From Dust To Digital
From Dust To Digital
From Dust To Digital
http://books.openedition.org
Printed version
ISBN: 9781783740628
Number of pages: lxviii + 654
Electronic reference
KOMINKO, Maja (ed.). From Dust to Digital: Ten Years of the Endangered Archives Programme. New
edition [online]. Cambridge: Open Book Publishers, 2015 (generated 23 avril 2019). Available on the
Internet: <http://books.openedition.org/obp/2200>. ISBN: 9782821876262.
Acknowledgements ix
List of illustrations xi
List of recordings xxix
Notes on contributors xxxi
Introduction xxxvii
Lisbet Rausing and Peter Baldwin
Preserving the past: creating the Endangered Archives xxxix
Programme
Barry Supple
The Endangered Archives Programme after ten years xliii
Anthea Case
What the Endangered Archives Programme does xlvii
Crumb trails, threads and traces: endangered archives and history xlix
Maja Kominko
PART I. INSCRIPTIONS
1 The “written landscape” of the central Sahara: recording and 1
digitising the Tifinagh inscriptions in the Tadrart Acacus
Mountains
Stefano Biagetti, Ali Ait Kaci and Savino di Lernia
Index 635
Acknowledgments
The editor would like to thank the authors who have contributed to this
book for their professionalism, good humour and patience in responding
to seemingly endless queries and requests. We are all indebted to the
anonymous peer reviewers for their invaluable comments and to Open
Book Publishers for their help and guidance.
Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to Ewa Balicka-Witakowska,
Dmitry Bondarev, Jody Butterworth, Cathy Collins, Tomasz Gromelski,
Michael Kellogg, Arietta Papaconstantinou, Mandana Seyfeddinipur,
Columba Stewart, Mark Turin and Andrew Wright, who have been most
generous with their help.
List of illustrations
1.1 Map of the Tadrart Acacus and the central Saharan massifs. First 2
published in Stefano Biagetti, Ali Ait Kaci, Lucia Mori and Savino
di Lernia, “Writing the Desert: The ‘Tifinagh’ Rock Inscriptions of
the Tadrart Acacus (South-West Libya)”, Azania, 47.2 (2012), 153-74
(p. 170).
1.2 Map of the Tadrart Acacus with the sites recorded for the Endangered 14
Archives Programme sorted by significance (adapted from Biagetti
et al., 2012).
1.3 An example of Tifinagh inscription, site 09/87B (EAP265/1/87B). 15
Photo by R. Ceccacci, CC BY.
1.4 The Basmala inscription from site 09/67. 16
1.5 Site 09/73 features the toponym of Teshuinat (TŠWNT). 17
1.6 Graph illustrating the significance and context of Tifinagh sites. 20
1.7 3D view of the aqba of wadi Tasba on the western escarpment of the 21
Tadrart Acacus (map from Google Earth).
1.8 Site 09/74, close to the guelta of wadi Bubu (EAP265/1/74). Photo by 22
R. Ceccacci, CC BY.
1.9 Etaghas Ti-n-Lalan (map from Google Earth, adapted from di Lernia 23
et al., 2012).
1.10 Site 09/73, Ti-n-Anneuin, vandalised in 2009 (EAP265/1/73). Photo 26
by R. Ceccacci, CC BY.
2.1 Iftiqar Rahman photographing the Phe Lung Phe Ban paper manuscript 34
belonging to Hara Phukan. Photo by Poppy Gogoi, CC BY.
2.2 The Phe Lung Phe Ban cloth manuscript belonging to Tileshwar 37
Mohan (EAP373), CC BY.
2.3 The Phe Lung Phe Ban manuscript belonging to Hara Phukan 38
(EAP373), CC BY.
2.4 Folio 33r of the Khun Lung Khun Lai manuscript belonging to Tulsi 39
Phukan (EAP373), CC BY.
xii From Dust to Digital
4.21 May Wäyni manuscript Dәrsanä Mikaᵓel [Homily in Honour of the 118
Archangel Michael] showing spine lining with a wide strip of leather
(EAP526/1/7), CC BY-NC.
4.22 May Wäyni manuscript Dәrsanä arba‘әtu әnsәsa [Homily on the Four 119
Celestial Creatures] showing the endband made of a folded strip of
leather (EAP526/1/29), CC BY-NC.
4.23 Different types of textiles used as lining for the inner side of the 121
manuscript bindings: (a) Indian plain-weave, shuttle-woven fabric
(?) – with “buta” (Persian) or “boteh” (Indian) motif (EAP526/1/18);
(b) six narrow strips of plain-weave fabric each with both selvedges
(EAP526/1/48); (c) tapestry, plain-weave fabric (EAP526/1/37);
(d) Indian Masulipatam plain-weave fabric, block-printed
(EAP526/1/43), CC BY-NC.
4.24 Set of iron tools for decorating bindings, CC BY-NC. 122
4.25 Tools found on bindings in May Wäyni collection. Straight lines: triple 124-25
(1- EAP526/1/26), double (2- EAP526/1/37), single (3- EAP526/1/39).
Circles: single (4- EAP526/1/4 [Ø≈5 mm]), double (5- EAP526/1/18
[Ø≈5 mm]). Corni-form (6- EAP526/1/4 [18 × 8mm], 7- EAP526/1/44
[17 × 8 mm). V-form: dotted (8- EAP526/1/11 [5 × 10mm], triple lines
(9- EAP526/1/24 [9 × 12 mm]). Almond form: ‘mother of water’ (10-
EAP526/1/4 [7 × 10 mm]), ’palm shape’ (11- EAP526/1/5 [13 × 6 mm],
12- EAP526/1/49 [12 × 6mm]). Diagonal cross: 13- EAP526/1/17 [7 ×
7 mm], 14- EAP526/1/11 [8 ×8mm], 15- EAP526/1/5 [10 × 10 mm], 16-
EAP526/1/4 [9 × 9 mm], 17- EAP526/1/18 [7 × 7 mm], 18- EAP526/1/87
[9 × 9 mm], 19- EAP526/1/48 [8 × 8 mm], 20- EAP526/1/42 [12 × 12
mm], 21- EAP526/1/11 [8 × 10 mm]. Criss-cross: 22- EAP526/1/7 [4 × 6
mm], 23- EAP526/1/26 [9 × 10 mm], 24- EAP526/1/15 [8 × 8 mm], 25-
EAP526/1/18 [9 × 9 mm], 26- EAP526/1/49 [7 × 9 mm], 27- EAP526/1/5 [9
× 10 mm]; 28- EAP526/1/66 [8 × 8 mm]. Grid pattern: 29- EAP526/1/24
[7 × 13 mm], 30- EAP526/1/4 [10 × 15 mm], 31- EAP526/1/41 [12 ×
12 mm]. Straight strapwork elements: 32- EAP526/1/3 [5 × 11 mm],
33- EAP526/1/18 [6 × 9 mm].Wavy lines: 34- EAP526/1/3 [5 × 14
mm], 35- EAP526/1/26 [6 × 15 mm], 36- EAP526/1/1 [4 × 10 mm].
Curve strapwork elements or ‘wave form’: 37- EAP526/1/13 [8 ×
10 mm], 38- EAP526/1/15 [6 × 10 mm], 39- EAP526/1/18 [9 × 10
mm], 40- EAP526/1/49 [7 × 10 mm], 41- EAP526/1/22 [9 × 10 mm],
42- EAP526/1/31 [9 × 10 mm], 43- EAP526/1/22 [6 × 10 mm], 44-
EAP526/1/41 [7 × 10 mm], 45- EAP526/1/41 [7 × 10 mm]. Rosette
motives: 46- EAP526/1/25 [8 × 8 mm], 47- EAP526/1/31 [7 × 7 mm],
48- EAP526/1/46 [7 × 7 mm]. All images CC BY-NC.
4.26 Decorative tooling on the central panels of the leather covering of 127
four manuscripts from May Wäyni (a (EAP526/1/4), b (EAP526/1/16),
c (EAP526/1/7), d (EAP526/1/31)), CC BY-NC.
List of illustrations xv
4.27 May Wäyni manuscript Zena Sәlase [Narrative Teaching on the Holy 128
Trinity]. Tooled leather binding (EAP526/1/73), CC BY-NC.
4.28 Tooled leather decoration on the spines of manuscripts (from left to 129
right: EAP526/1/31, EAP526/1/22, EAP526/1/44), CC BY-NC.
4.29 May Wäyni manuscript Gädlä Ṗeṭros zä-Däbrä Abbay [Acts of Petros 130
of Däbrä Abbay] showing decoration of the inner side of the cover
(EAP526/1/65), CC BY-NC.
4.30 May Wäyni manuscript showing tooled decoration on the edges of 131
the covers (EAP526/1/52), CC BY-NC.
5.1 First page of Sharḥ Tarbiyyat al-aṭfāl by Muḥyī al-Dīn al-Qaḥṭānī (d. 139
Zanzibar, 1869). Possibly in the author’s own hand (EAP466/1/38,
image 3), CC BY-ND.
5.2 Wiṣayāt Aḥmad b. Abī Bakr b. Sumayṭ ilā ʿAbd Allāh BāKathīr. Spiritual 140
testament from the Zanzibari Sufi shaykh Aḥmad b. Sumayṭ (d.
1925) to his friend and disciple ʿAbd Allāh Bā Kathīr (d. 1925), dated
1337H/1918-1919. Possibly in the author’s own hand (EAP466/1/99,
image 2), CC BY-ND.
5.3 Example of late waqf donation “for the benefit of Muslims”. 147
Notebook with compilation of prayers and adhkār (Sufi texts for
recitation) (EAP/1/106, image 2), CC BY-ND.
5.4 Al-Fawāʾid al-Saniyya fī dhikr faḍāʾil man yantasibu ilā al-silsila al- 150
nabawiyya [The Benefits of Remembering the Virtues of those Belonging to
the Prophetic Lineage], by Aḥmad b. Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlawī, d.
1203/1788-1789 in Ḥaḍramawt. The inscriptions show the travelling
of this particular manuscript, first given as a gift in 1891-1892 and
then again in Batavia (Jakarta) in 1946-1947 (EAP466/1/29, image 4),
CC BY-ND.
5.5 Al-Fawāʾid al-Saniyya fī dhikr faḍāʾil man yantasibu ilā al-silsila al- 151
nabawiyya, by Aḥmad b. Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlawī (d. 1203/1788-
1789 in Ḥaḍramawt) (EAP466/1/29, image 6), CC BY-ND.
5.6 Example of local copying in the nineteenth century. Alfyya [The One 155
Thousand, verse of 1000 lines] with marginal commentary by Ibn
ʿAqīl copied by Shārū b. ʿUthmān b. Abī Bakr b.ʿAlī al-Sūmālī in
1858 (EAP466/1/15, image 574), CC BY-ND.
5.7 Diwān al-ʿAdanī [The Collected Poetry of Abū Bakr al-ʿAdanī], copied 157
by Sālim b. Yusallim b. ʿAwaḍ Bā Ṣafar for Habib Saleh in 1927 [1]
(EAP466/1/19, image 2), CC BY-ND.
5.8 Diwān al-ʿAdanī [The Collected Poetry of Abū Bakr al-ʿAdanī], copied 158
by Sālim b. Yusallim b. ʿAwaḍ Bā Ṣafar for Habib Saleh in 1927 [2]
(EAP466/1/19, image 3), CC BY-ND.
xvi From Dust to Digital
5.9 Colophon showing the signature of copyist Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr 160
al-Bakrī Kijūma and the date 18 Jumāda II 1352H/8 October 1928.
(EAP466/1/58, image 310), CC BY-ND.
8.1 Map of the Valley of Canta, Peru, by Évelyne Mesclier, CC BY. 226
8.2 Cover page of the records of the petition to close down the parish of 236
Pariamarca in the corregimiento of Canta, 1650 (EAP333/1/3/11 image
1), Public Domain.
List of illustrations xvii
8.3 In this letter, Don Gerónimo de Salazar y Salcedo, parish priest of 238
San Antonio de Pariamarca, explains that because of the fire that
destroyed the textile mill of Pariamarca, he requested the closing
down of the doctrina. Lima, 11 October 1651 (EAP333/1/3/11 image
46), Public Domain.
8.4 Register of the inhabitants (men, women and youth) of the doctrina 239
of San Antonio de Pariamarca, 1650 (EAP333/1/3/11 image 23),
Public Domain.
8.5 In this letter, the protector of the Indians, don Francisco Valençuela, 241
states that the priest of Pariamarca’s salary cannot be paid with the
proceeds of the Indians’ assets. Lima, c. 1651 (EAP333/1/3/11 image
54), Public Domain.
8.6 Sample page of the census conducted in 1653 by Juan de Escalante 244
y Mendoza showing part of the headcount of the ayllu (kin group)
Julcan Yumay (EAP333/1/3/11 image 107), Public Domain.
8.7 Sample page of the census conducted in 1653 by Juan de Escalante y 245
Mendoza, showing part of the headcount of the ayllu Allauca Pacha
(EAP333/1/3/11 image 113), Public Domain.
8.8 Sample page of the census conducted in 1653 by Juan de Escalante 248
y Mendoza showing part of the headcount of reservados, adult men
and women who because of their occupation, age or health were
exempted from paying tribute (EAP333/1/3/11 image 106), Public
Domain.
8.9 Cultivated fields in Pariamarca, August 2014. Photo by Évelyne 250
Mesclier, CC BY.
8.10 A street in Pariamarca, August 2014. Photo by Évelyne Mesclier, 253
CC BY.
8.11 A view of the town and valley of Canta, August 2014. Photo by 254
Évelyne Mesclier, CC BY.
10.1 Kitāb tārīkh Zazzau [A History of Zazzu or Zaria Emirate] by B. Ulama-i, 296
1924. Digitised handwritten Arabic document (EAP535/1/2/3/2,
image 2), Public Domain.
10.2 Digitised original file description written in English on an Arabic 296
document by Sultan Muhammad Bello, n.d. (probably 1954-1966).
The National Archives, Kaduna (EAP535/1/2/3/3, image 2), Public
Domain.
10.3 A Guide to Understanding Certain Aspects of Islam, by Sultan Muhammad 297
Bello, 1809. The National Archives, Kaduna (EAP535/1/2/3/3, image
3), Public Domain.
List of illustrations xix
10.4 Waqar jami-yah by Sheikh Ahmadu ti-la ibn Abdullahi, n.d. 297
(EAP535/1/2/19/20, image 2), Public Domain.
10.5 Report on the annual inspection of Zungeru prison by Lieutenant 301
Colonel Hasler, 1906 [1] (EAP535/2/2/5/4, image 7), Public Domain.
10.6 Report on the annual inspection of Zungeru prison by Lieutenant 302
Colonel Hasler, 1906 [2] (EAP535/2/2/5/4, image 5), Public Domain.
10.7 Report on Bornu Province prisons by W. P. Hewby, 1906 [1] 303
(EAP535/2/2/5/16, image 53), Public Domain.
10.8 Report on Bornu Province prisons by W. P. Hewby, 1906 [2] 304
(EAP535/2/2/5/16, image 54), Public Domain.
10.9 Document from the Niger Province annual report on cotton 311
production for 1911 by Major W. Hamilton Browne, 1912
(EAP535/2/2/11/18, image 58), Public Domain.
10.10 Report on the unsatisfactory conduct of the Maaji of Zaria by the 316
District Officer in charge of the Zaria Emirate, Y. Kirkpatrick, to the
Resident of Zaria Province, 1921 [1] (EAP535/2/3/6/18, image 20),
Public Domain.
10.11 Report on the unsatisfactory conduct of the Maaji of Zaria by the 317
District Officer in charge of the Zaria Emirate, Y. Kirkpatrick, to the
Resident of Zaria Province, 1921 [2] (EAP535/2/3/6/18, image 21),
Public Domain.
10.12 Report on the unsatisfactory conduct of the Maaji of Zaria by the 318
District Officer in charge of the Zaria Emirate, Y. Kirkpatrick, to the
Resident of Zaria Province, 1921 [3] (EAP535/2/3/6/18, image 22),
Public Domain.
10.13 Document from “Report September quarter 1911-Kabba Province” 321
concerning constraints on crop cultivation by J. A. Ley Greeves, 1912
(EAP535/2/2/10/32, image 21), Public Domain.
11.1 Picture of Ahmadou Bamba taken during the 2012 Màggal, the 341
yearly celebration of his arrest in 1895. The Arabic verses read as
follows: “My intention on this day is to thank You, God; O You, the
only one I implore, The Lord of the Throne”.
11.2 Mbaye Nguirane reading an Ajami excerpt of one of Moussa Ka’s 347
poems during an interview with Fallou Ngom on 11 June 2011.
Born in 1940 in Diourbel, Senegal, Nguirane is a leading specialist
in Sufism, a historian and a public speaker.
11.3 This image is the last page of Moukhtar Ndong’s Ajami healing and 359
protection manual, Manāficul Muslim (EAP334/12/2, image 19), CC BY.
xx From Dust to Digital
11.4 “In the Name of Your Quills and Ink” by the master poet and social 360
critic, Mbaye Diakhaté, written between 1902 and 1954 (EAP334/4/2,
image 46), CC BY.
11.5 A page from Habibou Rassoulou Sy’s Lawtanuk Barka [Flourishing of 363
Baraka], a genealogy book of the family of Boroom Tuubaa (Ahmadou
Bamba). Bamba is located in the circle in bold (EAP334/12/1, image
6), CC BY.
11.6 A work of Ajami art displaying a key Murid maxim: “Loo yootu jàpp 364
ko (Seize whatever you reach)” in Mbaye Diakhaté’s “Yow miy Murid,
Seetal Ayib yi La Wër [You, the Murid, Beware of the Challenges
Surrounding You]” (EAP334/8/1, image 29).
11.7 Photo of a shopkeeper’s Ajami advertisement in Diourbel, the 365
heartland of Muridiyya, taken in June 2009. The Ajami text reads
as follows: “Fii dañu fiy wecciku ay Qasā’id aki band(u) ak kayiti kaamil
aki daa” [Poems, audiocassettes, Quran-copying quality paper and
ink are sold here]”. The word TIGO refers to a local mobile phone
company.
11.8 A mill owner’s advertisement for grinding grains, including 366
peanuts. The Ajami text reads as follows: “Ku bëgg wàllu wàlla soqlu
wàlla tigadege wàlla nooflaay; kaay fii la. Waa Kër Xaadimu Rasuul [If
you want (your grains) pounded or grinded or peanut butter
effortlessly; come here. The People of The Servant of the Prophet
(Ahmadou Bamba)]”. Photo taken in Diourbel in June 2009.
11.9 Shopping for Ajami materials in Touba, Senegal during the 2012 367
Màggal.
11.10 Shopping for Ajami materials and Murid paraphernalia in Touba, 367
Senegal, 12 July 2014.
11.11 An advertisement in Ajami for the mobile phone company Orange 368
in a suburb of the Murid holy city of Touba, 12 July 2014.
11.12 A public announcement in Ajami and six foreign languages asking 369
pilgrims who attended the 2011 Màggal to turn off their mobile
phones when entering the Great Mosque of Touba where Ahmadou
Bamba is buried, 11 January 2011.
12.4 Front page of al-Jāmiʿah al-ʿArabīyah [The Arab League] newspaper, 389
on the Buraq uprising, 16 October 1929 (EAP119/1/13/260, image
1), CC BY.
12.5 Page three of al-Jāmiʿah al-ʿArabīyah [The Arab League] newspaper, on 390
al-Qassam unrest, 22 November 1935 (EAP119/1/13/1504, image 3),
CC BY.
12.6 Front page of al-Iqdām [The Courage] newspaper, on political parties, 391
30 March 1935 (EAP119/1/23/34, image 1), CC BY.
12.7 Front page of al-Difāʿ [The Defence] newspaper, on the great strike of 392
1936, 17 June 1936 (EAP119/1/21/169, image 1), CC BY.
12.8 Page three of al-Jāmiʿah al-ʿArabīyah [The Arab League] newspaper, 393
on the Palestinian press under the Mandate, 3 April 1930
(EAP119/1/13/338, image 3), CC BY.
12.9 Damaged page of Filasṭīn [Palestine] newspaper, 30 December 1947 395
(EAP119/1/22/1802, image 1), CC BY.
12.10 Damaged paper of Bāb sharḥ al-shamsīyah, work on logic, 1389 CE 397
(EAP399/1/23, image 4), CC BY.
12.11 Ashraf al-Wasāʾil, biography of the Prophet, 1566 CE (EAP399/1/12, 397
image 4), CC BY.
12.12 Khāliṣ al-talkhīṣ, on the Arabic language, seventeenth century CE 398
(EAP399/1/42, image 5), CC BY.
12.13 al-Wasīlah fī al-Ḥisāb, on mathematics, 1412 CE (EAP399/1/14, image 398
18), CC BY.
12.14 Taṣrīf al-Šāfiyah, on the Arabic language, 1345 CE (EAP399/1/34, 399
image 85), CC BY.
12.15 al-Rawḍah, on jurisprudence and matters of doctrine, 1329 CE 404
(EAP521/1/90, image 4), CC BY.
12.16 Maʿālim al-Tanzīl, exegesis, 1437 CE (EAP521/1/6, image 3), CC BY. 404
12.17 Ṭabaqāt al-Shāfiʿīyah, on history, 1542 CE (EAP521/1/26, image 33), 405
CC BY.
12.18 al-Nawādir al-Sulṭānīyah, on the history and biography of Salaḥ al- 405
Dīn al-Ayyūbī, 1228 CE (EAP521/1/24, image 29), CC BY.
15.3 The first camp after crossing the border between Taimyr and Evenkia 497
with all three expedition members: Baluev, Dolgikh and Strulev. ©
Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia (KKKM 3683), all rights reserved.
15.4 Stakhanovite hunter, Stepan N. Pankagir, on the hunt for squirrels. 504
Uchug, Evenki National District, 17 January 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1264).
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
15.5 Prize-winning hunter Ivan K. Solov’ev (a Yakut) shows his award to 511
his wife. Next to her is V. V. Antsiferov. Kamen’ Factory, 7 November
1938 (EAP016/4/1/1913). © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights
reserved.
15.6 Female hunters. From the left, Mariia L. Mukto and Mariia F. 512
Chapogir hunting for squirrels in the forest. Evenki National
District, 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1323). © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia,
all rights reserved.
15.7 Icefishing with reindeer fat. Evenki National District, 1939. © 513
Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia (KKKM 3684), all rights reserved.
15.8 Geography lesson in grade seven at the Russian School. Evenkii 515
National District, Tura Settlement, January 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1546).
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
15.9 The Yakut Nikolai N. Botulu (Katykhinskii) with a polar fox 516
caught in the jaws of a trap. He was from Ezhova, Taimyr National
District, but his traps were located in the Evenki National District,
1938 (EAP016/4/1/315). © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights
reserved.
15.10 Krasnoyarsk krai forest on the border of the Evenki National 517
District, Boguchansk Region, February 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1646). ©
Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
15.11 Three modes of transport: reindeer, sleigh and truck. Evenki 519
National District, Tura, 1939. © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia
(KKKM 3767), all rights reserved.
15.12 Evenki hunter Danil V. Miroshko trading furs. The head of the 519
exchange is Luka Pavlovich Shcherbakov. Tura, January 1939. ©
Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia (KKKM 3822), all rights reserved.
15.13 A reindeer herd with herder from the Reindeer Sovkhoz (state farm), 520
NKZ. Evenki National District, February 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1341). ©
Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
15.14 Headquarters for the Reindeer Sovkhoz (state farm), NKZ. A chum 521
(conical tent) is in the foreground, a new home for Evenki labourers
in the background. © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia (KKKM 3706),
all rights reserved.
xxiv From Dust to Digital
15.15 Yakut tent in Tura in the winter. Evenki National District, 522
Tura settlement, January 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1556). © Krasnoyarsk
Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
15.16 New Year’s tree celebration at the secondary school. © Krasnoyarsk 523
Museum, Siberia, (KKKM 3759), all rights reserved.
15.17 Children performing exercises under a portrait of Stalin (a small 525
portrait of the assassinated Bolshevik leader, Sergei Kirov, is behind
the teacher’s head) (EAP016/4/1/1246). © Krasnoyarsk Museum,
Siberia, all rights reserved.
16.1 Jacques Toussele with a plate camera in 1965. © Jacques Toussele, 532
CC BY-NC-ND.
16.2 Jacques Toussele in 2001. Photo by author, CC BY-NC-ND. 533
16.3 The studio in 1973 (EAP054/1/123/56). © Jacques Toussele, CC BY- 535
NC-ND.
16.4 The studio building in 2006. Photo by author, CC BY-NC-ND. 535
16.5 A street seller (EAP054/1/54/58). © Jacques Toussele, CC BY-NC-ND. 536
16.6 Portrait for an ID card (EAP054/1/94/167). © Jacques Toussele, CC 536
BY-NC-ND.
16.7 Portrait of an elderly man with spear and pipe (EAP054/1/68/125). © 537
Jacques Toussele, CC BY-NC-ND.
16.8 Portrait for an ID card (EAP054/1/177/24). © Jacques Toussele, CC 537
BY-NC-ND.
16.9 Portraits for school ID cards. Double exposure on a single negative 538
(EAP054/1/52/144). © Jacques Toussele, CC BY-NC-ND.
16.10 A photocopy of a print of a man standing, showing how the original 540
negative was cropped (EAP054/1/4/145). © Jacques Toussele, CC
BY-NC-ND.
16.11 Original negative for the print shown in Fig. 16.10 (EAP054/1/50/562). 541
© Jacques Toussele, CC BY-NC-ND.
16.12 Baptism. Damaged negative (EAP054/1/44/45). © Jacques Toussele, 543
CC BY-NC-ND.
16.13 Negatives before scanning. Photo by author, CC BY-NC-ND. 543
16.14 The documentary team at work in Mbouda. Photo by author, CC 544
BY-NC-ND.
List of illustrations xxv
17.1 The logo of the Syliphone recording company. © Editions Syliphone, 555
Conakry, under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
17.2 Bembeya Jazz National, Regard sur le passé (Syliphone, SLP 10, c. 557
1969). The photo depicts Samory Touré, grandfather of President
Sékou Touré, who led the insurgency against French rule in the late
nineteenth century. The orchestra’s version of the epic narrative in
honour of his life earned them great acclaim; when it was performed
at the First Pan-African Cultural Festival, held in Algiers in 1969, it
won Guinea a silver medal. © Editions Syliphone, Conakry, under
license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
17.3 Ensemble Instrumental de la Radiodiffusion Nationale, Guinée an 558
XI (Syliphone, SLP 16, 1970). Guinea’s premier traditional ensemble
displays the prominence of the griot musical tradition, with two
koras (first and second rows, centre) and a balafon (second row, far
left). © Editions Syliphone, Conakry, under license from Syllart
Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
17.4 The verso cover of a box set of four Syliphone LPs (Syliphone, SLP 558
10-SLP 13, 1970), released in recognition of the performances of
Guinea’s artists at the First Pan-African Cultural Festival, held in
Algiers in 1969. © Editions Syliphone, Conakry, under license from
Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
17.5 Bembeya Jazz National/Horoya Band National, Concerts des Orchestres 559
Nationaux (Syliphone, SLP 27, 1971). Political doctrine was reinforced
through Syliphone. Here the cover depicts an enemy combatant,
his boat blasted, surrendering to the JRDA (Jeunesse de la Révolution
Démocratique Africaine, the youth wing of the PDG) and the APRG
(Armée Populaire Révolutionnaire de Guinée). © Editions Syliphone,
Conakry, under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
17.6 Édition spécial de la régie Syliphone. Commémorant le 1eranniversaire de la 559
victoire du peuple de Guinée sur l’Impérialisme International (Syliphone
SLPs 26-29, 1971). A box set of four LP discs (“Coffret special agression”)
released to celebrate Guinea’s victory over the Portuguese-led forces
which invaded the country in 1970. © Editions Syliphone, Conakry,
under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
17.7 Horoya Band National (Syliphone, SLP 41, c. 1973). Many of Guinea’s 560
orchestras featured the band members wearing traditional cloth. Here,
an orchestra from Kankan in the north of Guinea wears outfits in the
bògòlanfini style associated with Mandé culture. © Editions Syliphone,
Conakry, under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
xxvi From Dust to Digital
17.8 Various Artists, Discothèque 70 (Syliphone, SLP 23, 1971). Tradition 560
and modernity: a compilation of music by Guinean orchestras is
promoted by images from local cultural traditions. Here, a Fulbé
woman is depicted. © Editions Syliphone, Conakry, under license
from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
17.9 The Radio Télévision Guinée (RTG) offices in Boulbinet, Conakry. 568
Photo by author, CC BY-NC-ND.
17.10 Audio reels stored in the RTG’s “annexe”. Photo by author, CC BY- 569
NC-ND.
17.11 Some of the audio reels were in urgent need of preservation. Photo 569
by author, CC BY-NC-ND.
17.12 Archiving the audio reels and creating digital copies. Photo by 570
author, CC BY-NC-ND.
18.1 Davud Pirnia (on the right) and Rahi Mu’ayyiri (on the left) at the 588
radio in Tehran, c. 1950. Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public
Domain.
18.2 Parviz Yahaqqi (on the right) and Bijan Taraqqi (on the left) 589
composing a song for the Golha programmes. Tehran, late 1950s.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
18.3 Rahim Moini-Kermanshahi (on the right) and ‘Ali Tajvidi (on the 589
left) composing a song for the Golha programmes. Tehran, mid-
1950s. Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
18.4 Vigin Derderian, one of the most popular pop singers from the 592
1950s. He sang several Armenian tunes for the Golha programmes.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
18.5 Ali Akbar Shanazi teaching his pupil Pirayeh Pourafar at the Centre 597
for the Preservation and Promotion of Music in Tehran, in 1977.
Courtesy of Pirayeh Pourafar, Public Domain.
18.6 Ghulam Hosain Banan (on the left) and Navab-Safa (on the right) 599
working on a song for the Golha programmes. Tehran, late 1950s.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
18.7 Akbar Golpaygani (on the left) and Farhang Sharif (on the right) 602
in the late 1960s. Courtesy of Alireza Mirnaghabi, Public Domain.
18.8 Left to right: Shaf’i Kadkani, Hushang Ebtehaj and Bastani 605
Parizi. They were all poets whose work was featured in the Golha
programmes, c. 1970. Courtesy of Alireza Mirnaghibi, Public
Domain.
List of illustrations xxvii
18.9 Mohammad Reza Lutfi (on the left) and Hushang Ebtehaj (on the 606
right) in the mid-1970s. Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public
Domain.
18.10 Text of the Golha-yi javidan and Golha-yi rangarang programmes 607
printed in the Radio-yi Iran journal. Majala-yi Radio, 16-17 (1335
A.Hsh./1956), Public Domain.
18.11 Faramarz Payvar (on the left) and Hosain Tehrani (on the right), at 610
the Tomb of Hafiz, Shiraz Arts Festival, c. 1970. Courtesy of Forugh
Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
18.12 Left to right: Turaj Nigahban, Gulshan Ibrahimi and Humayun 611
Khuram. Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
17.1 Orchestre Honoré Coppet, “no title” (1963), 4’40”. Syliphone2-068-02. 573
With permission from Sterns Music, all rights reserved.
17.2 Syli Orchestre National, “Syli” (c. 1962), 4’33”. Syliphone3-248-3. 573
With permission from Sterns Music, all rights reserved.
17.3 Balla et ses Balladins, “PDG” (c. 1970), 5’22”. Syliphone2-089-08. 573
With permission from Sterns Music, all rights reserved.
17.4 Orchestre de la Paillote, “Dia” (1967), 3’48”. Syliphone4-358-10. 574
With permission from Sterns Music, all rights reserved.
17.5 Orchestre de la Garde Républicaine 1ère formation, “Sabougnouma” 574
(1964), 4’25”. Syliphone2-067-02. With permission from Sterns
Music, all rights reserved.
17.6 Kébendo Jazz, “Kankan diaraby” (1964), 3’20”. Syliphone2-052-03. 574
With permission from Sterns Music, all rights reserved.
17.7 Orchestre Féminin Gendarmerie Nationale, “La bibeta” (1963), 574
3’41”. Syliphone4-382-08. With permission from Sterns Music, all
rights reserved.
17.8 Syli Authentic, “Aguibou” (c. 1976), 7’04”. Syliphone2-077-01. With 575
permission from Sterns Music, all rights reserved.
17.9 Koubia Jazz, “Commissaire minuit” (1987), 5’40”. Syliphone4-022-03. 575
With permission from Sterns Music, all rights reserved.
17.10 Bembeya Jazz National, “Ballaké” (c. 1972), 8’02”. Syliphone2-091-01. 575
With permission from Sterns Music, all rights reserved.
17.11 Kouyaté Sory Kandia, “Miniyamba” (c. 1968), 2’24”. 576
Syliphone4-380-05. With permission from Sterns Music, all rights
reserved.
17.12 Kouyaté Sory Kandia, “Sakhodougou” (c. 1973), 8’26”. 576
Syliphone3-168-4. With permission from Sterns Music, all rights
reserved.
xxx From Dust to Digital
18.1 Golha-yi javidan 85, broadcast between 1956 and 1959. Public Domain. 591
18.2 Golha-yi rangarang 158, broadcast between 1956 and 1972. Public 591
Domain.
18.3 Barg-i sabz 23, broadcast between 1956 and 1972. Public Domain. 591
18.4 Yik shakh-i gol 196, broadcast between 1956 and 1972. Public Domain. 591
18.5 Golha-yi sahra’i 14, broadcast between 1960 and 1972. Public Domain. 591
18.6 Golha-yi taza 200, broadcast between 1972 and 1979. Public Domain. 604
Notes on contributors
Qasem Abu Harb is Director of the Archive Centre of the Arab Studies
Society in Jerusalem (al-Quds).
Ali Ait Kaci has been working as an archaeologist at the National Archaeological
Agency of Algeria since 1990. He has directed many excavations in Italy,
Tunisia and Morocco. His current research focuses on Libyco-Berber epigraphy.
Peter Baldwin is Co-founder of the Arcadia Fund and the Global Distinguished
Professor at New York Untiersity’s Center for European and Mediterranean
Studies. His research focuses on the development of the modern state, but
also addresses the comparative history of the welfare state, social policy,
and public health.
Anthea Case is Principal Adviser of the Arcadia Fund and Chair of the National
Trust East of England Regional Advisory Board. She was previously Chief
Executive of the National Heritage Memorial Fund and Heritage Lottery
Fund (1995-2003). She was awarded a CBE in 2003 for services to heritage.
heritage as a result struggle to maintain their cultural identity. Who could lay
claim to rescuing their heritage if we digitise it without making it accessible
to them? And we do mean accessible — not only to those who can afford
the travel to London but to every member of any dispersed community and
to anyone who wants to explore and understand their culture. Digitisation
may help to preserve the archives, but without open access the impact of
these efforts will be limited.
The digitised collections contain a wealth of historical knowledge. They
may not be part of school curricula or learned canons, but it is not for us to
decide whether they do or do not become part of them in the future. Simply
put: if this is the memory of the world, the world needs to be able to access
it. We are proud that ten years from its inception, the Endangered Archives
Programme has made nearly four million files available through its website.
These are nearly four million individual windows into the human past that
might otherwise have remained inaccessible or could even have closed forever.
Much of the credit for the wonderful success of the programme should go
to the British Library and the programme’s team. Their tireless enthusiasm
and dedication made it possible to transform the concept into an efficient
reality. The global reach and significance of the programme would have
been impossible to achieve without the international panel of experts who,
over the years, have generously shared their knowledge and assiduously
scrutinised applications, making sure that the support is directed where it
is most needed. The expertise of the British Library curators helps to ensure
that, what could have so easily have become a Borghesian labyrinth, is an
accessible and clear archive of archives. We are also grateful to the Advisory
Board and to the staff of the Arcadia Fund for their unflinching support,
advice and hard work. Most importantly, however, our recognition is due
to grantees who took risks and often worked in harsh conditions to ensure
that historical materials were preserved. They are the real heroes of the
Endangered Archives Programme.
We are grateful to the British Library for agreeing to keep the collections in
perpetuity and ensuring that they remain freely accessible. We hope that not all
scholarly publications based on these materials will be closed behind paywalls.
Preserving the past: creating the
Endangered Archives Programme
Barry Supple
When Arcadia was established in 2001, Lisbet Rausing was concerned to use
its resources to protect and advance knowledge and to establish the means
of preserving that knowledge. That aim was based on an appreciation of
the importance of academic and professional expertise. But the essence
of the fund’s purposes was the preservation and enlargement of cultural
information and awareness in their broadest senses.
These aims were initially embodied in the Endangered Languages
Documentation Programme, which reflected the growing awareness of the
threat to a core aspect of human culture. It was designed to support projects
to record the nature, structure and use of as many of the world’s languages
that are threatened by extinction as possible. It exemplified a combination
of an overarching central initiative and a responsiveness to approaches and
applications by well-qualified experts.
As the Endangered Languages Documentation Programme was being
launched, attention turned to a parallel need to act on behalf of a field of
knowledge and culture that was also under threat. Historical archives — the
essential records of human activity — are subject to the ravages of time, to
neglect, to forgetfulness, and to the destructive forces of war and civil unrest.
In response to this danger, Arcadia established the Endangered Archives
Programme (EAP) to ensure that archival material was not only preserved,
digitally recorded and retained in its original location where possible, but
also safely deposited in more than one location. It embodied a major effort to
ensure that knowledge of the past — of human social life in its huge variety
— would remain available to the future.
The aims and means of the EAP — its “model” — followed logically on
those of the Endangered Languages Documentation Programme. Both were
concerned to rescue or maintain culturally significant records. Both focused
on a large-scale effort to protect important fields of knowledge. But both
were designed to attract individual proposals within those fields rather than
depend on direct, detailed initiatives by Arcadia. It followed that both of
them respected, and were designed to harness, the efforts and initiatives of
a multitude of scholars.
As with the Endangered Languages Documentation Programme, the EAP
depended on a panel of international experts to allocate grants to individual
scholars and an institution, in this case the British Library, to administer
those grants. Given its role and the nature of the EAP, the panel had to
be international, experienced and representative of interests and archival
knowledge. By the same token, its was composed of historians and archivists
of standing, reputation and influence.
Initially, and given the flow of applications for support at an unusually
generous and enlightened level, it might have been assumed that the panel’s
work would be undertaken straightforwardly within the original parameters of
the EAP. It was anticipated that grants would be fairly scrupulously confined
to funding the digital recording (and the deposit of those recordings) of
archival material (historical written data, photographs and sound recordings)
largely derived from pre-industrial societies. Indeed, at the initial stage it
was not envisaged that support would be offered to applications concerned
with more unconventional archives or the physical preservation/restoration
of material generated by advanced societies.
However, as knowledge of the programme spread, applications became
more diverse — and in some respects unexpectedly and commendably
adventurous. First, panel discussions increasingly focused on the fact
that the boundaries between categories of archives are porous and the
distinctions sometimes difficult to maintain. At the same time, the EAP came
to acknowledge the urgency of the threat to archives that appeared to be
outside the original expectations but were no less significant for historical
research and the preservation of cultural knowledge.
Quite early on in the history of the EAP, therefore, the panel had to
consider proposals to preserve seemingly unconventional material — material
concerned with Italian folk songs, for example, or Iranian radio broadcasts
between the two world wars, or Chinese tax records. Whatever doubts were
entertained were resolved by the quality and intrinsic interest of the data
Preserving the past xli
Ten years on, the broad objectives of the Endangered Archives Programme
(EAP) remain unchanged. The EAP continues to bring into the international
research domain neglected, vulnerable or inaccessible archival materials
relating to “pre-industrial” societies worldwide. It does so by providing
relatively small grants to individual researchers to find and copy endangered
or vulnerable material.
The reach of the EAP has been global, supporting a remarkable range
of dedicated people — not just professional archivists and academics but
independent researchers and amateur enthusiasts of the best kind. Some
six million pounds in 240 grants has now been given for archives from
Argentina to Zambia, for the digital preservation of around 400 manuscripts
in Ethiopian desert monasteries, of piles of paper decaying in institutions
without the resources to look after them, of boxes of shellac records and
early tape recordings and Saharan rock inscriptions. Grants have also led
to the discovery of unknown and important archives in private hands, such
as manuscripts of the minority Cham people in Vietnam and handwritten
records of village customary law in southern India.
All this digitised material is now freely available to academics, individuals
and communities, in both local archives and through the British Library website.
This volume shows the breadth and quality of the scholarly activity that the
EAP has made possible. Its impact, however, goes much further than that.
Against this background it is not surprising that an independent review
in 2010, after the first five years, found the EAP to be innovative, worthwhile
and successful in the eyes of participating scholars both internationally and
in the home countries of the archival projects concerned. Much of this success
reflects two key decisions taken at the start of the programme: to administer it
through a world-class institution — the British Library — with a global reach
in terms of skills and networks; and to recruit an international panel of experts
to guide its decisions on policy and on individual grants. The contributions
of the library and the panel have been significant in steering the EAP through
the two main challenges we have faced since 2004.
The scope of the programme, originally conceived along conventional lines,
has been challenged by applications from the start. The current approach
has evolved through pretty continuous discussion at panel meetings about
such fundamental questions as “what constitutes an archive” and “what
constitutes pre-industrial society”. In practice, there has been a widening of
the definition of “pre-industrial” or “pre-modern” in response to the expressed
needs in the field, as evidenced by applications and the cases they make for
importance and vulnerability. Some risks affect material whatever its age —
storm and tempest, political instability — but paper used from the end of the
nineteenth century and audio visual materials in the early twentieth century
are particularly vulnerable to the ravages of the environment and the innate
fragility of the media. The panel’s approach is subtle — there is no single
cut-off date. This allows the issues of risk and importance to be judged on
their merits in individual circumstances.
The EAP’s focus has always been on access and preservation rather than on
conservation. In 2004, worldwide access through the web was not envisaged.
The digitised, or in some cases microfilmed, master copies were expected
to be viewed in in-country local archives, with back-up copies available to
view in the British Library, or mailed to researchers who could not get there.
By 2010, development of the internet and the expectations of scholars
had made it clear that the route to dissemination needed to be via the British
Library website which was not subject to the vagaries besetting access to
material elsewhere, especially in less developed countries. This presented
a major challenge. Placing future material online would be relatively easy.
Dealing with the material already deposited — approximately 100 projects,
a huge variety of subject matter, digitised by different hands — has been
more challenging. A single project might produce five terabytes of material,
or in one instance, fifteen terabytes. Sound recordings and videos presented
further difficulties, but this is being worked on, with the aim of streaming
recordings, where rights have been cleared, through the British Library
Sounds website.
The Endangered Archives Programme after ten years xlv
Curating and cataloguing this has been a huge task for both curatorial and
technical staff. But now, this enormous amount of newly digitised material
is free to view online via the British Library website. A significant amount
of the new material is in a wide variety of non-roman scripts. It will enable
new scholarship and new collaborations by both western and non-western
scholars and underline the volume and value of writings in other scripts.
More recently, in 2013, the final report from The Global Dimensions of
Scholarship and Research Libraries: A Forum on the Future, identified the
EAP as one of the most promising initiatives in efforts to align research
library agendas with globalising scholarship and teaching.
In addition to delivering on its core objectives of preservation and
dissemination for the benefit of scholarship worldwide, the EAP has also
secured further benefits, in general unforeseen at the start. Perhaps the most
important of these is the impact on communities where the archives are sited.
In fulfilling its aim, the EAP builds the capacity for local communities
to continue to care for archival sources beyond the life of a project. It does
this by preferring to train local people to help deliver projects rather than
employ experts from overseas. The equipment is deposited with the archival
partner for further use after the project has ended. And the EAP, through
the British Library, offers outstanding technical and general support, which
is highly valued by those leading projects.
The international status of the British Library and its involvement in
the programme has had significant impacts locally. Archives in many
developing countries are poorly funded and personnel employed there
generally struggle to protect their collections. The involvement of the EAP
has meant that governments and universities have been made aware of
the value of the materials they possess and have sometimes pledged to
develop a strategy for long-term preservation and to enhance their support
for archives more generally.
One of the great pleasures of being involved in the programme is to read
the final reports, which express profound thanks for saving part of a group’s
heritage for future generations. This is particularly true for minority groups
whose collections are often dispersed in private hands, with much of their
heritage already lost. The value of the EAP lies in the fact that it does not
remove items from their owners, unless they are happy for this to happen.
It therefore overcomes the concerns that people may have about the loss of
their material heritage. At the same time, the free open access to the materials
through the British Library makes them available to anyone with an internet
xlvi From Dust to Digital
Once a year for the past decade an eminent panel of nine experts – librarians,
archivists and academics – has met at the British Library to consider
applications from individuals wishing to preserve vulnerable archival
collections worldwide.
The panel awards two types of grants. Pilot grants support initial exploration
to locate and assess the state of endangered collections. These projects may
serve as preparation for major grants which support the digitisation of
collections. The digital images recorded by the EAP projects are deposited
with local institutions and the British Library, which makes them available
online. To qualify for a grant the material must be potentially significant for
scholarship, endangered and from a pre-modern period. Importantly, the
panel only awards grants where the resulting materials can be made open
to access on the library’s website.
