but quite unknown to Western
—
countries such as " Yen-Okh " (swallows' nests)
—
and " Yu-Chih " (fins) are considered the most
delightful food by the Chinese, while Western
peoples can only wonder that they can be used
as such.
If painting, which pleases the eyes, and music,
which pleases the ears, can be considered arts,
then such undoubtedly can also be considered
delicacies which please the palate. Therefore the
40
preparation of food in its way is an art. The
French are considered the best cooks in Western
countries, and it is in France that we find the
highest civilisation. Hence we learn that good
methods of preparing food are produced by
civilisation and this is natural.
: A people
untouched for a long time by civilisation is
incapable of distinguishing the most delicate
flavours, and if there is no fine distinction of
flavours, there will be no skilful cookery. The
skilful preparation of food by the Chinese will be
a sufficient indication of the astounding progress
of Chinese civilisation.
In times when was no commerce between
there
China and Western countries, the Western peoples
knew that France was famous for the best cookery
in the world. But when they learned of Chinese
cookery, they began to admire the Chinese. The
first Western person who travelled in our interior
provinces was the Portuguese Matthew Ricci.

During the reign of our Emperor Yao-Huang,
of the Ching dynasty, he travelled through many
provinces on his way to Tibet. In his reminiscences
of his journey he more than once extolled Chinese
civilisation, writing with particular enthusiasm
about our cooking.
In recent years, when Chinese appeared abroad,
Chinese cookery became, in some sort, fashionable.
In New York alone the number of Chinese
restaurants reaches some hundreds. There is no
American town without a Chinese restaurant.
4i
The Americans seek after Chinese cookery like
madmen, so much so that the professional
American cooks envy Chinese very much. They
spread various rumours to the effect that the bean
sauce used by Chinese contains poisons which
are destructive of human health. Convinced by
this invention, one municipal council issued an
order that Chinese were on no account to make
bean sauce. Later on, medical researches estab-
lished that bean sauce not only contains no
poisons, but contains many nutritive ingredients,
similar to those in meat juice. They not only
inflict no harm upon the body, but on the con-
trary are very beneficial. The prohibition was

withdrawn.
Chinese cooking is widespread not only through-
out America, but also in Europe, where there are
now many Chinese restaurants in the large towns.
Since the reforms in Japan, the Japanese copy
Western civilisation in everything nevertheless,
;
so far as cooking is concerned, they still prefer

the Chinese methods. To-day there are many
Chinese restaurants in Tokio.
Not only are there many dishes invented by the
Chinese, and the skilful preparation of food
generally, which cannot be surpassed by other
countries, but Chinese taste also, unconsciously
coinciding with the rules underlying the modern
principles of science and hygiene, is above all
praise. In China the common people drink
aristocratic green tea, while their food is a rice
42
dish with vegetables and bean
This kind of
jelly.
food, so hygienists tell us, is the most valuable

for the health. This is confirmed by the fact
that people living in remote districts, without
wine and meat, reach an advanced age. The
fact that the Chinese survive plague and other
diseases is partly attributable to the fact that
the Chinese food unconsciously conforms to the
rules of hygiene. Therefore the Chinese can
undertake the serious study of the science of
hygiene, and try to master it. This will certainly
strengthen the Chinese people even further in
comparison with its present position.
The Western advocates of a vegetarian diet
rely on their knowledge of hygiene for their claim
that it prolongs life. But as their range of dishes
is not so ample and attractive, and their seasonings
are not as good as ours, they often undermine
their health by nourishment even
insufficient
while enthusiastically advocating vegetarian food.
Hence vegetarianism is become
scarcely likely to
widespread. Chinese vegetarians must eat bean
jelly, since this is nothing else than so-called
" vegetarian meat." It has all the qualities of
meat, but is free from its poisons. Yet the
Chinese have become accustomed to it without
the aid of science.
The Europeans drink sour wines and eat tainted
meat. They have become so accustomed to this
that they cannot alter it, although there exist
amongst them drastic penal laws, prohibiting the
43
sale of wines (as in America and Russia), and
also new discoveries in the sphere of hygiene.
Luckily, in respect of and drinking, we
eating
have acquired much better habits than any other
countries. In distinction from other nations, we
have acquired these good habits without en-
couragement or intimidation. We must always
retain them, in order to set an example to the
whole world.
The ancient sages used to say that man is " the
universe in miniature," but we should rather say
that he is a " little State," since the stomach
and intestines, with their appropriate functions,
really resemble State institutions transacting the
affairs of their country. As for the various parts
of the body, the perfection of their organism and
the rapidity of their action are quite unattainable
by State institutions. And all these secrets of
life are very far from being understood as yet by
modern knowledge.
Researches of modern show that the
scientists
material of which the human being and all living
things are composed is nothing else than cells,
i.e. living atoms. But what is a cell ? It is a
very small object, very surprising and extremely
mysterious. According to the discoveries of
modern science, it is very sensitive and intelligent.
It can act, move and think. It has reasons and
intentions. What is it that makes our body so
extraordinary, astonishing and mysterious, if not
this cell ?
44
:

Various phenomena in the animal and vegetable
world are expressions of the exchange and com-
bination of While humanity builds its houses,
cells.
ships, carriages, towns and bridges, the cell

creates humanity and all other living objects.
Birds in the air are aeroplanes created by cells.
Scaly fish in the water are submarines created

by cells. What people call instinct and intuition
are also the instinct and intuition of cells. Since
modern scientists discovered that cells are sensitive,
which the old philosophers could not understand,
much can now be explained. A new era has now
begun, for knowledge has greatly widened the
limits of our understanding.
The human body is created by cells : the organs
functioning like the system are cell
digestive
factories. The food which man eats becomes the
food of cells. While man lives on the earth, cells
are bound up with him. Cells joined together
in different body are like people
parts of the
living in different towns. The very first condition
for human existence is to be fed and clothed
the same applies to cells. Therefore the first
and chief requirement of cells is fuel and materials.
Eight-tenths of what we eat are consumed as
fuel, while the remainder is utilised as restorative
materials.
The fuel has two purposes. One is to warm the
body : this is comparable to the fact that men
burn wood to protect themselves against cold.
The other purpose is to do the same as burning
45
coal in the stokehold of a factory boiler, namely,
to produce energy and transform it into power.
As a man who works requires more power, he eats
more than a man who works little and therefore
requires less power. If there is more than sufficient
food to supply him with heat the surplus will be
used in the storing-up of fat for unforeseen circum-
stances. If there is insufficient heat, the cells
must extract the fat already stored, and use it as
fuel. If the fat has been used up, has to be it
drawn out of the body and muscles. This is the

reason why a man who has not sufficient food is
inclined to be thin and emaciated.
Foodstuffs serve at the same time to supplement
the cells needed for building up the body. If
there are more materials than are required, they
are all transformed into heat and are not stored
up in the body. This is very similar to the way
in which surplus building materials in the towns
are burned for fuel, as not otherwise required.
Thus there should not be an excess of food, other-
wise it will swallow up the energy of many organs
in transforming it into heat. In the event of the
food being unsuitable for fuel, the remnants of
the burning will waste the energy of the kidneys
in their elimination. The kidneys will be overtired
and therefore damaged. Therefore it is extremely
undesirable to have an excess of food.
Food can be divided into two categories —the
first, as a kind of fuel : this is the distinguishing
feature of vegetables ; the second as reconstructing
46
materials : these abound anin meat. If there is
excess of these reconstructing materials, they can

be used up as fuel but, on the other hand, if
:
there is an excess of fuel, it cannot be turned

into reconstructing material. Therefore an in-
sufficiency of such materials cannot be permitted,
as it would mean the destruction of the intestines
and stomach. If men know these elementary
truths, the preservation of health and the pro-
longation of life will gain greatly.
Food usually consists of several most important
elements : nitrogen, carbohydrates and fats.
In addition, there are also water, salt, iron,
phosphorus, magnesium and organic compounds
(chemists have not yet discovered what elements
constitute the latter), which are necessary to man.
In gramme of nitrogen there are 4-1 calories of
i
heat in 1 gramme of carbonic acid, 4-1 calories

: :
in 1 gramme of fats, 9-3 calories. In domestic

animals and fish there is much nitrogen. In
vegetables there is also nitrogen, particularly in
beans.
As for the amounts which a man must consume
daily, here physiologists differ. Some affirm that
100 grammes of proteids are sufficient, others
say that 50 are enough. One Austrian physiologist
found that every kilogramme of the body required
from 34 to 40 calories when a man is engaged on
mental work, while from 40 to 60 calories are
required by a man engaged in physical work.
Therefore a man weighing 70 kilogrammes requires
47
2800 calories in the first case and 3500-4000
calories in the second.
But another scientist who tested this drew a
somewhat different conclusion. He weighed 86 kilo,
ate 45 grammes of proteids daily and 1800 calories
of fuel in addition. Then, although his weight
diminished by 13 kilo, he nevertheless felt more
vigorous and strong. Then he reduced the proteids
to 38 grammes and the fuel to 1500 calories, but
still remained the same as before. Many physiolo-
gists are now making experiments concerning
how many grammes of food a man must consume.
According to their opinion, there must be not less
than 50-100 units of nitrogen, which a man
requires for the rebuilding of his body. There
must be not less than 3000-4000 calories of fuel.
Cases when a man, engaged in very heavy labour,
requires five or six thousand calories are very rare.
The illnesses of man usually arise from in-
sufficient care for his nourishment. In the animal
world, all animals are guided by their instinct,
they are entirely under the control of their
requirements, and therefore the quantity of their
food reaches only certain limits. When the limit
has been reached, they will not eat any more.
In far-off times men also acted in this way, and
savage tribes untouched by modern civilisation
still act in the same way, because they have not
yet lost their nature, and their capacity for

satisfaction is still limited. Hence they rarely
yield to the passion for eating. It is otherwise
48
with civilised people. The higher the civilisation,
the more the evil is developed (wine, opium and
much else that is harmful to the health), and
unsatisfied grow in the measure that
desires
civilisation develops. Hence it is not surprising
that we have a vast number of people suffering
from lack of control of their nourishment.
The writer also once suffered from an illness
which was the consequence of overloading the
stomach. The beginning was very slight, but I
let the illness develop, as I was busy with other
matters. However, it proved very serious. 1
began to receive treatment. The illness subsided,

and I gave up treatment, as other matters again
distracted my attention. For some time my
malady remained stationary, but in the course
of time medicines and pills ceased to help, and I
was forced to turn my attention seriously to the
state of my health. I ate only boiled rice, meat
extract and milk. At first this greatly assisted

me, but did not cure me completely, and this
remained my condition for six months. Then
the sickness grew worse, the pain in my stomach
was constant, until there was no medicine which
could help me to cure it.
Then I method of treatment, and had

altered the
recourse to massage. At first this gave satisfactory
results however, in a few months the old malady
:
again asserted itself, and grew worse and worse.

I tried to find a doctor acquainted with medicine
and surgery. I met a Japanese, Mr. K. The
d 49
method undoubtedly excellent
of this doctor is
He has written a book entitled On the Maintenance
of Health by the Method of Resistance, in which
he recommends a method of nourishment quite
opposite to the ordinary. The Western doctors
order easily digestible foods for the sick man, and
instruct him to avoid heavy or compact foods.
Whereas Mr. K. advises you to avoid both meats
and liquid food, such as milk, boiled rice, eggs
and meat juice, but to eat hard vegetables and
fresh green leaves, selecting those which are easily
digested, in order to arouse the stomach and
intestines and increase their activity, and thus
return to them their natural functions.
At first I did not believe inbut later when this,
I reflected that I had been taking milk and boiled
rice for six months without results, why should

I not try this method of healing ? Moreover
observing that Mr. K.'s methods had already
relieved my discomfort, I resolved to follow his
advice. Mr. K. said :
" Healing is only a
temporary cure if you want to free yourself
;
completely of your illness, the root of the evil,

you must maintain your health by the method
of resistance.'"' I followed his advice, and the
methods he suggested, and achieved satisfactory

results.
A few months after my recovery, when I again
ate eggs, milk, tea, etc., my old trouble returned
to me. At first thought that this was due to

I
other causes, unconnected with my diet, but

50
three or four times it led to the same consequences,
and I was obliged to carry out exactly the
instructions of Mr. K., completely avoiding meat,
eggs, milk and every kind of irritant food. I eat
boiled rice, vegetablesand a little fish. My illness
has gone these last two years. My diet has made
my body as strong as it was formerly. After taking
food I do not experience any feeling of over-
loading, but, on the contrary, I feel very well.
This I did not experience before : it has happened
only during these last two years.
I studied in a school of medicine, and thought
myself well grounded in physiology and hygiene.
But I despised my own hygiene in small things
and acquired a stomach ailment which was almost
incurable. I was lucky enough to learn from
Mr. K. how to maintain my health by the method

of resistance, thanks to which I was enabled, at
length, to get rid of my sickness of long standing.
The theory of Mr. K. is truly a great discovery
in medical science. From this we alsocan see
how difficult it is to know the right method of
nourishment.
Moreover, different people have different natures,
and this, of course, must be taken into considera-
tion before prescribing for anyone a specific diet.
A thing which is suitable for one man may not
suit another. In the same way the method of
curing various cannot be uniform or
illnesses
generalised. But generally the rules for taking
food and maintaining one's health cannot be other
5i
than to eat in good time and not to eat to
excess.
These elementary principles must be observed
by every man. Meat, which enters into our
dietary, is intended first of all to create heat in
the body and to facilitate the formation of its
tissues. Vitalenergy also depends on meat.

This is very important, and cannot be overlooked.
But the quantity which a man must eat must be
proportionate to the size of his body. In ac-
cordance with the foregoing, too much food must
not be taken, otherwise it only causes harm to the
body. Many cases are known in which an excessive
quantity of meat has brought harm to the body.
The quantity must be varied according to age.
Young people, who still have to grow, can eat more
than adults, while an old man must eat less.
That vegetarian food is the best for the prolonga-
tion of life has been recognised by all scientists,
hygienists, physiologists and doctors. But in
addition should be recognised that the Chinese
it
method of preparing food from vegetables is the

best. Bean jelly must be regarded as meat, and
in its use we should not exceed the quantity
required by a man. When estimating the quantity
of this food which a man
can eat, it is necessary
to follow subjective hygiene as closely as possible.
What changes does food undergo during its
digestion in the stomach, i.e. how does it change
when the stomach and intestines transform it
into blood ? These secrets are even more difficult
52
to clear up than the problems of diet. When
food enters the mouth, it must first of all pass
the test of the tongue, in order that we can
discover whether it is suitable for the stomach,
and whether it can be digested. If it is not
accepted by the stomach, nausea at once arises
and it is thrown out. If it is suitable, the tongue
accepts it and mixes it with saliva, the teeth chew
it and break it up, the saliva helps to soften and
moisten it, in order to transform the starch into

sugar.
When the process has been completed in the
mouth, the food is conveyed with the help of the
tip of the tongue through the gullet into the
stomach. The passage expands and carries it
to its destination. When the food enters the
stomach, the lower end of the stomach immediately
closes, and the stomach distributes the food
within itself. immediately
If it is satisfied, its cells
inform the brain, and the latter in turn gives
the order to stop eating. That is why we often
feel satisfied after food. This one of the functions
is
of the stomach, as it establishes the quantity of

food we require day by day. When we feel
satisfied, we must stop eating, otherwise we only
hurt the well-being of our body.
When the food has been supplied, the juices
of the stomach begin softening the proteids in
exactly the same way as saliva softens the starch.
The muscles of the stomach contract and expand
alternately, expanding and squeezing the food
53
until itbecomes a paste. Then the stomach opens
its lower end and shifts the food to the intestines ;
here mingled with the intestinal juices. What

it is
the saliva and stomach juices have been unable

to dissolve is dissolved by the intestinal juices.
The food then passes into the liver. What is
valuable for the body is transferred to the heart,

whence it is carried hy the
and distributed
arteries
over the various parts of the body to feed the
tissues. What is useless for the body is immediately
rejected by the liver and not allowed to enter the
blood. Then it passes through the gall-bladder
to the small intestines again, to produce the
juices necessary for secretion. Finally, the useless
remnants and refuse pass into the larger intestine,
where they accumulate to the necessary quantity
and are thrown out as excrement. This is the
whole process of nutrition. Much can still be
said of what happens to the transformed food
which enters the blood. But this cannot be
understood by persons who have not studied
physiology, and even physiologists are not fully
acquainted with the process.
All that has been said above refers to the
internal structure of the digestive system and
the process of nutrition. This is a natural
phenomenon, yet can be said that to grasp all
it
its important features is very difficult. Let us

now consider such questions as the production
of food, its transport and distribution, and the
prevention of famine, which are the direct result
54
of man's intervention, and also cannot be studied
simply and easily.
Social policy inmodern countries reached its
highest state of organisation in Germany. During
the great Imperialist war, Germany was blockaded
by Great Britain at sea. It might have been
expected that the German people would be left
without food supplies. The panic amongst the
Germans was general. The population suffered
many hardships. But two years after the war
began the German Government applied scientific
methods to the problem of food supply. Germany
emerged from the food crisis, and the panic ceased.
This gave Germany the means of holding out in
isolation another two years without this, Ger-
:
many would have had to surrender immediately

to the Allies.
Up to that time, the German people, when
wishing to buy food, had had to stand in queues
awaiting their turn. Many policemen were required
to maintain order. The shopkeepers supplied
their goods to the purchasers in the order of their
coming. When supplies gave out, those at the
back of the queue returned empty-handed. Thus
those who desired to receive food had to give up
their sleep for the preceding night, go to the
shop, and there wait for the queue until dawn.
One German doctor said very wittily, that, if a
German woman slept six hours longer in her flat,
she would have more fats in her body than she
was able to buy.
55
Hence it is not difficult to imagine the state of
affairs inGermany at that time. The methods
introduced by the German Government were none
other than socialisation and careful utilisation.
If we look at the previous food production of
Germany, we shall see that it could support
80 per cent, of the people, while, improved in
the way indicated, it could be increased by more
than 20 per cent. Therefore the first decision
of the German Government was to prohibit ex-
travagance in foodstuffs and to limit excess. It
introduced a method of distribution of foodstuffs
by which everyone had a definite quantity of
food daily. Thus the total quantity of food was
not increased, but it was distributed amongst
the people more or less satisfactorily. Moreover,
production was increased. All parks and un-
cultivated lands, covered with grass, were given
over to agricultural produce, and measures were
adopted for the production of artificial manures.
All that the German people had and that
suffered,
for the first two years they had looked upon as
, an incurable evil, was settled quite satisfactorily
by this system of rational distribution. Poverty
was levelled out, and necessary requirements
moderately fulfilled. As for their achievements,
they cannot be ascribed to the difficulty of action,
but on the contrary, to the knowledge of how to
act —
which is acquired with great difficulty.
Summing up the foregoing, i.e. the process of
digestion, consumption, purification, construction
56
and destruction of the elements of food, which
constitute the process of nutrition, the following
conclusions can be drawn. If a man sees how raw
materials are delivered to a factory and there
worked up by machines and transformed into
beautiful things, does this mean that he can say
that all this was done by machines ? Of course
not. Why ? Because there also exists human
power, which controls the machines, and which
must be taken into account. The unusual functions
of various organs, which
can be attributed to
them, are not created by the organs themselves,
but by the cells working within them. Hence
we can draw the conclusion that the understanding
of the process of nutrition is very difficult. Though
the management of food supplies is practised by
many citizens, nevertheless their rational dis-
tribution is not easily understood by everyone.
This again shows that " knowledge is difficult,
but action easy."
(c) Third Proof. The Writing of Chinese

Further we illustrate our theory by the art of
writing books. In the course of several thousand
years the Chinese have created a great literature.
Everyone in China, beginning with emperors and
kings and ending with the common people, even
robbers and pirates, all have been able to value
and delight in literature as an art. Through
this excessive passion for literature, the Chinese
look upon persons possessing this gift as all-
57
powerful. Many talented and gifted persons have
given up all other occupations in order to devote
themselves entirely to the study of literature.
This led to the result that every other kind of
profession died out, and our country grew weak.
So far as our literature is concerned, we cannot
but admit that it is exceptionally fine and full of
value. Since the Chinese Emperor Fu-Shi wrote
his " Eight Diagrams " in the most ancient times,
the evolution of writing has continued for over
5000 years. Although not all of the 400 millions
of the Chinese people can read and write, nearly
all are under the direct or indirect influence of
Chinese literature. Beyond the boundaries of
our country, this influence extends over Japan,
Korea and Indo-China, which consider themselves
akin to the Chinese in their language.
If we speak of the length of time during which
the Chinese language has been in use, we know
that it has outlived the dead languages of Egypt,
Rome, Babylon and Greece. If we speak of its
geographical diffusion, and compare it with
—
English the so-called " most widely-adopted
"
tongue, which is spoken, as has been ascertained,

—
by 200 million people the Chinese language is
twice as widely distributed, since it is spoken by
400 million people. When any people develops
to the stage of having its own national literature,
this is considered a great step forward. But even
more important must be a literature which has
been able to exert its influence over neighbouring
58
countries, absorb them, or refashion them after
its own This is shown by the fact that
likeness.
5000 years ago our country occupied a tiny space
in the valley of the Yellow River, whereas now it
has become immeasurably the greatest country
in the world. Although during the centuries
China was often seized by foreign invaders, it
was never swallowed up and enslaved by these
nations, despite its weakness and powerlessness,
but on the contrary the conquerors were assimilated
by the Chinese as easily as the moving of a table.
This can be ascribed only to the exceptional
peculiarities of the Chinese language.
Some modern Chinese writers agitate for the
abolition of Chinese letters and characters, but
the author holds the opinion that the latter
should under no circumstances be abolished.
The use of machines and money, as has been
said above, helps mankind to achieve better
(comfortable and luxurious) material conditions ;
but so far as intellectual progress is concerned,

only to the language has it been given to continue
and extend it. It is certain that material progress
and intellectual civilisation mutually influence
each other and wait each on the other in the
common progress. The slow improvement of
China's material conditions retards the aspirations
of its intellectual civilisation. However, it does
not therefore follow that we should give up the
work of research in the sphere of ages long past.
On the contrary, if we compare modern Chinese
59
with the European, we shall see that,
civilisation
while we fall behind the Europeans in material
conditions, yet in the sphere of intellectual
development the Chinese have many achievements
equal to those of the Europeans, and in some cases
even more progressive. However, there are also
those which cannot be compared with European
literature.
Those are utterly wrong who wave Chinese
civilisation aside with a stroke of the pen, without
ever meditating on the matter. Further, the
mode of thought and the ideals of the Chinese
to-day, were all shaped by their forefathers.
Consequently, when we now attempt to improve
and alter various aspects of our life and manners,
we must strive to study our ancient modes of
thought and ideals, in order to ascertain the
source and development of those ideals, to grasp
their good and bad sides, and thus to understand
them better. Only after such a careful study can
we discover the way to correct the prejudices,
the inclinations and the which
peculiarities
characterise the Chinese. And as written works
are only the means and the intermediaries for
the transmission of ideas, this quality of writing
can be compared with the function of the monetary
system, which plays the part of an intermediary
in exchange. If we insist on the abolition of
Chinese characters, how shall we approach the
ancient mode of thought and study it ?
Furthermore, since the beginning of history,
60
these Chinese characters have told the story of
all events which took place during these four or
five thousand years, exactly and continuously.
This is an exceptional peculiarity of the Chinese
language. It should not only be appraised at its
true worth by scholars, but also utilised by them.
If it be utilised in the proper way, and if we make
use of the ancient scholars, they will not lead us

astray ; if we utilise them instead of being
enslaved by them, ancient chronicles and docu-
ments will help us to study the ancient scholars,
who will serve as historians for us. And the more
numerous they European scholars
are, the better.
are not afraid even of the dead characters of
Egypt and Babylon (although those two countries
perished long ago, and their tongues have long
ago fallen into disuse). They are not afraid of
collecting and studying even the fragments of
the history of the past, and of restoring them,
since they consider that the ideas of ancient times
may be very useful for our modern knowledge.
In China the spoken and written languages are
not at Of course, Chinese writing is
all identical.
founded on the spoken language. But the spoken

language has undergone changes at different
periods. So far as Chinese writing is concerned,
however, although the manner of it has changed
at various times, nevertheless these changes cannot
be compared with the rapid alterations in the
spoken language. Thus, in very far-off times,
before our first " three dynasties," when our
61
characters were only being formed, and the spread
of Chinese culture was limited to the valley of the
Yellow River, both speech and writing were
identical this cannot be gainsaid.
: By the time
of the " Chow dynasty," culture had already
spread far beyond the bounds of the Yellow
River valley. The tribes of Hupeh, Hunan,
Anhwei, Fukien and Kiangsu were under the
influence of Chinese writing, but each still retained
its local language, and this was the origin of the
difference between written and spoken speech.
When the Chow dynasty began to decline,
various savage tribes occupied the plains of China.
Foreign languages began to be heard side by side
with Chinese. A thousand years later, during
the time of the " five dynasties " the Lian and
Yunan dynasties, and again two thousand years
later, i.e. in Manchu dynasty,
the period of the last
when the Mongols, Tibetans and Manchus were
trying to seize China and were dominating the
Chinese, the dialects of these tribes more or less
left their impress on the Chinese language.
Three thousand years ago, during the Han
dynasty, the Chinese sought to write the Chinese
characters beautifully, but the spoken language
was left develop on its own.
to There were
changes in conversational Chinese speech, but no
progress. But in the written language, although
the characters were inherited from former time,
the technique of their formation was improved,
and so were their finish and elegance. Hence
62
Chinese is the strangest and most awkward
language in the world often it used to be
:
impossible to convey the meaning of a word

otherwise than by writing.
The Chinese are not bad writers but very ;
clumsy conversationalists. This can easily be

explained. The art of writing could be handed
down from the most remote ages. The old classics
could easily be imitated.But while speech may
be distinguished by the composition and polish
of well-turned phrases, both in ordinary conversa-
tion and in oratory, these unfortunately cannot
be conveyed for lack of recording, and thus in
time they are lost. Hence arise the progress of
writing and the regress of speech.
Moreover, in European languages the writing
of words is founded upon vocal sounds, and books
are written in the customary tongue when the
:
vocal sounds change, so does the language, and

the written language changes accordingly. Things
are otherwise in Chinese. In the Chinese language
the mode of writing words is based on two prin-
ciples. The first is that the character must bear
a resemblance to the thing it represents the :
second is that it must be composed in such a way

that its meaning can be guessed from an analysis
of its component parts. If the composition of
the Chinese characters is so complicated, it is
not surprising that Chinese writing has not been

influenced by the changes in speech.
The compositions of gifted writers in Chinese
63
history excel those of foreign writers — this is
universally recognised. As Chinese writing is
itself an art, and gifted writers are in their way

artists, thanks to their painstakingly polished
works, knowledge of Chinese literature cannot be
acquired by an average mind. Of course we may
condemn the evil, which has spread to an un-
expected extent, that all have concentrated on
—
one form of art the study of literature and —
have neglected all others.
There are many first-class writers in the history
of Chinese literature but still I ask our Chinese
;
writers, did they know all the rules of Chinese

writing before they began their literary career ?
The reply will be " No." We have no grammar.
Persons who study Chinese writing often begin
by devoting themselves to the study of the
characters, and only gradually achieve the under-
standing of the modes of writing their style:
unconsciously adapts itself to the rules of grammar.

