Concept of Aesthetic in Traditional Art

The Concept of "Aesthetic" in the Traditional Arts
Author(s): Michael Owen Jones

Source: Western Folklore, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Apr., 1971), pp. 77-104
Published by: Western States Folklore Society
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The Conceptof"Aesthetic"
Arts
in theTraditional
MICHAEL OWEN JONES
THE RATHERNEGLECTEDPROBLEMof whether or not there is a "folk

aesthetic"is ofspecialsignificancein thestudyof traditionaland con-
ventionalexpressiveart forms,because relevantdata amassedin the
courseof the investigation will add to the understanding of artcross-
culturallyas well as withina particularcreativetradition a specific
in
society,and because,if thereis a "folk"aesthetic(eitheran aesthetic
responseto traditionalart forms,or an aestheticresponsewhichis it-
selftraditionaland conventionalized), thenone musttake it into ac-
countin an analysisoffactorsdetermining style.If it is discoveredthat
the commonconceptof the aestheticas found in the Westernelite
traditiondoes not obtain in partor in whole amongindividualsof a
particulargrouprespondingto formsof"folkloric"artisticexpression,
thenthe revelationis important.It suggeststhatthiselite conceptof
theaestheticmaybe faultyor at leastnotapplicablecross-culturally, or
thatcertainkindsof individualsin particularkindsof groupsdo not
regardart in the same way thatthe Westernelite artsare allegedly
treatedby the elitists,or thattraditionaland conventionalmodesof
expressionarisingamongmembersofanygrouphavingsharedvalues
and identities,thatis, variousformsof folklore,are simplynot con-
ceivedofand evaluatedin quite thesamewayas are theartscreatedin
an elitetraditionregardlessofwhotheindividualis or whatthenature
of thegroupis to whichhe belongs.
If theWesternelite conceptof theaestheticis generallyapplicable
to evaluationsof traditionaland conventionalexpressiveart forms,
however,theproblemthenbecomesone of ascertainingthe degreeof
correspondence and of determining thenatureof and reasonsforthe
Accordingto myinterpretation
differences.' ofthedata,themostcom-
1. Some of thesepoints are expressedby Alan P. Merriam,in The Anthropologyof Music

(Chicago, 1964),259-61; othersare not.
[77]
78 WESTERN FOLKLORE
mon conceptof thefactorsin theaestheticexperiencein theWestern

elite traditionis neithersound in itselfforapplicationto eliteartnor
Secondly,certainindividualsdo not view
is it viable cross-culturally.
artin thesamemannerthatthetrainedaestheticianin theelite tradi-
tion claims forhimself;in fact,the "folk" artsare not usuallycon-
ceived of by anyone(if theyare recognizedat all) in quite the same
way as are art formsin the elite tradition.Furthermore, thereare
verbalizedresponsesto theartswhetherelite or "folk"thatare them-
selvesexamplesof traditionaland conventionalized modesof expres-
And thereis a wayofrespondingto thearts
sion (thatis, "folklore").2
thatis commonto mostifnotall individuals,but thereactionis usual-
ly not consideredby elitiststo be an "aesthetic"response.
Discussionof an aestheticin respectto folkart,however,is com-
plicatedby severalfactors.There is reallyno such social entityas a
"folk"or the"folk"--exceptas a cognitivecategoryinvolvinga value
judgmentbymembersofa culturalavant-garde who conceiveofother
individualsin theirown or anothersocietyas backwardor lesssophis-
ticatedbecausethelattertendto employa greatmanyrestricted codes
of communicationand modes of behavior rather than elaborated
ones.3However,thereare manykindsofresponsesand evaluationsin
a myriadofgroupsthroughout theworldin regardto traditionaland
conventionalizedexpressiveformsof behaviorthatare, by contrast,
fairlyconstantcross-culturally; but even withinthis diversityof re-
sponsesto ratherconstantforms,therestillappears to be a common
mannerofreactingto and evaluatingart,namely,bymeansofassocia-
tiononce theobjecthas been givenspecialattention.
Related to thisfirstproblemis thefactthattworecentmajorworks
on the"folkaesthetic,"one byMerriamand theotherby Thompson,4
whichreachentirelyoppositeconclusionsfromsimilardata, are con-
cernedwiththevalue judgmentsof artmade in so-called"primitive"
societies,ratherthanwiththe traditionaland conventionalmodesof
2. See the examples in Alan Dundes' article,"Metafolkloreand Oral LiteraryCriticism,"

The Monist 50 (1966): 505-16. As Dundes observed,"There are a limited number of folk-
loristiccommentarieson folklore"(509), as in "proverbsabout proverbs,jokes about joke
cycles,folksongsabout folksongcyclesand the like."
3. For the concept of restrictedversus elaborated linguisticcodes, which might serve as
one basis for conceptualizing about the nature and provenience of folklore,see Basil
Bernstein,"Elaborated and Restricted Codes: Their Social Origins and Some Conse-
quences," American Anthropologist66, pt. 2 (1964): 55-69.
4. Merriam,259-76; and Robert FerrisThompson, "Estheticsin Traditional Africa,"Art
News 66 (1968): 44-45, 63-66.
THE CONCEPT OF "AESTHETIC" 79
expressionin any kind of societyor any typeof smallgroup.Thus, a

treatment of "metafolklore and oral literarycriticism"of,say,Amer-
ican school childrenin regardto theirtraditionalexpressiveforms
like rhymesor jokes,combinedwithan investigation of "estheticsof
traditionalAfrica"in respectto masks,mightat firstseem incom-
patible; nevertheless,in each case mentioned,mostof the expressive
formsof behaviorare traditionaland conventionalized;thatis, they
are simplyformsof folklore,thusprovidinga commondenominator
and a basis of similarityfacilitatinginvestigation. In principle,then,
it shouldbe possibleto conductresearchon theconceptofa tradition-
ally expressedaesthetic,or an aestheticresponseto traditionalart
forms,regardlessof whetherthe data consistof reactionsto African
masks,collegesongs,Asmatwood-carvings, Kentuckychairs,children's
rhymes,pueblo pottery,anthropologists' jokes, New England grave-
stoneimages,or aestheticians' riddles.
Anotherdifficulty hinderinganalysisof the conceptof aestheticis
the problemofwhetheror not art formsare conceivedof as "art" by
membersof the group among whom the "art" was produced.If the
objectsare not viewedas worksof art,can and do individualsnever-
thelessrespondto theobjectsaesthetically? The questionis not mere-
for
ly hypothetical, many of the local consumers in communitiesin
Appalachia in whichchairsor pots are made do not conceiveof the
productsas worksof art,or the producersas "artists,"and in eval-
uationstheytendto emphasizestructural soundnessand fitness foruse
in
ratherthanvisualappeal.5Seldom, fact, do individuals in anygroup
conceiveofeveryday objects and utilitarian products as works ofart,or
perceive them in as
any way except they serve the practicalends for
whichtheywerecreated.6Since folklore forms generally,and the tra-
ditionaland conventionalmodes of artisticexpressionin particular,
servepracticalends of communicationand problemsolvingin every-
5. See Michael Owen Jones,"Chairmakingin Appalachia: A Study of Styleand Creative

Imagination in AmericanFolk Art" (Ph.D. diss.,Indiana University,1969),235 70. All of
the ideas in the presentarticle were initiallydeveloped in my dissertation;the data were
obtained during the summersof 1965, 1966,and 1967,when I conducted fieldresearchof
traditional utilitarian art production in Appalachia, but I am also drawing partlyupon
my experiences in Newfoundland, Canada, in 1968 and 1969. Biographical data about
Chester, Byron,and other chairmakersmentioned in the present article is given in the
dissertation,433-532, 538-93, and some of the responsesto utilitarian art objects can be
found in the descriptionsof plates, 684-856.
6. George Mills, "Art: An introductionto Qualitative Anthropology,"Journal of Aesthet-
ics and Art Criticism16 (1957): 2, 5.
80 WESTERN FOLKLORE
day situations,it is unlikelythattheyoftenattractattentionamong

individualswhoemploythemor are singledout forspecialcontempla-
tion and speculation.
Althoughit is not so significant in respectto materialart forms,a
problemin manyotherexpressiveformsis whataspectof theeventis
respondedto in whatwayand bywhom.In the performance of tradi-
tional story,song,music,mime,dance, drama,oratory,poetry,pup-
petry,and so on, is it the contentof the eventthatis evaluated,or is
it themannerofpresentation, or is it both?At anygivenmomentwith
regardto a particularart formfora specificindividual,is it the mes-
sageor themediumthatis especiallyimportantin generatinga certain
kind of responseand formof evaluation?
One of themostdifficult tasksin an investigation of folkaesthetics
is how to ascertainwhatan individual'sresponseto an object is when
presentevidencesuggeststhat he does not usually verbalizehis re-
actions;Merriamhas evencontendedthatwithouta verbalizedphilos-
ophytherecan be no aesthetic,althoughresponsesto folkartoftenare
not verbalizedand thereis usuallyno codifiedsystemof evaluation.7
In thepast,investigators seemto have inferredtheexistenceof a folk
aestheticnot fromtalkingto the individualsor fromobservingnon-
verbalresponsesto objects,but fromexaminingthenatureof the ob-
jectsalone. Thus, RaymondFirth,afterstudyingthe formalqualities
of the objects producedby Maori woodcarvers,concluded that it is
"super-refinement of the workwhichis the outcomeof aestheticim-
pulses.This leads to thecreationofvaluesofa frankly non-utilitarian
type."8Boas, in likemanner,arrivedat theexistenceofaestheticprin-
ciples,a posteriori,froman examinationof the artisticprinciplesex-
hibitedby AmericanIndian artifacts:"we cannotreduce thisworld-
wide tendency[torefineform]to anyothercause thanto a feelingfor
form,to an aestheticimpulsethatpromptsman to emphasizetheform
of the object thathe has made."9 The aestheticprinciplesthathave
been inferredin thismannerare pleasurein form;such criteriaof
formas symmetry, balance, rhythm,and harmonybetweenmasses,
surfaces,and lines; and the criteriaof finishand use includingthe
7. Merriam,269. See also the discussion of an absence of verbalized aesthetic responses