So far the Programme has awarded 244 grants worldwide totalling
£6m, giving between £500k and £900k each year. It has supported 91 pilot
projects and 153 major projects. It has digitised collections endangered by
environmental factors, neglect, obsolescence of materials or the vulnerability
of the minority groups to whom the materials belong. Among the collections
documented are records from the low-lying island of Tuvalu, under threat
from rising sea waters, and murals on crumbling temples in India. The
programme has digitised photographs taken by Buddhist monks in Luang
Prabang, images that provide a unique view of monastic life and that had been
forgotten for decades in storage. It has supported digitisation of traditional
music and stories recorded on magnetic tapes and phonograph records from
the mountains of Azerbaijan. It has also helped to digitise Hakku Patras,
historic certificates of rights granted to families from dependant castes, which
xlviii From Dust to Digital
Members
Simon Franklin* Jeevan Deol
Nada Itani* Aziz Abid
Ann Kumar* Lorraine Gesick
Nathan Mnjama* Gabriela Ramos
Linda Newson* Lenka Matušiková
Sanjay Subrahmanyam* Ann Thurston
Marion Wallace* (BL Curator Branka Prpa
for African Studies) Paul Lihoma
* Current
Crumb trails, threads and traces:
endangered archives and history
Maja Kominko
1 Quoted after Jennifer S. Milligan, “The Problem of Publicité in the Archives of Second
Empire France”, in Archives, Documentation, and Institutions of Social Memory: Essays from
the Sawyer Seminar, ed. by Francis X. Blouin, Jr. and William G. Rosenberg (Ann Arbor,
MI: University of Michigan Press, 2006), 20-35 (p. 20).
2 Donald R. Kelly, Faces of History. Historical Inquiry from Herodotus to Herder (New Haven,
CT and London: Yale University Press, 1998); R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); Arnaldo Momigliano, Studies in Historiography
(New York: Harper & Row, 1966); Jacques Le Goff, History and Memory (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1992), pp. 152-78; Carlo Ginzburg, Threads and Traces: True
False Fictive (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2012).
3 Francis X. Blouin, Jr. and William G. Rosenberg, Processing the Past. Contesting Authority
in History and the Archives (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). For a critical theory
of archives as a locus of authority, see Jacques Derrida, Mal d’archive: une impression
freudienne (Paris: Édition Galilée, 1995). For an overview of the theoretical discussion, see
Wolfgang Ernst, Das Rumoren der Archive: Ordnung aus Unordnung (Berlin: Merve-Verlag,
2002).
It seems that it was with Elias Assemani that the “harvesting of manuscripts”
from the Orient began in earnest. His first visit to Deir al-Surian Monastery
was followed by other expeditions to the Middle East on behalf of the Vatican
Library and in the company of his cousin Joseph Assemani, its future librarian.
The manuscripts they collected constitute much of the Vatican Library’s
Oriental holdings.8 Other libraries followed suit. For example, the British
Library preserves over 500 codices bought from the Deir al-Surian Monastery
between 1839 and 1851.9 The acquisition of Oriental manuscripts continued
throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and with the codices
put “to noble use”, scholarship on Eastern Christianity, Near Eastern languages
and history grew exponentially.10 The only occasional wrinkle in this process
was caused by the Eastern monks’ reluctance to part with their books. This
frustrated westerners, who believed the monks had neither intellectual interest
in the manuscripts, nor the skills to read and understand them.11 Rarely did
they pause to reflect on why the monks were so unwilling to sell, and if they
considered it at all, they wrote it off as result of anathemas placed in the codices
against those who remove them from monasteries.12 The buyers grew cunning:
on one occasion Joseph Assemani was careful to procure codices from the
superior without the knowledge of the monks, who would have opposed the
transaction.13 The murkiest and most famous of all such stories is that of the
acquisition of the Codex Sinaiticus, a Greek Bible including the earliest copy
of the Greek New Testament, obtained by Constantine Tischendorf in two
instalments: 43 loose leaves, which he brought to Leipzig in 1844, were allegedly
8 Ricerche sulla formazione del più antico fondo dei manoscritti orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana.
Studi e Testi 92, ed. by Giorgio Levi della Vida (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, 1939).
9 William Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, 3 (London: [n.
pub.], 1872), pp. viii-xxxii. For more general information on western collecting, see
Stewart, “Yours, Mine, or Theirs?”, pp. 622-27.
10 Wright, Catalogue, 4-5; See also Sebastian Brock, “The Development of Syriac Studies”,
in The Edward Hincks Bicentenary Lectures, ed. by Kevin J. Cathcart (Dublin: University
College Dublin, 1994), pp. 94-113.
11 William George Browne, Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria, from 1792 to 1798 (London:
T. Cadell Junior & W. Davies, Strand and T. N. Longman & O. Rees, Paternoster-Row,
1799), pp. 42-43; Charles-Nicolas-Sigisbert Sonnini de Manoncourt, Voyage dans la haute
et basse Égypte, fait par ordre de l’ancien gouvernement, et contenant des observations de tous
genres, 2 vols (Paris: F. Buisson, 1799), pp. 185-216.
12 Wright, Catalogue, 4.
13 Ibid., 7.
lii From Dust to Digital
14 The latter codex was purchased in 1933 by the British Library. David Parker, Codex
Sinaiticus: The Story of the World’s Oldest Bible (London: British Library, 2010), pp. 127-48.
15 Curzon, in Visit to the Monasteries, pp. 23-24, claims to hear a report of monks in Bulgaria
who, during a service, stood on old manuscripts in order to protect their bare feet from
the cold marble floor of the church. For a description of the lamentable state of the
collections in Egypt, see Curzon, Visit to the Monasteries, pp. 82, 85-87 and 381-82.
16 Ibid., pp. 78-82.
17 Bigoul al-Suriany, “The Manuscript Collection of Deir al-Surian: Its Survival into the
Third Millennium”, in Coptic Studies on the Threshold of a New Millennium: Proceedings of
the Seventh International Congress of Coptic Studies. Leiden, 27 August – 2 September 2000, ed.
by Mat Immerzeel and Jacques van der Vliet (Leuven, Paris and Dudley, MA: Uitgeverij
Peeters en Departement Oosterse Studies, 2004), pp. 281-94.
Crumb trails, threads and traces liii
codices in the world. It is from this collection alone that we have complete
writings of the most famous early Syriac authors, Ephrem and Aphrahat.18
Moses had acquired the books for the spiritual and intellectual benefit of his
community; intellectual benefit to the scholarly community also drove the
western buyers. Yet there are differences: Moses was part of the historical
community that produced the codices; the westerners were outsiders who
believed themselves better equipped to read and interpret Eastern Christian
books than Eastern Christians themselves.19 Unsurprisingly, the monks
learned to firmly close the doors of their libraries to visitors from the west.
Only gradually did scholars travelling to the Middle East to read, rather than
buy, regain Christian communities’ trust and obtained access to important
and in many cases unknown collections. New catalogues were published
both by Levantine and western authors, bringing previously unknown
works to scholarly attention.20 Even so, access remained a problem for very
practical reasons. A new effort then began: first to microfilm (from the 1950s),
then to digitise (from the 1990s) the manuscripts and make them available
without removing them from the libraries where they reside.21 Importantly,
photographic documentation ensures that a record of all codices will be
preserved, a significant safety measure considering the difficult history of
the Middle East. It also permits us to digitally unite dispersed collections and
divided manuscripts such as the Codex Sinaiticus.22 Needless to say, the Eastern
Christian manuscripts on which I have focused here, are only one example,
a case study, in what has been a much wider phenomenon encompassing
and affecting, to various degrees, almost all regions of the globe. Arguably
18 Sebastian Brock, “Without Mushê of Nisibis, Where Would We Be? Some Reflections
on the Transmission of Syriac Literature”, Journal of Eastern Christian Studies, 56 (2004),
15-24.
19 For a wide-ranging discussion of the Occidental bias of history-writing, see Jack Goody,
Theft of History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
20 Arthur Vööbus, “In Pursuit of Syriac Manuscripts”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 37/2
(April 1978), 187-93. For examples of catalogues, see Agnes Smith Lewis, Catalogue of the
Syriac Mss. in the Convent of S. Catharine on Mount Sinai. Studia Sinaitica 1 (London: C.J.
Clay and Sons, 1894); Addai Scher, Catalogue des manuscrits syriaques et arabes, conservés
dans la Bibliothèque épiscopale de Séert (Kurdistan) avec notes bibliographiques (Mosul:
Imprimerie des pères dominicains, 1905).
21 Kenneth Clark, “Microfilming Manuscripts in Jerusalem and at Mount Sinai”, Bulletin
of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 123 (1951), 17-24. For large-scale digitisation
projects in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Egypt and Ethiopia, see http://www.hmml.org/
our-collections.html
22 http://www.codexsinaiticus.org/en/project/ For the hopes of a digital reunion of the Deir
al-Surian collection expressed by Father Bigoul, the monastery’s librarian, see British
Library Annual Report 2001-2002 (London: The Stationary Office, 2002), p. 13.
liv From Dust to Digital
documents, but to give them their own voice. For a century after Ranke,
history and archival research became inseparable. 28
Yet, as historians started knocking on archives’ doors in unprecedented
numbers, even the most willing archivists began to realise that access was
not without problems. Léon de Laborde may have seen it as a noble ideal,
but in practice the negotiation between opening the Imperial Archives and
retaining the degree of control required by the French government proved
complex and quickly resulted in a scandal. L’affaire d’Haussonville started with a
project initiated by Louis Napoleon to publish the official edition of his uncle’s
complete Correspondance, which Louis hoped would strengthen his own claim
to power. In 1867, a prominent historian and admirer of Napoleon Bonaparte,
Joseph d’Haussonville, demonstrated that some letters were conspicuously
missing from the official “complete” correspondence. He also exposed the
politically-biased practices of the Imperial Archives, where his requests for
documents that could undermine the state-approved version were increasingly
denied or returned with the annotation “not found”. As d’Haussonville
noted, this begged the question of the government’s role in protecting and
shaping the nation’s memory.29 The problem of access was not limited to
France. Ranke travelled for months to visit archives and invested significant
effort in cultivating archivists and powerful patrons who could ease his way
into repositories.30 Other historians in turn had to trust Ranke’s personal
credibility, since they could not easily verify whether he accurately quoted,
ignored or misrepresented important evidence. It soon became apparent that
greater transparency was necessary, and as a result German historians began
publishing large editions of archival sources, beginning with the Monumenta
Germaniae Historica.31
The archives on which Ranke and other nineteenth-century historians
depended were mostly the official state or church repositories, believed to
28 Anthony Grafton, The Footnote. A Curious History (London: Faber and Faber, 1997),
pp. 38-50. In France, Charles-Victor Langlois and Charles Seignobos opened their
1898 methodological textbook, intended for students in historical seminars, with this
declaration: “History is done with documents [...] Lacking documents, the history
of immense periods of the past of humankind is forever unknowable. For nothing
can replace documents: no documents, no history”. C. V. Langlois and C. Seignobos,
Introduction aux études historiques (Paris: Hachette, 1898), pp. 1-2.
29 Milligan, “Problem of Publicité”, pp. 25-28; Stefan Berger, “The Role of the National
Archives in Constructing National Master Narratives in Europe”, Archival Science, 13
(2013), 1-22 (pp. 7-8).
30 Risbjerg Eskildsen, Leopold Ranke, pp. 442-46.
31 Grafton, The Footnote, pp. 36-72; David Knowles, Great Historical Enterprises: Problems in
Monastic History (London and New York: Thomas Nelson, 1963).
lvi From Dust to Digital
32 Michel Duchein, The History of European Archives, p. 16; Kasper Risbjerg Eskildsen,
“Inventing the Archive: Testimony and Virtue in Modern Historiography”, History of the
Human Sciences, 26/4 (2013), 8-26.
33 Jean Mabillon, De re diplomatica libri VI (Paris: Lutec, 1681).
34 Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The “Objectivity Question” and the American Historical
Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 21-46, 573-629.
35 For the new definition of historical method, see Marc Bloch, The Historian’s Craft (New
York: Knopf, 1953).
36 François Furet, “Quantitative Mmethods of History”, in Constructing the Past: Essays in
Historical Methodology, ed. by Jacques le Goff and Pierre Nora (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1985), pp. 12-27.
37 Michel Foucault, L’archéologie du savoir (Paris: Gallimard, 1969); Patrick Geary, Phantoms
of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millennium (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1994); Ann Laura Stoler, Along the Archival Grain: Epistemic
Anxieties and Colonial Common Sense (Princeton, NJ and Oxford: Princeton University
Press, 2009); Nicholas B. Dirks, “Colonial Histories and Native Informants: Biography
of an Archive”, in Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia,
ed. by Carol A. Breckenridge and Peter van der Veer (Philadelphia, PA: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1993).
38 Carlo Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller
(Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980).
Crumb trails, threads and traces lvii
result, a question arose: what are we to preserve, what historical records from
the past are we to secure for the future? Perversely, this question may be best
answered by looking at what has been discarded in the past.
When he first came to the site of Oxyrhynchus, in Upper Egypt, Bernard
Grenfell was not impressed by its ancient rubbish mounds. Yet, within a
decade of excavation, he and Arthur Hunt had uncovered 500,000 fragments
of papyri, which included plays by Menander, fragments of Euclid’s Elements,
parts of several lost plays by Sophocles, and Christian Apocrypha.39 There
were also tax returns, petitions, lease and sale contracts, wills, letters and
shopping lists: from Alexander the Great to the Arab conquest, the entire life
of a market town was captured in its discarded papers.40 The papyri were
sent to Oxford, and in 1898 Hunt and Grenfell published the first volume of
a long series on the finds (79 volumes published as of 2014). The documents
became an essential reference work for the study of Egypt between the fourth
century BC and the seventh century AD, and, more broadly, one of the
richest sources for the study of ancient culture, literature and economics. It
is something of a paradox that we lament the loss of the library of Alexandria,
a library we know so little about, when one of the archives that allowed us
to learn the most about antiquity came from an ancient dump.41
With the arrival of digitisation we can preserve more than ever before.
Though I would not advocate preserving everything, the case of Oxyrhynchus
shows that, in the case of historical records, we should not make the decision
on preservation based solely on the status of the collection. Forgotten, neglected,
discarded collections may contain a wealth of historical information. The issue of
the bulk of materials is no longer a problem. The new archival “post-custodial”
model recognises that stewardship and curation are possible without physical
custody of the records. 42
This model has another important implication. In recent decades, increasing
attention has been given to the relationship between archives and the
communities, particularly in cases of contested ownership or loss of custody.43
A poignant and illustrative example is the case of the archives of the Virgin
Islands. In 1917 the Islands, then a colony of Denmark, were sold to the United
States. The historical records dating back to the seventeenth century were
transferred to the Danish National Archives and the National Archives of
the United States, becoming inaccessible to the islanders themselves. These
records were created primarily by and for the bureaucracy of the Danish West
Indies, and they were in Danish. The subjects discussed in the documents
were the enslaved and free Africans who made up the bulk of the Danish
West Indian population, who were for the most part non-literate, and who
spoke English or Dutch Creole.44 Despite the islands’ strong oral tradition,
lack of access to the archives meant that the descendants of that population
struggled to write their own history.45 Their collective memory came to be
challenged: for example, in 1998 a Danish-American historian questioned
the factual underpinnings of the African folk hero Buddhoe, a resistance
fighter celebrated by the islanders as the crucial figure in the successful and
bloodless Emancipation Rebellion of 1848. The scholar pointed out that no
one by this name existed in census records or slave lists of the time, thus
undermining the symbol of islanders’ identity on the basis of documents
that islanders could not access.46 This situation is not unique. The records
of Native Americans, created by federal officials in the Bureau of Indian
Affairs, were stored for decades in federal repositories, leading to a situation
in which “to be an Indian is having non-Indians control the documents from
which other non-Indians write their vision of your history”.47 Until recently,
the aboriginal records in Australia were located thousands of kilometres
away from the communities they concerned: they were the property of the
Crown, and no allowances were made for Aboriginal communities to co-own
and co-manage them.48 Many first and post-colonial nations still have to
negotiate access to archives controlled by others.49 It is ironic that the same
states that control these archives have in the past made significant efforts to
access, copy and acquire complete records of their own history as written
not only by themselves, but also by others. For example, in 1841, the state
of New York dispatched John Romeyn Brodhead on a journey to Europe to
copy or acquire documents in England, Netherlands and France relating to
the history of the United States.50 Access to records is crucial not only for
knowledge of the past and the self-definition of communities, but also for
shaping communities’ futures; it is vital for justice, reconciliation, language
revitalisation or any other form of mending broken links with the past.51
Starting with a declaration of the French National Assembly in 1794, the access
to archival records has been increasingly recognised as a civic right.52 This
right should not be limited to citizens of western countries, and digitisation
gives an unparalleled opportunity to allow fully democratic open access.
***
This volume, celebrating the tenth anniversary of the EAP, is designed to
showcase the historical significance and research potential of the collections
digitised through the programme. We invited 19 articles from the 244 projects
that the EAP has supported since its inception.53 To ensure the volume
illustrates the wide range of research that the digitised material makes
possible, we asked the authors to focus on the collections they digitised,
but otherwise gave them complete freedom as to the choice of subject and
methodology. The majority of the primary materials discussed in the articles
are freely available on the EAP website. The chapters are organised in sections
according to the type of media they discuss (inscriptions, manuscripts, archival
records, newspapers, photographs, sound archives). Although the categories
are porous and divisions are not clear-cut, this provides an illustration of
the diverse methodologies used to approach similar types of documentary
material in different settings and different regions of the globe.
The first article challenges the traditional notion of the archive. Stefano
Biagetti, Ali Ait Kaci and Savino di Lernia discuss the Tifinagh inscriptions
in the Tadrart Acacus Mountains in Libya. Their contribution places the
inscriptions, dated between the early first millennium A.D. and the twentieth
century, in the context of the landscape and archaeological finds in the area.
The authors show that though the events the inscriptions record (such as
the fact that a certain Busni, son of Nebuk went to a place called Tswnt) may
not be of monumental historical significance, analysis of the types of names
recorded, of the vocabulary used, and of the location of inscriptions allows
to reconstruct the history of the region from its “written landscape”.
The following section, on manuscripts, brings together contributions on
collections of codices in India, Ethiopia, Kenya and Mali. The articles consider
not only the content of the manuscripts, but also their material aspects. What
unites them is an emphasis on the original context in which the manuscripts
are preserved. The issues of ownership, collection formation and even the
symbolic meaning of the codices for their owners are considered as part of
the manuscripts’ important historical testimony.
The section begins with a contribution by Stephen Morey, who provides
an account of locating, digitising, transcribing and translating Tai Ahom
manuscripts from Assam State, Northeast India. The surviving manuscripts
mostly date from the eighteenth century, but the texts they preserve are often
much older. The Tai Ahom language is no longer spoken and – due to script
modernisation – read by very few people, making the recording, transcribing
and translating of manuscripts an urgent matter. The author describes
the difficulties of this process, the complexities and particularities of the
language. He also provides an account of the digitisation and contextualises
this scholarly endeavour by discussing the current owners’ relationships
with manuscripts which, although no longer understood, are still treasured
as objects of symbolic and religious significance.
In the next article, on Lepcha manuscripts, Heleen Plaisier likewise
explores codices in private possession, written in a language that, although
still spoken, is increasingly under threat of falling silent. The manuscript
collections she discusses belong to the Lepcha people, an ethnic minority of
circa 30,000 inhabiting a region divided between India, Nepal and Bhutan.
Lepcha literary tradition dates back to the eighteenth century when their
alphabet was devised to disseminate translations of Tibetan Buddhist texts.
Lepcha literature has not been studied, but the author shows that preserved
codices capture the way in which the Tibetan influence was combined with
native Lepcha stories and customs to create a distinct new tradition.
Jacek Tomaszewski and Michael Gervers focus on physical aspects of the
books preserved in the collection of the May Wäyni Monastery in Ethiopia.
Crumb trails, threads and traces lxi
In the context of discussing how manuscripts are stored, they explore the
physical construction of manuscripts, the methods of their production and
historical repairs undertaken for their preservation. Analysis of the parchment,
writing layers, book-block and binding structure provides new insights into
the history of book production in Ethiopia. The authors describe procedures
devised to overcome the practical problems of digitising fragile materials in
a challenging environment without further compromising their condition.
They offer several recommendations for manuscript conservation strategy
in Ethiopia.
The next article also concerns a distinct collection of books in East Africa,
but concentrates on their content. Anne Bang examines a collection belonging
to the Riyadha Mosque in Lamu, Kenya, investigating its intellectual connection
with the Sufi and legal traditions of Ḥaḍramawt, Yemen, in the period circa
1880-1940. The author also analyses the means by which these books came
to be part of the collection: imports, gifts, waqf (pious endowment), local
copying and local textual production. In doing so, she traces the various
ways in which Islamic textual knowledge came to be incorporated into the
local canon in Lamu.
The process of creating a library is also explored by Sophie Sarin, both
in the historical context of manuscript production in Djenné, Mali, and in
the contemporary context of the foundation of a Djenné Manuscript Library,
designed to safeguard manuscripts which belong to local families. The library
allows the families – traditional keepers of the old, unique and scarcely-known
collections – to deposit codices in a secure environment without forfeiting
ownership. The author describes the process of negotiation with the families
and the archivists’ efforts to overcome their reservations and address their
concerns. She also outlines the potential of the study of these manuscripts
for future investigation into the intellectual history of the region.
There follows a section, on archival records, which brings together articles
exploring institutional, community and church archives as well as libraries
in Europe, South America, Africa and the Middle East. The authors employ
diverse methodologies to approach microhistories and even personal stories
captured in the records, demonstrating their significance in the broader historical
context, as well as their importance for the local communities.
Elena Marushiakova and Veselin Popov investigate documents and
publications recording early Roma movements towards self-determination
in modern Bulgaria. Centring on the dramatic life story of one man, the
activist Shakir Pashov, the article follows the efforts of the Roma in Bulgaria
lxii From Dust to Digital
the author analyses the religious and secular functions of Ajami and its role
in the emergence of a distinct African Muslim identity.
A contribution from Qasem Abu Harb discusses the digitisation of historical
periodicals and manuscripts at the al-Aqṣá Mosque Library in East Jerusalem
and the al-Jazzār Mosque Library in Acre, placing these two libraries and the
materials they contain in the historical and cultural context of Palestine. The
article makes a strong case for digitisation and online access as important
means both for preserving the manuscripts and for making them accessible
not only to scholars abroad, but also to scholars and students in Palestine.
The section on photographic archives brings together contributions on
archives in Argentina, India, Russia and Cameroon. The focus of the articles
ranges in subject and approach, but what unites them is an emphasis on
the importance of context for the historical interpretation of these images.
Irina Podgorny’s article skilfully attempts to resurrect the “murdered
evidence”, a series of cartes-de-visite whose original context and provenance
were lost when they reached the museum of La Plata, Argentina and moved
through its various departments. In a careful investigation, the author
gathers traces of evidence, following Ariadne’s thread through a labyrinth
of stories, retracing the origins of the photographs back to the milieu of an
Italian charlatan, Commendatore Guido Bennati, who travelled through
South America in the late 1860s and 1870s.
Kyle Jackson uses missionary photographs from the Mizoram Hills in
Northeast India to move away from categories of cultural domination, often
employed in discussions of colonial and missionary history, towards exploring
the many layers of cross-cultural experience in everyday lives. Placing the
photographs in the context of Mizo folklore and contemporary written sources,
Jackson offers a sensory immersion into the world that these photographs
depict. We are invited not only to see through the eyes of the Mizo and the
missionaries, but also to smell through their noses, hear through their ears
and even attempt to reach harhna, the Mizo sense of spiritual awakening.
David Anderson, Craig Campbell and Mikhail Batashev discuss a collection
of photographs by Ivan Baluev, a gifted photographer whose life is known
only from documents in his personal file in the Krasnoyarsk Regional Museum.
These photographs were taken in 1938 and 1939 during a nine-month “Northern
Expedition” to some of the most remote areas of the central Siberian district.
Commissioned by the Museum, they capture the sovietisation of the region
and its indigenous people, the transition from the old ways of life to the
new era. Yet, placed in the context of Baluev’s expedition journal, they also
lxiv From Dust to Digital
reveal elements of his personal and often ironic commentary on the reality he
photographed. Previously, the photographs were most often discussed only as
distinct images, not as a collection and not in the context of other documents
from the expedition. Consequently, the personal input of the photographer
was invisible until now.
Also concentrating on the work of one photographer, David Zeitlyn
writes about the private archive of a photographic studio in the West Region
of Cameroon. The author places his discussion in the context of the history
and current status of photography in West Africa, outlining how mundane
bureaucratic factors – such as changes in the design of identity cards – affect
the way in which photographers operate. The article explores the social
significance of photography and the role of photographs as both personal
and communal records. It also outlines different processes – both intentional
and accidental – that underlay the creation of the archive and that must be
considered in its interpretation.
The last section discusses sound recordings from Guinea, Iran and Russia.
The authors devote much attention to the historical context of creation of
these materials, but equally to the diverse potential they have for the present:
facilitating political reconciliation, inspiring cultural revival, assisting
language revitalisation.
Graeme Counsel discusses the collection of vinyl discs from Syliphone,
the national record label of Guinea. The collection, which captures the music
of the era of President Sékou Touré (1958-1984) was preserved in the sound
archives of the offices of Radio Télévision Guinée in Conakry. It has been
neglected despite the high quality of the recordings, and despite their potential
to illuminate the first decades following Guinea’s independence. The article
investigates the stories behind the musical recordings and reconstructs the
political context that shaped them. It also reports on archiving and digitisation
in an unpredictable and politically charged environment.
Jane Lewisohn provides an overview of the cultural importance of the Golha
(“Flowers of Persian Song and Music”) radio programmes in contemporary
Iran. Her article places these programmes in the broader cultural context of
twentieth-century Iran and explores the impact they had on the perception
of Persian music and poetry. The author describes the process of collecting
and digitising the recordings, as well as the impact their digitisation and
online publication had on the study of Persian and world music, and on
Iranians both in the country and abroad.
Crumb trails, threads and traces lxv
The final article, by Tjeerd de Graaf and Victor Denisov, discusses the
cataloguing and digitisation of linguistic and ethnographic sound recordings
made during the first half of the twentieth century, and stored in institutional
and private collections in Russia. The authors make a strong case for the
importance of these collections in preserving and revitalising endangered
languages in the Russian Federation. They demonstrate that, although many
languages are nearly lost, the historic recordings contain enduring testimony
to their earlier life, testimony crucial for communities trying to recover what
has been nearly forgotten.
The articles use variety of approaches to interpret traces of history captured
in digitised records. From their analysis of the form and content of these
records new narratives emerge, often in unexpectedly vivid and even personal
details. Most of the sources discussed here were not previously subjects of
scholarly attention. We hope that the articles in this volume will open new
debates and encourage scholars to explore the archives preserved by the
EAP with the spirit of discovery (and without the dust) that accompanied
young Jules Michelet on his first visit to the archives, those “catacombs of
manuscripts”: “I was not slow to discern in the midst of the apparent silence
of these galleries, a movement and murmur which were not those of death.
These papers and parchments, so long deserted, desired no better than to be
restored to the light of day (…) And as I breathed on their dust, I saw them
[the dead] rise up. They raised from the sepulchre, one the hand, the other the
head, as in the Last Judgement of Michelangelo or in the Dance of Death”.54
54 Jules Michelet, The History of France, trans. by G. H. Smith (New York: D. Appleton & Co.,
1848), p. 48.
lxvi From Dust to Digital
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Momigliano, Arnaldo, Studies in Historiography (New York: Harper & Row, 1966).
Morgan, George, “Decolonising the Archives: Who Owns the Documents”, Comma,
1 (2003), 147-151.
Novick, Peter, That Noble Dream: The “Objectivity Question” and the American
Historical Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
Pagden, Anthony, “Eighteenth-Century Anthropology and the ‘History of
Mankind’”, in History and the Disciplines: The Reclassification of Knowledge in Early
Modern Europe, ed. by Donald R. Kelley (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester
Press, 1997), pp. 223-33.
Parker, David, Codex Sinaiticus: The Story of the World’s Oldest Bible (London: British
Library, 2010).
Ranke, Leopold, Neue Briefe, ed. by Bernhard Hoeft (Hamburg: Hoffmann und
Campe, 1949).
Scher, Addai, Catalogue des manuscrits syriaques et arabes, conservés dans la Bibliothèque
épiscopale de Séert (Kurdistan) avec notes bibliographiques (Mosul: Imprimerie des
pères dominicains, 1905).
Smith Lewis, Agnes, Catalogue of the Syriac Mss. in the Convent of S. Catharine on
Mount Sinai, Studia Sinaitica 1 (London: C.J. Clay and Sons, 1894).
Sonnini de Manoncourt, Charles-Nicolas-Sigisbert, Voyage dans la haute et basse
Égypte, fait par ordre de l’ancien gouvernement, et contenant des observations de tous
genres, 2 vols (Paris: F. Buisson, 1799).
Stewart, Columba, “Yours, Mine, or Theirs? Historical Observations on the Use,
Collection and Sharing of Manuscripts in Western Europe and the Christian
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Gorgias Press, 2008), pp. 603-30.
Stoler, Ann Laura, Along the Archival Grain: Epistemic Anxieties and Colonial Common
Sense (Princeton, NJ and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2009).
Vööbus, Arthur, “In Pursuit of Syriac Manuscripts”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies,
37/2 (April 1978), 187-93.
Wright, William, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum v. III (London:
British Museum Department of Oriental Printed Books and Manuscripts, 1872).
1. The “written landscape” of the
central Sahara: recording and
digitising the Tifinagh inscriptions
in the Tadrart Acacus Mountains
Stefano Biagetti, Ali Ait Kaci and Savino di Lernia
The archaeology of the Sahara in both historical and modern times remains,
for the most part, inadequately investigated and poorly understood. However,
the Fazzan in southwest Libya stands as a remarkable exception. In the last
two decades, the University of Leicester1 and the Sapienza University of Rome2
have undertaken various research programmes that focus on the impressive
evidence left by the Garamantian kingdom (c. 1000 BC-AD 700). These studies
have provided groundbreaking data on the history of the Fazzan (Fig. 1.1), an
area which was the centre of a veritable network of trans-Saharan connections
that developed in Garamantian times and continued to modern times, later
giving birth to the Tuareg societies.3
1 The Archaeology of Fazzan. Volume 1: Synthesis, ed. by David J. Mattingly (London: Society
for Libyan Studies, 2003); The Archaeology of Fazzan. Volume 2: Site Gazetteer, Pottery and
Other Survey Finds, ed. by David J. Mattingly (London: Society for Libyan Studies, 2007);
and The Archaeology of Fazzan. Volume 3: Excavations of C. M. Daniels (London: Society for
Libyan Studies, 2010).
2 Aghram Nadharif: The Barkat Oasis (Sha ‘Abiya of Ghat, Libyan Sahara) in Garamantian Times,
ed. by Mario Liverani (Florence: All’Insegna del Giglio, 2005); and Life and Death of a
Rural Village in Garamantian Times: The Archaeological Investigation in the Oasis of Fewet
(Libyan Sahara), ed. by Lucia Mori (Florence: All’Insegna del Giglio, 2013).
3 David Edwards, “Archaeology in the Southern Fazzan and Prospects for Future
Research”, Libyan Studies, 32 (2001), 49-66; Mario Liverani, “Imperialismo, colonizzazione
e progresso tecnico: il caso del Sahara libico in età romana”, Studi Storici, 4 (2006), 1003-
56; and Andrew Wilson, “Saharan Trade in the Roman Period: Short-, Medium- and
Long-Distance Trade Networks”, Azania, 47/4 (2012), 409-49.
Fig. 1.1 Map of the Tadrart Acacus and the central Saharan massifs.
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 3
Farmers, caravaneers and herders in this area all participated and intercepted
in a variety of socio-economical exchanges that developed from the first
millennium BC to the present day. In spite of its arid climate, the central
Sahara has, in the last 3,000 years, seen some extremely successful human
adaptations to limited resources. An intangible heritage of indigenous
knowledge allowed complex societies to flourish in the largest desert in
the world. That heritage has left a legacy of tangible evidence in the form
of remains, such as forts, monuments, burials, and settlements, all of which
have been the focus of recent archaeological studies. This paper deals with
the less investigated element of the archaeological and historical landscape
of the region: the Tifinagh inscriptions carved and painted on the boulders,
caves and rock shelters of the Tadrart Acacus valleys.
4 Mauro Cremaschi and Savino di Lernia, “The Geoarchaeological Survey in the Central
Tadrart Acacus and Surroundings (Libyan Sahara): Environment and Cultures”, in Wadi
Teshuinat: Palaeoenvironment and Prehistory in South-Western Fezzan (Libyan Sahara), ed. by
Mauro Cremaschi and Savino di Lernia (Milan: CNR, 1998), pp. 243-325.
5 Fabrizio Mori, Tadrart Acacus: Arte rupestre e culture del Sahara preistorico (Turin: Einaudi,
1965); Barbara E. Barich, “La serie stratigrafica dell’Uadi Ti-N-Torha (Acacus, Libia)”,
Origini, 8 (1974), 7-157; Barbara E. Barich, “The Uan Muhuggiag Rock Shelter”, in
Archaeology and Environment in the Libyan Sahara: The Excavations in the Tadrart Acacus,
1978-1983, ed. by Barbara E. Barich (Oxford: BAR International Series, 1987), pp. 123-219;
Uan Afuda Cave: Hunter-Gatherer Societies of the Central Sahara, ed. by Savino di Lernia
(Florence: All’Insegna del Giglio, 1999); Uan Tabu in the Settlement History of the Libyan
Sahara, ed. by Elena A. A. Garcea (Florence: All’Insegna del Giglio, 2001); and Stefano
Biagetti and Savino di Lernia, “Holocene Deposits of Saharan Rock Shelters: The Case
of Takarkori and Other Sites from the Tadrart Acacus Mountains (Southwest Libya)”,
African Archaeological Review, 30/3 (2013), 305-38.
4 From Dust to Digital
6 Julie Dunne et al., “First Dairying in ‘Green’ Saharan Africa in the 5th Millennium
BC”, Nature, 486 (2012), 390-94; and Mary Ann Tafuri et al., “Inside the ‘African Cattle
Complex’: Animal Burials in the Holocene Central Sahara”, PLoS ONE, 8 (2013), http://
www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0056879.
7 Roberto Castelli, Maria Carmela Gatto, Mauro Cremaschi, Mario Liverani and Lucia
Mori, “A Preliminary Report of Excavations in Fewet, Libyan Sahara”, Journal of African
Archaeology, 3 (2005), 69-102; and Mori, Life and Death of a Rural Village.
8 Liverani, Aghram Nadharif.
9 Sand, Stones, and Bones: The Archaeology of Death in the Wadi Tanezzuft Valley (5000-2000
BP), ed. by Savino di Lernia and Giorgio Manzi (Florence: All’Insegna del Giglio, 2002).
10 Stefano Biagetti and Savino di Lernia, “Combining Intensive Field Survey and Digital
Technologies: New Data on the Garamantian Castles of Wadi Awiss, Acacus Mountains,
Libyan Sahara”, Journal of African Archaeology, 6/1 (2008), 57-85.
11 Stefano Biagetti, Ethnoarchaeology of the Kel Tadrart Tuareg: Pastoralism and Resilience in
Central Sahara (New York: Springer, 2014); Stefano Biagetti and Jasper Morgan Chalcraft,
“Imagining Aridity: Human-Environment Interactions in the Acacus Mountains,
South-West Libya”, in Imagining Landscapes: Past, Present, and Future, ed. by Monica
Janowski and Tim Ingold (Farnham: Asghate, 2012), pp. 77-95; Savino di Lernia, Isabella
Massamba N’siala and Andrea Zerboni, “‘Saharan Waterscapes’: Traditional Knowledge
and Historical Depth of Water Management in the Akakus Mountains (SW Libya)”,
in Changing Deserts: Integrating People and Their Environment, ed. by Lisa Mol and Troy
Sternberg (Cambridge: White Horse Press, 2012), pp. 101-28; and Andrea Zerboni, Isabella
Massamba N’siala, Stefano Biagetti and Savino di Lernia, “Burning without Slashing:
Cultural and Environmental Implications of a Traditional Charcoal Making Technology in
the Central Sahara”, Journal of Arid Environments, 98 (2013), 126-31.
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 5
12 Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change Adaptation: Special
Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, ed. by Christopher Field, Vicente
Barros, Thomas F. Stocker and Qin Dahe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
13 Biagetti, Ethnoarchaeology of the Kel Tadrart Tuareg; Biagetti and Chalcraft, “Imagining
Aridity”; di Lernia, N’siala and Zerboni, “Saharan Waterscapes”; and Zerboni, N’siala,
Biagetti and di Lernia, “Burning Without Slashing”.
14 http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP265
15 Mohamed Aghali-Zakara and Jeannine Drouin, “Écritures libyco-berbères: vingt-cinq
siècles d’histoire”, in L’aventure des écritures: naissances, ed. by Anne Zali and Annie
Berthier (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, 1997), pp. 99-111; Lionel Galand,
“L’écriture libyco-berbère”, Sahara, 10 (1999), 143-45.
16 Gabriel Camps, “Recherches sur les plus anciennes inscriptions libyques de l’Afrique
du nord et du Sahara”, Bulletin archéologique du C.T.H.S., n.s. (1974-1975), 10-11 (1978),
145-66; José Farrujia de la Rosa, Werner Pichler and Alain Rodrigue, “The Colonization
of the Canary Islands and the Libyco-Berber and Latino-Canarian Scrips”, Sahara, 20
(2009), 83-100; Lionel Galand, “Du berbère au libyque: une remontée difficile”, Lalies, 16
(1996), 77-98; Lionel Galand, “Un vieux débat: l’origine de l’écriture libyco-berbère”, La
lettre de répertoire des inscriprions libyco-berbères, 7 (2001), 1-3; and Werner Pichler, Origin
and Development of the Libyco-Berber Script (Cologne: Köppe, 2007).
6 From Dust to Digital
Table 1.1 Tifinagh alphabet, from Aghali-Zakara (1993 and 2002): Hoggar (Algeria);
Aïr (Niger); Ghat (Libya); Azawagh (Niger-Mali); and Adghagh (Mali).
B ieb Β Β Β Β Β
D ied b, χ b E E χ
Ḍ ieḍ E E E
F ief М М М М ╥
G ieg â Ŋ Ŋ Ŋ Ŋ
G y
ieg y Ŋ ╥ ▐
Γ ieɣ Μ Μ ▐ Μ Μ
H ieh Ζ Ζ Ζ Ζ Ζ
J iej ╟ Η Η ΐ
K iek K K K K K
X iex L L L L
L iel Y Y Y Y Y
Ḷ ieḷ Į
M iem _ _ _ _ _
N ien W W W W W
Ny ieny Γ
Q ieq E E Μ L E
R ier Ά Ά Ά Ά Ά
S ies ⅞ ⅞ ⅞ ⅞ ⅞
Š ieš Α Α Α Α 8
Ṣ ieṣ
T iet Έ Έ Έ Έ Έ
Ṭ ieṭ ê ” ”
W, [u] iew B B B B B
Y, [i] iey k p k k p
Z iez ΐ Η ΐ ¤, ΐ ╟
Ẓ ieẓ Η ΐ ¤, ΐ Η
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 7
09/45 25°17’48.16’’ 10°28’44.58’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 high P,PC Pre-I
09/46 25°17’47.47’’ 10°28’44.65’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 very high P,C n.a.
09/47 25°17’47.69’’ 10°28’44.58’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 average P n.a.
09/48 25°17’47.58’’ 10°28’44.51’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 average P n.a.
09/49 25°17’46.50’’ 10°28’48.29’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 average C n.a.
09/50 25°17’46.43’’ 10°28’48.68’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A bedrock 1 average P n.a.
09/51 25°17’46.36’’ 10°28’48.72’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 average P n.a.
09/52 25°17’46.28’’ 10°28’48.76’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 average P,PC n.a.
09/53 25°17’46.36’’ 10°28’48.86’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 high P,PC n.a.
09/54 25°17’46.50’’ 10°28’49.44’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 average P M
09/55 25°17’46.57’’ 10°28’48.83’’ W. Tasba aqba O-A slab 1 average P n.a.
09/56 25°27’51.01’’ 10°27’28.01’’ Awiss mts wadi O-A wall 1 very high P,C,PC n.a.
09/57 24°31’16.10’’ 10°32’40.06’’ Waltannuet guelta O-A wall 2 high P,PC n.a.
09/58 24°31’56.10’’ 10°30’50.18’’ W. Takarkori wadi O-A wall 1 high P I
09/59 24°31’55.60’’ 10°30’50.58’’ W. Takarkori wadi O-A wall 1 high P,PC I
09/60 24°35’36.89’’ 10°37’42.89’’ W. Bubu wadi RS wall 3 high P,C,PC n.a.
09/61A 24°36’23.08’’ 10°38’53.70’’ W. Bubu wadi O-A boulder 2 very high P M
09/61B 24°36’23.08’’ 10°38’53.70’’ W. Bubu wadi O-A slab 1 average P n.a.
09/61C 24°36’23.08’’ 10°38’53.70’’ W. Bubu wadi O-A slab 1 high P n.a.
09/62 24°41’43.40’’ 10°37’53.90’’ W. Anshalt wadi O-A boulder 1 high P n.a.
09/63 24°58’34.07’’ 10°28’56.06’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas RS wall 6 very high P,PC n.a.
09/64 24°58’50.27’’ 10°29’1.932’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas O-A complex 3 very high P,C,PC n.a.
09/65 24°58’57.04’’ 10°28’34.24’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas O-A wall 1 very high P,PC I–M
09/66 24°58’34.40’’ 10°28’46.20’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas O-A wall 1 average P,PC n.a.
09/67 24°58’39.68’’ 10°28’44.04’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas O-A wall 1 average P M
09/68 24°58’51.82’’ 10°28’46.70’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas O-A wall 1 average P n.a.
09/69 24°58’56.60’’ 10°28’44.50’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas RS wall 1 average Pa n.a.
09/70 24°57’25.20’’ 10°30’56.23’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas O-A wall 1 average Pa I
09/71 24°53’47.76’’ 10°38’02.69’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas O-A wall 2 high C I
09/72 24°58’54.62’’ 10°28’59.19’’ Ti-n-Lalan etaghas O-A wall 3 very high P,C Pre-I - I – M
09/73 24°57’20.95’’ 10°32’30.01’’ Ti-n-Anneuin wadi C wall 6 very high P,Pa n.a.
09/74 24°34’45.98’’ 10°38’12.01’’ W. Bubu guelta O-A wall 2 very high P n.a.
09/75A 24°36’12.49’’ 10°38’48.76’’ Ti-n-Amateli guelta O-A wall 1 very high P,C n.a.
09/75B 24°36’12.06’’ 10°38’47.68’’ Ti-n-Amateli guelta O-A wall 2 very high P,C n.a.
09/76 24°44’36.02’’ 10°32’26.01’’ Intriki guelta O-A wall 8 high P,C I
09/77 24°53’41.03’’ 10°33’21.06’’ Tibestiwen guelta O-A wall 6 high P,C,PC I–M
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 11
09/78A 24°57’43.99’’ 10°34’44.33’’ Iknuen guelta O-A wall 3 very high P n.a.
ID N E area context site type support N of surfaces significance technique chronology
09/78B 24°57’44.42’’ 10°34’42.06’’ Iknuen guelta O-A wall 1 very high P,C n.a.
09/79 25°00’56.95’’ 10°37’24.24’’ W. Raharmellen wadi RS wall 1 high C,Pa n.a.
09/80A 25°01’43.64’’ 10°35’54.31’’ W. Raharmellen wadi O-A wall 3 very high P,C n.a.
09/80B 25°01’43.57’’ 10°35’55.28’’ W. Raharmellen wadi O-A wall 3 high P,C,PC I
09/80C 25°01’42.78’’ 10°35’55.43’’ W. Raharmellen wadi O-A wall 1 high P,C n.a.
12 From Dust to Digital
09/111 25°16’28.31’’ 10°34’57.25’’ W. Tehet wadi RS wall 1 very high P,C,PC n.a.
14 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 1.2 Map of the Tadrart Acacus with the sites recorded for the Endangered
Archives Programme sorted by significance. White circle: average; white dot: high;
grey dot: very high (adapted from Biagetti et al., 2012).
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 15
Tifinagh texts of the Tadrart Acacus are carved and painted onto isolated
boulders, rocky flanks, and rock shelter walls, and are often characterised
by uneven spatial patterns (Fig. 1.3). This raises the issue of how to define a
“site” and how to digitally record sets of lines and signs distributed on several
uneven stony surfaces. We designed a hierarchical system: a single Tifinagh
letter or complex text featuring a clearly recognisable spatial consistency
was defined as “site” and progressively labelled from 09/01 to 09/111.21 The
whole archive was ultimately given to the largest database of African rock
art, the African Rock Art Digital Archive, not only to preserve but also to
foster new studies on the recorded evidence.22
21 Stefano Biagetti, Ali Ait Kaci, Lucia Mori and Savino di Lernia, “Writing the Desert.
The ‘Tifinagh’ Rock Inscriptions of the Tadrart Acacus (South-West Libya)”, Azania, 47/2
(2012), 153-74.