It would be difficult to find writers whose works
could be analysed with a view to determining
" what ought to have been " the distribution of
words and phrases, and " why " each word was
used. When they are asked about their mode of
thought, they justify themselves by saying that
every man must learn and develop independently,
and no established rules or methods can be given
you. This reply shows how poorly informed our
scholars are. The Chinese respect scholars as
persons who study the meaning of " what ought
64
to be " and " why
should be." If they only
it
know that one must act in a certain way, but

cannot explain it, they cannot be respected as
scholars.
" "
When we desire to know what ought to be
in literary works, we must begin the study of the
rules of language. When we desire to know " why
it should be " we must study the science of
reflection. The study of the rules of language in
the Western countries is called "
grammar." It
teaches us to analyse phrases, to divide words
amongst different parts of speech, to make the
syntax of a phrase which has been composed :
all in order that you should express your thought
correctly. Every country in the West has its

grammar, built up appropriately to its language.
It is an elementary study for beginners. Hence,
by the time children are ten years old, they usually
know their grammar already, and can deal with
the words which they require for writing composi-
tions. In this way, notwithstanding the differing
attainments in knowledge of different pupils,
older or younger, none of them will write incor-
rectly when composing a literary exercise, and it
will rarely happen that they use a word wrongly.
But in China up to this day there is no such
thing as grammar. Those who learn to write,
unless they keep to the repetition or paraphrase of
model or classical examples, in order, by this means
to learn style, cannot write Chinese correctly.
Therefore those who are already working at their
e 65
subject very earnestly, and have acquired a grasp
of can write well.
it, Whereas those who don't
know how to begin this study will never achieve
any result even if they rake over the bookshops
for a dozen years together, and will continue to
write Chinese incorrectly just the same.
If we give our children ten characters to learn
a day, and explain their meaning to them, they
will know three thousand characters in a year ;
but if you ask them to write the simplest composi-

tion out of these characters, they will not be able
to do it. As they don't know grammar, and
therefore cannot find the shortest way to write
a thing correctly, they have to grope their way
in the dark for several years. It is just the same
as crossing a stream. If there is no bridge or
boat handy, a traveller must go a long way round
before he finds the way to cross to the other side.
Truly unhappy is the lot of the Chinese.
From the moment of the appearance of the
book entitled Chinese Grammar, China for the
first time became possessed of this branch of
knowledge. The author of this book spent tens

of years in research and study when composing
it. But ifwe examine more closely the significance
of this book, we shall see that it contains only the
proof that the writings of the classics unconsciously
coincide with the rules of grammar, and a con-
firmation of the necessity of grammar for Chinese
writers in order to improve their work. Although
it may be used as a reference book by skilled
66
writers, it cannot serve as a text-book for
beginners.
Since the great work of Mr. Ma, many books on
the same subject have been printed. But although
they are considered helpful for beginners, it is
nevertheless regrettable that their authors were
not acquainted with the secrets of the Chinese
language, and consequently they contain some
mistakes and vulgar turns of speech. Moreover,
to illustrate the principles which they establish
they quote exclusively the ancient writings,
making no use of modern speech, and therefore
these works cannot be understood by persons
little acquainted with classical literature. While
the man who has already mastered the Chinese
language does not require them he has already
:
discovered the ford whereby to cross the river,

and he does not need to seek a bridge.
We value bridges so long as we have not crossed
the river in the same way children ten years of
:
age, who don't know how to write, need help in

order to learn. I sincerely hope that the great
Chinese scholars will occupy themselves with

studying the grammatical systems of various
countries on a large scale, and then with adapting
their rules to the Chinese language, as its improve-
ment undoubtedly demands. If there is a Chinese
grammar, and the Chinese people is made
acquainted with it, and will know it sufficiently
to use proper expressions, they will be able,
thanks to this grammar, to understand the
67
ancient writings, and then be as easy to
it will
write Chinese well as to turn a hand. Then
uniformity between written and conversational
speech can be re-established.
What is the science of writing reflections ? In
the Western countries it is called logic. The author
uses the expression : "the
science of writing
reflections " to translate the word " logic " not
because it is the most suitable, but because he
thinks that logic applied to writing is reflection.
Modern writers usually apply this science in order

to draw correct conclusions, and therefore some
translate the word as " the science of reflection,"
while others translate it as " the science of argu-
mentation." Of course, these are by no means
the most exact translations. The science of
correct deductionembraces only one part of
logic, while argumentation is only one part of
deduction, and its scope is very limited. Of
course, the expressions do not cover the whole
of logic, and cannot convey its exact translation.
Those who translate the term " logic " as " the
science of reflection " or " the science of argu-
mentation " see only a part of the truth. It is
just the same as the Chinese who live in foreign
parts calling Spain Manilla. This is an historical
error. Manilla is an island in Oceania, near China.
Thousands ago Chinese navigators often
of year
visited these places, and therefore the Chinese
became accustomed to the name. Later on,
Manilla was occupied by Spain. Since that time,
68
the Chinese who visited Manilla called the
Spaniards Manillans. Later on, when they visited
the United States of America, Mexico, Chile and
Peru, and saw the Spaniards there dominating
various territories, they began to call these
Spaniards also Manillans. Later still, when they
learned that the so-called " Manillans " have
their own country, they began calling Spain
" Great Manilla " and the island " Little Manilla."
So has remained to this day. From the point

it
of view of scientific accuracy we can only speak

of " Spain," including in it Manilla, but cannot
speak of " Manilla " and include Spain in the
term. But the Chinese abroad know no other
Spain than " Manilla," and continue to use that
name, side by side with the real name. Chinese
logicians who translate " logic " by the name of
its part are similar to these Chinese abroad.
But what is logic, and how is this word best
rendered ? The author would like to consider this
question. Those who are familiar with logic know
that it is the science of all the sciences, opening
the way to correct thinking and correct acts.
There is a vast number of people who unconsciously
think logically, although they never studied logic.
In China this science has no name. In the opinion
of the author, its name must be translated as
" li-chieh." This branch of learning has not yet
been fully developed. Those who devote them-
selves to it cannot be of the same opinion about it.
There are very many conflicting opinions. Those
69
who do not devote themselves to the science are
indifferent to it, as the power of logical reflection
is amongst man's inborn qualities. When skilful
writers are plunged in deep meditation and
produce immortal works, they do this uncon-
sciously. If we ask them, by what paths they
reached these heights, they cannot tell us. Further-
more, they are quite ignorant of the paths by which
they moved. Not knowing grammar, they do not
even know " that which should have been."
Let me quote an example to make my point
clear. Mr. Chen-Kuo-Fan was, as we know, the
greatest scholar at the time of the fall of the
Ching dynasty. When he was discussing literary
productions with others, he quoted well-known
ancient expressions, such as " the spring breezes
:
blow, the summer rains rain," " untie the clothes

to clothe me," " give me
food to feed me," to
—
prove that similar words breezes blow," " rains
"
— rain," " clothes — —

clothe," " food feed," are
used here in different senses. He said that the
first words were nouns proper, while the second were
" nouns used virtually." Mr. Chen considered
this a discovery without precedent, and, having
given this explanation, he considered that he had
found the key to the secrets locked up in ancient
manuscripts. But from the grammatical point
of view the first words are nouns, the second are
verbs, and this seems very simple. But the most
gifted writer of olden times did not know this,
and explained verbs as " nouns, used virtually."
7°
Those who are ignorant of logic do not know
also the purpose (" what for ") of Chinese writings.
In a recent work entitled, A Short Sketch of
Chinese Grammar, the third chapter contains the
following passage " Proper names serve only to
:
designate persons and things. Thus, Mr. F. I.

How, in his sketch of Wang-Heng, Chancellor
during the Chin dynasty, said Just as, about
:
'
2000 years ago, Chin-Kuo-Liang was loyal and

honest to the end towards the Han dynasty, so
was Wang-Heng towards the Chin dynasty.'
Mr. Kung-Chi-Kuei, in his Appeal to the Northern
Mountains, writes There is emptiness behind
:
'
the splendid curtains, the nightingale complains,

man has gone to the hills, the ape is astonished.'
In the examples given, although Chin-Kuo-Liang
and Wang-Heng are human beings, while the
nightingale and the ape belong to the animal
world, all four nouns are proper names, because
not all human beings are called Chin-Kuo-Liang
or Wang-Heng, not every animal is a bird or ape.
Such nouns are called proper names." In this
example the writer of the book referred to,
considers Chin-Kuo-Liang, Wang-Heng, the night-
ingale, the ape, as names of the same type.
This, of course, is quite wrong, not only in the
eyes of one who runs through a text-book, but
even for an uneducated man who can reflect
logically.
But why did the writer make this mistake ?
Because in China there is no such science as logic,
while men rarely make use of the power of logical
thinking born in them.
Chinese authors are talented and numerous,
their works are excellent and elegant. That
which they write can inspire heaven and earth,
as Mr. Yuan-Hsiung once said. But for several
thousands of years the Chinese have been able
only to write, not to know how they write. The
Chinese have had no one to invent grammar or
logic before foreigners introduced these sciences
into our country. Is not this an example of the
fact that " actions are easy, but knowledge
difficult ?"
72
CHAPTER II
" TO UNDERSTAND IS DIFFICULT, BUT TO ACHIEVE

"
IS EASY
(Seven More Proofs)
seems to me that the theory of the easiness

IT of action and the understanding
difficulty of
might be considered sufficiently proved by
the three examples already given. But it is said
that this may be true, yet nevertheless this
leaves a gap which has to be filled, in that other
cases might be different.
Therefore I shall try to prove the correctness
of my theory by seven more examples, namely,
the building of houses, shipbuilding, the building
of fortifications, the digging of canals, electricity,
chemistry and evolution, and we shall see whether
the theory is true in all these cases.
The science of appeared a
architecture only
thousand years after mankind began building
themselves dwellings with many comforts. China
up to this day has no architecture. Chinese
houses are not built according to the plans of
architectural science. It is quite otherwise with
foreign buildings. All of them are founded on
architectural science. First a sketch is made,
73
then a plan is worked out, and only then do they
begin construction. This is action carried out in
the first place by knowledge. The plans of
buildings in Shanghai are worked out by foreign
architects, while the work of building is carried
out by Chinese coolies. In this case the men who
possess knowledge are the foreign architects,
while the men who assume the labour of com-
pleting the buildings are the Chinese workers.
The structure completed by the efforts and
is
co-operation of knowledge and action.

If we look at things superficially, it will appear
to us that the architects have taken on the lighter
work, because they work only with their pen :
But if we consider the matter more closely, we

shall realise the vast difference between the
difficulty of the plan and the easiness of the
work —as far apart as heaven and earth.
Imagine that a man wishes to build a house
costing ten thousand dollars. He goes first of all
to an architect and asks him to draw up a plan,
and questions him about the capacity of the
house and the materials required. The architect
who undertakes the work has to calculate the
various materials which will have to be procured,
and their various qualities, without going beyond
the bounds of ten thousand dollars. This is a
problem of practical economy. Secondly, the
architect has to reckon out the area of the land on
which the house is to stand, to calculate its
capacity in cubic yards, the pressure of the

74
—
"TO UNDERSTAND IS DIFFICULT . .

."
building, the weight which the foundations or

piles can bear. All this the architect must reckon
out accurately, and all this involves a knowledge
of applied physics. Further, how should the
house be built : fashionably, comfortably or
handsomely ? This is drawn from practical
aesthetics. Then knowledge of how the sun's
rays should be absorbed, how the air is to move
freely through the building, how the house is to
be protected against cold and heat, how dirt and
rubbish is to be disposed of —this comes from the
sphere of domestic sanitation. Lastly, the architect
must know how the drawing-room should be
fitted, how the study should be equipped, how the
rooms should be made cosy and comfortable
this comes from the sphere of social psychology.
The architect has to draw his plans, relying on
information drawn from the branches of knowledge
mentioned, if he desires to become famous.
Lofty buildings of several stories and private
houses of foreigners in Shanghai are built according
to the plans of very skilful architects. But they
were built by Chinese coolies. If we are to judge
from this example, which is the easier, knowledge
or action ? Thus architecture may serve as the
fourth proof of the correctness of the theory that
action is easy but knowledge difficult.
In October of the 7th year of our Republic
(1918) a Chinese shipyard at Shanghai built a
ship of three thousand tons. When it was launched
the foreign Press loudly welcomed the fact. The
75
Press said that this was the largest ship ever built
in China, and worthy Yet the ship was
of notice.
built after the pattern of the ships of Western
countries it involved the application of knowledge
;
of modern sciences and of foreign machines. It

is said that of late all workmen in
the the
foreign shipyards at Shanghai, Hong Kong and the
islands of Oceania have been Chinese. Only a
few engineers and the directors come from a
foreign race. To-day there are already many
ships with a displacement of over ten thousand
tons, built in such yards. In a word, we can say
without exaggeration, that in the East, in the
foreign shipyards, the ships have all been built
by Chinese, because the contracts for building
go through the hands of Chinese.
The author has visited several shipyards to
become acquainted with the works. When
questioning Chinese workmen about the technique
of shipbuilding, I observed that the process of
construction is not at all difficult, but the difficulty
lies in the drawing of plans and sketches. If the
latter have been completed, the structural work
will proceed according to them and will be soon
completed.
Last year (1917), when the United States declared
war on Germany, the most powerful armament,
which had to be procured at all costs, was the
construction of a fleet. America had to take
unheard-of steps to increase its shipbuilding
works. A year was given as the time for building
76
"

."
ships with a total to average of 4,000,000 tons.

When this planwas published by America, the
whole world grew anxious. If such a plan had
been proposed in normal times, the world would
have looked on it as a frantic and ridiculous
proposal. But America worked intensively. The
shipyards were able to complete ships of over
10,000 tons in a few weeks. There were over a
hundred shipyards in America. The large yards
undertook to build dozens of ships the small :
yards took a smaller quantity. They began work

simultaneously, and carried it on so intensively
that by the appointed time they had completed
the whole programme.
Recently a Japanese shipyard built a vessel of
10,000 tons in twenty-three days. This was a
world's record. But such a feat is the outcome
of modern science. Basing itself on knowledge,
mankind discusses plans before setting about their
fulfilment. The fulfilment of these plans is
extraordinary and amazing. It is worth com-

paring with the difficulties of shipbuilding before
the application modern science.
of By this
comparison we can most vividly convince ourselves
of the truth of the theory that " action is easy,
but knowledge difficult.
At the beginning of the Ming dynasty (1398)
the Emperor Chen-Chu seven times sent his
eunuch, Chien-Ho, on a naval expedition to
discover and arrest the abdicated Emperor Chien-
Wen. The first time the eunuch sailed was in the
77
sixth month of the third lunar year of Tuien-Lo.
He returned in the ninth month of the fifth lunar
year of the same Emperor. During these months
he visited all the islands of the ocean and even
reached San Francisco. When we calculate the
length of his journey and the time during which
he was delayed on the way, we see that his journey
could not have been completed in less than
twenty-eight months. Let us divide twenty-eight
months into two parts : the first the period of
preparation, the second that of the journey. Let
us assume that the first period took at least
fourteen months. During this space of time,
from the day he received the order to the day he
sailed,Chien-Ho had to lay in stores for 28,000
men, arms for them, and all else that they required.
But most difficult of all was to procure sixty-
four large ships, capable of taking the sea. This
was a gigantic piece of work. According to the
chroniclers of the Ming dynasty, all ocean-going
ships were 440 feet long and 180 feet broad.
Although we don't know how deep they were in
the water, we can presume that 10 feet were
below the water level. Therefore, the total number
of tons might be 4000 to 5000. If we imagine
the conditions of those times, we
be able to
shall
appraise at its true value this remarkable piece
of work. There was no scientific knowledge at
that time, such as there is now to facilitate such
work there were no machines to replace handi-
:
craft. Moreover, Chien-Ho was not a shipbuilder.
78
."
There were not even any ships of such a size

before that day. But Chien-Ho was able in
fourteen months to build sixty-four ocean-going
ships, capable of holding 28,000 men, on which
he sailed round all the islands of the ocean, in
order to show abroad the awe-inspiring power of
China, and caused the barbarous tribes there to
remember the great deeds of Chien-Ho and admire
the Chinese to the present day. It was indeed a
very great achievement. If to-day the Chinese
are able to build ships of 3000 tons with the help

of modern science and foreign machinery, and this
merits great praise, what is it in comparison with
one ship built by Chien-Ho ? Thus shipbuilding,
as a fifth example, also confirms our theory.
The best-known architectural achievement in
China is the so-called Great Wall. The Emperor
Shih-Huang-Ti, of the Ching dynasty (240 B.C.)
ordered his general Mong-Tieng to build a wall
which could withstand the attacks of the Tartars.
This great work began at Mukden in the East and
ended in Shansi. It crossed mountains and valleys
for a distance of 5000 li. There were no such
works in ancient times it was the wonder of
:
the world. After all, in the days of the Ching

dynasty, science was as yet unknown, machines
did not exist, hand labour was not yet very varied,
raw materials were not yet abundant, and the
science of architecture was still in its embryo
stage, and not so diversified as at present. How
could the Chinese achieve such a success ?
79
It is said that the Chinese did this, driven by
necessity. The Western sayings have it that
necessity is the mother of all Although
inventions.
this emperor of the Ching dynasty had with heroic
courage conquered the whole of China, which
was at that time divided into six small states, he
was unable to cross the desert in order to crush
the Tartars. To organise regular troops to repel
unexpected attacks was difficult and onerous.
Therefore for those times and succeeding years
it was more making
suitable to erect a great wall,
it impregnable against the Tartars. Although
the Emperor Shih-Huang-Ti was cruel and pitiless
to his subordinates, his building of the Wall
rendered humanity as great a service as that of
the Great Yu, who rescued us from the Deluge.
Now we can see and conceive that, if we had not
been protected by the Great Wall, we should
have been crushed by the Tartars. Our race
would have been completely destroyed at the
beginning of the Han dynasty (206 B.C. to
220 a.d.) If there had been no wall, the Chinese
people would not have flourished later on it :
would not have been so strong in the Han-Tong

dynasties, and would not have been able to unite
with itself the southern peoples of China.
The Chinese people reached maturity, developing
physically and mentally at the same time, under
the protection of the Great Wall, and although
China later on fell a victim to the Mongol invasion,
still the Mongols mingled with us and were
80
."
amalgamated, and not the reverse, as sometimes

may be observed in the history of nations.
Although later on the Chinese were subjugated
by the Manchus, the latter could not escape the
same fate as the Mongols. But before this strength
of the Chinese people had developed and become
consolidated, the Great Chinese Wall played its
part, defending our people from invasion and
enslavement by the barbarian tribes of the
northern Tartars. The emperor thought by the
building of this wall to strengthen the power of
his descendants, and make it unshakable for
ever, by protecting China from the Tartar invasion.
He was not aware, and did not even dream, that,
in defending our young and as yet immature
Chinese civilisation from destruction at the hands
of the northern Tartars, his Wall would produce
such vast results. Necessity forced him to build
the Wall at all costs, risking all else, and he paid
no attention at all to the vast labour which it
involved and the vast efforts which he had to
expend on its construction. Historians also say
that he achieved this without knowing beforehand
how he would carry out his intention.
In our days of the supremacy of science and the
perfection of machinery, human powers and the
powers of machinery have surpassed the possibili-
ties of the past, and the science of architecture
has gone forward very rapidly. And if to-day
we go to a skilled civil engineer and ask him to
draw up the plan for the construction of a Great
f 81
Wall, to reckon up what quantity of materials
it how much time will be needed to
will require,
complete the work, what sum is necessary for this
purpose and how much labour will have to be
expended, I think he will reply :
" This very
is
difficult to ascertain." But if an engineer be

found who will not quail before the task, and who
makes a detailed calculation involving several
years of work, calculates everything, draws up
a plan, and submits it to the judgment of the
people, the latter will scarcely say that the
execution (action) is difficult, while the knowledge
is easy.
Let me give another object-lesson. I will ask
my readers to recall the battle-fields of Europe
during the Great War. When the attempt of
the German troops to seize Paris failed for the
first and they were forced to pass from the
time,
offensive to the defensive, the army dug a very long
trench, beginning from the shores of the North
Sea and ending at the foot of the Swiss mountains,
in a few weeks. Its length is estimated to have
been 1500 miles. It contained three lines of
fortifications. In every line there were under-
ground trenches, earthworks, fortified communica-
tion trenches and storehouses. So far as the
complexity and impregnability of this work is
concerned, one mile of it in every line meant more
than all the work expended on the Great Chinese
Wall. The total length of these three lines was
not less than 5000 miles. The same length of
82
."
trenches was dug on the side of the Entente, in

order to be able to resist the Germans. Thus the
length of this work on both sides amounted to
10,000 miles, i.e. twice the length of the Great
Wall.
These trenches were not thought out before-
hand they were constructed as a matter of
:
urgency. But the magnitude of the undertaking

and the rapidity of its completion are to some
extent, one might say, a secret. Yet, this is not
all. The line of military operations in Eastern
Europe, stretching from the Baltic Sea across the
whole continent to the Black Sea, was three
times longer than the western battlefield. The
opposing forces faced one another in trenches of
the same length, just as happened in Western
Europe. The time required for this work was
the same. Such a gigantic enterprise might have
seemed to us impossible to carry out, if these
trenches had not been a fact. But the battle-
fields both in Western and Eastern Europe have
now become a matter of history there are no:
traces Even military engineering experts

left.
would discover them with difficulty yet they are

:
a fact. Thus from all the above it is clear that

our Chinese Great Wall and the great European
battlefields may serve as a sixth proof of the
theory about the easiness of action and the
difficulty of knowledge.
There was still one more gigantic piece of work
in China, second only to the Great Wall : this
83
was the Imperial Grand Canal. It began at
Hangchow and crossed the provinces of Kiangsu,
Shantung and Chihli. It was crossed by the
Yangtze-kiang, the Yellow River, the White River,
and ended at Tengchow, in the north. Its length
is iooo miles it was the first and longest canal in
:
the world. It served as an important means of

internal communication by water between Southern
and Northern China, bringing innumerable advan-
tages to our country and our people. After
China entered into trading relations with foreign
countries, steamship communication began to be
utilised on a large scale. Maritime intercourse
developed, and the Canal began to fall into disuse.
It began to be silted up, and in many places it
is almost completely blocked and threatens to
overflow.
Of late have been many people who
there
suggested lowering the level of the Canal at various
points between the Yangtze River and the River
Hwai, in order to bring it once again into use.
Engineers who were invited to investigate the
possibilities came to the conclusion that it would
be no light task, and that the expenses would be
so great as to render necessary consideration of
floating a foreign loan to finance it. It stands
to reason that the deepening of a canal is an
easier piece of work than cutting it in the first
place : the improvement of part of a river is
easier than creating the whole river. But people

to-day, before even beginning the working-out of
84
" TO UNDERSTAND IS DIFFICULT . .
."
a plan, already realise the difficulties facing them,

whereas people in olden days could brilliantly
accomplish the digging of a canal iooo miles long
as though it were nothing out of the ordinary.
Why is this so ? Because the real difficulty of
the work arises, not in the period of its execution,
but rather at the beginning, in the period of its
discussion and planning. The people of olden
times were not as learned as the people of to-day ;
when they intended to do something, they did

not put off their work for long conversations and
discussions at the very beginning. They first set
about the task in the way dictated by vital
necessity. Their successand skill advanced
together, but unconsciously. That is how matters
stood when the Grand Canal was being built,
i.e. the Chinese carried out this work without any
preliminary plan.
There are many canals in the world. The most
remarkable are the Suez and Panama Canals.
The Suez Canal is at the end of the Mediterranean
Sea and connects it with the Red Sea. It shortened
communication between the Atlantic and Indian
Oceans. From the most ancient times the intention
to dig this canal has existed. In 1798, when
Napoleon conquered Egypt, he determined to
construct this canal between the two seas. He
ordered an engineer to investigate the isthmus,
with a view to preliminary operations. The
engineer came to the conclusion that the difference
in level between the Red and Mediterranean Seas
85
comes to 29 feet, and Napoleon's plan was
abandoned.
Only in the '5o's of century did some
last
Frenchmen again take it up, and discover that the
previous calculations were inaccurate, and that

the difference in levels was not so great. In 1854
Ferdinand de Lesseps began to agitate in favour
of the idea of organising a company to construct
a ship canal across the isthmus. He was made a
subject for ridicule and jokes, particularly in
England, where the whole people rejected the
plan as quite impracticable, and thought it must
inevitably end in failure. But de Lesseps applied
all his energies to winning the approval of his own
people, in spite of the stubborn resistance offered

by the whole world to the plan he proposed.
Finally, he succeeded in convincing the people,
and, with the support of French capitalists and
the Egyptian Viceroy, the Suez Canal Company
was founded in 1858. The next year the work
of construction began, and in 1869 the Suez
Canal was officially opened.
Thereupon the British Prime Minister, Disraeli,
began to try his hardest to acquire for the British
Government the shares in the Suez Canal Company,
which were held by the Egyptian Khedives.
Later on he even added Egypt to the British
possessions, on the plea that Great Britain must
protect the Canal, in order to have control over the
passage between the Mediterranean and Red Seas
and maintain communication by sea with India.
86
:

."
After his successful attempt to construct the

Suez Canal, de Lesseps became a world-famous
and universally respected man. He then began
to devote much attention to the plan of digging
the Panama Canal, in order to provide the pos-
sibility of communication between the Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans. Very soon application forms
for shares began to be filled up, and they were
taken up immediately. Construction began in
1882 :in 1889 the Company went completely
bankrupt, and de Lesseps was also punished.
There were two reasons for the bankruptcy
first, lack of funds, and secondly, the epidemic
of malaria which prevailed there. The epidemic

carried off too many people on the undertaking,
and on account of this it could not continue
The lack of money could, of course, be remedied,
but matters were much worse with the epidemic.
If it would scarcely be possible to
continued, it
continue. Science at that time was not able to

cope with the problem of making the Isthmus of
Panama healthy. Therefore work was temporarily
suspended. However, modern science later on
established that all diseases come from bacteria,
and the epidemic at Panama, i.e. malaria, was
disseminated by insects (mosquitoes). When the
Government of the United States decided to
continue the construction of the Panama Canal,
it first of allundertook the work of destroying
the insects, and took a number of other steps
to make the district more healthy. When this
87
had been done, construction was resumed, and
was successfully completed in 1918. And from
that time communication between the Altantic
and Pacific Oceans became an actual fact.
Hence we see that the chief reason for de Lesseps'
failure lay in his ignorance of the destructive
activities of insects, while the reason for the
success of the United States Government was
entirely that, anticipating the peril of sickness
due to these insects, it took measures to destroy
them. Thus this case is one of the proofs of my
theory.
For a long time China has been proud of being
the country to invent ship's instruments.
first
Many other things invented by China have greatly

assisted the development of world civilisation.
Amongst these must be classed printing, gun-
powder, porcelain, silk and tea, all of which
mankind requires. But there is yet one thing
more, which assisted in the growth of world
relations and a closer connection between the
peoples. This was the Chinese compass. Historians
say that the compass was invented by the Emperor
Hwangti (a legendary monarch, in 2698 B.C.),
but others assert that it was discovered by Choe-
Kung, a duke and prime minister at the beginning
of the Chow dynasty (1125-255 B.C.) However,
leaving aside the question of the name of the
inventor of the compass, it was undoubtedly the
Chinese who long ago discovered the nature of
the magnet and invented the compass. Later
88
."
the Western countries applied it to ocean-travelling,

which assisted in the development of maritime
communication.
If there were no compass to indicate direction,
it is unlikely that anyone would venture to set
sail on a distant and boundless sea. If there were

no compass, maritime exploration would not have
developed, and civilisation would not have reached
its present level. Thus the benefits conferred
by the compass are enormous. But what is the
compass ? It is a simple electrical machine. Men
began to make use of electricity when they utilised
the compass. From the time that the compass
came into use, mankind began to study the
principles according to which the pointer of
the compass is always directed at one end to the
south, at the other to the north. Why does the
magnet attract iron ? Only after thousands of
years of effort and research did mankind discover
electricity. It discovered that electricity is not
material, that its essence can be transformed into
heat and light. It penetrates everywhere and
permeates the whole of the atmosphere. When
it passes along the earth, it has a definite direction,
from south to north. When the magnet is under

the influence of electricity, it has the tendency
to point north and south, just as a weathercock
under the influence of the wind turns in the
direction in which the wind is moving.
Formerly, when human knowledge of electricity
was still small, mankind looked on lightning and
89
thunder as gods, and worshipped them now it ;
uses them for its domestic requirements. To-day

we call our age " the age of electricity." To-day
mankind cannot do without electricity. If we
look at towns and ports, we see that the con-
sumption of electricity increases day by day. We
light electric lamps. We make use of electricity
in travelling,we can talk with the help of electricity,
we can communicate with one another by means
of electricity, we work with electricity, we cure
sicknesses with the help of electricity, we prepare
food on electricity, we utilise it for heating, etc.
But I ask many people use electricity, but how
:
many of them know what it is ?

When a new invention appears, for example
the dynamo, the world gradually becomes accus-
tomed to utilise this invention. For example,
the great invention of recent times, the wireless
telegraph, which in the space of a few years has
spread all over the world. Yet this discovery
swallowed up centuries of effort, exhausted the
knowledge of many scientists, for everyone of
them gave his portion of knowledge, before the
conception of wireless telegraphy was fully grasped.
Relying on scientific truth and exact knowledge,
of course, not very difficult to invent machines.
it is
To-day everyone can carry on their correspondence

by wireless telegraphy. Everyone can also occupy
the post of an operator in a wireless telegraph
station. The mechanics who manufacture wireless
telegraph apparatus are not faced any longer
90
."
with a difficult task. The heaviest burden lies

on the backs of scientists, and, once this difficulty
is overcome, all the rest goes well. From the
application of electricity we learn that when man-
kind still did not know of electricity it already had
the magnet and utilised it for the compass to assist
navigation. Thus electricity constitutes the eighth
proof of the theory that action is easy and
knowledge difficult.
The development modern science is secured
of
not by the progress of any special branch of
knowledge, but rather by the united efforts of
various sciences and their mutual assistance in
this striving forward. One branch of science
which approaches closest of all to electricity is
chemistry.
Ifchemistry makes no progress, electricity also
can hardly go forward alone. And, vice versa,
the progress of chemistry is possible only on
condition of new inventions in the sphere of
electricity. The forerunner of chemistry is Taoistic
alchemy. In ancient times people sought for the
elixir of life by all possible means, in the hope of
achieving their goal. Although the elixir was not
discovered, these experiments stimulated the
development of chemistry. The most outstanding
discoveries of chemistry in China, are the produc-
tion of vitriol, gunpowder, porcelain and bean
oil. In China this chemical production has existed
for several thousands of years, but the Chinese
only continued on the old track in this sphere,
9i
not knowing the inner significance, or even that
such a mode of production is called chemistry.
At present modern Chinese scientists have an
uncommon yearning after Western sciences, and
the most wonder-working branch of learning
which interests them is chemistry. The most
difficult part of chemistry to study is organic
chemistry, the most important part of which
is that which treats of foodstuffs. Western
physiologists in recent times have by means of
experiment arrived at the conclusion that in
animal (meat) food there are many harmful
substances. But here another problem arises :
that which man chiefly requires for his sustenance

is contained chiefly in meat. If we cease to eat
meat and seek equivalent nutritive matter else-
where, shall we find any means of achieving this ?
This is why the question of the hygiene of diet
is an old problem, which scientists try very hard
to solve.
Of late, biology has developed very quickly.
Many great discoveries have been made by French
chemists. They created organic chemistry.
Making use of the method of synthesis to procure
organic material, they have even set before
themselves the aim of preparing foodstuffs by
means of chemistry. M. Pasteur founded bacteri-
ology, by which he facilitated the appearance of
biochemistry. His followers have applied bio-
chemistry to the study of foodstuffs, and have
thus come to the conclusion that meat contains
92
" TO UNDERSTAND IS DIFFICULT . .
."
poisonous substances and that vegetables are

the best food.
My friend Mr. Li-Shi-Chen, who was educated
in France, a pupil of Pasteur, has studied agri-
culture and paid great attention to beans. He
founded the " International Society for the
Preparation of Bean Milk," and affirmed that
bean milk can entirely replace cow's milk, and
bean foods, meat. He based his conclusions on
the theories of many chemists and on experiments
in the use of vegetarian food. He also founded
the " Bean Milk Society." Of course, the Chinese
have been eating bean mash from very far-off
times ;
and, needless to say, many of them know
how to prepare it. Even in very remote villages
with a small population there are factories of
bean extract. We despised this food as the most
common. But, by a strange irony of fate, it
turned out to be one of the most wonderful
products of organic chemistry, the most economical
and beneficial food. Furthermore, it is that same
valuable food which the most renowned scientists
of to-day are trying, and failing, to discover.
Let me quote another example the manufacture
:
of pottery. It has been going on almost from

prehistoric times. In Babylon and Egypt people
used clay tablets to make books, and manufactured
bricks of clay before the Western people discovered
this building material. All the ancestors of the
civilised peoples of to-day made earthenware
independently. We see that, by baking clay, we
93
can produce pottery, and this can be done by any
nation which has reached the age of fire. But
the manufacture of porcelain is the particular
original invention of China. Up to this day
Chinese porcelain is considered the most perfect
of its kind. In 1540 a certain Frenchman, B.,
saw Chinese porcelain an aristocratic family.
in
He judged it to be the most precious of objects,
and determined to imitate the method of its
manufacture, in order that the common people
might also enjoy the use of this valuable discovery.
He studied the technique of its manufacture for
and then built a kind of pottery
sixteen years,
workshop. This was the beginning of the imitation
by Europeans of the Chinese method of manu-
facturing porcelain.
In recent times chemistry in the Western countries
has developed to an extraordinary degree, and is
bringing with it industrial development. The
manufacture of porcelain is also based on a
knowledge of chemistry, and its production in
the West at the present time almost reaches the
standard attained by Chinese porcelain. But if
it be compared with the artistic porcelain produced
in the time of Woen-Lo-Ching-Tai, of the Ming

