Australia and New Zealand Slavists' Association New Zealand Slavonic Journal

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 11

Australia and New Zealand Slavists’ Association

A propos of Anna Akhmatova: Boris Vasilyevich Anrep (1883–1969)


Author(s): WENDY ROSSLYN
Source: New Zealand Slavonic Journal, No. 1 (1980), pp. 25-34
Published by: Australia and New Zealand Slavists’ Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40921131
Accessed: 16-01-2020 01:51 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Australia and New Zealand Slavists’ Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,
preserve and extend access to New Zealand Slavonic Journal

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
New Zealand Slavonic Journal

1980 ' No. 1

WENDY ROSSLYN

A propos of Anna Akhmatova:


Boris Vasilyevich Anrep (1883-1969)

Akhmatova wrote a number of poems to, or about, Boris Anrep


and, according to her wont, she created a picture of him which is
rather less than clear. As Vinogradov observes:1

. . . Akhmatova does not really need to describe anyone but the


heroine. The epithets that she assembles around other people who from
time to time impinge upon her spiritual world do impart an emotional
aura to these people, but they are as it were 'diffused' rays, since, being
unrelated to any substantial nucleus ('he' and 'you' being really only
substitutes for this), they characterise not so much these people them-
selves as the heroine's attitude to them.

However, Anrep was a "substantial nucleus" - outside Akhmatova's


poems. And it is interesting to piece together the image of the his-
torical person,2 which, as it turned out, was not altogether like the
literary image. In Anrep's case this can be done with reasonable
completeness. Recent publications of letters, memoirs and bio-
graphies of prominent figures in Britain, Anrep's adopted country
and scene of his youthful exploits, have shed some light on him.
Further information is to be found in his memoirs and other papers,
as well as in the retentive memories of his family, to whom I am in-
debted.3 A compilation of this detail results in the following bio-
graphical account.

Boris Anrep was born in St Petersburg on 16 September (old


style) 1883. His father, Vasily Konstantinovich von Anrep, had
married the widow of a bankrupt speculator, Praskov'y a Mikhaylovna
Shuberskaya (née Zatsepina). When her first husband committed
suicide, she was left with two children, Vladimir and Erast; the
children of her second marriage were Boris and his younger brother
Gleb.

Anrep's paternal ancestors were knights of the Livonian Order.


The family has both a Swedish and a Baltic line, and Boris Anrep
descends from a general in the service of Charles XII, who was
taken prisoner by Peter the Great and remained thereafter at the

25

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Russian court. The family estate near Samara was granted by
Catherine II, from whom the Anreps were also descended by an
illegitimate daughter of the empress.

For the most part the Anreps pursued military and naval careers.
An exception was Vasily Konstantinovich, who in 1885 was appoin-
ted professor of medicine at Kharkov University, and who subse-
quently became a highly-placed civil servant in the education ministry.
At first he was director of education (PopechiteV Uchebnogo okruga)
for the Kharkov region; later he occupied the same post in St Peters-
burg.

The family home was in Petersburg, though the Anreps also had a
large country house on the Volga near Romanov-Borisoglebsk (now
Tutayev), not far from Yaroslavl. They also lived in Kharkov for a
while from 1899, and it was when Boris was at school there that, by
a curious coincidence, he met that other major figure in Akhmatova's
biography, Nikolay Nedobrovo. The prim Anreps found it unaccept-
able to meet Nedobrovo's family socially, but the two boys became
good friends.

In his early years Boris travelled widely. He made a first visit to


England in 1899, and lived for six months in the home of a clergy-
man at Great Missenden. He also visited Greece and Smyrna. And as
a student he went with his friend Stelletsky to Italy, where he saw,
among other things, the mosaics at Ravenna. More eventful was his
expedition to Mexico in 1905, prompted by a youthful passion for
his erstwhile English governess, Amy Beatrice Dunbar Cother. The
latter had only recently married one Mr Patey, but Boris was not
deterred. He followed her across the world, only to fall seriously
ill in Mexico, and then to be nursed by the object of his affections,
who must have been exceptionally tolerant of her admirer.