22 The African Rock Art Digital Archive is available at http://www.sarada.co.za
16 From Dust to Digital
Most of the Tifinagh sites include lists of anthroponyms that in some cases
are veritable genealogies going back several generations. More than 135
anthroponymic sequences have been identified so far, and site 09/92 is likely
to include the longest genealogy so far known in Libyco-Berber epigraphy.24
After the spread of Islam, the Tuareg and other Berber populations adopted
Arab names. This “neo-anthroponymy” includes names borrowed from
the most prominent personalities of Islam; the Tadrart Acacus, for example,
features the names Mohamed (37 cases), Ahmed (26), Moussa (17), Fatima
(16), and Ali (16). The Basmala (a phrase used by Muslims, often translated as
“in the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful”) occurs once (Fig.
1.4). Occasionally, love messages have been recorded as well. In four cases,
place names have been recognised: these are TDMKT (read Tadmekka, site
09/85A), likely referring to Es-Souk, an important centre located in Mali and
traditionally inhabited by Tuareg; MK(T) (read Mecca, site 09/92), the Islamic
Holy City; TŠWNT (read Teshuinat, the largest Acacus wadi, in 09/73, Fig.
1.5); and TGMYT (read Tagamayet “place where there is some couch grass”, in
Wadi Raharmellen, 09/88). Furthermore, the same graphist (i.e. author) named
Biya, can be recognised in various sites where he left his signature: the same
author has written text in at least four sites throughout the Tadrart Acacus,
including 09/63 located in the Ti-n-Lalan area, 09/90 in wadi Raharmellen (c.
7 km northeast from site 09/63), 09/37 in wadi Tasba (c. 35 km north from site
09/63), and 09/82A in Tejleteri (c. 13 km east-north-east from site 09/63).
Έ ▌ ┴ ⌡ Έ Μ J ▌ ▌ J ⌐ Ђ ▌ ‼ k ▌⌡ Ђ J ▌ ┴
21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
T N W Š T Γ K N N K R B N G Y NŠ B K N W
The short discussion above shows the potential of this kind of study. Besides that,
it is the place of these inscriptions that holds relevance for the comprehension of
the whole landscape. It is often noted that Tifinagh texts are usually short and
there is no literature published in Tifinagh characters. Whilst one may accept this
reductionist view on Tifinagh on the whole, the case of the Tadrart Acacus allows
us to go beyond the intrinsic limits of these kinds of inscriptions, by adopting a
landscape approach. As Christopher Chippindale and George Nash argued in a
synthesis of different approaches to rock art, it is likely that the firmest attribute
of human-made signs on the stone is their place.25 The position in the space of
the Tifinagh signs thus represents a solid starting point. The 124 Tifinagh sites
recorded (Table 1.2) are found in a variety of landscape contexts, occurring
along aqbas (30.6%), wadis (51.6%), gueltas (10.5%), etaghas (6.5%), and the only
well (0.8%) (Table 1.3). Most of the Tifinagh evidence has been recorded in open
air sites (111, around 90%), and only a small percentage comes from caves and
rock shelters (Table 1.4). Nearly half of the Tifinagh inscriptions were carved
or painted on boulders and slabs, the rest occurring on the sandstone walls of
rocky cliffs (Table 1.5). Most of the evidence (79.9%) consists of single-surfaced
sites, whereas multi-surfaced sites occur less frequently (Table 1.6). Regarding
the significance, the three categories (average, high, very high) are evenly
distributed (Table 1.7). The four types of techniques were unevenly used, with
pecking largely occurring in the majority of cases (>60%) (Table 1.8). Occasionally
a mixed technique featuring first pecking and then a regularisation obtained by
carving was recorded. The case of painting is different: the type of surface was
not among the causes that drove that specific choice. It is worth stressing that
three out of four painted inscriptions occurred in cave (1) and rock shelters (2).
Unfortunately, the chronology of the inscriptions has been determined so far
only for 19.4% of the sites.
context N %
aqba 38 30.6
etaghas 8 6.5
guelta 13 10.5
wadi 64 51.6
well 1 0.8
total 124 100
type N %
open-air 111 89.5
rock shelter 12 9.7
cave 1 0.8
total 124 100
support N %
boulder 26 21.0
slab 42 33.9
bedrock 3 2.4
wall 51 41.1
complex 2 1.6
total 124 100
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 19
N of surfaces N %
1 99 79.8
2 11 8.9
3 7 5.6
4 1 0.8
6 3 2.4
8 1 0.8
15 1 0.8
24 1 0.8
total 124 100
significance N %
average 43 34.7
high 46 37.1
very high 35 28.2
total 124 100
technique N %
pecked 113 60.8
carved 31 16.7
pecked+carved 38 20.4
painted 4 2.2
total 186* 100
As a whole, the Acacus repertoire looks rather modern. The Tadrart Acacus is
inhabited by a single lineage of Tuareg, the Kel Tadrart, whose existence has
been noted since the first colonial-period reports.26 There is no evidence that
26 Biagetti, Ethnoarchaeology of the Kel Tadrart Tuaregi; Ugo Gigliarelli, Il Fezzàn (Tripoli:
20 From Dust to Digital
in the last century other groups regularly frequented the Acacus, although
there may have been occasional “incursions”. If this suggests that the Kel
Tadrart are the likely authors of the modern inscriptions, it does not tell us
who wrote the texts in the Islamic age. The low proportion of the sites for
which dating can be securely determined makes development of further
historical hypotheses difficult.
Governo della Tripolitania, Ufficio Studi, 1932); Mori, Tadrart Acacus; and Emilio Scarin,
“Nomadi e seminomadi del Fezzan”, in Il Sahara italiano: Fezzan e Oasi di Gat. Parte prima, ed.
by Reale Società Geografica Italiana (Rome: Società Italiana Arti Grafiche, 1937), pp. 518-90.
Fig. 1.7 3D view of the aqba of wadi Tasba on the western escarpment of the Tadrart Acacus
(map from Google Earth).
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 21
22 From Dust to Digital
In spite of their relatively low number, the sites connected with water are far
more complex in the Tadrart Acacus. Research undertaken by Savino di Lernia
and his colleagues highlighted the role of the gueltas — the traditional water
reservoirs that still play a key role in shaping the Kel Tadrart — in the inhabitants’
successful adaptation to the rugged environment of the Acacus massif.27
Fig. 1.8 Site 09/74, close to the guelta of wadi Bubu (EAP265/1/74).
Photo by R. Ceccacci, CC BY.
It has been demonstrated that the Kel Tadrart settlements are located close
to gueltas;28 however, not all the “main gueltas”,29 i.e. the gueltas recognised as
very important for water supply by the current Kel Tadrart, feature Tifinagh
inscriptions. As a matter of fact, only half of the gueltas recorded for the EAP
project corresponded to the “main gueltas” as identified by the current Kel
Tadrart Tuareg (Fig. 1.8). On the other hand, other gueltas with Tifinagh were not
included among the main gueltas. Similarly, among the four etaghas recognised
by di Lernia et al. as locales for temporary cultivation in the case of exceptional
floods,30 only one — Ti-n-Lalan (Fig. 1.9) — bears a significant number of Tifinagh
inscriptions at the edges of the crop field. The case of the etaghas looks quite
similar to that of the gueltas. It is intriguing to note that dates of inscriptions at
one site can range from pre-Islamic, through Islamic to modern times (Table 1.2).
This raises the issue of the enduring importance of this locale from historical,
and possibly late prehistoric, to the present day.31 The discovery of the remains
of a settlement inhabited in 2005 testifies to the current use of this area by the
Kel Tadrart Tuareg.32
the dots indicate the Tifinagh sites, and the triangle refers to the Kel Tadrart settlement
Fig. 1.9 Etaghas Ti-n-Lalan: the white line borders the etaghas,
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid., and Biagetti, Ethnoarchaeology of the Kel Tadrart Tuareg, ch. 5.
24 From Dust to Digital
Recent research shows that the late Holocene rock art follows a clear pattern
of spatial distribution in the Tadrart Acacus.33 The later phase that includes
the so-called “Camel style” can be considered as roughly contemporary to the
earliest Tifinagh inscriptions in the Tadrart Acacus. Dating rock art, like dating
Tifinagh, poses many challenges. However, scholars agree that the Camel phase
began before the end of the Garamantian age (AD 700) and further developed
until modern times.34 In some areas of the Acacus, concentrations of Camel
style subjects have been identified35 and these overlap with several Tifinagh
sites, with the exception of those set on the aqbas along the western side of
the mountain. According to di Lernia and Gallinaro, 83.5% of Camel phase
rock art is to be found within caves and/or rock shelters, whilst the Tifinagh
inscriptions mainly appear on open air sites (89.5%).36 An anthropogenic
deposit from a rock shelter along wadi Teshuinat (central Acacus) allowed to
obtain the C14 date (1260±60 uncal. BP, i.e. some 1,000 years ago) placing it in
the Islamic period.37 It is the only securely dated material in the Acacus valleys
but, given the occurrence of Camel phase rock art, it seems likely that the top
archaeological layers in Tifinagh inscription sites would yield a similar date.
33 Savino di Lernia and Marina Gallinaro, “Working in a UNESCO WH Site: Problems and
Practices on the Rock Art of the Tadrart Acacus (SW Libya, central Sahara)”, Journal of
African Archaeology, 9 (2011), 159-75; and Marina Gallinaro, “Saharan Rock Art: Local
Dynamics and Wider Perspectives”, Arts, 2 (2013), 350-82.
34 Tertia Barnett and David J. Mattingly, “The Engraved Heritage: Rock-Art and
Inscriptions”, in The Archaeology of Fazzan. Volume 1: Synthesis, ed. by David J. Mattingly
(London: Society for Libyan Studies, 2003), pp. 279-326; and di Lernia and Gallinaro,
“Working in a UNESCO WH Site”.
35 Di Lernia and Gallinaro, “Working in a UNESCO WH Site”, Fig. 6, p. 170.
36 Ibid., Table 2, p. 167.
37 Cremaschi and di Lernia, “The Geoarchaeological Survey in the Central Tadrart Acacus
and Surroundings”.
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 25
in the Tadrart Acacus articulate and give formal visibility to the relationship
between humans and the landscape. The fact that some aqbas were marked
by Tifinagh inscriptions alone, with no rock art, suggests that the texts were
marking a passage, the movement of people through the rugged mountain
trails. These people were likely to be connected with the small-scale trade
traditionally linking the Kel Tadrart to the oases on the Tanezzuft. It is no
surprise, then, that the most relevant aqbas are those on the northern sector of
the Tadrart Acacus, intercepting and overlapping with longer regional east-west
routes. These trade routes were in use from Garamantian times onwards.38
As well as being markers of human movement, the Tifinagh inscriptions of
the Tadrart Acacus are also signs of permanence, as indicated by their occurrence
along some of the largest and most relevant wadis, such as Raharmellen and
Teshuinat. These are the places where better pastures are to be found,39 and
they continue to be the sites of current Kel Tadrart occupation. The discovery
that cultivation was practiced in the etaghas has opened a window on what was
until recently thought to be an exclusively pastoral landscape. Overriding the
traditional dialectic between the desert and the sown, between nomads and
farmers, the etaghas of the Acacus offer promising avenues of interpretation of
the cultural trajectories in arid lands.40 Not dissimilarly, the use of the gueltas
is highlighted by the presence of Tifinagh. From an ethnoarchaeological
perspective, it is highly significant to unveil the relationships between current
inhabitants of the Acacus and the major features of the landscape. This is
relevant to our view of a previously undifferentiated landscape, punctuated
by dozens of gueltas, and cut by a number of aqbas. The study of the Tifinagh
evidence is thus as significant as that of rock art and other archaeological and
historical data. The Tifinagh inscriptions emerge as one of the most tangible
remains of the heritage of intangible knowledge that has allowed humans
to inhabit the harsh land of the Tadrart Acacus in recent and modern times.
The current situation in the Sahara is likely to pose new threat to the
remains of the past (see Fig. 1.10) in the desert. Acts of vandalism occurred in
2009 and others have been recently reported.41 Nevertheless, this broad set of
traditional technologies deserves to be understood and preserved, and further
taken into account by stakeholders charged with the design of development
plans in arid lands. Human groups living in extreme environments have
developed effective strategies to survive and minimise the risks that arise from
drought and continual fluctuation of natural resources. Far from representing
the shadow of past civilisations, the contemporary inhabitants of Sahara are
the evidence of continued successful adaptation over the last 3,000 years. In
this spirit, a new season of investigation in the now barely accessible central
Sahara would be most welcome, at least for focusing on the materials so far
collected and integrated with remote sensing techniques.42
42 The research for this article was funded by a Major Project Grant from the Endangered
Archives Programme of the British Library (Savino di Lernia as Principal Investigator),
and included in the activities of the Italian-Libyan Archaeological Mission in the Acacus
and Messak Sapienza University of Rome and the Libyan Department of Archaeology
(Tripoli and Sebha), directed by S. di Lernia and funded by Grandi Scavi di Ateneo
(Sapienza), and the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGPCC/DGPS) entrusted to S.
di Lernia. We thank Lucia Mori, who took part in the research project. We wish to thank
Giuma Anag and Salah Agahb, former chairmen of the DoA, for their support of the
project, and Saad Abdul Aziz for his help and advice. We are very grateful to Mohammed
Hammadani for his contribution in the field. We are indebted to Cathy Collins and
Lynda Barraclough from the EAP for their support and co-operation. We express our
gratitude to Maja Kominko, who has enthusiastically followed all the editing, showing
strong support and patience. Ultimately, we thank the anonymous reviewers for their
thoughtful and useful comments.
The “written landscape” of the central Sahara 27
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2. Metadata and endangered archives:
lessons from the Ahom
Manuscripts Project
Stephen Morey
Since 2011, the project EAP373: Documenting, conserving and archiving the Tai
Ahom manuscripts of Assam has been, with the help of the British Library’s
Endangered Archives Programme, digitising and documenting the written
legacy of the Tai Ahom.1 It has done this in three ways: by photographing
1 Since 2007, this work on Ahom was funded first by the DoBeS Documentation of
Endangered Languages project, financed by the Volkswagen Stiftung, based at the Max
Planck Institute in Nijmegen, and later by the Australian Research Council under the
Future Fellowship Scheme. The project EAP373: Documenting, conserving and archiving
the Tai Ahom manuscripts of Assam (http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.
a4d?projID=EAP373), which is on-going, has been funded by the Endangered Archives
Programme, whose support for my work is much appreciated. I am very grateful to
members of the research team, particularly Ajahn Chaichuen Khamdaengyodtai whose
work on Ahom manuscripts has provided so much enlightenment. The main task of
photography and metadata collection has been undertaken by Poppy Gogoi and Medini
Madhab Mohan, whose expertise in locating and identifying manuscripts has been
invaluable. In the early stages of this project Zeenat Tabassum, Karabi Mazumder, Iftiqar
Rahman, Jürgen Schöpf and Palash Nath all gave great assistance. The leading Ahom
pandits, Tileshwar Mohan and Junaram Sangbun Phukon, in particular have given
enormous help over the years. The support of the Centre for Research in Computational
Linguistics at the University of Maryland, and its director Doug Cooper has been very
beneficial for a long time. I am very grateful also to the editors of this volume, particularly
Maja Kominko and the anonymous reviewers for many helpful comments, and to Bianca
Gualandi for her work on images. Finally, I want to thank all the manuscript owners, the
Institute of Tai Studies and Research, and its director Girin Phukan; Bhim Kanta Baruah,
David Holm, B. J. Terwiel, Wilaiwan Khanittanan, Ranoo Wichasin, Thananan Trongdi,
Anthony Jukes, Pittayawat Pittayporn and Atul Borgohain, the last being my mentor and
supporter in Ahom studies for many years.
While it may seem obvious that the photographing, archiving and long-term
preservation of these manuscripts is a good idea, this has not always been
apparent to the manuscript owners, who are members of the Tai Ahom
priestly caste. Not all of them have allowed us to take photographs for a
variety of reasons. For example, there is a belief among some of some of the
priestly families that the knowledge contained in the manuscripts should
2 http://sealang.net/ahom
3 http://sealang.net/assam
4 As these translations are made ready, they will be published in searchable form on the
Tai and Tibeto-Burman languages of Assam website (http://sealang.net/assam).
Metadata and endangered archives 33
not be shared, and this belief has to be respected; however, the injunction
presented as Example 14 below, in our opinion, shows that in the minds of
earlier copyists and custodians the knowledge in these manuscripts should
be made available. Secondly, since many aspects of Tai Ahom culture have
been lost in the last 300 years, those portions of the culture that remain — of
which the manuscripts are a large part — become even more important to
the community, and there is a sense in which these should not be shared
casually with outsiders.
We had a number of meetings with community leaders in different villages
to discuss and explain the project, answer questions, and present our work. One
of the achievements of the overall project, the online Tai Ahom dictionary,5 was
a big argument in favour of our project. Despite some difficulties, most of the
manuscript owners have been pleased to have the manuscripts photographed
and those photographs preserved and available for study.6
The actual photography itself is not always an easy process. We used a
camera with a fixed distance lens to avoid distortion at the edges of the shot.
For most manuscripts this worked well. Ban Seng manuscripts, for example,
were often only approximately 5 cm wide and 8 cm long. But with a large
manuscript it was often necessary to stand far above the manuscript to get a
shot of the whole page. Du Kai Seng manuscripts were typically much larger,
as much as 12 cm wide and 47 cm long. Even bigger were cloth manuscripts
(usually with the text Phe Lung Phe Ban). The following photograph (Fig. 2.1)
shows Iftiqar Rahman taking photos of a large nineteenth-century paper
manuscript, a Phe Lung Phe Ban belonging to Hara Phukan of Amguri Deodhai
village, in which each page was approximately 35 cm wide and 45 cm long.7
5 http://sealang.net/ahom
6 Kamol Rajkonwar, who lives on the banks of the Disangpani River at Lakwa, was
particularly keen to get his manuscripts photographed and delighted that the work was
being undertaken. When we arrived at his house, he surprised me by producing a copy
of my 2002 doctoral thesis on the Tai languages of Assam. Disangpani is an example
of a name with elements from possibly three different languages. Di is a word for
the Boro or Dimasa language, the language of the pre-Ahom inhabitants of the area,
meaning “water”. Most of the rivers in the Ahom area have names with Di- as a prefix.
The meaning of sang is not known but could be Tai Ahom, and pani is Assamese for
“water”. The place where Rajkonwar lives is near a large outdoor area sacred to the Tai
Ahoms, containing altars to some of the deities mentioned in some manuscripts. The
exact function of this sacred area is not known and, as far as I know, it has not been
investigated in a scholarly manner.
7 Iftiqar Rahman is a Master’s graduate in linguistics who assisted Poppy Gogoi with
photography on several occasions.
34 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 2.1 Iftiqar Rahman photographing the Phe Lung Phe Ban paper manuscript
belonging to Hara Phukan. Photo by Poppy Gogoi, CC BY.
Before taking the photographs, a good deal of time was needed to organise
the manuscripts at every site so that they were photographed in page
order, whenever possible (see below for a more in depth discussion of the
issues involved in page ordering). For example, in one house we found one
complete text (which was probably a nineteenth-century copy of a text not
yet photographed anywhere else), and all the older manuscripts arranged
by the owner into two groups. But these two groups turned out to be parts
of at least six different manuscripts, and portions of the two largest of these
were found in each of the two groups. None of them were complete, and so
before we could photograph them, it was essential to group them as best we
could, a process that took a great deal more time than the photography itself.
8 Edward Gait, A History of Assam (Guwahati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1992 [1905]); and Golap
Chandra Barua, Ahom Buranji: From the Earliest Time to the End of Ahom Rule (Guwahati:
Spectrum, 1985 [1930]).
Metadata and endangered archives 35
the 1970s,” adding that he believed the Ahom rituals were “created” in the
1960s.13 On the other hand, my consultants have maintained that the Me
Dam Me Phi ceremony was held since time immemorial in private houses
prior to its becoming a public ritual in the 1970s, using some of the prayers
found also in manuscript form.
For the modern day Tai Ahom community, these manuscripts represent a
link to their long history, commencing with the arrival of King Siukapha in
1228 AD. From at least the late nineteenth century and throughout the early
twentieth century, members of the Tai Ahom priestly caste continued copying
the manuscripts,16 but although a small number of manuscripts are still copied
onto sasi bark, in most of the collections that we have been able to study and
photograph, the later manuscripts are written on paper. This paper was usually
of a much poorer quality than the bark, as can be seen in the image below (Fig.
2.3). Most of the paper manuscripts are probably not as important as the old
bark manuscripts, from the point of view of the texts they contain at least, but
we have photographed them when possible. Sometimes they contain versions
of texts that are incomplete in the bark manuscripts, and when eventually
these are studied in detail, the paper manuscripts may become invaluable.
An example of such a manuscript is the Phe Lung Phe Ban belonging to Hara
Phukan, mentioned earlier.
Apart from the sasi bark, cloth and paper manuscripts, the Ahom script was
also used on brass plates, coins17 and some inscriptions on stone, the most
famous of which is the Snake Pillar at Guwahati Museum.18 We did not
photograph any examples of these. In the manuscripts that we did photograph,
17 The inscriptions on the coins are usually in Sanskrit or Persian, but a very small number
have inscriptions in the Ahom script. The coins are comprehensively listed in Anup
Mitra, Coins of the Ahom Kingdom (Calcutta: Mahua Mitra, 2001). Mitra lists a coin of
King Pramataa Simha (Sunenpha) (1744-1751) as an example of a coin with a Tai Ahom
inscription (p. 76,).
18 For an illustration of the pillar, see Raju Mimi, Arunachal Times, 6 February 2011, http://
www.roingcorrespondent.in/the-sadiya-snake-pillar-mishmi-ahom-friendship
Metadata and endangered archives 39
the copying date and the name and location of the copyist are often given,
occasionally together with the name of the manuscript.
The dates are usually in the sixty-year Lakni cycle, a calendrical cycle used
for both years and days. The Lakni cycle names the year by means of two series
of terms used in combination, as in Kat Kau. The first element, Kat is one of ten
words that are used in the first position, combining with the second element,
Kau, which is one of twelve terms used in second position.19 Altogether sixty
combinations are used and the cycle starts again after sixty years. With a Lakni
date alone, such as Kat Kau, we cannot tell if a manuscript was copied in 1805
or sixty years early in 1745, or even sixty years earlier than that. Sometimes
additional information is given and the date can be more certain. For example,
on line four of the last page of manuscript Khun Lung Khun Lai, owned by Tulsi
Phukan of Sibsagar district (Fig. 2.4), the date is given as Lakni era Kat Kau,
eighth month, in the time of King Kamaleshwar Singh (reigned 1795-1811).
Thus this particular Kat Kau year corresponds to 1805.20
Fig. 2.4 Folio 33r of the Khun Lung Khun Lai manuscript
belonging to Tulsi Phukan (EAP373), CC BY.
The section containing the name and date and other information, including the
name of the text, Khun Lung Khun Lai commences with several ru lai symbols,
19 For an explanation of the Lakni system and a comparison with other calendars in
Southeast Asia, see B. J. Terwiel, The Tai of Assam and Ancient Tai Ritual, Volume II: Sacrifices
and Time-reckoning (Gaya: Centre for South East Asian Studies, 1981).
20 Taking the accession of King Siuhummiung in the year Rung Bau as equivalent to 1497,
the year 1805 corresponds to Kat Kau.
40 From Dust to Digital
The most common texts are probably those relating to prediction and augury
(e), with each of the three manuscript types listed there being found in multiple
copies from a variety of owners.25 For example, one manuscript owner, Kesab
23 Tai Ahoms and the Stars: Three Ritual Texts to Ward off Danger, ed. and trans. by B. J. Terwiel
and Ranoo Wichasin (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992). This is an excellent and
well-notated translation.
24 These are Assamese terms for two lexicons composed in the late eighteenth century at
the time when the Ahom language was in decline as a mother tongue. Both are written
in Ahom script. The Bar Amra is a Tai Ahom-Assamese lexicon, mostly of monosyllabic
words, presented in the Ahom alphabetical order with Assamese words transcribed in
Ahom script. The Loti Amra is arranged in semantic fields commencing with body parts
and contains mostly multisyllabic expressions. Also written entirely in Ahom script, the
Loti Amra puts Assamese words first then Tai words second. These two lexicons formed
the basis of our online dictionary (http://sealang.net/ahom).
25 Once the project is completed, and all the texts identified, it will be possible to quantify
these claims. The texts in category (e), Phe Lung Phe Ban, Du Kai Seng, and Ban Seng, are
all very easy to identify, but some of the other categories are not.
42 From Dust to Digital
m; yU tj mE[q /
ma ju tai mvng
come stay at Tai country
“In the year Kap Mit, King Svkvnmvng shifted his (capital)
city to Tai Mvng”.
26 Golap Chandra Barua, Ahom Buranji: From the Earliest Time to the End of Ahom Rule
(Guwahati: Spectrum, 1985 [1930]).
27 Ranoo Wichasin, trans., Ahom Buranji (Bangkok: Amarin, 1996).
28 We will present examples here in four lines: (1) Ahom script, (2) suggested phonemic
reading, (3) English gloss, and (4) free translation into English.
We use the symbol <v> to mark an unrounded back vowel /ɯ/ or /ɤ/ in IPA script. Some
Tai languages like Phake have a distinction between these two sounds, but there is
reason to believe that in Ahom this distinction had been lost by the end of the Ahom
Kingdom. This is discussed in Stephen Morey, The Tai Languages of Assam: A Grammar
and Texts (Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, 2005), p. 176. We write <ⱱ> to encourage the
members of the Ahom community not to pronounce it as /u/ or /e/, a practice that can be
seen in Barua’s translation, where the same vowel is present in all three syllables of the
king’s name, written as /u/ in the first and third syllables, with the second syllable being
read as having an /e/ vowel with an initial consonant cluster.
Metadata and endangered archives 43
As we will see in more detail below, the same syllable in Tai Ahom can
have a number of meanings, and khai could mean “shift”, “ill”, “tell” and
several other possibilities. Barua’s original translation for this line was “In
Lākni Kapmit (i.e., in 1540 AD) Chāophā Shuklenmung fell ill. He proceeded
to Tāimung and stopped there”, reading khai as “ill” which- would make
sense if not for the fact that it is followed by che. The combination of khai che,
however, only makes sense in the meaning “shift city”.
One of the surprising findings of our project so far is the significant
number of manuscripts containing stories that appear to be of Buddhist
origin. For example, the Nemi Mang story, one of the previous lives of the
Buddha,29 is found on folios 47r-66v of the manuscript owned by Gileswar
Bailung Phukan of Patsako.30 The greater part of the manuscript is a story
which is ultimately named in the text as Alika,31 which from its form and
content is likely to be a Buddhist story also.32 Only a more in-depth study
of all of the texts identified as stories will be able to establish how many of
them are of Buddhist origin.
The extent of Buddhist influence within the historical Ahom Kingdom
is a matter of controversy among the Ahom community, with some people,
particularly some of those connected with the royal caste (Rajkonwar),
expressing the view that the Tai Ahom were traditionally Buddhist, while
others maintain that this was not so. The place of Buddhism, as distinct from
both the traditional Ahom rituals of sacrifice and prayer to the ancestor
spirits, and the Hindu worship gradually adopted by the Ahoms after 1500,
is a matter for further research, but the manuscripts can help with this. Not
only are there Buddhist texts, like Nemi Mang, but also, as we will discuss in
more detail below, Buddhist features are found in some of the Ahom prayers
(mantras) that are still in use.
The Buddhist manuscripts and histories are relatively easy to translate
because in the case of histories, much of the detail is confirmed by Assamese
language sources,33 and in the case of Buddhist manuscripts, the stories are
29 The text in Pali is named Nimi Jataka and is no. 541 in the series of Jataka (previous lives of
the Buddha). This is a very famous story, illustrated, for example, in murals in temples in
Thailand, http://www.buddha-images.com/nimi-jataka.asp. An English translation is The
Jataka, Volume VII, trans. by E. B. Cowell and W. H. D. Rouse (1907), http://www.sacred-
texts.com/bud/j6/j6007.htm
30 Archived as EAP373_GileshwarBailung_NemiMang.
31 The naming of both manuscripts is on folio 66r, line 3. It was necessary to read a fair
amount of the text in order to find this.
32 Translations of these two texts are searchable online at the Tai and Tibeto-Burman
Languages of Assam website, http://sealang.net/assam
33 There are a number of Assamese Buranjis. For a discussion of them, see Lila Gogoi, The
Buranjis, Historical Literature of Assam: A Critical Survey (New Delhi: Omsons Publications,
1986).
44 From Dust to Digital
often known from other Buddhist sources.34 However the other categories are
more challenging. For example the Du Kai Seng (chicken bone augury) and Ban
Seng (augury) texts — listed above under the general category “Predictions
and Augury” — are often very short with little context. In our experience,
both these kinds of texts contain no copying dates and no information about
the copyist. Nothing is known about the age of the texts, but the existence of
similar texts among the Zhuang in China suggests that these are very old. The
Du Kai Seng contains an illustration of the way chicken bones can appear, and
then a short piece of text explaining what this means, usually concluding with
ni jav “it is good” or bau ni “it is not good”. This is exemplified by an example
belonging to Tileshwar Mohan, of Parijat village (Fig. 2.5).
There are small pictures in the manuscript showing chicken bones and small
sticks. After sacrifice and cleaning, the chicken bones are found to have tiny
holes in them. Sticks are then placed in these holes and this is compared with
34 All the Buddhist canonical texts were published in Romanised script by the Pali Text
Society, along with translations. Some of the translations are available online at http://
www.palicanon.org, and the Pali texts are available to be searched at http://www.
tipitaka.org
Metadata and endangered archives 45
kj kai k ai
There are several differences between this kind of writing system and
the alphabetic system used in the Roman script. First of all, the vowels,
exemplified here by /i/, are written as diacritics to the consonant, in the case
of /i/ as an oval shaped symbol above the consonant. Secondly, where there
is a consonant cluster, as in the word krit, the second consonant is written
as an attachment to the initial consonant. Standing by itself, /r/ is written as
r , but as the second consonant in a cluster it takes a different form.
All written syllables in Tai Ahom and related languages can be pronounced
in a number of ways with a range of meanings. Consider again the first word
in Example 2, which it is suggested was pronounced /king/. We cannot be
sure that it was not /keng/ or /kɛng/. Several of the spoken languages closely
related to Tai Ahom (Shan, Khamti, Tai Phake) have nine distinct vowels (and
35 There are different linguistic theoretical frameworks for the presentation of the elements
within a syllable. In one theoretical framework, all vowel initial words are actually
preceded by a glottal stop [ʔ], and this is represented in writing by A in the Ahom script.
In our analysis, the glottal stop is not a phoneme of Tai Ahom, and vowel initial syllables
are permitted. For further discussion, see Morey, The Tai Languages of Assam, p. 111.
36 This is the word given to a sign indicating that a consonant has no following vowel.
Consonants without it can be interpreted as being followed by /a/. It is called sāt in Tai
Phake.
37 Morey, The Tai Languages of Assam, ch. 7.
38 We use a digraph <ng> rather than the IPA symbol /ŋ/ to mark the velar nasal. This is
because we are using only Roman letters to transcribe the Ahom script in our work,
to make it easier for the members of the Ahom community to interpret the linguistic
materials.
Metadata and endangered archives 47
a length distinction between /a/ and /aa/), but only five or six vowel symbols.
Thus, in Tai Phake a word written <king> would look like kigq (the equivalent
in Phake of the Ahom script above), but this can be pronounced as /keng/
or /kɛng/ as well as /king/, because in stop and nasal final syllables these
three different vowels are all written identically.39 In addition, there are six
contrastive tones in Phake. There are thus eighteen possible pronunciations in
Tai Phake for the word written king, and of those, twelve different meanings
have recorded for eight of the possible pronunciations.
We do not even know how many tones were present in spoken Tai Ahom,
let alone the form of those tones, but the expectation is that, as with the
modern spoken Tai languages, the tones may have exhibited a combination
of features: (relative) pitch; contour (change of pitch); phonation (plain,
breathy and creaky); and duration.40 Furthermore, it is likely that the number
and form of those tones changed over time, whereas because they were not
marked, the writing remained the same.
Native speakers who read Tai manuscripts of this type do so somewhat
differently from the way we read modern English, or the way we read older
manuscripts in the European tradition. Consider the English word horse.
When this is written in isolation, the meaning is clear to all native English
speakers. This is not so with the Ahom word ma (also written m; ) /ma/, which
can mean “horse” but can also mean “dog”, “to come”, “shoulder” and,
in compounds, “fruit”. Which of these meanings is correct in a particular
manuscript depends on the context.
The following examples demonstrate the process of translation. We will
discuss this in detail with regard to the manuscript Ming Mvng Lung Phai,
what we term in English a “spirit calling” text. The main translators for
this text were Chaichuen Khamdaengyodtai, whose expertise is in Shan
languages and literature, and myself, with knowledge of comparative Tai
and Tai grammar. After the text had been transcribed for the first draft
translation in 2007, Chaichuen and I worked for a week with Nabin Shyam
Phalung, a speaker of the related Tai Aiton language, thoroughly experienced
in reading Tai Aiton texts, and for many years the Head of the Tai section at
the Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies in Guwahati.41 The
39 For a discussion of the writing of vowels in the Tai Phake script, and how the script
under specifies the vowel contrasts, see Morey, The Tai Languages of Assam, pp. 190-94.
40 Stephen Morey, “Studying Tones in North East India: Tai, Singpho and Tangsa”,
Language Documentation and Conservation, 8 (2014), 637-71.
41 Nabin’s skills as both a native speaker of a closely related Tai language and his decades
of experience working with Tai Ahom manuscripts were not enough to allow him to
undertake the task of translating this text alone.
48 From Dust to Digital
translation was then revised in 2008, in the Ahom village of Parijat, working
together with other members of the research team and also with several
members of the Tai Ahom priestly caste, including the manuscript’s owner.
This translation method, while probably the most reliable, was also
exceptionally time consuming and expensive, requiring the physical presence
of people from different countries in the same location. Subsequent texts have
been translated by Chaichuen doing a draft translation into Shan, after which
I translate the Shan into English; then Chaichuen and I meet, discuss and
revise the translation line by line. The new methodology has the advantage of
including a gloss in Shan as well as English, as we will see below in Example
8. Using one or other of these methods, we have completed translations of
the following manuscripts: Alika,42 Lakni,43 Ma Likha Lit,44 Ming Mvng Lung
Phai, Nemi Mang,45 Pvn Ko Mvng,46 running to approximately 4200 lines. All
the translations are searchable online at the Tai and Tibeto Languages of
Assam website.47
Returning to the Ming Mvng Lung Phai text, in Tai belief, if the spirit
(khon or khwan) of a person, of the paddy rice or of the country, or some
other entity, goes away, this causes difficulty. The spirit therefore has to be
recalled at a ceremony that includes the reading of an appropriate text. We
have never experienced an Ahom spirit calling ceremony, but have witnessed
the calling of the spirit of both an ill person and of rice in the Tai Phake and
Tai Khamyang communities. In the first case, a young person was ill, which
was attributed to the absence of the khon from the ill person; in the second
case an individual had a poor harvest, which was attributed to the absence
of the khon of the paddy rice. The ceremony, in which sweets and fruit were
offered to the spirit, included the reading of the appropriate spirit calling
text three times. In the case of the calling of the spirit of the ill person, which
42 This text, containing what we believe is probably a Buddhist story, forms the first two
thirds of EAP373_GileshwarBailung_Nemimang_0001 to 0139.tif.
43 This text was translated from a photocopy. The location of the original of this manuscript
is not known.
44 This text, containing what we believe is probably a Buddhist story, has yet to be
photographed for the project.
45 This text, a Buddhist story, forms the last third of EAP373_GileshwarBailung_
Nemimang_0001 to 0139.tif.
46 This text, which tells the story of the creation of the world, is archived as EAP373_
TileshwarMohan_PvnKoMvng_0001 to 0038.
47 This website (http://sealang.net/assam) is updated from time to time and additional texts
will be added as the translations are completed. The next one to be completed will be
the Nang Khai manuscript owned by the late Baparam Hatibaruah, the photographs of
which will be archived as EAP373_BaparamHatiBaruah_NangKhai_0001.tif to 0078.tif.
Metadata and endangered archives 49
was held inside, at the conclusion of the third reading of the text the spirit
was felt to have returned, and the doors of the house were shut to keep it in.48
Ming Mvng Lung Phai is one of a number of such texts that we believe were
to be read when the whole country is in difficulty. The date of composition
of these texts is not known, but, in view of the related texts in the Zhuang
speaking areas of China, it is felt that they are very old. The version of the
text that we studied is owned by one of the most senior Tai Ahom priests
or Deodhai, Chaw Tileshwar Mohan, who has been a great supporter of this
research for many years. The project has identified other examples of this
text, but his version is by far the most complete and most reliable,49 as Fig.
2.7 below shows.
In the section of the text discussed below, the possible locations to which
the spirit has gone, and from which it will need to be recalled, are being
presented. One example of this is the passage of two lines: men ru ri nang
ru ba, men na cha nang lin kang. The poetics of this is clear. The first word is
parallel in both lines, as is the fourth word, and in addition there is a “waist
rhyme” between the end of the first line, ba, and the third syllable of the
second line, cha.
Our first translation of the two lines is given in Examples 3 and 4. Both
translations assumed that men was the word for non-Tai tribal people who live
in mountainous areas. This is assumed by people in Assam to refer to people
living on the border of India and Myanmar, an area mostly populated by
Naga people; therefore this word is usually translated as “Naga”. However,
if the text had been composed in the original home of the Tai Ahoms, on the
Myanmar-China border, this word would refer to a different tribal group,50
so we have glossed it as “Hill Tribal”.
48 For a more detailed discussion of spirit calling among the Ahom, see B. J. Terwiel, The
Tai of Assam and Ancient Tai Ritual, Volume I: Life Style Ceremonies (Gaya: Centre for South
East Asian Studies, 1980), p. 53. For the practice among the Zhuang in China, see David
Holm, Recalling Lost Souls: The Baeu Rodo Scriptures, Tai Cosmogonic Texts from Guangxi in
Southern China (Bangkok: White Lotus, 2004).
49 Unfortunately the first folio was damaged by insects between 2007, when I first
photographed it in JPG format, and 2012, when the EAP-funded project was able to take
raw format files and convert them to TIF format for archiving.
50 In Assam the word men is mostly associated with the people now called Naga, but in
Shan State the cognate word refers to the “ethnic group inhabiting the mountains of
Muang Ting”. Sao Tern Moeng, Shan-English Dictionary (Kensington, MD: Dunwoody
Press, 1995). The phrases “head like horses” and “roll up their chins” might refer to
people who wear long-necked decorations, such as the Kayan people in Shan state, i.e.
in the mountain areas on the China-Myanmar border. Photographs of women wearing
these decorations can be found on the Wikipedia page “Kayan people (Burma)”, http://
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kayan_people_%28Burma%29. Equally these might be ways of
50 From Dust to Digital
Having decided on this reading for men, the first draft translation assumed
that nang was a verb meaning “sit”, which is certainly one of its possible
meanings, along with “back”, “extend”, “lady”, “loud”, “be like” and “nose”.
Chaichuen then assumed that the phrase ru ba, which in Example 3 follows
nang, would be a location, and proposed on the “top of the shoulder”.
Syntactically this would have to mean that the long-headed Hill Tribal was
sitting there.
“The bad faced Hill Tribals sit in the middle of the plain”.
Since these two lines should relate to the location where the spirit was, these
translations were plainly not satisfactory. At the time of this work, the research
team were staying in Parijat, which is where the manuscript is kept. Chaichuen
excitedly came in one morning, having thought about the translation over
night, with the suggestion that nang should be read as “like”, and that these
two lines were thus similes. With this in mind, we could translate Example
3 as “[The spirit is] with the long headed Hill Tribals whose heads are like
dogs”, reading the last word ma as “dog”. This involves reading the first
letter of that word, the last in Example 3, as having initial m- m rather than
initial b- b. In many manuscripts, such as Ming Mvng Lung Phai, these two
letters are not distinguished.
After listening to Chaichuen’s suggestion, I then suggested that reading
ma as “horse” made even more sense — the heads of horses being long —
and thus both lines were re-translated as similes describing the Tai Ahom
scribes impression of the appearance of the Hill Tribals. Our final translation
is given in Examples 5 and 6:
“With the long headed Hill Tribals, whose heads are like horses”.
“With the bad faced Hill Tribals who roll up their chins”
(EAP373_TileshwarMohan_MingMvngLungPhai, 6v1).
original home of the Tai Ahom, now inside the Dehong prefecture in Yunnan
Province, China. To get the translation to what we see in Examples 5 and 6
requires a deep knowledge of Tai literature that is rapidly becoming extinct, and
the ability to read texts in the traditional away. The modernisation of the Shan
script since the 1950s, which includes the marking of tone, has made reading
a Shan text much more like reading an English text, because the words with
different tones are now marked differently.51 The last of the expert readers
from the generation brought up before script modernisation are now becoming
elderly, and the younger generation, brought up with the reformed script, are
reported to have great difficulty reading the traditional texts.
This is the key difference between the challenge of interpreting the Tai
Ahom manuscripts and those of interpreting, for example, old English
manuscripts, or Latin manuscripts from a period much older than the Ahom
texts. Old English and Latin are languages where the script is essentially
phonemic, marking most phonemic contrasts. The meaning of a single word
is clear, in all but very uncommon cases of homography (such as the modern
English bear which could be noun (“type of animal”) or verb (“hold up”)
with completely different meaning). In Tai Ahom on the other hand, every
written syllable has multiple meanings — in some cases as many as twenty
have been recorded — and the texts can only be interpreted in context, and
with a very substantial vocabulary at the call of the translator.
One major claim in this paper is that it is of the greatest importance that
good quality translations be made of as many of the manuscripts as possible
because this is unlikely to be possible to the same extent in the future.
Whereas the translation of a Latin or Old English text is likely to be just as
possible in 100 years time as it is now, this is not the case with Tai Ahom,
because the generation of Chaichuen is the last which has been trained in
reading Tai texts in the traditional way, and those are the skills required to
interpret these texts correctly.
Even making basic metadata on a single manuscript is not something that
can be done without considerable effort. We have been fortunate in having
Chau Medini Madhab Mohan as a consultant on our project, not only because
he has knowledge of the location of large numbers of manuscripts, but also
because his experience in studying them has allowed him to identify texts
reasonably quickly. This identification is partly done by reading some portion
51 See Søren Egerod, “Essentials of Shan Phonology and Script”, Academia Sinica: Bulletin
of the Institute of History and Philology, 29 (1957), 121-27. For further details of Shan script
and script reform, see Sai Kam Mong, The History and Development of the Shan Scripts
(Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 2004).
Metadata and endangered archives 53
of the texts for meaning, and partly done by comparing stock phrases found
often in the texts. So, for example, in the manuscript Ming Mvng Lung Phai,
and indeed in all spirit calling texts, there are phrases used for calling the
spirit back, which in this manuscript follows the locations where the spirit
might be, as in Examples 5 and 6 above. This stock phrase is give as Example 7.
52 We hope that eventually the videos of these short ceremonies can be archived together
with the photographs of the manuscripts.
53 We will not list these here, but the digitised files will have the prefix EAP373_HaraPhukan_.
54 These will be archived with the prefix EAP373_KamolRajkonwar_.
54 From Dust to Digital
“The God who is like many knives, the God who is a knife,
we pray to you, who are the creator of the sky, the peak of the
heaven, oh my Lord”.
There are a number of difficulties in translating this prayer. The first of these
is the translation of the word bit, which can also be read as mit. Here we
have translated it as “knife”, but there is another Ahom word mit, attested
in the Bar Amra lexicon with the meaning “rainbow”. If we take this as the
meaning of mit, we would read lai mit as “pattern of the rainbow”, which is
a plausible meaning here.
Example 8 is part of a longer prayer that is frequently used in Tai Ahom
rituals. While we have not found this exact phrase in a manuscript, we have
found references to a similar passage in manuscripts such as the Sai Kai text
for which there are several versions. The one shown below (Fig. 2.8) belongs
to Chau Padma Sangbun Phukan of Amguri, but we have also consulted two
additional copies belonging to Tileshwar Mohan,55 the owner of the Ming
Mvng Lung Phai manuscript. None of these manuscripts have the dates of
copying, or information about the copyist. None of them is complete, but
careful comparison of the three versions means that the text is in the process
of being reconstructed. The first line of this text is presented in Example 9.
This example confirms the reading of “knife”, in a metaphorical sense, as the
one who is carving out the earth, because there cannot have been a rainbow
at the time when the creation of the sky had not yet happened.