dynasty, and of Kiat-Hsi and Chien-Lung of the
Ching dynasty, its colours and quality will be
discovered to be much lower than those of Chinese
productions, which are positively unequalled.
The development of chemistry to-day has
reached the widest bounds, and the marvels it
94
."
works, of course, have far outstripped the wonders

of alchemy in the past. Previously there existed a
difference between organic and inorganic chemistry,
but now there can be no more distinctions, since
the advancing technique of chemistry may trans-
form inorganic chemistry into organic. Moreover,
the so-called theory of elements and atoms has also
been destroyed, as the discovery of radium breaks
down the atomic theory and demonstrates the
incorrectness of the assertion that atoms and
elements are indivisible ; on the contrary, these
atoms consist of still smaller units, called electrons
Thus from now onwards a new era is opening
in chemistry.
The Western peoples, imitating the Chinese in
the manufacture of porcelain, founded their work
on the analysis of substances. So far as the
quality and colouring of porcelain are concerned
they have been chemically studied most carefully ;
but the technique of the firing of porcelain belongs

exclusively to the sphere of human talent. This
kind of technique has ceased to extend, and its
development was arrested, as a result of which
it is no longer possible to imitate it. This is why
Europeans most of all admire porcelain of the
Ming and Ching dynasties, and very often do not
grudge thousands of dollars to acquire it. All
that they can collect in their museums is
considered to be one of the rarest works of art.
But the Chinese craftsmen who made this kind of
porcelain were ignorant of chemistry and physics.
95
Thus chemistry is the ninth confirmation of my
theory.
Let us now consider the theory of evolution.
Its discovery was the work of Darwin, who wrote
a great book: The Origin of Species. Since
that time the world has known that all species
are obliged to evolution for their existence. The
most learned philosophers of ancient and modern
times, who studied the origin of species, could not
prove this conclusion. Two thousand years ago
the Greek philosopher, Democritus, had realised
that all come by the path of evolution.
creatures
But he had no followers, and the theory of
evolution did not receive a foundation. During
the European Renaissance, freedom of thinking
again reigned, and the philosopher Spinoza studied
the world from its external aspect, declaring as a
result in favour of the theory of evolution.
Spinoza was the spiritual father and inspiration
of Darwin. Later on, after the Renaissance, the
development of science went ahead rapidly. Many
discoveries were made at that time. The most
remarkable discoveries were those of Laplace in
the realm of astronomy, Lyell in that of geology,
and Lamarck in that of zoology. All these great
men, by means of the conclusions drawn by them
from science, arrived at the theory of evolution
and may be called its pioneers.
Darwin studied it by means of the observation
of animals. After twenty years of research he
published his book The Origin of Species, to
96
."
explain the theory of natural selection and the

struggle for existence. With the publication of
this book, the theory of evolution produced a
complete change in science. Thoughts and ideals
were sharply changed, and came under the
influence of this new philosophy. Since then all
sciences have based themselves on this theory.
The theory of evolution is the natural explanation
of the world-wide progress of all creatures. The
mutual struggle for existence, natural selection,
and the survival of the fittest are the principal
rules of the evolution of species. These principles
have been applied from the Stone Age onwards,
for the improvement of the seeds of plants. By
this means mankind has changed wild grasses
into cultivated plants, and has transformed wild
beasts into domestic animals. Men applied this
theory in practice for thousand of years, without
comprehending Only in the age of
its significance.
scientific enlightenment was Darwin able at last

to conceive it, after working at the problem
unremittingly for twenty years.
From this we can judge of the difficulty of
knowledge. Darwin's discovery was compared
with Isaac Newton's discovery of the law of
gravity. Men considered these the two greatest
discoveries the first in the sphere of time, the
:
second in the sphere of space. The writer considers

that there are three degrees or periods of evolution :
the first of matter, the second of species, and the

third of man. During the period of vapour, the
g 97
ether brought electrons into motion, the electrons
produced matter and matter produced the earth.
This was the first stage of world evolution. But
there are other heavenly bodies which are still
in this stage of evolution. The evolution of matter
is directed towards the formation of earth. How
many million years were required for the formation
of our planet ? According to calculations based
on the study of geological phenomena, twenty
million years have passed since the time of the
formation of the earth.
The period from the origin of cells to the
appearance of man constitutes the second period
of evolution. All species, from the smallest to
the largest, from the simplest to the most com-
plicated, according to the laws of the struggle for
existence, natural selection, and the survival of
the fittest, were already in existence when man
appeared on the earth. Thousands of years
passed before mankind acquired human nature,
since in the first period of its existence it was in
no way distinguishable from animals. Then
began the evolution of mankind.
The foundations of the evolution of mankind
were quite different from the basic principles of the
evolution of other creatures. Amongst the latter
the struggle for existence was the law, whereas
men were guided by the principle of mutual aid.
Society and the sciences are the concrete expres-
sion of this mutual aid. Morality, love, friendship
and justice — all these are forms of expressing
98
mutual aid. Mankind develops and progresses only

on the condition that it obeys these fundamental
laws, otherwise it perishes. The fact that mankind
has still not applied these laws in practice on a
large scale,and some people infringe them, arises
from man's evolution from the animals, and from
the fact that the third stage, into which man is
entering as " man," is still very short. The
animal heritage, or " instinct," has not yet been
extinguished, and has not completely disappeared.
But once mankind entered the period of civilisa-
tion, his inner being spontaneously sought the
mutual aid, and was able to achieve
principles of
the fundamental aim of human evolution. What
is the end of human evolution ? It is the aim
indicated by Confucius when he said " When :
your goal has been reached, you can live on the

earth as in the heavens." These are the hopes
of mankind, which desires to transform the
present painful period of its existence into a
happy paradise on earth. Modern civilisation is
moving forward with gigantic strides, the progress
of the last century may be compared with the
progress of the last thousands of years, and as in
the future the development of the last ten years
will be comparable with the road travelled in the
last hundred years, we can calculate the rapidity
of progress and realise that the times we dream
of are not far away. From the time that Darwin
discovered the principles of evolution —the struggle
for life of animals, natural selection, the survival
99
:

of the fittest — scientists began to treat morality,
love, justiceand friendship as a mirage, and to
regard the law of the struggle for existence as
the reality. They even want to apply these laws
of the animal world to mankind, but they do not
understand that that only applied to a transitional
period in the history of mankind —that the
evolution of manhas outgrown this principle
which governs the world of animals. Thus the
theory of evolution may serve as a tenth proof
of my theory concerning the easiness of knowledge
and the difficulty of action.
If the reader still does not believe my words,
I ask him to notice the words of Confucius
" If the people are capable of action, let them
proceed along its path but if not, then make
;
them first of all understand this truth." From

this saying we can see that the ancient sage also
foreshadowed my theory.
ioo
CHAPTER III
THE CHINESE NEED KNOWLEDGE AND REVOLU

TIONARY ACTION
S the ten proofs of the theory of " the

easiness of action and the difficulty of
^L. X. knowledge," set forth in the previous
chapters, are sufficient to show the truth of that
theory, the traditional Chinese phrase :
" know-
ledge is easy but action is difficult," and the

teaching of Wang- Yuan-Ming about " the unity
in action of knowledge and deeds," must lose

their hold over the Perhaps many
human mind.
of my readers think that these proofs can be
applied only to material factors. want to take
I
advantage of this occasion to quote an extract

from the " work of Meng-Sin " in the Four Books,
to show that this doubt is unnecessary. There
it is said : "To act without consideration, to act
according to custom, without reflection, and to
continue on one's path, throughout the whole of
life, without understanding its purpose — this is
the lot of the mob." Thus my theory, here also,

finds confirmation, and consequently we can say
that in all circumstances the theory is undoubtedly
correct.
IOI
From a study of the works of Wang-Yuan-Ming,
we may arrive at the conclusion that he knew very
well the law of " the easiness of action and the
difficulty of knowledge " but as his purpose
;
was to concentrate the general attention more

upon " action " (facts) than upon " knowledge,"
in order to make the Chinese people pay more
attention to action than to speeches, he expressed
his thought by speaking of the " functional unity
of action and knowledge," and enlarged upon
this theme to his pupils thus "Do what you
:
ought to do :for if you will not act thus, what

value is there in your knowledge ? Your know-
ledge will lose its meaning, and worse still, that
which you think you know will be quite unknown
to you." Beyond all doubt, his idea of encouraging
people to do good was very important, but still
he made a mistake in taking the " difficult " for
the " easy," and vice versa and this brought
:
him to a distortion of the truth. It is like making

a man work at that which goes against human
nature. Instead of starting with the habit of
" acting without consideration, acting according
to custom, without reflection, and continuing on
their path, throughout the whole of life, without
understanding its purpose," people become
irresolute, and fall under the influence of the
theory of Wang-Yuan-Ming. Thus it turns out
that the teaching of Wang- Yuan-Ming is of little
help to man, although it certainly exerted a great
influence over the minds of Chinese scholars.
102,
KNOWLEDGE AND REVOLUTIONARY ACTION
Perhaps someone will ask me " Did not Japan :
derive benefit from the teaching of Wang- Yuan-

Ming during the time of her reforms ? " To
reply to this question it is necessary to become
acquainted with Japanese history. Before the
beginning of the reforms feudalism prevailed in
Japan. But, in proportion as foreigners invaded
Japan, and the feudal nobles were unable to
prevent this invasion, there arose amongst the
Japanese people a patriotic movement in favour
of the expulsion of the " aliens," which was very
similar to the watchwords Boxer movement.
of the
In different conditions of time and space, this
patriotic reactionary movement in two neigh-
bouring countries, Japan and China, produced
quite different results.
After its first defeats in the attempt at resistance,
Japan followed the example of the Western
countries and adopted their method of government.
At the same time we see that the success of
Japan in her own transformation depended a great
deal on the enterprising nature of the Japanese.
They were ignorant of a great deal which they
ought to have done, but they worked without
noticing this, i.e. " acting without reflection, and
continuing on their path, throughout the whole
of life, without understanding its purpose."
However, if it be supposed that the teaching of
Wang-Yuan-Ming favourably affected the trans-
formation of Japan, the question arises, why then
does it not save China from poverty and weakness,
103
— :

notwithstanding the fact that amongst the Chinese
there are many disciples of Wang- Yuan-Ming ?
The reply would be:
" Most probably because
the Chinese somehow are too fond of postponing
hard work and trying to avoid it." Undoubtedly,
the Chinese people suffers from this defect, but
can this serve as the main reason why the teaching
of Wang- Yuan-Ming loses its potency in China ?
The Japanese began to carry through their
reforms without being acquainted with their
meaning :while the Chinese are wont, before
undertaking any affair, to ask themselves, do
they know it thoroughly, and, if they arrive at
a positive reply, will again be tortured by doubt
as to whether they will be able to cope with it,
and complete the work once it has begun. This,
of course, is correct from the point of view of
science ; and so China still sits lolling, as usual,
on her couch. Why ? Because her sons are
confused and deceived by the traditional phrase
" knowledge is easy but action is difficult." And
therefore they dare not begin to work at reform,
since they think that they have insufficient
knowledge, while " action is difficult."
The majority of the reformers of Japan, probably,
had no conception of the problems which stood
before them, but the reforming of Japan proved
a brilliant success, thanks to the enterprise of the
Japanese. Things are otherwise with China
when the Chinese people feel the necessity of
reform, they must first of all comprehend its full
104
significance, and, they are not able to do so
if
during the course of their whole life, death will

come before work at the application of reforms
can begin. While, if they do become thoroughly
acquainted with the significance of reform, they
will not carry it into effect because " action is
difficult." Thus the teaching of Wang- Yuan-Ming
did not help, but could not hinder the enterprising
Japanese in the application of reforms to their
country : but it undoubtedly prevented the
irresolute Chinese from doing this, and thereby
unquestionably brought them harm.
Moreover, the teaching of Wang- Yuan-Ming is
applicable only to a certain period of time and to
certain work, but certainly cannot be applied in
all circumstances. As modern science develops
more and more every day, the contact between
knowledge and action also becomes more and more
remote. The modern division of labour makes it
unnecessary for a man at one and the same time
to possess knowledge and to execute definite tasks.
The division of labour dictates the division of
the functions of knowledge and execution. In
such conditions how can the teaching of Wang-
Yuan-Ming, which does not correspond to the
modern data of the experimental sciences, rule
over the minds of the Chinese ?
On the other hand, why is so much written in
Chinese literature about this theory ? Because
they see the salvation of China in the discovery
of this theory. China has been poor and weak
105
for over four centuries. The cause of this lies
in the " easiness of knowledge and the difficulty
of action." This theory reigned over the minds
of the Chinese scholars, and they influenced the
masses of the Chinese people. The mistaking of
"
the " difficult " for the " easy," and of the " easy
for the " difficult " forces the irresolute Chinese
making a wrong decision. Therefore
to be afraid of
the Chinese never secure good results from the
work they begin. They put on one side the
problems involved in carrying out their plan, and
usually devote themselves to studying those
problems. Many of them never reach their goal.
As a result, when any Chinese, after 20 or 30 years
of stubborn toil, does arrive at a certain knowledge
of his subject, he can no longer apply it in practice,
because " action is difficult."
Thus no work can be carried out by the acquisition
of knowledge alone, and no work can come out of

the absence of " knowledge." That is why China
is falling lower and lower, drifting down-stream.
If we we shall
look back at the history of China,
find many traces of former greatness. The most
remote times, those of the Tang and Yuan
dynasties, were in their way the infancy of Chinese
civilisation. The times of the Chow dynasty
might be called the period of the maturity of
Chinese civilisation. It was at that time that
the political, economic and educational systems,
literature and the arts attained in China the
same development, roughly, as they have to-day
jo6
in themodern Western countries. This was the
Golden Age of Chinese civilisation. As the
civilisation of the period of the Chow dynasty
was at a high stage of development, we can say
that from the primitive ages of China to the Chow
dynasty was the first period of progress, while
from the Chow dynasty to the present day was
the second period of decay.
The laws of human evolution usually go forward,
but there are times, as has happened in the
history of China, when they take the backward
path. Why is this so ? It seems to me that it
follows from the traditional formula of the Chinese :
" knowledge is easy, but action is difficult." The

people of ancient times were very simple and
unsophisticated they worked without analysing,
:
and thought little of the necessity of knowing the

principles on which their work was founded.
They were concerned chiefly with the results
and consequences of their work. Thus they did
not pay much attention to methods or labour
processes by which any given thing was produced :
they looked only to the result of their labour.

Therefore they also never looked for what was
difficult and what was easy : and this was the
reason why the civilisation of the period of the
Chow dynasty went far almost to the
ahead,
bounds of its possible development. This gives
us the right to call this period " the period of
performance (by action) without understanding
(without analysis)."
107
With the growth of intellectual development,
and the progress of thought and experience, the
Chinese began to question and doubt. From the
time of the Chow dynasty the Chinese began to ask
themselves the questions " why ? " " how ? " and
so forth. If any affair lay before them, they asked
themselves whether they thoroughly understood
it or not. Therefore I call this period one of
" action with reflection." It was just at this time,
and in application to this ideal, that arose the
theory of " the easiness of knowledge and the
difficulty of action." As the people of that time
doubted in everything they did, it was easy to
catch them with the phrase " action is difficult,
knowledge easy " they forgot that their ancestors
;
attained their knowledge thanks to their curious

and courageous mind.
First the Chinese were in the stage of " action
without understanding," then in the stage of
" action with reflection," then " action after
reflection," and finally " understanding before
action." Very often people of ancient times could
achieve only one field of knowledge after centuries
and millenniums of stubborn toil. This knowledge
they handed on to their descendants, and they,
acquiring it without hard work, began to come
to the conclusion that " knowledge is easy."
"
As the idea of " understanding before action
went hand in hand with the formula " action is
difficult, but knowledge is easy," people ceased
to want to carry anything through in practice,

108
and were more concerned with full knowledge
beforehand. This gives us the key to the com-
prehension of why, after the Chow dynasty, a
retrograde period in Chinese history began.
From the scientific point of view we see that the
evolution of humanity may
be divided in three
periods the first period (from prehistoric times
:
to the first stage of civilisation) one of " action

without understanding " the second period (from
;
the first stage of civilisation to its age of maturity)

one of " understanding after action and the
;
"
third period (after the discovery and development

of science) of " understanding before action."
Without knowing of these stages, and particularly
in ignorance of the tradition that " action is
difficult,but knowledge is easy," the European

nations have happily passed through all three
periods, have reached the highest stage of civilisa-
tion, and are now advancing without thinking of
any obstacles.
Marco Polo, an who occupied an official
Italian
post under Genghis-Khan, of the Yunan dynasty,
wrote a book about China when he left his post
and returned to his native land. As soon as this
book appeared in Europe, the Europeans were
greatly amazed, and would not believe that there
could exist in the world such a country as China.
Some Europeans declared that China was
of the
a country invented by Marco Polo, as all the
information about China of that day set down by
him bore witness to the fact that China had gone
109
much European countries,
further ahead than the
and even had a great deal of which they had not
the least conception. It was roughly the same
as the impression created on the Chinese twenty
years ago by the book about Europe Hsus-Shu-
Chi, written by Chang-Tah.
From the foregoing we see that European
civilisation 600 years ago was very young in
comparison with the civilisation of China. We
shall see this still more vividly from the example
of the reforms in Japan. Only fifty years have
passed since the time of the reforms in Japan,
and she has already become a country with
excellently developed trade, industry and arts,
with a well-trained army and fleet, a well-organised
Government and economic and
educational,
political systems. Briefly, her civilisation to-day
not only surpasses her own civilisation of a
thousand years ago, but also the culture of many
European countries. All this has taken place
thanks to science. From the time of the discovery
of science men began to use instruments, i.e. first
they accumulated knowledge, and then applied it
in practice. This period I call the period of
" understanding before the performance of action."
This is the third period of evolution.
As science is the systematic knowledge of rules
and facts, every piece of knowledge may be a
deception unless it is consecrated by the scientific
method. The Chinese people in years gone by
thought that the sky " is round and moves, while
no
the earth is square and stands motionless." See
what an irony ! With the help of science we see
that all this is false. In China there is the custom
of calling an adopted son " the son of a caterpillar,"
as supposed that a wasp has not its own young,
it is
but, as a popular story has it, always has a

caterpillar in its nest. In reality this is not so :
the wasp first takes a caterpillar into its nest, then,

by letting a certain poisonous fluid into the head
of the caterpillar, makes it motionless but does
not Then it lays
kill it. its eggs in the body of
the caterpillar. Thus the caterpillar cannot crawl
away, for it has been deprived of the power of
motion and it cannot decay, since it is alive it ;
can only become a food for the wasp's young which

hatch out of the eggs in the caterpillar's body.
It is the same as the anaesthetic given by a surgeon
to a patient, but it is a case of a wasp and a cater-
pillar. We see that the wasp invented this
anaesthetic many thousands of year before our
doctors. The wasp required it to prevent the
caterpillar from crawling away, and at the same
time to prevent the decay of the body it needed
for the welfare of its young. This circumstance
may also help us to convince ourselves that
" action is easy but knowledge is difficult," since
the wasp is quite ignorant, but acts so that we ;
see that the theory is justified in application, not

only to men, but also to insects.
As mentioned above, the evolution of mankind
falls into three periods :
" action without under-
iii
standing," " understanding after action," and
" understanding before action." we divide
If
people according to their individualities, we shall
find three groups : the first, those who create
and invent (they are called pioneers and leaders),
the second, those who transmit or disseminate
new ideas and inventions (these are called disciples),
and the third are those who carry out what they
receive from the people of the first two groups,
without doubting and without hesitating (these
are called unconscious performers and people of
action). All these groups are mutually
three
interdependent and closely connected with one
another.
Since the Han and Chien dynasties, the Chinese
cannot be compared with their forefathers, the
men of the Great Wall and the Grand Canal.
This is very regrettable.
After our Chinese Revolution the time of
wholesale reconstruction has arrived. Now is the
time to carry out in real life that which we know,
which we can fulfil, and which we must fulfil.
A country with a population of over 400 millions,
with a territory of more than 429,000 square miles,
with such extensive natural riches as few possess,
undoubtedly has a great field for development.
If the men of my day will sincerely combat harmful
ideas, particularly those which have fettered the
energy of the Chinese people for a thousand years,
i.e. the formula " knowledge is easy but action
is difficult," and at the same time bend their
112
energies to agitation for the fundamental watch-
words of our Revolution (nationalism, democracy,
the foundations of the Chinese Constitution),
China will rapidly become a strong and mighty
Republic.
In proof of my assertions, and to oblige the
Chinese to renounce harmful ideas, I shall acquaint
my readers with the revolution of the United
States of America and with the reforms of Japan.
The revolution of the United States of America
was carried out by three million people, scattered
over thirteen provinces along the shores of the
Atlantic Ocean. They were placed at a dis-
advantage for a civil struggle, since they had to
fight savage Indian tribes on one side and a
powerful enemy, who blockaded them, on the
other. Nevertheless, the Americans fought the
British to the death for eight years, and finally
secured from Great Britain the recognition of
the independence of America, which thus was
transformed from a colony into a republic. If
we compare the conditions in which the Americans
had to begin their revolution with the conditions
of the Chinese Revolution, we shall realise that
their path was more difficult than ours. Science
at that time was not so developed as at the present
day, the population of America represented only
one-hundredth of ours, and naturally the Americans
had less possibilities for setting up a new State
than we have. But they fought against Great
Britain and won. This was a hundred odd years
h 113
ago. Now the United States is one of the mightiest
Powers in the world.
Nowabout the transformation of Japan into
a modern State. When Japan began her reforms,
she was a very weak country, with a population
not more than one-tenth the size of ours, and with
a territory equivalent to one of our provinces.
If we consider the degree of her civilisation at the
time, we must admit that it was much more
recent than that of China to-day. And yet now
Japan is one of the strongest Powers in the world.
Her people have given up their old prejudices,
they have learned the lessons of the West, reformed
their administration, created an army and fleet,
organised their finances, and have done all this
in the space of fifty years. In order to become a
Great Power, Japan took only fifty years in place
of the hundred which were required by the
United States America. Consequently, if we
of
base ourselves on these standards and relationships
China can become a very powerful State if she
concentrates on the work of her transformation
for the space of, say, ten years. I think that this
space is sufficient. It is, undoubtedly. If the
reader doubts this, I shall illustrate it by the case

of the reforms in Siam.
Siam was originally one of the countries ruled
by China. At the period of the reforms there
were only eight million people in Siam, and she
occupied a territory not larger than our province
of Szechuan. Only three-fifths of the population
114
were Chinese, while the remainder of the people
were for the most part semi-savage tribes. Nearly
the whole industrial and commercial activity of
Siam was concentrated in the hands of Chinese.
But Siam lay between British Burma and French
Indo-China. This placed her in a difficult position.
If, twenty years ago, Siam had not undertaken
great reforms, she could never have existed as

an independent State.
The King of Siam and his Court decided to follow
the example of Japan. Reforms, adopted in time,
saved the country from partition and preserved
its independence. Only after twenty years of
reforms did Siam become a civilised and indepen-
dent country. Its international prestige to-day
is much better than ours. In Asia there are only
—
two independent countries Japan and Siam.
China is called only a semi-independent State.
Why ? Because the subjects of Western states
still enjoy in China special treaty privileges. For
example, they have the right to live in their own
special parts of our cities, the so-called " conces-
sions " and " treaty ports," and to be governed
by the laws of their own country. And above all,
our sovereign right to the maritime customs is
still in the hands of foreigners, while Japan and
Siam are free from these unprofitable obligations.

Siam became a strong country in a shorter time
than Japan, Japan in a shorter time than the
United States of America. We may anticipate
that China will become a strong country in an even
115
shorter space of time than Japan and Siam, as
it is situated in more favourable conditions than
they.
I return to my theory of " the easiness of action
and the difficulty of knowledge." Let us suppose,

reader, that you now accept this theory, it will
still be natural for you to ask me, how can it be
applied, i.e. how should we act and work ? The

reply to this question will be very short. It will
depend entirely on the faith of the disciples and
followers in their forerunners the pioneers, and
on the approval of their contemporaries.
I have already pointed out that three groups
of people inspire and develop civilisation the :
pioneers and forerunners the inventors and —

thinkers, who make great discoveries ; the disciples
and followers —the people who disseminate and
agitate ; and the men of action —the performers,
who carry out in practice what has been discovered
and invented. The latter may be quite un-
acquainted with knowledge. It is foolish to say :
" There are no men of action :

" no, there are
many. Many of our Party comrades in the
Kuomintang have the habit of saying " So-and- :
so is a theoretician, and So-and-so is a man of

action." This is wrong everyone can be a
:
theoretician, everyone can be a man of action.

To say that only one or two men are practical,
active workers in the revolutionary movement,
is the greatest mistake. If we look at many fine
buildings belonging to foreigners in Shanghai, we
116
see at once that they were built by our workmen
who knew absolutely nothing about plans and the
art of building : the plans were drawn up by
foreigners. The latter did the work of planning :
they may be called the inventors and seekers.

Similarly, in the building up of a country it is
easy to find men of action, but very difficult
to find people who can work out plans of
reconstruction.
The modern Chinese, or shall we say their
majority, treat the foundations of knowledge
with contempt and value action highly. This is
not quite justifiable. In our age of science we must
know how to value knowledge as well as perform-
ance. Men of action do not at all require to be men
steeped in knowledge, it is sufficient to be able to
carry out what is required. If this idea of the
modern Chinese lasts some time longer, it will
corrupt many promising young people. Moreover,
it is just as senseless as for a chemist to revere a
maker of bean jelly, instead of giving attention

to the discoverer of the principles underlying the
preparation of this food ; or for a doctor to despise
the inventor of anaesthetics, but to revere the
wasp.
I regret very much to record the fact that the
whole youth of China suffers from this defect of
thought. Consequently, there is no public opinion
leading civilisation along the path of progress, but
an exactly opposite phenomenon is to be observed.
By such ways we can scarcely find the true path
117
for the political and economic regeneration of
China. This is the real reason why the Chinese
Republic does not flourish and China does not
emerge from stagnation, notwithstanding that we
established a republican form of government after
our democratic revolution. Therefore I consider
myself bound to win the minds of my fellow-
countrymen and women away from the pre-
conceived idea which has taken root in them that
" knowledge is easy but action is difficult," and
to the idea that " action is easy but knowledge
is difficult," by means of repeated explanations
and proofs. hope that they will all abandon
I
their preconceived idea and dogmatic phrase,

which seems, in a certain measure, correct to people
with a superficial mind, but which in reality is
unquestionably false. If my work is successful,
the future of China will be bright, and our country
will in a short time take its place amongst the
mighty world Powers of to-day.
118
CHAPTER IV
PROBLEMS OF THE
REVOLUTIONARY REORGANISATION OF CHINA
j4 T the present time, in the epoch of the

/ % triumph of science, every creator must
.X Jk. first comprehend his work and then
begin carrying it out. His followers, to avoid
mistakes and waste of time, and to achieve success
in the work begun, must grasp the conclusions
of their leader and, on the basis of these conclusions,
draw up the principles and plans according to
which work should proceed. Only in such con-
ditions can our task be fulfilled successfully,
despite all its complexity and vastness.
Thus, for example, at the present day there are
being built aeroplanes of a very delicate and
complicated pattern, wireless telegraph stations,
or, say in America, a railway thousands of miles
long. Again, the construction of the Suez and
Panama canals were also gigantic undertakings.
Nevertheless, when one is acquainted with
scientific methods, when one has studied the plans
drawn up by engineers and has become acquainted
with all the accompanying conditions, the com-
pletion of these undertakings is not a very difficult
119
task. All this has been established quite exactly
by experience, and myfellow-countrymen must
admit it. I believe that revolutionary creation
must follow the path of modern progress, utilising
the past experience of other countries, avoiding
their mistakes and making use of their achieve-
ments :for only by maturely considering and
appraising from all sides the experience of revolu-
tions in other countries and amongst other peoples
can we hope to build up revolutionary tactics.
I distinguish three phases of development of the
revolution : the first, military government ; the
second, preparatory ; the third, constitutional
reconstruction.
The phase covers the period of destruction.
first
In this period it is proposed to introduce martial

law. The revolutionary troops must finally
destroy the autocracy of the Tai-Tsing dynasty,
drive out the corrupt bureaucracy, root out evil
practices, get rid of unjust slavery, wipe out the
poison of opium, eradicate the superstition of
magic and fortune-telling, and abolish likin (internal
customs duties).
In the second phase, that of preparation, the
task will be to establish local self-government and
facilitate the consolidation of the power of the
people, making the country the unit of local
self-government, subdivided into villages and
rural districts. Every county, after the enemy
has been cleared from its territory and military
operations have ceased, will have to publish a
120
/
provisional constitution to determine the rights
and duties of citizens, as well as the rights of the
revolutionary government. Three years later the
citizens will elect their county authority. If the
county succeeds in rooting out evil as described
above, and one-half of the citizens realise and
understand the three principles of the democratic
theory, and are loyal to the Republic, the county
authorities will be able to ascertain the numbers
of the population of the county, determine the
house tax, organise the police, public hygiene,
the means of communication — all according to
the principles establishedby the Constitution.
Electing its county authorities and thus becoming
a true self-governing unit, the county may count
on the revolutionary government taking up a
favourable attitude toward it, and granting it all
its constitutional rights under the provisional
constitution. If, after the lapse of six years,

peace has been established throughout the country,
all the self-governing counties will have to elect
one deputy each to constitute a great National
Assembly. The task of this Assembly will be to
establish five Chambers, in the spirit of the
" Constitution of Five Forms," to organise the
work of government : the first administrative,
the second legislative, the third judicial, the
fourth examinatory, the fifth for control and
inspection.
After the adoption of the Constitution, the
citizens in the counties will elect by ballot a
121
President to organise the Administrative Chamber,
and will also elect deputies to constitute the
Legislative Chamber the other three Chambers
:
will be appointed by the President, with the

agreement of the Legislative Chamber. All the
Chambers are responsible not to the President
but to the National Assembly. The resignation
of members of the Chambers can take place only
upon their indictment by the Chamber of Inspec-
tion and Control before the National Assembly,
while the dismissal of members of the Chamber
of Inspection and Control is possible after their
accusation by the National Assembly. The powers
and duties of the National Assembly consist in
exercising supervision of the transformation of
the Constitution and eliminating unworthy public
employees. The qualifications for membership
of the National Assembly and of the Chambers
willbe established through the medium of the
Chamber of Examinations.
After the confirmation of the Constitution, the
and the election of the
election of the President,
Chambers, the revolutionary government shall
hand over power to the President, and the
preparatory phase may be considered at an end
from this moment.
The third phase is the period of the completion
of the Revolution. In this period it is proposed to
achieve constitutional government. In this period
the self-governing counties must begin to exercise
their direct civic rights the citizens enjoy adult
:
122
suffrage in the management of their county, the
right of deciding political questions, and also the
right of dismissing Government officials. This is
the constitutional phase, i.e. the period in which

revolutionary reconstruction is completed. This
in general outline is the scheme of revolutionary
tactics which I recommend.
From the moment of the establishment of the
Republic, I strove with all my forces for the
application of these revolutionary tactics in order
to attain the ultimate aims of the Chinese
Revolution and the realisation of the three
principles of democracy. But however much I
explained and defended, my Party comrades

found these tactics impracticable. My ideas were
too lofty for the comprehension of my comrades,
whose level of political intelligence was too low for
that time, and I involuntarily suffered through this.
Revolutionary construction and revolutionary
destruction must be closely co-ordinated and
go hand in hand. If revolutionary construction
is not begun immediately after revolutionary
destruction, all will perish. The task of revolu-
tionary construction must be imposed on the
President. Therefore I suggested that after the
formation of the Nanking Government an armistice
should be proposed and a Peace Conference
convened.
At the present time, when, after all the events
that occurred, circumstances have changed, there
are many people who criticise me and consider
123
—

that ought not to have entered into peace
I
negotiations in the first year of the Republic and

voluntarily given up my post as President. How-
ever, even if 1 had continued to be President
but the majority of my
Party comrades after the
period of revolutionary destruction would not
abide by their revolutionary oath and would
not submit to the guidance of their leader, who
could unite all the revolutionaries of China it —
would still have been impossible to realise the
aims of the Revolution. The result would have
been only that new officials would replace
the old, which could scarcely bring China any-
thing new in the sense of a reform of the
Government or the strengthening of her economic
power. And since matters stood thus, there was
scarcely any need for me to retain the post of
President.
Some who do not understand the conditions of
the Chinese Revolution consider that my power
was less at that time than that of Yuan-Shih-Kai,
and therefore I was forced to enter on the path
of reconciliation while some slanderers even
;
asserted that 1 received a bribe of a million from

Yuan-Shih-Kai, and therefore yielded him up the
Presidency. At the present time I do not need
to defend myself, as the slander is obvious without
this. After all, if I had been mercenary, un-
doubtedly it is not for a million that I should
have given up my post as President do you not :
see how much a Tuchun lays by in a single year,

124
or how much a divisional commander swallows
up ? With regard to the suggestion that in the
first year of the Republic my power was
than less
that of Yuan-Shih-Kai, this also is scarcely worth
arguing, as the Republic at that time already
controlled fifteen provinces, the Shantung and
Honan Kuomintang were also in revolt, and
the accession of Chihli was delayed for three
months by military considerations. There can be
for us no doubt that the whole country was
determined as one man to get rid of the
monarchy.
But even if we do not take this into account,
and only take the facts of the past and appraise
them, it will be clear that I adopted the method
of conciliation by no means out of fear of the
power of Yuan-Shih-Kai. Before the victory of
the Revolution I suffered ten defeats, but my
revolutionary spirit has never enfeebled as a result.
In the second year of the Republic, Yuan-Shih-
Kai united the whole country, and I went on
working, without occupying myself with politics :
but when he brutally murdered Sun-Chiao-Jen,

could I remain passive ? Without having a
single soldier at my disposal, I declared the
necessity of fighting Yuan-Shih-Kai. Unfortun-
ately, my comrades in the south did not support
me seriously and did not send help in good time,
and therefore I was defeated. After the defeat
of my revolt, all my colleagues were overcome by
despair, not daring to raise again the banner of
125
revolution. But
knowing that Yuan-Shih-Kai's
I,
aspirations were to become emperor, brought the

Kuomintang to a state of complete preparedness,
and despatched its members throughout all the
provinces to agitate against the restoration of
the autocracy.
The spirit of revolt was sown by me in the
people so effectively that it was sufficient for the
Restoration to show its immediately
face for it
to be rebuffed by the efforts of the whole people.