From 1902 to 1905 Boris was a student of law in Petersburg, at


the Uchilische pravovedeniya. At the same date Nedobrovo was a
student at the university, and the two renewed their friendship. This
time Nedobrovo was received into the Anrep home, where he made
a favourable impression on Vasily Konstantinovich. And it was
Nedobrovo who had first introduced Anrep to Stelletsky.4

Anrep's intention was to specialise in international law under


Professor Lev Petrazhitsky, after completing his first course. But
when Petrazhitsky fell ill and left the university, Anrep's uncertainty
as to the rightness of his intention suddenly crystallised. He had long
been interested in art, and Stelletsky, who had fostered his early
attempts at painting, encouraged him to make it his life's work. In
1908 he went to Paris to study art at the Académie Julian under

26

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
J.-P. Laurens, and also at the Ateliers La Palette and Grande
Chaumière,5 remaining in Paris for some eighteen months. He also
studied for a time at the Edinburgh College of Art, under F. Morley
Fletcher.6 In 1912 he began to learn the techniques of mosaic work.

1908 was the year of Anrep's marriage - at Nice - to Yuniya


Pavlovna Khitrovo, the daughter of a well-to-do Russian family. It
was not a marriage into which he entered with any particular enthus-
iasm. Rather, he felt that he had been manoeuvred into it by
Yuniya's mother and his elder step-brother Erast on the grounds
that Yuniya had been compromised; Boris's parents, however, also
brought pressure to bear, and finally he complied.

Boris remained in Paris, except for the spell in Edinburgh, some


visits to England, and a brief return to Russia - when he decided
that after all law was his vocation; but he changed his mind on that
subject yet again, and soon went back to France. There he met,
among others, the English painters Henry Lamb7 and Augustus
John.

The meeting with Augustus John was characterised by an im-


mediate exchange of blows. As Anrep wrote to Henry Lamb, in
less than perfect English:8

If you could creep in my heart and memory which you honoured by


some particulars of your relation to John's - you would feel sike and
poisoned by the byle which turns round in me when I first saw John.
That was a night-mare, with all appreciation of his powerful and mighty
dreadedness, and some ghotic beaty, I could not keep down my heat to
some beastly and cruel and vulgar look of brightness which I perceived
in his face and demeanour ....

The fisticuffs, however, did nothing to sour the incipient relation-


ship; in fact, they encouraged it. Augustus John took to Anrep,
welcomed him into his own bohemian set, and in 1913 persuaded
Knewstub to arrange an exhibition of 54 of his drawings, water-
colours and mosaics at the Chenil Gallery. Later on he put him in
the way of a number of commissions and in 1919 himself commis-
sioned a mosaic for the drawing-room of his house at 28 Mallord
Street, Chelsea.9

The fact that he had fallen into the milieu of Augustus John did
not prevent Anrep from mixing too with members of the Blooms-
bury Group. He met Lytton Strachey in 1910 or 191 110 and
became acquainted with Lady Ottoline Morrell, who in turn intro-
duced him to Roger Fry. Ottoline's first impression of Anrep was a
pleasing one. She recalls: "Lamb's friend, Boris von Anrep, arrived
from Paris, clever, fat, good -hearted, sensual, but full of youthful

27

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
vitality and Russian gaiety."11 Anrep's wife, Yuniya, stayed for a
while with Ottoline and greatly endeared herself. 12

Yuniya's situation was, however, far from easy. In 1911 Anrep


met Helen Maitland, who had been having an affair with his friend
Henry Lamb, and the two began to live together. Helen gave birth
to a daughter in 1912, but Yuniya was tolerant of Helen, and did
not leave Anrep, at that point at least.

Roger Fry, when Anrep made his acquaintance, was already


organising the Post-Impressionist Exhibition, and when he came to
set up the Second Exhibition,13 he called on Anrep's help with the
Russian section. Anrep collected together the pictures by the
Russian artists,14 contributed to the catalogue a preface on the
Russian group,15 and was instrumental in bringing Ciurlionis,
Goncharova, Larionov, Petrov-Vodkin and Sar'yan to the eye of the
London public.16

In these circles too Anrep met with, or occasioned, friction. "The


Bloomsbury Gang have been most vile about him," wrote Lytton
Strachey to Henry Lamb on 20 November 1912, 17 - but, on the
whole, Anrep "quickly became a conspicuous and greatly liked
figure in Edwardian England."18

In 1914 Yuniya returned to Russia, Helen gave birth to Anrep's


second child and Anrep executed his first commission, a mosaic for
the crypt of Westminster Cathedral. But the outbreak of war soon
sent him back to Russia, where he was to serve two years19 as a
lieutenant with the 7th Army Corps in Galicia.