Table 2.1 Buddhist terms in the Ai Seng Lau prayer and Tai equivalents
A few lines later in the Ai Seng Lau prayer, we see the following, in which
a deity or entity called ji (first daughter) is invoked, as seen in Example 10:
m] cbq kbq h;
mav chau kau vi
you resp 1sg voc
မႂ်း ၸဝ်ႈ ၵဝ် ဢိူၺ်း
The same entity is found in the Sai Kai manuscript in the line that immediately
follows Example 9, presented here as Example 11:
“He made the first daughter, the big one, after she died
she became the ground directly under” (EAP373_ Padma
SangBunPhukan_SaiKai1_0004).
Both the Ai Seng Lau prayer and the Sai Kai manuscript have the same phrase
to refer to this deity, ji nang luk nying khiuw (the first daughter, the big one).
In the Sai Kai manuscript, it goes on after Example 11 to refer to the three
younger sisters of ji, namely i (second daughter), am (third daughter) and ai
(fourth daughter). These four words occurring in the same position in four
successive lines confirm for us the reading that we have given in Example 11.
This brief discussion of Ahom prayers has been presented to show the
relationship between these manuscripts and the living tradition of Ahom prayers.
The similarity between the Ai Seng Lau prayer and the Sai Kai manuscripts
confirms that the language of those prayers is not the “Pseudo Ahom language”
that Terwiel has suggested was in use for some Ahom rituals.56 It remains
possible that the prayers such as Ai Seng Lau have been newly created after
studying the manuscripts, although members of the Tai Ahom priestly caste
specifically say that this prayer has been handed down from father to son over
many generations, though without knowing the full meaning of the prayer.
What we can say is that the close study of the manuscripts has allowed for a
translation of the prayers that are in use in contemporary ritual to be undertaken.
Stories
In addition to the Buddhist stories mentioned earlier, there are a number of
Tai stories whose storyline is not necessarily known from other sources and
whose translation is thus more challenging. One example of these is the Nang
Khai story, from a manuscript owned by the late Baparam Hati Baruah of Hati
Gaon (Fig. 2.9).57 The manuscript, one of the first photographed in the project,
has the name of the copyist, and the name of the text, but no date. On fol 20v
(image 0042) it is written: “In the seventh month, his father who was Serela
Baruah and his son Mekheli, he wrote this Nang Khai scripture which should
not be allowed to disappear, should not be hidden [lest] you fall into the forks
of hell”. The name of the manuscript is given as n[q xj pUvI [Nang Khai Puthi],
where puthi is an Assamese word meaning “sacred text”. Altogether there
are 37 folios in this text, and so it is curious that the scribe gave his name only
a little over half way through. Although we have not yet finished translating
the whole text, it does appear to be one story; perhaps in writing his name in
the middle of the text, the copyist was confused about the contents.
Since the translation of the manuscript is not yet complete,58 we do not yet
know the meaning of “nang khai”. It could be “lady egg”, referring to a lady
57 Baparam Hati Baruah passed away in 2014 before the translation of his manuscript could
be completed and presented to him. His house was one of very few Ahom houses that
maintained the Tai tradition of building on stilts, but with the special feature that the
bamboo floors on the upper level were rendered with mud. This manuscript is archived
as EAP373_BaparamHatiBaruah_NangKhai_0001 to 0078.tif.
58 We hope this will be completed in early 2015.
Metadata and endangered archives 59
who is related to the king, one term for whom is khai pha (“the egg of the
sky”). So while we know the name of this manuscript because it is explicitly
stated, we will not know what that means until the whole text has been
studied. The story of this manuscript is about a river creature, or Naga, and
a man, referred to as “the single man”, who casts his fishing net over the
river and accidentally catches that Naga.59
This text gives some clues as to its place of origin. If our translation is
correct, it refers to the Mekong River, as we see in Example 12, reproduced
in Fig. 2.10.
“Thus the Naga who was the egg of Mekong called out, saying”
(EAP373_BaparamHatiBaruah_NangKhai_0008).
Chaichuen observed that this text, which he has never heard of in Shan
areas, refers to the history of Tai people in the Mekong river area, and
consequently must have been brought to Assam rather than composed
there. In his view, this would have to have been done before the destruction
of the kingdoms of Muang Mau Lung, Muang Kong and Muang Yang in
the year 1555. This campaign was led by the Burmese King Bayinnaung
of Toungoo (1550-1581). Thus our assumption is that the manuscript
must have been composed before 1555 and that it may not survive in
Mau Lung. Chaichuen said that this story could not have been brought
later, because all of the old manuscripts were burned during the wars
waged by King Bayinnaung. So far this is the only text we have analysed
that can definitely be associated with the Mau Lung area, but we expect
there are more among the manuscripts that have been photographed.
Scholarly outcomes
The major scholarly outcomes of EAP373 are: the transcription and
translation of a number manuscripts; the further development of the
online Tao Ahom Dictionary; the preparation of a descriptive grammar
of Tai Ahom; and the realization of the proposal to include Tai Ahom
script in the Unicode.
As we have seen, the process of transcribing and translating texts is very
time consuming, but they form the basis for the continued development
of the online Ahom Dictionary.60 At present the dictionary contains over
4,500 head words and many subentries for multiple senses of a word
and for compounds. Each word listed in the dictionary is sourced to an
Ahom manuscript, in many cases the Bar Amra, a Tai-Ahom to Assamese
lexicon. There are a number of copies of the Bar Amra, of which the most
important is kept at the Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies
in Guwahati. The version that we were able to consult is that owned by
Junaram Sangbun Phukan, one of the most senior Ahom priests (Deodhai)
from Parijat village. The manuscript, written completely in Ahom script,
gives a word in Tai and then a translation in Assamese. An example is
given below (Fig. 2.11).
60 http://sealang.net/ahom
Metadata and endangered archives 61
This page, folio 1v, is divided into three columns. The Assamese meanings
of the word kj kai are given on the left hand side (lines 1-6). The fifth line is
the word for “chicken” which reads as in Example 13, with the Assamese
translation written in Ahom script and marked by the case marker -ɔk,
which marks some direct and indirect objects.
The entire manuscript was transcribed by Zeenat Tabassum,61 and formed the
basis for a dictionary in the Toolbox format.62 All words that occur in the Bar
Amra are included, but in addition words that we find in other manuscripts
are added when their meanings are confirmed. Each of those words is
sourced back to at least one example in the manuscripts. The online dictionary
includes the sentence containing an example of the word, in Ahom script,
transliteration, with English, Shan and sometimes Assamese translations.63
All the manuscripts referenced in the dictionary are also in the EAP archive.
The writing of a descriptive Ahom grammar, based on the language
examples as found in the manuscripts, whose translation is possible because
of their identification through this project. A sketch grammar, running to
around 34 pages has been already published: it is available in a published
article, and has been archived online as part of the DoBeS website.64
Finally, there is the development of a Unicode encoding for the Ahom
script, which has been jointly developed by Martin Hosken and myself.65 The
final version of the Ahom Unicode proposal was presented to the Unicode
consortium in October 2012 and approved. A first draft Tai Ahom unicode
font has been produced, together with a keyboard, and since July 2014 the
font has been in use by community members on Facebook and in some email
formats. There are some remaining technical issues to ensure that the font
renders correctly in word-processing programs like Microsoft Word or Open
Office.66 Nevertheless the fact that the Tai Ahom language can now be used
63 We are working towards making the dictionary truly quadrilingual (Tai Ahom, English,
Shan, Assamese) but this will take some time. Some entries are already quadrilingual, as
with the entry for kai (chicken).
64 For the published version, see Stephen Morey, “A Sketch of Tai Ahom”, in Axamiya aru
Axamar Bhasa [Assamese and the Languages of Assam], ed. by Biswajit Das and Axamar
Bhasa (Guwahati: AANK-Bank, 2011). At present the best way to access the online
Ahom materials is to follow a link to projects on the DoBeS website (http://www.mpi.
nl/DoBeS), then Tangsa, Tai and Singpho in Northeast India, then click on corpus and
then the node “Ahom”. All of the materials that we have deposited on the website are
available for download.
65 Martin Hosken and Stephen Morey, “Revised Proposal to add the Ahom Script in the
SMP of the UCS”, Working Group Document, 14 September 2012, http://www.unicode.
org/L2/L2012/12309-ahom-rev.pdf
66 The Ahom font renders perfectly on Facebook using the Mozilla Firefox browser, once
it is set as the default font. In other browsers and other platforms it may not work so
well, as yet. The reason for these rendering issues is the way in which characters are
coded. For example, the vowel /e/, is written before the consonant that it sounds after. So
the word ke is written ek which is e k. Unicode requires the /e/ to be encoded after the
consonant and therefore the fonts have to be designed so that the vowel appears in front
of the consonant even though it is encoded after. At present the Ahom Unicode font will
not work properly in Microsoft Word, and for that reason in this paper and in our online
dictionary and texts we are still using the old legacy font, designed by me in the 1990s.
Metadata and endangered archives 63
on social media has the potential to lead to a great expansion in the use of
this script and further strengthen the revival of the language.
bj sE[q y; AM /
bai svng ja am
keep hide proh keep silent
ဝႆႉ သိူင်ႇ ယႃႉ ဢၢမ်း
“If someone begs [to take it] don’t give it lest it disappear, keep
it hidden, but don’t keep silent [about the story]”.
This translation was done by Chaichuen and myself, and the meaning
emerged after some discussion. The grammatical structure of this line is:
phav jon, ja hv rai lak, bai svng, ja am. The sentence consists of a condition
(phav jon “[if] someone begs [it]”), followed by three commands: ja hav
rai lak (“don’t let it be lost and taken away”), bai svng (“keep it hidden”
or perhaps “keep it safe”), and ja am (“don’t keep silent about it”). This
we interpret as a request to the future owners of the book to keep it in its
proper location, not to let it be taken away, keep it safe, but not to hide
its contents and meaning from the wider community. I consider that our
work is exactly in accord with this injunction.
64 From Dust to Digital
Abbreviations
fin final particle
give grammaticalisation of the word “give” to imply causation, or
allowing something to happen
link linking word, sometimes translatable as “also”
n.fin non-final, a particle indicating that another phrase or clauses is
to follow
pl plural
pn proper name
proh prohibitive, “don’t do X”
resp respect particle
sg singular
true literally “true”; this particle is largely bleached of meaning but
conveys that the statement is believed to be true
voc vocative
Metadata and endangered archives 65
References
Barua, Bimala Kanta, and N. N. Deodhari Phukan, Ahom Lexicons, Based on Original
Tai Manuscripts (Guwahati: Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies,
1964).
Barua, Golap Chandra, Ahom Buranji: From the Earliest Time to the End of Ahom Rule
(Guwahati: Spectrum, 1985 [1930]).
Egerod, Søren, “Essentials of Shan Phonology and Script”, Academia Sinica: Bulletin
of the Institute of History and Philology, 29 (1957), 121-27.
Gait, Edward, A History of Assam (Guwahati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1992 [1905]).
Gogoi, Lila, The Buranjis, Historical Literature of Assam: A Critical Survey (New Delhi:
Omsons, 1986).
Holm, David, Recalling Lost Souls: The Baeu Rodo Scriptures, Tai Cosmogonic Texts from
Guangxi in Southern China (Bangkok: White Lotus, 2004).
Li Fang-Kuei, A Handbook of Comparative Tai (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii
Press, 1977).
Mitra, Anup, Coins of the Ahom Kingdom (Calcutta: Mahua Mitra, 2001).
Morey, Stephen, The Tai Languages of Assam: A Grammar and Texts (Canberra: Pacific
Linguistics, 2005).
—, “A Sketch of Tai Ahom”, in Axamiya aru Axamar Bhasa [Assamese and the Languages
of Assam], ed. by Biswajit Das and Phukan Basumatary (Guwahati: AANK-Bank,
2011).
—, “Ahom and Tangsa: Case Studies of Language Maintenance and Loss in North
East India”, Language Documentation and Conservation, 7 (2014), 46-77.
—, “Studying Tones in North East India: Tai, Singpho and Tangsa”, Language
Documentation and Conservation, 8 (2014), 637-71.
Nathan, David, and Peter K. Austin, “Reconceiving Metadata: Language
Documentation Through Thick and Thin”, Language Documentation and
Description, 2 (2004), 179-88.
Sai Kam Mong, The History and Development of the Shan Scripts (Chiang Mai:
Silkworm, 2004).
Sao Tern Moeng, Shan-English Dictionary (Kensington, MD: Dunwoody Press, 1995).
Terwiel, B. J., The Tai of Assam and Ancient Tai Ritual, Volume I: Life Style Ceremonies
(Gaya: Centre for South East Asian Studies, 1980).
—, The Tai of Assam and Ancient Tai Ritual, Volume II: Sacrifices and Time-reckoning
(Gaya: Centre for South East Asian Studies, 1981).
—, “Reading a Dead Language: Tai Ahom and the Dictionaries”, in Prosodic Analysis
and Asian Linguistics: To Honour R. K. Spriggs, ed. by David Bradley, Eugénie J. A.
Henderson and Martine Mazaudon (Canberra: Australian National University,
1989), pp. 283-96.
—, “Recreating the Past: Revivalism in Northeastern India”, Bijdragen: Journal of the
Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology, 152 (1996), 275-92.
—, and Ranoo Wichasin, eds. and trans, Tai Ahoms and The Stars: Three Ritual Texts to
Ward off Danger (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992).
Wichasin, Ranoo, trans., Ahom Buranji (Bangkok: Amarin, 1996).
3. Unravelling Lepcha manuscripts
Heleen Plaisier
Although there are still areas in which the Lepcha language flourishes, the
culture has been losing ground for over 100 years. Lepcha manuscripts
represent the oldest stages of the Lepcha literary tradition and with the
endangerment of the Lepcha language and culture, the survival of these texts
is at risk. Many Lepcha texts are based on Tibetan originals and combine
elements of non-Buddhist native Lepcha religious beliefs with Tibetan
Buddhist values and traditions (Fig. 3.1). Any study of Lepcha civilisation
cannot ignore the enormous impact of the Tibetan language and culture, a
research topic that has so far received little attention.
Many aspects of Lepcha culture, literature and religion are as yet undocumented.
It is of paramount importance to document and describe these traditions before
they become too eroded, and to work towards a balanced interpretation
of their precise nature. This chapter presents the first steps in unravelling
the Lepcha materials that were recently digitised through the Endangered
Archives Programme (EAP), in order to highlight their significance and
encourage further research.2
Written Lepcha
3 Arthur Foning, Lepcha: My Vanishing Tribe (New Delhi: Sterling, 1987), p. 152.
4 George van Driem, Languages of the Himalayas: An Ethnolinguistic Handbook of the Greater
Himalayan Region (Leiden: Brill, 2001), pp. 674-75. The origin of the Lepcha orthography
is discussed in detail in Plaisier, A Grammar of Lepcha, pp. 32-44.
5 George Byres Mainwaring, A Grammar of the Rong (Lepcha) Language as it Exists in the
Dorjeling and Sikim Hills (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1876), p. xi.
6 Van Driem, Languages of the Himalayas, pp. 675-76.
7 Lazóng: EAP281/1/11. Titles and direct quotations from Lepcha are transcribed
according to the conventions of the transliteration described in Plaisier, A Grammar of
Lepcha, pp. 38-44.
70 From Dust to Digital
8 Plaisier, Catalogue of Lepcha Manuscripts in the van Manen Collection (Leiden: Kern Institute,
2003), pp. 31-32.
9 Khárpú Támsáng, Róng Chomíng ân Lâzóng (Kalimpong: Mani Printing Works, 1982).
10 Albert Grünwedel, “Drei Leptscha Texte, mit Auszügen aus dem Padma-than-yig
und Glossar”, T’oung Pao, 7 (1896), 522-62; idem, “Ein Kapitel des Ta-she-Sung”,
Festschrift für Adolf Bastian (Berlin, 1896); idem, “Leptscha-Text mit Übersetzung”,
Veröffentlichungen aus dem Königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde zu Berlin, 4 (1897), 118-
26; idem, “Padmasambhava und Mandarava: Leptscha Übersetzung des Mandarava-
Legende”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 52 (1898), 447-61; and
idem, “Padmasambhava und verwandtes”, Baessler-Archiv, 3 (1913).
11 C. de Beauvoir Stocks, “Folklore and Customs of the Lap-chas of Sikkim”, Journal and
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, new series 21 (1925), 325-505; and idem, “A
Rong Folk Tobacco Story”, Folklore, 37 (1926), 193-95.
12 René de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, “Die Legende vom Turmbau der Lepcha”, Anthropos, 48
(1953), 889-97.
13 Geoffrey Gorer, Himalayan Village: An Account of the Lepchas of Sikkim (London: M. Joseph,
1938); Matthias Hermanns, The Indo-Tibetans (Bombay: Fernandes, 1954), pp. 30-96; Amal
Kumar Das, The Lepchas of West Bengal (Calcutta: Editions Indian, 1978), pp. 216-33;
Unravelling Lepcha manuscripts 71
Lepcha manuscripts
The oldest handwritten materials in Lepcha to have been identified were
written in the second half of the nineteenth century. Lepcha texts are written
on paper and are usually in book form, either handmade volumes or machine-
made exercise books. Some Lepcha manuscripts are in concertina form, and
occasionally they consist of loose sheets. Dog-ears, small stains, mould, insect
and worm demage (Fig. 3.2), weakened paper, discoloration of ink, grease
stains, damp stains and water spots occur in almost all Lepcha manuscripts.
Over the centuries, religious Lepcha texts have been meticulously copied
by hand by devoted scribes, a tradition which continues to date. Copies are
made to ensure the survival of the texts and to pass them on to others. The
act of copying these books by hand is considered to be a devoutly religious
task that should not be undertaken without respect for the meaning of the
text. The copyist may add a short colophon to the work, which is a text
passage in which the name of the scribe, the place, year, month, day and in
some cases even the time of the transcript is given.
If the text was not copied per se, but written down by the scribe whilst
being narrated or recited by someone else, this may also be mentioned in
the colophon. The colophon is a personal contribution of the scribe and is
generally written in a style different from the rest of the work — it is usually
George Kotturan, The Himalayan Gateway: History and Culture of Sikkim (Delhi: Sterling,
1983), pp. 122-24; Folk Tales of Sikkim (Delhi: Sterling, 1989); Richard Keith Sprigg, “The
Lepcha Language and Three Hundred Years of Tibetan Influence in Sikkim”, Journal of
the Asiatic Society, 24 (1982), 16-31; and Sprigg, “Hooker’s Expenses in Sikkim: An Early
Lepcha Text”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 46/2 (1983), 305-25.
14 Halfdan Siiger and Jørgen Rischel, The Lepchas: Culture and Religion of a Himalayan People
(Copenhagen: Gyldenal, 1967).
15 Heleen Plaisier, “Two Lepcha Delúk Texts”, in Medieval Tibeto-Burman Languages IV, ed.
by Nathan Hill (Leiden: Brill, 2012), pp. 23-109.
16 Foning, Lepcha, pp. 85-109 and 265-80.
17 Khárpú Támsáng, Róng Tóm Sung: A Treasure of the Lepcha Moral Stories (Kalimpong:
Lyangsong Tamsang, 1999); and idem, Róng Sung Gyom (Kalimpong: Lepcha
Association, 2002).
72 From Dust to Digital
more personal and more direct. In addition to a few personal words, the
colophon typically contains certain solemn and honorary phrases and prayers,
which are used by the scribe to urge the reader to treat the text with respect
and to take to heart its moral lessons.
Over 200 Lepcha manuscripts are held in European libraries, universities
and museums. This number relates to the number of physical manuscript
volumes, but one manuscript volume often contains several literary works.
The largest collection of Lepcha manuscripts can be found in the collection
of the Kern Institute at Leiden University, and consists of 182 manuscripts
collected by Johan van Manen (1877-1943).18 The Museum für Völkerkunde in
Vienna houses seven manuscripts collected by René de Nebesky-Wojkowitz
(1923-1959), and the National Museum in Copenhagen has twelve manuscripts
collected by Halfdan Siiger (1911-1999). The School of Oriental and African
Studies in London houses five Lepcha manuscripts. There are a further seven
in the British Library; six of these volumes were collected by Brian Houghton
Hodgson (c. 1800-1894) and one by Lawrence Augustine Waddell (1854-1938).
Fig. 3.3 The Legend of the Goddess Queen. Foning Collection (EAP281/1/20), CC BY.
For three months in 2009, with the support of EAP, I explored the Lepcha
manuscripts surviving in private collections in Sikkim, Darjeeling and
Kalimpong. The aim of this project was to locate collections of manuscripts,
identify the texts, and discuss with owners the possibility of digitising their
materials for preservation. The project was supported by a local partner,
the Namgyal Institute of Tibetology in Gangtok (Sikkim, India), which itself
houses thirty Lepcha manuscripts, the description and digitisation of which
were included in the project.
During the project we have consulted and described six private collections
of Lepcha manuscripts.19 These are the collections of the late Arthur Foning
of Chyu-Pundi Farm in Mongbol Basti in Kalimpong, Óng Tshering Namchu
of Mane Gombú village in Kalimpong, Dendrúp Adyenmú Lepcha of Mane
Gombú, now residing in Gangtok in Sikkim, Chuksung Lepcha of Lower
Burtuk in Sikkim, Tamyong Lepcha of Luknyi (Linge Payong) in Sikkim,
and Chong Róngkup of Pulungdung near Darjeeling. Foning (1913-1987)
was a renowned Lepcha scholar who published various works on Lepcha
culture. Chuksung Lepcha works as a government official in Sikkim and is
active in several groups with a vested interest in the preservation of Lepcha
heritage. Dendrúp Lepcha is a well-known literary figure, researcher and
journalist in Gangtok with an enduring passion for Lepcha cultural studies.
Óng Tshering Namchu, Tamyong Lepcha and Chong Róngkup all practice
as bóngthíngs, traditional Lepcha religious specialists, and as such regularly
use their Lepcha manuscripts for recitation during religious ceremonies.
These collections contain 89 manuscripts altogether, of which forty were
selected for digitisation.20 Preference was given to rare and unusual titles, and
only a few copies were included of better-known works. Some manuscripts
were too fragile to be included in the digitisation. The manuscripts we have
digitised were produced between 1894 and 1963 by Rapdensíng Foning,
Núrshíng Lepcha, N. S. Kárthák, Nákphye Lepcha, Khámbú Singh Lepcha,
Tshángdo Tshering Lepcha, P. T. Lepcha, Thilok Lepcha and other unnamed
or presently unidentified scribes. All manuscripts remain in the owners’
private collections. The digitised copies of these manuscripts are available
19 A further 125 manuscripts were located in Kalimpong but not described, and reports of
up to 420 manuscripts in Sikkim, Darjeeling, Nepal and Bhutan were noted.
20 2448 digital images were created using a Nikon D80 digital camera with a Sigma DC
17-70 mm lens, using a tripod to stabilise the camera. Images were made in RAW format
and converted to TIFF 300 ppi TIFF, 3872 x 2592, Adobe RGB (1998), 10.0 MP.
74 From Dust to Digital
online through the EAP, and copies are also accessible upon request at the
Namgyal Institute of Tibetology.21
Lepcha literature
aura. The readers will feel that these stories etc. were written by the Lepchas
themselves, and for themselves, exclusively.24
No research to date has compared these Lepcha adaptations with the Tibetan
originals. The lack of adequate dictionaries and relevant text editions
make the translation of Lepcha texts a challenging affair and only few
transcriptions, translations or analyses of Lepcha manuscript texts have
been published to date. Also, the abundant spelling variations or spelling
errors that are present in Lepcha manuscript texts can be problematic. The
identification of strands of native traditions in Lepcha literature is further
complicated by our limited knowledge of the ancient Lepcha religious
beliefs. Moreover, only few Lepchas can still read the handwriting and
comprehend the language used in old texts.
In the titles of Lepcha works we often find an indication of genre, such
as sung (story, narrative), cho (book, learning), munlóm (prayer, blessing),
or námthár (legend, biography). These designations are obviously direct
loans from equivalent categories in Tibetan literature, i.e. Tibetan Gsuṅ,
Chos, sMon-lam and rNam-thar. Indeed, a Lepcha book, referred to as cho,
typically conveys a canonical message, whereas a munlóm is usually a
prayer book of some kind. A Lepcha námthár is generally a text containing
a sacred legend, some chapter of native lore or a hagiography about the life
of a saint or miracle-worker. The Lepcha term sung is used specifically for
traditional stories that were originally not written down, but transmitted
orally. In a broader sense, sung refers to narratives or stories in general.
Some Lepchas indicate any text with a Buddhist connection by adding
the designation námthó námthár or námthár cho. Most popular works exist
under different titles, such as tashe thíng sá námthar, tashe thíng sá cho, and
tashe sung, or chotyen munlóm, chotyen námthár, or even chotyen munlóm sá
sung and chotyen munlóm sá námthár. Whether these different titles represent
different versions of the text is still an open question. In colloquial Lepcha,
designations such as munlóm and námthár are pretty interchangeable, and
appear to be used not so much because of their literal meaning, but rather
their connotation of indicating some kind of sacred text.
24 Arthur Foning, “A Short Account of the Lepcha Language and Literature”, Bulletin of the
Cultural Research Institute, 13/3-4 (1979), 20-30 (p. 24).
76 From Dust to Digital
The pivotal work in Lepcha literature is entitled Tashe sung [The Story
of Lord Tashe].25 This book describes the legendary life of Tashe thíng (Lord
Tashe), who is equalled to Padmasambhava in the Tibetan Pad-ma thaṅ-yig.
The book describes different events in Lord Tashe’s life, his extraordinary
powers and knowledge, his views on life and death, his battle against evil
and the blessings he was able to spread around. Parts of this work are
traditionally recited twice a day by Lepcha people: in the early morning
and late evening. Lepcha texts are recited or chanted in a specific manner,
referred to as nyumjó (melody, tune). There is a range of such chanting styles,
of which the simplest and most commonly used is referred to as shímvunmú
ʔúng tasót nyumjó (flowing melody).26
There are other Lepcha works that are subsidiary to the Tashe sung, and
in a sense all these texts form part of a large epos about Lord Tashe’s life and
work. For example, the work Rum pundi sá námthár [The Legend of the Goddess
Queen] describes how Lord Tashe is struck by the troubles and suffering of
human beings on earth, and how he sends his wife to earth to fight the bad
influences that prevail there (Fig. 3.3).27 She tries to lead three wicked kings
to a righteous and more religious path by taking birth as one of the king’s
daughters. Since her suffering is so great, Lord Tashe himself takes birth as
one of the king’s sons, and ultimately succeeds in fighting evil.
Another work found in many copies is Chotyen munlóm [Prayers to the
Choten], a book of prayers, ritual ceremonies and offerings, which is intended
to demonstrate the formulae for showing devotion and expressing worship.28
The book explains that the reading of prayers procures blessings. Chotyen
munlóm is partly written in the form of a dialogue between sángge kungáwu
(Lord Buddha) and tukbo thíng (Lord Tukbo). This is a book of prophecy,
which predicts and describes calamities that mankind will have to suffer.
According to René de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, this text corresponds to the Tibetan
text mChod-rten sMon-lam, about the Bya-ruṅ kha-śor stūpa at Kathmandu.29
In several manuscripts we have found the work entitled Lopân birútsáná
[The Learned Master Birutsana], which contains wise sayings, moral and ethical
instructions of a contemporary of Padmasambhava, who in Tibet is known
Fig. 3.5 The Legend of the Goddess Nángse. Foning Collection (EAP281/1/13), CC BY.
Lepcha versions; these are the stories of Língse chokít and Kármá ʔóngjun. Other
examples of Lepcha delúk texts are Sakon delúk sá sung [The Story of the Resurrection
of Sakon], Nungyang mun delúk [A Nun’s Return from Hell], Phyukbú pake sá
námthár [The Legend of the Wealthy Man Pake], Thóngsál Drámmo námthár [The Life
of Thóngsál Drámmo], Mun Tembú sá delúk [The Resurrection of the Priestess Tembú]
and Rummít Nángse sá námthár [The Legend of the Goddess Nángse] (Fig. 3.5).40
42 Tsu: EAP281/1/10.
43 Parkhó sá tsu: EAP281/1/4, EAP281/1/12, EAP281/2/1.
44 Khyenrúng díngngá sá tsu kyân sá cho: EAP281/1/14.
45 Brí sá tsu: EAP281/1/19.
Unravelling Lepcha manuscripts 83
Funerary texts relate to death and funerary traditions that are read aloud or
chanted from memory in the presence of a person who is dying or has just
passed away. In Lepcha literature, the title thókdra serves as a cover term for
all Lepcha funerary texts, among which is the book entitled thókdra itself, but
also works such as ʔámák sá munlóm, nyúthíng lóm frón, and possibly some of
the titles designated shang sá tsu.46
The Lepcha designation shang sá tsu refers to “death horoscopes”. The
reading of the death horoscope is essential for the organisation of the funeral
ceremony. Every ritual action is based on the conclusions reached by the
astrologer. Among the most significant of the calculations are the immediate
cause of death, the prediction of the future destiny of the spirit and the
handling and timing of the removal of the deceased body.
The Tibetan Buddhist tradition is such that traditionally, to help the
deceased travellers gain insight into their situation, a monk or skilled
layperson will recite guiding instructions and inspirational prayers from
special funerary texts, sometimes referred to as Bar-do Thos-sgrol, or the
Tibetan Book of the Dead. The term thókdra appears to be the Lepcha spelling
of the Tibetan Thos-sgrol. The Lepcha thókdra contains words of guidance and
consolation to the departed spirit, and is recited by the mun at the time the
funeral pyre is lit. Some versions of this text or parts of it are written in the
second person, as if speaking directly to the deceased. The first part of this
book emphasises that the belief in the holy scriptures alone will guide the
departed soul to heaven. In the second part, the departed soul is consoled
by the words that death is inevitable. The deceased is persuaded to have
left the world of the living; it is pointed out that the deceased cannot cast
any more shadows, and can step silently on dried leaves or twigs without
breaking them. In the third part, the departed soul is cautioned against
the tricks of evil spirits who will take the form of loved and near ones,
and is directed to pay homage to the gods. In the last part, the deceased
has been guided to the abode of gods and the text concludes by consoling
the departed soul.
Although they generally coexist, the native Lepcha religious beliefs and
Tibetan Buddhist beliefs sometimes contradict each other. The Lepchas use
the term sanglyon to refer to both the Tibetan Buddhist and the Lepcha rituals
for guiding the soul of the deceased from this world to their next destination.
For the Lepchas there is traditionally no judgement in the afterlife, and once
the soul reaches its destination it lives on forever among all other immortal
spirits.47 The Lepchas traditionally believe that people who have died shall
never return to our world benevolently: they can only ever have contact with
our world again in the form of múng (evil spirits). After death a soul can be
converted into an evil spirit while it is in tongdek márdek lyáng (the netherworld),
and the risk of this happening is provoked when death occurs suddenly,
violently, at a young age, or when the proper funerary ceremonies are not
conducted. In contrast, the Tibetan Buddhist soul is judged after death and
consequently guided to its next incarnation. From glancing at the contents
of the funerary texts, it appears that belief in a judgement of the soul by the
Lord of the Dead, choge pano (Tibetan Chhos-kyi rGyal-po); the migrations of
the soul through the perils of the Bar-do, the stage between death and new
life, to its rebirth in one of the “six worlds”; the punishment of sinners in hell
or nyó lyáng (Tibetan dMyal ba); and other well known traditions of Tibetan
Buddhism are now widespread among the Lepchas.
Conclusion
The discussion above illustrates the richness of the religious and literary tapestry
of the Lepcha people that is perpetuated in their manuscripts. Preservation of
the archival materials that represent the earliest stages of the Lepcha literary
tradition not only ensures that the Lepcha people continue to have access to
their own heritage, but also enables further research into the various strands
of influence of Tibetan Buddhist traditions, non-Buddhist Tibetan beliefs and
linguistic evidence that can be unravelled in Lepcha traditions.
The study of Lepcha manuscripts is still in its early days, but it is expected
to shed light on the nature of indigenous Lepcha religious beliefs and the
spread of Buddhism in the area, while from a linguistic point of view the
language used in these old texts is of historical interest. One impediment to
progress in establishing the exact position of Lepcha within the Tibeto-Burman
languages is the limited understanding of historical phonological borrowing
of Tibetan into Lepcha. Linguistic analysis can also engage our literary
and cultural questions; a comparative study of loanwords and calques will
elucidate which Tibetan Buddhist concepts the Lepcha regarded as foreign
and which they saw as parallel to their own traditions.
Elaborating such linguistic and literary influences will, in turn, promote
more general insight into the way a foreign religion may be adapted to a
local culture. The complex influence Tibetan Buddhism has exercised on the
religion, literature and language of the Lepcha people has parallels with the
experience of many other indigenous peoples in the region.
86 From Dust to Digital
References
Das, Amal Kumar, The Lepchas of West Bengal (Calcutta: Editions Indian, 1978).
Driem, George van, Languages of the Himalayas: An Ethnolinguistic Handbook of the
Greater Himalayan Region (Leiden: Brill, 2001).
Folk Tales of Sikkim (Delhi: Sterling, 1989).
Foning, Arthur, “A Short Account of the Lepcha Language and Literature”, Bulletin
of the Cultural Research Institute, 13/3-4 (1979), 20-30.
—, Lepcha: My Vanishing Tribe (New Delhi: Sterling, 1987).
Gorer, Geoffrey, Himalayan Village: An Account of the Lepchas of Sikkim (London: M.
Joseph, 1938).
Grünwedel, Albert, “Drei Leptscha Texte, mit Auszügen aus dem Padma-than-yig
und Glossar”, T’oung Pao, 7 (1896), 522-61.
—, “Ein Kapitel des Ta-she-Sung”, Festschrift für Adolf Bastian (Berlin, 1896).
—, “Leptscha-Text mit Übersetzung”, Veröffentlichungen aus dem Königlichen Museum
für Völkerkunde zu Berlin, 4 (1897), 118-26.
—, “Padmasambhava und Mandarava: Leptscha Übersetzung des Mandarava-
Legende”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 52 (1898), 447-
61.
—, “Padmasambhava und verwandtes”, Baessler-Archiv, 3 (1913).
Hermanns, Matthias, The Indo-Tibetans (Bombay: Fernandes, 1954).
Klafkowski, Piotr, “Rong (Lepcha), The Vanishing Language and Culture of Eastern
Himalaya”, Lingua Posnaniensis, 23 (1980), 105-18.
Kotturan, George, The Himalayan Gateway: History and Culture of Sikkim (Delhi:
Sterling, 1983).
Mainwaring, George Byres, A Grammar of the Rong (Lepcha) Language as it Exists in
the Dorjeling and Sikim Hills (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1876).
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, René de, “Die Legende vom Turmbau der Lepcha”, Anthropos,
48 (1953), 889-97.
Plaisier, Heleen, Catalogue of Lepcha Manuscripts in the van Manen Collection (Leiden:
Kern Institute, 2003).
—, A Grammar of Lepcha (Leiden: Brill, 2007).
—, “Two Lepcha Delúk Texts”, in Medieval Tibeto-Burman Languages IV, ed. by
Nathan Hill (Leiden: Brill, 2012).
Róng sung gyom (Kalimpong: Lepcha Association, 2002).
Siiger, Halfdan and Jørgen Rischel, The Lepchas: Culture and Religion of a Himalayan
People (Copenhagen: Gyldenal, 1967).
Simik, Pâsóng Choríng, “Rhythmic Tones in Reading Lepcha Religious Books”,
Aachuley: A Quarterly Lepcha Bilingual News Magazine, 2/3 (1998), 17-18.
Sprigg, Richard Keith, “The Lepcha Language and Three Hundred Years of Tibetan
Influence in Sikkim”, Journal of the Asiatic Society, 24 (1982), 16-31.
—, “Hooker’s Expenses in Sikkim: An Early Lepcha Text”, Bulletin of the School of
Oriental and African Studies, 46/2 (1983), 305-25.
Unravelling Lepcha manuscripts 87
Archival resources 48
EAP281/1/6
Cenrejú sá námthár.
EAP281/1/9, EAP281/5/3
Chotyen munlóm.
EAP281/1/23, EAP281/2/3, EAP281/3/1
Ekádoshi sá munlóm.
EAP281/1/8
Gúrú choʔóng.
EAP281/1/14
Khyenrúng díngngá sá tsu kyân sá cho.
EAP281/1/11
Lazóng.
EAP281/1/15, EAP281/1/18
Lopân birútsáná.
EAP281/1/4, EAP281/1/12, EAP281/2/1
Parkhó sá tsu.
EAP281/1/20
Rum pundi sá námthár.
EAP281/5/1
Sakon delúk sá sung.
EAP281/1/13
Rummit nángse sá námthár.
EAP281/1/1, EAP281/1/2, EAP281/1/4, EAP281/1/9, EAP281/1/16, EAP281/1/17
Shang sá tsu.
EAP281/1/18
Tángku námthár.
48 http://eap.bl.uk/database/results.a4d?projID=EAP281
88 From Dust to Digital
Located in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia is one of the most ancient civilisations in
the world, a place where traditional culture, firmly fixed in the past, is continually
challenged by the customs of the modern world. One of the treasures of this
country is its manuscript culture, inseparably tied to the Christian tradition.
There are thousands of churches in Ethiopia, and stored in nearly every one
are parchment manuscripts which contain ancient and sometimes unknown
religious texts. This rich cultural heritage is particularly vulnerable to damage,
loss and destruction, and requires a variety of approaches for its preservation.
One otherwise inconspicuous place is the village and ancient monastic site
of May Wäyni in the northern province of Tigray. The complete collection
of manuscripts there was digitised in 2013 under the auspices of the British
Library’s Endangered Archives Programme (EAP).2 The site is located on a
steep slope at a distance of nearly fifty kilometres south from Tigray’s capital
city of Mekelle. It is situated a few kilometres away from the main road and is
1 The transliteration of Ge’ez and Amharic words in this chapter is based on the system
used by the Encyclopaedia Aethiopica (EAe).
2 EAP526: Digitisation of the endangered monastic archive at May Wäyni (Tigray, Ethiopia),
http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP526. The digitisation was
undertaken by Michael Gervers (University of Toronto, Canada), Ewa Balicka-
Witakowska (Uppsala University, Sweden), Jan Retsö (Gothenburg University, Sweden)
and Jacek Tomaszewski (Polish Institute of World Art Studies, Warsaw). The expedition
was greatly facilitated by the cooperation of Ato Kebede Amare, General Manager for the
Agency of Culture and Tourism in the National State of Tigray. The authors would like
to thank Ewa Balicka-Witakowska for her important contributions towards the accuracy
of this chapter.
3 We are grateful to Denis Nosnitsin for pointing out that the monastic rules he wrote are
to be found in the nineteenth-century manuscript HMML, Hill Museum and Manuscript
Library, Pr. No. 5000, for which see Getatchew Haile, A Catalogue of Ethiopian Manuscripts
Microfilmed for the Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library, Addis Ababa and for the Hill
Monastic Manuscript Library, Collegeville, 10 (Collegeville, MN: Saint John’s University,
1993), p. 383.
4 Stéphane Ancel, “Yohannes Käma”, Encyclopaedia Aethiopica (hereafter cited as EAE), ed.
by Siegbert Uhlig et al., 5 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2014), p. 81f.
5 By way of comparison, Däbrä Sälam Mikaᵓel in Tigray is noted to have had 44
manuscripts in 1974 (EAE II, p. 39); Däbrä Baḥrәy in Wollo has 54 (ibid., p. 11); the old
Aksumite church of Däbrä Libanos in Eritrea is known to have had at least 84 in 1994
(ibid., p. 29); Däbrä Ṣärabi in Tigray has 98. In the second quarter of the sixteenth century,
Däbrä Bәśrat in Šäwa was said to have had hundreds (EAE II, p. 15). The monastery
of Gundä Gunde currently has 219 manuscripts (see below, n. 7), having previously
given an additional 65 to the re-established nunnery of Asir Matira. Gianfrancesco Lusini
reports that the greatest manuscript collection in Eritrea is at Däbrä Bizän, holding 572
manuscripts (EAE II, p. 17a).
6 No information about dating was found in the colophons of the manuscripts.
Furthermore, differences in the handwriting of the mid-seventeenth century to the mid-
nineteenth century have proved difficult to distinguish, the more so since around 1800:
“From about 1800 onward, the art of handwriting entered into a state of flux and styles
developed which are parallel to those of the recent past and the present”. Siegbert Uhlig,
Introduction to Ethiopian Palaeography (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1990), pp. 87-115 (p. 103).
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 91
During an initial visit to May Wäyni in 2009, only some of the manuscripts
were available to us in evaluating the extent of the collection and determining
the scope of spiritual activity carried out in the compound. A prior inspection
of the rugged terrain around the church and surroundings ruled out the
possibility of setting up camp for the time required to digitise the books.
Lack of water for cooking and drinking, or electricity for powering and
charging the photographic and computer equipment, necessitated daily
travel to and from Mekelle. On the one hand, these daily expeditions had
their drawbacks — three hours a day were spent traveling, and because the
churchyard was also used for religious purposes, the field station had to be
established and dismantled daily. On the other hand, the evenings could
be spent in the city downloading and backing up image files on computers,
charging batteries and making necessary repairs to equipment.
Having made a positive assessment of the content of the archive, we
agreed with the monks and representatives of the local community on how
to establish the conditions for digitising the collection. These discussions
substantially improved the efficiency of the process and at the same time
allowed the benefits of the project to be presented to the local inhabitants. The
92 From Dust to Digital
7 EAP254 was diverted from the Shire region of Tigray Province, following an unexpected
episcopal decision, and redirected to Romanat (Enderta region) with the assistance of
the civilian Commissioner of Culture and Tourism. EAP340 was interrupted after the
digitisation of only four manuscripts due to a dispute between the local community at
Däbrä Sarabi (Tigray Province) and the regional agency responsible for repairing their
church. An attempt carried out there by Ethio-spare in May 2014 was also unsuccessful.
8 The problem was presented by Ewa Balicka-Witakowska at the COMSt (Comparative
Oriental Manuscript Studies) conference: “La circulation des collections” (team 5,
workshop 4), Paris, 12 January 2012.
9 An early project to preserve the content of manuscripts in Ethiopia was the Ethiopian
Manuscript Microfilm Library (or EMML), which administered the microfilming, in Addis
Ababa, of nearly 10,000 volumes from Šäwa province between 1973 and 1987. Since the
introduction of digital photography, field expeditions have been mounted by Michael
Gervers, Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, Denis Nosnitsin, Mersha Alehegne Mengistie, Meley
Mulugetta Bazzabeh, Hasen Said and Steve Delamarter. Gervers and Balicka-Witakowska
digitised the entire manuscript collection (219 items) of the monastery of Gundä Gunde
in 2006 with the support of the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library at Saint John’s
University (Collegeville, Minnesota); the collection is presently being prepared for open
access over the internet by the Library of the University of Toronto Scarborough. In 2007,
they digitised a further 65 manuscripts at Asir Matira (Tigray), which formerly belonged
to Gundä Gunde, for the Hiob Ludolf Centre for Ethiopian Studies in Hamburg. More
recently, digitisation in Ethiopia has been sponsored by the British Library’s Endangered
Archives Programme (EAP254, the library of Romanat Qeddus Mika’el; EAP286, the
collection of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa; EAP336, manuscripts of the
lay bet exegetical tradition [about which see EAE II, p. 473]; EAP340, manuscripts from the
monastery of Ewosṭatewos at Däbrä Särabi; EAP357, manuscripts from the Säharti and
Enderta regions of Tigray; EAP401, Islamic manuscripts; EAP432, monastic collections
from East Gojjam; EAP526, the monastic collection of May Wäyni) and by the European
Research Council’s European Union Seventh Framework Programme (see: http://www1.
uni-hamburg.de/ethiostudies/Ethio-spare).
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 93
Fig. 4.2 May Wäyni. Church ambulatory, assembly line set-up. Photo CC BY-NC.
Fig. 4.3 May Wäyni. Preparing manuscripts in the iqabet for preliminary observation.
Photo CC BY-NC.
No sooner had the team been established at this site than some members of
the local community deemed it inappropriate, either for the kind of activity
being carried out or because religious services were to be held there. As
always in Ethiopia, there was an alternative, which in this case took the
form of a large British army bell tent left behind by the Napier Expedition
of 1868;11 it was there that most of the digitisation took place. Foliation and
11 On the Napier expedition, see Clements R. Markham, A History of the Abyssinian Expedition
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 95
other preliminary activities continued in the open air, with a fallen tree trunk
serving as the studio workbench.
As each manuscript arrived from the treasury, it was checked by the
conservator to determine how best to digitise it, while the condition of
the folios, the handwriting and the painted decoration were recorded. All
manuscripts were cleaned with a soft brush or small vacuum to remove
impurities from the folios and the bindings. Some manuscripts required
modest repairs to the leather which covered the wooden binding boards,
or a strengthening of the sewn structure. The foliation and preparation of
metadata provided a final opportunity to study the individual manuscript
and to determine in which order the digitisation was to be executed. At a
subsequent stage, recommendations for conservation focused mainly on
protecting the book block and binding against cracking and on avoiding
damage to the folios as digitisation proceeded. The shooting of manuscripts
with damaged leather covers and spines, or manuscripts with leaves in an
advanced state of deterioration caused by rodents, worms, damp, dirt, mold
and tearing due to overly tight or inadequate stitching, had to be constantly
monitored.12
Each of the two digitisation posts was equipped with a modest set of tools.