From all this it can be seen that I renounced the
Presidency, not for fear of the power of Yuan-
Shih-Kai, but because I could not carry out the
tasks of revolutionary reconstruction. Only in
this way can my determination on, and striving
for, the work of revolutionary reconstruction be
understood.
What are the problems of revolutionary recon-
struction Revolutionary reconstruction is emer-
?
gency construction, and this in its turn is hurried

construction. Therefore it must seek permanence
and follow the natural social tendencies, since
construction that guided purely by the require-
is
ments of the moment will not always coincide

with the tasks of the Revolution. The Revolution
has its own emergency work of destruction, as
in the case of the overthrow of the monarchy and
the destruction of the Imperial regime. But side
by side with this emergency destruction there
must also be emergency construction, as they
accompany each other like a pair of legs or wings
126
in motion. From the moment of the foundation
of the Republic we had already left the stage of
emergency destruction, but had not a subsequent
period of emergency construction and this was
:
the source of the misfortunes which were showered

upon us the cruel rule of officials, the internecine
:
struggle of politicians, etc. The Chinese had no

means of eliminating all this. In a time of
emergency, emergency construction is also required,
and only then can the people be accustomed to
new tasks.
This isextremely important for revolutionary
tactics. In order to understand it, I will direct
your attention to the revolutions which preceded
the Chinese. The most gigantic were the American
and French Revolutions. America has not altered
the system of government she established after
the Revolution for over a hundred years, and,
with the exception of the struggle of South against
North, she had no great civil wars. Thus it may
be said that, after the Revolution, the govern-
mental structure which was established did not
change, and that during the many years' existence
of the Republic perpetual peace has existed,
culture has progressed, and an extraordinary
economic development has taken place.
But after the French Revolution, great troubles
took place, and the State structure of France
was changed five times. In France there was
twice a monarchy and three times a republic,
and the Republic was only firmly established
127
eighty years after the first Revolution. How
is this to be explained ? Many say that Washing-
ton had a virtuous and conciliatory character,
and therefore when founding their Republic the
Americans succeeded in avoiding all perils.
Napoleon I had the audacious idea of subjugating
the whole world, and therefore his autocracy
suffered defeat, and the idea of a republic
triumphed. But revolutions are not made in the
interests of individuals : they are the result of
the revolutionary action of the masses. Washing-
ton and Napoleon were by no means the chief
factors in the American and French Revolutions.
When the Americans found the English yoke
unbearable, they invited Washington to be their
leader and rose in revolt. was already
In France it
after the Revolution that Bonaparte emerged

from the army to take power into his own hands.
Both these men were raised up by the wave of
revolution.
America in the past was a huge prairie continent.
The English colonised this territory only 200 years
ago. They were always endowed with, a spirit of
fearlessness and contempt of dangers, and with
a capacity for self-government. When they arrived
in America, they immediately organised their
machinery of self-government, which later became
the thirteen States. These were ruled by England,
but, as the proverb has it, " the whip will not
strike at a long distance," and they were only
nominally subordinated to Britain. They soon
128
felt that the taxes imposed on them by the
metropolis were burdensome. This forced all
the thirteen States to unite for the purpose of

resistance, inconsequence of which the American
Revolution took place. After a bloody eight
years' war, the Americans secured their inde-
pendence and set up a republic the United —
States of America.
Even before they won independence, the thirteen
American States had a highly developed local self-
government, and therefore, in achieving indepen-
dence, they completed their political structure,
since its basis was strongly developed local
autonomy. Other parts of America, Central and
Southern, tried for a hundred years to follow the
example of the United States, in throwing off the
yoke of their mother-country and establishing
republics. They were subjected to the inter-
vention of foreign States, and were very
often threatened with a restoration. Never-
theless there is not a single monarchy in the
New World. America has washed off all the old
dirt, and has freed herself from monarchism
for ever.
This not the case in France. France was one
is
of the foremost European States, with a very

courageous and cultured people. Moreover, before
the Revolution the French people passed through
a hundred years' propaganda of the rights of the
people and philosophical teachings. Although
she followed the lessons taught by America,
i 129
.

France proved unable to arrive at a democratic
still
republic immediately after the Revolution. Why ?

Wherein lie The fact is that
the reasons for this ?
the form of government in the West had long been

monarchical, and State policy had for long been
one of centralisation. France had not the virgin
soil of the New World with its basis of local
self-government
The defects of our own China are similar to
those of France, but in addition the political
intelligence of our citizens is immeasurably lower
than that of the French at the time of the French
Revolution, just as is their capacity for self-
government. Hence arises the question, how then

do I strive in China to arrive directly through the
Revolution at a republican constitution ? But it
is for this very purpose that I propose a pre-
—
paratory period just in order to get out of this
difficult situation. During this preparatory
period I propose a provisional constitutional
government, and also the introduction of local
self-government
Unfortunately, my
comrades at that time did
not understand these reasons, and did not work
to carry out my plans, and only used the name
of my provisional constitution to confirm the
Provisional Constitution of the Republic, consider-
ing that the goal might be approached by other
paths. All of them, undoubtedly, were badly
mistaken at the time when they opposed my
tactical plan as one which was difficult to carry
130
out —without preliminarily thinking the question
out thoroughly.
At the time when I was preaching the Revolution
and the idea of setting up a Chinese Republic, the
European and American scholars for the most
part considered this quite unrealisable for China,
supporting their views by references to past
history. year of the Chinese Republic,
In the first
when travelling through London, I met a famous

Englishman who had travelled through China
high and low, was well acquainted with the
situation and customs of our country, and had
written a great deal about her. His book Changing
China, very good. This Englishman heard that
is
I preach the transformation of China into a
republic and, conceiving great doubts on this

score, visited me at my hotel for the special
purpose of talking with me on this subject. We
argued for several days without being able to
come toan agreement. But when I outlined to
him my theory about the three periods of
revolutionary tactics, he immediately agreed with
me, saying " Yes, with such a plan you can
:
escape the tyranny of autocracy, militarism and

politicians, and their infringement of the rights of
the people. I consider it my duty, now and for the
future, to support you in my articles." In actual
fact, soon as the Revolution broke out in
so
Wuchang, the whole Western Press wrote that my
plan for the establishment of a republic must be
realised in the near future, and every friend of
131
China must await this moment with impatience.
All this, of course, was an echo
campaign of the
carried out by the above-mentioned Englishman
in the London Press.
It is often said that China with its ignorant
population will not be able to establish a republican
administration. A
well-known American scholar,
Goodenough, using this argument, tried to incite
Yuan-Shih-Kai to restore the monarchy. At one
time the Chinese marvelled greatly at this, failing
to understand how a republican professor could
advocate a monarchy, but I knew that the
Americans, having had the experience of a
republic, had learned from experience what un-
intelligent and uneducated citizens mean. Every
emigrant after living some time in America
enjoys the rights of citizenship. After the eman-
cipation of the negroes, the latter were also given
rights of citizenship in America.But the American
politicians took advantage of this and committed
abominable misdeeds for a number of years, until
a law was passed that illiterates were deprived
of many civic rights. This is why American
professors, hearing of the proposed foundation of
a republic by the ignorant and politically back-
ward Chinese people, bitterly shook their heads
and said it was impossible.
According to the Goodenough psychology, they
could not of course fail to observe the low level
of political intelligence of the Chinese, soaked,
moreover, in the poison of an age-old monarchy,
132
and maintained development
in a lower stage of
than the former black slaves of America. The
followers of Yuan-Shih-Kai also shouted about
the impossibility of establishing a republic in
China.
An ox can be taught to plough, a horse can be
broken in to the saddle, but what can be said of
man ? Can we tell a father who is sending his
child to school that the child does not know the
Chinese characters and therefore must not go to
school and learn ? Is this logical ? Just because
he does not know the characters, he must im-
mediately set about learning them. Moreover,
modern humanity has already reached the youth-
ful years of its progress, and therefore within it
the ideas of freedom and equality are very
developed. World ideas could not help reaching
China, and therefore China to-day needs the
Republic just as a child needs school. But China
also needs good teachers and well-disposed friends
for her studies. The Chinese people, which has
just acquired a republican form of government,
must have a far-seeing revolutionary government
for its training. This applies particularly to
the period of preparation and training, which
will be a kind of transitional stage between
monarchy and republic, such as China cannot
avoid.
At the foundation our " Revolutionary
of
League," one of its members, being convinced of
the difficulty of carrying out my revolutionary
i33
plan, said :
" The Tai-Tsing dynasty gave a false
constitution and a preparatory period of nine
years, and now the plans of our Party also speak
of nine years. But we consecrated our lives to
the revolution in the hope that the power of the
people will be established immediately ; if we
shall have to wait another three years after the
victory of the people, this will be too long." I
replied that without this there is no hope

of establishing a true republic. To-day eight
years have gone by since the establishment
of the Chinese Republic, but not only has
the period of constitutional government not
begun, but unfortunately it cannot yet be said
that the Tai-Tsing dynasty has been torn up
by the roots.
Some think that the six years of preparatory
training which we propose bear a strong resemb-
lance to the enlightened despotism preached by
some so-called learned men.
In reply to this I will
say that the enlightened despotism has as its end
an absolute monarchy, whereas our period of
preparation and training has as its end the creation
of a republic. This constitutes a colossal difference
between them. During the Great War, for example,
all the States which entered the war both —
—
monarchies and republics all as one man arrested
the functioning of the constitution and introduced
a military regime, under which all citizens were
deprived of their liberties. The distribution of
foodstuffs was handed over to the State, and, in
134
those countries where there was insufficient food,
the inhabitants sacrificed their lives for their
fatherland and for victory. These peoples had
already possessed a constitutional government,
yet their constitution was limited. We who
as yet have no Constitution, and are striving
for constitutional guarantees by means of a
revolutionary struggle, can only marvel that
the European peoples agreed to such a
limitation.
Eight years have now passed since the establish-
ment of the Chinese Republic, and the members
of our Party must in the course of these eight
years have acquired a vast store of experience and
knowledge. To-day they can recall my platform
on the question of preparing and training the
masses, and grasp its significance without labelling
my ideas Utopian and impracticable. China has
been for thousands of years under the retrograde
yoke of a monarchy, and her people has grown
up in oppression and deprived of sovereignty. At
the very dawn of the Revolution, it determined
to create its own constitutional republican State.
Therefore it must go through a course of prepara-
tory training, otherwise it cannot achieve its
object.
America, when going to the aid of Philippine
independence, also went along the path of establish-
ing a period of training for the Philippines, with
the development and strengthening of local self-
government as its basis. Twenty years have gone
i35
by, and the Filipinos, once a semi-savage
people, have become a cultured people. Local
self-government in the Philippines is now ex-
tremely developed, the majority of the local
government officials, with the exception of the
Governor, are natives, and in the near future
(probably) the Filipinos will secure complete
independence. In the future, we can hope,
they will not be distinguishable in culture
from the most advanced European states. All
this is the result of a policy of preparatory
training.
Why did not America give the Filipinos
independence at once, and forced them instead
to go through a period of preparatory training ?
Because America had already had experience of
disorders after a similar emancipation of the
negroes, and her policy was based on her
experience.
Our Chinese people have long been under the
domination of a monarchy. The slave psychology
has left in its soul a deep impression, which cannot
be destroyed without first passing through a
period of preparatory training. In order to wash
off this old dirt of the past, and to partake of the
modern conceptions of liberty and equality, the
Chinese must work a great deal at their own
improvement.
The Chinese Republic is a people's State its :
Emperor is a people of 400 millions. The State

officials, beginning with the President and ending
136
with an ordinary sentry, are all public servants.
The Chinese people of 400 millions was from ancient
times a slave of the autocracy, and did not know
in the past that it was master. When at last it
did learn, for a long time it did not dare to be
master. Yet sooner or later it must do so. What
was it that gave the Chinese people the chance ?
Was it not the Revolution, which destroyed the
Monarchy ? In
consequence of the fact that
China for ages had not altered her form of
government, the people turned out to be a new-
born babe when it approached the task of recon-
struction for the first time. The Kuomintang
bore this infant, and is obliged to nurse it like a
mother and train it, and only by training the
people can it carry out its parental duty. And
for this the period of preparatory training is
necessary, so that the child can be given

experience and trained up to years of discretion,
up to the moment when it can take over power
itself.
In ancient times a certain Chow-Guns, prepared

and politically trained his youthful Emperor until he
ascended the throne. Our Party must realise that
under the monarchy the official servant trained his
master for the acceptance of power, and it is natural
that we must do the same with our master, the
people, until it reaches years of discretion. Un-
fortunately, our Party at that time did not
realise the necessity of this clearly enough ; it
renounced responsibility for the training of the

137
people and did not carry out its revolutionary
duty. The Chinese achieved in their revolutionary
effort only the work of destruction, and were not
able to carry through the work of construction.
That is why, as a result of our struggle, we have
to-day the name " Chinese Republic," and nothing
more.
Wherein lie the reasons for the fact that the
destructive part of the Chinese Revolution was
crowned with success while its constructive part
suffered defeat ? The root of the matter is in
two things, namely, intelligence and ignorance.
The Chinese long failed to realise that they were
oppressed by the Manchu dynasty, and were in a
condition of trance or intoxication, looking on
revolution as some sort of disgusting injustice.
But later, when the waves of revolution rolled over
China the people became much more politically
intelligent, and understood the necessity for
overthrowing the Manchu dynasty and returning
to power themselves. And if the old Manchu
dynasty were now to return to power, it would
meet with the resistance of the whole people.
But very, very many amongst us know nothing of
a conscious revolution, and even amongst members
of the Kuomintang there are few persons who
understand all its implications. Consequently,
it is not surprising that we did not meet with as
many difficulties in the revolt itself as we met

with at the moment when we reached the problems
of reconstruction.
138
The has now been achieved, but the
difficult
easy, on the other hand, has suffered defeat.

What are the reasons for this ? The very fact that
it was and that the majority of the people
easy,
did not know that it must be immediately applied
in real life. That is why my plan of revolutionary
reconstruction suffered defeat. Why
do I call it
easy ? Because after destruction had been com-
pleted, the forces of resistance were destroyed, and
once these forces were destroyed, nothing was
impossible for us : in everything we had perfect
liberty in comparison with the epoch before the
period of destruction. But the Chinese, unfortu-
nately, did not think of the next period. I knew
that the revolution against the Tai-Tsing dynasty
was necessary in the name of the salvation of the
country, and therefore embraced it, not reckoning
with dangers and without observing its difficulties.
Hence, when the period of destruction closed,
revolutionary reconstruction seemed an easy thing
to me. But the majority of my colleagues had not
mastered revolutionary methods, and thought
otherwise and therefore the attempts at
:
revolutionary construction failed.

When our " Revolutionary League " was being
set up to organise the Chinese Revolution, we
first of all advocated its ideas by propaganda,
and then, collecting together all who had deter-

mined to serve the Chinese people, swore to give
effect to the idea of democracy based on " the
three principles " (San-Min-Chu), in order to
139
achieve our common aim —the establishment of
a Chinese Republic. People who reject this
public oath do not recognise as revolutionaries.
I
Some look on this revolutionary oath as a mere

formality. However, the influence and power of
the Kuomintang have grown extraordinarily.
And its organisation has grown stronger because
by our oath we have created a single heart
of the Party. If this is how matters stand
with the Party, the same can apply to the
State.
very often said that the Chinese people
It is
resemble scattered grains of sand. If we desire
to collect these 400 millions of scattered individual
grains, and create out of them a united State,
strong in its unity, we cannot reject the idea of
an oath. In all advanced and cultured countries,
when changing one nationality for another, it is
necessary to express by means an oath one's

of
loyalty to and respect for the State into which
one is entering, and to express recognition of its
constitution and readiness to bear all the obliga-
tions arising therefrom. Only after this can one
be recognised as a citizen. Without this, you
can live all your life in the country, and you will
be regarded as a foreigner who cannot enjoy
civic rights.
I consider that officials and members of the
Chambers can enter into office only after taking
the oath. When the form of government is
changed, the new Government will undoubtedly
140
require an oath of loyalty from all citizens, and
will regard those who refuse as enemies who
must be driven from the confines of the State.
I take examples from the advanced countries of
Europe. If we look at the European States

constituted after the war, we can say that those
of them have proved able to live which have been
able to carry their State oaths of allegiance into
effect, on the basis of the recognition of the
Government by the majority of the people. In
States which have not been able to apply an oath
of allegiance, disorders and troubles do not cease.
In China the same thing is going on to-day. It
was just because of this that, when organising
our Party, I put the oath and Party discipline
in the forefront. When the Kuomintang set up
the Republic, I, as its first President, first took the
oath of allegiance, and ordered all civil and
military officers immediately to take the oath as
an expression of their devotion to the Republic.
Unfortunately, our Party did not regard this
as a matter of great urgency and importance,
and protested against the immediate application
of the oath of allegiance. This was a great
mistake.
When, later on, Yuan-Shih-Kai succeeded me
as President, he also did not pay particular
attention to this question, and allowed my old
oath to remain, with its words " Down with :
"
the monarchy for ever, long live the Republic !
When subsequently he betrayed the Revolution

141
and proclaimed himself emperor, these words of
the oath were turned against him. Not only we,
the Chinese revolutionaries, but the foreign Powers
also presented a Note of protest against the
restoration of the monarchy and this was one
:
of the principal reasons why the monarchy of

Yuan-Shih-Kai collapsed. The monarchy of Yuan-
Shih-Kai could not but totter after the Note of
the Powers, who were obliged to send it after the
Kuomintang came out with a very reasoned
protest against his action. And our chief argu-
ments amounted to this, that Yuan-Shih-Kai had
broken his oath.
Yuan-Shih-Kai was in the past a servant of the
monarchy, and did not hold republican ideas.
Plow then was it that the Kuomintang yielded
up to him the post of President, and itself sacrificed
the Republic, voluntarily surrendering it at first
and only on beginning to fight for it ? All
later
this, undoubtedly, would have been very irre-
sponsible, were it not for the oath, on account
of which the Powers, in defence of justice,
intervened on behalf of the Republic and sup-
ported it. I ask : Is not the oath of allegiance
important ?
However, my
Party comrades considered the
oath I proposed to be a matter of secondary
importance, and called me a visionary. From the
time of the formation of the Party I have always
stood for the oath. The cessation of the ceremony
of the oath, that foundation of law, was one of
142
the chief reasons for the failure of our revolutionary
construction. If my
Party comrades had not
despised my words, in the subsequent development
of the Republic we should have had the same as
in the organisation of our Party, namely, that
every official would have been bound to take an
oath of allegiance to the Republic, and swear
that he would support the Republic, defend the
rights of the people, and strengthen the economic
power of the country. Only after taking such an
oath would he have been able to enjoy all civic
rights, while otherwise he would have been
regarded as a servant of the Tai-Tsing dynasty.
After the taking of the oath, every offence
against the Republic must be punished according
to law. At present the only State criminals are
Yuan-Shih-Kai and a few members of the Kuomin-
tang who took the oath and broke it but all the :
other 400 million citizens bear no moral or legal

responsibility before the Chinese Republic. The
State is a vessel which collects into itself men's
hearts, while State policy is the reflection of
psychological factors. In order to have the pos-
sibility transforming the emperor's subjects
of
into citizens of the Republic, it is necessary first
demand from them an oath of
of all to allegiance.
The Kuomintang, when creating the republican
State, was not able to carrythrough to a
it
successful conclusion. This was why the Party

at first possessed a colossal reserve of spiritual
forces and energies, and achieved success in the
143
:

work of destruction, while after the establishment
of the Republic it lost all these qualities and
could not complete the tasks of revolutionary
reconstruction. This was the result of error.
They failed to create and to construct not because
they could not do so, but because they did not
know how to do so.
Therefore I say "If you understand, un-
:
doubtedly you will be able to carry into effect."

Many consider my ideals too lofty, and my plan
for the establishment of the Republic too idealistic,
but they, themselves had no plans and did not
know how to act. That is why China now finds
herself in a condition of anarchy and destruction.
Precisely because of this the Chinese people was
plunged into an eight years' period of severe
suffering, which, far from bringing it closer to
the completion of revolutionary construction, has
only deepened its misery.
The responsibility for the failure of the Chinese
Revolution must fall not only on the Chinese revo-
lutionaries, but also on all intelligent Chinese
citizens who would not shed their blood in the
front ranks of the Revolution. They were the
rearguard of the Revolution, whose task it was
to support the fighting revolutionaries. People of
China Rise with one heart, with love for your
!
native land, to drive out the old and create the

new, repeat sincerely and truthfully the oath
of allegiance to the Chinese Republic which I have
taken
144
" Sun-Yat-Sen, truthfully and sincerely take
I,
this public oath that from this moment I will

destroy the old and build the new, and fight for
the self-determination of the people, and will
apply all my strength to the support of the Chinese
Republic, the realisation of democracy through
'
the three principles,' and to carry into effect
'the Fivefold Constitution,' for the progress of
good government, the happiness and perpetual
peace of the people, and for the strengthening of
the foundations of the State, in the name of
peace throughout the world."
January 12,
SUN-YAT-SEN.
_
8th Year of the Chinese Republic.
I have taken my oath.

This oath should strictly
be introduced by the Government, but at present,
while the Republican Government has not yet
introduced it, this ceremony cannot be performed.
But I trust that all intelligent citizens in the
organised self-governing counties will by joint
endeavour take the oath immediately after setting
up their governing bodies, and reinforce the text
of the oath with their signature, reading the oath
publicly to the people with their right hand raised
in the air. After the citizens of one county have
taken the oath, they should help those of the
next county with the same purpose. Only after
the oath is taken should a man be considered a
citizen of the Chinese Republic, both legally and
morally, and otherwise he should be considered
an adherent of the Monarchy.
k 145
Will be possible to establish a Republic, or
it
not ? The answer depends entirely on whether

our fellow-countrymen willingly or unwillingly
perform the ceremony of an oath of allegiance
to the Chinese Republic.
Chinese patriots, follow my example!
146
!
CHAPTER V
WHO WAS RIGHT ?
{Letter from Chen-Yin-Shin to Huan-Kai-Tsiang)
Brother Huan-Kai-Tsiang !
WITH my modest talents

part in public affairs for years past,
I have taken
and have always met with the friend-

liest attitude from you. Last summer I was
in hospital when you left for Japan and, despite
my eager desire, could not see you and shake
hands with you, as some little consolation for
myself. Now we have been deprived of the
opportunity of talking and expressing our ideas
to one another personally. How unfortunately
it has all turned out
The other day I saw my

Japanese friend
Miasaki, who told me that you have once more
plunged into political affairs, and I once again
began to think of you a great deal.
Even before 1911, comrades Sun-Chiao-Jen
and Tan-I-Kai, during their stay in Shanghai,
declared that in our Party they regarded you as
one of the most outstanding practical revolution-
aries, while Sun-Yat-Sen they regarded as our
best theoretician and idealogue. This undoubtedly
147
expressed the opinion of the whole country. But
there also exists the opinion that Sun-Yat-Sen
is a great idealist, and this prejudice greatly
hindered the application of his ideas this is used
;
as a reproach against Sun-Yat-Sen, this is made

use of by his enemies to attack him. But all the
facts of the past indicate that the biggest defeats
suffered by our Party arose from the fact that we
failed to appreciateSun-Yat-Sen's ideas, considered
them unattainable, and rose up against them.
Thereby we brought about our own defeat.
To-day we must not show the same intolerance
to Sun-Yat-Sen's ideas, in order not to repeat
the errors of the past. Personally I want to wipe
out my old mistakes and set forth all the history
of our attacks on Sun-Yat-Sen, which led to our
defeat. Will you not agree to hear it ?
At the time that Sun-Yat-Sen assumed the office
of President the general position in our country was
very confused and disordered, and he did not
carry out his political plans, all the more because
the economic condition of China was terrible.
The Russian loan met with strong opposition
from the Provisional Senate, while the population,
considering it disastrous for their interests, re-
garded it as they would the plague or cholera.
But in reality this loan by no means diverged
from our interests, as we received 97 per cent, of
the amount of the loan at 5 per cent, interest,
while if we take the next loan concluded by Yuan-
Shih-Kai with the Banking Consortium, there
148
WHO WAS RIGHT?
we actually received only 82 per cent, at 5 per
cent, interest, and moreover the loan was guaran-
teed by the salt monopoly and lands in four
provinces, as well as the right of control over our
finances. I which of these loans was advan-
ask,
tageous and which disastrous, which was profitable
and which unprofitable ?
But Chinese public opinion did not discriminate,
and consequently ruined the economic policy of
the Government. Sun-Yat-Sen was placed in the
position of a man with hands unable to carry
tied,
out his plans, while the State was in a very
dangerous condition. All this because we stub-
bornly maintained a wrong point of view and
distrusted the fundamental principles of Sun-
Yat-Sen. This is first. Then, after the Nanking
Peace Conference, when Yuan-Shih-Kai was to
be elected President, Sun-Yat-Sen at that time put
forward three chief points. First, that Yuan-
Shih-Kai should assume the Presidency in Nanking,
as he feared and foresaw many misunderstandings
between the as yet not finally reconciled North
and South. In the interests of maintaining the
unity of the country, he considered it essential that
Yuan-Shih-Kai should take office precisely at
Nanking, to unite North and South, to strengthen
confidence in Yuan-Shih-Kai amidst our Party
(the Kuomintang), and also to evoke loyalty on
his part.
Secondly, the Republic ought to transfer its
capital to Nanking because Pekin is a city plunged

149
in monarchical lethargy, which the sound of
revolutionary bells cannot dissipate, a city of
corrupt and criminal bureaucracy, which cannot
be washed away by the waters of rivers. This city
must lose its privileges. Only when the capital
is changed will it be possible to tear out all the
criminal roots of the monarchy.
Thirdly, the organisation of a republican govern-
ment cannot be entrusted to Yuan-Shih-Kai,
relying only on the act of abdication of the Tai-
Tsing dynasty, as, according to the Provisional
Constitution, the abdication could take place only
after a decision of the people's representatives,
and not by agreement between the former Tai-
Tsing dynasty and Yuan-Shih-Kai.
These three arguments advanced by Sun-Yat-
Sen were extremely well-founded, and he spared
neither strength nor health in defending them.
And if, later on, Yuan-Shih-Kai renounced his
former words about his intention to assume the
Presidency at Nanking and to give full self-
government to the people, and made an attempt
to overthrow the Republic, this was not the
fault of Sun-Yat-Sen, because China came to
this after renouncing his fundamental political
plans.
We have to admit that we rejected them for
extremely varied reasons but I consider the
;
most important of all to have been the insufficient

political intelligence of the members of our Party.
In consequence of this we did not support Sun-
150
WHO WAS RIGHT ?
Yat-Sen's programme and political plans. This

was our second offence against Sun-Yat-Sen.
After he left the post of President, he was in
favour of our Party entirely leaving the field of
politics, and occupying itself particularly with the
education of the people, the improvement of our
industry, the consolidation of a firm and permanent
foundation for the Republic, yielding the fullness
of political power to Yuan-Shih-Kai. At that
time, thinking this to be empty chatter, we opposed
this plan and, furthermore, interfered in the
administrative and other affairs of the Government.
Thereby we came into violent opposition to the
Government, which aroused the fury of Yuan-
Shih-Kai and the suspicion of our country. We
were not able to carry into effect the ideas with
which Sun-Yat-Sen, the loyal servant of the people,
was imbued, and in this lies our third offence
against him.
About all this one can say that it was due to
the insufficient enlightenment of the members of
our Party, and was far from being the mistake
of you and me alone. When the enquiry into the
murder of Sun-Chiao-Jen began, Sun-Yat-Sen had
just returned to Shanghai. Learning that Yuan-
Shih-Kai was restoring the monarchy and breaking
faith with the Republic, he swore to remove him.
His plan was the following first of all, an alliance
:
with Japan. This alliance was to weaken the

forces of Yuan-Shih-Kai and strengthen the forces
of our Party, as Japan is an Eastern Power and a
151
neighbour, and friendly relations with her would
be a blessing for our country. " If Japan helps
me, victory will be on my side if she helps
:
Yuan-Shih-Kai, he will conquer "