Anrep had met Akhmatova before the war, through his step-
brother Vladimir, and early in 1915 they became important figures
in one another's lives. Their relationship was, according to Anrep,
platonic, and for all that it brought forth many poems, it was both
brief and intermittent.

The two seem to have met only on a few occasions, and for the
most part at this point. In 1915 Anrep responded to a call for volun-
teers to train in England in the use of Howitzers, and was posted to
Salisbury Plain. While in England he took it upon himself to ease the
supply of war materials to Russia, an exercise which was permanently
beset by difficulties and delays.20 With a blend of effrontery and
unorthodox methods, he waylaid Maynard Keynes, the munitions
minister, late at night outside his house in Gower Street. Keynes
released some supplies, and Anrep's prestige grew to such an extent
that he was appointed military secretary to the Russian Government
Committee, whose job it was to process Russia's orders for supplies.

28

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
For most of the rest of the war, Anrep worked for the Committee at
India House.

Back in England again, Anrep had time enough to renew old


connections, and in March 1916 he repaired to Garsington to call
again on Lady Ottoline Morrell. Her response on this occasion was
hardly positive:21

On the Sunday morning Boris Anrep arrived with two Russian officers.
They were dressed up in grand uniforms and high Russian boots, and were
as proud as peacocks, strutting about showing off their fine figures. I could
not bear them for underneath I saw that they were brutal and savage. They
laughed at the idea of atrocities. 'Of course, every side did such things and
burnt and pillaged wherever they went.' It is of course more honest than
our own high falutin ideas of war, but it left me speechless.

I hardly recognized Boris, who used to be so charming and simple and


full of fun, a real gay artist. Now he seemed a great red-faced brutal fellow,
puffed up with pride at being a Captain. I was thankful when the time
came for them to leave.

It is difficult to account with any certainty for the change of view


on Ottoline's part. Perhaps the war had altered Anrep; perhaps she
was taken aback by seeing him in a completely different role from
before; perhaps such frankness about the war was unaccustomed. At
any rate, when Anrep reappeared at Garsington some six months
later, to be met this time by Aldous Huxley, the impression he gave
was much the same. Huxley was sufficiently struck by the visit to
record it in his letters twice. He wrote on 1 October 1916: 22

Today arrived a queer creature called Anrep, the Military Secretary of


the Russian Government in England and in ordinary life a sculptor and
painter. In type of countenance very German and Prussian too in mind -
curiously cynical about the war, which he describes as being one of Tartars
v. Huns, Russian against German - nothing else being important for him
but that question of race. He is very cheerful too about atrocities - saying
that of course the Russians have committed as many as the Germans, have
destroyed all the libraries and churches they can in Poland and elsewhere -
and he justifies it quite happily by saying 'War is War' and all we are out
for is to smash and kill and destroy as much of Germany as we can and the
Germans are justified in doing the same to us. Altogether strangely bloody
in his ideas. Otherwise very charming and amusing and clever and talented.

In his letter to Ottoline herself, Huxley found it necessary to com-


ment on a further aspect of Anrep's behaviour, since it concerned
the girl with whom he was in love : 23

On Sunday we experienced a Muscovite invasion in the shape of Anrep.


I was completely fascinated by his boots, which were of the kind you never
believed could exist off the stage . . . huge black Cossack boots, full of
wrinkles. He was very cheerful and at times amusing, though he would
talk all tea-time about the benefits caused by war to the characters of

29

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
participants in it. He was very gallant with Maria and insisted on lifting her
over all the stiles we came to.

Maria Nys was a refugee whom Ottoline had taken into her care
and sent to Cambridge. She had recently absconded from her college
and settled in London, where Anrep had been persuaded to employ
her, an arrangement which aroused the anxiety of Huxley and
Ottoline alike;24 the latter stated quite frankly that she "did not
regard Boris Anrep as a suitable person to take charge of a young
and attractive girl."25 His assiduous attention to Maria at Garsington
did nothing to allay their anxiety.