and philosophy of the aesthetic,and the reasons, in Jones,255-60.
8. Raymond Firth,PrimitiveEconomics of the New Zealand Maori (New York, 1929), 171.
9. Franz Boas, PrimitiveArt (New York, 1955), 58.
decorativeeffectof the object resultingin partfromevennessof sur-

faceand regularity of form.'0
The failureof thisinferentialmethodology, however,is that,even
if theseprinciplesobtain,and theyprobablydo, we stilldo not know
who withina group takesthe objectsaesthetically how much of the
time, nor do we know the depth of the responseof those individuals.
Boas did offerthe unsubstantiated generalizationthatamong the In-
dians "theenjoymentofbeautyis quite thesameas amongourselves:
intenseamonga few,slightamongthemass,"11a conclusionthatHer-
skovitsechoedthreedecadeslaterin respectto otherfolkgroups,again
withoutoffering supportingevidence.12 Apparently, onlyrecentlyhas
extensiveattentionbeen paid to theverbaland nonverbalresponsesof
the people themselvesto the art producedwithintheirgroup,as, for
example,the worksby Merriam,Thompson,and Dundes, although
the conclusionsare not whollyacceptableowing to inadequacies in
fieldworktechniquesor limitationsin methodology.
Perhapsan ideal investigationof the problemof a folkaesthetic
would be of monographicproportionsbeginningwitha criticalsur-
veyofmajorconceptsin theWesternelite tradition,an evaluationof
theirusefulnessforelite art,and the generationof a more suitable
conceptfortheelitetradition,followedby a testingofthatconceptin
respectto folkart,a modification oftheconcept,and an explicationof
in
responses many diverse groupsto multipleformsof folkart. The
presentessay,however, is far less extensiveand less conclusivethan
whatis needed,and it is intendedonlyto be suggestive of thekindsof
problems involved in future research of a folkaesthetic. At one and
I
the same time, shall try to consider the usefulness of some of the
allegedfactorsin theWesternelite conceptof theaestheticin evalua-
tionsofbothelite and "folk"art,examinebrieflythestudiesby Mer-
riamand Thompsonto indicatesomepossiblemethodologicallimita-
tionsofeach thatmightaccountfortheantithetical conclusionsofthe
10. Ibid., passim.
11. Ibid., 356.
12. Melville J. Herskovits,"Art and Value in Primitive Art," in Hans Himmelheber,
Robert Redfield,and Melville J. Herskovits,eds., Technique and Personalityin Primitive
Art (New York, 1963), 47. For additional techniques of eliciting responses to art, see
Michael Owen Jones,"The Study of Traditional Furniture; Review and Preview," Key-
stone Folklore Quarterly 12 (1967); 233-45, and the commentsby Roger D. Abrahams,
"Creativity,Individuality,and the Traditional Singer," in John A. Burrison,ed., "Cre-
ativityin Southern Folklore," Studies in the LiteraryImagination 3 (1970): 7, 12-13.
82 WESTERN FOLKLORE
two studies,and surveysome of the responsesof rural whitesin the

United Statesto theirown conventionalizedmodesof artisticexpres-
sion, especiallyutilitarianart forms.By the end of this review,it
shouldbe apparentthattheimportantfactormuchofthetimein most
individuals'responsesto theartsis thatofassociation,a qualitythatis
supposedto be absentfromtheaestheticexperienceaccordingto many
aestheticians,thussuggestingthatthe conceptof the aestheticmight
be too limitedforinvestigations ofart; perhapsa moreviable concept
would be thatof "taste,"whichsubsumesbothsensibility and associa-
tion in accountingforan individual'sreactionto a workof art.
Most definitionsof the aestheticexclude reactionsto utilitarian
thingsor eventsin everydaylife,since theseresponsesare not gener-
atedbyintellectually "elevating"things.One ofthemore
or spiritually
viable definitionsof the "aestheticattitude"or of "an aestheticex-
perience,"however,even thoughit has not been acceptedby all art
historians,is Thomas C. Munro'ssuggestionthat
an aestheticexperienceis one containing to
littleor no activeeffort
solvepracticalor theoretical problems-onein whichthe ordinary
processesof schemingand planning,weighingevidence,adapting
meansto endsand testing hypotheses is suspended. In thistypeofex-
perience,attentionis directed(a) towardthe directlyperceptible
aspectsofan outerstimulus, suchas thecolorsand shapesin a picture,
themelodiesand rhythms in a pieceofmusic;or (b) towardsuggested
imagesandmeanings, as in a realistic
pictureora setofprintedwords;
or (c) towardbothat once,or alternately. There is a comparatively
undistracted to apperceiveintenselyand thoroughly,
effort and to
savortheemotionalqualitiesarousedbytheimagesand meanings.13
Key ideas in understanding thenatureof the aestheticattitude,then,

to
according Munro,are thatattentionis directedto an object as a
perceptualformor as a formsuggestedto one's imagination,whichis
whatotherresearchers have tendedto call "psychicdistance";and that
emotionalinvolvementfixesapperceptiontemporarily withgreatin-
tensity,whichincludesfusionwiththe object and is the oppositeof
establishing psychicdistance,and whichalso includesassociationsgen-
eratedby theworkof art thathelp to maintainone's desireto "savor
the emotionalqualities aroused by the imagesand meanings."
Given thesetwobasic factorsin the "aestheticexperience"-apper-
13. Thomas C. Munro, The Arts and Their Interrelations(Cleveland, 1967), 98. See also
D. W. Gotschalk,Art and the Social Order (New York, 1962), 3 ff.
ceptionof formand emotionalinvolvementthroughsuggestedmean-

ingsand associations--itis possiblefortheresearcherto discoverthat
manypeople duringwork,relaxation,or reflection directtheiratten-
tion at least momentarily towardthe object as somethingto be per-
ceivedand something whichalso represents or suggestsdifferentmean-
ings to the individual, as the expression in the Midwest that "them
hillsain't hard to look at"4 servesto imply.The actual verbalization
of such responses,however,may appear to some investigators to be
naive or clich6dowingto the informant's disinterestin worksof art,
to hislack oftrainingin theverbalexpressionofthingsthatmovehim
emotionallyand intellectually, or to embarrassment at expressingan
interestin emotionalreactions.But thesequalities exhibitedby ver-
balized responses,whichoftenin such cases are traditionaland con-
ventionalizedexpressions, cannotgainsaythefactthatpeoplemaytake
objects in their environment and eventsin everydayaffairsas per-
ceptual objectsstimulatingan appreciationof theirformsand an in-
terestin theirmeanings.For example,accordingto JamesWest,in the
rural Midwestthe "people admirea well-kepthouse,freshly painted,
neat indoors,and well-maintained without,"the women "sometimes
takean aestheticpleasurein thelabelingand arrangement ofglassjars
of canned fruit,"and the "men who farmadmirea straightfurrow
betterthan anythingelse in the world."'5 Certainlyin the Great
Plainsfarmers admirerowsand furrows "straightas a fencepost,"and
most of them are for
self-critical making rows "crookedas a dog'shind
leg." One Plainvilleresident'sanalysisof the standardsof local taste,
whichincludesthe objectsthatare singledout forspecialcontempla-
tion as well as the associationsthatdevelop froman apperceptionof
theobjects,was setforthclearlyin dichotomousterms:"You'll notice
thateverybody herelikessomethingpure-bloodand somethingscrub.
People that like pure-bredhounds like scrubstock,but people that
like pure-bredstocklike scrubdogs."'6 The thingsthatrural people
findaesthetically pleasing,then,are verymuchrelatedto theiragricul-
turalexperiences.One Kansas farmer,talkingabout his adolescence
whenhe helped plow virginland, remarkedwithawe, nostalgia,and
pleasurethat"You'd go clear around the fieldsometimesan' thatsod
14. The quoted passage is fromJames West, "Plainville, U.S.A.," in Abram Kardiner,
The PsychologicalFrontiersof Society (New York, 1945), 307.
15. Ibid., 307.
16. Ibid.
84 WESTERN FOLKLORE
wouldn'teven break; it'd just turnoffand lay just in a stringclear