—these were the
very words of Sun-Yat-Sen. Considering an
alliance "with Japan to be a question of particular
importance, Sun-Yat-Sen decided to go to Japan
in person. But I and a few more comrades were
very hostile to this plan, and tried by every means
to prevent his departure, while some reproached
Sun-Yat-Sen with being too careless of his prestige.
Meanwhile Yuan-Shih-Kai through his supporters,
sent to Tokyo, Sun-Bao-Tsi and Li-Shen-To,
had already achieved what Sun-Yat-Sen feared,
and our plan of an alliance with Japan was
defeated.
Sun-Yat-Sen thought that the Kuomintang
must strive for an alliance with Japan, as the latter
alone of all the Asiatic States had been able to
transform herself into a great and powerful
country, and in order to come closer to her and
learn from her.
Again, he had the idea of an immediate war. In
view of the fact that Yuan-Shih-Kai had acquired
a great deal of power, he was moving armies
from place to place quite freely. Sun-Yat-Sen
proposed that we should strike a blow with light-
ning rapidity and take him by surprise, as in the
even of delay the right moment will be lost.
These were the words of Sun-Yat-Sen. But we
procrastinated and, not having faith in him,
152
WHO WAS RIGHT?
insistedon this question being settled in a constitu-
tional way, opposing a declaration of war. This
was our fourth wrong to Sun-Yat-Sen.
The case of the murder of Sun-Chiao-Jen was
dragged out, since Yuan-Shih-Kai did not wish
to reckon with the law. The Five Power loan
was ratified without the sanction of Parliament,
Throughout the country there were furious
protests. And we hoped that, under the pressure
of these protests, Yuan-Shih-Kai would have to
yield to the wishes of the people and renounce
the loan.
Sun-Yat-Sen considered that Parliament was a
mere talking-shop, that the law was powerless,
that the provincial authorities, for the most part
subservient to Yuan-Shih-Kai, would not long
maintain themselves in their previous positions,
and that to solve the problem it was essential to
resort to force of arms, as only such arguments
would be understood by a traitor who had
surrounded himself with troops. The measures
prepared by Sun-Yat-Sen consisted firstly in
immediately drawing the attention of the Public
Prosecutor to the cases which had been hushed
up, and secondly in declaring to the Banking
Consortium that the whole people did not recognise
the loan. When the Consortium received this
declaration from Sun-Yat-Sen, it ceased payments
in respect of the loan. Further, Sun-Yat-Sen
by telegraph ordered the province of Kwantung
to declare its independence. But the province
153
:

did not obey. He ordered me to declare the
independence of Shanghai, but I objected, con-
sidering that the place was too insignificant in
respect of its area, and inconvenient for offering
resistance.
At this moment the fleet arrived and declared
its independence. Sun-Yat-Sen was the first to
welcome this. Later on, when it became known
that the Northern troops were approaching
Shanghai, put forward the plan of a sudden
I
attack by sea, which was supported by Sun-Yat-
Sen :but you thought this plan unwise. Later
still, when the fleet, by orders of Yuan-Shih-Kai,
set out for Yangtai, in the province of Shantung,

Sun-Yat-Sen wanted to prevent this, saying
" If the fleet helps me, I shall be victorious if :
it helps Yuan-Shih-Kai, he will. I want to use
its support, and will try by all means in my power

to keep it here, since if it goes to Yangtai it will
undoubtedly go over to the side of Yuan-Shih-
Kai." You and I imagined that, as the fleet had
declared its loyalty to us in the past, it would
remain loyal in the future. The fleet left for
Yangtai there it fell into a trap, being bombarded
:
by land batteries and it went over to the side

:
of Yuan-Shih-Kai.
Being in favour of a declaration of the inde-
pendence of the Kwantung province Sun-Yat-Sen,
decided immediately to leave for the south to take
charge of all operations, appointing us, a few
comrades who were acquainted with military
154
WHO WAS RIGHT?
affairs, to be at your disposal. But the necessary
moment had gone by. All Sun-Yat-Sen's plans
for bringing the loan to nought and overthrowing
Yuan-Shih-Kai were unsuccessful, owing to the
delay which had taken place. Public opinion was
suppressed, hopes of victory were defeated by
the power of money, the Powers' confidence in
us was undermined, the law did not move against
Yuan-Shih-Kai, and the loan of two milliards to
cover the State deficit was used by Yuan-Shih-Kai
to buy arms, equipment and food, to corrupt
members of Parliament, and to reward traitors
for the suppression of the South and the execution
of members of our Party. If, at the time he had
abolished the post of President, we had adopted

the plan of Sun-Yat-Sen and had declared the
independence of a number of provinces, it was
still uncertain on whose side would have been the
victory, as at that time the army of the allied

provinces numbered 100,000, Li-Tun (the Northern
commander) had not yet reached Kiangsi, and
nothing had yet been heard of Tuan-Dsi-Jui in
the south. We ought to have attacked the
traitors with fresh and vigorous forces and wiped
them off the face of the earth. Unfortunately,
the province of Kwantung did not declare its
independence at the time when the loan was being
floated, and when it was not a matter of great
difficulty to abolish the Tuchunate (the office of
provincial governor instituted after the first
Revolution). Once the loan had been granted,

155
r
however, the Powers began to assist Yuan-Shih-
Kai, and after this the Northern troops began
their steady advance against the South. Thus
the idea of " the conquest of the North " proved
belated. This was our fifth offence against
Sun-Yat-Sen.
Sun-Yat-Sen's mind always went far ahead,
piercing the future. I always blindly went against
him, while you, although you accepted his ideas,
always expressed doubt about their practicability.
With my meagre intelligence, I always was
imbued with the prejudice that Sun-Yat-Sen was
an idealist, and therefore, whatever he proposed,
always seemed to me far removed from reality,
and consequently I always joined with you and
your opposition. But who could know that the
Chinese proverbs " Once having lost an inch, you
:
will lose an ell later on," or " Don't forget the

:
affairs of the past, they will serve as a teacher for

you in the future " could be applied to affairs of
State ? Unfortunately, I do not know your
opinion on this matter.
So far as I am concerned, I can say that I should
like to work with you and therefore would like to
exchange a few thoughts with you. In my
opinion, human intelligence is perfected in the
course of time, and if old mistakes are recognised,
they maybe avoided for the future, and also if
you can learn anything valuable from another,
there is no shame in obeying him. Further I
believe that the idea is the mother of reality, as,
156
WHO WAS RIGHT?
for example, when Sun-Yat-Sen twenty years ago
propagated the idea of revolution and at that time
nearly all the citizens of our country were against
him, but after twenty years his ideas received
recognition. If we had recognised his ideas twenty
years ago, there would not have been that much
delay in translating them into real life, and if we
had acted in full co-operation, probably we could
have achieved success. I consider Sun-Yat-Sen's
ideas to be practicable in the measure of the
attitude we take up towards them.
Sun-Yat-Sen used to say that " looking into the
past, we can understand the future," while we
" were always looking in the Western corner of
"
the earth for what we had lost in the Eastern
(i.e. too late).
You, of course, greatly surpass me in intelligence,
so that my words may seem childish prattle to
you, and therefore I must make a great effort in
order to express myself fully.
Sun-Yat-Sen said that the work of the Revolution
may be accomplished within the space of the next
five years. In fact, in the present condition of
our country, when the sufferings of the people have
reached their limit, when disorders do not cease
and the troops rage, when the corruption and
dissoluteness of those in authority truly bring
the country to a state of chaos, it can still be said
that the wheel will come full circle, and that it
will be urgently necessary to take advantage of

the right moment to revolt, and by a lightning
157
stroke destroy the evil and restore justice. There-
fore I say that nearly all the ideas of Sun-Yat-Sen
must be given effect, without waiting another
twenty years, while circumstances dictate their
application, just as was the case at the time of
the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. The
organisation of Chinese revolutionaries into a
single Party is the urgent problem of the present
time.
Our enemies did not know that the secret
society we set up after 1900 became the Kuomin-
tang, and that, although externally the Party
widened the sphere of its influence and greatly
strengthened its forces, in reality it still had no
definite characteristics and was extraordinarily
varied in its composition. This was very vital,
as even the Chinese proverb has it "If you :
put the aromatic plant siun and the stinking

'
'
weed yu into one pot, you will smell no sweet

'
'
aroma."
Some comrades understood Sun-Yat-Sen's
of our
aims and plans of organisation very well. He was
right in his indication of the way to change the
machinery of our Party, and in putting forward
the question of the oath and Party discipline.
He was right in considering that the infringement
of the oath and discipline led to the defeat of the
Revolution, as some members of the Party
unconsciously distorted the idea of true liberty,
and therefore the people did not enjoy the blessings
of equality after the Revolution. These persons
158
WHO WAS RIGHT?
by their disorderly conduct and struggle for
privileges forgot their duty to the Revolution
and did not submit to established regulations.
And when no one submits to anyone else, it is
extremely difficult to attain unity of aim in the
Party. Therefore Sun-Yat-Sen was profoundly
right in supposing that we must submit to a single
leadership, in order to achieve unity of action and
the proper distribution of functions. This was
needed, not in order to oppress anyone, but in
order to put an end to the self-willed acts of many
comrades.
I consider that everyone who desires to achieve
the objects of the Revolution must respect the

views of Sun-Yat-Sen as " the constellations
respect the North Star." Just like a ship, we must
have our pilot to determine our course. Otherwise
if there are comrades who oppose Sun-Yat-Sen in
the future in the same way as he was opposed in

the past, in the future also all the plans of Sun-
Yat-Sen will suffer the same defeat. Therefore
my opinion is that to keep our oath to the revolu-
tion and to obey the instructions of Sun-Yat-Sen
is our direct obligation.
In conclusion, I will say that many of our

differences are due to the great distance which
has divided us, and to the distortion of our
ideas by other persons in transmission. But as
our aims are united, I should like to grasp your
hand and join with you to fight our common
—
enemy the terrible python who has seized the
159
throat of our long-suffering country in his deadly
coils.
But enough. I feel that my words cannot

express all my thoughts, and I throw aside my
pen.
Chen-Yin-Shin.
Spring,
4th Year of the Chinese Republic (1915).
160
CHAPTER VI
THE CAUSES OF CHINA'S POVERTY
SOMEONE said to me: "If matters are

as you say, then at the present time,
since modern culture is founded on science,
we must first of all study a subject thoroughly
before we can begin to carry out any of our plans.
It is impossible to transform China into a modern
State until the whole Chinese people has received
education. This follows from your own words,
when you say that action or realisation is not
difficult in but it is knowledge that is
itself,
difficult, or, in the words of the ancient sages,

1
tens and maybe hundreds of years are required
for the diffusion of universal education.' Yet
you imagine that China can immediately, by a
single jump, reach the position of a powerful and
wealthy nation, one amongst the world Powers.
Where is the logic in your assertions ? "
To this I reply the pupil first learns, and then
:
knows how to act yet, without having learned,

:
he can also act. After all, in the days before

science flourished nearly everything was first done,
and then learned later ; and it was because, in
those days, they did not understand everything
ii 161
:

completely, they imagined that things were con-
cerned with " heavenly numbers " and " fate,"
and their achievements were not ascribed to
human agency. But when mankind gradually
grew up to intelligence and began to understand
a great deal, it gradually began to free itself from
superstition. And now that knowledge has ex-
panded, it has become clear that the work of human
hands surpasses all the so-called supernatural forces
and predetermined things, while the " heavenly
numbers " are only the creation of human psycho-
logy. But although science has proved all this
to us, nevertheless, in all things that people do,
first action prevails and then comes understanding.
Human development proceeds more on the lines

of unconscious activity —
this is a law of nature.
No development of science has so far been able
to make any changes in this law. That is why,
in the development of mankind, unconscious
activity represents a very important factor
practice, experiment, investigation and risk are
its principal motive forces. A pupil makes
exercises and practices, he acts in order to attain
knowledge. A scientist also makes experiments
and conducts researches in order to clear up and
learn the truth. The researcher or explorer
makes his researches in a sphere unknown to
him, and makes his discoveries there. A brave
man who risks his life is also plunging into the
unknown to attain his objects. From this it can
be seen that in the carrying out of the unknown
162
lies the stimulus to the development of culture
and progress.
In application to nation-building, it must be
said that ifyou are striving for the reorganisation
of the State, and moreover by the path of
revolution, then to act before your actions are
fully understood is a matter, not only of possibility,
but also of necessity. The majority of countries
whose power has flourished, as for example the
Great Powers, first acquired their strength, and
only then began organising the education of their
people. Speaking of China, we can say that our
intelligence is quite sufficient to enable us to take
our place, at one bound, in the ranks of the
Great Powers. The obstacle to this lies, not in the
fact that without learning you cannot act, but in
the worthlessness of our Government and our
officials. They commit many crimes, the worst
of which is that they seek to advance only their
personal avaricious interests and do not reckon
in the least with the interests of the State or the
nation. The tuchuns accumulate millions in a
very short time by means of robbery, and none of
them takes any heed that he is undermining the
vital forces of his country. In the modern
European countries, policy leads usually to the
well-being and protection of the interests of the
people. The citizens of the European states
apply their energies to the organisation of agri-
culture and industry, the development of trade,
and generally to strengthening the power of their
163
country. With us in China things are the very
opposite.
If our Government officials did not seek power
and did not commit crimes which
for selfish ends,
hurt the whole people, China too would soon
attain greatness.
Some say that the poverty and weakness of a
State have their definite causes, which are four
in number, namely (i) the small territory of the
country, (2) the poverty of the soil, (3) the small
population, (4) the poor talents and capacities of
the people.
But in China the area country amounts
of the
to over 4 million square kilometres, i.e. four times
the area occupied by the United States. In
respect of wealth hidden in the bowels of the
earth, China undoubtedly takes first place in the
whole world. In population China also holds the
first place. The capacities and talents of the Chinese
people have been unequalled since ancient times ;
moreover, the 5000-year-old culture created by

the Chinese is unique, and for thousands of years
has been a monument to the capacities of the
Chinese people. Thus, of the four chief causes
of the poverty and weakness of states, we have
not a single one. Why then are we so poor and
weak ?
To can be given that only the

this the reply
worthless government of a selfish Government and
officials is the reason. And if this virulent ulcer
be removed from the body of the Chinese people,
164
undoubtedly China will take its rightful place by
the side of other world Powers.
In olden times, in the days of the autocracy,
an official was the servant and running-dog of
the monarch, but was placed in a position of
superiority to the rest of the people, who could
do nothing against all his But now, after
crimes.
the Revolution, the people has become its own
master and lord, and the officials should be the
servants of the people and be controlled by them.
The good elements amongst them should remain,
but the worthless should be dismissed. For the
people the most important thing is to eliminate all
obstacles on its path to development. I repeat
that, so soon as we get rid of the elements which

are harmful for the State, this will lead to an
increase in its well-being, and China will become
a powerful and flourishing State.
China isone of the oldest states in the world.
Her culture has five thousand years behind it,
and, before relations with foreign Powers began,
it occupied the first place amongst the Oriental
states. The invasion of foreign tribes could not

wipe out Chinese customs and ritual. The
neighbouring States either expressed their
allegiance to China, or sought her friendship
and borrowed Chinese culture. But owing to the
fact that China became the leading State, and that
the Chinese had before their eyes no example of
another state equal to her, conceit, self-satisfaction
and arrogance arose. All this entered into our
165
flesh and blood, and we were transformed into a
nation apart. We were our own teachers, as in all
reconstruction we made use only of our own resources
and strength, without resorting to foreign help.
When a solitary individual is wrecked on a
desert island, he has to procure for himself all
he requires. He
ploughs himself, and consumes
as food the fruits of the soil. He spins himself,
and wears the yarn he spins, etc. Altogether he
most varied processes
carries out the of production,
and being overloaded with work is unable to
commune with his own thoughts. He loses all
sense of the meaning of social co-operation.
When, and for various reasons,
in the course of time
this desert island turns out to be on a world
shipping route, and it is visited by foreign
merchants, they will note the irksome toil of this
man and say " My dear sir, it is quite unnecessary
:
for you to do everything at once, it would be

sufficient you concentrated on one kind of
if
production. This would economise your time

and make you master of your own labour." The
man, undoubtedly, will not believe them at once,
because his state of development will not permit
him to do so. He will consider it impossible.
The Chinese at the present time in the same way
will not believe that China can at one jump raise
herself to a high level of power and well-being.
Therefore the self-centredness of China and her
conceited self-satisfaction have been noted of old.
The majority of Chinese cannot understand the
166
benefits of international co-operation, and there-
fore will not tolerate the thought of any superiority
over themselves, or of allowing others to correct
their mistakes. This has made China narrow-
minded, and undoubtedly has hindered her
progress.
Over sixty or seventy years have passed since
foreign Powers broke down the Great Wall and
came into China, yet Chinese thought still remains
that of a solitary man thrown on a desert island.
Therefore China is still unable to utilise foreign
knowledge and resources to strengthen her own
power as a nation.
China as a State possesses colossal territories,
incalculable wealth, vast quantities of human
energy, and in spite of all resembles a rich old
man, who possesses extensive parks, lands and
treasures, with a large family, but incapable of
keeping house. The lands are deserted and
overgrown with weeds, the treasures are kept
under lock and key and left without use, while
the children and grandchildren are idle, and
hunger and cold reign in the house. The house
of such an old man gives us the picture of China
to-day.
My fellow-countrymen know that our country
is moving towards destruction. And if even the
animals have a sense of duty to their family and
home, man must, without doubt, inwardly feel
his duty to help his country. The citizens of
China, who not only inhabit our country, but
167
strive that it may be great and flourish, have
many ways of bringing this about. I want to set
forth one of these possible ways.
I think that we must make use of the circum-
stance that during the Great War many foreign
countries built a large number and
of factories
generally developed world industry to work up
their raw materials. This industry worked almost
exclusively for war purposes, and now, with the
end of the war, work at many factories must
cease. Millions of workers will be thrown out
into the streets, and vast sums invested in war
industry will earn no profit. The problem of
utilising war industry is one of the most serious
problems facing Europe, and the best minds of
Europe and America are labouring at its solution.
If we are able to take advantage of this occasion,
and to utilise the work of these institutions to
release the natural riches of China, this, I think,
will arouse no opposition from other countries.
While for China it will be what the Chinese proverb
calls " the heaven-sent opportunity which it is
sinful to miss, since to miss it spells disaster."
If we miss opportunity and do not utilise
this
it in the interests of China, in two or three years
the European and American factories will return

to their pre-war condition,and their development
will proceed ten times more rapidly. Once again
—
the world trade war will begin a war in which
our handicrafts and domestic industries, of course,
will not be able to compete with their perfected
168
machinery, their colossal scale of operations and :
naturally our industry and trade will suffer heavy

defeats. But if in the course of the next ten years
we carry out a plan for the development of our
own industry, with the growth of a heavy machine
industry in China we shall be able to avoid this
heavy defeat of our industry. Here is a path
for the salvation of China !
My
fellow-countrymen know that one of the
most powerful and mighty states in the world
to-day is America the primary reason for her
:
wealth is the developed state of her industries.

We must recall that, at the beginning of the
development of her industry, America sought
capital in Europe. All her activities at that time
bore the character of a risky experiment rather
than of the result of a carefully elaborated plan.
In addition, in the first days of her development,
she did not meet with the favourable circumstance
of a stoppage of factories in Europe, such as we
have to-day. Her natural riches are less than
ours. Yet, despite all this, she developed her
industry to an unprecedented extent. To-day
she has occupied the first place in world economy.
Let us take, for example, her yearly output of
iron and oil. In 1916 her output of iron was
40 million tons, of steel over 43 million tons,
while China's output of steel and iron together
is about 200,000 tons a year, i.e. J per cent, of the
American output. America produced 58 million
tons of petroleum, 29 million tons of various
169
other combustible oils, and combustible gases in
a volume capable of developing 3 million horse-
power. Taking all her natural forces together,
we can estimate them approximately 166
at
million horse-power. If we reckon one horse-
power to be equal to the power of eight men, we
can reckon that American industry has a reserve
of one milliard units of man-power. The popula-
tion of America is 110 millions. Every man, in
addition to his own labour-power, receives in
addition 13 units of horse-power to help him,
and these 13 units, with their 24 hours of
unbroken work, are equivalent to 39 units of
man-power (since three shifts of men must be
employed in the course of a day ). This is the
cause of America's wealth.
In China the population equivalent to 400
is
millions, of whom 200 millions are capable of

working (excluding women and children) but ;
owing to the fact that industry is not developed

in our country, and not all can find work for
themselves, the numbers working will not amount
to over 100 millions, of whom half are employed
on unproductive labour. Thus there are only
about 50 million people to be found in China
engaged in productive labour. And so it turns
out that in China, out of eight people, we have
only one engaged in productive labour. It is
not to be wondered at that our country is poor.
The Chinese proverb has it " One peasant tills
:
the soil, six eat rice," or " the worker works

170
alone, but six people consume the fruits of his
labour."
Compare our position with that of America,
where, out of a population of 100 millions, 50
millions are engaged in productive labour, and
in addition each has the help of 39 units of man-
power. That is why the State there is becoming
more wealthy the growth of productive force
;
exceeds requirements, and this gives America the

opportunity to export her surplus abroad, supply-
ing the whole world with her manufactures.
These are the causes of the riches or poverty of
a people, and these also are the causes of victory
or defeat in the world trade war.
Although we seek the way to the quickest
possible development of the natural wealth of
China, in order to raise her from her state of
poverty in the shortest possible time by the
extension of her industry, we Chinese do not
understand how it is to be done. A man on a
desert island will not be able to open up all the
mineral wealth of his island, he cannot build roads,
establish ports, erect buildings, organise public
parks, and in general create a civilised life, even if
he thousand years. He will
live for ten never be
able to carry out such tasks. But if this recluse
gets into touch with merchants and foreign
visitors, the wealth of the island will be made
accessible, and all its affairs will flourish, since
the merchants themselves take care that
will
industry is developed, will make plans, attract
171
capital, and concentrate all their knowledge on
securing for themselves as much as possible of the
island's wealth. And thereby they will assist in
its development.
If a solitary individual cast on a desert island
can by the strength of his will complete the task
to which he sets his hand, China in her striving
to develop her industries must follow the same
path. And the question is not whether you will
know everything or not, or whether you will be
able to realise all your hopes or not, but whether
or not you really strive for the object you have set
before you.
Speaking of the condition of China and her
natural riches, one may say that if at the present
time our people is able, as one man, to welcome
the influx of foreign capital and foreign knowledge
for the development of our industry, then our aim
will undoubtedly be achieved in the course of
the next ten years. And then the development
of our industry will undoubtedly surpass the
development of American industry. If there are
people who will not believe me in this, I draw their
attention to certain facts of the development of
American industry.
Ten years ago,when America was planning to
construct the Panama Canal, it was thought that
the work would be completed in twenty years'
time. But when was carried out, eight years
it
proved to be sufficient. The reason was that

technique progressed with extreme rapidity. More-
172
over, at that time war was declared on Germany,
American war industry also progressed very
rapidly, and that which, before the war, was
calculated to take tens of years was completed
in war-time in one year. For example, a year or
two had been required previously for building a
ship, whereas now it could be built in twenty
days. If to-day, with all the technical equipment
of war-time at our disposal, we were to begin the
cutting of the Panama Canal, only a month
would be required to carry this out. Faced with
such a development of industrial technique in the
European and American countries, my fellow-
countrymen should realise all the benefits and
necessity of international co-operation, in order,
according to the Chinese proverb, to " utilise the
superiority of another to remedy your own
shortcomings." Going about it in this way, we
could hope in the course of a few years for the
development of Chinese industry after the manner
of the American, which would be very profitable
not only for China alone, but would undoubtedly
meet the interests of the whole world. That is
why there is no foreign scientific expert who does
not sympathise with the idea of developing the
productive forces of China.
Not so very long ago I presented to all the
Governments my work on "a plan for the
development of Chinese industry through the
medium of international co-operation." I met
with great sympathy from the American Govern-
i73
ment, and I trust that the other Governments
also will follow its example in their opinion of my
work. Chinese aspirations can be realised only
when we understand that, to regenerate the State
and to save the country from destruction at this
critical moment, we must welcome the influx of
large-scale foreign capital on the largest possible
scale, and must consider the question of
also
attracting foreign scientific forces and highly-
trained experts to work in our country and train
us. Then in the course of the next ten years we
shall create our own powerful large-scale industry
and shall accumulate technical and scientific
knowledge.
After these ten years be possible gradually
it will
to pay off the foreign loans and acquire complete
independence in our work, possessing a complete
equipment of the necessary knowledge. Then
our national culture can be made literally the
common property of all the Chinese. This will
render possible the awakening of the slumbering
forces and possibilities of China. Remember the
Chinese proverbs :
" The day when the river
turns blue will never come," "If you lose the right
moment, you will always remember it," " When
you heal a man, always begin with the worst
sick
disease," "
When saving a man from poverty
immediate help is needed," and " Only a man
who has been fed and clothed can observe all the
ceremonies." If industry is developed, the full
development of the economic resources of China

174
is possible, and only then will it be possible to
carry out the universal education of the people.
Wemust seize the moment of the ending of the
European war, and the great development of
European war industry, to develop our own
industry. This can easily be done, and therefore
I repeat that " without knowing, one can still
achieve."
175
CHAPTER VII
A PLAN FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINESE

INDUSTRY
is calculated that in the last year of the

ITworld war the daily expenditure
of the
various warring peoples amounted roughly
to 240 millions of dollars (gold). Let us assume
that, with the exercise of the greatest care, only
half this sum was spent on military fortifications
and other military requirements. This will mean
an expenditure about 120 million gold dollars.
of
If we look at these military expenses from the
commercial standpoint, we see the following
picture. The battlefields were the markets for
war industry, and the soldiers were the consumers.
The war swallowed up everything. Nearly the
whole of world industry was militarised. In
order to increase the production of munitions, the
people of the warring and even of neutral countries
were forced to content themselves with the most
limited necessaries of life, and to give up, not only
articles of luxury, but also their everyday comforts.
Now the war is over, and the market forwar
industry has closed — let us hope, for ever. To-day
the world is faced with the problem of how to
176
THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINESE INDUSTRY
organise the post-war Europe. Above
economy of
we noted that 120 million dollars daily were spent
on military supplies. Let us assume that the
restoration of European economy will require
half this sum, i.e. 60 million dollars : this still
leaves us the balance of 60 million dollars daily,

which might be utilised for other requirements.
Furthermore, millions of soldiers, who during the
war were only consumers, will now once again
become a productive force. There has also taken
place a concentration and nationalisation of
industry which would call the second industrial
I
revolution, and the magnitude of which is much

greater than that of the first industrial revolution,
in which handicrafts were replaced by machine
production. This second industrial revolution
will increase the productivity of the worker many
times more than the first. Consequently, the
concentration and nationalisation of industry on
account of the world war will in the future com-
plicate the restoration of post-war industry.
Image a new commerce, created by the war and
:
amounting to 60 million dollars a day or 21

milliard, 900 million dollars a year, must stop as
soon as peace is signed. Where in the world can
Europe and America find a market to dispose of
these enormous supplies remaining after the war ?
If these milliards of dollars invested in war
industries find no outlet in peace conditions, the
world will be faced with an economic crisis. This
will not only disturb economic conditions in
m 177
Europe and America, but will inflict grave damage
on world economy.
The commercial countries of the whole world
look on China as a " dumping ground " for their
surplus production. Pre-war trade conditions
were unfavourable for China. The excess of
imports over exports amounted to about 100
million dollars (gold) yearly. The Chinese market
could not extend very much in these conditions,
since this would have led to the pumping of gold
out of China, and would have been profitable only
for the foreign countries trading with China.
Fortunately, the natural wealth of China is very
great, its opening up would create an unlimited
market for the whole world, and it could usefully
absorb a great part, if not all, of the milliards of
dollars remaining in war-time industry.
China is a country in which hand labour still
prevails, and which has not yet entered the first
stage of industrial evolution, while Europe and
America have already reached the second. There-
fore China has to begin both periods of industrial
evolution at the same time, applying machinery
simultaneously with the principle of the nation-
alisation of industry. In this event China will
require machinery for her widespread agriculture ;
technical equipment for her rich mines, machinery

for her innumerable undertakings of all kinds, for
her extensive transport systems, and for all her
social needs. How can this new demand for
modern machinery affect the reorganisation of
178
war-time industry in Europe and America ? The
factories which turned out guns can easily be
transformed into factories manufacturing steam-
rollers for building roads in China. Shops which
produced tanks can now make rolling platforms
for transporting raw materials from every part
of China. All forms of war machinery can be
turned into peace-time implements for the general
development of the natural wealth of China.
The Chinese people will welcome the opening-up
of the riches of our country, providing China is
protected against the corrupting influence of the
mandarins and will have a guarantee of normal
intercourse with foreign states.
Some nations of Europe and America may fear
that the development of military technique,
military organisation, and industrialisation gener-
ally will create undesirable competition for foreign
industry. I therefore propose a plan for the
organisation of a new market in China, sufficiently
extensive both to develop China's own productive
forces and to absorb the industrial capacity of
the foreign Powers. The plan I propose is as
follows :
i . The development of systems of communication

(a) 100,000 miles of railways.
(6) 1,000,000 miles of roads.
(c) Improvement of existing canals :
(i) Hangchow-Tientsin.
(ii) Sinkiang-Yangtse.
179
(d) Construction of new canals :
(i) Liaoyang-Shanghai-kwan.
(ii) Canals to be planned.
(e) Organisation of China's river system :
(i) Clearing and deepening the bed

of the river Yangtse, from
Hankow to the sea, in order
to permit of ocean-going vessels
reaching Hankow.
(ii) Clearing and deepening the bed of
the river Hwangho, to prevent
flooding.
(iii) Clearing the Hsikiang.
(iv) Clearing the Hwaiho.
(v) Clearing other rivers.
(/) Construction of long-distance telegraph

and telephone lines, and also organisation
of wireless telegraph stations.
2. The organisation and development of com-

mercial harbours :
(a) The organisation of three large-scale

ocean ports, capable of equalling New
York in the future, in the north, centre
and south of China.
(b) Construction of commercial and fishing
harbours along the entire coast.
(c) Construction of commercial docks along
all navigable rivers.
3. The building of modern cities, with social

180
conveniences of all kinds, near all railway
centres, principal stations, and harbours.
4. Utilisation of China's waterways.
5. Erection of iron and steel works on the
largest scale, and also of cement works to
meet building requirements.
6. Development of China's mineral wealth.
7. Development of agriculture.
8. Irrigation work in Mongolia and Chinese
Turkestan.
9. Forestry work in central and northern China.
10. The colonisation of Manchuria, Mongolia,
Sinkiang, Koko-nor and Tibet.
If the above programme is gradually carried

out,China will become, not a mere " dumping-
ground " for foreign goods, but a real " economic
ocean," capable of absorbing all the surplus
capital of the world as rapidly as the industrial
countries can produce, in the coming era of the
second industrial revolution based on nationalised
machine industry. This will eliminate the struggle
of commercial competition, not only in China, but
throughout the world.
The world war showed mankind that war is
destructive both for the victor and for the
vanquished, but it is most harmful of all for the
attacker. This applies to economic warfare as
well as war by force of arms. The American
President, Wilson, has proposed the formation of
a League of Nations to prevent future wars ; I
181
want to propose the cessation of commercial war
by co-operation and mutual aid in the development
of China. This will eliminate the chief cause of
all future wars.
If my proposal is acceptable to the Powers
possessing capital, I shall present further details.
The development of America as an industrial
and commercial nation has conferred many benefits
on the whole world. The development of China
with 400 million people will create another
its
New World in the economic sense. The nations

who take part in the development of China
will reap vast benefits. Moreover, international
economic co-operation can only assist the strength-
ening of the ties of friendship between the peoples.
Finally, I am certain that in the long run, China
will be a foundation-stone of the League of
Nations.
For the successful fulfilment of this plan, I
propose the following three essential steps. First,

that a Board of the Powers supplying capital be
organised by agreement, in order to act together
and to createan international organisation, with
its military organisers, its administrators and its
experts in various spheres, to work out plans and

standardise materials, thus avoiding trouble and
facilitating the works proposed. Secondly, it is
essential that the confidence of the Chinese people
be secured, in order to serve as a basis for co-
operation and for popular support in every way.
If these two steps are taken, the third step will
182
be the opening of official negotiations for the
conclusion of a final agreement with the Chinese
Government relative to the plan put forward.
Finally, the last but most important condition
is to prevent the repetition of former mistakes.
In 1913 the foreign bankers treated the wishes
of the Chinese people with contempt they :
thought that they could settle everything with the

Chinese Government alone. But it turned out
that the treaties which they concluded with the
Government, with the help of great bribes, were
later refused recognition by the Chinese people.
If the foreign banks had chosen a safer road, and
had first of all secured the confidence of the
Chinese people, and then had begun to negotiate
treaties, they would have been more successful.
183
CHAPTER VIII
THE REVOLUTION IS THE PATH TO THE REGENERA-

TION OF CHINA
{How the Kuomintang organised the Chinese

Revolution)
MY appeal for a revolution in China has

been successful, and the destructive part
of the Revolution, in the shape of the
overthrow of the Manchu monarchy, has been
achieved ; but the constructive part has far from
begun. Nevertheless, I do not lose hope in the
successful completion of the Chinese Revolution :
that is why I have devoted to it all my energies.