In the event Anrep behaved perfectly properly with Maria; but


Ottoline, standing in loco parentis, and Huxley, the vigilant admirer,
had some real grounds for their suspicions, natural as they were.
Ottoline had on first acquaintance remarked on Anrep's sensuality,
and Huxley regarded him as the very type of the shameless philan-
derer. His uncomprehending admiration of Anrep's prowess is
reflected in the style of his letter:26

I am not writing a book so much as doing notes for one, my historical


romance .... But I confess that the more I try to understand psychology
the more mysterious does it become to me ... particularly women, who
seem to me ... most of them ... too utterly inexplicable. Par exemple, I
am bringing in the beautiful Venetia Stanley, who, if we trust Aubrey, was
the mistress of a variety of people of the dashing and insolent young
courtier type and finally married Sir Kenelm Digby, whom apparently she
had loved since a child, and became an excessively virtuous as well as an
extremely talented wife. It is a sort of Manon Lescaut type, only a nobler,
stronger and finer character. The thing I cannot fathom in this case . . . and
in all the myriad cases one sees of it in actual and contemporaneous life
... is how a highly intelligent woman, one of the best type, succumbs to
the charm of men like the Dorest of Venetians youth, the commonest type
of arrogance and assurance. One can only gasp, with a sickish incredulity
when one sees the Bob Nicholses, the Anreps of the world enslaving the
Venetias by sheer force of effrontery. The more brazen the address the
more rapid and complete the victory. The characteristics which to me, and
I should have thought to all reasonable and decent people, are supremely
repellent, are the guarantors of success in relations with women. It is all
too mysterious. I am utterly at a loss to understand it. The psychology of
it is totally beyond me. Brass seems to be the essential quality. My horror
of people who possess it is tinged at times with a certain admiring envy. I
should like to get temporarily electroplated with it. To have the address of
Bob Nichols, of Charles Munro, of Anrep for a week would be an amazing
experience. One might conceivably begin to understand something of it all,
though I doubt if one would ever get to understand the psychology on the
woman's side. But perhaps it is merely a question of the psychology of the
stags and the does in Magdalen deer-park on an October afternoon.

It is perhaps not irrelevant to note that Helen Maitland, who left


Anrep for Roger Fry in 1926,27 was disappointed by Anrep's
"literary philistinism and preference for legshows to those con-
cerned more with the head."28

30

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
In 1917 Anrep made two journeys to Russia. The first took him
to Murmansk, to investigate a bottle-neck in the supply of munitions
from England. February 1917 found him in Petrograd, where he had
a meeting with Akhmatova, though not with Yuniya. At this point,
it seems, came the last phase of Anrep's relationship with Akhmatova.

Anrep returned to London in April, bringing with him Mariya


Volkova. Mariya had been posted to England to work with the
Russian Government Committee, and Anrep had been asked to
escort her. As it turned out, she was also the sister of his brother
Gleb's wife, and so Anrep had double reason for taking care of her.
On the boat to Aberdeen they began an affair and, when they
arrived, Anrep invited Mariya to live with him and Helen in London.

We next hear of Anrep in June 1917, introducing Huxley to, in


the latter 's words, "a distinguished Russian poet, Goumilov (of
whom I may say I had never heard - but still!)"29 Gumilev was, of
course, Akhmatova's husband.

Anrep's last visit to Russia was in the September of 1917, and


on that visit he does not appear to have seen Akhmatova. Shortly
before the October revolution, he departed into emigration. Back in
London, and divorced from Yuniya, he married Helen. Mariya, like
Anrep unemployed after the Russian Government Committee was
wound up, assisted him with his mosaics.

After the war, mosaics constituted Anrep's living. An early com-


mission was the mural for Augustus John executed in 1919. Then
followed another work for Westminster Cathedral (Blessed Oliver
Plunkett, 1920) and a series of mosaics for the house of Miss Ethel
Sands at 15 The Vale, Chelsea. One of these represented Virginia
Woolf in male costume, and with her head in the stars;30 another
showed Lytton Strachey, looking out from a cottage window to-
wards Carrington, who was depicted looking up at him from another
window.31 The house was unfortunately destroyed during the war.