acrossthefield."And whenhe describedtheuse ofcornpickingequip-
menthe could not restrainhis excitementthaton "some clear,frosty
morningabout daylightyou could go out in theyard,and you could
hear ears throwedagainstthe bump boardsperhapsin threeor four
differentdirections: Thump, thump, thump. Really, it sounded
rathernice." Such examplessuggestthatthe aestheticshould not be
sharplydelineatedfromthe practicalor the usefulor fromeveryday
activities,despiteallegationsto the contraryby some aestheticians,
because theaestheticexperienceis not reallya separatepsychological
mechanismbut a means of combiningthe normal functionsof per-
ception,imagination,and contemplationin such a way thata par-
ticularobject is givenspecialattention."
Although,in the aestheticexperience,attentionis supposedto be
concentrated on the object,it should in principlebe directedtoward
an apprehensionof the intrinsicperceptualqualityand value of that
object of perceptionas the object's formalfeaturesare apperceived.
There are,however,severalparadoxicalelementsin theaestheticex-
perience.Arthistorianscontendthat,while theobjectis thecenterof
attention,one mustalso maintainsome detachmentfromthe object
and fromits contextof manufactureand use, so thatthe responseto
the objectwill be "disciplined"(concernedwiththe perceptualform
primarilyrather than with association),thus avoiding the "high-
brow's" anathema-sentimentality and naive involvementwith "ir-
relevant" details of contextor suggestedmeanings.Other similar
paradoxicalelementsare responsiveness and reservetowardtheobject
ofattention, eagersubmissionand sensitivediscrimination, and fusion
contrastedwith reflection.18 I have implied elsewherethat laymen,
whetherreacting to folk art formsor to the art in anothercreative
tradition,tend to be more committedto the object and associations
generatedby it thandetachedfromtheobject,moreresponsive(ifthe
subject or its treatmentsatisfiesthe individual'sstandardsof taste)
thanreserved,moreeagerto submitor to fusethanto discriminate or
reflect."9
Nevertheless, in a givensituationto determine
it is difficult
17. It was Munro, pp. 97, 98, and 102,who made the point about the aestheticnot being
Social
sharply delineated from the practical. But see also Raymond Firth, Elements of
Organization (London, 1951), 155-82; R. M. MacIver, Social Causation (New York, 1964),
275; and Munro, 106 ff.
18. Gotschalk, 17, 29, 159-63.
19. See Jones,"Chairmaking," 235-70.
the degree of involvementwith or aloofnessfromthe object, or to

ascertainwhetherthe responsehas been generatedby the perceptual
formof the object,or, more probablymostoften,by associationsen-
genderedby theobject.
I am remindedofa photographthatI tookofmywifewithour in-
fantson in her armswhich I showed to a friendof mine, who has
advanceddegreesin thestudyofEasternand Westernartand aesthet-
ics,and also to the wifeof a Kentuckychairmakerwho has a second
gradeeducation.The photographhad greatappeal to myfriendwho
immediatelylikened it in expressionand styleto Renaissancepaint-
ingsof "Madonna and Child," because of the angle fromwhichthe
picturewas taken,thebacklightingthatsoftenedthefeatures, and the
attitudeexpressedby themother;thechairmaker's wifeRuth wasalso
attractedto thephotographand said that"Hit's thepurtiestone in the
wholebunch"of photographs thatI showedherofus as well as ofher
own family:"Jane looks so peaceful."I findit nearlyimpossibleto
distinguishbetweenthesetwopeople's internalresponsesto the same
object, althoughthe nature of the verbalizedexpressionsdiffered.
Both percipientsapparentlyreactedto the same thingin much the
same way,or so it seemed-the expressionof love and repose-and
both were seeminglyinvolvedand yet reflective.My friend'scom-
ments,of course,were worded rathercarefullyto avoid suggesting
sentimentality and to stressthe formalqualities of the object that
generatedhis submissionto thepicture,whereasRuth was not so care-
fulin verbalresponsebut immediately expressedin a straightforward
mannerher own involvement in the photograph.Ruth's association,
however,was particularly acute,sincehermarriagehas been a stormy
one, most of her childrenare mentallyand physicallyretarded,she
is economicallydepressed, and she is not at all at peace withher chil-
dren,her husband,or herself.She could scarcelyavoid reactingon a
verypersonal,ratherthanabstract,level,owingto the circumstances
to the "highbrow's"concertedeffortto
as well as to her indifference
remainaloof fromactiveemotionalexpressionand her lack of con-
ditioningto an intellectualasceticismensuringa "disciplined"aes-
theticresponseremovedfromsentimentality.
In defenseofa "disciplined"aestheticresponse-thatis,a struggling
to evaluatean objecton itsown termsin respectto itsformalqualities
and howtheyrelateto one another-it is possiblethatsuchan attitude
is ultimatelynecessaryin a society,at least amongproducers,forthe
86 WESTERN FOLKLORE
creationof greatworksof art,or in an individualto achievethe end

of self-growth spirituallyand intellectually;but it is apparentthat
manypeople much of thetimesubscribeto one setof theparadoxical
elements-those involvingresponsiveness, submission,and fusion-
ratherthan the otherset. Researcherscriticalof elite tastemightar-
gue,however,thatthereis also value in responsesof a percipientwho
makesno pretenseofunderstanding whathe cannot,or oflikingwhat
he should not,or of approvingwhat he reallydoes not, or of main-
tainingan emotionaldetachmentthathe has not.At anyrate,theanti-
theticalresponsesdo obtain,and the latterreactionis probablymore
commonamonglaymeneverywhere, althoughnot necessarilyamong
artistsand a fewcritics.But fromverbalexpressionalone, it is quite
difficult to determinewho reallyrespondsin what way in a specific
situation,and fromobjectsalone it would be impossible.A well ar-
ticulatedresponseevincingthe proper qualities of a "disciplined"
aestheticmayreallyshielda superficial reaction;and a poorlyphrased
reaction,or one thatis expressed in traditional and conventionalized
ways,may hide an emotionalinvolvementof greatintensityand an
aestheticexperienceof profounddepth.
The conceptof the aestheticas expressedabove is the only such
conceptthatI have foundat all useful,but it is notgenerallyaccepted
nor does it make it possibleto accountforthemanyotherfactors, be-
to
sides sensibility form,conditioning one's reactionto art; only the
conceptof tastecan do that.But otherstudentsof the folkartshave
attemptedto treattheproblemoffolkaesthetic,so itmightbe ofvalue
to examinesomeof theunderlyingprinciplesinforming theseinvesti-
gationsthathave reachedquite different conclusions.One of thefore-
most proponentsof the existenceof a folk aestheticis Robert F.
Thompson,whohas pursuedthisproblemamongtheYoruba in West-
ernNigeria,although,ifhis articleon "Estheticsin TraditionalAfri-
ca" can be takenas indicativeof his work,thesoundnessof his meth-
odologyand conclusionsmustbe questioned.
It has been Thompson'scontentionthat "Africanestheticsis the
applicationofconsensualnotionsofqualityto particularproblemsof
form,"thatamongthese"ethnographicpeoples" thereare thousands
of "connoisseurs"and "critics"whose"sharpenedqualitativeexpecta-
tionsinformed"theartisticachievements ofthe society,and that"the
comments of some two hundred Yoruba (a majority of them non-
literate and devotees of the traditional gods), when compared, proved
to be foundedupon commondenominatorsof taste,in sum,the Yor-

uba esthetic."20Thompson set forthmore than a dozen principles,
manyof whichare so well articulatedand in such sophisticatedlan-
guage thatone is nearlypersuadedthatthe Yoruba mustindeed re-
ward intellectualspeculationof theirtraditionaland conventional
modes of expression,forsuch brilliantlystatedabstractionshave not
been reportedfromamongothergroupsof people. Thompson,how-
ever,seemsto have abstractedthe principleshimselffromthe often
vague remarksof his informants. Take, forexample, the following
passage as indicativeof the researcher's
approach:
Perhapsthe mostimportantof thesecategories[of aestheticcri-

teria]is jilora,broadlytranslated
as "mimesis the
at mid-point"-i.e.,
sitingof artat a pointsomewhere between absoluteabstractionand
absolutelikeness.The canonswiftly emergedin thevocabularyof a
numberofcriticswhoappliedto theirarguments, whenfigural sculp-
turewas underdiscussion, theidenticalexpression-ojo enia "it re-
semblessomebody." Theydid notsaythatcarvings resembledspecific
personalities.21
"They did not say that carvingsresembledspecificpersonalities,"