In order not to have to change focal length more than a minimal amount
from one manuscript to the next, large manuscripts were digitised at one
post and smaller ones at the other. Volumes were stabilised on styrofoam
or light plywood baseboards wrapped with black fabric, while custom-
made velcro angle brackets held the covers in place. The construction of
Ethiopian codices, whose book blocks are sewn with a chain stitch, allowed
the volumes to be opened relatively easily and safely, although when tight
bindings were encountered it was invariably difficult to capture fully the
words written on the inner margins. In such cases, verso and recto folios
were photographed separately rather than as a single image. It was possible
to maintain an even plane for facing verso and recto folios by placing soft
bags filled with styrofoam pellets below the side of the manuscript with the
fewest folios turned.
Badly damaged manuscripts in which loose folios had been reattached
by sewing with a stabbing technique, or where the cover was missing and
the sewing which held the quires together had loosened or disappeared,
presented particular difficulties.
(London: Macmillan, 1869). For images of the bell tent, see William Simpson, Diary of a
Journey to Abyssinia, 1868, ed. by Richard Pankhurst (Los Angeles, CA: Tsehai, 2002), p. 87.
12 The digitised manuscripts mentioned in this chapter are available at http://eap.bl.uk/
database/results.a4d?projID=EAP526.
96 From Dust to Digital
In such cases, the positioning of the open folios had to be constantly manipulated
in order to keep them within the frame of the angle fasteners. Depending
upon the format and condition of the manuscript, folios could be kept in place
manually by applying pressure to the margins with one to four transparent
quarter-inch plexiglass rods with rounded bodies and polished ends. In especially
arduous cases it was occasionally necessary for the entire four-person team to
manage a single manuscript, with one person on the camera, a second on the
computer and two holding down verso and recto sides of facing folios using
the transparent rods.
In remote parts of the world, storage conditions are usually unsatisfactory
and adequate means of preservation unavailable. Experience in the preservation
of written materials from such areas has shown that attempts to transfer
unrealistic recommendations and high standards invariably fail. Sometimes a
simple, fundamental change to the method of storage, such as raising volumes
from the floor, can effectively improve manuscript security. Guidance about
simple and correct remedial treatments at May Wäyni showed that, with
minimum effort, those responsible for the books could effectively protect them
from further damage by improving their storage conditions. Traditionally, as
in the case of a few codices at May Wäyni, Ethiopians have hung their cased
manuscripts from wooden pegs inserted into the whitewashed earth wall of
a roofed repository (see Fig. 4.1). With passing time, straps have broken and
cases have been lost, leaving the floor as the most available alternative storage
space. It is there, however, that they have become vulnerable to attack from
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 97
13 Amharic: maḥdär.
14 Some manuscripts were customarily covered with cloth jackets (Amharic: lǝbas and
its types suti, gǝmǧa, šǝfan). See Mersha Alehegne, “Towards a Glossary of Ethiopian
Manuscript Culture and Practice”, Aethiopica: International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, 14
(2011), 145-62 (p. 153).
15 Observations on the nature of Ethiopian binding and its structure were published recently
in Marco Di Bella and Nikolas Sarris, “Field Conservation in East Tigray, Ethiopia”, in
Care and Conservation of Manuscripts 14: Proceedings of the Fourteenth International Seminar
Held at the University of Copenhagen 17th-19th October 2012, ed. by Matthew J. Driscoll
(Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2014), pp. 271-307.
98 From Dust to Digital
For this reason, parts of some folios were semitransparent and already deformed
at the time of creation. This effect is clearly visible on a number of pages from
the manuscript containing the Sǝrᶜatä qǝddase [Order of the Mass] (EAP526/1/90),
where ruled lines appear as light impressions because of changes to the
structure of the semi-translucent parchment under the pressure of a metal
16 For the traditional technology of parchment production, see Sergew Hable Selassie,
Bookmaking in Ethiopia (Leiden: Karstens Drukkers, 1981), pp. 9-12; John Mellors and
Anne Parsons, “Manuscript and Book Production in South Gondar in the Twenty-First
Century”, in Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference on the History of Ethiopian Art,
Addis Ababa 5-8 November 2002, ed. by Birhanu Teferra and Richard Pankhurst (Addis
Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 2003), pp. 185-89. The results of scientific research
on the properties and character of Ethiopian parchment are noted in W. Liszewska,
Conservation of Historical Parchments: New Methods of Leafcasting with the Use of Parchment
Fibres (Warsaw: Akademia Sztuk Pięknych, 2012), pp. 380-98.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 99
ruler (Fig. 4.7). Visual assessment of the condition of all manuscripts in the
collection indicated that, as a consequence of the progressive gelatinisation
of the parchment, further deterioration appeared in the form of a glass-like
layer on the surface of most of the folios.
Fig. 4.7 May Wäyni manuscript Sәrᶜatä qәddase [Order of the Mass] showing the
structure of the semi-translucent parchment with traces of ruling (EAP526/1/90), CC
BY-NC.
A majority of the manuscripts from the May Wäyni collection have to a large
extent already been very badly demaged. In many cases, the degradation has
affected entire parchment folios. Nearly 30% of the manuscripts bear traces
of water stains caused by poorly-secured storage conditions. The parchment
of these manuscripts has suffered damage mainly to the margins, which have
become very stiff, brittle, fragile and therefore vulnerable to additional injury
during use (Fig. 4.8). Nearly a quarter of the manuscripts have suffered further
harm in varying degrees due to rodents (Fig. 4.9), while 11% of the total are
largely deformed and severely damaged by use. On the positive side, the
volumes showed no serious injury from microbiological agents. Resistance to
the action of microorganisms can be caused by the fairly compacted structure
of the collagen fibers. For the several manuscripts which were in extremely
bad condition, special procedures had to be applied in order to digitise them.
100 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 4.8 May Wäyni manuscript Mälә’әktä Ṗawlos [Letters of Paul] showing
extensive water damage (EAP526/1/56), CC BY-NC.
Fig. 4.9 May Wäyni manuscript Ṣälotä ᶜәṭan [The Prayer of Incense]
gnawed by rodents (EAP526/1/62), CC BY-NC.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 101
The state of the parchment folios was one problem, while that of the condition
of the book blocks and manuscript bindings was quite another. The sewn
structure of most manuscripts was in urgent need of repair. The binding
boards of 30% of the manuscripts were found to be seriously damaged —
cracking and warping being characteristic features of the wood used for
the purpose in the region.17 It should be noted that the boards are generally
bound in leather, which in over 40% of cases was found to be damaged in
varying degrees. In most cases the leather at the edges of the covers or in
the joints was torn, 16% had lost the leather on the spine, 13% had lost their
leather covering altogether or nearly so, and in an additional 13%, small
residues of leather were still visible on the inner sides of the boards. This
type of damage is typical of Ethiopian bindings and results from a rapid
deterioration of the leather.
The damages can be attributed mainly to such issues as the use of the
book, the natural ageing of the materials and the unfavourable climate, but
also to the use of a relatively weak adhesive.18 It seems that the bindings
of most Ethiopian manuscripts go through similar stages of deterioration,
which can be described as follows: the leather covering between the edges
of the boards and the spine cracks and gradually disappears due to the
weak attachment of the endband sewing to the covers; large losses of leather
then occur at the corners and along all the edges of the boards; the leather
separates completely from the spine and from both covers, remaining only
as turn-ins. Finally, even the traces of the adhesive layers on both sides of
the boards fade (Fig. 4.10).19
17 Species used to produce cover boards for books are mainly Cordia Africana (Wanza),
Juniperus procera (Gatira) and Olea Africana (Weyra). Widespread use of these types of
wood arises from the popularity of these trees in church woodland in Ethiopia. See
Mulugeta Lemenih and Frans Bongers, “Dry Forests of Ethiopia and Their Silviculture”,
in Silviculture in the Tropics, ed. by Sven Günter, Michael Weber, Bernd Stimm and
Reinhard Mosandl (Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 2011), pp. 261-72 (p. 269).
18 Currently, wheat starch paste is commonly used for this purpose (Sergew Hable Sellassie,
Bookmaking in Ethiopia, p. 25), but there is no information on the kinds of adhesives
used in the past. It appears that another type of adhesive was originally used on the
binding of manuscript EAP526/1/48. Survey tests by Raman spectroscopy of a sample
of the binding substance excluded starch glue and gums and confirmed the presence of
elements characteristic of gum resins (tests were carried out by the Faculty of Chemistry
of the Warsaw University of Technology). In the absence of relevant chemical samples,
however, it was not possible to identify the binder.
19 Jacek Tomaszewski, Ewa Balicka-Witakowska and Zofia Żukowska, “Ethiopian
Manuscript Maywäyni 041 with Added Miniature: Codicological and Technological
Analysis”, Annales d’Éthiopie, 29 (forthcoming in 2015).
102 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 4.10 May Wäyni manuscript book boards showing various stages of cover
deterioration (a (EAP526/1/4) and b (EAP526/1/1), with sewn repairs
to c (EAP526/1/19) and d (EAP526/1/4)), CC BY-NC.
20 Different types of material for repairing boards are visible on the bindings: EAP526/1/3,
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 103
Fig. 4.11 May Wäyni manuscript Arganonä wәddase [The Harp of Praise] by Giyorgis
of Sagla showing a variety of threads and cords used to connect the book block
to the covers (EAP526/1/23), CC BY-NC.
Fig. 4.12 May Wäyni manuscript Qeddus Gädlä Gäbrä Manfäs Qeddus [The Life of Gäbrä
Manfäs Qeddus] showing sewn repairs to the front book board
(EAP526/1/30), CC BY-NC.
The main method of repair, however, was to re-sew the book block entirely
and often to rebind the entire manuscript in new leather. Recent sewing is
evident in 8% of the collection, although a larger number of volumes bound
Fig. 4.13 May Wäyni manuscript Mäzmurä Dawit [Psalms of David] showing loose
folios held together by stab-stitching (EAP526/1/61), CC BY-NC.
21 Additional lacing holes are visible on opposite sides of the boards of EAP526/1/34 and
EAP526/1/50. The practice is also noted by Di Bella and Sarris, p. 302.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 105
Fig. 4.14 May Wäyni manuscript Mäshafä Tälmid [The Book of the Disciple] showing
the ruptures to the original leather covering around the spine of the volume that
provide free access to the lacing holes in the boards, holes made for resewing the book
(EAP526/1/45), CC BY-NC.
In this case, however, the repair did not include the pasting of new leather
onto the spine. In examples where the repair was comprehensive, the
original leather on the boards near the spine was trimmed and a new piece
of leather was pasted on or under the edge of the old leather.
Direct contact with the May Wäyni manuscripts provided an opportunity
to analyse their codicological and technological aspects. As the pages were
prepared for writing, prick holes and metal point rulings were applied
to designate the layout of columns and lines, invariably on the flesh side
of each bifolio. The holes were predominantly round and were probably
made with a locally produced awl (wäsfe). Folio rulings were made in two
ways. In most cases (77%) each bifolium was ruled individually on the
flesh side, after which the bifolia were assembled in quires (see Fig. 4.7).
In the remaining 33% of manuscripts, another ruling system was applied.
Once quires had been assembled and tacketed, they were ruled on the flesh
sides which invariably faced each other. This system is clearly evident,
especially in the middle bifolio of a quire with the hair side open, where
lines on both pages do not coincide on the facing verso and recto folios.
In most May Wäyni manuscripts (about 70% of the collection), numeric
quire signatures appear as guidelines for binding, but the system was not
applied consecutively. The signature was most frequently placed on the
first page of each quire, at the top of the inner margin (58% of cases); they
also appear in the middle of the upper margin (34%). The system of quire
signatures is sometimes more complex. In a few cases, for decorative purposes,
ornamented numbers could be repeated three times in the upper margin.
The signature occasionally appears in the upper right corner of the last
page of one quire, and in the upper left corner of the first page of the next.
Generally, the numeric signatures are turned into decoration, encircled by
black and red dots and strokes, and often arranged in the form of a cross.28
Decorated manuscripts are relatively few in the collection. The aniconic
decoration, called ḥaräg in Ethiopic,29 used to mark the headings, chapters
or a section of the text, is present in barely 15% of the manuscripts.30 Figural
decoration as a full-page miniature or drawing appears very rarely, in only
eight manuscripts.31 An exception is the richly decorated manuscript of
Dǝrsanä Mikaᵓel [Homily in Honour of the Archangel Michael, EAP526/1/7],
where six miniatures and a drawing are included.
28 See, for example, EAP526/1/53 ff. 11v and 12r, and EAP526/1/91 f. 8r; and Delamarter and
Terefe, plates 4, 12, 30, 32 and 48.
29 Carla Zanotti-Eman, “Linear Decoration in Ethiopian Manuscripts”, in African Zion: The
Sacred Art of Ethiopia, ed. by Roderick Grierson (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1993), pp. 63-67; Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, “Ḥaräg”, in EAE II, pp. 1009a-1010b.
30 EAP526/1/5, EAP526/1/6, EAP526/1/8, EAP526/1/13, EAP526/1/21, EAP526/1/24,
EAP526/1/28, EAP526/1/30, EAP526/1/39, 40, EAP526/1/42, EAP526/1/61, EAP526/1/65,
EAP526/1/67 and EAP526/1/78.
31 Painted miniatures are found in manuscripts EAP526/1/7, EAP526/1/23, EAP526/1/41,
EAP526/1/49 and EAP526/1/79. Some small drawings are also to be found in manuscripts
EAP526/1/18, EAP526/1/22 and EAP526/1/40.
108 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 4.15 May Wäyni manuscript Dәrsanä Mikaᵓel [Homily in Honour of the Archangel
Michael]. Full-page miniatures (EAP526/1/7), CC BY-NC.
Fig. 4.16 A rare fifteenth-century illumination of the Virgin and Child bound
between folios 171 and 172 of a seventeenth-century copy of Täᵓammәrä Maryam
[The Miracles of Mary] (EAP526/1/41), CC BY-NC.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 109
32 Both the manuscript and the miniature itself have been subjected to detailed codicological
analysis in Tomaszewski, Balicka-Witakowska and Żukowska, “Ethiopian Manuscript
Maywäyni 041” (forthcoming in 2015).
33 Ibid.
34 For the identification of the pigments, the non-destructive methods of μ-Raman and
Fourier Transform Infrared (FTIR)-spectroscopy were used by Zofia Żukowska from the
Faculty of Chemistry of the Warsaw University of Technology.
35 Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, “Un Psautier Éthiopien Illustré Inconnu”, Orientalia Suecana,
33-34 (1984-86), 17-48 (Figs. VII, 13, 15, 32, 35, 43, 44); Tomaszewski, Balicka-Witakowska,
and Żukowska, “Ethiopian Manuscript Maywäyni 041” (forthcoming in 2015).
36 For basic information on the structure of Ethiopian bindings, see Szirmai, pp. 45-50.
37 Amharic: gǝbbi or qǝș.
38 Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, Alessandro Bausi, Claire Bosc-Tiessé and Denis Nosnitsin,
“Ethiopian Codicology”, in Comparative Oriental Manuscript Studies, ed. by A. Bausi et al.
(Hamburg: COMSt - Norderstedt: BOD, 2014), pp. 168-191.
39 The authors are grateful to Emmanuel Fritsch and Jan Retsö for their assistance in
identifying the manuscripts appearing in the table.
110 From Dust to Digital
Table 4.1 List of the manuscripts showing details of construction of the book blocks.
*The number of bifolia in quires are included in the right column: number of quires/number of
bifolia in a single quire. Simplified data do not reveal the exact arrangement of irregular quires.
114 From Dust to Digital
In well-preserved manuscripts, the number ranges from two to 38, but the
majority of volumes are of medium thickness and contain from seven to
fifteen quires (63%). In 57% of all manuscripts the number of folios in each
quire is irregular, while the remainder are of quaternion format (33%), with
eight leaves in each quire, and in quinion format with ten (10%). In most cases,
books with disparate numbers of quires have leaves inserted at the end of the
book block, rarely at its beginning. Manuscripts with an irregular structure
are usually constructed of quires in quaternion and quinion format, with far
fewer in formats of three and six bifolia. In one case, a relatively new paper
manuscript with quires in seven or six bifolia was observed.40
All manuscripts, whether of regular or irregular construction, consist of
bifolia and single leaves. In books with quires of mixed construction, the number
of folios in a given quire is generally even, although odd number systems are
not unusual; for example: 6/5, 4/5, 3/4, 2/3, and in the reverse order of 5/6, etc.
The use of differing numbers of folios in quires is largely practical. It reflects
the need to adapt quire structures to the content of the text and provides the
opportunity to use smaller pieces of parchment by attaching single leaves on
narrow strips between bifolia (Fig. 4.17).
Protective flyleaves are widely used in book-block construction, and are most
often added at the beginning of the manuscript, while the final protective sheet
tends to be part of the last quire of the book. This last folio is often blank on
both sides, although cases of leaves with text on the recto side were also noted.
These records, frequently including small memorial texts and documents, could
be very important for a local community. In many manuscripts, protective
flyleaves are also present at the end of the book block, in which case they
tend to have the same structure as those placed at the beginning. On occasion,
however, their folio composition is irregular, indicating that no particular
attention was paid to the consistent arrangement of the book.
40 EAP526/1/54.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 115
Fig. 4.18 May Wäyni manuscript Orit [Octateuch] and Mäṣḥafä kufale [The Book of Jubilees]
showing low-quality folios used as protective flyleaves (EAP526/1/3), CC BY-NC.
With but two exceptions, all the manuscripts were originally bound between
wooden boards. In one example (EAP526/1/89), the manuscript has a limp
binding made of thick parchment. This volume is rather small (12.5 × 15.5
centimetres) and contains only two quires bearing the text known as the
Mäṣḥafä Ziq [Lesser Antiphony or Book of Antiphonal Chants]. Its cover is made
of the same kind of parchment as that used to prepare the whole manuscript,
with a similar disposition of ruled lines indicating that it could represent the
original construction of the binding. Quires are attached to the covering material
by means of straight long stitches, carelessly executed, running through the
first and second quires. This simple and transitory way of binding is relatively
rare, occurring mainly in small books of limited content (Fig. 4.20).
Fig. 4.20 May Wäyni manuscript showing straight long stitches on the spine
(EAP526/1/89), CC BY-NC.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 117
42 A smooth goat leather used to cover wooden manuscript boards bears the name baḥǝr
c
aräb because it was imported from Arabian countries in the past, and its current
manufacture is based on the Arabic tradition. See Alehegne, p. 149. Another, native
version, called baḥǝr tanbǝn, presumably from the Tämben region of Tigray province,
was considered to be more durable, but less attractive. See Sergew Hable Sellassie, pp.
24-25; and Richard Pankhurst, “Ethiopian Manuscript Bindings and their Decoration”,
Abbay, 12 (1983-1984), 205-57 (p. 207).
43 Amharic: ǧәmmat.
44 This system is described by Dan Peterson, “An Investigation and Treatment of an
Uncommon Ethiopian Binding and Consideration of its Historical Context”, The Book
and Paper Group Annual, 27 (2008), 55-62 (p. 55).
118 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 4.21 May Wäyni manuscript Dәrsanä Mikaᵓel [Homily in Honour of the Archangel
Michael] showing spine lining with a wide strip of leather (EAP526/1/7), CC BY-NC.
At the top and bottom of the spine, this piece of leather was folded and braided
endbands were sewn through it. As a result, on the back of a fully leather-bound
book, the seams connecting the endbands to the leather spine and quires are
invisible. Such use of additional material to strengthen the spine appears to
have been rare in the Ethiopian bookmaking tradition. Further research may
determine the extent to which bookbinders resorted to this solution or whether
it appeared incidentally as a relic of the early Coptic technique.45
In the majority (70%) of well-preserved leather bindings, one finds endbands
sewn on after the covering was complete. As in the previously-mentioned
example, they are usually made of a two-thonged slit braid, stitched with
threads to each quire and to the leather spine.46 As a rule, the longer ends of
the braided endbands are sewn between the covers and the book block to the
nearest book-sewing station. Although this is a common way of strengthening
the construction of the binding, simple folded strips of leather were often used
in place of braided thongs.47 This type of endband, though less decorative,
provides considerably more strength to the binding as the covering material at
the top and bottom of the spine is stitched not through two, but through four
layers of leather (Fig. 4.22). Apart from these two predominant types, there
45 A similar solution was used in the first multi-quire Coptic codices by way of separate
leather strips attached to the inner sides of the covers. See Szirmai, pp. 24-25. Parchment
lining of the spine was mentioned by Di Bella and Sarris, p. 301, Fig. 178.
46 Some basic information, with drawings, about typical Ethiopian endbands is provided
by Monika Gast, “A History of Endbands, Based on a Study of Karl Jäckel”, The New
Bookbinder, 3 (1983), 42-58 (p. 58). Additional illustrations appear in Delamarter and
Terefe, plates 11 and 56.
47 This far less frequent type of endband was observed in the binding of the Dǝrsanä
arba‘ǝtu ǝnsǝsa [Homily on the Four Celestial Creatures] manuscript (EAP526/1/29) and the
Täᵓammәrä Iyasus [Book of the Miracles of Jesus] manuscript (EAP526/1/72).
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 119
Fig. 4.22 May Wäyni manuscript Dәrsanä arba‘әtu әnsәsa [Homily on the Four Celestial
Creatures] showing the endband made of a folded strip of leather (EAP526/1/29), CC BY-NC.
48 Textiles may in some cases provide evidence for the dating of a binding. See Richard
Pankhurst, “Imported Textiles in Ethiopian Eighteenth Century Manuscript Bindings
in Britain”, Azania: Journal of the British Institute in Eastern Africa, 16 (1981), pp. 131-50
and plates I-VIII. See also Michael Gervers, “The Portuguese Import of Luxury Textiles
to Ethiopia in the 16th and 17th Centuries and their Subsequent Artistic Influence”, in
The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art: On Portuguese-Ethiopian Contacts
in the 16th-17th Centuries: Papers from the Fifth International Conference on the History of
Ethiopian Art (Arrabida, 26-30 November 1999), ed. by Manuel João Ramos with Isabel
Boavida (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), pp. 121-34 and plates 10-12.
49 In Masulipatam, a special type of Kalamkari (Hindu temple hangings; literally, “pen-
work”), the outlines and main features of the designs are printed with hand-carved
wooden blocks. See Krishna Chaitanya, A History of Indian Painting: The Modern Period
(New Delhi: Shakti Malik Abhinav, 1994), pp. 93-94.
50 Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat Africa, and the Western Indian Ocean,
1300-1800”, in The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200-1850, ed. by
120 From Dust to Digital
Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011),
pp. 161-80 (p. 167). See also Richard Pankhurst, “Indian Trade with Ethiopia, the Gulf of
Aden and the Horn of Africa in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries”, Cahiers
d’Études Africaines, 14/55 (1965), 455-97.
51 We are grateful to Katarzyna Zapolska for her help in identifying the types and technical
details of the textiles found among manuscripts of the May Wäyni collection.
52 Sarah Fee (Department of Textiles and Costume, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto)
confirms that such weft-faced, warp-striped bands, only 2.4 centimetres wide, are known
from the Western Indian Ocean region and could have been woven on the braid loom or
even produced by pit-loom weavers in Ethiopia.
53 The technique of decorating leather bindings with iron tools is called mädäggwäs in
Amharic. See Alehegne, p. 153.
54 Szirmai, p. 45.
55 Pankhurst, “Ethiopian Manuscript Bindings”, pp. 212-13.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 121
and decorative techniques that have evolved through the centuries between
these two traditions, a significant feature common to both is the application
of decorative textiles to the inside of the covers.56
Fig. 4.23 Different types of textiles used as lining for the inner side of the manuscript
bindings: (a) Indian plain-weave, shuttle-woven fabric (?) – with “buta” (Persian) or
“boteh” (Indian) motif (EAP526/1/18); (b) six narrow strips of plain-weave fabric each
with both selvedges (EAP526/1/48); (c) tapestry, plain-weave fabric (EAP526/1/37); (d)
Indian Masulipatam plain-weave fabric, block-printed (EAP526/1/43), CC BY-NC.
The literature mentions no more than ten basic tooled designs used by
bookbinders (kwättač) for the decoration of Ethiopian bindings.57 The existing
classification of individual patterns is, however, imprecise and needs to
be systematised, especially in the context of early examples.58 The simple
iron tools are all used for decorating the central, rectangular motif and
surrounding frames (Fig. 4.24). The principal divisions of the composition
are created using drawn pallets,59 giving the impression of single, double
and triple lines. Equally popular are traditional motifs of diagonal crosses
or X-form type,60 a motif resembling a palm tree or its leaf,61 an undulating
or wave pattern, also called “mother of water”,62 and the rosette.63
57 Currently, in the region of Tigray, tools are usually obtained in the market place in
Aksum. Mellors and Parsons, Ethiopian Bookmaking, p. 17.
58 Pankhurst, “Ethiopian Manuscript Bindings”, p. 207.
59 Amharic: masmäriya (Alehegne, p. 155).
60 Amharic: märgäs (ibid., p. 154).
61 Amharic: balä—zämbaba (ibid., p. 160).
62 Amharic: yä—wǝha ǝnnat (ibid.). This decoration, consisting of two concentric ellipses, is
similar to the water insect of that name (Pankhurst, “Ethiopian Manuscript Bindings”, p.
251).
63 Amharic: ṭǝmǝzz (Alehegne, p. 159).
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 123
One of the oldest border designs, frequently appearing on the outer edge
of the fringe, consists of an oblique chequered patterning or crisscross
ornament. Because of its importance, this decoration is called Ge’ez, “head”
or “principle”.64 Different strapwork or braided elements, used to build
so-called zigzag type patterns65 are commonly enclosed in a square or
rectangular shape. The typical tool set also includes a double wheel, called
“dove’s eye”66 or corniform, which is also known as a single curved element
in the form of a crescent.67 Other motifs occur, but they are less popular
and tend to be used incidentally by local craftsmen.68
Virtually all the basic variations of decorative motifs are visible on
the bindings in the May Wäyni collection. The most popular binding
tools are those used for creating the framing fillets. Nine varieties of
cross motifs could be identified, among which is a tool for producing a
circle superimposed on a cross and complemented by four dots (Fig. 4.25:
19). Seven basic varieties of crisscross patterning are supplemented by a
grid pattern which has not previously been noted in sets of bookmakers’
tools (Fig. 4.25: 29-31). The crisscross is used in conjunction with the
above-mentioned patterns to create fillets. A variety of simple strap-work
elements in the form of straight (Fig. 4.25: 32-33) and wavy shapes (Fig.
4.25: 34-36) together serve as the basis for a large group of tools used
solely to create fillets as well as more complicated patterns arising from
a broad braid motif (Fig. 4.25: 37-45). The first two from this group (Fig.
4.25: 37-38) are very popular and represent an intermediate form between
the wave-like design and braiding.
64 Amharic: rǝɔǝsä mädäggwǝs and mädäggwǝs (ibid., pp. 157 and 153).
65 Amharic: bälä—gämäd (ibid., p. 161).
66 Amharic: caynä regb (ibid., p. 148).
67 Amharic: fǝyyäl fäläg (resembling the hoofprint of a goat) or gärnä bägc and also gärnä
ṭǝmǝzz (ibid., pp. 150, 157). Berthe Van Regemorter introduced the term in a literal
translation, “ram’s horns”, which was also used by Pankhurst. Berthe Van Regemorter,
Some Oriental Bindings in the Chester Beatty Library (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis and Co, 1961),
pp. 13-14.
68 Some additional motifs are mentioned in bibliographic sources, for example gäwz —
a design in the form of a circular “sun” with lines radiating in all directions that was
used in block-stamped medallions — or maḫtäm, a stamp which typically indicates the
owner’s name, that is, a person or monastery. See Alehegne, pp. 151 and 155; Thomas
Leiper Kane, Amharic-English Dictionary, 2 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1990), p.
2023b.
124 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 4.25 Tools found on bindings in May Wäyni collection. Straight lines: triple (1- EAP526/1/26), double (2- EAP526/1/37), single (3- EAP526/1/39).
Circles: single (4- EAP526/1/4 [Ø≈5 mm]), double (5- EAP526/1/18 [Ø≈5 mm]). Corni-form (6- EAP526/1/4 [18 × 8mm], 7- EAP526/1/44 [17 × 8 mm).
V-form: dotted (8- EAP526/1/11 [5 × 10mm], triple lines (9- EAP526/1/24 [9 × 12 mm]). Almond form: ‘mother of water’ (10- EAP526/1/4 [7 × 10
mm]), ’palm shape’ (11- EAP526/1/5 [13 × 6 mm], 12- EAP526/1/49 [12 × 6mm]). Diagonal cross: 13- EAP526/1/17 [7 × 7 mm], 14- EAP526/1/11 [8
×8mm], 15- EAP526/1/5 [10 × 10 mm], 16- EAP526/1/4 [9 × 9 mm], 17- EAP526/1/18 [7 × 7 mm], 18- EAP526/1/87 [9 × 9 mm], 19- EAP526/1/48 [8
× 8 mm], 20- EAP526/1/42 [12 × 12 mm], 21- EAP526/1/11 [8 × 10 mm]. Criss-cross: 22- EAP526/1/7 [4 × 6 mm], 23- EAP526/1/26 [9 × 10 mm], 24-
EAP526/1/15 [8 × 8 mm], 25- EAP526/1/18 [9 × 9 mm], 26- EAP526/1/49 [7 × 9 mm], 27- EAP526/1/5 [9 × 10 mm]; 28- EAP526/1/66 [8 × 8 mm]. Grid
pattern: 29- EAP526/1/24 [7 × 13 mm], 30- EAP526/1/4 [10 × 15 mm], 31- EAP526/1/41 [12 × 12 mm]. Straight strapwork elements: 32- EAP526/1/3 [5
× 11 mm], 33- EAP526/1/18 [6 × 9 mm].Wavy lines: 34- EAP526/1/3 [5 × 14 mm], 35- EAP526/1/26 [6 × 15 mm], 36- EAP526/1/1 [4 × 10 mm]. Curve
strapwork elements or ‘wave form’: 37- EAP526/1/13 [8 × 10 mm], 38- EAP526/1/15 [6 × 10 mm], 39- EAP526/1/18 [9 × 10 mm], 40- EAP526/1/49 [7
× 10 mm], 41- EAP526/1/22 [9 × 10 mm], 42- EAP526/1/31 [9 × 10 mm], 43- EAP526/1/22 [6 × 10 mm], 44- EAP526/1/41 [7 × 10 mm], 45- EAP526/1/41
[7 × 10 mm]. Rosette motives: 46- EAP526/1/25 [8 × 8 mm], 47- EAP526/1/31 [7 × 7 mm], 48- EAP526/1/46 [7 × 7 mm]. All images CC BY-NC.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 125
126 From Dust to Digital
Forms of simple rosettes (Fig. 4.25: 46-48) appear rarely, but are characteristic
elements which allow the linking of individual bindings to a particular
creator. A survey of the entire collection identified two types of the basic
forms of this so-called “dove’s eye” tool. In contrast, the tool which gives
the imprint of a single or double circle is common (Fig. 4.25: 4-5). Another
pattern which has not previously been mentioned in the literature can be
defined as the “V-form.” Two variations of this type of decorative tooling
appear in the bindings of the May Wäyni manuscripts, one consisting of a
single dotted line (Fig. 4.25: 8) and the other of two solid outer lines with a
dotted line down the centre (Fig. 4.25: 9).
Established centuries ago, decorative conventions and most of the tools
were rigidly prescribed by Ethiopian bookbinders.69 Many of these patterns
were used by different binders in almost identical form, although in many
cases small differences can be seen in the drawing or the size of the design.
Finding these subtle differences may contribute to the identification of the
individual binders. Although it is assumed that seven or more kinds of tools
may be used to decorate large books, it is common to find only three used
on small bindings.70 The number of border arms and of tools used depends
more on the creativity of the bookbinder than on the format of the book.
Not only did the diligence and accuracy of a scribe’s handwriting serve as
testimony to his artistry, but it also promoted the splendour of the decorative
binding that he prepared for his book. For this reason, as many designs and
tools were applied as possible, and in many cases a sense of horror vacui is
clearly visible.
Over 73% of the tooled fringes consist of two or three ornamental sequences.
The remaining fringes are more complex, having four or five fringe arms.
Only in one case is the central field encompassed by a single decorative
frame. Normally, a seemingly simple traditional decorative surround is
enriched with different varieties of the central cross theme, yet the number
of variations based on such simple shapes and figures is remarkable. It is
challenging to create a typology of these central elements, enclosed in a
rectangular shape, because the wide variety of tooled ornaments differs
from the basic compositional scheme. However, with some simplification,
four main groups of motifs can be identified.71
Fig. 4.26 Decorative tooling on the central panels of the leather covering of four
manuscripts from May Wäyni (a (EAP526/1/4), b (EAP526/1/16), c (EAP526/1/7),
d (EAP526/1/31)), CC BY-NC.
In the simplest version, the ornamented central Latin cross stands alone or is
sometimes found with an unobtrusive decorative background (Fig. 4.26a).72
The cross in the next group is enhanced by squares or triangles at the base
(Fig. 4.26b). In the third group, rectangular forms appear below the cross with
square ones at the top, thus creating an additional background outline for
it (Fig. 4.26c).73 These forms could be further decorated with straight-line or
To his classification we have added another motif with squares or triangles placed at the
base of the cross (Fig. 4.26b). He also distinguished three basic forms of cross tooling on
bindings: 1) the Latin cross; 2) an equal-armed cross with extended lower stem; and 3)
the diamond-shaped cross (“Ethiopian Manuscript Bindings”, p. 209).
72 Ibid., p. 211, Fig. 5a.
73 Ibid., Fig. 5b.
128 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 4.27 May Wäyni manuscript Zena Sәlase [Narrative Teaching on the Holy Trinity].
Tooled leather binding (EAP526/1/73), CC BY-NC.
Tooling was not restricted to the covers. Blind tooling ornamentation can be
observed in nearly 30% of the manuscripts from May Wäyni whose leather
has been entirely preserved (Fig. 4.28).75 Most often, it consists of a rectangular
segment dividing the surface into two to six fields, usually filled with
diagonally arranged crosses. In some cases, smaller fields close the composition
at the top and bottom of the spine. Less typical are designs consisting of
a sequence of crosses, placed on the back of the book without segmental
division, but usually enriched with additional small tool impressions. An
unusual decoration appears on the manuscript of the Täᵓammǝrä Iyäsus [Book
of the Miracles of Jesus, EAP526/1/44], whose spine is divided by oblique lines
into triangular fields and embellished with impressions of rectangular stamps
in a crisscross pattern (Fig. 4.28, right). The arrangement of decoration on
the spines of these manuscripts has a purely decorative function and was
introduced independently of the layout of the sewing stations.
Fig. 4.28 Tooled leather decoration on the spines of manuscripts (from left to right:
EAP526/1/31, EAP526/1/22, EAP526/1/44), CC BY-NC.
white textile is printed in oblique diamonds which are filled alternately with
impressions of small diamonds and four-leaf rosettes or crosses. Placed in
the middle of the central panel is a square cross, also made of leather (Fig.
4.29). Both the cross and the border are tooled and divided into square and
rectangular segments, the insides of which have been stamped with diagonal
lines. Double circles and crosses are tooled in the corners of each field and
where the lines intersect. In this case, the leather ornamentation seems to
have been inspired by the geometric pattern of the printed textile.
Fig. 4.29 May Wäyni manuscript Gädlä Ṗeṭros zä-Däbrä Abbay [Acts of Petros of Däbrä
Abbay] showing decoration of the inner side of the cover (EAP526/1/65), CC BY-NC.
Finally, tooled decoration can also be found on the edges of the covers.
As on the inner side of the covers, the tooling on the edges serves both a
decorative and technological purpose. The impression with a hot metal tool
on moist leather enhances its adhesion to the cover. This type of decoration
is present on about 30% of all bindings with preserved leather covers. Most
often, it takes the form of a triple line running along all edges of the book.
Less common is the impression of double circles or other patterns, including
more complex decoration in which multiple lines and circles are integrated.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 131
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—, Bausi, Alessandro, Claire Bosc-Tiessé, and Denis Nosnitsin, “Ethiopian
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J. Driscoll (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2014), pp. 271-307.
Gast, Monika, “A History of Endbands, Based on a Study of Karl Jäckel”, The New
Bookbinder, 3 (1983), 42-58.
Gervers, Michael, “The Portuguese Import of Luxury Textiles to Ethiopia in the 16th
and 17th Centuries and their Subsequent Artistic Influence”, in The Indigenous
and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art: On Portuguese-Ethiopian Contacts in the
16th-17th Centuries: Papers from the Fifth International Conference on the History of
Ethiopian Art (Arrabida, 26-30 November 1999), ed. by Manuel João Ramos with
Isabel Boavida (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), pp. 121-34.
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Kane, Thomas Leiper, Amharic-English Dictionary, 2 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz,
1990).
Lemenih, Mulugeta, and Frans Bongers, “Dry Forests of Ethiopia and Their
Silviculture”, in Silviculture in the Tropics, ed. by Sven Günter, Michael Weber,
Bernd Stimm and Reinhard Mosandl (Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 2011), pp. 261-72.
Liszewska, W., Conservation of Historical Parchments: New Methods of Leafcasting with
the Use of Parchment Fibres (Warsaw: Akademia Sztuk Pięknych, 2012).
Machado, Pedro, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat Africa, and the Western Indian
Ocean, 1300-1800”, in The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200-
1850, ed. by Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2011), pp. 161-80.
Technological aspects of the monastic manuscript collection at May Wäyni 133
1 The transliteration of Arabic words in this chapter is based on the LOC transliteration
system.
2 The honorific use of the term ḥabīb (beloved) is common to many of the most revered
scholars of the ʿAlawī tradition up to the present time; for example, “Habīb ʿUmar”
(ʿUmar b. Hafīẓ) is the current leader of the Dar al-Muṣṭafā in Tarim, Ḥaḍramawt. In some
instances, the term ḥabīb is used almost synonymously with the term sharīf or sayyid,
implying descent from the prophet. Abdallah Saleh Farsy, in his hagiographic account
of the Islamic scholars of East Africa, uses the name “Habib Saleh” consistently. See
Abdallah Saleh Farsy, Baadhi ya Wanavyoni wa Kishafii wa Mashariki ya Afrika [The Shafi’i
Ulama of East Africa, ca. 1830-1970: A Hagiographic Account], trans. and ed. by Randall L.
Pouwels (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin, 1989).
3 Anne K. Bang, Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family Networks in East Africa, 1860-1925
(London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), pp. 13-16; and J. Spencer Trimingham, The Sufi Orders
in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 16. Trimingham bases his observation
on Maghrebi sources deriving from the Shādhiliyya-Jazūliyya.
4 Ṣāliḥ Muḥammad ʿAlī Badawī, Al-Riyāḍ bayna māḍīhi wa-ḥādirihi, Transcript, NP,
1410/1989; Abdul Hamid M. el Zein, The Sacred Meadows: A Structural Analysis of Religious
Symbolism in an East African Town (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1974);
Peter Lienhardt, “The Mosque College of Lamu and its Social Background”, Tanzania
Notes and Records, 53 (1959), 228-42; BinSumeit Kitamy, “The Role of the Riyadha Mosque
College in Enhancing Islamic Identity in Kenya”, in Islam in Kenya: Proceedings of the
National Seminar on Contemporary Islam in Kenya, ed. by Mohamed Bakari and Saad S.
Yahya (Nairobi: Mewa, 1995), pp. 269-76; and Patricia W. Romero, “‘Where Have All the
Slaves Gone?’: Emancipation and Post-Emancipation in Lamu, Kenya”, The Journal of
African History, 27 (1986), 497-512.
5 In Swahili, the name is usually referred to as “al-Hibshi”, whereas the Ḥaḍramī
vocalisation is given as “al-Ḥabshī”. I have chosen here to use the most common
Localising Islamic knowledge 137
is known as part of a group of scholars who were the driving force behind
what has been termed a “reform” of the religious precepts of the ʿAlawiyya.
It may be argued whether or not this reform actually constituted a clear
break with the past, but what is clear is that their emphasis on institution
building (first and foremost in the form of religious schools for primary
and higher education, known as ribāṭs), changed the ways in which Islamic
knowledge was transmitted. Rather than restricting transmission to the
personal relationship between a murshid (master) and his student (murīd),
Islamic — and even Sufi — knowledge was now understood as a set of texts
that could be taught in classes, following an organised curriculum. As a
consequence, these institutions emphasised written authority, in the sense
that they favoured text (and, specifically text in Arabic) over oral transmission.
The ribāt founded by al-Ḥibshī in Sayʾūn, Ḥaḍramawt, was named al-Riyāḍ
(The Garden), and received students from the wide diaspora of Ḥaḍramī
ʿAlawī migrants in the Indian Ocean. The efforts of scholars like al-Ḥibshī
influenced like-minded scholars (ʿAlawīs primarily, but also non-ʿAlawīs)
who founded similar teaching institutions not only in East Africa, but also
further afield in the Indian Ocean, including Indonesia.6 The Riyadha Mosque
and its teaching institution was explicitly modelled on that of al-Riyāḍ in
Sayʾūn, and the impact of al-Ḥibshī on the Riyadha was to be long standing.
In the Riyadha library there are manuscript copies of al-Ḥibshī ’s writings,
his khuṭbas (Friday sermons) and his mawlid (text recited on the occasion of
the birth of the Prophet Muhammad) Simṭ al-durar.7
Swahili vocalisation. On the history of ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Ḥibshī , see Freitag, Ulrike,
“Hadhramaut: A Religious Centre for the Northwestern Indian Ocean in the Late 19th
and early 20th Centuries?”, Studia Islamica, 89 (1999), 165-83; and Bang, Sufis and Scholars,
pp. 63-68. On the relationship between Habib Saleh and ʿAlī al-Ḥibshī, see Badawī:
“there existed between [the two] a strong bond and connection, even though the two
never met in their lives” (p. 24).
6 In Indonesia, the emergence of new strands of education among the Ḥaḍramīs caused
a deep conflict between “traditionalists” and “modernists”. For the development of
new teaching institutions, see Ulrike Freitag, Indian Ocean Migrants and State Formation
in Hadhramaut: Reforming the Homeland (Leiden: Brill, 2003); Natalie Mobini-Kesheh,
The Hadrami Awakening: Community and Identity in the Netherlands East Indies, 1900-
1942 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999); Muḥammad Nūr b. Muḥammad
Khayr al-Anṣarī, Taʾrīkh al-Irshād; and Deliar Noer, The Muslim Modernist Movement in
Indonesia, 1900-1942 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973). For two contemporary
Dutch accounts of the conflict, see B. J. O. Schrieke, “De Strijd onder de Arabieren in
Pers en Literatuur”, Notulen van de Algemeene en Directievergaderingen van het Bataviaasch
Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, 58 (1920), 190-240; and C. O. van der Plas, “De
Arabische Gemente Ontvaakt”, Koloniaal Tijdschrift, 20 (1931), 176-85.
7 The works of al-Ḥibshī can be found in EAP466/1/49, EAP466/1/52, EAP466/1/69. For
more detailed description, see the bibliography below.
138 From Dust to Digital
The construction of the Riyadha Mosque was made possible through the
help of Sayyid Manṣab b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān (1828-1922).8 He was a Lamu-
born Ḥaḍramī ʿAlawī scholar very much in touch with reformist ideas then
current in Ḥaḍramawt as well as in Mecca. After a career that included
studies in Mecca and Ḥaḍramawt, and long periods as qāḍī (Islamic judge)
of Dar-es-Salaam and Chwaka, Zanzibar, he returned to Lamu as a revered
religious authority, especially consulted upon questions of Arabic language
and grammar. In 1903, he transformed some of his land in Lamu into a waqf
(pious endowment) for the purpose of building the Riyadha.9 However,
it should be noted that Habib Saleh started his teaching activities several
years earlier, probably shortly after he settled in Lamu some time between
1875 and 1885.10
From the very beginning, the main hallmark of the Riyadha was the
incorporation of ritual traditions derived from al-Ḥibshī (notably the Simṭ
al-durar, also known as the Mawlid al-Ḥibshī). However, the most enduring
reformist agenda of the Riyadha was the admittance of students from beyond
the stone town itself (Oromo, Giryama, Pokomo and others). These groups had
until then been considered “outsiders” by the traditional Lamu aristocracy,
and many of them were former slaves.11
8 Badawī, p. 17; Farsy, pp. 66-68; and Bang, Sufis and Scholars, p. 102.
9 Waqfiyya dated 1320/1903 (both years are actually given in the waqfiyya), and stamped by
the East Africa Protectorate Lamu Registry, 21 Feb 1903: In the possession of the Riyadha
Mosque.
10 This is also the conclusion arrived at by Peter Lienhardt, “The Mosque College of Lamu
and its Social Background”, Tanzania Notes and Records, 53 (1959), 228-42 (p. 230).