In 1921 Anrep completed the Vision of St John in the memorial


chapel in the church of the Royal Military College, Sandhurst.32
The next year he exhibited oil paintings at the London Group and
finished a mosaic floor in the Tate Gallery on the theme of Blake's
Proverbs of Hell. 33 Anrep worked from a studio in Pond Street,
Hampstead, where Helen Maitland owned three houses. A small
room at the top of one of them was occupied for a time by Middle-
ton Murry.34

Among Anrep's private commissions was a mosaic floor at 35


Upper Brook Street, depicting the daily life of a modern lady of

31

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
fashion (1924-1925), and a fireplace for Lytton Strachey's bed-
room at Ham Spray House, which Anrep decorated with a mosaic
of a reclining hermaphrodite figure.35

As well as working at Westminster Cathedral, to which he returned


in 1960-1961 with a mosaic for the Chapel of the Blessed Sacra-
ment, Anrep worked at Keir (a work for the apse, 1927), the Ortho-
dox church in Moscow Road, London (1928), and Mullingar (St
Patrick's Chapel, 1948, and St Anne's Chapel, 1954). He was clearly
prepared to execute explicitly religious as well as frankly secular
pieces. The former seem to have had some intrinsic interest, and not
to have been merely financially necessary. When Ottoline introduced
Anrep to Nijinsky during the visit of the Russian Ballet, the talk
was of Russian myths and religion, and the conversation was pro-
tracted.36 Anrep, though an atheist, was well versed in theology,
and one of his critical articles treats the function of religion in art.37

1927 brought a commission from the Bank of England for a


mosaic pavement in the entrance hall, and also one from the National
Gallery. Here Anrep did eleven panels on the theme of 'The Labours
of life', and another ten on The Pleasures of Life'.38 Another floor,
completed in 1953, portrayed eminent contemporary figures in
symbolic settings, among them T.S. Eliot (representing Leisure),
Bertrand Russell (representing Lucidity), and Virginia Woolf.39 A
fourth floor, dating from 1933, depicts Bacchus, Apollo and the
Muses and likewise portrays contemporary figures.

Later works by Anrep include further mosaics for the Bank of


England (1934-1936 and 1956-1957) and plaques at the Hendon
Vale Cemetery (1953).

In 1965 Anrep met Akhmatova again in Paris, after nearly fifty


years. The meeting was unsatisfactory. Anrep was distressed that he
could not produce the ring which Alchmatova had given him while
he was still in Russia, and which had been stolen from him. He
suspected, moreover, that he and Akhmatova were being overheard.
And perhaps more importantly, he resented the fact that Akhmatova
had aged so much - forgetting that he too was no longer his former
self.

Boris Anrep died on 7 June 1969, at the age of 85.

Notes:

1. V. Vinogradov, O poezii Anny Akhmatovy. (Stilisticheskiye nabroski),


Leningrad, 1925, p. 56.
I. A partial outline ot this historical image and a comparison with the