In the first year of the Republic, when European
writers and scholars were writing thousands of
articles about the Chinese Revolution, and ap-
proaching its facts more from the point of view of
morality than of their meaning, I issued the first
chapter of my Notes on the Chinese Revolution,
in which I set forth very briefly and concisely
how, twenty years ago, the possibility of a
successful revolution in China was a subject of
great discussion.
Although I lived at the time in London, I could
not name myself as one of the founders of the
184
REVOLUTION AND REGENERATION OF CHINA
" Association for Regeneration of China."
the
This at the time involved the risk of persecution.
To-day I restore from memory the contents of
that chapter of my reminiscences, supplementing
them with the facts of the last 30 years, which
formerly I had to omit for conspirative reasons
which will be understood.
From the moment that the idea of revolutionary
struggle awoke within me up to the time of the
foundation of the " Revolutionary League " (out
of which the Kuomintang developed) I was a man
who practised revolution, and therefore all my
revolutionary activities were not very complicated.
I could count on my fingers the names of the
persons who at that time recognised ideas. my
From the time of the foundation of the " Revolu-
tionary League," the work became much more
complicated, and I cannot, of course, recount the
names of all the emigrant patriots, still less of
all the revolutionary heroes at home. I write my
memories as materials for a future historian of
the Kuomintang.
From 1885, i.e. from the time of our defeat in
the war with France, I set before myself the
object of the overthrow of the Tai-Tsing dynasty
and the establishment of a Chinese Republic on
its ruins. At the very beginning I selected for
my propaganda the college at which I was study-
ing, regarding medical science as the kindly aunt
who would bring me out on to the high road of
politics.
185
Ten years passed like one day. In the Canton
Medical School I made friends with Chen-Shi-
Liang ;who had a very large circle of acquaint-
ances amongst widely-travelled people who knew
China well. When I began talking of revolution,
advocating its ideas, he gladly agreed with me, and
declared that he would immediately enter a
revolutionary Party if I would agree to lead it.
After staying a year in the school at Canton, I
learned that an English Medical School with a

wider programme than that of the Canton School
had been opened at Hong Kong. Thereupon,
attracted also by the thought that there should
I
have a wider field for my revolutionary propaganda,

I went to Hong Kong to continue my education.
For four years I gave up all my time free from

studies to the cause of revolutionary propaganda,
travelling backwards and forwards between Hong
Kong and Amoy. At that time I had scarcely
any supporters, with the exception of three persons
living in Hong Kong Chen-Shao-Bo, Yu-Shao-
:
Chi, and Yang-Ho-Lin, and one man at Shanghai,

Lu-Ko-Tung. The others avoided me, as a rebel,
as they would one stricken with plague.
Living together with my three friends Chen,
Yu and Yang, in Hong Kong, we were constantly
discussing the revolution. Our thoughts were
fixed on the problems of the Chinese Revolution.
We studied chiefly the history of revolutions.
When it happened that we came together and did
not talk of revolution, we did not feel happy.
186
Thus a few years went by, and we received from
our friends the nickname of "the four great and
inseparable scoundrels." For me this was a
period of revolutionary disputes and preparation.
After finishing school I fixed my attention on
two places, Amoy and Yang Chen, nominally for
practice,but in reality to begin revolutionary
propaganda. At that time Chen-Shi-Liang began
recruiting members for the Party. Lu-Ko-Tung
and I set out for the North, for Pekin and Tientsin,
in order tostudy how stable the Tai-Tsing dynasty
might be, and thence we left for Wuchang to study
the situation there.
In 1894 we decided that a suitable moment had
arrived, and went to the Philippines to found the
" Association for the Regeneration of China,"
having the intention of establishing connections

with Chinese colonists there and receiving help
from them. However, we had not realised that
the moment was not yet ripe for revolution ; the
result of our propaganda in the Philippines was
only ten sympathisers, of whom only two brothers,
Ten- Yin-Nan and Ten-Teh-Chang, agreed to make
considerable sacrifices for our common cause.
This was just at the time when the Imperial
armies were suffering one defeat after another.
After the loss of Korea, the Monarchy lost the
glamour of its power, as before all the Chinese
there were clearly revealed the decay and rotten-
ness of the Manchu dynasty. Our Shanghai
comrade Sun-Yueh-Lo wrote insisting that we
187
return. I,Ten- Yin-Nan and three other comrades
returned home for further work, with the intention
of organising a revolt at Canton and seizing it.
Our committee was in Hong Kong and our
branch at Yang-Chen. There worked at that time
in the committee Ten- Yin-Nan, Yang-Tsui-Yun,
Haun-Yun-Shan, Chen-Shao-Bo and others, while
in the branch at Yang-Chen there were Lu-Ko-
Tung, Chen-Shi-Liang, and some instructors from
America, and some generals. I often travelled
between Canton and Hong Kong. Our tasks by

that time were quite well-defined. Preparations
were in full blast. We had accumulated consider-
able strength, and we could by a single blow have
effected a great deal. But just at this time the
authorities discovered the arms we had smuggled
in (500 revolvers), and one of our worthiest
comrades, Lu-Ko-Tung, was executed. This was
the first sacrifice made by us on the altar of the
Chinese revolution. At the same time there were
arrested and executed Tse-Hsi and Chu-Gui.
About seventy people were arrested, among them
the Canton Admiral Tsin-Kui-Guan.
The day of September 9, 1895, I consider to be
the day of my first revolutionary defeat. Three
days after the defeat I was still in Canton, but
ten days later I was forced to escape to Hong
Kong by by-roads, and thence left for Japan with
comrades Chen-Shi-Liang and Chen-Shao-Bo, in-
tending to land at Yokohama. I cut off my pigtail
and put on European clothes, as the date of my
188
return to China was indeterminate. Then I left
Chen-Shi-Liang returned
for the Philippine islands,
to China to restore matters to the point reached
before our defeat, while Chen-Shao-Bo remained
in Japan to study the political situation. I was
introduced at that time to the Japanese Sugawora,

and later we made the acquaintance of Sonei and
Miasaki, with whom we established connections.
This was the beginning of friendly relations
between the Chinese revolutionaries and the
Japanese.
Having arrived in the Philippines, I began to
gather comrades to strengthen our " Association
for the Regeneration of China," but even old
comrades, owing to our defeat, did not conceal
their despair, while some simply forswore our
ideas. Owing to the absence of the necessary
factors for the development of a revolutionary
movement, the latter slowed down somewhat.
There was no reason why I should stay long in
the Philippines, and I decided to leave for America,
in order to establish connections with the organis-
ation of Chinese emigrants there.
The day of my departure was fixed, and I was
walking outside the town when I met a carriage,
in which I recognised my teacher Kandeli and
his wife. I jumped on to the foot-board, to their
great surprise and even fear, as they apparently
took me for an evilly-disposed person. They did
not recognise me, as I had considerably altered
my appearance. When I said, " I am Sun-Yat-
189
Sen," they burst out laughing and began shaking
me by the hand. asked them how they came
I
there. They explained that they were on their

way home, and were spending the day here
taking advantage of the boats stopping there. I
offered them my services as guide, which they
accepted. At the end of the day, I told them that
I should shortly be undertaking a trip round the
world, and hope to be in London also, on my
way to America. With this we parted, after
friendly greetings.
Amongst the Chinese emigrants in America I
found an even more sleepy atmosphere then in
the Philippines. I crossed the continent from
San-Francisco to New
York. On my way I
stopped at various places for a few days for ten —
—
days at the most everywhere preaching that to
save our mother-country from threatening destruc-
tion we must overthrow the Tai-Tsing dynasty, and
that the duty of every Chinese citizen was to help
to reconstruct China on a new democratic basis.
Although I spared no effort in this propaganda,
the people to whom it was directed remained
apathetic and little responsive to the ideas of
the Chinese Revolution. At that time, however,
there were fairly widespread amongst the Chinese
emigrants the so-called " Hung-Men " societies,
although by my time they had been reduced to
little more than mutual aid clubs. Their history
is as follows. The supporters of the Ming dynasty 1
1
Overthrown by the Manchu Tai-Tsing dynasty in 1644.
190
raised several rebellions against the Tai-Tsing
dynasty, but always suffered defeat at the hands
of the Imperial troops, and when, during the rule
of Kan-Si, the Manchu dynasty reached the
height of its strength, all the efforts of the
supporters of the Ming dynasty proved to be
doomed to failure. Some of them paid for their
audacity with their lives, others managed to
escape. Seeing the impossibility of overthrowing
the Tai-Tsings, they seized then on the idea of
nationalism and began preaching it, handing it
down from generation to generation. Their main
object in organising the " Hung-Men " societies
was the overthrow of the Tai-Tsing dynasty and
the restoration of the Ming dynasty. The idea
of nationalism was for them an auxiliary. They
carried on all their affairs in profound secret,
avoiding Government and hiding also from
officials
the Chinese intellectuals, whom they looked upon

as the eyes and ears of the Chinese Government.
Knowing the psychology of the masses, the
" Hung-Men " societies spread their nationalist
ideas by means of various plays, which had a

great effect amongst the people. In the ideas
they spread abroad, everything was based on
arousing discontent with one's position and with
existing inequality, and preaching the necessity
for revenge. Their passwords and watchwords
were dirty and vulgar phrases, and Chinese
intellectuals avoided them in disgust.
Party solidarity, which afforded them help
191
when in trouble, and a certain co-ordination in
their activities, proved very helpful for wanderers
and for various Chinese prodigal sons. Their
nationalist ideas helped them in their struggle
against the hated Tai-Tsing dynasty, and con-
sequently fed their hopes of a restoration of the
Ming dynasty.
The Chinese people were in constant conflict
with the Imperial officials, and never abandoned
their opposition to the Tsing dynasty. The
watchwords " Down with Tsing
:
" "
and Long!
live Ming " were near and dear to many Chinese.

!
But the same cannot be said of our overseas

emigrants, as they, being abroad in a free country,
had no necessity to organise societies of a fighting
character. Therefore in America the " Hung-
Men " societies naturally lost their political colour,
and becamebenefit clubs. Many members of the
" Hung-Men " societies did not rightly understand
the meaning and exact aims which their society
pursued. approached them, during my
When I
stay in America, and asked them, why did they

want to overthrow the Tsing dynasty and restore
the Ming dynasty, very many were not able to
give me any positive reply. Later, when our
comrades had carried on a protracted revolutionary
propaganda in America for several years, members
of the " Hung-Men " societies at last realised they
were old nationalist revolutionaries.
Although my stay in America was of little
importance for the further destinies of the Chinese
192
Revolution, it aroused fears and
nevertheless
misgivings on the part of the Imperial Government.
Therefore on my arrival in London I almost fell
into the clutches of the Imperial Embassy, but
I was saved from peril by my teacher Kandeli. It
was owing to him that I was saved from the great
danger which threatened me.
After escaping from London, I went to Europe
to study the methods of its political administration,
and also to make the acquaintance of representa-
tives of the Opposition parties. In Europe I
understood that, although the foremost European
countries had achieved power and popular govern-
ment, they could not accord complete happiness
to their peoples. Therefore the leading European
revolutionaries strive for a social revolution, and
I conceived the idea of the simultaneous settle-
ment, by means of the revolution, of the questions
of national economy, national independence, and
popular freedom. Hence arose my so-called
" san-min-chu," or the idea of democracy based
on three principles.
The revolution was my principal aim in life,
and therefore I hastened to conclude my business
in Europe, in order not to lose time dear to the
revolution. I Japan, considering that
left for
there, nearer to China, we could more successfully
carry out our revolutionary plans. On my arrival
in Japan I was met at Yokohama by two leaders
of the Japanese Popular Party. Later on we met
in Tokio like old friends, and discussed all questions
N 193
affectingChina with great frankness. Just at
that time the Japanese Popular Party came to
power, and Okuma was appointed Minister for
Foreign Affairs. I was introduced him and to
to
other Japanese politicians. This was our first
contact with representatives of Japanese ruling
circles. Then I met Soezima and other representa-
tives of the Japanese Opposition.
Later they all greatly helped the cause of the
Chinese Revolution.
There were fully ten thousand Chinese emigrants
in Japan, but an atmosphere of inertia prevailed
amongst them. They were terribly afraid of the
idea of revolution, just like the Chinese emigrants
in other countries. Our comrades had worked
amongst them for some years, yet it turned out
that only a hundred odd had joined the revolu-
tionary movement, which did not represent one
per cent, of our emigrants in Japan. While the
propaganda of revolutionary ideas amongst the
emigrants was so difficult and thankless, it was
even more difficult in China. The Chinese were
not repelled by the idea of overthrowing the
Manchu dynasty, and willingly entered our Party ;
but their intelligence was very weak, there was

little solidarity amongst them, and they had no
convictions. They could be used as a passive force,

but under no circumstances could they be an
active force.
From 1895, from the moment of our first
i.e.
defeat, until 1900, five years went by, which were

194
a period of great difficulty and suffering for the
Chinese revolutionary movement. The revolu-
tionary foundation we had built up in the course
of ten years,both in the sense of the work of each
of our comrades and in the sense of the positions
we had secured, was destroyed. Propaganda
abroad also had little success. At this time, too,
monarchist organisations grew up and became very
active on the political arena. Our hopes were
almost destroyed, but our comrades did not fall
into despair and courageously looked ahead.
I sent Chen-Shao-Bo to Hong Kong to publish
a paper there for the spreading of revolutionary
ideas, and ordered Li-Kiang-Jo to proceed to the
province of Chekiang to organise the forces there.
I instructed Chen-Shi-Liang to proceed to Hong
Kong to establish an organising bureau there, and

recruit new members for our Party.
Very soon there took place the amalgamation
of the " Association for the Regeneration of
China " with organisations which had sprung up
in the Kwantung province and other provincial
organisations of the Yangtse valley.
At movement
this time also there took place the
inspired by the Manchu dynasty which was known
as the " Boxer Rebellion." Eight foreign Powers
despatched their troops to China and opened
military activities. I decided that this moment
ought not to be lost, and instructed Chen-Shi-Liang

to leave for Huchow, in order to organise a rising
there, and despatched Li-Kiang-Jo to Yangchen
195
for the same purpose. While all these preparations
were going on very feverishly, I went to Hong
Kong with some foreign officers, intending to get
across to my native country by water, there to
assume personal control over the best forces of
the nation, and to organise a disciplined revolu-
tionary army to save China from destruction.
But quite unexpectedly for myself I was betrayed
by some scoundrel, and the Hong Kong authorities
subjected me to a search and would not allow me
to land. In this way I was not able to carry out
my original plan. Therefore, I placed full respon-
sibility at Huchow on Chen-Shi-Liang, and sent
Yang-Tsu-Ya, Yun-Li-Tsi, Chen-Shao-Bo and
others to Hong Kong to help him. I returned
myself to Japan, whence, I travelled to Formosa,
intending again to think out some means of getting
into China. The Governor-General of Formosa
was, at that time, Kodama, a man who sympathised
a great deal with the Chinese Revolution, as he
considered that the North was entirely in the grip
of anarchy. He instructed one of his assistants
to enter into negotiations with me, promising
that if there were a serious outbreak he would
support us.
extended our original plan, increasing the
I
number of specialist officers, as at that time our

party had too few politically conscious military
experts at its disposal. On the other hand, I
ordered Chen-Shi-Liang to alter the original plan
of attacking the principal city of the province,
196
and instead to seize maritime area and
the
concentrate our forces there, and then to begin
the attack.
Chen-Shi-Liang immediately left for the ap-
pointed place on receipt of my instructions.
With for the most part peasant detachments
under his command, he attacked the Imperial
soldiers at Sinyang and Shenchuan and disarmed
them, and then attacked Lungan, Tanshui-Yunhu,
and other points. Everywhere he was successful,
with the result that the Imperial troops began to
disperse as soon as they came into contact with
his advance guards. He then occupied successively
the whole maritime area from Sinyang to Huchow,
and there awaited my arrival with our supporters,
and also the arrival of arms and military equipment.
However, quite unexpectedly for us, ten days
after our revolutionary armies opened the attack,
there were changes in the Japanese Government,
and the new Premier took up an attitude towards
China which was quite the opposite of his pre-
decessor's. He forbade any negotiations between
the Governor-General of Formosa and the Chinese
revolutionaries, and also prohibited both the
export of arms and the entry of Japanese officers
into the Chinese Revolutionary Army. This
disarranged my whole plan. I sent Yamada and
a few more comrades to the camp of Chen-Shi-
Liang, to inform him of what had taken place
and to instruct him to act according to the
circumstances of the moment. When they arrived
197
at his camp, thirty days had passed since the
beginning of operations. An army of 10,000 men
had been collected with was impatiently awaiting
the arrival of arms and superior officers.
When they received Yamada's information, it
was decided immediately to dissolve the troops,
and Chen-Shi-Liang returned to Hong Kong with
some hundreds of our comrades. Yamada lost
his way, was seized by the Imperial troops, and
was executed. This was the first foreigner who
sacrificed his life on the altar of the Chinese
Revolution.
At the time that Chen-Shi-Liang was in the thick
of the fight, Li-Kiang-Jo at Canton attempted
to help him, but unsuccessfully. Then he decided
to throw a bomb into the office of the Governor
of the two Kwan provinces (Kwantung and
Kwangsi), but the bomb did not burst, and he was
arrested and executed. This was the second hero
to perish for the Republic. He was a man with
a strong will wise and sincere :he might be
compared with Lu-Ko-Tung, as their courage and
their talents resembled one another. They both
painted and wrote verses well. Lu-Ko-Tung was
courageous and Li-Kiang-Jo was fearless, and it
was truly sad that owing to our defeat we lost
these two most worthy men of their age. The
loss of these two heroes was undoubtedly unfortu-
nate for the future of the Chinese Revolution, but
the spiritual strength and courage of these two
comrades who perished were worthy of the
198
imitation of all those who remained alive. I always
remember them: although they are dead, yet "their
souls still continue to dwell around my breast."
The 1900 was the second defeat of the
affair
Chinese Revolution. However, after this defeat
the attitude of the Chinese people towards us
changed greatly. After our first defeat, all looked
on us as rioters, robbers, who were doing something
unjust. We were overwhelmed with curses and
abuse, we were looked upon as poisonous snakes,
and people avoided our acquaintance. After the
defeat of 1900, although the former voices which
cursed us were heard as loudly as ever, there were
already many intelligent Chinese who regretted
our defeat and expressed to us their sympathy.
If this be compared with the past, of course we
shall find a vast difference, and our comrades
who realised this were greatly delighted in their
hearts at these signs of China's gradual awakening
from The glamour of the power of the
sleep.
Tai-Tsing dynasty was finally dispersed when the
troops of the eight Powers entered as conquerors
into Pekin, while the representatives of the
Imperial House and after an armistice
fled,
agreed to an indemnity for damages of 100 millions.

The material conditions of the Chinese people
grew worse and worse, and a terrible peril continued
to hang over our Motherland. All intelligent
Chinese began to understand that China was on
the brink of destruction. From this moment a
new revolutionary wave began to grow up.
199
At this time nearly all the provinces began to
send students to Japan to receive their education
there. Amongst the studentswho came to
Tokyo there turned out to be many people with
young and clear heads. They seized on revolu-
tionary ideas at once, and soon entered the
revolutionary movement. All the arguments of
the students of that day, and all their thoughts,
turned around revolutionary questions. At a
students' New Year's Day meeting Lu-Chen-Yui
made a big speech on a revolution to overthrow
the Manchu dynasty. He was expelled from the
University at the demand of the Imperial Minister
inTokyo. Other students, such as Tsi-Yuan-Chen,
Chen-Cha-Chai, Chai-Bo-Tsuan, published popular
newspapers to spread revolutionary ideas.
This revolutionary movement amongst the
Chinese students found its way into China. At
Shanghai the students Chang-Tai-Yang, Wu- Wei-
Hoi, Cho-Chang and others utilised the Christian
papers for revolutionary propaganda. Their
actions were complained of by representatives of
the Imperial authorities, in consequence of which
they were arrested and imprisoned on the territory
of the foreign concession. One of them, however,
managed to escape abroad. Then there followed
the only trial of its kind, in which the dynasty
brought an action against an individual in the
foreign Court,and won its case. Cho-Chang was
sentenced only to two years' imprisonment.
During this period the popular movement grew
200
stronger and stronger. The emigrants hailed with
joy the appearance Cho-Chang's book, The
of
Revolutionary Army, in which he attacked the
Tai-Tsing dynasty very strongly. It played a
big part in the revolutionary movement amongst
the Chinese emigrants. This period I consider
to be the beginning of the epoch of the wide
development of the Chinese revolutionary
movement.
In 1900-1903 the Governor of Annam several
times requested the French Consul at Tokyo to
invite me to meet him personally, but somehow
I could not find the time for this. When the
Exhibition was opened at Hanoi I went there, but
when I arrived in Annam I learned that the
Governor had resigned and left for home, in-
structing his Chief Secretary to receive me well.
During my stay at Hanoi I made the acquaintance
of Hua-Lun-Chen, Wang-Tsei-Ting, Wa-Bi-Yang
and other comrades all of them later became our
:
sympathisers, and took a great part in the affair

at Kiang Liang. At the end of the Hanoi
Exhibition, I again left for a journey round the
world through Japan and America.
When travelling through Japan I was met by
Lo-Chung-Kai, Fu-Fu-Ma and others, who ex-
pressed their full sympathy with the Revolution.
I requested them to set up an organisation amongst
the most intelligent comrades. Later on, when

our " United League " was being set up, they
brought very many people with them. After the
201
defeat at. Huchow, in the period before the setting
up of the " United League " we were joined by
Li-Tsi-Tang and Hun-Tsuan-Fu at Canton and
Huan-Ki-Tsiang and Ma-Fu-Yi in the province
of Hunan. The revolutionary movement in China
was growing much stronger. The emigrants who
lived abroad were gradually being inclined to the
side of the by the revolutionary
Revolution
propaganda of the students and the popular
movement in China, and during my journey across
Japan everywhere expressed their sympathy to me.
In the Spring of 1905 I arrived in Europe once
again, and the majority of the students there
were supporters of the Revolution. They had only
just arrived in Europe from Japan or China. The
revolutionary wave seized on them, and they soon
began to go on from arguments about the
Revolution to direct revolutionary activities. I
then set forth my long-guarded ideas about
democracy embodied in three principles and the
" Fivefold Constitution," in order to create a
revolutionary organisation on their basis. Our
firstmeeting took place at Brussels, and thirty
people entered our League. The second meeting
was organised in Berlin, and there twenty odd
persons joined. The third meeting was in Paris,
where ten people entered the League but at ;
the fourth meeting in Tokyo several hundred

new members joined. There were in our League
representatives of all the provinces of China,
with the exception of Kansu, as Kansu had not
202
yet sent any students to Japan. At the time our
"
League was being set up the word " revolution
was still terrifying, and therefore our League was
simply called the " United League," which name
it retained for fairly long.
After the creation of the " United League," I
began to believe that a new era of the Chinese