11 Patricia W. Romero, “‘Where Have All the Slaves Gone?’: Emancipation and Post-
Emancipation in Lamu, Kenya”, The Journal of African History, 27 (1986), 497-512.
Localising Islamic knowledge 139
that name owners over decades, indicating the economy of books and reading.
Thirdly, the presence in some of the manuscripts of inter-linear Swahili translations
in the Arabic script allows for research on the use of the Arabic script before
colonial education.12
Lastly, the collection holds copies of texts authored by East African scholars
themselves, sometimes in the author’s own hand. One prominent example is
EAP466/1/38 (Fig. 5.1) by the Brawa-born scholar Muḥyī al-Dīn al-Qaḥṭānī (ca.
1790-1869), Sharḥ tarbiyyat al-aṭfāl: a commentary on the text “Tarbiyyat al-aṭfāl”
[Instruction for children]. Al-Qaḥṭānī was a renowned scholar on the coast.
Fig. 5.1 First page of Sharḥ Tarbiyyat al-aṭfāl by Muḥyī al-Dīn al-Qaḥṭānī (d. Zanzibar,
1869). Possibly in the author’s own hand (EAP466/1/38, image 3), CC BY-ND.
12 The texts that include Swahili ajami have been included below in the list of works by
local copyists (EAP466/1/38).
140 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 5.2 Wiṣayāt Aḥmad b. Abī Bakr b. Sumayṭ ilā ʿAbd Allāh BāKathīr. Spiritual testament
from the Zanzibari Sufi shaykh Aḥmad b. Sumayṭ (d. 1925) to his friend and disciple
ʿAbd Allāh Bā Kathīr (d. 1925), dated 1337H/1918-1919. Possibly in the author’s own
hand (EAP466/1/99, image 2), CC BY-ND.
Muḥammad Jamal al-Layl (d. 1904), who came from the same family as Habib
Saleh. The work, entitled Marsūmat al-ʿAyniyya, is a commentary on a well-
known poem by the Ḥaḍramī ʿAlawī poet ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlawī al-Ḥaddād
(d. 1719). While these are certainly important and merit an in-depth study,
the focus here is on the mechanisms by which texts authored outside East
Africa were made available there.
My first visit to the Riyadha was in April 2010. I then returned in July
2010, with colleagues from the University of Bergen and the University of
Cape Town. Together with Aydaroos and Ahmad Badawi of the Riyadha,
and Eirik Hovden from the University of Bergen, we made a preliminary
inventory of the manuscript collection, simply numbering each manuscript
in order from one upwards, and listing its title, author, copyist and date of
copy only. In total, at that time we listed forty manuscripts. In August 2011,
we received the Endangered Archives Programme (EAP) grant to digitise
the collection; this task was completed in December 2012, and the digitised
collection is accessible at the EAP website.13
The EAP website displays 144 individual items. In addition, twelve other
manuscripts were partly digitised but they have not been put online, either
because they were too fragile to be completely digitised, or because of errors
during the digitising process. There is still no full catalogue of the collection.
The handlists produced for the EAP project, as well as a provisional catalogue
created for some categories of text (devotional texts, Sufism, genealogy and
fiqh) forms the basis for this contribution. A future full catalogue will certainly
add much depth to what is stated here, both in terms of the content of the
works, as well as their transmission.
As has been argued elsewhere, the titles in the manuscript collection in the
Riyadha Mosque show clear traces of the close intellectual inter-connection
with the Ḥaḍramawt and with wider trends of Islamic thought that were
spreading throughout the Indian Ocean during that period.14 This is especially
clear if we look at the prevalence of texts that can be categorised as devotional,
i.e. supererogatory prayers, Sufi dhikr (commemorations of God), mawlid
texts, various types of invocations, prayers and poetry expressing devotion
15 Qaṣīdat al-Burda, by the Sufi and poet al-Buṣīri (d. 1202) is a poetic praise of the Prophet
Muḥammad and widely recited among Sunni Muslims throughout the world. The
mawlid poem authored by Jaʿfar al-Barzanjī (d. 1764) is a panegyric on the Prophet,
widely recited in the Islamic world on the date of his birth. See Marion Holmes Katz, The
Birth of the Prophet Muhammad: Devotional Piety in Sunni Islam (London: Routledge, 2007);
and Constance E. Padwick, Muslim Devotions: A Study of Prayer-Manuals in Common Use
(Oxford: Oneworld, 1996 [1961]).
16 Roman Loimeier, Between Social Skills and Marketable Skills: The Politics of Islamic Education
in 20th Century Zanzibar (Leiden: Brill, 2009).
Localising Islamic knowledge 143
[Al-Mashhūr] greets you and gives you a big gift, but I don’t want to send
it by somebody else’s hand, as it is very a precious book, but I will bring it
myself after the Hajj [Pilgrimage]. What he composed is a book about all the
sāda and the names they were known by…18
It is worth noting that Bā Kathīr emphasises the value of the book, not
necessarily in monetary terms, but nonetheless as too precious to be sent
by somebody else’s hand. The implication, of course, is that books were
frequently sent “by somebody else’s hand” from Ḥaḍramawt and elsewhere
to the scholarly centres of East Africa, including Lamu. The sending of texts
back and forth seems to have been a common feature of intellectual friendships
and collaborations; for example, Ṭāhir al-Amawī (d. 1938), qāḍī of Zanzibar,
corresponded regularly with the mufti of Mecca. In this correspondence too,
the sending of books, journal and texts is frequently mentioned.19
The text that Bā Kathīr brought to Zanzibar was almost certainly
al-Mashhūr’s magnum opus, the Shams al-ẓahīra al-ḍāḥiyya al-munīra fī nasab
wa-silsila ahl al-bayt al-nabawī [The Luminescent, encompassing mid-day sun on
the lineage and genealogy of the people of the house of the Prophet].20 This work
17 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad b. Ḥusayn Al-Mashhūr, Shams al-ẓahīra fī nasab ahl al-bayt
min banī ʿAlawī. Furūʿ Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ wa-Amīr al-Muʾminīn ʿAlī, 2 vols., 2nd edn., ed. by
Muḥammad Ḍiyāʾ Shihāb, Jiddah (Beirut: ʿĀlam al-Maʿrifa, 1984). Al-Mashūr himself
was a representative of the reformist movement discussed above, and the founder of a
school in Tarim that was sought out by scholars from East Africa and beyond.
18 Another, related text by Ḥasan b. Muḥammad Jamal al-Layl can be found in the Zanzibar
National Archives, ZA 8/58 (photocopy in Bergen). For a discussion of this text, see
Valerie J. Hoffman, “The Role of the Masharifu on the Swahili Coast in the Nineteenth
and Twentieth Centuries”, in Sayyids and Sharifs in Muslim Societies: The Living Links to the
Prophet, ed. by Morimoto Kazuo (London: Routledge, 2012), pp. 185-97.
19 For a discussion of this correspondence, see Anne K. Bang, “Another Scholar for all
Seasons?: Tahir b. Abi Bakr al-Amawi (1877-1938), Qadi of Zanzibar”, in The Global
Worlds of the Swahili. Interfaces of Islam, Identity and Space in 19th and 20th-Century East
Africa, ed. by Roman Loimeier and Rüdiger Seesemann (Hamburg: LIT Verlag, 2006), pp.
273-88.
20 See al-Mashhūr. The book was first printed in Hyderabad in 1911, and again in Mecca
in 1955. The latest edition, from 1984 (which is the one consulted here) has additional
entries and updates. For a discussion of its content, see B. G. Martin, “Arab Migrations
144 From Dust to Digital
to East Africa in Medieval Times”, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7/3
(1974), 367-90. For a discussion of its diffusion and meaning within the ʿAlawī diaspora,
see Engseng Ho, The Graves of Tarim: Genealogy and Mobility across the Indian Ocean
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).
21 This manuscript is not on the EAP website as it was insufficiently digitised (not all pages
could be opened). In the initial listing by Shaykh Ahmad Nabhany, it was assigned the
number RM30. It is stored in the Riyadha library.
22 For the purpose of reciting and learning the Quran by heart, the text is often divided into
thirty sections (Ar: juzʾ, Swahili: juzu). These do not correspond to the chapters of the
Quran, as breaks are inserted in order to make the sections of even length. EAP466/1/118
– 43 are individual manuscripts where each juz is bound separately.
Localising Islamic knowledge 145
same is the case with a copy of the Duʿa Birr Walidayn, a prayer often recited
for one’s parents (EAP466/1/105). This copy bears Sayyid Manṣab’s comments
and corrections in the margin, indicating that it may have belonged to him.
The final inscription is almost unreadable, so another possibility is that Sayyid
Manṣab was the copyist of the eight-page prayer. A final possibility, of course,
is that Sayyid Manṣab corrected the work of another, unknown copyist.
23 The use of waqf to establish and expand libraries was a well-known practice in the
Ottoman Middle East. See Hakan Anameric and Fatih Rukanci, “Libraries in the Middle
East During the Ottoman Empire (1517-1918)”, Libri, 59 (2009), 145-54. For a discussion
concerning waqf endowment of books in Zanzibar, see Anne K. Bang, “Authority and
Piety, Writing and Print: A Preliminary Study of Islamic Texts in Late Nineteenth and
Early Twentieth Century Zanzibar”, Africa, 81 (2011), 63-81.
24 ʿAyīda Ibrāhīm Nuṣayr, Al-kutub al-‘Arabiyya allatī nushirat fī Misr fī ’l-Qarn al-tāsi‘ ‘ashar
(Cairo: The American University of Cairo Publications, 1990), p. 148. The overview by
Nuṣayr lists only three editions printed in 1272H, and no earlier edition. However, it
also shows that the gloss by al-Dimyāṭī was printed repeatedly in the years that followed
by several printers, and no less than five times by the Būlāq Printing Press between
1865 and 1895. On the Bulāq Printing Press, established by Muḥammad ʿAlī in 1821, see
Johannes Pedersen, Den Arabiske Bog (Copenhagen: Fischer, 1946).
146 From Dust to Digital
community”. The next thing we know is that the book was bought by one
Saʿīd b. Rāshid from the estate of Muḥammad b. Qāsim al-Maʿmarī, most
likely the brother of the first owner. Saʿid then made the book waqf for his
son Nāsir to be used “as a fount for knowledge”.
How did Saʿīd Qāsim al- Maʿmarī obtain this book? It is possible that
he bought it himself in Cairo, but Cairo was not part of the regular orbit
of travelling trader-scholars from East Africa. Was it ordered from Cairo
through middlemen and travellers – in other words “carried by somebody
else’s hand”? Was it traded in Mecca or Ḥaḍramawt and procured during
ḥajj or on a trading trip? Evidently, such questions cannot be answered with
reference to a single manuscript or book, but this book demonstrates the
important role played by individuals in procuring Islamic texts as well as the
institution of waqf for safeguarding this knowledge for future generations. It
seems clear that the book remained in the possession of the Maʿmarī family
from 1880 until at least some time in the early twentieth century. Most likely,
it was only deposited at the Riyadha some time after the 1903 foundation
of the mosque itself.
Several other manuscripts in the Riyadha were donated as waqf (at least
nine carry clear waqf inscriptions; EAP466/1/1, 2, 27, 35, 40, 43, 44, 66, 106).
The earliest (EAP466/1/66) is a section of the Quran that was made waqf on
11 Rabīʿ al-Awwal 1268/3 January 1852 by Bwana Mshām (?) b. Abī Bakr b.
Bwana Kawab (?) al-Lāmī for his daughter Khamisa. This, of course, was
decades before the foundation of the Riyadha. However, being waqf, it was
probably deposited at the Riyadha later, either for safekeeping or for use.
The story is different for the 27-page long poem contained in EAP466/1/35.
This was made waqf to the Riyadha directly in 1364/1945. The waqfiyya note
tells us that the manuscript was “made waqf by ʿAbd al-Ḥabīb b. ʿAbd
Allāh al-Yāfiʿī for the mosque of the quṭb (spiritual pole) Ṣāliḥ b. ʿAlawī b.
ʿAbd Allāh Bā Ḥasan Jamal al-Layl”. The same ʿAbd al-Ḥabīb was also the
copyist of the manuscript, having penned it eight years earlier (in Rajab
1356/September-October 1937).
A final, charming example of waqf donation to the Riyadha is EAP466/1/106
(Fig. 5.3). This is a collection of prayers and dhikr, penned in a notebook in
1934, clearly for the purpose of aiding memory. On the front page, a hand
that evidently was not skilled in Arabic calligraphy has written: “This book
is waqf for all Muslims [of] God most high”. The word waqafa is misspelled,
and rendered as wakafa. The same manuscript also carries an official stamp
Localising Islamic knowledge 147
of the Riyadha, which curiously is not found in any other manuscripts (but
generally in the printed works held by the institution).
Fig. 5.3 Example of late waqf donation “for the benefit of Muslims”.
Notebook with compilation of prayers and adhkār (Sufi texts for recitation)
(EAP/1/106, image 2), CC BY-ND.
fully verified without a thorough analysis of paper, ink and script, and a
comparative survey of copyists in Ḥaḍramawt and Mecca. Although little
actual research has been produced on this phenomenon, we have many
indications that texts in manuscript form circulated alongside other goods,
and that scholars, traders and benefactors alike played a role as transmitters of
Islamic knowledge. As has been demonstrated by Amal N. Ghazal, the Ibāḍīs
of East Africa had access to text produced in Oman within a remarkably short
period after production.25 General studies on the transmission of knowledge
in the late nineteenth century indicate a pattern whereby manuscripts and
books circulated along established trade routes.26
Among the manuscripts that made their way to the Riyadha, we also
find a more surprising item: a Ḥanafī legal text.27 In a region where the
overwhelming majority follow the Shāfʿī school of Islamic jurisprudence, we
can assume that this text was not used for actual faṭwas (rulings), but rather
for the intellectual study of law. The set of inscriptions on the manuscript
demonstrate how texts of this type could be acquired. What we find is that the
two first owners were evidently Meccan, which indicates that the manuscript
itself was most likely produced in Mecca. The last owner given is Abū Bakr b.
ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar al-Shāṭirī, who was then residing in Mombasa. He adds:
“I bought this book in Mecca for half a piaster (niṣf qirsh)”, thus providing
us with an indication of what a manuscript of several hundred pages would
fetch in Mecca in the late nineteenth century. The most likely conclusion is
that Abū Bakr al-Shāṭirī bought the book for himself. However, interviewees
also indicated that members of the Shāṭirī family in East Africa were known
to act as philanthropists on behalf of the community, buying books during
their travels and donating them to individual teachers, or mosques, like in
this case, to the Riyadha.28
25 Amal N. Ghazal, Islamic Reform and Arab Nationalism: Expanding the Crescent from the
Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean (1880s–1930s) (London: Routledge, 2010). On the
transmission of texts within the Ibāḍī tradition, see also Rex S. O’Fahey, and Knut S.
Vikør, “A Zanzibari Waqf of Books: The Library of the Mundhiri Family”, Sudanic Africa,
7 (1996), 4-23.
26 Graziano Krätli and Ghislaine Lydon, eds., The Trans-Saharan Book Trade: Manuscript
Culture, Arabic Literacy and Intellectual History in Muslim Africa (Leiden: Brill, 2011); and
Scott S. Reese, ed., The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa (Leiden: Brill, 2004). As an
example of circulation to East Africa, see Philip Sadgrove, “From Wādī Mīzāb to Unguja:
Zanzibar’s Scholarly Links”, in Reese, pp. 184-211.
27 Muṣṭafā b. Khayr al-Dīn b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Rūmī al-Ḥanīfī (d. 1616), Tartīb qawāʾid al-ashbāh
wa’l-naẓāʾir (Tanwīr al-adhhān wa-‘l-damāʾir). The poor condition of this manuscript did
not allow for its full digitisation. Its original reference in the Riyadha catalogue is RM6.
28 Interview, Aydaroos and Ahmad Jamal al-Layl, Lamu, Kenya, 5 December 2011.
Localising Islamic knowledge 149
29 For an overview of the introduction of print in the Islamic world, see Jakob Skovgaard-
Pedersen, ed., Culture and History (16) special issue: The Introduction of the Printing Press in the
Middle East (Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 1997); Francis Robinson, “Technology
and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print”, Modern Asian Studies, 27 (1993),
229-51; A. Ayalon, “Private Publishing in the Nahḍa”, International Journal of Middle East
Studies, 40:4 (2008), 561-77. For the spread of printing, see Nile Green, “Journeymen,
Middlemen: Travel, Transculture and Technology in the Origins of Muslim Printing”,
International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 41 (2009), 203-24.
30 Bang, Islamic Sufi Networks, pp. 130-39; and Ghazal.
31 Ho, p. 154.
150 From Dust to Digital
It has a fascinating set of inscriptions that shows the diasporic life of the
book itself. The first inscription simply says that the copy was given away
in 1309/1891-92 — in other words when the copy was almost fifty years old
— by ʿAqīl b. ʿAydarūs b. ʿAqīl “as a gift” to ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlī al-Ḥaddād.
A half-century later, in 1366/1946-47, it was given away again, indicating
the long life these manuscripts had, being re-circulated as gifts, donated as
waqf or passed on as inheritance. The inscription shows that the copy at this
point was in Southeast Asia: “To Ṭāhā b. ʿAlī b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥaddād Bā
Faqīh from Shaykh Bū Bakr b. Sālim in Bandar Batawī [Batavia/Jakarta]”.
Most likely, Ṭāhā b. ʿAlī was the one who brought the copy to East Africa,
probably to Mombasa, from where it passed on to Lamu.
Fig. 5.4 Al-Fawāʾid al-Saniyya fī dhikr faḍāʾil man yantasibu ilā al-silsila al-nabawiyya [The
Benefits of Remembering the Virtues of those Belonging to the Prophetic Lineage], by Aḥmad
b. Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlawī, d. 1203/1788-1789 in Ḥaḍramawt. The inscriptions
show the travelling of this particular manuscript, first given as a gift in 1891-1892 and
then again in Batavia (Jakarta) in 1946-1947 (EAP466/1/29, image 4), CC BY-ND.
Localising Islamic knowledge 151
Fig. 5.5 Al-Fawāʾid al-Saniyya fī dhikr faḍāʾil man yantasibu ilā al-silsila al-nabawiyya,
by Aḥmad b. Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlawī (d. 1203/1788-1789 in Ḥaḍramawt)
(EAP466/1/29, image 6), CC BY-ND.
What is clear is that this particular copy reached East Africa some time
in the latter half of the twentieth century, which shows that even at this
late point – when printed and even audio Islamic material had long since
arrived – manuscript copies were still circulating. The same pattern can be
observed elsewhere in East Africa, notably in Zanzibar, where handwritten
manuscripts were being made waqf for the Madrasa Bā Kathīr as late as the
1930s.32 In contrast to the Riyadha case, this waqf inscription specifies explicitly
that the manuscript is to be used for “recitation”, the interpretation being
that the volume is not yet a “collectors item” or deposited in the institution
32 Bang, “Authority and Piety”. The example concerns a volume of Ramadan prayers,
copied in 1847, which was made waqf for the Madrasa Bā Kathīr some time after the
founder’s death in 1925.
152 From Dust to Digital
33 Reinhard Schulze, “The Birth of Tradition and Modernity in 18th and 19th Century
Islamic Culture: The Case of Printing”, Culture and History, 16 (1997), 29-72.
34 The awareness of these manuscripts as cultural heritage seems to have started in the
1970s. It is possible that this awareness stemmed at least partly from the Eastern Africa
Centre for Research and Oral Tradition (EACROTONAL) manuscript survey in East
Africa, which between 1979 and 1988 aimed to map and collect manuscripts for research.
See Khamis, Khamis S., “The Zanzibar National Archives”, in Islam in East Africa, New
Sources: Archives, Manuscripts and Written Historical Sources, Oral History, Archaeology, ed.
by Biancamaria Scaria Amoretti (Rome: Herder, 2001), pp. 17-25. For a discussion and
examples from Zanzibar, see Anne K. Bang, “Zanzibari Islamic Knowledge Transmission
Revisited: Loss, Lament, Legacy – and Transformation”, Social Dynamics, 38/3 (2012),
419-34.
Localising Islamic knowledge 153
Without a proper comparison of handwriting and ink that can only be conducted
on the original texts, this list gives only the cases where the copyist can be
identified as East African by origin or residence, by name, as given in the text or
Localising Islamic knowledge 155
from direct mention of where the text was copied. On this basis, fourteen East
African (or East Africa-based) copyists can be identified in the Riyadha collection.
As in the case of ownership and purchase, we see in this list that scribes of
diverse origin (Ḥaḍramī, Somali, Brawanese, Comorian — al-Qumrī meaning
“The Comorian”) acted as copyists over a period of seventy years. It is also
worth noting that the oldest locally produced manuscript was copied by a
man of Somali origin (Shārū b. ʿUthmān al-Sūmālī, Fig. 5.6). In other words,
knowledge of Arabic and Islamic text was relatively widely diffused in terms
of ethnic background. More detailed research to identify hitherto unidentified
copyists and their background, as well as their other roles in society, will
undoubtedly give further nuance to this picture.
Fig. 5.6 Example of local copying in the nineteenth century. Alfyya [The One Thousand,
verse of 1000 lines] with marginal commentary by Ibn ʿAqīl copied by Shārū b.
ʿUthmān b. Abī Bakr b.ʿAlī al-Sūmālī in 1858 (EAP466/1/15, image 574), CC BY-ND.
156 From Dust to Digital
35 Bā Ṣafar is mentioned by Mohammad Ibrahim Abou Egl as one of the copyists whose
handwriting resembles that of Muhammad Kijuma (see below). While Abou Egl does
not provide any further identification of Bā Ṣafar, he does refer to manuscripts by Bā
Ṣafar in European collections that are in Swahili. I have not consulted these for this
article. Mohammad Ibrahim Abou Egl, The Life and Works of Muhamadi Kijuma (Ph.D.
thesis, University of London, 1983), p. 160.
Localising Islamic knowledge 157
Fig. 5.7 Diwān al-ʿAdanī [The Collected Poetry of Abū Bakr al-ʿAdanī],
copied by Sālim b. Yusallim b. ʿAwaḍ Bā Ṣafar for Habib Saleh in 1927 [1]
(EAP466/1/19, image 2), CC BY-ND.
158 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 5.8 Diwān al-ʿAdanī [The Collected Poetry of Abū Bakr al-ʿAdanī],
copied by Sālim b. Yusallim b. ʿAwaḍ Bā Ṣafar for Habib Saleh in 1927 [2]
(EAP466/1/19, image 3), CC BY-ND.
Another copyist — and another contemporary of Habib Saleh and Bā Ṣafar — was
Aḥmad b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Yūsuf (al-Maddī: he sometimes uses the nisba name,
sometimes not). He adhered to the same style as Bā Ṣafar, using pagination,
and he even added a table of contents to some of the works. In the case of
al-Maddī, we may even wonder why he made the copies. As the table below
shows, he copied three texts in quick succession between June and August
1932 — the longest being 38 pages. The last copy was completed in October
1933, and is also a relatively short text (forty pages). We can speculate here
that al-Maddī was commissioned to write these texts for use in the Riyadha
Localising Islamic knowledge 159
education, which would indicate that they were not available in printed
form. Another possibility, of course, is that Aḥmad himself was a student at
the Riyadha and that the writing of these texts was part of his student work.
Fig. 5.9 Colophon showing the signature of copyist Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr al-Bakrī
Kijūma and the date 18 Jumāda II 1352H/8 October 1928.
(EAP466/1/58, image 310), CC BY-ND.
Conclusion
The latter half of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth
was the period when text-based Islam became widely diffused on the East
African coast. The Riyadha Mosque in Lamu was part and parcel of this
development, claiming authority based not only on the divine revelations
(the Quran and the Sunna), but also in the wider corpus of Islamic texts. The
impact of Ḥaḍramawt (Yemen) is very evident when it comes to the choice
of texts. In total, these texts formed the basis for a new type of authority,
beyond local hierarchies, that has been referred to as a reform. While Islamic
scholars were at the forefront of this reform, important roles were also played
by book-buyers, owners and individuals who endowed books as waqf for the
purpose of their own family members or for “all Muslims”.
In the Riyadha, families of Ḥaḍramī origin seem to have played a particularly
important role, possibly because of their relatively high socio-economic status,
and because of their family connections with the Ḥaḍramawt (where, after all,
the majority of texts originated). However, it is also clear that individuals of
all backgrounds could decide to endow a particularly important manuscript,
and that women also held this prerogative.
The copyist is another of the “silent” transmitters of Islamic knowledge.
Although the evidence from the Riyadha remains inconclusive (a thorough
analysis of paper, ink and script is needed, as well as a comparison between
the handwriting of known authors and copyists), indications are that in the
nineteenth and early twentieth century there existed an active class of scribes
whose meticulous work made the Islamic scriptural tradition available to local
scholars and students. In the twentieth century we see a new development
closely linked to the emergence of educational institutions like the Riyadha.
At this time, texts were copied in lined notebooks, clearly for educational
purposes or for the purpose of memorising. The latter was particularly the
case for the many devotional texts that were (and still are) central to ritual
practice at the Riyadha.
162 From Dust to Digital
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Localising Islamic knowledge 163
Katz, Marion Holmes, The Birth of the Prophet Muhammad: Devotional Piety in Sunni
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164 From Dust to Digital
EAP466/1/1
Unidentified work of fiqh.
Date of copy and copyist unknown.
Manuscript, Arabic, 215 pages.
Fiqh.
Waqfiyya note, folio 215.
EAP466/1/2
Title: Fatḥ al-qarīb al-mujīb aw qawl al-mukhtār fī sharḥ ghāyat al-iqtiṣār.
Author: Abī ʿAbd Allāh Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Qāsim al-Ghāzzī al-Shāfiʿī,
known as Ibn al-Gharābīlī, d. 918/1512.
Date of copy: 13 Ṣafar 1277/30 August 1860.
Copyist: Muḥammad b. Masʿūd al-Wārith (or al-Wardī) in Zanzibar (“naskhhā arḍ
Zinjibār”).
Manuscript, Arabic, 225 pages.
Fiqh.
Note, folio 226: Waqfiyya note. Not clear if the waqf is made by or for Fāṭima bt.
Ḥabīb b. Shayr (Shīr?) al-Wardī, who died 21 Dhū al-Ḥijja 1352/6 April 1934. The
original bestowing seems to have been on 15 Jumāda I 1352/6 September 1933 by
39 See http://eap.bl.uk/database/results.a4d?projID=EAP466
Localising Islamic knowledge 165
EAP466/1/23
Title: Kitāb waṣiyyāt al-Jāmiʿa.
Author: ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥsin b. ʿAlawī al-Saqqāf.
Date of copy: 1320/1902-03.
Copyist: ʿAbd al-Ḥabīb b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Nāṣir ʿAwaḍ al-ʿAfīf (?).
Manuscript, Arabic, 312 pages.
Sufism.
EAP466/1/24
Title: Al-Fatḥ al-Mubīn. Sharḥ snfās al-‘Aydarūs Fakhr al-Dīn.
Auhor: Abd al-Raḥmān b. Muṣṭafā b. Saykh al-‘Aydarus, d. 1778.
Date of copy: 1324/1906-07.
Copyist: Sulaymān b. Sālim al-Mazrūʿī.
Manuscript, Arabic, 456 pages.
EAP466/1/27
Title: Hāshiya ʿalā sharḥ Ibn ʿAqīl ʿalā Alfiyya ibn Mālik.
Author: Muḥammad al-Khiḍrī al-Dimyāṭī, d. 1870, Egypt. Commentary completed
1250/1834.
Litograph, Cairo, 1272/1855, 718 pages.
Grammar, language.
Waqfiyya note, folio 3.
EAP466/1/28
Title: Idāḥ al-asrār ʿulūm al-muqarribīn.
Author: Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Shaykh al-ʿAydarūs (d. 1621-22. Born and
educated in Tarīm, died in Surat, India (?). Aḥmad b. Zayn al-Ḥibshī (?).
Date of copy: 1336/1917-18.
Copyist: Sālim b. Yusallim b. ʿAwaḍ Bā Ṣafar.
Manuscript, Arabic, 225 pages, paginated.
Time measurement/astronomy.
Note of ownership: Saleh b. Alawi Jamal al-Layl.
EAP466/1/29
Title: Al-Fawāʾid al-Saniyya fī dhikr faḍāʾil man yantasibu ilā al-silsila al-nabawiyya.
Author: Aḥmad b. Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlawī al-Ḥaddād, d. 1203/1788-89.
Unidentified text.
Date of copy: 1253/1837-38.
Copyist: Jaʿfar b. Muḥammad b. Jaʿfar b. Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlawī al-
Ḥaddād.
Manuscript, Arabic, 244 pages.
Nasab/genealogy.
Note, folio 2-3: Several notes of ownership.
EAP466/1/34
Title: Ahl Badr.
Author: Unknown.
Date of copy: 1340 H/1921-22.
Localising Islamic knowledge 167
EAP466/1/69
Title: Khuṭbas of ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Ḥibshī, and various ijāzas and waṣiyya
(spiritual advice) including from ʿAydarūs b. ʿUmar al-Ḥibshī to Sayyid Manṣab b.
ʿAbd al-Raḥman.
Author: ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Ḥibshī et al.
Date of Copy: At different points between March 1927 and January 1930.
Copyist: ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥamīd b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Shirāzī al-Qumrī.
Manuscript, Arabic, 267 pages.
Sufism.
EAP466/1/75
Collection of texts: Majmūʿ al-mutun:
1. Jawāhir al-tawḥīd, by Ibrāhīm al-Bājūrī.
2. Badʾ al-amālī, matn al-Kharīda.
3. Al-kharīda, by Aḥmad al-Dardīr.
Copyist: Aḥmad b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Yūsuf Maddi.
Date of copy: 1351/1932-33.
Manuscript, Arabic, 19 pages
EAP466/1/76
Title: Diwān al-Ḥabīb Abū Bakr b. ‘Abd Allāh b. ‘Aydarūs al-‘Adanī.
Author: Abū Bakr b. ‘Abd Allāh b. ‘Aydarūs, known as al-‘Adanī, d. Aden, 1508.
Date of copy: 6 Muḥarram 1346/6 July 1927.
Copyist: Sālim b. Yusallim b. ʿAwaḍ Bā Ṣafar.
Manuscript, Arabic, 266 pages. Paginated.
Poetry, Sufism.
EAP466/1/81
Title: Compilation of devotional texts.
Author: Multiple authors.
Date of copy: 27 Muḥarram 1351/2 June 1932
Copyist: Aḥmad b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Yūsuf (al-Maddī).
Manuscript, Arabic, 38 pages. Paginated. In lined notebook with a table of
contents at front.
EAP466/1/83
Title: Unidentified sharḥ on a qaṣīda on tawḥīd by ʿAbd al-Ġānī al-Nabulsī (d. 1731).
Author: Possibly Aḥmad b. Abī Bakr b. Sumayṭ’s text entitled Mātālib al-Sunniya.
Date of copy: Unknown. Twentieth century by visual appearance.
Copyist: Unknown, looks like same copyist as that of EAP466/1/144 (Riḥlat al-
Ashwāq).
Manuscript, Arabic, 16 pages.
Tawḥīd (?).
Note: The copy is incomplete.
EAP466/1/91
Title: Ṭayyib al-asmā’ al-mubāraka.
Author: Unknown.
Localising Islamic knowledge 171
EAP466/1/106
Title: Kitāb jāmiʿ al-aḏkār.
Author: Multiple authors.
Date of copy: 1353/1934.
Copyist: Unknown.
Manuscript, Arabic and Swahili, 144 pages.
Devotional/Sufism. Notebook with a collection of ḏikr and prayers for the prophet.
Some of the prayers have additional commentary in Swahili in Arabic script.
Waqfiyya note, folio 1.
EAP466/1/107
Title: Nafḥ al-misk al-maftūt min akhbār wādī Ḥaḍramawt.
Author: ‘Alī b. Aḥmad b. Ḥasan b. ‘Abd Allāh al-‘Aṭṭas.
Date of copy: 24 Ḏū ‘l-Qi‘da 1347/4 May 1929.
Copyist: Sālim b. Yusallim b. ʿAwaḍ Bā Ṣafar.
Manuscript, Arabic, 25 pages. Paginated.
Genealogy. A history of the genealogical lines of the sāda and qabā’il (tribes) of
Ḥaḍramawt.
EAP466/1/111
Title: Misc. devotional texts.
Author: Multiple authors.
Date of copy: 12 Rabīʿ 11342/23 Oct 1923.
Copyist: Wālī b. Abī Bakr b. Muḥammad al-Barāwī.
Manuscript, Arabic, 37 pages.
EAP466/1/144
Title: Riḥlat al-ashwāq al-qāwiyya ilā diyār al-sāda al-‘alawiyya.
Author: ʿAbd Allāh BāKathīr, d. Zanzibar 1925.
Date of copy: 27 Jumāda II 1317/1 November 1899.
Copyist: Muḥammad b. ʿUmar b. Maddi al-Shinjanī.
Travelogue from the journey in Ḥaḍramawt.
6. In the shadow of Timbuktu:
the manuscripts of Djenné 1
Sophie Sarin
The ancient mud city of Djenné occupies an island in the Bani, a major
tributary to the Niger River at the heart of the Niger inland delta in Mali.
Although Djenné is less famous than its “twin sister” Timbuktu, which is
situated 220 miles to the north on the edge of the Sahara desert, both cities
have been important historical centres of trans-Saharan commerce and
Islamic learning from the thirteenth century.2 Djenné is protected by its
status as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, due not only to its spectacular mud
architecture, including the world famous mosque, but also to the important
archaeological site of Djenné Djenno.3
Modern day Djenné has in the region of fifty Quranic schools in which
students (talibés) study Arabic and the Quran under the tuition of a marabout.4
Many talibés come from destinations as far removed as Ghana or Nigeria to
1 The transliteration of Arabic words in this chapter is based on the LOC transliteration
system.
2 For more on the history and location of Djenné, see John O. Hunwick, Timbuktu and
the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi’sTaʼrikh al-Sudan Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary
Documents (Leiden: Brill, 1999); and Charlotte Joy, The Politics of Heritage Management in
Mali: From UNESCO to Djenné (Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press, 2012), pp. 25-30.
3 On Djenné’s World Heritage Site status and its problems, see Joy, The Politics of Heritage
Management in Mali, pp. 51-74 and 75-92. For more on Djenné Djenno, see Roderick J.
McIntosh and Susan Keech McIntosh, “The Inland Niger Delta Before the Empire of Mali:
Evidence from Jenne-Jeno”, Journal of African History, 22 (1981), 1-22; and Excavations at
Jenne-Jeno, Hambarketolo and Kaniana (Inland Niger Delta, Mali): The 1981 Season, ed. by
Susan Keech McIntosh (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995).
4 Geert Mommersteeg, “Marabouts à Djenné: enseignement coranique, invocations et
amulettes”, in Djenné: une ville millénaire au Mali, ed. by Rogier M. A. Bedaux and J. D.
van der Waals (Leiden: Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunder, 1994), pp. 65-75.
study in Djenné, which is still regarded as a centre for Islamic learning. Djenné
has therefore over the centuries become an important depository for Arabic
manuscripts, which have been copied and stored in the private homes of
the ancient Djenné families, many of which have Quranic schools attached.5
The Islam practiced in Mali traditionally promotes the veneration of
saints and often encompasses elements of Sufi mysticism.6 During the recent
occupation of the north of Mali by militants (April 2012-January 2013), a
large number of mausoleums of saints in Timbuktu were destroyed by
extremists, and several thousand manuscripts from the Ahmed Baba Institute
of Timbuktu were burned.7 Alongside the traditional dangers such as mould,
water, insects and other environmental hazards, a dramatic new menace to
manuscripts had suddenly manifested itself in the form of a wilful destruction
by fundamentalists. Fortunately Djenné lies 130 miles south of Douentza,
the southernmost town occupied by the rebels during their ten-month rule,
and was never touched by this destructive force.
Since 2009, with the support of the Endangered Archives Programme, the
Djenné Manuscript Library has begun work to survey and create an inventory
of the manuscripts of Djenné, and, an effort to digitise the collection has been
underway since 2011. The digitisation project carried on regardless of the
momentous events that were unfolding only a day’s journey further north,
and the team never stopped working during this time. When fuel rationing
5 For a good description of the tradition of contemporary learning in Djenné see Geert
Mommersteeg, In the City of the Marabouts: Islamic Culture in West Africa (Long Grove, IL:
Waveland, 2012); and idem, “L’éducation oranique au Mali: le pouvoir des mots sacrée”,
in L’enseignement Islamique au Mali, ed. by Bintou Sanankoua and Louis Brenner (London:
Jamana, 1991). See also Joy, The Politics of Heritage Management in Mali, pp. 95-107.
6 Benjamin Soares, “Islam in Mali in the Neoliberal Era”, African Affairs, 105
(2006), 77-95; and idem, “Islam in Mali Since the 2012 Coup”, Fieldsights: Hot
Spots, Cultural Anthropology Online, 10 June 2013, http://production.culanth.org/
fieldsights/321-islam-in-mali-since-the-2012-coup
7 For more on the 2012-2013 conflict in Mali, see Alexander Thurston and Andrew
Lebovich, A Handbook on Mali’s 2012-2013 Crisis, ISITA working paper, 2 September 2013,
http://africacenter.org/2013/09/a-handbook-on-malis-2012-2013-crisis; Luke Harding,
“Timbuktu Mayor: Mali Rebels Torched Library of Historic Manuscripts”, The Guardian,
28 January 2013, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jan/28/mali-timbuktu-
library-ancient-manuscripts; and the collection of resources available at Berkeley’s
Center for Africa Studies website, http://africa.berkeley.edu/Outreach/Mali.php. Many
manuscripts that were thought to be lost were smuggled out to safety. The reports from
the Ahmed Baba’s staff indicate that those manuscripts that were lost were destroyed in
haste as the only valuable items the rebels could find in the building immediately before
their flight, rather than because of their content. See Drew Hinshaw, “Historic Timbuktu
Texts Saved From Burning”, The Wall Street Journal, 1 February 2013, http://online.wsj.
com/news/articles/SB10001424127887323926104578276003922396218
In the shadow of Timbuktu 175
It was built in 2006 with the support of the European Community Fund
and the Embassy of the United States of America. In 2007, a management
committee made up of notable Djenné residents was put in place; their task
was to ensure that the library remained the property of the whole population
of Djenné, and continued to provide a safe repository for the manuscripts
from private family collections. The deposited manuscripts remained the
property of their owners. The library is therefore a public space housing
private collections: an original model, entirely different from that of Timbuktu
which has in the region of fifty small separate private family libraries which
are housed in the individual homes of the collectors.9
8 http://www.djennemanuscrits.com
9 Ismaël Diadié Haidara and Haoua Taore, “The Private Libraries of Timbuktu”, in The
Meanings of Timbuktu, ed. by Shamil Jeppie and Souleymane Bachir Diagne (Cape Town:
HSRC Press, 2008), pp. 271-75.
176 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 6.2 Tārīkh al-Sudan [History of the Sudan] manuscript in the library’s collection.
Photo by author, CC BY.
The idea of digitisation first emerged when, after reading the description
of the Djenné Manuscript Library on my blog,10 a reader informed me
about the Endangered Archives Programme at the British Library.11 With
its support, we began our pilot project in the autumn of 2009. The project
was a collaboration between Mamadou Samake of the Mission Culturelle of
Djenné, a Malian government body,12 Babou Touré, a Djenné school teacher
representing the Djenné Manuscript library, and myself. The aim of the
pilot project was to survey the manuscripts in Djenné. This work involved
visiting private Djenné families, and most of the work was carried out in situ
in the family houses. Djenné is a close-knit community and people tend to
be reluctant to show their manuscripts to strangers. The work was carried
out by Garba Yaro and Yelpha Deité, the two library archivists who are
both members of ancient Djenné families, and without whose reassuring
familiarity the doors would have remained shut. Over the four months,
we explored collections in thirteen Djenné family homes, many of which
were also Quranic schools. We identified more than 4,000 manuscripts, but
we were fully aware that this was only a small portion of the total number
preserved in Djenné.
10 http://www.djennedjenno.blogspot.com
11 The academic sponsors of our initiative were Dimitri Bondarev from SOAS, now at
Hamburg University, and Constant Hamès from CNRS.
12 On Mission Culturelle, see Joy, The Politics of Heritage Management in Mali, pp. 32-35.
In the shadow of Timbuktu 177
The survey revealed that the manuscripts contained texts on a whole variety
of subjects: along with Qurans, religious texts, grammars, historical texts,
correspondence and works of literature there were also esoteric and magical
texts. This discovery tallied with the fact that Djenné has traditionally been
regarded as a centre for maraboutage, an Islamic form of magic which is still
practised extensively by the Djenné marabouts.13 Indeed, these magical texts
constituted more than half of the surveyed manuscripts. During this phase,
the archivists simply noted the theme, and returned the manuscript into the
storage chest without entering into further investigation. The existence of a
Tārīkh [History] of the Empire of Macina, written in Fulfulde was noted; however,
this manuscript has not yet been re-located into the library and we are still
hoping the owners will bring it in.
The manuscripts held in private family houses varied greatly in terms of
the state of their preservation. Most were kept in metal or wooden storage
boxes in no discernable order.
13 See Trevor H. J. Marchand, The Masons of Djenné (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press,
2009), pp. 7-8, 25, 71 and 74. On maraboutage and marabouts, see 26, 32, 35, 102-08 and 269-73.
See also Geert Mommersteeg, “Allah’s Words as Amulet”, Etnofoor, 3/1 (1990), 63-76; and
idem, “Qur’anic Teachers and Magico-Religious Specialists in Djenné”, International Institute
for the Study of Islam in the Modern World (ISIM) Newsletter, 3 (1999), 30.
178 From Dust to Digital
Our archivists identified each manuscript and separated it from the others
with a sheet of white paper before returning it to its place in the box. Most
manuscripts were found to be incomplete or perhaps only jumbled up —
later more thorough investigation would be needed. We were hoping that
at a later date we would be able to digitise these codices. The most common
damage noted on the manuscripts was from termites and from water, as
well as from bad storage and careless handling. The preservation was not
helped by the fact that Djenné houses are all made of mud and during the
rainy season they often leak.14
A large number of Djenné manuscripts have been acquired over the
past decades by the Ahmed Baba Institute15 and SAVAMA in Timbuktu.16
These institutions had a policy of buying up manuscripts all over Mali in
order to centralise the manuscript scholarship to Timbuktu.17 Nevertheless,
a substantial deposit of Arabic manuscripts in Djenné remained in the city.
Between August 2011 and August 2013, with the support of the EAP, we
digitised 2,009 manuscripts in the Djenné Manuscript Library, producing
nearly 150,000 digital images18. The documents are for the most part undated
and many are incomplete. The manuscripts collected and digitised so far are
only written on paper, although there are allegedly manuscripts in Djenné
written on fish parchment.19 The majority of the documents are estimated to
date from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, although there are many
from earlier times, and the oldest dated manuscript in the Djenné library is
from 1394.20 With the exception of rare manuscripts in French, which have
14 On the efforts to modernise houses in Djenné and on the lack of funds to maintain
them, see Michael Rowlands, “Entangled Memories and Parallel Heritages in Mali”, in
Reclaiming Heritage: Alternative Imaginaries of Memory in West Africa, ed. by Ferdinand
de Jong and Michael Rowlands (Walnut Creek, CA: West Coast Press, 2007), pp. 71-98
(p. 95); and Charlotte Joy, “Enchanting Town of Mud: Djenné, a World Heritage Site in
Mali”, in ibid., pp 145-59 (p. 153).
15 http://www.tombouctoumanuscripts.org/libraries/ahmed_baba_institute_of_higher_
learning_and_islamic_research_iheri-ab
16 It is a well-known fact to everyone in Djenné, including the archivists at the library, that
Abdel Kader Haidara has bought manuscripts from the Djenné collections, both for the
Ahmed Baba institute when he worked for them and for his own library the Mamma
Haidara.
17 Mohammed Ould Youbba, “The Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Islamic Studies and
Research”, in The Meanings of Timbuktu, ed. by Shamil Jeppie and Souleymane Bachir
Diagne (Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2008), pp. 287-302.
18 EAP488: Major project to digitise and preserve the manuscripts of Djenné, Mali, http://
eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP488
19 This information has been provided by Yelpha Deité and Garba Yaro, our two archivists.
20 The manuscripts are dated by the colophones.
In the shadow of Timbuktu 179
not yet been digitised and which contain legal papers and certain official
documents such as diplomas from medersas (madrasas) or tax receipts
dating from colonial times, the manuscripts are all written in Arabic script.