wroteThompson,but neitherdid thenativesreallysaythat"mimesis
at mid-point"was an aestheticor artisticprinciple;what theysaid,
apparently,was that a figuralcarving"resemblessomebody."That
whichthenativesreported,and theprinciplethat"swiftly emerged,"
are not quite thesame thing,althoughadmittedly related.Seemingly,
the investigator has inferreda principleand statedit in the abstract
himself;but it was not givento him thatway.One mightdo thesame
thingwithrural people in the United States,or withother"folklor-
isticpeoples,"and theirevaluations.It should be possibleto abstract
the principlesunderlyingsuchcommentsas "themhills ain't hard to
look at," "I don't like all themringsand nubs on thatchair,""that
pictureain't halfbad," "he can makea chairso prettyyoucan see your
faceshinin'in it,""it's a prettygood likeness,""his rowsare straight
as a rail," "that chair'sa littlebit sygoglinI calls it," "you couldn't
hardlykeep fromchokin'up tohearhimsingit,""a chairmade out of
walnutis prettybut itsawfuleasyburst,""I like a decent,plain-made
chair,"and so on; theseexpressionsmaysuggestto theresearchersuch
20. Thompson, 44.
21. Ibid., 45.
88 WESTERN FOLKLORE
standards offormal excellence as balanceandclarity offormandline,
serenity ofexpression, functional simplicity, perfection offinish, del-
and
icacy regularity of ornament, order, harmony, disdain for vulgar
display, aversiontoover-crowding, positioning, symmetry, movement
and tension, mimesisat mid-point, or manyothercriteriaof formal
appearance. There are, however, additional criteria ofchoicebesides
thoseofvisualappearance, suchas therequirements ofuse,butusually
onlythecriteriaofappearanceare conceivedofby arthistorians as
comprising an aesthetic. Furthermore, Thompson is alone in suggest-
ingthatsomanymembers ofa groupabstract aesthetic principles con-
cerning theirownforms offolkloric artisticexpression andthencodify
themin a system ofarticulated criteria.
It is possiblethattheresearcher wantedverymuchto findsucha
system ofcodified principles,22 and thisdesireaffected hisanalysisof
thedata recorded.The researcher interviewed "sometwohundred
Yoruba"and on thebasisof theirapparently disparateand vague
comments formulated a canonofartistic criticism thatmaynothave
really obtained in quite the form that it was presented to Western
readers. Such "consensual notionsofquality"maybe lessgeneralthan
implied,for"No Yorubarecitedtheentirety oftheseideas;criticism
werefragments ofa totaldesign."In addition,theresearcher seems
to havearrivedat theseseveralaesthetic criteriairrespective theof
socioeconomic and educational standing oftheinformants, personal-
ityfactors,or the informants' familiarity with and sensitivitytheart
to
tradition, his
although samplingapparently consisted of artistsand
nonartists, and themosttradition-oriented as wellas thosewhohad
beenWesternized to somedegree.Thus,to takethecomments ofall
informants disregarding these several factors that influence standards
of preference and excellenceas wellas aesthetic sensibility is to ab-
breviatetheproblemforanalysisand ultimately to misrepresent the
natureof criticisms of folkart.23Unfortunately, Thompson's con-
clusionscannotbe indiscriminately acceptedas proofofa system of
aesthetic principles in the evaluation of the folk arts of a particular
group,althoughtheinvestigation is certainly suggestive oftheprob-
lemsand possibilities ofaesthetic research.
thatone gainsfroma closeexaminationof thewords
22. At leastthisis theimpression
and phrasesusedbyThompson,suchas "connoisseurs," or "The real numberof African
criticsmaybe astounding.Had we tape-recordersenoughand time,we mightexplorea
worldculturalasset."
308 ff.
23. See Jones,"Chairmaking,"
Turningnextto themostextensiveconceptualanalysisof theques-

tionofa folkaestheticyetoffered, it shouldbe notedat theoutsetthat
Alan P. Merriammaywell be guiltyof two errorsof commissionin
attemptingto establishthe mostbasic Westernelite conceptof the
aesthetic:hisconclusionconcerningtheabsenceofan aestheticamong
the Basongyeor the FlatheadIndians is open to debate owingto cer-
tain limitationsin methodologyand fieldworktechniques,and the
conceptof the aestheticthatMerriamconstructedand employedin
his investigation is lesssatisfactory thantheone suggestedearlier.Ac-
to
cording Merriam, there are six major factorsin the Westerncon-
cept of the aesthetic,none of whichreallyapply to the groupswith
whomhe is familiar;therefore, thesepeople probablyhaveno aesthet-
ic, especiallysince no clearlydelineated aestheticprincipleswereever
articulatedby them: "We may pose the crucial question, then,of
whetheran aestheticexistsif it is not verbalized;the answerseems
clearlyto be thatit does not."24ApparentlyMerriamwas unable or
unwillingto utilizehis imaginationin abstracting principlesfromthe
vagaries of his informants' speech, Thompsonmanagedto do. Thus,
as
it seemsthatone researcherimpartedgreateraestheticsignificance to
verbalresponsesthantheydeserved,while the otherinvestigator was
reluctantto grantanyaestheticimportanceat all to similarresponses.
The six factorsthatMerriamset forth-all of whichdo indeed ap-
pear in the literatureof Westernelite aesthetictheory-are in their
orderof appearance: psychicdistanceand the analysisof the object
apart fromitscontext;"the manipulationof formforits own sake";
theattribution ofemotion-producing qualitiesto art; "theattribution
of beautyto the art productor process"; "the purposefulintentto
createsomethingaesthetic";and "the finalfactorin theconstellation
of traitsmakingup theWesternaestheticis the presenceof a philos-
ophyof an aesthetic."Of thesehalfdozen traits,however,thereader
will noticethattwoofthemare,in theformgiven,peculiarto artistic
activityand cannotreallyapply to aestheticresponses:the intentto
createsomethingaesthetic,and the manipulationof formforits own
sake. The laymenof any societywould normallynot manifestsuch
qualities in theirresponsesto things,fortheseare factorsin artistic
activityratherthanaestheticpassivity;Merriamhimselfnotedthatart
and theaestheticare notquite thesamephenomenon,thattheaesthet-
24. Merriam, 269. Merriam admitted that the Basongye and Flathead made "evaluative
judgments; but neither societyhas the Western aesthetic."
90 WESTERN FOLKLORE
ic is "an attituderatherthan the action involvedin creatingthe art

product."25Onlytheartistcan createsomethingwiththe intentof its
generatingan aestheticresponse,but the resultingproductmay be
respondedto aestheticallyby the percipent;and theartistalone is in
a positionto manipulateform,althoughin one senseformmightbe
manipulatedat a distanceby thestipulationof a consumerifthe pro-
duceris amenableto suchsuggestions.
Even thoughthisproblemis now morecomplicatedthanit initially
appeared to be, it mightbe instructiveof Merriam'smethodof an-
alysisto examinehis treatment of thesetwo factorsin regardsto the
traditionaland conventionalizedmodes of expressiontypicalof the
two groupshe investigated. To takethe aestheticintentfirst,accord-
ing to Merriam, theWestern elite artistbeginsproduction with"the
deliberateintentionof creatingan objector soundwhichwill be aes-
theticallyadmired by those who view or hear it."26 Merriam cites two
formsof evidence,however,thatallegedlydisprovethe existenceof
thistraitin the creationand evaluationof folkart. First,his inform-
ants,even theartists,tendedto saythattheypreferto listento music
and not to createit; Merriamalso admittedthat,owingto the values
of thegroup,thereis a strongreluctanceof the musiciansto admitto
the composingof songs.A situationsomewhatanalogous is that of
many Americanwhite performers of traditionalsongs,music, and
storieswho strenuously deny thattheyalter in any way the material
theyhave learned; yetcomparisonsbased on tape recordingssuggest
otherwise.Still, the emphasisis on the replicationof the prime,so
that one may hear remarkssuch as, "a singerdoesn't deliberately
change his songs.He may forgeta word here and thereand put in
otherwords,but ifhe remembersa songas his parentssangit,he will
notchangeit."27In addition,performers and producersin Appalachia
sometimesmake similar remarks of self-depredationif theydo not
know the researcherwell, if theyare embarrassedin the social situa-
tion,or if theysimplydo not want to perform;a fewverbal declara-
tions alone are insufficient
evidence for drawingconclusionsof the
25. Ibid., 270. See also: Munro, 99; and Warren L. d'Azevedo, "A StructuralApproach to
Esthetics: Toward a Definition of Art in Anthropology,"American Anthropologist60
(1958): 706.
26. Merriam,268.
27. JohniQuincy Wolf, "Folksingersand the Re-Creation of Folksong," WesternFolklore
26 (1967): 103.
sortthatMerriampresented.28 Of course,theproofcitedby Merriam

is irrelevantexceptas it refersto creativity, whichwas not,however,
an issue in his analysis.If Merriamhad been dealing with artistic
creativity,twootherideas would be appropriate:thematerialprinci-
ple and the intentionalfallacy.The producersof folkart are quite
aware of the technologicalpropertiesof the raw materials,as well as
boththeinstrumental and theterminalaestheticqualities;29thecrafts-
man selectsthematerialsfortheirintrinsicqualities thathe thenen-
hancesby meansof manipulation,in orderto improvethe qualityof
theobject createdfromthem.The aim of theartist'screativeprocess
"is to fashionan object completelysatisfying to his aestheticaspira-
tions."30Often,no doubt, the artistdoes findaestheticpleasure in
manipulatingtherawmaterialsor in examiningthefinishedproduct,
but withoutspecificdata fromtheartist,one can neverbe certainthat
in each instanceit was the producer's"intent" to create art which
wouldgeneratean aestheticresponse;evenwithsucha statement from
it
the producer, may be discovered that the real intent was simplyto
manufacture a usefulobject,or to expresssomeidea or emotion,or to
makemoney.
The secondbit ofevidencecitedby Merriamto discountthe intent
of traditionalartiststo produce somethingaestheticallypleasing is
that"thosewho say theywould rathercreatemusic (in the sense of
performing it) giveas theirreasonnot aestheticendsbut theaccumu-
lationofwealth.""3In fewsocieties,however,are artistsnotrewarded
fortheireffort, and seldomdo theyrejectremuneration or shunpublic
approbation.The economic factor is surelyimportant,but observa-
tionsof artistsat work,as well as scrutinyof theircomments,reveal
thattheyare verymuchawareof theaestheticqualitiesofraw materi-
28. Throughout his essay on aesthetics,Merriam's treatmentof his informants'verbal
declarations seems to be to take each of the few remarksat face value, rather than reach
his conclusionson the basis of his observationsas well as upon both nonverbal and verbal
responses.Thus Merriam is led to conclusions that,judging fromqualifiersand innuen-
does, he does not really mean or believe. But Merriam's technique is similar to that
used by Hans Himmelheber, in "Personality and Technique of African Sculptors,"
in Himmelheber, Redfield,and Herskovits,pp. 84-85, who attempted to distinguishbe-
tween "true artists"and "artisans" on the basis of asking the woodcarver,"Do you prefer
to carve or to go farming?"The carverwas a craftsmanif he expressedany dissatisfaction
with his task.
29. See Jones,"Chairmaking,"235-70, 308-52.
30. See Munro, 90-100, fora criticismof the intentionalfallacy.
31. Merriam,269.
92 WESTERN FOLKLORE
als and of the productscreated.Analysismustnot be limitedin this