Revolution was opening before us. Previously,
I had more than once met with great difficulties,
I had been spat upon and ridiculed by all. I
more than once suffered defeats, but I audaciously

moved forward, although I must confess that I
did not dream of the accomplishment of the
overthrow of the Manchu dynasty still in my life-
time. However, from the Autumn of 1905
onwards, after the creation of the revolutionary
" United League," I became convinced that the
great cause of the Chinese Revolution would be

accomplished during my lifetime. It was then that
1 decided to put forward the watchword of a
Chinese Republic, and to advocate it before all
the members of our Party, in order that when

they returned home each to his own province
they should widely support the necessity of
revolution to set up a Republic. Scarcely a year
had passed before 10,000 people joined our
" United League." Branches were organised in
almost all of the provinces, and from this time
forward the revolutionary movement went ahead
with great strides. Its further development
exceeded all my anticipations.
203
The foreign governments at that time also
began to look upon the Chinese revolutionaries
favourably. On one occasion when I was passing
through Woosung on my way to Japan, I was
visited by a French officer, on the instructions of
his superior officers, who informed me that his
Government intended to support the Chinese
Revolution, and then asked me what was the
position as regards the revolutionary forces. I
told him the true state of affairs. Then he again

asked me how matters stood with the organisation
of our military forces in the provinces, and our
connections with the districts, adding that if all
were not well in this respect his Government
would immediately give us help. To this I replied
that in this respect all had not yet been done,
and asked him to send us agents to help us, and
also to investigate the and establish
position
connections. They then sent some officers from
their Tientsin staff to be at my disposal.
I instructed Lo-Chung-Kai to organise an office
at Tientsin, instructed Li-Chung-Sha with some
officers to leave for Kwantung and Kwangsi to
investigate the position, ordered Hu-Yi-Chen to
travel with some officers to the provinces of
Szechuan and Yunnan and also to investigate
the local position, and finally ordered Kiao-Yi-
Chai to travel with some officers to Nankin and
Wuhan for the same purpose. At that time there
were freshly mobilised troops at Nanking and
Wuhan, and they welcomed our comrades on
204
their arrival. At Nanking preliminary negotia-
tions with them were carried on by a certain
comrade Chao-Po. He had conferences and secret
meetings with their officers up to the rank of
battalion commander. At Wuhan, Lu-Tsia-Yun
carried on negotiations. Together with some of
the military comrades, he summoned a general
meeting in a church, to which very many people
came : it is said that there was even present the
Commander of the troops, Chang-Hu. At this
meeting all present made speeches entirely in
favour of the revolution, and the French officers
also supported this.
All this became widely known, and soon after-
wards Chang-Chi-Tung, the Governor-General of
the provinces of Hupeh and Kwantung, sent a
foreigner, who worked in the Customs, to spy on
the French officers. By expressing his loyalty
to the Chinese Revolution, this spy entered into
close relations with the French officers. They
accepted him as a European, and told him every-
thing. Chang-Chi-Tung then sent reports to the
Imperial Government at Pekin, informing them
of all the plans of the Chinese revolutionaries, both
real and invented. The Imperial Government
when it received these reports, immediately opened
negotiations with the French Embassy on this
question. The French Embassy, not being
acquainted with all the circumstances, asked its
Government what should be done with the

officer referred to, to which it received a reply
205
instructing it hush up the whole affair. The
to
Pekin authorities could do nothing. Some time
later, however, the French Government was
changed, and the new Cabinet took quite a different
view of the question. It recalled this officer and
others, and subsequently Lu-Tsia-Yun was arrested
and executed.
From the very foundation of the " United
League " we published newspapers which spread
far and wide the ideas of the Chinese Revolution,
democracy embodied in the three principles and
the " Fivefold Constitution." A wave of revolu-
tionary thought rolled all but it
over China,
reached its highest point when we began to
publish journals. At that time we were joined
by famous heroes like Hsu-Si-Lin, Sun-Yaen-Tsi,
Tsu-Tsin and others.
The revolt at Pinli began in 1907, and was carried
out independently by our " United League " with
its own forces, the revolutionary army being
organised out of members. At the time that
its
our revolutionary army was conducting a lif e-and-

death struggle with the Imperial troops at Pinli,
all our Tokyo members were yearning to go, and
besieged our Committee with requests to send them

to the front to take part in the fighting. I know
of cases when some comrades who were not able
to leave for the front cried like children.
Unfortunately, we were not informed
good in
time about the revolt at Pinli, which was begun
by members of our League, and we learned of it
206
so late that we were unable to make adequate pre-
paration. We lost the battle at Pinli and Lu-Tao-Yi,
Nin-Tiao-Yi, Yuan-Hun- Yin and other comrades
were captured by the Imperial troops. Part were
executed, and part sentenced to imprisonment.
This was the first battle-christening of the members
of our " United League." After this it could be
said that the revolutionary movement seized on
the whole country in unprecedented dimensions.
The members League in Tokyo, of course,
of our
could also not remain passive spectators. Then
the Imperial Government proposed to the Japanese
Government that we should be expelled from the
borders of Japan.
I set out from Japan with Han-Min and Ching-
Wei for Annam, in order to organise our office at
Hanoi, with a view to a new insurrection. We
raised a revolt at Chaochow however, the troops
:
of Huan-Kan were defeated there. This was our

third defeat. Then followed the revolt of Min-
Tan at Huchow, but this also suffered defeat.
This was my In the districts of
fourth defeat.
Lian and Tsian a rising took place on account of
unwillingness to pay taxes. The Imperial Govern-
ment sent 4000 of its troops, under the leadership
of Kuo-Jen-Chang and Chao-Po-Siang to restore
order. I ordered Huang-Kai-Tsiang and Hu-Yi-
Chen to visit their respective camps and persuade
them to go over to the side of the revolution.
Both generals declared that if a real revolutionary
army actually revolted, they would join it.
207
After this we sent organisers to the Lian and
Tsien districts to mobilise all the groups of intelli-
gent citizens and co-ordinate their activity. We
also sent Suan-E — and Chuan-Chi to buy arms in
Japan. Moreover, we collected comrades in Annam,
and invited many French officers from amongst
those demobilised as instructors. We considered
that, once we had arms, we would be able to seize
the whole maritime area from Fanchen to Tungsin.
Tungsin is extremely suitable for the organisation
of a revolutionary army, as it borders on the
French concession, and various kinds of military
equipment can be transported with great con-
venience over the river which separates them.
With the arrival of arms we reckoned on
equipping and arming 2000 odd men, then to
collect an army of 6000 men in the Tsien district,
and only then to convince Kuo- Jen-Chang to
come over to our side. In this way we hoped to
organise a strong army, which after a short
period of training could easily occupy the provinces
of Kwantung and Kwangsi, and then advance
towards the Yangtse and join the lately mobilised
troops of Nanking and Wuhan, which would give
us at last sufficient forces for the successful
completion of the revolution. However, quite
unexpectedly for us, some troubles took place in
our Tokyo committee, and the plan for the
purchase of arms fell through. Fanchen at this
time was attacked, but as the arms did not arrive,
I lost confidence in the comrades who had set
208
out to procure them, while those who had attacked
Fanchen, seeing that the arms still did not arrive,
withdrew to Kiangchow, hoping that the troops
of Kuo- Jen-Chang would join them. The latter,
however, seeing that our forces were too weak,
could not make up his mind to help us, fearing
that he himself would be crushed by the Imperial
troops which had been despatched as reinforce-
ments. Our troops then retreated to Linshan,
expecting to be helped there by the troops of
Chao-Po-Siang but the latter, seeing that Kuo-
:
Jen-Chang was not moving, also did not dare to

move. Thereupon our army, in view of its weak-
ness, decided to retreat to Shi-Wan-Dashan,
which was done. This was our fifth defeat.
After our plan of insurrection was defeated in
the districts of Tsian and Lian, I personally took
the lead of Comrades Huang-Kai-Tsiang, Hu-Han-
Min, some French officers and 100 other comrades,
and by a sudden attack seized three forts at
Chen-Nan-Kwang, and took into our ranks the
soldiers who surrendered. Here I hoped to
collect also comrades who
the had retreated
to Shi-Wan-Dashan, and by our joint efforts to
attack Huchow. But I did not then reckon with
the fact that the comrades at Shi-Wan-Dashan
were too far away. We, a group of about 100
men, with the three guns we had captured, fought
for seven days against the thousands of men led
by Lu-Tsi-Kwang and Lu- Yin-Tin, and then
retreated to Annam. While I was passing through
o 209
Lianshan, I was recognised by a spy of the
Imperial authorities, who approached the French
Government, with the result that I was expelled
from Hanoi. This was our sixth defeat.
After my departure from Hanoi, I gave instruc-
tions for all preparations to be made for a new
invasion of the Lian and Tsian districts. At the
same time I ordered Huang-Min-Tang to seize
Hokow, for the purpose of advancing further into
the Province of Yunnan and establishing our base
there. Shortly afterwards Huang-Kai-Tsiang
moved out of Annam with his friends and marched
into the districts mentioned, where he fought for
several months, bringing panic on the Imperial
troops and acquiring thereby great repute. How-
ever, after some time he also retreated, owing to
lack of military equipment and lack of support.
This I consider our seventh defeat.
—
After my arrival in Sinchow in about a month
— Huang-Min-Tang with his 100 comrades seized
Hokow, shot the principal officers, won over
iooo soldiers who surrendered, and began to
await instructions from our committee. At that
time I was in Nanyang, and could not cross
French territory to take command personally at
the front, and therefore instructed Huang-Kai-
Tsiang to assume the command himself. Huang-
Kai-Tsiang was already half-way there, when he
unexpectedly fell under the suspicion of the
French authorities, and was taken to Hanoi,
where, after communication with the Chinese
210
Government, he was forbidden to enter China.
The insurgents at Hokow were thus left without
a leader, as a result of which we lost the moment
suitable for an offensive. Huang-Min-Tang held
out for over a month, fighting continuously all
the time, but the enemy were ten times his numbers
and we did not succeed in retaining Hokow.
Finally the detachments of Huang-Min-Tang,
numbering 600 men, withdrew to Annam, which
was our eighth defeat.
In consequence of the insistence of the Pekin
Government, our comrades were expelled from
the French possessions and went to Singapore,
but were stopped there by the British officials,
who would not allow them to land. Then the
French Consul in Singapore entered into negotia-
tions with the Governor-General, stating that
these were 600 Chinese revolutionaries, who had
retreated after their defeat on to French territory,
and in consequence of their own wishes had been
sent to Singapore. The Governor-General of
Singapore replied that he did not recognise
Chinese who fought against their own Government
as belligerents,and that he considered them to
be not political criminals but pure rebels, and
therefore they would not be allowed to land.
However, after two days' delay in the port, the
French succeeded in carrying their point, and our
comrades were permitted to land. During the
revolutionary fighting at Hokow the French
Government had observed neutrality, but in
211
—

effect it had even then recognised the revolution-
aries as a belligerent side, and therefore it could
not treat thecomrades sent to Singapore as
mutineers pure and simple.
After this last defeat, comrade Ching-Wei was
very depressed, and decided to leave for Pekin
to carry out terrorist acts after consulting with
:
me, he left for Pekin with a few comrades but ;
the attempt he made failed, and he was thrown

into prison together with Huang-Fu-Chen. They
were set free only after the Wuhan rising.
Up to the creation of our " United League,"
there were very few people who helped the
revolutionary army in money, and those only from
amongst my personal friends. No one else dared
to help us. After the creation of our " United
League " we began to be helped from outside.
Of those who helped us most at that time, I can
mention Chang-Tsin-Tsiang, who sold his factory
in Paris and gave us a sum of 60 or 70 thousand
dollars. Further, amongst the number of the most
generous subscribers, I will mention Huang-Tsin-
Nan of Annam, who gave us all his savings,
amounting to several thousand dollars. I can
also mention several rich merchants of Annam
Li-Cho-Fong, Tseng-Hsi-Chow and Ma-Pei-Chen
who subscribed some tens of thousands of dollars.
After my repeated defeats, I could not live
freely either in Japan, Hong Kong, or Annam, or
generally in the districts bordering on China.
Thus work within the boundaries of my native
212
country was almost impossible for me. Therefore,
entrusting the leadership to comrades Huang-Kai-
Tsiang and Hu-Han-Min, I myself once more set
out on a journey round the world, with the special
purpose of collecting resources for the Chinese
Revolution.
Subsequently, comrades Huang-Tsiang and Hu-
Han-Min organised at Hong Kong a " Chief
Committee for Southern Affairs," and, together
with comrades Chao-Po-Tsiang, Ni- Yang-Chen,
Chu-Chi-Sin and Chen-Chiung-Min, raised a rebel-
lion of the newly-mobilised troops in the province
of Kwantung. This movement was well thought
out, and the banner of insurrection was raised
in 1910.
Comrade Ni-Yan-Tiang went to the camp of
the insurgents and assumed leadership of the
revolt. From Shaho they moved on the chief
city of the province, and had already reached
Han-Chi-Gan, but there met the Government
troops, and by an accidental explosion Ni-Yang-
Tiang was killed. Left without a leader, the
rebels dispersed in various directions. This was
our ninth defeat.
At this time I was leaving America for the East.
When I arrived in San Francisco I learned of the
revolt. immediately set sail for the Philippine
I
Islands and Japan with the object of returning to

China. But in Yokohama I was recognised by
spies and could not remain there, and left for the
South, where I decided to meet Huang-Kai-
213
Tsiang and Hu-Han-Min to confer on the plan
of our further activities. Amongst the comrades
at this time there was great depression. After
our defeat and the destruction of our strongest
committee, we had lost advantageous positions.
Most of our fighters were forced to flee and
emigrate. We had not sufficient strength to
organise all anew. Therefore the comrades were
in an extremely pessimistic frame of mind, and
when we began to talk of our future plans, they all
sighed heavily and did not look one another in
the eyes. I took the floor, and began to tell them
that our defeats in the past were much heavier.
Our detachments at the present time might be
few, but the revolutionary wave was growing and
broadening day by day, and the spirit of the
Chinese was rising. " And if we now turn our atten-
tion to the plan I proposed and do not lose heart,
I promise to find the resources for future work."
They replied :
" If we have not the resources
necessary to satisfy our own needs as emigrants,

how can we find resources for the Revolution ? "
I replied again that I would find the resources.
Then comrade Bo declared that if we were really

to begin action again we must immediately send a
comrade with several thousand dollars to the
Province of Szechuan, to help the comrades there
and prevent their dispersal. Only then will it be
possible to think of setting up a new committee
and again reopening the struggle. " We must,"
said comrade Bo, " return to Hong Kong for a
214
full discussion, and immediately send five
also
thousand dollars to Szechuan. But if we intend
further action, we require several tens of thousands
of dollars."
I then summoned the Chinese emigrants who
sympathised with us for a conference, the result
of which was that they collected eight thousand
dollars for us, and in addition decided to delegate
comrades to collect the sum we required in the
various regions and provinces. In the space of
a few days we collected sixty or seventy thousand
dollars.
We worked out a plan of action. I went to
the Dutch possession, but was not admitted, and
was also refused a passage through the British
possessions so that I had nothing else left but
;
once again to leave for Europe or America. I
went to America, where I travelled from corner

to corner, agitating amongst the Chinese emigrants
and urging them to help us and to subscribe
money for the cause of the Revolution. On this
occasion therewere very many sympathisers
amongst the emigrants in America.
At this time took place the Kwantung rising.
All the most heroic revolutionaries took part, and
although we once again suffered defeat, the glorious
deeds of the seventy-two heroes resounded through-
out the world. This was our tenth defeat.
Even before the rising, comrades Chen- Yin-Shin,
Sun-Tun-Chu, Tan-Shi-Bin, Tsui-Tsiao-Shen and
others, seeing that in the province of Kwantung
215
we were suffering one defeat after another decided
to transfer the centre of their attention to Hankow,
Wuchang and Hanyang, i.e. to work amongst
the garrisons there, consisting as they did of
newly-mobilised soldiers. After some agitation
had gone on amongst them, their state of mind
was so revolutionary that the Governor-General
of the Hupeh and Kwantung provinces ordered
the most revolutionary units to be transferred to
the province of Szechuan. However, after the
last Kwantung rising, the number of supporters
of the Revolution began to increase daily. The
Imperial authorities of the Tsing dynasty were in
a state of panic terror, fearing most of all a blow
from Wuchang, and therefore the Governor-
General of the above-mentioned provinces, Jui-
Chen, made an agreement with the Consul of a
" certain " state that, when the revolutionaries
rise in revolt, he must land his troops and bombard
the city.
The atmosphere in Wuchang was electrical.
Comrades Sun-Wu, Liu, and others decided to
act and raise a rebellion of the troops. However,
quite unexpectedly, our committee was discovered,
and thirty people were imprisoned but Hi- Yin- ;
Shan, while in the prison at Wuchang, succeeded

in notifying Chen- Yin-Shin and giving him warning,
so that he should not too fall into the trap. At
this time, there fell into the hands of the Imperial
authorities a list of our artillerymen and other
soldiers who were taking part in the work of the
216
Revolution. With the object of saving these
comrades from inevitable destruction, it was
necessary to act immediately with great urgency.
Therefore, Sun-Bi-Chen first went into action,
followed by Tsao-Tsi-Min and others. At the
head of their detachments they attacked the
Governor-General's office and began bombarding it.
Governor Jui-Chen, hearing the noise of the
cannonade, immediately fled to Hankow, and
appealed to the Consul of a " certain " country
to bombard the But according to the
city.
Treaty of 1900, no country had the right of
independent action in China, and therefore a
meeting of the Consular body was summoned to
discuss the question of whether the city should be
bombarded to restore order. turned out that
It
the Consuls had no definite opinion. They were
then addressed by my old acquaintance, the
French Consul, who informed the meeting that
this rising had taken place on my instructions,
and declared that the revolutionaries of the Sun-
Yat-Sen Party were by no means making a sense-
less mutiny, but were fighting for the reconstruction
of political authority. Therefore, they cannot be
classed with the Boxers, and they should not be
interfered with. The senior member of the
Consular body at that time was the Russian, and
he took up the same position as the French
Consul. The other Consuls joined with them, and
passed a resolution of non-intervention and
maintenance of neutrality.
217
Seeing that the Consul was not acting according
to the Agreement,and that he could not be relied
upon, Jui-Chen fled to Shanghai. But as soon
as the Governor-General fled, Chang-Hu followed
him. In this way the Imperial authorities
eliminated themselves.
Amongst the revolutionaries, during this time,
Sun-Wu was wounded, while the Shanghai com-
rades had not arrived. Tsa-Tsi-Min, Chang-Chen
and other members of the " United League " then
forced Colonel Li- Yuan-Hung to assume the
Governor-Generalship of the Hupeh province,
and only then was order gradually restored.
The first revolutionary outbreak thus took
place in the provinces of Hunan and Hupeh, but
unity of action was not established between them.
Our success at Wuchang was due in great measure
to the flight of Jui-Chen, since, if he had not fled,
Chang-Hu would not have fled also, and then the
troops subordinated to him undoubtedly would
not have mutinied. The majority of the mobilised
soldiers at Wuchang were on the side of the
Revolution but most of them were transferred
:
earlier to the province of Szechuan. Of the

troops who remained in Wuchang there were only
the artillerymen and the engineering troops, but
they would have sold their lives dearly if their
officers had not fled. And so, " Heaven itself
helped China."
The object of our Revolution, of course, was not
limited to the capture of Wuchang alone. The
218
comrades began to display activity throughout
the country. Very rapidly we seized fifteen
provinces. Earliest of all Shanghai went over to
us, immediately after the fall of Hankow. Chen-
Yin-Shin was acting there, and immediately after
Shanghai he seized Nanking. Thus the seizure
of Wuchang, Hankow and Hanyang gave us
the keys to the whole of Central China, while
Chen- Yin-Shin at Shanghai was also growing in
strength.
While the was taking place at Wuchang,
rising
I arrived in Columbia. Ten days before my
arrival there, I received a telegram from Huan-
Kai-Tsiang from Hong Kong, but as the cipher
was in my baggage, I could not read the telegram,
and only deciphered it when I arrived in one of
the towns of the State of Columbia. The telegram
stated that Tsui-Chen had arrived at Hong Kong
and reported that money was necessary to assist
the rising of the recently mobilised soldiers. Being
in Columbia, I had not any money, of course, and
could not procure it, and intended to send a
telegram postponing the rising. But night fell,
and, being tired by my journey, I postponed it
till the morning, in order to think over the question
again with a clear head. I woke up the next
morning at no'clock and, being hungry, went

out to a restaurant. On my way I bought a
newspaper and, arriving at the restaurant, un-
folded it ;
immediately my eyes were met by a
telegram about the capture of Wuchang by the
219
revolutionary troops. thereupon sent a detailed
I
telegram to Huan-Kai-Tsiang, in which I explained

the reason for my silence.
In twenty days I could come to Shanghai and
take a personal part in the revolutionary struggle,
but for us our diplomatic front was more important
even than the military front for the moment.
Therefore, I decided to concentrate my efforts on
diplomatic affairs, and only after settling this
business to return home.
The state of affairs at that time was as follows.
America had proclaimed in respect of China the
principle of the open door and the maintenance
of its sovereignty, but in relation to the Revolution
America had no definite opinion. However,
American public opinion took our side. So far
as the French Government and French people were
concerned, our Revolution met with sympathy.
In England public opinion expressed its sympathy
with the Revolution, but the Government was
opposed to it. Germany and Russia, at that time,
were obviously in favour of support for the Tai-
Tsing dynasty, and furthermore, the relations
between our revolutionaries and their peoples
were insignificant, and consequently we had no
possibility of influencing their policy. Therefore,
there remained only Japan, which was very close
to us, and whose best sons not only expressed
their sympathy with us, but had sacrificed their
lives in the cause of the Revolution. The policy
of the Japanese Government was, however, not
220
quite clear in this question, and judging from
previous experience one could suppose that it
put up a negative attitude to our Revolution.
Thus, on one occasion it expelled me from the
country, and on another did not allow me to
land in Japan.
Beginning with 1900, the Powers had not the
right to act independently in China. There were
six Powers who at that time took a very intimate
part in the affairs of China. Of these, France and
America took the side of the Revolution, Germany
and Russia were opposed to the Revolution.
England had not yet defined her policy, though her
people also expressed its sympathy with the
Revolution, and, while the Japanese Government
was against the Revolution, the Japanese people
sympathised with it.
Thus, the international situation was a question
of life or death for the Chinese Revolution. The
most important of all for us, at the moment, was
the attitude of England, for we considered that
if England took our side Japan would not delay in
following her example. Therefore, I decided to

leave for England.
When going through St. Louis, I read a news-
paper statement to the effect that a revolution had
broken out at Wuchang on the orders of Sun-Yat-
Sen, and that in the proposed Republic Sun-Yat-
Sen would be the President. After this I had to
hide from the Press correspondents, as it turned
out that rumour was in advance of fact.
221
Accompanied by comrade Chu-Cho-Wen, I
continued my long journey to England. On arrival

in New York, I received information that the
comrades were making an attack on Canton, and
I sent a telegram to Governor Chang-Ni-Isi pro-
posing that he should surrender the city, in order

to avoid bloodshed, and ordered the comrades to
grant him his life, which was later on carried out.
On my arrival in England, I entered through
my English friend into negotiations with the
Banking Consortium of the Four Powers, with a
view to stopping all loans for the Imperial Manchu
House. The position was that the Consortium
had already granted one loan of a hundred
millions on the security of the Chuan-Hang
Railway, and then a further loan of a hundred
millions. On one of these loans the money had
already been partly paid, but on the other, although
the signature was appended, the bonds had not yet
been issued. My intention was to secure the stop-
page of payment on the loan which had been carried
through, and to prevent the issue of bonds for the
other loan. I knew that the settlement of this de-
pended on the Foreign Secretary, and therefore I
instructed the Director of the Wei-Hai-Wei Arsenal
to enter into negotiations with the British Govern-
ment on three questions, on the settlement of which
I insisted. The first was the annulment of all loans
to the Tai-Tsing dynasty. The second was to
prevent Japan from helping the dynasty, and the
third was to withdraw all orders prohibiting me
222
from entering British territory, so that I could
return to China more conveniently.
Having received a favourable settlement of
these questions from the British Government, I
then turned to the Banking Consortium to secure
a loan for the revolutionary Government. I
received the following reply from the manager of

the Consortium " Since the Government has
:
stopped the loans for the dynasty, our Consortium

will grant these loans only to a firmly established
and officially recognised Government. The Con-
sortium proposes for the present to send a
representative with you on your return, and when
the official recognition of your Government takes
place, it will be possible to open negotiations."
This was all I could do during my stay in England.
I then returned home through France, and
during my passage through Paris met representa-
tives of theFrench Opposition parties. I received
expressions of sympathy from all, particularly
from Premier Clemenceau. Thirty days after
my departure from France I arrived at Shanghai.
The Peace Conference of South and North was
taking place at this time, but the Constitution
of the future Republic was not yet determined.
Even before my arrival at Shanghai, all the
foreign and Chinese newspapers were spreading
widely the story that I was returning home with
a large sum of money to help the Revolution.
When I arrived at Shanghai, both my
comrades
and the reporters of the Foreign and Chinese
223
newspapers expected this, but I replied that I
had not brought with me a farthing but had
:
brought with me a revolutionary spirit, and that,

until the aim of the Revolution had been achieved,
there could be no question of peace conferences.
Soon after this the deputies from all the
provinces of China, assembled in the city of
Nanking, elected me Provisional President of
China. In 1912 I assumed office, and ordered
the proclamation of the Chinese Republic, the
alteration of the lunar calendar, and the declara-
tion of that year as the First Year of the Chinese
Republic.
Thus thirty years passed as one day, and only
after their completion did I achieve my principal
aim, the aim of my life —the creation of the
Chinese Republic.
224
APPENDIX I
" san-min-chu " (the three principles) 1
Comrades,
To-day, at the opening of our Executive session,
the question involuntarily arises before me : what does
our organisation represent ? This in brief is its history,
and the which guide it.
principles
Our Party was formed after the overthrow of the
Tsing (Manchu) dynasty and the establishment of a
republican form of Government. It has to play a
tremendous part in the future of our country. From the

time this Party was dissolved, China has been constantly
in a state of disorder. It is, of course, natural that the
reason for the disturbances and sufferings of the Chinese
people was the dissolution of our Party. For many
years we have fought, and are still fighting, against the
traitors to the people who five to this day in the northern
provinces of China, where the influence of our Party is
very small nevertheless, sooner or later the northerners
:
will join us. In the south of China, in the sphere of

influence of the Party, there is only the single province
of Kwantung.
Our Party is revolutionary. In the second year after
the establishment of the republican order, many of its
members went abroad, where they worked energeticaUy
for the development of the revolutionary movement in
1
A speech by Sun-Yat-Sen, delivered on March 6th, 192 1, at a
meeting of the Executive Committee of the Kuomintang at Canton.
P 225
China. Hence the name of the Party. While it was
working in Tokyo, the Party was known as the " National
League " the difference of names, of course, does not
:
alter the character and essence of the aims it pursues.

Our Republic is already ten years old, but we still cannot
look upon it as a fully perfected type, or consider that
our aim has been achieved. Our work is not yet
completed : we must continue the struggle.
Our Party is radically different from all the other
parties of China. Thus, there was a party which strove
for the overthrow of the Tsing dynasty and the establish-
ment of another dynasty, Ming. Of course, the principles
of this party were opposed to ours. When in the last
years of the Tsing dynasty, we were forced to establish
ourselves in Tokyo, we determined the foUowing as the
fundamental principles of our Party : nationalism,
democracy and Socialism.
At that power in China was still in the hands of
time,
the Manchus, and the Revolution had only arrived at its
first stage, nationalism, passing over the other two
principles. " The Fivefold Constitution " has great
importance for our country in the sense of establishing

a firm and just form of government ;
but, before the
overthrow of the Tsing dynasty, many thought that the
overthrow of that dynasty was the ultimate aim of our
Party, and that thereafter China would proceed along
the road of universal development and success. But has
that proved to be the case ? It is now clear that the
reason for all that has happened is that our comrades
despised —in the name of nationalism —the other two
principles ofdemocracy and Sociahsm. This once again
proves that our work did not conclude with the over-
throw of the Tsing dynasty. We must firmly know and
226
" SAN-MIN-CHU Si
remember that, so long as all three principles have not

been carried into real life one of them had been
(even if
completely realised), there can be no stable conditions

of existence.
Furthermore, in fact, our nationalism has not yet been
completely realised. The principles of President Lincoln
completely coincide with mine. He said : "A govern-
ment of the people, elected by the people and for the
people." These principles have served as the maximum
of achievement for Europeans as well as Americans.
Words which have the same sense can be found in China :
I have translated them :

" nationalism, democracy and
Socialism." Of course, there can be other interpretations.
The wealth and power of the United States are a striking
example of the results of great men's teachings in that
country. I am glad to observe that my principles, too,
are shared by the greatest political minds abroad and are
not in contradiction to all the world's democratic schools
of thought.
I now wish to speak of nationalism.
(i) Nationalism
What meaning do we impart to the word " national-
ism " ? With the establishment of the Manchu dynasty
in China, the peopleremained under an incredible yoke
for over two hundred years. Now that dynasty has
been overthrown, and the people, it would seem, ought
to enjoy complete But does the Chinese
freedom.
people enjoy all the blessings of liberty ? No. Then what
is the reason ? Why, that our Party has as yet far from
fulfilled its appointed tasks, and has carried out only
the negative part of its work, without doing anything

of its positive work.
227
Since the end of the great European War, the world
position has sharply changed : the eyes of the whole
world are now turned to the Far East, particularly to
China. amongst all the nations of
Strictly speaking,
the Far East only Siam and Japan are completely
independent. China, vast territorially and exceeding
dozens of times in population the independent countries,
is yet in effect only semi-independent. What is the
reason ?
After the overthrow of the monarchy and the

establishment of the republican system in the territory
populated by the five nationalities (Chinese, Manchus,
Mongols, Tartars and Tibetans), a vast number of
reactionary and religious elements appeared. And here
lies the root of the evil. Numerically, these nationalities
stand as follows : there are several million Tibetans,
less than a million Mongols, about ten million Tartars,
and the most insignificant number of Manchus. Politically
their distribution is as follows : Manchuria is in the sphere
of Japanese influence, Mongolia, according to recent
reports, is under the influence of Russia, and Tibet is
the booty of Great Britain. These races have not

sufficient strength for self-defence, but they might unite
with the Chinese to form a single State.
There are 400 million Chinese : if they cannot organise
a single nation, a united State, this is their disgrace, and
moreover a proof that we have not given complete effect
even to the first principle, and that we must fight for a

long while yet to carry out our tasks to the full. We
shall establish an united Chinese Republic in order that
all the peoples —Manchus, Mongols, Tibetans, Tartars
—
and Chinese should constitute a single powerful nation.
As an example of what I have described, I can refer to
228
—
" SAN-MIN-CHU
the people of the United States of America, constituting
one great and terrible whole, but in reality consisting of
many Germans, Dutch, English,
separate nationalities :
French, etc. The United States are an example of a

united nation. Such a nationalism is possible, and we
must pursue it.
The name " Republic of Five Nationalities " exists
only because there exists a certain racial distinction
which distorts the meaning of a single Republic. We
must facilitate the dying out of all names of individual
peoples inhabiting China, i.e. Manchus, Tibetans, etc.
In this respect we must follow the example of the United
States of America, i.e. satisfy the demands and require-
ments of all races and unite them in a single cultural and
political whole, to constitute a single nation with such a
name, for example, as " Chunhua " (China —in the widest
application of the name). Organise the nation, the State.
Or take another case of a nation of mingled races
Switzerland. It is situated in the heart of Europe : on
one side it borders on France, on another on Germany,
on a third, Italy. Not all the parts of this State have a
common tongue, yet they constitute one nation. And
only the wise cultural and political life of Switzerland
makes its people of many races united and strong. All
this is the consequence of the citizens of this Republic
enjoying equal and direct electoral rights. Regarding
this country from the aspect of international policy, we
see that it was the first to establish equal and direct
electoral rights for all the population. This is an example
of " nationalism."
But let us imagine that the work of uniting all the
tribes who inhabit China has been completed, and one
nation, " Chunhua," has been formed. Still the object
229
has not been achieved. There are still many peoples
suffering from unjust treatment the Chinese people
:
must assume the mission of setting free these people

from their yoke, in the sense of direct aid for them or
uniting them under the banner of a single Chinese nation.
This would give them the opportunity to enjoy the
feeling of equality of man and man, and of a just inter-
national attitude, i.e. that which was expressed in
the declaration of the American President Wilson by the
words " self-determination of nations." Up to the
moment of reaching this political stage, our work cannot
be considered as finished. Everyone who wishes to join
China must be considered Chinese. This is the meaning
of nationalism —
but " positive " nationalism, and to this
we must give special attention.
(2) Democracy
I have already said that in Switzerland democracy has
reached its highest point of development : but at the
same time the system of representation prevailing there
does not constitute real democracy, and only the direct
right of the citizen fully answers to the requirements of
democracy. Although revolutions took place at various
times in France, America and England, and resulted in
the establishment of the existing representative system,
nevertheless that system does not mean direct and equal
rights for all citizens, such as we are fighting for to-day.
The most essential of such rights are : the franchise for
all citizens : the right of recall (the officials elected by
the people can be dismissed by them at will the right ) :
of referendum (if the legislative body passes a law contrary

to the wishes of the citizens, the latter may reject the law) :
the right of initiative (the citizens may propose draft

230
" "
SAN-MIN-CHU
laws, to be carried and adopted by the legislative
body).
These four fundamental clauses constitute the basis
of what I call " direct electoral rights."
(3) Socialism
The theory of Socialism has become known in China
comparatively recently. Its chief advocates usually
limit their knowledge of this tendency to a few empty
words, without having any definite programme. By
long study I have formed a concrete view of this question.
The essence of Socialism amounts to solving the problem
of land and capital.
Above I have set forth the general main idea of the
" three principles." The efforts of the whole world,
including the Chinese people, are directed to this aim,
and I say that our Party must immediately set about
carrying these principles into effect.
Summing up the above, I want also to make a few

additional observations.
(1) Nationalism. — Since the overthrow of the Tsing
dynasty, we have carried out only one part of our
obligations we have fulfilled only our passive duty, but
:
have done nothing in the realm of positive work. We

must raise the prestige of the Chinese people, and unite
all the races inhabiting China to form one Chinese people
in eastern Asia, a Chinese National State.
(2) Democracy. —To bring about this ideal we must

first of all adopt all the four points of direct electoral
rights : universal suffrage, the referendum, the initiative
and the right of recall.
(3) Socialism — Here I have my plan.