The library also contains, as of July 2014, 122 manuscripts with sections
in the local languages of Songhai, Bozo, Fulfulde and Bamanan written in
Arabic script. 21 These sections are sometimes explanations in the margin
of difficult Arabic words in the text, or in the case of esoteric manuscripts
concerning traditional medicine the names of plants and trees used are
often written in Bamanan. There are only few manuscripts written entirely
in a language different from Arabic: two in Fulfulde, a theological tract and
a document on natural medicine; one manuscript contains “Praise to the
Prophet” in Songhai and another one preserves esoteric texts in Bamanan.22
The large majority of the Djenné manuscripts were copied in Djenné, and
only a small proportion were brought in from elsewhere. The names of the
copyist are known, and these are often ancestors of the collector’s families. This
is possible to ascertain, to a certain degree, by consulting the family genealogy,
of the sort preserved in the manuscript EAP488/1/2/15, Quissatou Baloukiya:
History. This undated text contains an account of the well-known legend of
Quissatou Baloukiya, a virtuous woman, and was copied in Djenné by Imam,
son of Ousman. He is found seven generations down in the genealogy of the
Yaro family. Similarly, the manuscript Kitāb nuzhat al-khawāṭir fī uṣūl sharḥ
al-ḍagāʾin [The Book of the Excursion into the Ideas about the Sources Explaining
the Hatred] (EAP488/1/7/24) is a traditional Arabic grammar in verse, copied
in Djenné in 1836 by Aquadi Ahmed, who forms part of the line of marabouts
which served the family Djeite. In this case the genealogy goes back seven
generations: Alqadi Ahmed, son of Imam Mohamed, son of Baha, son of
Amar, son of Moussa, son of Mahmoud, son of Ousmane, son of Mohamed,
son of Babou Almoustafa Attawate. Another locally transcribed manuscript is
a handsome volume, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt wa-shawāriq al-anwār fī dhikr al-ṣalāt ʿalā
al-nabī al-mukhtār [Directions to the Benefits and Shining Lights: On the Benediction
over the Chosen Prophet] (EAP488/1/1/1). It was copied in the Hausa calligraphy
in 1899 by Bakaina, son of Alpha Sidi, son of Mohamed Cheick, son of Cheick
21 On the practice of writing other languages in the Arabic script, so-called Ajami,
see for example, Moulaye Hassane, “Ajami in Africa: The Use of Arabic Script in the
Transcription of African Languages”, in The Meanings of Timbuktu, ed. by Shamil Jeppie
and Souleymane Bachir Diagne (Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2008), pp. 109-22.
22 Information provided by the project archivist, Yelpha.
180 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 6.4 Prayers to the Prophet from the Maiga family collection.
Photo by author, CC BY.
This differs from Timbuktu, which seems to have had a more energetic
trade in manuscripts, not only in recent times but also back in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, at the height of its importance as a centre for trade
and learning before the trans-Saharan trade routes shifted as a result of the
development of shipping along the West African coast.23 Many of Timbuktu’s
treasures have been copied in the Maghreb or in the Middle East and then
brought to Timbuktu as valuable merchandise. Djenné, on the other hand,
appears to have been less cosmopolitan in its manuscript trade, which is why
the majority of manuscripts were copied locally. The Djenné scribes were
nevertheless influenced by different calligraphic styles. With the Moroccan
conquest in the sixteenth century, the Maghreb style was copied in Djenné, just
as later the Hausa style became adopted, inspired by the arrival of students
from northern Nigeria to the Djenné Quranic schools.24
23 See, for example, Ghislaine Lydon, On Trans-Saharan Trails: Islamic Law, Trade Networks,
and Cross-Cultural Exchange in Nineteenth-Century Western Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2009).
24 On script styles from West Africa, see Mauro Nobili, “Arabic Scripts in West African
Manuscripts: A Tentative Classification from the de Gironcourt Manuscript Collection”,
In the shadow of Timbuktu 181
Islamic Africa Journal, 2/1 (2011), 105-33; and idem, “Manuscript Culture of West Africa,
Part 2: A Survey of Scholarly Production Dedicated to Local Collections of Manuscripts”,
Comparative Oriental Manuscript Studies Newsletter, 3 (Jan 2012), 11-17.
182 From Dust to Digital
25 http://www.savamadci.net
26 For a selection of the recent press coverage recognising Abdel Kader Haidara’s role in
the preservation of Mali’s manuscripts, see Joshua Hammer, The Brave Sage of Timbuktu:
Abdel Kader Haidara, The Innovators Project, http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/
innovators/2014/04/140421-haidara-timbuktu-manuscripts-mali-library-conservation
In the shadow of Timbuktu 183
2012, having travelled the ten-hour journey from Bamako. In front of the
library, there was a gathering of some twenty people, including the Imam. As
I attempted to alight from the lorry and begin the unloading, the Imam said
to me: “I forbid you to ever set foot in this place again!” To avoid a physical
confrontation, I returned to my hotel with the truck and the material. During
the course of the evening, each of the eleven town councillors of Djenné
contacted me to insist that I return to the library the following morning and
to assure me that I would come to no harm. The next day, I returned to the
library, and we began to work on preparing boxes, after a short period of
instruction from a professional box maker from Timbuktu.27
Fig. 6.5 Two manuscript storage boxes made for the library. Photo by author, CC BY.
27 Garba Traoré is the Head Conservator at the Ahmed Baba Institute. The project relied on
him several times for teaching and lecturing.
184 From Dust to Digital
office to explain in detail the free Internet access, he expressed his critical
view of the matter, likening it to the French colonial appropriation of the
large collections of Malian manuscripts, now found in the French National
Library.28 It was impossible to convince him that the project is not at all similar
in that it does not remove the original manuscripts from the Djenné library.
Digitisation has only recently come to be recognised as a way to preserve
manuscripts in Mali. Timbuktu has received significant support to digitise its
entire collection, with large funding from, amongst many other sources, the
Government of South Africa.29 Yet, only a small percentage of the manuscripts
were digitised at the time of the destruction of the Ahmed Baba Institute. The pace
of the digitisation and the recognition of its value have increased in the aftermath
of the Timbuktu events. There is still some reluctance towards digitisation
and, in particular, towards free Internet access to digitised manuscripts. We
should bear in mind, however, that the open access movement and notion that
access to knowledge should be free, are relatively new phenomenon even in
the western world. Moreover, in Mali there is a deep mistrust towards foreign
philanthropy, which is seen as having a veiled interest. Indeed, we have often
heard that the British Library is using the digital collection from Djenné to
make money, and nothing can be done to dissuade the majority of people
that this is not the case.30
The EAP requires free Internet access to all digitised collections. In Djenné,
this has become a major bone of contention and ultimately, in order to continue
the project, we were forced to negotiate a compromise. With the permission
of the EAP, we delayed the online publication of the Djenné collection until
2018. We convinced the manuscript holders in Djenné that this would give
us five years to promote the Djenné library and find new sponsors before the
collection went online. The compromise, reached in 2013, proved to be the
key that unlocked the impasse. The same year we were awarded a new grant
from the Programme that allows us to continue our digitisation efforts.31 By
villages, http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP690
32 http://www.malimali.org
186 From Dust to Digital
References
Bondarev, Dmitry, Safeguarding the Manuscripts from Timbuktu: A Report on the Current
Situation and a Proposal for a Larger Preservation Project, Centre for the Study of
Manuscript Cultures, Hamburg, 9 May 2013, http://www.manuscript-cultures.
uni-hamburg.de/cal-details/Safeguarding_Timbuktu_Manuscripts_2013.pdf
Ghali, Noureddine, Inventaire de la Bibliothèque ‘umarienne de Ségou, conservée
à la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris: Édition du Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, 1985).
Haidara, Ismaël Diadié, and Haoua Taore, “The Private Libraries of Timbuktu”, in
The Meanings of Timbuktu, ed. by Shamil Jeppie and Souleymane Bachir Diagne
(Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2008), pp. 271-75.
Hammer, Joshua, “The Brave Sage of Timbuktu: Abdel Kader Haidara”,
The Innovators Project, http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/
innovators/2014/04/140421-haidara-timbuktu-manuscripts-mali-library-
conservation
Luke Harding, “Timbuktu Mayor: Mali Rebels Torched Library of Historic
Manuscripts”, The Guardian, 28 January 2013, http://www.theguardian.com/
world/2013/jan/28/mali-timbuktu-library-ancient-manuscripts
Hassane, Moulaye, “Ajami in Africa: The Use of Arabic Script in the Transcription
of African Languages”, in The Meanings of Timbuktu, ed. by Shamil Jeppie and
Souleymane Bachir Diagne (Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2008), pp. 109-22.
Hinshaw, Drew, “Historic Timbuktu Texts Saved From Burning”, The Wall Street
Journal, 1 February 2014, http://online.wsj.com/articles/SB1000142412788732392
6104578276003922396218
Hunwick, John O., Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi’sTaʼrikh al-Sudan Down
to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents (Leiden: Brill, 1999).
Joy, Charlotte, “Enchanting Town of Mud: Djenné, a World Heritage Site in Mali”,
in Reclaiming Heritage: Alternative Imaginaries of Memory in West Africa, ed. by
Ferdinand de Jong and Michael Rowlands (Walnut Creek, CA: West Coast
Press, 2007), pp. 145-59.
—, The Politics of Heritage Management in Mali: From UNESCO to Djenné (Walnut
Creek, CA: Left Coast Press, 2012).
Keech McIntosh, Susan, Excavations at Jenne-Jeno, Hambarketolo and Kaniana (Inland
Niger Delta, Mali): The 1981 Season (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press,
1995).
Lydon, Ghislaine, On Trans-Saharan Trails: Islamic Law, Trade Networks, and Cross-
Cultural Exchange in Nineteenth-Century Western Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2009).
Marchand, Trevor H. J., The Masons of Djenné (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University
Press, 2009).
McIntosh, Roderick J., and Susan Keech McIntosh, “The Inland Niger Delta Before
the Empire of Mali: Evidence from Jenne-Jeno”, Journal of African History, 22
(1981), 1-22.
In the shadow of Timbuktu 187
have been largely out of circulation until now, and they throw new light onto
several aspects of the history of the Roma movement for civic emancipation
through the creation of public organisations. Apart from these sources, no
other evidence corroborating the occurrence of most of the events discussed
has been discovered to date.4 The digitised sources we rely on are stored in
the Studii Romani Archive.5 A significant number may now also be accessed
through the EAP website.6 The books and newspapers discussed are preserved
in Bulgarian public libraries.
This chapter focuses on the sources that document the emergence and
early development of Roma social and political projects in Bulgaria during
the first half of the twentieth century, and that illuminate the main concepts
of the emerging Roma discourse. These sources chart the key stages in the
evolution of the Roma movement and encompass the movement’s different
branches and aspirations.
Article 10: [A mukhtar is elected] to represent the group before the authorities
of the state and all public institutions, [...] to protect the general moral and
material interests of his compatriots, [...] to evoke civic awareness among his
own people and to assist measures and introduce decrees needed for decent
and respectable human life, [...] to take care of finding work for the poor,
[...] ensuring proper mental, health and social education of adults, [...] to
seek to ensure strict compliance with all lawful orders, [...] to give accurate
information to all state and public institutions on issues concerning people
of his own nationality.10
From the text of the statute, it is not clear who was the first head (mukhtar)
of the new organisation, but most likely it was the chairman of the founding
8 In the Ottoman Empire, the Roma had citizenship status, were classified according to
their ethnicity and had their own economic niches and position in the society. See Elena
Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov, Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire (Hatfield: University of
Hertfordshire Press, 2001); Faika Çelik, “Exploring Marginality in the Ottoman Empire:
Gypsies or People of Malice (Ehl-i Fesad) as viewed by the Ottomans”, EUI Working
Paper RSCAS, 39 (2004), 1-21; and Faika Çelik, “‘Civilizing Mission’ in the Late Ottoman
Discourse: The Case of Gypsies”, Oriente Moderno, 93 (2013), 577-97.
9 In the first paragraph of the statute preceding Article 3, local variants of the Ottoman
administrative term çeribaşi are used: tseribashi and malebashi.
10 Anon., Ustav na Egiptyanskata narodnost v gr. Vidin, pp. 4 and 6.
192 From Dust to Digital
11 Ibid., p. 15.
12 Marushiakova and Popov, Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire, pp. 39-41.
13 During the Ottoman Empire, mahalla referred to a residential ethnic neighbourhood. For
more information about Ottoman urban structure, see Nicolay Todorov, Balkanskiat grad
15-19 vek: sotsialno-ikonomichesko i demografsko razvitie [A Balkan City, 15th-19th Centuries:
Social, Economical and Demographic Development] (Sofia: Nauka i izkustvo, 1972).
14 For more detail on the functioning of the Ottoman system in regard to religious and
ethnic communities (including the Roma), see Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire:
The Functioning of a Plural Society, ed. by Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis, 1 (New
York: Holmes and Meier, 1982); Marushiakova and Popov, Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire;
and Reşat Kasaba, A Moveable Empire: Ottoman Nomads, Migrants, and Refugees (Seattle,
WA: University of Washington Press, 2009).
15 Anon., Ustav na Egiptyanskata narodnost, Article 16, p. 10.
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 193
is envisaged for the mukhtar to take half of the total amount and for half to
be divided between his two assistants”.16
The statute also attempts to establish the Roma as a “nation”, equal to
all other nations in the country, through symbols, signs and holidays. The
organisation’s public symbols are described in detail — an example of the
stamp of the organisation can be seen below (Fig. 7.1).
themselves, and it was the basis for the appearance of numerous etiological
legends, widespread among the Roma in the Balkans in the nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. These legends illustrate the community’s efforts
to uncover their land of origin, “proof” of which they claimed to find in the
Old Testament.20 The links made to ancient Egypt are a clear reflection of
the Roma’s intention to express their equality with other nations that, unlike
them, had their own countries of origin.
The statute designates St George’s Day, “which remained from the old
times”, as the annual holy patron day.21 The honouring of St George as
patron of the Roma and the celebration of his day (Gergyovden in Bulgarian,
Ђurђevdan in Serbian, etc.) are reflected in both the stamp and the statute of
the organisation: indeed, there was a widespread cult of St George among
the Roma in the Balkans.22 Along with Roma Christians, the Muslim Roma
also honoured this day under the name Hıdırlez (Hederlesi, Herdelez, Ederlezi,
etc. in the Roma languages), replacing the Christian saint with the Islamic
prophets Hızır and İlyas.23
It is noteworthy that among the members of the founding committee
listed in the statute, those with Muslim names are more numerous than
those with Christian names.24 At that time, the majority of Roma living in
20 For examples and texts of numerous etiological legends, see Studii Romani I, ed. by Elena
Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov (Sofia: Club’90, 1994), pp. 16-47; Studii Romani II,
ed. by Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov (Sofia: Club’90, 1995), pp. 22-45; and
Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov, “Myth as Process”, in Scholarship and the Gypsy
Struggle: Commitment in Romani Studies, ed. by Thomas Acton (Hatfield: University of
Hertfordshire Press, 2000), pp. 81-93.
21 Anon., Ustav na Egiptyanskata narodnost, Article 18, p. 11.
22 For more on the cult of St George and its dissemination among Roma in the Balkans,
see Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria (Frankfurt:
Peter Lang, 1997), pp. 136-37; Elsie Ivančić Dunin, Gypsy St. George‘s Day – Coming of
Summer. Romski Gjurgjovden. Romano Gjurgjovdani-Erdelezi. Skopje, Macedonia 1967-1997
(Skopje: Združenie na ljubiteli na romska folklorna umetnost “Romano ilo”, 1998);
Trajko Petrovski, Kalendarskite obichai kaj Romite vo Skopje i okolinata [Calendar Customs
of the Roma in Skopje and Surroundings] (Skopje: Feniks, 1993), pp. 142-47; and Tatomir
Vukanović, Romi (cigani) u Jugoslaviji [Roma (Gypsies) in Yugoslavia] (Vranje: Štamparija
„Nova Jugoslavija“, 1983), pp. 276-79.
23 Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov, “The Vanished Kurban: Modern Dimensions
of the Celebration of Kakava/Hidrellez Among the Gypsies in Eastern Thrace (Turkey)”,
in Kurban on the Balkans, ed. by Bilijana Sikimić and Petko Hristov (Belgrade: Institute of
Balkan Studies, 2007), pp. 33-50.
24 Some of them even have two names: one Muslim and one Christian. Such inter-religious
names among the Roma are documented from Ottoman times, e.g. in the tax register
of 1522-1523 (Marushiakova and Popov, Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire, pp. 30-31). This
practice of using inter-religious names in Bulgaria was reinforced after the break-up of the
Ottoman Empire, which resulted in several waves of forced name changes from Muslim
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 195
Vidin were Muslims: the fact that a Christian saint is on the organisation’s
stamp shows that voluntary conversion to the new official religion (Orthodox
Christianity) in the independent Bulgarian state had not only begun, but
was already advanced. Nowadays, the conversion is complete: all Roma in
Vidin are Christians, the memory of their previous religion is faint and for
many it has already disappeared.25
To date, the Statute of the Egyptian Nation in the Town of Vidin is the only
known piece of historical evidence supporting the existence of this first
Roma organisation. It can be assumed that the organisation existed for only
a relatively short period of time; soon after its establishment, a period of
hosilities and conflicts began, which included two Balkan wars (1912-1913)
and World War I, with the result that many Roma men were mobilised as
part of the Bulgarian army and its military operations.26
to Bulgarian Christian ones. Even today we can observe the practice of using double
names, as in a Rom with both a Muslim and a Christian name. See Hristo Kyuchukov,
My Name Was Hyussein (Honesdale, PA: Boyds Mills Press, 2004); Marushiakova and
Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria; Ulrich Büchsenschütz, Maltsinstvenata politika v
Balgaria. Politika na BKP kam evrei, romi, pomatsi i turtsi 1944-1989 [The Minority Policies
of the Bulgarian Communist Party towards Jews, Roma, Pomaks and Turks (1944-89)] (Sofia:
IMIR, 2000); and Plamena Stoyanova, “Preimenuvane na tsiganite: myusyulmani v
Balgariya [Renaming of the Roma: Muslims in Bulgaria]”, in XVII Kyustendilski chtenia
2010, ed. by Christo Berov (Sofia: Istoricheski Fakultet, SU “Climent Ohridski” and
Regionalen istoricheski muzei Kyustendil, 2012), pp. 252-68.
25 Marushiakova and Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria, pp. 89-90.
26 For a discussion of the scale of Roma participation in the Bulgarian army, see Velcho
Krastev and Evgenia Ivanova, Ciganite po patishtata na voynata [Gypsies on the Road of the
War] (Stara Zagora: Litera Print, 2014).
27 EAP067/1/6; ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. C 4 a-d.
28 The manuscript was digitised in frames for our EAP067 project (EAP067/1/11); ASR,
196 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 7.2 Shakir Pashov as a soldier (EAP067/1/2/4, image 4), Public Domain.
31 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. E 101-102. For more details on the suspension of the
electoral rights of the majority of Roma in Bulgaria in 1901, and the struggles to defend
their constitutional rights, see Marushiakova and Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria, pp.
29-30.
32 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. E 99-100.
33 Ibid.
34 TsDA: Fund 1Б, op. 8, а.е. 596, l. 69. See also: Nyagulov, Blagovest, “Iz istoriyata na
tsiganite/romite v Balgaria (1878-1944) [From the History of Gypsies/Roma in Bulgaria
(1878-1944)]”, in Integratsia na romite v balgarskoto obshtestvo [Integration of the Roma in
Bulgarian Society], ed. by Velina Topalova and Aleksey Pamporov (Sofia: Institut po
sotsiologia pri BAN, 2007), pp. 24-42.
35 For more details, see Elena Marushiakova and Vesselin Popov, “Zigeunerpolitik und
198 From Dust to Digital
the Arabian Nights. He personally invited Tsar Boris III, who did not attend
but did send an envelope of money for the “poor Gypsies”.47
The account of the early history of the Bulgarian Roma movement in
Pashov’s manuscript and autobiography cannot be regarded as entirely reliable:
there are several differences between the two texts, and some discrepancies
with other sources. We already mentioned the inconsistency between the
dates given for the establishment of the Istikbal — 1919 according to the
statute, a decade later according to Pashov.48 The State Archives, however,
do not contain any references to the registration of the Istikbal at this later
date, whereas they do provide supporting evidence for its creation in 1919.
We also indicated the intentional names changes of Pashov’s organisations.
In addition to the organisation’s statute, the State Archives preserve a letter
from 10 July 1934 in which the the Ministry of the Interior and Public Health
rejects its request for registration because “the Gypsy-Moslems in Bulgaria
are organised under foreign influence”.49
These “errors” in Pashov’s manuscript and in his autobiography are not
random. Pashov recounts the organisation’s development in accordance with
the Communist ideology of the time. For example, the newspaper Terbie is
described in Pashov’s manuscript as having been published on behalf of the
Istikbal, whereas his autobiography associates it with the workers in the tobacco
industry.50 The latter claim is clearly false, as the headings of the preserved
issues of the newspaper clearly state that the newspaper is published by
“the Mohammedan National Enlightenment and Cultural Organisation”,
or, from the sixth issue onwards, by “the Mutual Mohammedan National
Enlightenment and Cultural Union in Bulgaria”. Moreover, the newspaper
Terbie was published from 1933 to 1934. Consequently, and contrary to what
Pashov later claims, it would have been impossible to take the decision to
widen the newspaper’s distribution at the 1932 conference in Mezdra since the
newspaper did not at that time exist. Besides, the main problems discussed
on the pages of all issues of Terbie were the protracted conflicts and disputes
over the management of waqf properties and the admission or exclusion of
Roma Muslims as mosque trustees.
In the same way, Pashov probably exaggerated his participation in political
struggles as a member of the Communist Party. For example, he claimed to
have been on the electoral list of the Communist Party for seats in the Bulgarian
Parliament in the 1920s, among the leadership of the Workers’ Party in Sofia
in the 1930s, and a resistance fighter in the 1940s. There are no documents
in police archives to confirm Pashov’s claims, but there is evidence in the
protocols and annual reports of local party organisations, and in letters of
recommendation, indicating that his participation was more limited.51
In fact, Pashov’s approach to the preparation of his manuscript — his
exaggerations, omissions and inaccuracies — was a response to the situation
in Bulgaria at that time. Most probably he hoped to arrange publication
of his book, although no correspondence with publishers or other sources
has been unearthed to provide evidence for this. Under the conditions of
a totalitarian state in which Communist Party control was comprehensive,
any manuscript involving the history of the Communist Party would need
to undergo an extensive review process by Party committees and editorial
and censorship boards in order to be published. To fulfil these requirements,
Pashov presumably chose to highlight his commitment and that of his
organisations to the Communist Party, while concealing other key aspects
of their activities.
51 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”. Numerous documents of this kind are preserved in the ASR
and are currently being processed.
52 EAP285/1/1; ASR Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. K 1-5. The statute is not dated, but was
probably prepared in 1945 or 1946; see also the text below.
53 EAP067/7/1-9; ASR Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f.I.
202 From Dust to Digital
object of targeted state policy. They did not present an issue of paramount
importance for the Bulgarian state — which had to solve many more urgent
and significant socio-political and economic problems — but nevertheless
their place in public policy is notable.54
For a relatively short period of time (from 1945 to 1950), the leading
political line was to promote the Roma as an equal ethnic community
within the Bulgarian nation and to encourage their active involvement in the
construction of a new socialist society. This policy was in direct correlation
with the so-called “korenizatsiia” (“indigenisation”) conducted in the USSR
in the 1920s and 1930s — a strategy which aimed to support and develop the
identity, culture, mother tongue and education of various ethnic communties,
and which ended with the adoption of the new Soviet Constitution of 1936,
also known as the Stalin’s constitution.55
In the case of Bulgaria, the promotion of Roma ethnicity in the first years of
Communist rule was certainly inspired by the Soviet “indigenisation” policy.
It is also likely to have stemmed, however, from the personal relationship
between Shakir Pashov and Georgi Dimitrov, the famous Communist leader
and Premier of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria (1946-1949). Pashov himself
describes the history of his friendship with Georgi Dimitrov as follows:
During the 1923 election for Members of Parliament, among the candidates
was also Comrade Georgi Dimitrov, who visited the polls of the Third District
electoral station [...] and for a moment the opposition gang rushed at him with
fists, but our party group, present as agitators, immediately pounced and got
their hands off Dimitrov, as other comrades also arrived. We accompanied
them to the tram and he [Dimitrov] said to me: “Shakir, when the day comes
when we gain power, you will be the greatest man, and lay a carpet for me
from the station to the palace”. And look, the glorious date 9 September 1944
arrived and it came true; I became a deputy in the Grand National Assembly,
nurtured by the ideas of the Party, because my whole life passed in struggle for
the triumph of Marxist ideas and in antifascist activities from 1919 to today”.56
and written language; […] E) To acquaint the Bulgarian Gypsy minority with
Gypsy spiritual, social and economic culture; [...] I) To illuminate Bulgarian
public opinion about the needs of the Gypsy population; K) To create a sense of
striving among Gypsies towards developing a national home on their own land.
As can be clearly seen from the draft statute quoted above, its author(s),
presumably Pashov himself, articulate a number of specific objectives for the
new organisation, reflecting an attempt to promote equality for the Roma in
Bulgarian society. However, it is not clear what is meant by the “Worldwide
Gypsy Organisation”, since no such organisation existed at that time. Statements
of this sort may indicate that Pashov had a strategic plan to lay the foundations
for a global organisation uniting the Roma worldwide. He may have even
considered the creation of a separate, independent Roma state.
All these visions, however, are excluded from Pashov’s book manuscript,
which is understandable given that the book was written later, when
the policy of the Bulgarian state towards the Roma had changed and the
internationalisation of the Roma movement was considered undesirable. A
comparison of the aims in the draft statute to the actual development of his
organisation in the coming years demonstrates that political realities forced
Pashov to abandon his ideas of global unity for the Roma and to focus his
efforts on solving the particular problems of the Roma in Bulgaria.
The draft statute for the Ekhipe organisation specifies public symbols,
particularly a flag and an official holiday. Article 59 decrees the holiday to
be 7 May (that is, the day after the St George festivities) and the flag to be red
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 205
with two white fields and a triangle in the middle. In line with the effort to
create a Roma flag and an official holiday — symbols which are characteristic
of all nation-states — was the attempt to create a national Roma alphabet,
distinct from the Bulgarian one (Fig. 7.3).
We have collected numerous narratives from all over Bulgaria describing
these endeavours, but we were able to find only one source documenting
them: a photograph from this period which shows Roma youth preparing
a sample of the future alphabet.61 Among the youth activists in this photo,
we identified Sulyo Metkov, Yashar Malikov and Tsvetan Nikolov, who
were also active in the Roma movement in later years. Moreover, the new
organisation started publishing the newspaper Romano esi, with Pashov as
editor-in-chief. The first issue appeared on 25 February 1946.62
The Ekhipe’s draft statute clearly shows that it was founded not by
government initiative, but by the Roma themselves. The document gives
no indication of a political commitment to any socio-political formation,
but the organisation was to become politicised very quickly nonetheless.
Immediately after 9 September 1944, Pashov himself became involved in
the activities of the Fatherland Front.63 As articles in Romano esi document,
a Roma section of the Fatherland Front was established, and Pashov was
elected its chairman. He ran agitation campaigns for the inclusion of
the Roma and for their participation in the election of a Grand National
Assembly, held on 27 October 1946. Some photographs illustrating his
agitation campaigns are preserved in Pashov’s family archive.64
On 28 February 1947, a letter from the “All Gypsy Cultural Organisation”
(another name used for the Ekhipe) to the regional committee of the Fatherland
Front was discussed at a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee
of the Bulgarian Workers’ Party.65 The letter proposed the appointment of
Pashov as a representative of the Roma minority in Sofia in the upcoming
election on 27 October (i.e. the letter was only discussed several months
after the election). The letter itself was written on behalf of the “Common
Organisation of the Gypsy Minority for Combating Fascism and Racism”,
which is yet another name for the Ekhipe. Such discrepancies over the exact
name of this Gypsy organisation are also found in many other sources,
preserved in the Fund of State Agency Archives.66 According to this letter,
a conference which brought together the chairs of the different sections
(occupational unions) of the organisation, including fourteen delegates
representing 300 members, took the following decision:
Because of today’s Fatherland Front government, after 9 September 1944
wider and greater freedom was given to the Bulgarian people, and mostly
to the national minorities, such as we are, who in the past were treated like
cattle and not respected as people. In today’s democratic government we must
emphasise that we value our freedom, and must morally and materially, even
at the expenses of our lives, give support to the Fatherland Front, the only
defender [...] of national minorities. That’s why we all [...] in the upcoming
crucial moments [...] have to appoint our representative to represent the Roma
minority in the Grand National Assembly.
A secret ballot was conducted and Pashov was elected as the Roma
representative. For the discussion of this letter at the meeting of the Politburo,
two other documents are of use and relate to Pashov: his autobiographical
statement and an attestation made by the district committee of the Communist
Party. In the autobiographical statement, Pashov writes that since 1918 he had
been a member of the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers’ Party (Narrow
Socialists), which subsequently developed into the Bulgarian Communist
Party, and that he had actively participated in its political struggles for more
than two decades. The attestation confirms his participation in the Communist
movement and also notes that he was arrested on two occasions (in 1923
and 1925), and that subsequently his membership was suspended. A special
emphasis is placed on the influence which Pashov has among the Roma and
on the fact that he “is considered as the honest one in midst of this minority”,
“progressive and with relatively higher culture”, and promising “if it comes
to selecting a candidate from Gypsy minority” since “[one] more appropriate
than he does not exist”.67 The attestation also states that with the inclusion of
Pashov as a Member of Parliament, “the party can only win since it will raise
the party in the eyes of the Gypsy minority and the party will become firmly
68 Ibid.
69 Some Party documents refer to Pashov as “Pashev”.
208 From Dust to Digital
of any racial, national or religious hatred (Art. 72), and stipulated (Art. 79)
that “national minorities have the right to learn their mother tongue and
to develop their national culture”. As a Member of Parliament and leader
of the Roma organisation, Pashov was very active (Fig. 7.4). He toured the
country, campaigned among the Roma for their engagement in public and
political life and pushed for the creation of Roma workers’ cooperatives (such
as the “Carry and Transport” association of porters and carters in Sofia).
He also helped to overcome the tension in Ruse resulting from exclusion
of Roma from the management of waqf properties, and to resolve internal
conflict among Roma in the village of Golintsi (today the neighbourhood
of Mladenovo in Lom).70
One of Pashov’s main aims was the development of Gypsy organisations
in Bulgaria. He initiated the establishment of new branches of the Ekhipe,
which until then had only been for the Roma of Sofia, and in short order
approximately ninety branches of the organisation appeared in various towns.71
The support of the ruling Communist regime was crucial to achieving this. In
July 1947, a special circular of the National Council of the Fatherland Front
was distributed.72 On the basis of articles 71 and 72 of the new constitution,
the circular instructed all local authorities and party organisations to support
the creation of Roma cultural and educational associations in every village or
town where there were at least ten Roma families living.
Local Roma organisations were officially considered to be substructures
of the united Ekhipe, though in practice they had autonomy from its central
leadership. They were not, however, independent of the Communist Party.
The dynamic is clear from the extensive collection of documents of the main
Communist Party organisation Istiklyal in Varna (and the particular Roma
neighbourhood of Mikhail Ivanov), members of which created their own
branch of the Cultural and Educational Society Istiklyal.73 The numerous
documents, letters, protocols, minutes and decisions of these two Roma
organisations outline their activities and their close links to (and de facto
dependence on) city and regional Communist Party leadership. There is
no evidence, however, of their maintaining any relations with the Ekhipe.
In 1947, at the instigation of Pashov and with his active support as a
Member of Parliament, the “First Gypsy School” in Sofia was built in the
70 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. C 4b, 4c. The attestation of Shakir Pashov, made by the
District Committee of the Communist Party to confirm his activities. See SAA-SAB, 109,
1, 42.
71 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. E 121-24; and SAA-SAB, 109, 1, 42.
72 Circular No. 3118 SAA-SAB, 109, 1, 42.
73 SAA-SAV, 1440.
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 209
In 1947, following the example of the famous Soviet Romen Theatre,75 the
“Central Gypsy Musical Artistic Roma Theatre” was founded under Pashov’s
leadership.76 After a personal meeting with Georgi Dimitrov, then head of the
Bulgarian state, Pashov secured from the state budget two million Bulgarian
lev for the theatre.77
With Pashov as director, the Roma Theatre regularly put on performances in
Sofia and toured around the country, presenting productions which included
the unpublished play “White Gypsy”, authored by Pashov himself.78 Bulgarian
National Radio regularly broadcast Roma music, and on St Basil’s Day a
special programme was aired to celebrate the so-called “Gypsy New Year”.79
Pashov enjoyed great popularity among the Roma in Bulgaria, as evidenced
by a poem written in the spirit of the era by a Rom, Alia Ismailov, and
published in Romano esi. It ends with the verse: “... Da zhivee Stalin, Tito,
Dimitrov / i drugariat Shakir Mahmudov Pashov! (Long live Stalin, Tito, Dimitrov
/ and Comrade Shakir Mahmudov Pashov!)”.80 In 1948, Pashov’s popularity
reached its peak, as did the Roma movement during the period of Communist
rule. On 2 May 1948, at its national conference, the Ekhipe confirmed its
74 Büchsenschütz, Maltsinstvenata politika v Balgaria, p. 48; see also ASR, Fund “Shakir
Pashov”, f. C 4; and ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. I, 10-4.
75 The Romen Theatre (Moskovskii muzykal’no-dramaticheskii teatr “Romen”), founded in 1931
in Moscow, is the oldest and most famous of Roma theatres. It became a symbol of high
Roma culture. See Alaina Lemon, “Roma (Gypsies) in the Soviet Union and the Moscow
Teatr ‘Romen’”, in Gypsies: An Interdisciplinary Reader, ed. by Diane Tong (New York:
Garland, 1998), pp. 147-66.
76 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. E 127-29. The activites of Roma theatre were featured in
the newspaper Romano esi, mostly through the publishing of posters and advertisements
of performances. See ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. I, 1-1, 2-2, 6-2.
77 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. C 4.
78 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, not digitised.
79 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. E 127-29. For more on the significance of St Basil’s Day
for the Roma in Bulgaria, see Marushiakov and Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria, p. 130;
idem, Roma Culture in Past and Present (Sofia: Paradigma, 2012), pp. 12-13; and idem,
“Roma Culture”, Factsheets on Roma, Council of Europe, 2012, http://romafacts.uni-graz.
at/index.php/culture/introduction/roma-culture
80 Romano esi, 1948, No. 10, p. 4.
210 From Dust to Digital
commitment to the policy of the Fatherland Front, which by this time had
become a mass public organisation led by the Communist Party (Fig. 7.5).
Fig. 7.5 Shakir Pashov (centre) with participants at the national conference
of the Ekhipe (EAP067/1/1/1), Public Domain.
With the active support of the authorities, the creation of new local Roma
organisations continued after the Ekhipe’s national conference, and they were
incorporated into the Fatherland Front as “Gypsy” sections.81 Linking with
the Fatherland Front, however, had unintended consequences for the Roma
organisations and for Pashov himself: it led to the end of the Bulgarian state’s
support for Roma ethnic affirmation. In the autumn of 1948, the National
Council of the Fatherland Front commissioned an assessment of the current
activities of the Roma organisations and of the Roma Theatre. In their prepared
statement we read:
“[...] The very establishment of the organisation is positive, because it comes
to satisfy blatant needs of the Gypsies for education. But from the outset it
was not on a sound footing, lacking any connection at all with the Fatherland
Front Committees. It is for this reason that the Gypsy organisation launched
an improper policy and worked along their Gypsy, minority line. Left to
81 For more details see Marushiakova and Popov, “Zigeunerpolitik und Zigeunerforschung
in Bulgarien”.
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 211
itself without the control of the Fatherland Committees and their immediate
help, the organisation was systematically ill [...] On 2 May 1948, without
asking the opinion of the National Council of the Fatherland Front, a national
conference of the Gypsy minority in Bulgaria was held at which a Central
Initiative Committee was elected […] Among the leadership two currents
were established:
А) One stream was headed by MP Shakir Mahmudov Pashev, who
gathered around himself a set of the petite bourgeoisie; they
approved his actions and decisions uncritically.
B) The other stream was led by young communists who disagreed
with the philistine understandings of MP Pashev and mercilessly
criticised his deeds as unsystematic. [...]
The Central Gypsy Theatre was set up in 1947-48 at the initiative of the
Cultural and Educational Society of the Gypsy Minority; however, it was not
established on the correct foundation, and because of that it is undergoing
complete collapse.82
84 SAA-TsDA, 1Б.
85 Ibid. Sources on the struggle between Pashov and members of the “Saliko” (the local
branch of the Communist Party), including the letter of accusation, were preserved in the
Archive of the Bulgarian Communist Party (now non-existent) and are currently kept in
the State Agency Archives (SAA-TsDA, 1Б).
86 Marushiakova and Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria, p. 35; and idem, “Zigeunerpolitik
und Zigeunerforschung in Bulgarien”, p. 142.
87 Nevo drom, 1950, no. 3, p. 1.
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 213
88 Ibid.
89 Belene is the name of the first concentration camp for political prisoners in Bulgaria,
operating on Persin Island (Belene Island) in the period 1949-1989 (with a few
interruptions). Closed on 1 January 1953, it was rebuilt after the Hungarian events of
late 1956 and again closed on 27 August 1959. The camp was opened once more in the
mid-1980s, during the so-called “process of revival”, when many Turks were sent there.
For more details about Belene and its inmates including Pashov, see Gorchivi istini:
Svidetelstva za komunisticheskite represii [Bitter Truths: Evidence of Communist Repressions]
(Sofia: Tsentar za podpomagane na khora, prezhiveli iztezania, 2003).
90 Marushiakova and Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria, p. 35; and idem, “Zigeunerpolitik
und Zigeunerforschung in Bulgarien”, p. 142.
91 Ibid.
92 The community reading centre (Chtalishte in Bulgarian) is a typical Bulgarian public
institution which has existed from the nineteenth century to the present day. The
Chtalishte is a building which fulfills several functions at once, being a community centre,
library and theatre, as well as an educational centre where people of all ages can enroll in
foreign-language, dance, music and other courses.
93 ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. E 135-37.
214 From Dust to Digital
Pashov’s resumed activism did not last long. Soon he was persecuted
again by the authorities, accused of “Gypsy nationalism” and, together with
his wife, interned for three years (1959-1962) in Rogozina, a village in the
Dobrich region (Fig. 7.6).94
Fig. 7.6 Shakir Pashov with his wife in Rogozina (EAP067/1/1/13), Orphan Work.
He was again rehabilitated in the second half the 1960s. In 1967 he was
granted the so-called personal pension, and in 1976 he received the high title
of “active fighter against fascism and capitalism” (Figs. 7.7 and 7.8).95 After
returning from internment in the Dobrich region, Pashov no longer took an
active part in public life, and his name disappeared from the public domain.
In the book Gypsy Population in Bulgaria on the Path to Socialism, published by
the National Council of the Fatherland Front in 1968, there is no mention of
Pashov or his activities.96
Shakir Pashov died on 5 October 1981 (Figs. 7.9 and 7.10).97
94 A photograph from Pashov’s life in Rogozina is preserved in his family archive. See ASR,
Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. A, 57.
95 For a digitised copy of Shakir Pashov’s ID with the title “active fighter against fascism
and capitalism”, see ASR, Fund “Shakir Pashov”, C 6 (see Fig. 7.8).
96 Dimitar Genov, Tair Tairov and Vasil Marinov, Tsiganskoto naselenie v NR Balgariya po
patya na sotsializma [Gypsy Population in the People’s Republic of Bulgaria on the Road to
Socialism] (Sofia: Natsionalen savet na Otechestveniya front, 1968).
97 Pashov’s digitised death certificate and obituary notices are kept in the ASR, Fund
“Shakir Pashov”, C7, C8, C 9 (see Figs. 7.9 and 7.10).
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 215
98 Marushiakova and Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria; and Magdalena Slavkova, Tsigani
evangelisti v Balgaria [Evangelical Gypsies in Bulgaria] (Sofia: Paradigma, 2007).
99 Slavkova, Tsigani evangelisti v Balgaria.
100 See EAP067/6/1 and in the ASR, Fund Newspapers, f. H.
101 Anonymous, Tsiganska evangelska baptistka tsarkva s. Golintsi [Gypsy Evangelical Baptist
Church in the Village of Golintsi] (Lom: Alfa, 1926).
218 From Dust to Digital
Minkov, became its head.102 Minkov preached in the 1920s and 1930s among
the Roma in Golintsi, where he founded a Sunday school and where he opened
a new church building in 1930.103 He also published two miscellanies with
religious songs in Romani — Romane Svyato gili [Roma Holy Song] (1929) and
Romane Svyati Gilya [Roma Holy Songs] (1933) — as well as a second Gypsy
church newspaper in Bulgarian, Izvestiya na tsiganskata evangelska missiya
[Reports on the Gypsy Evangelical Mission] (1933). In 1933, Minkov left Golintsi
for Sofia, where he founded a school for illiterate Muslim Roma.104
In spite of the restrictive policy towards evangelical churches established
after the pro-fascist coup d’état of 1934, evangelical preaching among the Roma
continued and expanded into new regions, as illustrated by the publication
in Romani of the Gospels of Matthew and John,105 and of an entire cycle
of evangelical literature.106 Under Communist rule, the activities of Roma
churches were strongly limited and supervised by authorities, and so their
members gathered in private homes. After the breakdown of the socialist
system in eastern Europe, evangelicalism among the Roma rapidly recovered,
developed widely and became an important factor in the Roma movement.107
Postscript
We hope that this chapter has shown that the first half of the twentieth
century was a period of serious, even cardinal, changes in the social life
of the Roma communities of Bulgaria. It may be worth noting that similar
102 Ibid.
103 Slavkova, Tsigani evangelisti v Balgaria.
104 Ibid.
105 Atanas Atanasakiev, Somnal evangelie (ketapi) kataro Ioan [Holy Gospel (Book) of John]
(Sofia: Amerikansko Bibleisko druzhestvo & Britansko i chuzhdestranno Bibleisko
druzhestvo, 1932); and idem, Somnal evangelie (lil) Mateyatar [Holy Gospel (Book) of
Matthew] (Sofia: Amerikansko Bibleisko druzhestvo & Britansko i chuzhdestranno
Bibleisko druzhestvo, 1932).
106 Anonymous, Spasitel ashtal bezahanen [The Saviours Remained Without Sins] (London:
Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]); idem, Spasitelo svetosko [The Saviours of the World]
(London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]); Atanas Tatarev, Romane Somnal gilya [Romani
Holy Songs] (Sofia: Sayuz na balgarskite evangelski baptistki tsarkvi, 1936); idem, Shtar
bezsporne fakte [Four Indisputable Facts] (London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]); idem,
Barre pridobivke [Large Gains] (London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]); idem, Duvare
bianipe [Two Times Born] (Sofia: [n. pub.], 1933); idem, O Del vakjarda. [The Lord Said]
(London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]); idem, O drom uxtavdo [The High Road] (London:
Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]); and idem, Savo peresarla Biblia [What the Bible Tells]
(London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]).
107 Romani Pentecostalism: Gypsies and Charismatic Christianity, ed. by David Thurfjell and
Adrian Marsh (Frankfurt: Peter Lang 2014).
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 219
108 Achim, The Roma in Romanian History (Budapest: CEU Press, 2004), pp. 127-32.
109 Dragoljub Acković, Nacija smo a ne cigani [We are a Nation, but not Gypsies] (Belgrade:
Rrominterpress, 2001), pp. 43-59.
110 Jean-Pierre Liégeois, Roma in Europe, 3rd edn. (Strasbourg: Council of Europe, 2007),
pp. 251-52.
111 Marushiakova and Popov, “The Roma – a Nation without a State?: Historical Background
and Contemporary Tendencies”, Orientwissenschaftliche Hefte, 14 (2004), pp. 71-100.
220 From Dust to Digital
since Ottoman times and were an integral part of wider society, which is
why they strove for equal participation in the political life of their countries.
At the same time, they also wished to preserve their ethnic distinction. In
other words, the Roma have always existed in at least two dimensions, or
on two coordinate planes: both as a separate ethnic community (or, more
exactly, communities) and as part of a society, as an ethnically-based group
integral to the nation-state of which the Roma are residents and citizens.112
The entire modern history of the Roma represents a search for balance
between these two dimensions, without which it is impossible to preserve
their existence as a separate ethnic group. The events presented in this
chapter have illustrated the initial attempts of prominent Roma activists to
reach such a balance in Bulgaria.
The most impressive illustration of these processes — in the context of
the global social changes that occurred after World War I — is that given by
Bernard Gilliat-Smith, who, as a British diplomat in Bulgaria during those
years, offers an outsider’s perspective on the development of the Roma. It
is worth quoting his explanation of the changes in the community that he
observed:
[… it] was due, I think, to the effects of the First Great War. Paši Suljoff’s generation
represented a different “culture”, a culture which had been stabilised for a long time.
The Sofia Gypsy “hammal”113 was — a Sofia Gypsy “hammal”. He did not aspire to
be anything else. He was therefore psychologically, spiritually at peace with himself
[…] Not so the post-war generation [of Gypsies in Sofia …] who could be reckoned as
belonging to the proletars of the Bulgarian metropolis. The younger members of the
colony were therefore already inoculated with a class hatred which was quite foreign
to Paši Suljoff’s generation […] To feel “a class apart”, despised by the Bulgars who
were, de facto, their “Herrenfolk”, was pain and grief to them.