wayto onlyovertstatements by the artists,particularly
whenmotiva-
tion is involved,forthereare manymotivesforengagingin the crea-
tionofwhattheresearcher considersart;and regardlessof theconten-
tion that an individual produces art solely for financialgain, the
objectsmustexhibitattentionto therequirementsofvisual appeal if
theproduceris to sell his work,or themusicalsoundsmustadhereto
acceptedstandardsif the performer is to be rewarded.32In thisand
otherinstances,it is likelythatMerriamhas impartedtoo much sig-
nificanceto the facevalue ofhis informants' comments.
The otherfactorthatis relevantmainlyto artisticcreativity, but
which Merriam includes in the discussionof the aesthetic,is the
manipulationof formforits own sake,or the deliberateselectionof
aspectsofstructure thatare willfullyalteredsimplyfortheenjoyment
of it. It is the phrase"foritsown sake" thatposes thereallydifficult
problemand lessensthe value of thisfactorforstudiesof art in most
societies,includingthe Westernelite paintingtraditionuntil a cen-
turyago whenMonetand otherartistsengagedin "art forart'ssake"
ratherthanexclusivelyfordidacticor commemorative purposes(but
thisis notmeantto suggestthateconomicincentiveis not a motivein
artisticproduction).Some evidence indicatesthat there is in the
creationof traditionaland conventionalized modesof artisticexpres-
siona manipulationofform,and eventheattemptto createsomething
thatis a new combinationof formalelements(an innovation),but it
is difficult to findart forart'ssake or the deliberatemanipulationof
formforitsownsakeowingto thenatureofmostfolkloreas thesocial-
ly acceptedmodesof communicationand devicesof problem-solving
allegedlyhavingthe greatestability.33
Boas devotedmuchofhis book on primitiveartto the proposition
thatindividualswho employrestrictedcodes of communicationand
modes of behaviorperceive,emphasize,and manipulatethe formal
qualtiesof the traditionalart formstheyare creatingwhichtheyalso
respond to aesthetically.It seems that the formalquality is so im-
portantthat"we mayobservethatin the art productsof people the
world over otherelementsoccur thatare due to the attemptto em-
32. See Jones, "Chairmaking," 283-85, 907-08; Henry Glassie, "William Houck, Maker
of Pounded Ash Adirondack Pack-Baskets,"Keystone Folklore Quarterly 12 (1967): 49;
and Michael Owen Jones, "Folk Craft Production and the Folklorist's Obligation,"
Journal of Popular Culture 4 (1970): 194-212.
33. See my dissertationon "Chairmaking in Appalachia," 286-88, and 613-20.
phasize the form.""'Hence, one frequentlyencountersthe applica-

tionof marginalpatternsand thedevelopmentof fieldsof decoration
on theobject,thepurposeofwhichis to accentuateor setoffthebasic
formofthatobject.In pottery, forexample,theneckis setofffromthe
body, the body itselfis divided into separatefields;and in chair-
making,the arms,frontposts,back postsabove the seat,and the slats
oftenserveas areasfordecorativepatternsthatemphasizetheformof
theobject.Furtherexamplescan be givenforothermaterialartforms,
such as musical instruments or clothing,but formis also important
and obvious in the verbalartsforit makesthe information compre-
hensibleand memorable.35 It is thisconcernwithformand its tech-
nical perfection--evenness and smoothness ofsurfaces,symmetry, bal-
ance, regularity of surface pattern-that is most in evidence in the
finishedproductand thatis manifestedin the criticismof folkart:
"From thiswe concludethata fundamental, esthetic,formalinterest
is essential;and also thatart, in its simple forms,is not necessarily
expressiveof purposiveaction,but is ratherbased upon our reactions
to formsthatdevelop throughmasteryof technique.""36Boas, then,
has pinpointedone oftheessentialfeaturesof folkart.It is theartistic
pleasure derived fromcontrol over tools and techniquesand the
masteryof form,and the aestheticpleasurederivedfroman involve-
mentwithand theenjoymentofform:"As longas no deepermeaning
is feltin the significanceof form,its effectis formost individuals,
pleasurable,notelevating."37 Again we see thesignificance oftheper-
ception of formas a requisite element in the aestheticattitude.
Even thoughthe producermay be aware of the formalqualities
which are manipulatedfor a varietyof reasons,the productionof
utilitarianthings,and also to a greatextentverbalformsof folkart,
are notoftenconceivedofas artbytheproducersor consumers;hence,
it is doubtfulthattherewould oftenbe foundthe consciouslyartic-
ulated conceptof the creationof art forart's sake. Furthermore, in
traditionalutilitarianart, usefulnessis the primarybasis forjudg-
mentsof the object,sincean object thatcannotbe used is a wasteof
timeto make and a loss of moneyto purchase.Seldom does the con-
34. Boas, 55; see also: 57-62; 349-50.
35. Besides Boas, see also Ruth Bunzel, The Pueblo Potter (New York, 1929), passim; and
Roger D. Abrahams and George Foss, Anglo-AmericanFolksong Style (Englewood Cliffs,
1968), passim, but esp. 7-11, 61-76.
36. Boas, 62.
37. Ibid., 349.
94 WESTERN FOLKLORE
sumerallow much of his attentionto be centeredon the aesthetic

effectsof themanipulationof formalelements,althoughthe presence
of decorativepatternsin distinctfieldsmayenhancethe value of the
objectby makingit visuallyappealing.And in utilitarianartproduc-
tion, the artistmust be particularlycarefulabout planning,for he
mustdevisesomethingthatis not only visuallyappealingbut which
also servesas a paragonof usefulness.Few people,however,have the
abilityto innovateor thinkcreativelyin everymode of composition.
What tendsto happen in utilitarianart is thatthe produceracceptsa
traditionalframework and formso thathe can directhis thoughtsand
creativeenergyto the surfacedecorationor refinement of thatform.
The chairmakerByronin southeasternKentucky,who has spentthe
lastsix yearsengagedin traditionalcraftwork, is an excellentexample
of thistendencyto replicatethe prime,forhe has acceptedthe tradi-
tionalrockingchairformand local style,but he has thenrefinedthe
productwithcarefulattentionto surfacesand decorativedetail so his
creationshave greatvisual appeal and exhibita finesseof workman-
ship not characteristic of his immediatepredecessors.By contrast,
Chester, another chairmaker in the same area who has been a crafts-
man forfortyyears,has not only refinedthe conventionalformsof
chairs,such as creating"settin'" chairsin a way thattheyare more
comfortableand attractivethan those created by his kin, but has
also provedto be radicallyoriginalin themanipulationof form,such
as his innovationsof an armchairwithsevenlegs,a settin'chairwith
eightlegs,and rockingchairswitheightlegs and fourrockers.This
abilityto originatein severalcompositionalmodes,however,is rare,
and thetaskis difficult:"In all typesofart,thissortoflimitedcreative-
ness is common;the artistfollowsconventionin one compositional
factor,wherethereis littledemand fororiginality, or wherehe feels
no desireto attemptit. He feelssufficient scope for his in
creativeness
specializing on a singleaspect of the In
form."38 everygroup and in
each art form,then,the majorityof artistsaccept basic conceptions
and techniquesand fundamentalsof style,and theyproduce a few
variationswithinthisgeneralframework. In addition,the values of
the audience or consumerpublic oftenemphasizestabilityof form,
especiallyin utilitarianartformswhich,accordingto precedence,are
satisfactoryfor theiruseful purposesin the presentform.Further,
38. Munro, 386, but see also: 335, 343, and 382; and see George Kubler, The Shape of
Time: Remarks on the History of Things (New Haven and London, 1962), 39 ff.
verbal formsof folklore,as means of communicationratherthan as