32

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
literary image is provided in my companion piece 'Boris Anrep and the
Poems of Anna Akhmatova', Modern Language Review, vol. 74, no. 4,
October 1979, pp. 884-896.
3. Biographical information on Anrep derives from these sources, except
where noted to the contrary. In addition to the works cited below,
readers may refer to Carrington: Letters and Extracts from her Diaries,
ed. David Garnett, London, 1970; Gerald Brenan, Personal Record 1920
-1972, London, 1974; and The Diary of Virginia Woolf, ed. Anne Olivier
Benvolli, London, 1978.
4. Busts of Anrep and Nedobrovo by Stelletsky are held by the Russian
Museum, Leningrad.
5. M. Chamot, D. Farr and M. Butlin, Tate Gallery Catalogues. The Modern
British Paintings, Drawings and Sculpture, vol. 1, London, 1964, p. 405.
6. Ibid.
7. J.R., 'Mr. Boris Anrep', The Times, 14 June 1969, p. 10 (obituary n
In 1920 Henry Lamb painted a picture of Anrep and his family, re
duced as plate 12 in G.L.K. (intro.), Henry Lamb, London, 1924.
8. M. Holroyd, Augustus John. A Biography, vol. 1, London, 1974, p. 381.
9. Ibid. On the mosaic see vol. 2. London. 1975. p. 37.
10. M. Holroyd, Lytton Strachey. A Critical Biography, vol. 2, London,
1968. p. 10.
11. R. Gathorne-Hardy (ed.), Ottoline. The Early Memoirs of Lady Ottoline
Morrell, London, 1963, p. 204. Anrep seems to have ceased using the
German form of his name some time after 1912, presumably at the out-
break of the war.
12. Ibid., p. 211.
13. Held at the Grafton Galleries, London, from 5 October to 31 December
1912.
14. B. Anrep, To povodu londonskoy vystavki s uchastiyem russkikh
khudozhnikov',/lpo//o«, 1913, no. 2, p. 47.
15. D. Gordon, Modern Art Exhibitions, 1900-1916, vol. 1, Munich, 1974,
p. 90.
16. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 624-627.
17. Lytton Strachey, vol. 2, p. 70.
18. The Times, 14 June 1969, p. 10.
19. Ibid.
20. For a Russian review of the situation, see D. Babichev, 'DeyateFnost'
russkogo praviterstvennogo komiteta v Londone v gody pervoy mirovoy
voyny (1914-1917)', Istoricheskiye zapiski, vol. 57, Moscow, 1956, pp.
276-292.
21. R. Gathorne-Hardy (ed.), Ottoline at Garsington. Memoirs of Lady
Ottoline Morrell 1915-1918, London. 1974, p. 98.
22. G. Smith (ed.), Letters ofAldous Huxley, London, 1969, p. 1 15.
23. Ottoline at Garsinzton. p. 154.
24. The Story of Maria Nys is recounted in Ottoline at Garsington, pp. 201-
204.
25. Ibid., p. 202.
26. Ibid., pp. 156-157, letter of October 1916.
27. Lytton Strachey, p. 10 '.Augustus John, vol. 1, p. 336.
28. Augustus John, vol. 1, p. 336.
29. Letters of Aldous Huxley, p. 126.
30. N. Nicolson (ed.), A Change of Perspective. The Letters of Virginia
Woof, vol. 3: 1923-1928, London, 1977, p. 86.
3 1 . Lytton Strachey, p. 6 3 .
32. For a description and reproduction, see R. Fry, 'Modern Mosaic and Mr
Boris Anrep', Burlington Magazine, 1923, vol. 48, nos. 238-243, pp.
272-278.
33. For both, see Tate Gallery Catalogues.

33

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
34. F. Lea, The Life of John Middleton Murry, London, 1959, p. 90; E. Nehls
(ed.), D.H. Lawrence: A Composite Biography, vol. 2, Madison, 1958,
p. 303.
35. Lytton Strachey, p. 477.
36. Ottoline, p. 239.
37. B. Anrep. 'Be seda o zhivopisnom remesle' Anollon. 1914. no. 8. p. 50.
38. For reproductions and a description, see H. Fürst, The Boris Anrep
Pavement in the National Gallery', Apollo, 1929, vol. 9, pp. 158-161;
Architectural Review, 1929, vol. LXVI, no. 397, pp. 307 -309; Revue de
Vart ancien et moderne. 1930. no. 58. pp. 271 and 275.
39. The Times, 14 June 1969, p. 10; Lytton Strachey, p. 10; and Museums
Journal, 1953, no. 52, p. 256. A number of other public figures are also
enumerated.

Appendix: Critical articles by Boris Anrep

'Beseda o zhivopisi', Apollon, 1912, no. 9, pp. 18-24.


'Po povodu londonskoy vystavki s uchastiyem russkikh khudozhnikov',
Apollon, 1913, no. 2, pp. 39-48.
'Besedy o zhivopisnoy tekhnike', Apollon, 1914, nos. 1-2, pp. 76-91.
'Beseda o zhivopisnom remesle', Apollon, 1914, no. 8, pp. 32-51.
'Russian Ikons', Artwork, 1930, no. 21, pp. 40-46.

34

This content downloaded from 202.96.31.9 on Thu, 16 Jan 2020 01:51:24 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

You might also like