The first task of my plan is to bring about the
proportional distribution of the land. During my stay
231
at Nanking (as Provisional President), I tried to carry
out this proposal, but my desire was not fulfilled, as I
was not understood. Social questions arise from the
inequality between rich and poor. What do we under-
stand by inequality ? In ancient times, although there
was a distinction between rich and poor, it was not so
sharp as to-day. To-day the rich own all the land, while
the poor have not even a little plot. The reason for this
inequality is the difference in productive power. For
example, in ancient times timber-cutters used axes,
knives, etc., for their work, whereas to-day industry is
greatly developed, machines have replaced human labour,

and the result is that a much greater quantity of products
is secured at the expense of much less human energy.
Take another example, from the sphere of agriculture.
In ancient times only human labour was employed in
this sphere ; but with the introduction of ploughing with
horses and oxen, the process of tilling became more
speedy and greatly reduced human effort. In Europe
and America electrical energy is now used to
till the soil,
which affords the opportunity of ploughing in the best

possible way more than a thousand acres a day, thus
eliminating the use of horses and oxen. This has created
a truly amazing difference, expressed by the ratio of a
thousand to one. If we take the means of communication,
however, we see that the introduction of steamships and
railways has made communications more than a thousand
times more rapid in comparison with human energy.
Those who discuss the question of the brotherhood of
peoples in America and Europe have in view only two
—
problems labour and capital but European conditions
;
are very different from our own. The thing is that in

Europe and America all their misfortunes arise from an
232
" "
SAN-MIN-CHU
extremely unfair distribution of products, whereas in
China there is general poverty, since there are no large
capitalists. But this, of course, should not serve as a
reason for not advocating Socialism : would be a
this
great mistake. If we see mistakes in Europe and America,
we are bound to correct them : disproportion in the
distribution of products, both in America and in Europe,
are a bad example for us. Therefore I agitate for
Socialism —the socialisation of land and capital.
First we shall speak of the socialisation of land. The
land systems of Europe and America are very different.
In England up to this day the feudal system of land-
holding has survived, whereas in the United States all
the land is private property. But my social theory

advocates the proportionalisation of the land, as a means
of providing against future evils. We can see the latter
beginning even at the present day. Take what is going
on under our very eyes since the reorganisation of the
Canton municipality communications have improved,
:
and in consequence the price of land along the embank-

ment and in other most thickly populated districts has
begun to increase daily, some estates selling for tens of
thousands of dollars per rau. And all this belongs to
private persons, living by the labour of others.
The old Chinese land system partially conforms to the
principle of proportionalisation of land. In the event of
two following conditions
this principle being applied, the
must be observed taxation according to the value of
:
the land, and compensation according to declared value.

In China up to this day the so-called three-grade system
of collection of land taxes has been preserved, but,
owing to the weak development of transport and industry,
land values were not so high in the past as they are
233
to-day. Well-developed means of communication and
developing industry have owing to the maintenance
led,
of the old system, to an extremely unequal rise in the
value of the land. There are, for example, lands worth
2000 dollars per mu, while there are also lands worth
20,000 dollars per mu, while between these two extremes
of values there are a large number
most varying
of the
values. But if taxes continue to be collected on the old
system, both the tax collectors and taxpayers will be put >
in such a position that dishonest collectors and landowners

can make easy profits thereby.
Therefore if we want to abolish this evil and introduce
the graduation of taxes, we must adopt the following
method : to collect one per cent, of the value of the
land. For example, if a given piece of land is worth
2000 owner pays 20 dollars. The collection
dollars, its
of further taxes will depend on an increase in the value

of the land. The process of State purchase of the land
must begin with the establishment of its definite value.
In England, at one time, special offices for collection of
land tax and purchase of land were set up, which fixed
definite assessments : these methods are not suitable for
introduction in China. In my opinion, it is much more
profitableand certain to leave it to the landowner himself
to determine and fix the value and the tax, and to inform
accordingly the Government department in charge of
these matters.
The question arises : will not the landowner com-
municate a smaller value for his land, and thus pay a
smaller tax ? But if we adopt the system of compensation
for lands according to their value, all illegal activities
must disappear of themselves. For example, there is a
piece of land of one mu, worth 1000 dollars, for which the
1
2 34
;
" SAN-MIN-CHU '
owner must pay 10 dollars yearly in to the tax office. He

may declare that the value of his land is only 100 dollars,
and thus pay only one dollar but the application of the
;
principle whereby the Government can compulsorily

purchase his land at its declared value obliges the owner
to declare its real value, as otherwise he runs the risk of
being left without his land. If these two methods are
applied, the proportionalisation of land will achieve itself
we can leave other processes on one side for the time being.
Thus have discussed the land question. There still
I
remains the issue of how to settle the problem of capital.

Last year I published a book entitled The International :
Development of China. In this book I discussed the

question of utilising foreign capital for the purpose of
developing Chinese industry and commerce. Look at
the Pekin-Hankow and Pekin-Mukden railways, and
also at the Tientsin-Pukow line, built by foreign capital
and yielding enormous profits. At the present time the
total length of the Chinese railways 5000-6000 miles,
is
and their profits amount to 70-80 millions more even —

than the land tax. But if the total length is increased
to 50 or 60 thousand miles, the profits will also increase
considerably. My opinion about the application of
foreign capital to our industry is the following : all
branches of our industry, for example mining, which

represent, with any management worth its salt, profitable
undertakings, are awaiting foreign capital.
When I speak of a loan in this connection, I mean
the procuring of various machines and other necessary
appliances for our industry. For example, after the
construction of the Pekin-Hankow railway, the profits
of which were enormous, the foreigners would have given
us the chance to acquire it, with its future profit-making
235
These were so great that we could have
possibilities.
completed the Pekin-Kalgan line, which now reaches

Sunyang. In brief, we can easily incur debt to foreign
capital, but the question is —how shall we utilise it,
productively or otherwise ?
There are also other questions of which I must speak.

The British and American diplomats are undoubtedly a
skilful race, but still the spectre of social revolution is
extremely menacing in these countries. Why ? Because

the principles of Socialism have not been fully realised
there.
We must admit that the degree of sacrifice required

for the social revolution will be higher than for the
The Revolution of 1911 and the overthrow
political. of
the Manchus only partiaUy realised the principle of
nationalism, while neither the theory of democracy nor
the theory of Socialism left any impression. But we
must strive our utmost not only to secure the triumph
of our first Party principle, but, in accordance with
modern world ideas, to develop if possible the principles
of democracy, which are also old principles of our Party.
Although both England and America are politically
developed, political authority there still remains in the
hands, not of the people as a whole, but of a political
party.
I remember that, on my return to Kwantung, a well-
known Hong Kong paper stated the meaning of our
return to be that Kwantung was governed, not by the
people of the province, but by a " Party." There was a
certain point in this declaration. was At all events, I
pleased to hear a confirmation that it was governed by
a " Party," as the same was true of England and America.
If we succeed in achieving our Party ends, this will
236
"
" SAN-MIN-CHU
undoubtedly be a great achievement for the people of
Kwantung. We must energetically set about organising,

explaining our principles, spreading them far and wide.
If we want to awaken others, we must first of all wake
up ourselves.
Now there is a committee of the Kuomintang at Canton,
where propaganda will be concentrated. In this respect
there will be no limitations. We shall soon find that the
province of Kwantung will not only be the soil on which
our principles will grow into reality, but will be the
birthplace of the idea of democracy and its practical
realisation. From here these principles and their realisa-
tion will spread all over China. The people of the Yangtse
and Yellow River valleys will follow our example. The
haste of our action is explained by the fact that the
people which has been actually living in the Republic
set up by itself over ten years ago is quite ignorant of
what the word means the explanation of the significance
:
of the Republic must be our task.

During the great European War, President Wilson
put forward the watchword " self-determination of
:
peoples." This corresponds to our Party principle of

" nationalism." After the Peace Conference at Versailles,
a number of small but independent republics were
formed, living without any common tie. This must
clearly show you the principal tendency in the modern
life of nations. Now the time is approaching to carry
into effect our great principles of nationalism, democracy
and Socialism. Only by the transformation of all three
principles into reality can our people live and develop
freely. But the explanation and application of these
principles depends very largely on the display of your
forces and the degree of energy shown in your propaganda.
237
We now have a favourable occasion for the propaganda
of our ideas : the whole Kwantung Province, with its
population of 30 millions, is in our hands. We must

immediately tackle the work of explaining in detail to
all citizens the essential principles of our Party
programme.
238
APPENDIX II
" THE FIVEFOLD CONSTITUTION "

A Speech by Sun- Yat-Sen)
Comrades,
The subject of this speech will be the " Fivefold
Constitution," which is the fruit exclusively of my work
and hitherto has been unknown. You know that the
whole world strives for the establishment of a constitu-
tional system this term must be known to many
;
representatives of the Chinese people, which for the last

ten or twenty years has been living an intense political
life. But what is a constitution ? A constitutional
order is a system in which all political authority is divided
into severalcomponent parts, independent of one another
in their work. The constitutions of other countries are
divided only into three component parts, but not into
five. The constitution of five component parts is the
fruit of my labours alone. From the moment of its
appearance, very few have understood its purpose. I
shall try to explain it.
Ten years ago I spoke on this subject, and apparently

my audience were very inattentive. In all other countries
there exists the so-called threefold constitution, and
therefore it them to hear of a new
was very strange for
form, and they decided that it was purely the result of
my fantasy. But I based the idea of my work on a very
sohd foundation. I studied the history of revolutions
for over thirty years. After an unsuccessful revolt in
239
Kwantung, I went abroad, and seriously began the study
of theproblem of why great political movements in various
countries were unsuccessful. My object was to create
the foundation for the future system of government of
China.
I succeeded in studying all these questions seriously and
in detail. After the successful conclusion of the revolt
of the United States of America, the colonists who had
secured complete independence of Great Britain laid at
the foundation of their system of government a threefold
constitution, the clauses and articles of which are dis-
tinguished by their exactness and clearness. This
constitution is called in the political world a " written
Constitution." Many countries followed the example of
the U.S.A., and laid this constitution at the foundation
of the laws of their country. I studied the American
constitution, which from the moment of its appearance
was recognised as a model, not only by the American
people itself, but also by the British statesmen, who saw
in it something superior to all other forms of constitution
in other countries. I was very careful and painstaking
about the study of this constitution, in order to secure
a reply to the question : was it perfect or not ? The
result of my work was the conviction that it suffers
from many defects. Moreover, the opinion of some
European and American scholars about the American
Constitution coincides with mine in many respects.
To-day very many feel the imperfectness of the American
Constitution. This is because aU that was good and
correct ahundred or two hundred years ago is by no means
suitable to-day. From this angle, and also thanks to
my intensive study of the question, I decided that these
imperfections must be eliminated. The American students
240
"THE FIVEFOLD CONSTITUTION"
of political science are of the same opinion. Undoubtedly,
the perfection of a constitution is not an easy matter.
How is it to be done ? We have at our disposal neither
materials nor the necessary books.
I remember that a certain American professor wrote
a book, entitled, Liberty, in which he develops the idea
that the threefold constitution does not correspond to
the spirit and therefore he advises the
of the times,
introduction of a fourth component part, the " power of
punishment " of members of Parliament, which must be
absolutely independent in its actions. He thinks that if
Parliament possesses this power, cunning members of

Parliament will abuse it and will always place the
Government in a very difficult position. But his opinion
also is not quite correct. In America there are a fair
number of people who feel the imperfection of their

Constitution, and seek a method of improving it. But
the method indicated is also imperfect. Why ? Because
in the United States all public servants are elected by
the people, but, in view of the existence of many
difficulties in popular elections, and other grave defects,
the method of limiting elections of officials is applied :
the vote belongs only to people possessing certain

privileges. Such a privilege is the possession of a certain
amount which gives its owner the right to
of property,
vote. Undoubtedly such a form of restriction in elections
at the present day is in contradiction to the spirit of
equality, and gives rise to the vast growth of corruption.
Moreover, in such a system we do not know who should
be elected. Undoubtedly, those who are elected should
possess certain qualities, but the right to vote should be
extended to all citizens of the Republic. Such a system
is called " Universal Suffrage." In all countries we
Q 241
observe to-day a struggle going on for this object. This
is a very good method, but who should be elected ?
It is not such a simple thing as to say that, once you

have property, you can vote and be elected. I think
that every worker in the public service, and every worker
of the legislative institutions, ought to have certain
knowledge and aptness for his work. But if he has neither
knowledge nor aptitude, but only property, this is in
contradiction to the requirements of the age. Let us sup-
pose that we have fifty men who possess the necessary
knowledge and qualifications. We must select those
whom we need. But who can tell us that they are the
most suitable for the work ? Previously, there existed
in China the method of examination for the Civil Sendee.
But the old Chinese method was useless during the
time of the dynasty, because the Emperor in those days
was only concerned with finding the people he required
to rule the country. However, this method is extremely
useful and necessary for the Republic, as the whole
people is unable to assemble to manage the affairs of the
country. The examination section, therefore, is the fifth
component part of which I have spoken. AU this was the
result of my protracted and concentrated labours I am ;
certain that practice will show the complete suitability

of this system.
The " United League," while it was still in Tokyo,

accepted the scheme of the " Three Principles " and the
" Fivefold Constitution " as its programme. We decided
at that time that, after the successful completion of the
revolutionary insurrection, the constitution must be
applied in practice. We did not imagine that, after the
overthrow of the Manchu dynasty, anyone would take
advantage of the difficult circumstances. Everyone
242
THE FIVEFOLD CONSTITUTION"
thought that the very fact of the overthrow of the
Manchu dynasty would be a proof that all would be organ-
ised as the people desired. The result is the existence
of the so-called " Republican System " in China, which
has not only not applied the principles for which the best
sons of China struggled, but on the whole has even made
matters worse. The reason for thismust be clear to you,
even without my explanations. We must immediately
bend all our efforts to applying the " Fivefold Constitution"
which will lay the foundation for a strong and healthy
form of government. We must have a good Constitution
and then we shall be able to build up a real Republic.
From the time that the " Fivefold Constitution " made
its first appearance, no one has studied its essence suffi-
ciently to understand it properly and agree with it. I
remember that, about twenty years ago, there was a

Chinese student who had passed through the Chinese
Faculty of Law. He wished to supplement his knowledge
in this sphereand study his subject more deeply, and for
this purpose went to a famous American University. I
met him in New York and asked what subjects he was

studying in particular. He replied that he had taken the
question of Constitutions as a special subject for study.
I then told him of my scheme of a " Fivefold Constitution"
and discussed it with him for about two weeks. In the
end he declared that the " Fivefold Constitution " was
much better than any other. I begged him to study this
question seriously in the University. Later on he
completed his studies, and received the degree of Doctor ;
thus his knowledge must have been very extensive Having .
passed out of the University, he travelled in England,

France and Germany to study constitutions in practice,
after the first successful revolution he returned to China
243
He then declared that he had not met with such a
constitution in other countries, and therefore considered
that the possibility of our applying it in practice was
extremely small. When I heard this declaration, I knew
it was mistaken. Yet all our comrades at that time
thought that the opinion expressed by this doctor was
right ;
" there is no such constitution in any other
country, and therefore it must be bad and does not

deserve attention."
When I was at Nanking, my professor in jurisprudence
was a Japanese Doctor of Laws ; I discussed very many
questions with him. After the failure of the second
revolution, I went to Japan and again met him. He
asked me what I called the " Fivefold Constitution."
I explained it to him in detail, and after we had lived
together for about three months he at last grasped it.

Thus both doctors, in the long run, declared that this
constitutional theory has nothing in common with the
constitutions of other countries, and therefore the
question must remain open. Seeing such a cautious
was nevertheless convinced that in the course
attitude, I
of time,whether it be after several hundreds or even
thousands of years, this Constitution will be adopted.
We strive to make China a powerful and glorious
country, but how can we bring this about ? I think that
the path must not be very difficult. This path is the
application of the " Fivefold Constitution."
Over twenty
years have now passed day when I spoke on
since the
this theme, on the anniversary of the " Min-Pao " in
Tokyo yet still the number of supporters of this
;
Constitution is extremely small. We must welcome every

desire to become acquainted with this question. But if
we attempt to draw the picture of this Constitution in
244
all its details, two weeks will be insufficient, for the theme
is too great. Let us consider, at any rate, why we require
this Constitution. If we desire to understand this, we
must first make a review of political history for the space
of several thousand years past. In political history
there exists two tendencies ; one, " Liberty," the other,
" Order." In political history, just as in physics, there
are two forces, centrifugal and centripetal. The tendency
of the centrifugal force is extension without, the tendency
of the centripetal around the centre. If the
is collection
centrifugal force is stronger than any object, the latter
will break up into dust but if the centripetal force is
;
the stronger, the object will only become slightly smaller

and more compressed. It is necessary that these two
"
forces should be equal. The same applies to " Liberty
and " Order." If the boundaries of " Liberty " are
widely extended, there is a possibility that anarchy will
arise ; but if " Order " takes first place, there will be the
sway of absolutism. Pohtical changes for the last few
thousand years are the result of the conflict of these
two forces.
The history of China began with the dynasties of

Tan and Yu this period is called the " Golden Age."
:
The history of China is the history of the movement

from liberty to absolutism, while the history of Europ.
is the history of the movement from absolutism to libert) .
Our people enjoyed liberty too long, and began to grow

tired of it, and finally destroyed it. Then selfish emperors
and kings took advantage of the opportunity to assume
the toga of absolutism the autocracy of the Tsing and
:
Tang dynasties began. The political history of other

countries goes from absolutism to liberty : in earlier
times people suffered great misery, and therefore in those
245
countries the saying arose :
" Either liberty or death."
Thus we can see the terrible meaning of absolutism at
that time.
The history of Chinese political life goes from liberty
to absolutism. The Chinese people in ancient times
independently cultivated their and dug weUs for
fruit
their water, and were completely free. This is what the
philosopher, Lao-tze said "A country must be governed
:
without interference." This is the popular conception

of liberty. At that time the people enjoyed complete
but did not know its value. This tradition has
liberty,
been maintained up to the present day. The apathy of
the Chinese to liberty is a source of constant wonder to
the Europeans. The character of European history is
quite the reverse. From the moment of the fall of the

Roman Empire, Europe was divided into a number of
countries, the nations of which were in the position of
slaves. During the last few centuries wars for liberty
have gone on.
Whenever I have spoken about revolution, I have never
confused this with the idea of winning liberty : the Chinese
people thinks only of a complete political change, but does
not connect this at all with the idea of liberty. The
Chinese Emperors only demanded that the people should
pay taxes and keep the peace. Hence it is clear why
Europe criticises the Chinese people for a complete failure
to understand the term " liberty." The Europeans do
not enjoy complete liberty, and therefore fight to win it.
But the Chinese have enjoyed unlimited liberty, and
therefore do not know the meaning of the word.
These two tendencies of political history, absolutism,
and liberty, are the distinguishing features separating
China from Europe. But in political history there are
246
"THE FIVEFOLD CONSTITUTION "
also two classes of people : those who govern and those
who are governed. Here is what one philosopher said
on this subject " There are men occupied with gym-
:
nastics of the mind, there are men occupied with

gymnastics of the body. The first will rule, the second
will Those who will rule must have knowledge,
be ruled."
while those who will be ruled must not have knowledge.
The people of ancient times were like children, thinking
only of who should direct them. But now the people
have grown up and understand that this distinction
between rulers and ruled must be abolished. In Europe,
the monarchical system and its Emperors were overthrown
only during recent centuries, and the people enjoy
comparative liberty. My " Fivefold Constitution " strives
to destroy this distinction, thereby serving as the true
and path to the realisation of the principles of
real
democracy.
Now let us speak of the place of origin of constitutionsj
A was first created in England. From the
constitution
time of the Great Enghsh Revolution, the power of the
monarch gradually declined, and finally became a pure
political tradition, like the " division of the three powers."
But in reality the English do not know that these " three
powers " were divided they possess a natural feeling
:
of love for liberty, and act as seems best to them.

Three hundred years ago there was a famous French
scholar, Montesquieu, who published a book caUed The
Spirit of Laws, which set out the theory of the division
of the three powers, and pointed out that the legislative,
executive and judicial powers should be completely
independent one of the other. But thanks to the great
development of her political parties, England changed her
forms of government only gradually, and now her
247
:

government is not one of free, independent and separate
powers, but a single authority. The modern political
system in England is that of the complete dictatorship
of Parliament, the complete authority of a single party
which governs the country. The system of government
of the United States of America, on the other hand, is
based on the theory of the division of three powers
•
- formulated by Montesquieu, and is expressed in the
exact forms of a written constitution. Yet Montesquieu
himself based his theory of the division of three powers
on the political traditions of England. Later, the reforms
in Japan and the revolutions in other Countries took as
the basis of their constitution the Constitution of the
United States. The English Constitution is not formulated
in documents, whereas the American constitution is
expressed in a formal way in documents. Therefore, the
English Constitution is still caUed " elastic," while the
American is " strict "

and " exact."
England is governed by individual persons, while the
U.S.A. are governed by laws, although England is the
country where there first appeared a constitution, though
not drawn up in exact words. Our old Chinese system
of government is a system of three powers, just like the
English.
The Old Chinese System of Government. The Constitutions of other Countries.
Power of Power of Power of Judicial Administrative Legislative

Punishment, the Emperor. Examination. Power. Power. Power.
Judicial.
—
T~r''
:
Administrative.
—
:
Legislative. Power of Power of

Examination. Punishment.
According to the above diagram, the Chinese system

of government includes the power of examination, the
248
>

power of punishment and the power of the Emperor,
which includes legislative, judicial and administrative
departments. The system of examinations is very
valuable. It used to be distinguished for its accuracy,
absence of bribes and freedom from personal influence :
but later this strictness gradually began to be relaxed. As

for the power of punishment, there were special officials
in control of it. In the event of the Emperor's actions

being wrong, he too was subjected to punishment by this
power, which insisted on punishment, even though this
were death. Thus this system deserves approval.
There an American professor, Burgess, who has
is
written a book entitled Liberty and Government, in

which he says that the power of punishment in China is
the best example of a compromise between liberty and
government. The Chinese people have spoken little of
liberty the extreme of liberty is anarchism. The reason
:
for the constant discussion of anarchism in Europe is

its comparative newness there. The first known anarchist
was the French thinker and philosopher, Proudhon, and

then the Russian, Bakunin the representative of
:
anarchism at the present day was the Russian philosopher,

Kropotkin, who died recently. Many have engaged in
concentrated study of this tendency in political thought,
simply because it was still quite new. It is laughable
when people speak of Chinese students who study this
theory and advocate it, trying not to fall behind the
fashion, without speaking of whether they understand it
or not. In essence, the theory of anarchism was known
in China several thousand years ago, when many were
greatly interested in it. Is not the theory of Hung and
Lao anarchism ? I repeat that people have talked of
anarchism in China for several thousand years : and it
249
is only because the Chinese youth do not understand this
that they fail to realise that such propaganda is quite
unnecessary at the present time.
have already said that both political tendencies,
I
liberty and absolutism, must come to a compromise in

order that neither should go to an extreme, like the
centrifugal and centripetal forces. To speak only of the
centrifugal or the centripetal force is undoubtedly wrong.
We must speak of both. Any opinion of one side alone
will never be successful. The equality of both forces and
the combination of both tendencies constitute the
promise of a great future for mankind. The work of the
Constitution is like the work of a machine : I emphasise
that the Government is a machine. I may then be told
that such an illustration is But you know
rather strange.
that there are machines for working up different raw
materials the same applies to the mechanism of human
:
affairs. Law is the mechanism of human affairs. The

—
Constitution is a great machine the machine of compro-
mise between liberty and government.
At the beginning of our Revolution I put forward the
idea of the " three principles " i.e. nationalism, democracy
and Socialism. These are the same words as were uttered
by the President of the United States, Lincoln " Govern- :
ment of the people, by the people, and for the people."

Men must govern themselves, and then they will be
completely satisfied. If they cannot govern themselves,
they cannot be satisfied. If we desire to overthrow the
system of government of those who have developed
their minds over those who have been developed only
physically, we must bear in mind that the human will
can deal even with the heavens. There are in the

world horses which can travel hundreds of miles a day,
250
birds which can rise almost to the skies, fish which can
swim at the very bottom of the sea which man cannot —
naturally do. But if we wish to travel hundreds of miles
in a day, or to fly in the air as high as a bird, or to swim
in the sea, can we do this ? We can, if we have machines.
If we take an automobile, we can traverse a distance of
more than a thousand miles in a day. By using an
aeroplane, we can reach the loftiest heights. With the
help of submarines, we can descend to the bottom
of the sea. This is what the human will and ideas
can do. Formerly there were Greeks who were capable
of marching hundreds of miles in a day they of :
course were born with such a natural endurance and

capacity for marching which is very rare. But now we
have machines, with the help of which we can very
easily obtain that which in former times demanded
vast energy.
Let us go on to the question of democracy, which for
the people is a machine wherewith to fly, run, swim and
do all else that it pleases. But what kind of machine is
it ? This machine is a constitution.
The Constitution o f Five Grades {or Authorities).
|
Legislative. |
Judicial. |
Executive. [
Punishment. |
Examining, j
This five-grade or Fivefold Constitution is our auto-

mobile, our submarine and our aeroplane. It is divided
into the following authorities : legislative, judicial,
administrative or executive, punishment and examining
for civil servants — all completely independent of one
another. It deprives the Emperor of his power and takes
legislative,judicial and administrative authority away
from him, making them quite independent. At the head
of the administration stands the President at the head ;
251
of the legislative machine is Parliament ; at the head of
the judiciary is a judge.
Every worker employment must first of all
in State
pass certain examinations. I remember that, when I
arrived in Canton, many people asked me to give them

posts in the Civil Service. The Government needed
competent and experienced workers. But I knew none.
Perhaps there were experienced old workers amongst these
persons, but without a certain test of their knowledge
I could do nothing. In such a case this authority is very
useful. Many skilled people have been unknown to a
large section of society because they were never subjected
to examination. And sometimes it happens that ignorant
and almost illiterate people achieve high posts, and
thereby only awaken and develop sullen hostility in the
hearts of the people. Thus we see that the examining
power is a very essential and important link in the
State machinery. Without this link it is as though we
were without a conductor. Only with this system can
we have experienced civil servants.
This system was adopted in practice by England a
fairly long time ago, and by America about twenty or
thirty years ago. All this was borrowed from China.
The Chinese system of examinations is the best in the
world, and all countries now use it.
Above I mentioned that the legislative authority is
headed by Parliament, the executive by the President, the
judicial by a judge the examining and punishing
;
authorities are also controlled by appropriate persons.

When I was at Nanking, I requested the Senate to adopt
the Fivefold Constitution. But they did not understand
it, as it cut completely across their personal points of
view. The Fivefold Constitution, the fruit of my own
252
labours, is you wish to travel hundreds
a vast machine. If
of miles in a day, you take an automobile or an aeroplane ;
if you wish to manage a country, you must use a machine
which you can control.

The Stale Machine.
I
People's Conference. Every district has one

|
delegate.
Government.
I ,
Punishing Judicial Executive Legislative Examinatory

authority. authority. authority. authority. authority.
1
r
Minister of Minister Minister Minister of Minister of
Justice. of Finance. for Interior. Foreign Affairs. Education.
Provincial authority.
I
District authority. Direct right of citizens.

»
,
,
Initiative. Right of Recall. Referendum. Direct electoral rights.
This is the machinery for governing the country. Beside

the Fivefold Constitution, a very important part is the
direct right of in local government.
citizens Direct
right is the true " rights of man." It has four forms :
electoral, the right of and the

recall, the initiative
referendum. If the Fivefold Constitution can be compared
to a vast machine, the direct right of citizens is the key
to the machine. If citizens have the right of election,
they should also have the right of dismissing the officials
whom they elect. If citizens know of the existence of
useful laws, some reason cannot pass the
which for
they should be able as a community to adopt
legislature,
them. Such a right is called the right of referendum.
In our Provisional Constitution there is no definite
paragraph about the rights of citizens referred to above.
In the Constitution adopted at Nanking there is only
one paragraph :
" The Chinese Republic belongs only to
253
the Chinese people as a whole." This was my proposal.
The was not concerted with my opinion, and I cannot
rest
be held responsible for it. The day before yesterday I
spoke to you about the general principles of our Provisional
Provincial Assembly ; I trust that the members of that
Assembly will demand of the Canton Parliament that

it adopt the Fivefold Constitution as the foundation of
the Government of China.
*
Form 47
951
In
price ot
respons
R
T7

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What is the book about?

What is the book about?

What is the Fivefold Constitution and what are its components?

What is the Fivefold Constitution and what are its components?

1

Class 351 BookSllIB

WITH A FRONTISPIECE PORTRAIT OF THE AUTHOR

DAVID McKAY COMPANY,

Printed in Great Britain at

thirty-one years I have toiled hard for

has been consecrated to the Chinese people,

the misfortunes of my life availed to turn me aside

promptings to carry out the Chinese Revolution,

result has been quite the opposite, and the Chinese

merit,and your plan is profound and all-embracing.

much confused, because I myself, like other

indubitable that our ancient scholars taught us

doctrine of Wang- Yuan-Ming, which preaches

for several years, andcame to the convic-

opposite is the case. I was happy because I had

many things, and not at all because they cannot

which may serve, on the one hand, for the subject

this blow, my iron will almost killed. It was

why the national programme of reconstruction of

Mind is the beginning of everything that

that which should and must be carried out

Is it because you do not wish to fulfil it ? Or is

again coming to the surface as a new current in

my plan, on my programme for the reconstruction

with the help of my theory, and leading the

IV. Problems of the Revolutionary Reorgan-

VII. A Plan for the Development of Chinese

generation of China. (How the Kuomintang

THE MISTAKE OF THE CHINESE SAGES

(a) First Proof. Labour and Money

LET us take the circulation of money,

hard to make both ends meet, and will be in very

industry more developed, and the utilisation of

know what money is and what is its functional

and copper. At the present time the most savage

is suitable and has value ;

(5) constant price ; (6) easy divisibility ; (7) if it

modity suitable for " established value " may be

every year brought home large sums earned as

THE MISTAKE OF THE CHINESE SAGES

by thirst, you must get water from the stream.

gold or labour ? In this way the reason for

what drives us to occupy ourselves with trade ?

for commodity, while trade is the exchange of

a craftsman and a merchant. The agriculturist

surplus for exchange for what they required.

man who makes clothes and asks him to exchange.

to exchange a sheep for his clothes. But the

the soil, craftsmen, sheep-farmers, weavers, etc.

created, this lightens the difficulties of barter.

MEMOIRS OF A CHINESE REVOLUTIONARY

and pay for all he received also in ten lots. This

This can be easily understood even by one ignorant

be said that this facilitates trade, reduces the