art,exhibita tendencytowardformalstabilityin orderto be memor-
able and effective in theexpressionof ideas to thegreatestnumberof
people. All of these then,militateagainstthemanipulationof
factors,
formforitsown sake in the folkarts,and accountforthe generalab-
sence of verbalizedaestheticjudgmentsemphasizinguniqueness in
formalquality.These aspectsof the problemwere not examinedby
Merriam,but theymust be taken into account if folk art and the
aestheticare to be understood.
None of theremainingfourfactorsin theWesternelite conceptof
the aesthetic,as expressedby Merriam,are completelyviable forin-
vestigations of folkart.Three of themhave been used in attemptsto
separate the object fromits contextof use or fromassociationsthat
might provokedby the object whichwould divertattentionfrom
be
theperceptualqualitiesof thethingto pleasantreveriestimulatedby
the object; but in evaluationsof traditionaland conventionalized
artisticformsthisseparationis seldomattempted. As suggestedearlier,
thereseemsto be less reservein submittingto associationsand few
venturesto remainaloof or "objective"when respondingto the folk
arts; and, when one's responseto art is verbalizedby means of re-
strictedcodes,thereseemslittleevidenceof objectivity.Beautyin art
may be generatednot by thatwhichobjectivelyconformsto artistic
principles,but by thatwhichdevelopsfromassociationsbetweenthe
objectand lingeringmemoriesor pleasantfantasiesin thepercipient,
as whena songremindsone ofmotheror of a son who died in battle,
and a sketchevokesdreamsof a sequesteredway of life thatnever
existedbut drawsone to it in fantasyto escape theoppressionofreal-
ity.Althougharthistorianswould admitthatthesubjectmatteritself
in art may not be "beautiful,"but even sordid (such as Goya's war
sketches,or someof theDepressionphotographs byDorothea Lange),
and therefore mightdeny that the attribution of beautyto theobject
is involvedin theWesterneliteconceptoftheaesthetic,beautyis still
inextricablytied up with art as in the actual handlingof the raw
materialsor in composition.
Merriamhas contendedthatamongthe two groupsof people pro-
ducing folkloricartisticformshe investigated, music and song were
not thoughtofas beautiful,norwerematerialthings.Again,theprob-
lem may be more apparentthan real, more a question of linguistic
expressionthan of an emotionalresponseto objects.In Appalachia,
96 WESTERN FOLKLORE
forexample,thereis in thematerialmanifestations ofculturean inter-

relationshipbetweenart,beauty,and ornament.A thingor sound
made byhumanbeings,and ofcoursenaturalobjects,maybe "pretty"
(seldom,like Merriam,did I hear theword"beautiful"),or an object
maybe referredto as "pretty"or as "a pretty," meaninga workofart.
To be art,somethingmustbe withoututilitarianpurpose,of great
non-utilitarian appeal, and morallygood; a drawingor paintingor
photographmaybe prettyifthesubjectmatteris acceptable,ifit gen-
eratespleasantthoughtsin a person,or ifit presentsa religiousprecept,
but a songor storyor graphicillustrationis bad and uglyifthepercip-
ient findsthe contentmorallyoffensive regardlessof whetheror not
the
structurally object adheresto artistic principleseasilyrecognized
by theresearcher.In utilitarianobjects,at leastamong the mostreli-
giousindividuals,thethingmustbe plain to be "decent"and pretty;if
it is not plain and simplein design,it is not morallyacceptable,so it
cannotbe good or pretty.It is not a matterofornamentfailingto em-
phasizeformor being poorlyintegratedinto the structuralwhole or
notpromotingthecentrality oftheobjectto whichaestheticattention
shouldbe directed;ratherornamentis indecentand therefore ugly,or,
at best,ornamentis ostentatiousand unsuitedto an asceticlifestyle.
As Chestersaid about one of the highlyornamentedchairsthat he
createdforsale to an outsider,"That chair'stoo fancyfora poor man
like me." Thus, artand beautymaybe relatedin at least someof the
evaluationsof folkart,but not quite in the same way that the re-
searcherinfluencedby theelite conceptoftheaestheticmightexpect.
The fourthfactor,the attributionof emotion-producing qualities
to the art produced,also is inextricably bound up withthe problem
of people's associationsand thewayin whichtheseassociationsaffect
theirresponsesto the objects; once more the conceptof tastemight
be of greaterutilityin examiningtheseforces.Merriamhas asked,
"how can we distinguishthe impactof musicsound fromthe impact
of the associations?"As Mark Twain phrasedit on a dissimilaroc-
casion,I thinkI have an answerto that:I do not know.My onlycon-
victionis thatin thefinalanalysisassociationscannotbe discountedor
disregardedwhentheresearcherinvestigates responsesto thefolkarts.
I am in agreementwithMerriamon one point,however,whichis that
the context in which traditional modes of expression are performed
"clearly induces emotion," but if most individuals tend not to abstract
the artisticqualities of the folkart formsfromthe contextof use owing
to the everyday, practical,and thusinvisiblequalityof the folkarts,

thenwe have no way of knowingdefinitely thatthe basic structural
elementsthemselvesproducean emotionalresponse(althoughI sus-
pect theydo). Merriamsuggestedthat respondentsto the folkarts
probablydo not creditthe object or sound with the abilityto move
the emotions,althoughin the Westernelite art tradition,"The aes-
theticpersonis also consideredto be an emotionalperson,movedby
the art he surveys;it mustbe stressedthat he is moved not by the
contextin whichtheart is perceived,but directlyby theart itself."39
Probablyin reactionsto traditionalmusicand song,however,people
are at leastintuitively awarethatsound producesdiffering emotional
responses,although the responsesseem to be culturallydetermined,
for,otherwise, theaverageWesternlistenerwould notclassifyall non-
major tunesas "sad," or thoseindividualswho singtraditionalsongs
the contentofwhichseemsto be humorouswould setthemin minor
keyand other"sorrowful"songswould not be in a non major keyat
all. In materialartforms,I haveno evidencethatcraftsmen or laymen
conceptualize in terms of such principles rhythm,harmony,or
as
centrality, and when theysay "balance" theymean only the tiltof a
rockingchair.Nor do I have concreteevidencethattheyrespondto
the massesand lines and forms,and attributeto themin verbalized
expressionsemotion-producing qualities. There is an emotionalre-
sponseof one sort-somethingis prettyor ugly,or good or bad-but
even thatreactionis not articulatedin clearlydelineatedprinciples.
While people seem to take some pleasurein the perceptionof form,
theydo notarticulatetheiremotionsor definetheemotion-producing
stimuli,which is to say that theydo not examine one of Chester's
recentchairsand note thatthe irregularity of theornamentation pro-
a
duces feeling of nervous movement and visual excitationcompared
withthequietingstasisof earlierformsof ornamentof greatregular-
ity;in fact,neitherdo I.
Althoughtheremaybe an intuitiveawarenessofstructure thatpro-
duces an emotionalresponsein the percipientor thatresultsin the
artist'sstriving forperfectionofform,40 oftentheemotionis generated
by the associationthat one makes withthe object.In respondingfavor-
ably or unfavorablytowardornamentedwalnutchairs,forexample,
39. Merriam,265.
40. See, as only one example of this strivingfor perfectionof formin material art, the
chairs illustratedin clvii and clxi in Jones,"Chairmaking."
98 WESTERN FOLKLORE
thelocal lay consumercannnotdisregardthe factthatthe decorative

detail and thefragilewood diminishthe soundnessand usefulnessof
the chair,or thatthesetraitsare symbolicexpressionsof wealthand
prestige.In regardto otherfolkart forms,associationis just as im-
portantin therespondent'sjudgmentand just as difficult to separate
heuristicallyfrom attentionto the form of theobject and the attribu-
tion of emotion-producing qualities to the object. Consider, for
instance,the commentsby Chester concerninghis favoritesongs.
Chestersaid that:
I'd ratherhear"Pretty anysongI've everheerdb'fore.

Polly"better'n
NextI like "JohnHenry."But themosttouchin'songI've heerdis
"Constant Sorrow."An' thebestpersonI've everheardsingthatsong
is RobertFieldswhousedto liveon KingsCreek.You couldn'tkeep
fromchokin'up to hearhimsingit.
Whatwas theappeal of"Man ofConstantSorrow?"The performance

(and perhapscontext)itselfapparentlyhad muchto do withthesong's
forChesterassociatesit in his mindwiththesinger,but
attractiveness
the primaryappeal is probablythe contentand messageof the song
and itsmeaningfulness in respectto Chester'sown troubledlife and
his manyunhappyexperiences:That is whyit is the "mosttouchin'"
songthatChesterhas heard.Of thisI can be certain,as Chesterknows
the wordsto only one song,"My Old KentuckyMountain Home,"
which he createdhimselfa fewyearsago and which was based on
"Man of ConstantSorrow"as evidentin the themeand in phrase-
ology.41
This associationbetweenthe object and some othereventin one's
41. For a variant of "Man of Constant Sorrow,"see side 2, band 3 of Frank ProffittMe-
morial Album, Folk-Legacy FSA-36. I have examined the relationship of the two songs
and the meaning of Chester's song more fully in "Chairmaking," 296, and 538-93.
Whether or not Chester considered "Man of Constant Sorrow" prettyor good, or the
performancebeautiful or pleasing,was not clear when he made his comments;I had just
asked him to identifythe "prettiest"song he had heard, and he began his response with
"PrettyPolly"-which I have known him to request musicians to play, as well as "John
Henry" and "In the Garden" which seem to be his favorites-buthe ended with "Constant
Sorrow" on which his own song was based. Why Chester preferredRobert Fields' rendi-
tion of the song is unclear, also, but seeminglyit was in part because of the perfectionof
the performanceor the way in which emotion-laden meanings were presented by the
singer; however,Fields has always lived in the area where Chester was born and raised,
which is what Chester'sown song "My Old KentuckyMountain Home" is about, so there
may in facthave been some connectionbetween Chester'spreferenceforFields' rendition
and the actual circumstancesof artisticcreation.It appears that in this particular situa-
tion,as in manyothers,the conceptof "taste" would be more viable in accounting forthe
reaction to these songs.
lifeseemsnot onlyto disposeone favorablytowardtheobject,regard-

lessofwhetheror not it is objectivelybeautifulor itsstructurecan be
identifiedas producinga certain emotional response,but also to
guaranteethe acceptanceof the formof expressionin a produceror
performer's repertoire.I am remindedof Frank Proffitt's alleged re-
sponse to theballad "Lord Lovel" which he occasionallysang: "Frank
likedthisballad,notso muchforitself,as forthememoriesit brought
himofhisfather, fromwhomhe learnedit."42 The situationis similar
to thatof the singer-musician Fields Ward who learnedmanyof his
songs and tunes from his mother,"and suchmemorieswould makefor
only the best associationswith the family'smusic. Fields found the
musicbeautifuland meaningfulin its own right,but the strongties
it had withhis familyand homeled him to takeit all themoreserious-
ly."43What Nevinsremarkedabout themeaningof themusicforthe
Ward brothersservesto indicatetheimportanceofassociationin one's
responseto art:
To Wadeand Fieldsthismusicwasan important partoftheirlives.
and a
an outletfortheirfeelings,
It was a meansof selfexpression,
lastinglinkwiththeirfamilies, and homes.These personal
friends,
qualitiesare the frameworkforthe movinglybeautifulmusicthey
haveperformed forso manyyears.44
42. See the commentsby Sandy Paton concerning"Lord Lovel," side 1, band 2 on Frank
Proffitt.
43. See the jacket notes by Richard Nevins on the album Fields and Wade Ward, Bio-
graph Records RC-6002A.
44. Ibid. This associationbetween preferenceand excellence in the traditionalarts on the
one hand, and personal problems on the other, seems not to be unique to Chester,al-
though data in the relevant literatureare more oftenpertinentto creativityand psychic
need than to aestheticresponsesand emotional problems.An example is in David Bynum's
article "Themes of the Young Hero in SerbocroatianOral Epic Tradition," Publications
of the Mbdern Language Association 83 (1968): 1296ff.,concerningthe way in which a
singer more fully developed an "initiation" theme owing to his son's failure to follow
parental models. An example more directlypertinentto Chester's use of "Man of Con-
stantSorrow"as the basis forhis own "My Old KentuckyMountain Home" with a similar
theme, is Sarah Ogan Gunning's creation of "Girl of Constant Sorrow"; according to
Archie Green (page 7 of the notes to Sarah Ogan Gunning: "Girl of Constant Sorrow,"
Folk-LegacyFSA-26), "Sarah's recompositionof the traditional'Man' into a more person-
al 'Girl' took place about 1936 in New York, where her firsthusband, Andrew Ogan, was
fatallyill. The text was descriptiveof loneliness away fromhome and anticipated her
bereavement."It must be noted, however,that "Girl of Constant Sorrow" was collected
in Virginia 15 January 1936 (Arthur Kyle Davis, Jr.,Folk-Songs of Virginia [Durham,
N.C., 1949], 93). See also Loman D. Cansler, "He Hewed His Own Path: William Henry
Scott, Ozark Songmaker," in John A. Burrison, ed., "Creativityin Southern Folklore,"
Studies in the LiteraryImagination 3 (1970): 37-63; Loman D. Cansler, "Walter Dibben,
an Ozark Bard," KentuckyFolklore Record 13 (1967): 81-89; and Henry Glassie, "'Take
That Night Train to Selma': An Excursion to the Outskirtsof Scholarship,"Journal of
Popular Culture 2 (1968), esp. 30-38.
100 WESTERN FOLKLORE
If a mansingsa songbecausehe associates it witha lovedone,or be-
causeitsumsup hisattitude towardsomeeventin hislife,orbecause
it restores his tieswithan olderwayof life,is thatnot important
enoughforthesatisfaction thatis gotoutoftheperformance? It is a
common humantendency toimbuean objectoreventwitha personal
significance thatit doesnotinherently possess;and thisis oftenwhy
theobjectis endearedto one and whyit generates theemotionalin-
volvement one has withtheobject,ratherthanbecauseone stands
aloofandsubjectstheobjectto criticalanalysis in termsofitsformal
andstructural qualities.To arguethatoneshoulddo thelatter, or to
concentrate one'sinvestigation exclusively on the problem of whether
or nottheobjectisso analyzed, is tomissthegreater realityand com-
plexity oftheresponse.
Thereremain,then,onlytwootherallegedfactors in thetypical
eliteconceptoftheaesthetic. The factor mostoftencitedis oneofthe
leastapplicabletoresponses ofthefolkartsor to evaluations ofutil-
itarianartforms in anycreative tradition, although it subsumes most
oftheotherfactors mentioned above.This traitis "psychic distance."
Psychic distance is supposed to be the detachment and isolationofthe
object from itsutilitarianpurpose, or from the context in which itwas
madeandused.According totheconcept, oneissupposedtomaintain
"objectivity" and examine the work of art critically andexclusively in
termsofformand expressive impactapart from the object's circum-
stances ofcreation anduse."We takethisprocess a stepfurther in that
wecananddo isolatemusicas a thingin itself andlookat andanalyze
it as an objectquiteapartfromitscontext," writesMerriam,45 but
"we"reallymeansonlythoseindividuals in theelitetradition specific-
ally trained in and conditioned to the use of these skills.Merriam
contends thatindividuals in thegroupshe studieddid notisolatethe
formofan objectfromitsintended useorthecontext ofuse; instead,
a songor pieceofmusicor an objectwasrecognized in termsofuse
and was "notabstracted fromitsculturalcontextas a normalpro-
cedure.....""46
If,intheelitearttradition, wefinda frame arounda graphicimage,
orifbodilymovements areperformed orsoundsproduced ona lighted
in a
stage large and darkened room, or ifa thing is setupona pedestal
or a museumshelf, we know,owinglargelyto culturalconditioning,
45. Merriam,262.
46. Merriam,263.
thatthisobject is supposed to be a workof art which has been set

apart fromits environment.The percipienthas alreadybeen given
thenecessary cue to theappropriateresponse,and he has been relieved
ofsomeof theresponsibility ofthinkingforhimself, as therehas been
an initialattemptto detachtheobject fromitscontextof production
and use and to setit apartas a perceptualthing.But whatiftheimage
is a floraldesignon a chestofdrawers,thesculpturalworkis partofa
canoe or a gravestone,the kinesicsare the rhythmicmovementsof
humanbeingspossessedby the Holy Spiritin church,or thesongsare
sung in a hearth-warmed kitchenby some fisherman who lubricates
his throatfrequently withpulls on a whiskeybottle,or theutilitarian
object is a pot or a chairin use in someone'shome?To manypeople,
it is difficultto conceiveof theseordinary,daily,familiaractivities
servingpracticalends as being worksof art to whichtheyshouldre-
mainemotionallyaloof.Usuallyit isnotdesirableto divorcetheobject
-if it is essentiallya tool utilizedfrequently forsomeutilitarianend
-from itscontextofuse,unlessofcoursethereis something about the
object thatimmediatelysuggeststhatit should be separatedfromits
environmentand treatedexclusivelyas a perceptualthing-that it
needs a frame,pedestal,or special shelf.For example,two Kentucky
chairmakers who wereexaminingphotographs ofChester's"bookcase
masterpiece," which has eightlegs, four rockers,shelvesfor books,
storagespace under theseatwhich lifts
up, solid wood sides,and many
decorativeelementsalong the top,said thatit was a workof "art"-
because of its inutilityas a chair-and that theywould not permit
anyoneto sitin it but would chain it to thewall. They wereliterally
detachingtheobjectfromitscontextofintendeduse,and symbolically
settingit upon a pedestal.Most of the time,however,in regardto
examplesofutilitarianart,thecraftsmen and somelaymenconsidered
not only the contextualaspects(structuralsoundnessand fitnessfor
use),but also thevisualappeal oftheobject.
My limitedexperiencewithotherfolkloricartisticformssuggests
to me thatit is likelythatthecreatorsand consumerstendto conceive
of and evaluate theseartsin termsof categoriesof use and context.
Frequentlysongsand storiesare notnamed,or theperformer does not
know the names,or when performing he does not identifythemby
name sometimes.If pressedto identifya song,the performer will cite
the firstline or tryto paraphrase and summarize the text. Narratives
that folkloristscall "legends" are often not named or even called
stories,unlesstheyare discreditedby the narrator,because theyare

not treatedas fancifulstoriesbut factualaccountsofreal incidents;to
name themwould be to suggestthatthesenarrativesare simplypleas-
ant fictionstoldforentertainment. This mayalso be whytellersoftall
tales do not alwaysgive names to theirnarratives,for,afterall, they
are attempting to imbue theaccountwitha degreeof verisimilitude.
it
Commonly, thefolklorist
is who takesa songor tale,as a text,out of
contextbyassigning a name or a number.Namingthetextmakesit
it
easier to referto, but thispracticehas generatedthe notion thatthe
informants conceivedof each song or storyas a separateentity,and
thereis substantialproofofthis.What oftenhappensin a perform-
no
ance is thatan individualplaysa "dulcymore"tuneand by thenature
of the emotionalqualities attributedto the initial soundsconcludes
whetherit is a "frolictune"or a "sacredtune,"whichin turnindicates
whetherit is moreappropriateat a dance or in church.A narratorof
fictionsis urged to "tell a story" or "tell the one about. . . ," and a
singeris encouragedby membersof the "audience" to sing a short
song,a long song,a sad song,a happysong,and so on. It is one of the
peculiarcharacteristicsof art thatseeminglyit can be, if one findsit
necessary, abstractedfrom its contextof manufactureand use, which
is whatfolkloristsand arthistorianshave tendedto do in the past.To
treatanyworkof artas simplyan object,withoutregardforthe pro-
cessesof productionand consumption,is to fail to understandthe
meaningoftheartor thereasonsfortheformal,material,and expres-
sivequalitiesthatit exhibits.If theworkof artwas made forutilitar-
ian use, thenit is unfairto the producer,and the object,to evaluate
the productonlyfromthe perspectiveof psychicdistance,forthe ob-
ject was made not solelyforcontemplationof its formalqualitiesbut
also foractiveuse. Thus, psychicdistance,as mostof theotherfactors
mentionedabove,does not representthenatureof manyindividuals'
responsesto worksofart,and it is uncommonin reactionsto formsof
folklore.47
47. For furtherdata concerningcognitivecategoriesof art in its contextof use, the ma-
nipulation of form,and the recognitionof emotion-producingqualities in the folk arts,
see Abrahams' article "Creativity,Individuality, and the Traditional Singer," esp. 8-9,
11,and 26. For an example of the technique of introducingstories,see the commentabout
Wheatley by George G. Carey in "'And Everyone of Them's Gone But Me': Another
Look at Tangier Island's Oldest Inhabitant," in John A. Burrison,"Creativityin South-
ern Folklore," Studies in the LiteraryImagination 3 (1970): 84. Combs noted that "When-
ever the Highlander writes a song down, whether of his own making or not (and he
seldom writesa song down), he usually writes at the top of the page, 'Song Ballet,' in
To concludethiscursorysurveyof ideas about thenatureof a folk

aesthetic,I would repeatthat,as faras principlesare concernedin the
researchof thesubject,it scarcelymatterswhatgroupone investigates
as long as attentionis focusedon the traditionaland conventional
modesofexpression.There is a folkaestheticin thesenseofreactions
thatare manifested in restrictedcode formas traditionaland conven-
tionalmodesof expression,suchas "themhillsain't hard to look at,"
"youcouldn'tkeep fromchokin'up to hearhimsingit,""man,they're
prettythewayhe makesthem,"and manyotherexpressionsembodied
withinspecificfolkloricform.48 There is also a folkaestheticin the
senseofreactionsto traditionaland conventionalmodesofartisticex-
pressiongeneratedamong membersof a group exhibitingshared
values and identities,thatis, folkartofall types,even thoughtheart
formsmaynotbe conceivedofas "art"bymembersof thegroup.The
aestheticresponsemayoccurduringwork,relaxation,or reflection; it
is nota separatepsychological mechanism,and it is not sharplydelin-
eated fromthe practicalor useful,or fromeverydayactivities.The
aestheticresponseinvolvesthe appreciationof the object as a per-
ceptual formand the emotionaland intellectualsatisfaction gained
froma contemplation oftheformand itspresentedor suggestedmean-
ings.The mostcommonresponseto art,however,especiallyto forms
of folklore,seemsto be submissionto associationsthatdevelop in the
individualwho is witnessto theart,ratherthanan aloof and "objec-
tive"evaluationof formalelements;seldomis theartabstractedfrom
itscontextofmanufacture or use. Nor shouldart,especiallyformsof
folkloricartisticexpression,be conceivedofand evaluatedas divorced
fromdailylifeand fitnessforuse, sincemuchof art,and folkart par-
ticularly,is intendedto solve practicalproblemsof communication,
environmental control,individualsurvival,and social interaction.In
theevaluationof folkart,it is theartistand thetrainedcriticwho are
mostadept at voicingtheirresponses,and perhapstheyare mostin-
clined to a deep aestheticexperienceowing to increasedsensitivity
becauseofa familiarity withand interestin theproductionofart.But
all individualsrespondin somewayto worksofart,even thoughtheir
responsesmaynot alwaysbe conditionedby sensitivity to artor their
lieu of a title." See D. K. Wilgus, ed., Folk-Songsof the Southern United States (Austin,
1967), 38.
48. For other examples of attitudes expressed in folkloricform,see Dundes' article on
"Metafolkloreand Oral LiteraryCriticism."
responsesmaynot alwaysexhibitthe characteristics of an "aesthetic

attitude."The most usefulconceptfor the researcherinterestedin
peoples'responsesto art,then,is not thatof theaestheticbut of taste,
whichisnotconstantand whichincludessuchfactors as thenatureand
purpose of the object created, values
personal derivingfromone's ex-
and
periences goals as well as fromtheinternalization
of groupvalues,
abilityto apperceive,and experiencein theeval-
and one's sensitivity,
uation of theobjectsthatare judged. The conceptof taste,then,sub-
sumestheaestheticattitude,as treatedin thisessay,and is moreviable
in thestudyofanyarttraditionthanis theeliteconceptoftheaesthet-
ic, withitssix factorsdelineatedby Merriam.
Of thosesix factorsinvestigated by Merriam,thefinalone is thatof
a philosophyof the aesthetic,whichI have not yettreatedseparately
but whichhas been a threadthathas been woven into the fabricof
previousdiscussion.It will be recalledthatMerriamstrongly contends
that withouta verbalizedcanon of aestheticprinciples,which he
claimed was absent among the individualshe studied but which
Thompson stressedwas present,therecould be no aestheticat all
amongmembersofthegroup.The data presentedin thisessaysuggest
thatin regardto anygroup'sfolkartformsthereis probablyno exten-
sive systemof verbalizedaestheticprinciplescodifiedinto a canon
transmitted and guardedby a group of critics.49In addition,the ab-
senceofverbalizedprinciples,or at bestthesuggestionof such princi-
ples embeddedin traditionaland conventionalizedformsof expres-
sion that the researchermightbe able to abstractbut that are not
obvious to the responders,does not mean thatan individual or all
individualscannotor do nothave an aestheticexperience:an absence
ofa verbalizedphilosophyoftheaestheticsimplymeansan absenceof
a philosophyoftheaesthetic;itmeansnothingmore,and nothingless.
of California,Los Angeles
University
49. For a surveyof reasons forthe absence of a codifiedsystemof aestheticcriteriain the
evaluation of folk art, see Jones,255-60.

Concept of Aesthetic in Traditional Art

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What is the main topic discussed in the text?

What is the main topic discussed in the text?

What are some factors that influence how people respond to and evaluate art?

What are some factors that influence how people respond to and evaluate art?

The Concept of "Aesthetic" in the Traditional Arts

Author(s): Michael Owen Jones

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THE RATHERNEGLECTEDPROBLEMof whether or not there is a "folk

1. Some of thesepoints are expressedby Alan P. Merriam,in The Anthropologyof Music

mon conceptof thefactorsin theaestheticexperiencein theWestern

2. See the examples in Alan Dundes' article,"Metafolkloreand Oral LiteraryCriticism,"

expressionin any kind of societyor any typeof smallgroup.Thus, a

5. See Michael Owen Jones,"Chairmakingin Appalachia: A Study of Styleand Creative

day situations,it is unlikelythattheyoftenattractattentionamong

7. Merriam,269. See also the discussion of an absence of verbalized aesthetic responses

decorativeeffectof the object resultingin partfromevennessof sur-

two studies,and surveysome of the responsesof rural whitesin the

Key ideas in understanding thenatureof the aestheticattitude,then,

ceptionof formand emotionalinvolvementthroughsuggestedmean-

wouldn'teven break; it'd just turnoffand lay just in a stringclear

the degree of involvementwith or aloofnessfromthe object, or to

creationof greatworksof art,or in an individualto achievethe end

to be foundedupon commondenominatorsof taste,in sum,the Yor-

Perhapsthe mostimportantof thesecategories[of aestheticcri-

"They did not say that carvingsresembledspecificpersonalities,"

Turningnextto themostextensiveconceptualanalysisof theques-

ic is "an attituderatherthan the action involvedin creatingthe art

sortthatMerriampresented.28 Of course,theproofcitedby Merriam

als and of the productscreated.Analysismustnot be limitedin this

phasize the form.""'Hence, one frequentlyencountersthe applica-

sumerallow much of his attentionto be centeredon the aesthetic

verbal formsof folklore,as means of communicationratherthan as

forexample,thereis in thematerialmanifestations ofculturean inter-

to the everyday, practical,and thusinvisiblequalityof the folkarts,

thelocal lay consumercannnotdisregardthe factthatthe decorative

I'd ratherhear"Pretty anysongI've everheerdb'fore.

Whatwas theappeal of"Man ofConstantSorrow?"The performance

lifeseemsnot onlyto disposeone favorablytowardtheobject,regard-

thatthisobject is supposed to be a workof art which has been set

stories,unlesstheyare discreditedby the narrator,because theyare

To concludethiscursorysurveyof ideas about thenatureof a folk

responsesmaynot alwaysexhibitthe characteristics of an "aesthetic

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