112 Elena Marushiakova, “Gypsy/Roma Identities in New European Dimension: The Case
of Eastern Europe”, in Dynamics of National Identity and Transnational Identities in the
Process of European Integration, ed. by Еlena Marushiakova (Newcastle: Cambridge
Scholars, 2008), pp. 468-90.
113 Hammal - “Porter” in Bulgarian.
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 221
References
Achim, Viorel, The Roma in Romanian History (Budapest: CEU Press, 2004).
Acković, Dragoljub, Nacija smo a ne cigani [We are a Nation, but not Gypsies] (Belgrade:
Rrominterpress, 2001).
Anonymous, Barre pridobivke [Large Gains] (London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]).
—, O Del vakjarda [The Lord Said] (London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]).
—, O drom uxtavdo [The High Road] (London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]).
—, Duvare bianipe [Two Times Born] (Sofia: [n. pub.], 1933).
—, Romane Svyato Gili [Roma Holy Song] (Lom: Balgarska evangelska baptistka
tsarkva, 1929).
—, Romane Sveti Gilya [Roma Holy Songs] (Sofia, Sayuz na balgarskite evangelski
baptistki tsarkvi, 1933).
—, Savo peresarla Biblia [What the Bible Tells] (London: Scripture Gift Mission, [n.d.]).
—, Shtar bezsporne fakte [Four Indisputable Facts] (London: Scripture Gift Mission,
[n.d.]).
—, Spasitel ashtal bezahanen [The Saviours Remaimed Without Sins] (London: Scripture
Gift Mission, [n.d.]).
—, Spasitelo svetosko [The Saviours of the World] (London: Scripture Gift Mission,
[n.d.]).
—, Tsiganska evangelska baptistka tsarkva s. Golintsi [Gypsy Evangelical Baptist Church
in the Village of Golintsi] (Lom: Alfa, 1926).
—, Ustav na Egiptyanskata narodnost v gr. Vidin [Statute of the Egyptian Nation in the
Town of Vidin] (Vidin: Bozhinov & Konev, 1910).
Atanasakiev, Atanas, Somnal evangelie (ketapi) kataro Ioan [Holy Gospel (Book) of
John] (Sofia: Amerikansko Bibleisko druzhestvo & Britansko i chuzhdestranno
Bibleisko druzhestvo, 1932).
—, Somnal evangelie (lil) Mateyatar [Holy Gospel (Book) of Matthew] (Sofia: Amerikansko
Bibleisko druzhestvo & Britansko i chuzhdestranno Bibleisko druzhestvo, 1932).
Braude, Benjamin, and Bernard Lewis, eds., Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire:
The Functioning of a Plural Society, 1 (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1982).
Büchsenschütz, Ulrich, Maltsinstvenata politika v Balgaria: Politika na BKP kam evrei,
romi, pomatsi i turtsi 1944-1989 [The Minority Policies of the Bulgarian Communist
Party Towards Jews, Roma, Pomaks and Turks (1944-89)] (Sofia: IMIR, 2000).
Chary, Frederick B., The History of Bulgaria (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2011).
Crampton, Richard, Bulgaria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990).
Çelik, Faika, “Exploring Marginality in the Ottoman Empire: Gypsies or People of
Malice (Ehl-i Fesad) as viewed by the Ottomans”, EUI Working Paper RSCAS,
39 (2004).
—, “‘Civilizing Mission’ in the Late Ottoman Discourse: The Case of Gypsies”,
Oriente Moderno, 93 (2013), 577-97.
Detrez, Raymond, Historical Dictionary of Bulgaria (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press,
2006).
222 From Dust to Digital
Dunin, Elsie Ivančić, Gypsy St. George’s Day – Coming of Summer. Romski Gjurgjovden.
Romano Gjurgjovdani-Erdelezi: Skopje, Macedonia 1967-1997 (Skopje: Združenie na
ljubiteli na romska folklorna umetnost “Romano ilo”, 1998) [trilingual book in
English, Macedonian and Romani].
Genov, Dimitar, Tair Tairov and Vasil Marinov, Tsiganskoto naselenie v NR Balgariya
po patya na sotsializma [Gypsy Population in the People’s Republic of Bulgaria on the
Road to Socialism] (Sofia: Natsionalen savet na Otechestveniya front, 1968).
Gilliat-Smith, Bernard, “Two Erlides Fairy-Tales”, Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society,
24/1 (1945), 18-19.
Gorchivi istini: Svidetelstva za komunisticheskite represii [Bitter Truths: Evidence of
Communist Repressions] (Sofia: Tsentar za podpomagane na khora, prezhiveli
iztezania, 2003).
Kasaba, Reşat, A Moveable Empire: Ottoman Nomads, Migrants, and Refugees (Seattle,
WA: University of Washington Press, 2009).
Kenrick, Donald, The Romani World: A Historical Dictionary of the Gypsies, 3rd edn.
(Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2007).
Kostentseva, Raina, Moyat roden grad Sofia. V kraya na XIX nachaloto na XX vek i sled
tova [My Home City of Sofia: At the End of the 19th Century, the Beginning of the 20th
Century and After] (Sofia: Riva, 2008).
Krastev, Velcho, and Evgenia Ivanova, Ciganite po patishtata na voynata [Gypsies on
the Road of the War] (Stara Zagora: Litera Print 2014).
Kovacheva, Lilyana, Shakir Pashov: O Apostoli e Romengoro [The Apostle of Roma]
(Sofia: Kham, 2003).
Kyuchukov, Hristo, My Name Was Hyussein (Honesdale, PA: Boyds Mills Press,
2004).
Lemon, Alaina, “Roma (Gypsies) in the Soviet Union and the Moscow Teatr
‘Romen’”, in Gypsies: An Interdisciplinary Reader, ed. by Diana Tong (New York:
Garland 1998), pp. 147-66.
Liégeois, Jean-Pierre, Roma in Europe, 3rd edn. (Strasbourg: Council of Europe,
2007).
Martins-Heuss, Kirsten, Zur mythischen Figur des Zigeuners in der deutschen
Zigeunerforschung (Frankfurt: Hagg Herchen, 1983).
Marushiakova, Elena, “Gypsy/Roma Identities in New European Dimension: The
Case of Eastern Europe”, in Dynamics of National Identity and Transnational
Identities in the Process of European Integration, ed. by Еlena Marushiakova
(Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2008), pp. 468-90.
Marushiakova, Elena, and Vesselin Popov, Gypsies (Roma) in Bulgaria (Frankfurt:
Peter Lang, 1997).
—, “Myth as Process”, in Scholarship and the Gypsy Struggle: Commitment in Romani
Studies, ed. by Thomas Acton (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2000),
pp. 81-93.
—, Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2001).
—, “The Roma – A Nation without a State?: Historical Background and
Contemporary Tendencies”, Orientwissenschaftliche Hefte, 14 (2004), 71-100.
The first Gypsy/Roma organisations, churches and newspapers 223
Archives
Archive of the Ministry of Interior (AMI): Fund 13, op. 1, а.е. 759.
Specialised Library and Studii Romani Archive (ASR): Fund “Shakir Pashov”, f. E;
FC, FK; Fund “Istikbal”; Fund “Roma activists” f. J; ASR, Fund Newspapers, f. H;
ASR, Fund Romano esi, F.I.
State Agency “Archives”, Department “Tsentralen Darzhaven Arkhiv” (SAA-
TsDA): Fund 1Б, op. 6; а.е. 235; Fund 1Б, op. 8, a.e. 596; Fund 1Б, op. 25, a.e. 71;
TsDA: Fund 1Б, op. 8, а.е. 596, l. 69; TsDA: Fund 264k, op. 2, а.е. 8413, l. 1-3,6 -12,
14, 28-29.
State Agency “Archives”, State Archive — Blagoevgrad (SAA-SAB): Fund 109, op.
1, a.e. 42.
State Agency “Archives”, State Archive — Varna (SAA-SAV): Fund 1440.
Newspapers
Svetilnik [Candelabrum]. Edition of the Evangelical Baptist Mission among Gypsies in
Bulgaria. Edited by Pastor Petar Minkov. Lom, 1927, No. 1.
Izvestia na tsiganskata evangelska misia [Bulletin of the Gypsy Evangelical Mission].
Edited by Pastor Petar Minkov. Lom, 1933, Nos. 1-3.
Terbie [Education]. An organ of the Muhammedan National Educational Organisation.
Edited by Shakir Pashov. From its 6th issue it became the body of the General
Muhammedan National Cultural and Enlightening Union. Edited by Shakir Pashov.
Sofia, 1933-1934, ann. I, No. 1; ann. II, Nos. 2-7.
Romano esi [Gypsy Voice, in Romani]. An organ of The All Cultural and Educational
Organisation of the Gypsy Minority in Bulgaria. Edited by Shakir Pashov and, after
No. 10, by Mustafa Aliev. Sofia, ann. I, 1946, Nos. 1-4; ann. II, 1947, Nos. 5-8; ann.
III, 1948/1949, Nos. 9-11.
Nevo Drom [New Way, in Romani]. An organ of The All Cultural and Educational
Organisation of the Gypsy Minority in Bulgaria. Edited by Lubomir Aliev. Sofia,
ann. I, 1949, Nos. 1-2; ann. II, 1950, No. 3.
Neve Roma [New Gypsies, in Romani]. An organ of the Gypsy People‘s Community and
Library 9th of September Centre. Edited by Sulyo Metkov. Sofia, ann. I, 1957, Nos.
1-12.
8. Sacred boundaries: parishes and the
making of space in the colonial Andes
Gabriela Ramos
To María Rostworowski
Fig. 8.1 Map of the Valley of Canta, Peru, by Évelyne Mesclier, CC BY.
Sacred boundaries 227
The extent to which towns and urban life were widespread in the pre-
Columbian Andes is still a subject of discussion among scholars.3 Although
hundreds of years before the Spanish conquest ancient Andeans built
impressive urban centres, most of them had primarily ceremonial and
administrative functions. There is solid evidence suggesting that the state had
a fair degree of control over population movement, and that not everyone was
allowed to live in towns and cities. Temporary migrations were nevertheless
common across the ecologically diverse Andean landscape. The inhabitants
of a given area were able to claim access to land and to other resources in
places situated at considerable distance, and at lower or higher altitudes from
their usual settlements.4 To assert their control over a recently conquered
region or to increase agricultural production, the Inca, and possibly also their
predecessors, usually moved entire populations even across considerable
distances.5 Religious life in the Andes demanded a continuous interaction with
the surrounding environment. To secure their livelihoods, Andean people
also travelled variable distances to perform religious rituals honouring their
ancestors and several other protective deities scattered in the landscape.6 It is
possible to assert that mobility in the Andes was a norm, that sacred places
were numerous, and that many settlements were neither large, nor permanent.
Spanish colonists took advantage of established Inca state governmental
practices, even if at the same time colonial officials endeavoured to substantially
modify key cultural and political patterns such as the use of the space.
Mobility and dispersal were issues Spanish officials thought necessary to
address in order to achieve political control over the indigenous population,
to gain access to indigenous labour, to facilitate Christian indoctrination,
and to collect tribute and taxes. The Spanish empire’s economic, political
and evangelising ends demanded a reorganisation of the space, following
European ideas about what constituted a civilised, Christian life.7 Urban life
provided the model Spanish colonisers set out to apply in the Andes and
elsewhere in Spanish America.8
Andean colonial cities and towns were set up following a grid layout, a
format that provided a sense of order and allowed for the easy identification
of the quarters into which urban centres were divided. Although the grid
plan evoked the idea of regularity, uniformity was not the ideal pursued.
A strong sense of hierarchy dominated the design the Spanish imposed on
towns and cities throughout their New World domains. At the centre of each
city, town or village, was the plaza or public square and, at its heart, stood
the pillory, symbolising royal justice. The church, always the largest and
tallest building on the central square, was a glaring sign of Catholicism’s
prevalence; the city council building and the houses of the prominent local
officials and citizens usually surrounded the plaza. Although this description
corresponds to the leading cities, any traveller journeying across Spanish
America would observe that the model was applied in every urban settlement
independently of its size and importance.
In the years following the arrival of the Spanish, a large proportion of
what later became the Peruvian viceroyalty was immersed in wars between
bands of Spanish conquistadors fighting over the conquest booty. Some
Spaniards professed their loyalty to the king, while a few others were bold
and ambitious enough to consider appropriating the wealth of Peru for
themselves and installing a new monarchy in alliance with an Inca faction.
Years of generalised instability caused by what the historiography knows as
“The Civil Wars” delayed the organisation of a government — actually, the
first viceroy to arrive in Peru was assassinated by one of the Spanish warring
factions — while the few missionaries who were not themselves involved
in the fighting failed to make much progress in this highly toxic and chaotic
setting. Itinerant missionaries travelled throughout certain Andean regions,
but no formal church organisation was possible until after the wars were over,
when several of the first conquistadors and many of their rebel followers were
executed, and a crown representative acknowledged by most, together with the
appointed bishop, were able to act. Therefore, ecclesiastical divisions known
as parishes and doctrinas did not exist until approximately thirty years after
the arrival of the first Spaniards in the Andes.9
In the early modern period, Peru’s wealth was usually represented to
European audiences by accounts of the immense quantities of silver and
gold enclosed in its temples, palaces and tombs, or found in mines such
9 The name doctrinas was given to parishes entirely populated by Indians, thus dedicated
exclusively to their religious indoctrination. Valentín Trujillo Mena, La legislación
eclesiástica en el virreynato del Perú durante el siglo XVI con especial aplicación a la Jerarquía y
a la Organización Diocesana (Lima: Editorial Lumen, 1981).
Sacred boundaries 229
10 John H. Elliott, “The Spanish Conquest and Settlement of America”, in The Cambridge
History of Latin America, 1st edn., ed. by Leslie Bethell, 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1984), pp. 147-206, http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232234.008.
For a contemporary description of the Potosí mines in the sixteenth century, see Joseph
de Acosta, “Historia natural y moral de las Indias”, in Obras del P. José de Acosta, ed. by S.
J. Francisco Mateos (Madrid: Atlas, 1954 [1590]), pp. 1-24, http://www.cervantesvirtual.
com/obra-visor/historia-natural-y-moral-de-las-indias--0/html/fee5c626-82b1-11df-acc7-
002185ce6064_8.html#I_78_, book 4, ch. 6
11 John V. Murra, “Andean Societies Before 1532”, in The Cambridge History of Latin America,
1st edn., ed. by Leslie Bethell, 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp.
59-90, http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521232234.004
12 An encomendero was the grantee of an encomienda.
13 The encomienda had its precedent in the repartimientos granted during the Reconquista,
a crucial historical period in the Iberian peninsula by which Christian kings and lords
fought intermittently throughout seven centuries to recapture territory from Muslim
domination. Whilst in Iberia, the granting of repartimientos involved land, but this
was not the case in the New World. This of course did not prevent encomenderos from
appropriating land belonging to indigenous people. Scholars have suggested that the
large landed property, known as hacienda, had its origins in the encomienda. For a classic
example of this view, see Robert Keith, Conquest and Agrarian Change: The Emergence of
the Hacienda System on the Peruvian Coast (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1976). For a brief, yet clear explanation of the encomienda in Iberian history and in the
early history of Spanish conquest and colonisation of the New World, see John H. Elliott,
“Spain and America in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries”, in The Cambridge
History of Latin America, 1st edn., ed. by Leslie Bethell, 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge
230 From Dust to Digital
tax or tribute, in payment for their services. Indian chiefs were in charge of
collecting the head tax from their subjects and handing it to their encomendero.
After the encomienda was suppressed or disappeared, Indian chiefs continued
collecting the tribute transferring it now to Spanish magistrates known
as corregidores. The funds to pay corregidores’ salaries also came from the
indigenous head tax. Indigenous leaders or chiefs, known in the Andes as
caciques17 or curacas, were entrusted with assuring that their subordinates pay
tax, attend mass and catechism lessons, and provide their labour whenever
they were requested for the benefit of the king or his representatives, the
church, Spanish miners and farmers, or “the common good” such as when
they were required to labour in public works. In return for their governmental
duties and their cooperation, curacas were exempted from paying tribute,
an acknowledgement of their condition as “nobles”. As the crown’s vassals,
curacas and their subjects were entitled to the king’s protection.
As a result of the circumstances explained above, offices and jurisdictions
frequently overlapped. There was no question that the Indians had to be
evangelised. Even a number of curacas agreed, if admittedly many did so for
strategic and survival reasons. However, because of the Royal Patronage and
the interwoven obligations and functions already described, decisions leading
to the establishment of parishes and doctrinas involved the intervention of
other agents in addition to the representatives of the Catholic church.
17 The term cacique, a word that the Spanish had learned in the Caribbean, was widely used
across the Americas to refer to indigenous chiefs.
18 The resettlement of the indigenous population was carried out with mixed results all
over Spanish America. In the Andes these settlements were known as reducciones and in
Mexico they were called congregaciones.
232 From Dust to Digital
19 Alejandro Málaga Medina gives a long-term overview of reducciones from the time
of the conquest up to a few years after their implementation by viceroy Toledo. His
research is based mostly on legislation and official documentation related to reducciones.
See Alejandro Málaga Medina, “Las reducciones en el virreinato del Perú (1532-1580)”,
Revista de Historia de América, 80 (1975), 8-42. Daniel W. Gade and Mario Escobar offer
a long-term perspective of settlements situated in a highland province of Cuzco. The
authors are geographers, and the discussion presented is guided almost in its entirety
by fieldwork, and by inferences transposed from the present to the past. See Daniel W.
Gade and Mario Escobar, “Village Settlements and the Colonial Legacy in Southern
Peru”, Geographical Review, 72 (1982), 430-49. From the field of archaeology, Steven
Wernke has published several works about reducción formation, focusing on the Colca
valley in southern Peru. See, for example, Steven Wernke, “Negotiating Community and
Landscape in the Andes: A Transconquest View”, American Anthropologist, 109 (2007),
130-52. The most ambitious study to date on the subject is Mumford, who also offers
an overview of reducción as a critical component of the colonial project; the strength
of his book is the refreshing discussion of the legal and political debates surrounding
reducciones. Mumford maintains that the documentary evidence for the founding and
early history of reducciones is insufficient. For a discussion of these issues although
for a later period in northern Peru, see Alejandro Diez, Comunes y haciendas: procesos
de comunalización en la sierra de Piura, siglos XVIII al XX (Cuzco: CIPCA and Centro
Bartolomé de las Casas, 1998).
20 “As regards those churches, to which, on account of the distance, or the difficulties of
the locality, the parishioners cannot, without great inconvenience, repair to receive the
sacraments, and to hear the divine offices; the bishops may, even against the will of the
Sacred boundaries 233
rectors, establish new parishes, pursuant to the form of the constitution of Alexander III,
which begins, Ad audientiam…”. The Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Oecumenical
Council of Trent, ed. and trans. by J. Waterworth (London: Dolman, 1848), Twenty-First
Session, Decree on Reformation, ch. 4, p. 147, http://history.hanover.edu/texts/trent/ct21.
html
21 Repartimientos were the grants of people given to encomenderos as compensation for
their participation in the conquest (see above, note 13). A seventeenth-century Spanish
dictionary defines repartimiento as the effect of dividing something into parts. Sebastián
de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Barcelona: Alta Fulla, 2003
[Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1611]), p. 905. What early Spanish chroniclers and travellers
described as provincias (provinces) were later divided between religious orders and
encomenderos. Repartimientos stemmed from these initial divisions. It is apparent that the
term repartimiento had a shifting meaning throughout the colonial period.
22 “Primer Concilio Provincial Limense, Constituciones de los Naturales”, in Concilios
Limenses, ed. by Rubén Vargas Ugarte, 3 vols (Lima: [n. pub.], 1951), 1, Constitución 29,
p. 24. See also Mumford, p. 120.
234 From Dust to Digital
23 Vargas Ugarte, 1, Constitución 2, pp. 8-9; idem, Constitución 40, p. 33. A similar directive
is found in the decrees of the Second Lima Council (1567) in idem, 1, p. 251. In this text,
the bishops advised that encomenderos and curacas should also be consulted about the
most adequate place to build a church.
24 Mumford, pp. 28-29. Mumford presents an interesting discussion on the subject
of repartimientos. On Andean political organisation, see also María Rostworowski,
Estructuras andinas del poder: ideología religiosa y política (Lima: Instituto de Estudios
Peruanos, 1983).
25 See, for instance, Pedro Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú, Primera parte (Lima: Pontificia
Universidad Católica del Perú, 1984). The link between parish and territory is best
represented in the legislation concerning pastoral visitations. Both the Council of Trent
and the local church councils ruled that bishops should periodically visit the towns within
their dioceses to inspect the functioning of their parishes, to assess priest behaviour and
competence, and to certify the correct indoctrination of their parishioners. Council of
Trent rulings on visitations are found in Session 24, Reformation decrees, ch. 3, http://
history.hanover.edu/texts/trent/ct24.html. Constitution 44 of the Lima First Council
ruled that bishops should inspect the towns within their dioceses every two years (Vargas
Ugarte, 1, p. 62). On inspection visits in the Lima diocese, see Gabriela Ramos, “Pastoral
Visitations as Spaces of Negotiation in Andean Parishes,” in The Americas (forthcoming).
Sacred boundaries 235
26 As attested by The Huarochirí Manuscript, ed. by Frank Salomon (Austin, TX: University of
Texas Press, 1991); and Cristóbal de Molina’s Fábulas y Mitos de los Incas, ed. by Henrique
Urbano and Pierre Duviols (Madrid: Historia 16, 1988). For archaeological studies
supporting this view, see William Harris Isbell, Mummies and Mortuary Monuments: A
Postprocessual History of Central Andean Social Organization (Austin, TX: University of
Texas Press, 1997); and Brian Bauer, The Sacred Landscape of the Inca: The Cusco Ceque
System (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1998). A historical interpretation of this
extended practice can be found in Ramos, Death and Conversion, pp. 9-33.
27 “Sumario del concilio provincial que se celebró en la ciudad de Los Reyes el año de mil
y 567”. Vargas Ugarte, 3, p. 249. Based on a study of the laws produced by the church in
the sixteenth century, Trujillo Mena assures that territory was a constitutive part of the
doctrina (p. 242).
28 Oliver Rackham described parish boundaries in England as “a rebuke to administrative
tidiness”. Oliver Rackham, “Review of ‘Discovering Parish Boundaries’”, Journal of
Ecclesiastical History, 43 (1992), 504.
236 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 8.2 Cover page of the records of the petition to close down
the parish of Pariamarca in the corregimiento of Canta, 1650
(EAP333/1/3/11 image 1), Public Domain.
Sacred boundaries 237
29 I use the word “headmen” here and throughout because — for reasons that would be
worth investigating, although not at this time — the documents describe most indigenous
authorities as governors and principals, but — with one exception — not as caciques or
curacas as it was customary in other areas of the Andes.
30 “Autos de la supresión de la doctrina de Pariamarca en el corregimiento de Canta que se
pretende por los indios de dicha doctrina”, in Archives of the Diocese of Huacho (ADH),
Curatos, Leg. 2, Exp. 1, 1653. For a good overview — although focused on Cuzco and
Peru’s southeast — of how Andean settlements were organised and the participation
indigenous people had in their government, see David Garrett, Shadows of Empire: The
Indian Nobility of Cusco, 1750-1825 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp.
15-44.
31 On textile mills (obrajes) in the Andes and other regions of Spanish America, see Miriam
Salas de Coloma, De los obrajes de Canaria y Chincheros a las comunidades indígenas de
Vilcashuamán, siglo XVI (Lima: Sesator, 1979); Neus Escandell, Producción y comercio de
tejidos coloniales: Los obrajes y chorrillos del Cusco 1570-1820 (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé
de las Casas, 1997); Javier Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, “Obrajes y obrajeros del Quito
colonial”, Anuario de Estudios Americanos, 39 (1982), 341-65, and Richard Salvucci, Textiles
and Capitalism in Mexico: An Economic History of the Obrajes, 1539-1840 (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1987).
238 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 8.3 In this letter, Don Gerónimo de Salazar y Salcedo, parish priest of San
Antonio de Pariamarca, explains that because of the fire that destroyed the textile
mill of Pariamarca, he requested the closing down of the doctrina. Lima, 11 October
1651 (EAP333/1/3/11 image 46), Public Domain.
Sacred boundaries 239
Fig. 8.4 Register of the inhabitants (men, women and youth) of the doctrina of San
Antonio de Pariamarca, 1650 (EAP333/1/3/11 image 23), Public Domain.
240 From Dust to Digital
Deprived of this source of income, the parish priest, don Gerónimo de Salazar,
requested the archbishop to close down the doctrina, possibly because he
thought that in this way he could leave Pariamarca and get another assignment
(Fig. 8.3). The archbishop’s reply requested that Salazar exhibit the parish
registers to determine the number of parishioners in Pariamarca (Fig. 8.4).
Noting that 500 people were listed, Salazar’s petition was denied. Anticipating
the difficulties he would face in collecting his salary with the obraje gone,
Salazar filed another petition, this time to the viceregal government, requesting
that his salary be funded with the proceeds of a farm — also belonging to the
repartimiento of Canta — that had produced the wool used in the now extinct
textile mill. Salazar’s petition was successful, but his parishioners opposed
the move, arguing that the farm was never meant to fund the priest’s salary
(Fig. 8.5). In fact, the indigenous headmen argued that the farm was too far
away from Pariamarca, and not within the priest’s reach. According to the
headmen, the shepherds labouring at the farm were under the care of the
curate of another doctrina where the farm was located. The repartimiento of
Canta paid the priest a modest annual sum for performing his pastoral duties.
Salazar left the scene shortly thereafter as he was appointed to another
parish. However, his departure did not bring the dispute to an end because
the archbishopric stood fast in its decision not to close down the doctrina;
in fact, a call for applicants to the vacant post started to circulate. To make
the matters worse for the Indians, the government had accepted Salazar’s
argument that the doctrina of Pariamarca had been established counting on
the proceeds from both the obraje and the farm belonging to the Indians of
Canta. Although in the course of the investigation no papers certifying the
parish origins were found at the diocesan archives, the government admitted
as valid a document that the local scribe of Canta had provided Salazar
attesting that the proceedings of the farm had been assigned to the doctrina
of Pariamarca from its very beginnings.
To rend legible these and other incidents of the proceedings, it is worth
pointing to the issues at stake thus far. First, how many people were necessary
to set up a parish? Second, in the context of the doctrina (an Indian parish),
did the number of people required to form a parish include everyone, or
only taxpayers (tributarios)? Third, were the Indians supposed to pay for the
priest’s salary with means other than their taxes?
Sacred boundaries 241
Fig. 8.5 In this letter, the protector of the Indians, don Francisco Valençuela, states
that the priest of Pariamarca’s salary cannot be paid with the proceeds of the
Indians’ assets. Lima, c. 1651 (EAP333/1/3/11 image 54), Public Domain.
242 From Dust to Digital
cooperation. Also, when the Indian governor, don Gabriel Tantavilca, handed
him his registers, Escalante found that these contained only the numbers
of people classified by towns, but no individual names or details of each
household. Furthermore, when Escalante compared the three registers,
he noticed that the disparity between them was such that he decided to
conduct a population count himself. Escalante commanded the indigenous
headmen that on Sunday — when everyone in the doctrina attended mass
at the main parish church — the Indian parish officers38 should allow no
one to leave whilst Escalante carried out a house-by-house search to see if
anyone was hiding. He would then proceed to the headcount.
Escalante may have thought that his authority was uncontested and his
plan was infallible, but on Sunday a fire consumed the parish church and
he reported that he had instead spent his time with the parishioners trying
to save the edifice from complete ruin. Whether the fire was intentional or
accidental, Escalante did not allow himself to be distracted by the incident
and carried on with the investigation. He ordered Tantavilca and all other
Indian officers to assemble all their subjects on Thursday, the day when
everyone in the doctrina was meant to attend cathechism instruction, and
when he could proceed with the headcount.39
When Escalante was appointed to conduct the investigation into the
doctrina, he was asked to be as meticulous as possible, and meticulous he
was. The document resulting from the headcount provides to my knowledge
one of the most detailed pictures we have of the conditions in which the
inhabitants of a rural parish in mid-colonial Peru lived (Figs. 8.6, 8.7 and
8.8). Escalante aimed to describe the repartimiento as a whole, then the two
parts40 in which it was divided, and the ayllus or kin groups in which the
towns were subdivided. This was followed by a description, household by
household, noting the names and estimated age of each household dweller,
and — when possible — the whereabouts of those who were absent.
38 These parish officers were known as fiscales and alguaciles. Their duties could be described
as those of a church police. Both fiscales and alguaciles had to make sure that everyone in
town attended mass and cathechism instruction and observed correct behaviour.
39 “Autos de la supresión…”, ADH, Curatos, Leg. 1, Exp. 2, f. 97.
40 These parcialidades, in which repartimientos were divided, were not necessarily exact
halves, as the case of Canta. Each moiety was subdivided in kin groups or ayllus. The
number of ayllus in each moiety could vary. For a view on how repartimientos were
organised, see Mumford, pp. 28-29.
244 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 8.6 Sample page of the census conducted in 1653 by Juan de Escalante y
Mendoza showing part of the headcount of the ayllu (kin group) Julcan Yumay
(EAP333/1/3/11 image 107), Public Domain.
Sacred boundaries 245
Fig. 8.7 Sample page of the census conducted in 1653 by Juan de Escalante y
Mendoza, showing part of the headcount of the ayllu Allauca Pacha
(EAP333/1/3/11 image 113), Public Domain.
246 From Dust to Digital
In 1653, the repartimiento of Canta was organised into two parcialidades: Canta
and Loccha.41 Canta was subdivided in eight ayllus while Loccha was much
smaller, with only four. Canta had a larger number of head tax payers, or
tributarios (forty), as well as more people, with 290 in total. Loccha had 27 head
taxpayers and a total of 192 people were counted. Loccha’s smaller number
of adult males and population did not mean it had a politically diminished
status, because its governor, Tantavilca, was a member of the parcialidad, and
presided over the ayllu Curaca Loccha, a name that suggests that this kin group
had been holding for a while the office of indigenous governor.
Although outside academia the ayllu is often seen as the fundamental
organisational unit in Andean society that has preserved most of its features
since pre-Columbian times, historical evidence shows that while the term
ayllu persisted throughout times, ayllu members have changed its form and
composition to accommodate varying situations. The formation of new ayllus
has also been part of this long-established process of social transformation. The
image of the ayllu as an institution that hardly admits change is due in great part
to the ability of its agents to make adjustments to new circumstances appear
as mere reproductions of the old.
The inspection and headcount of the Canta repartimiento provides a good
example of the ways in which larger transformations in Andean colonial society
can be verified at the local level. Records of inspections of the Canta repartimiento
carried out in 1549 and 1553, before Spanish settlements or reducciones were
implemented, list ayllu names and numbers that differ from those appearing on
the records formed 100 years later. The ayllu names correspond to smaller towns
that later became settlements subsidiary to the doctrina of Canta.42 Among the
eight ayllus of the Canta parcialidades listed in 1653, the one that stands out as
significantly different is that of the plateros tributarios, or silversmith taxpayers. It
is known that under Inca rule, artisans were moved between regions to facilitate
the formation of new settlements and to make their output more easily available
to the elites.43 The inspections records of 1549 and 1553 do not list silversmiths,
which suggest that this kin group of artisans was introduced under Spanish
colonial rule. This may have been because they were moved to the reducción
when Spanish officials set it up in the late sixteenth century, possibly as an
attempt to emulate the Inca governmental strategy of transferring specialised
workers into a new settlement to accommodate the state’s interests.
41 These parcialidades are mentioned in the records of an inspection carried out in 1553.
María Rostworowski, “Las visitas de Canta de 1549 y 1553”, in Obras Completas, 2 (Lima:
Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2002), pp. 289-314.
42 Such as Carhua, Visca and Lachaqui. See map in Rostworowski, “Las visitas”, p. 294.
43 Waldemar Espinoza Soriano, “Migraciones internas en el reino Colla: Tejedores,
plumereros y alfareros del estado imperial Inca”, Chungará, 19 (1987), 243-89.
Sacred boundaries 247
The most salient change in the social structure of the doctrina is the inclusion
in 1653 of two ayllus of forasteros, or foreigners whose presence considerably
modified not only the social, but also the ethnic composition of the community.44
The first forastero ayllu in the 1653 headcount in Canta included non-Indian
males, all of them married to local Indian women. The first person on the list
was a Spanish man, married to an elite Indian woman. The others were mestizo
or mixed race men, a mulatto man, and two single women of African and Indian
descent. The second forastero ayllu was formed by Indians that had arrived from
other towns and places, some of them as far as Cuzco, in the southeast, and
Zaña, on the north coast. All the men in this ayllu were married to local women.
Since adult males in these ayllus were exempted from the onerous head tax or
paid a lower sum, and were not subject to draft labour (mita), it is likely that
these circumstances explain the larger number of people of all ages belonging
to this ayllu (98) as compared to all other kin groups in Canta.
The inspection records show a total of 83 taxpayers in the two parcialidades and
in the thirteen ayllus of the doctrina. The whole population excluding foreigners
was 512.45 When compared to the figures listed 100 years earlier, we note a
considerable population decline. When interviewed by the inspectors in 1549,
Diego Flores, a Spanish man in charge of the encomendero’s affairs, estimated
there were 750 adult males in Canta.46 That the population of Canta had not
collapsed entirely in the following decades was probably due to the arrival of
new forasteros who, by marrying local women, had gained access to land. Since
these foreigners were exempted from paying the head tax or, if they did pay
tax this was certainly at a lower rate, they possibly had more opportunities
to prosper.47 When added to the registered population, the approximate total
44 From very early in the colonial period, Spanish colonial officers aimed to keep the
indigenous population separated from Spaniards, mixed-race and Africans, arguing that
Indians were thus protected from abuse and bad example. Although this goal proved
unattainable in the large urban centres, it is often assumed that such was not the case in
small provincial settlements. On Spanish colonial policies about race and racial mixing, see
Kathryn Burns, “Unfixing Race”, in Histories of Race and Racism: The Andes and Mesoamerica
from Colonial Times to the Present, ed. by Laura Gotkowitz (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2011), pp. 57-71. On the significance of forasteros in Andean colonial society, see
Nicolás Sánchez Albornoz, Indios y tributos en el Alto Perú (Lima: Instituto de Estudios
Peruanos, 1978); and Ann Wightman, Indigenous Migration and Social Change: The Forasteros
of Cuzco, 1570-1720 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990).
45 Including the 75 people of all ages found in the inspection of the town of Carcas,
subsidiary or annex of the doctrina of Canta, a settlement situated further up the valley.
The headcount does not provide total numbers, but only for the first ayllu of the first
moiety registered. According to this view, the number of taxpayers would have been
higher, since Escalante incorporated to the headcount those who were absent.
46 Rostworowski, “Las visitas”, p. 347. The population losses are appalling. The friars
carrying out the inspection in 1549 also noted a number of abandoned houses. Ibid., p. 295.
47 The incorporation of forasteros into the registers of taxpayers was not uniform throughout the
Andes. It is not apparent from the documents herein studied that forasteros were also taxpayers.
248 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 8.8 Sample page of the census conducted in 1653 by Juan de Escalante y Mendoza showing
part of the headcount of reservados, adult men and women who because of their occupation, age
or health were exempted from paying tribute (EAP333/1/3/11 image 106), Public Domain.
Sacred boundaries 249
The presence of forasteros made figuring out the number of people required
to form a doctrina problematic. The Canta headmen’s request was to make the
number of taxpayers correspond with the number of heads of households, while
the view of the church was to count the total number of doctrina inhabitants,
independently of age, gender and fiscal status. This was a serious matter
of contention because of the crucial issue placed at the core of the petition
presented at the start: who was supposed to pay for the priest’s salary and
what was its rightful source?
As we have seen, the priest’s salary was a portion of the taxes the
repartimiento Indians paid to the encomendero and, once the encomienda ceased
to exist, the payment was due to the corregidor. The indigenous headmen
from Canta reasoned that if there were not enough taxpayers an additional
doctrina was not justified. This view was not only based on the manifest
decline in population, but also on the understanding that they had a right
to be protected from abuse.48 From the viewpoint of the church, the decision
to include every single inhabitant of the doctrina — whose souls had to be
saved through the administration of the sacraments — was not arbitrary
but legally supported by the decrees of the Council of Trent and the Lima
church councils.49
A closely connected issue in the dispute was the source that provided
the funds to pay for the priest’s salary. The petitioners challenged the
archbishop’s decision to use the revenue from the community-owned farm
now that the Pariamarca textile mill was closed, arguing that community
assets were to be used only for the Indians’ own benefit.50 The fact that
revenues from the obraje had been assigned to the doctrina at the time of its
foundation was exceptional, they maintained. The status of Pariamarca, its
inhabitants and resources is nevertheless left in the dark. For reasons that
remain unexplained, Escalante carried out the headcount in the town of
48 On the political principles that guided the link between the Spanish king and the
indigenous vassals, see Alejandro Cañeque, The King’s Living Image: The Culture and
Politics of Viceregal Power in Colonial Mexico (London: Routledge, 2004). An excellent
discussion about how indigenous people understood and made use of the law under
Spanish colonial rule can be found in Brian P. Owensby, Empire of Law and Indian Justice
in Colonial Mexico (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2008).
49 See note 15, and “Autos de la supresión…” f. 44v, where the archbishop’s representative
argues that even if the population is smaller than the required number of parishioners
established by law, ultimately the decision to create or maintain a parish belonged to the
bishop.
50 Community assets were meant to provide extra income when resources were insufficient
for the maintenance of community members or to acquire the necessary means to pay for
the head tax.
250 From Dust to Digital
Canta and in the subsidiary settlement of Carcas, situated on the same river
valley, but apparently he did not visit Pariamarca or the towns nearby (Figs.
8.9 and 8.10). This is intriguing, since Escalante’s knowledge of the doctrina
was far from superficial: before his appointment as priest of the doctrina of
Quivi, he had been parish priest at Pariamarca.51
Fig. 8.9 Cultivated fields in Pariamarca, August 2014. Photo by Évelyne Mesclier, CC BY.
51 The historical archives of the archdiocese of Lima (AAL) hold the file of a petition
Escalante presented in 1640, wherein he describes himself as “el bachiller don Juan de
Escalante y Mendoza, presbítero, cura y vicario del pueblo de Pariamarca y sus anexos…”.
AAL, Curatos Diversos, 1622-1899, exp. 42v. The reference is found in Melecio Tineo,
Vida eclesiástica, Perú colonial y republicano: Catálogos de documentación sobre parroquias y
doctrinas de indios. Arzobispado de Lima, siglos XVI-XX, 1 (Cuzco: Centro Bartolomé de las
Casas, 1997), p. 403.
Sacred boundaries 251
finest textiles that only elite individuals were allowed to use.52 The inspectors
arriving in 1553 in Pariamarca described it as a place where artisans belonging
to the seven moieties of Canta assembled to weave cumbi. The inspectors
found 29 well-built houses, and cultivated plots of land, but the people they
interviewed informed them that there were no permanent residents and the
houses they had seen were but temporary dwellings.53
The early sixteenth-century inspection records reveal that Pariamarca
was a pre-Columbian centre of textile production. That the site did not have
a permanent population was not exceptional, as a number of settlements
across the Andes were used only temporarily.54 After the Spanish conquest,
Pariamarca became an obraje and remained in indigenous hands. When
the archbishop of Lima, Toribio Alfonso de Mogrovejo visited the diocese
in 1598, Pariamarca was not yet a parish; it was listed in the records
as a subsidiary village (pueblo) of the doctrina of Canta. It appears that
because of the obraje, Pariamarca’s status was exceptional. The headcount
carried out during Mogrovejo’s inspection yielded a total of 335 people
in Pariamarca, but not all of them were included in the total population
count of the doctrina. The textile mill was mentioned as a place in addition
to the subsidiary towns of Canta.55
Who exactly were the labourers at the obraje is unclear. According to
the headmen of Canta that requested the closing down of the doctrina in
1653, production at the obraje relied on draft labour (mitayos);56 this explains
why, once the textile mill was destroyed, the labourers disbanded. The
52 In the course of the visitation, the inspectors noted sixteen abandoned villages and were
informed that artisans lived in them only temporarily. Pariamarca is mentioned in the
records as Paron Marca Cambis. Rostworowski, “Las visitas”, p. 345. On the role of
textiles and especially of cumbi in Andean society, see Gabriela Ramos, “Los tejidos y la
sociedad colonial andina”, Colonial Latin American Review, 19 (2010), 115-49.
53 Rostworowski, “Las visitas”, pp. 370-71.
54 Mumford, p. 25.
55 José Antonio Benito, Libro de visitas de santo Toribio de Mogrovejo (1593-1605) (Lima:
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2006), p. 172. Unfortunately, the inspection
records do not provide an explanation for how the headcount was conducted. It is unclear
why the obraje was noted apart. The omission is probably not entirely Mogrovejo’s
secretary’s fault: the transcription of the pastoral visitations is poorly edited and the
errors are so many that scholars must use it with much caution.
56 The Inca used draft labour, regularly levied for several purposes, from agriculture to
public works. Spanish colonial officers adapted this system for the benefit of miners,
encomenderos, farmers, obrajes, various entrepreneurs, and urban centres. The system was
called mita and the labourers were known as mitayos. See Mumford, pp. 95-96; and Karen
Spalding, “The Crises and Transformations of Invaded Societies: The Andean Area”, in
The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas, ed. by Frank Salomon and
Stuart B. Schwartz, 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 904-72.
252 From Dust to Digital
inspections of 1549 and 1553 present a different view, as they suggest that
all the Canta parcialidades, ayllus and settlements periodically sent labourers
to Pariamarca to weave cloth. Cloth and clothing were also produced
domestically, and the products were taken to Lima and sold to get the cash
necessary to pay the head tax.57
Finding out the names and number of the obraje labourers, as well as
where they resided was crucial to determine the boundaries of the parish.
If the labourers were from the doctrina, then Pariamarca had to continue to
exist, as the archbishopric’s representative maintained. If they were coming
from elsewhere, as the Canta headmen argued, the labourers had already
left, their pastoral care was under other parish jurisdictions, and there was
little justification for keeping the doctrina in Pariamarca.
These issues were difficult to elucidate because, in order to pursue their
productive activities and to respond to the demands of the colonial state,
the local population was and needed to be very mobile. In fact, many adult
men and a smaller number of women moved out from their doctrinas never
to return, as the case of the forasteros living in Canta demonstrates. When
Escalante conducted the headcount in 1653, several adult men, a few boys and
a couple of women were registered as missing (ausentes). Indigenous officers
were constantly accused of hiding their subjects to evade tribute payments
and, as the case of the non-inhabited, although non-abandoned, villages
demonstrates, in the Andes people often made use of their space differently
from the way certain Spanish authorities were prepared to understand.
There was more to this case. Having learned about the petition to close
down the doctrina of Pariamarca, don Francisco Pizarro Caruavilca, the
cacique of the village of Lachaqui (subsidiary of Pariamarca) requested the
archbishopric that, if the Canta headmen were successful, his town of Lachaqui
and all others under his authority should not become subsidiary to Canta.
Don Francisco adduced that the long distances in between villages, the rough
terrain, and the difficulties involved in travelling up the valley, especially
during the rainy season, made Lachaqui’s attachment to the doctrina of Canta
inconvenient. He explained that his people spent most part of the year not
in Lachaqui, but working in their farms in the low-altitude, warmer sections
of the valley, in a location called Mallo. The people of Lachaqui, argued don
Francisco, regularly attended mass at Mallo and, when necessary, at Quivi,
where they also went regularly to comply with the mita or draft labour.58
Fig. 8.10 A street in Pariamarca, August 2014. Photo by Évelyne Mesclier, CC BY.
If Pariamarca ceased to exist as a doctrina, don Francisco and his people would
be compelled to travel to Canta to attend a series of unavoidable religious
functions, from regular mass and confession to Holy Week and Corpus
Christi, not to speak of the contributions in money and labour the curate at
Canta was likely to demand from them. This situation would threaten their
welfare, for the long and dangerous journeys to Canta would not allow them
to look after their farms. The archbishopric requested don Diego de Vergara,
a canon in the Lima cathedral chapter and a former parish priest at Quivi, to
offer his opinion on the petition. One by one, displaying knowledge about the
conditions of the terrain, about the weather, about the villages in the region
and the distances between them, Vergara dismissed don Francisco’s points.
Don Alonso Osorio, also a canon and former parish priest, presented a brief
inns (tambos) located in key points on Andean roads. One of these inns was situated in
the town of Quivi.
254 From Dust to Digital
statement sharing Vergara’s views. But these interventions from the high
clergy did not dismiss the cacique’s petition, for both Vergara and Osorio also
advised against the closing down of the doctrina of Pariamarca.
The canons’ involvement in the proceedings had the effect of disempowering
the cacique by accusing him of misrepresenting the situation, but in an oblique
manner, their statements were also a boost for don Francisco, who must
have been relieved at the prospect that his people would not fall under the
dominance of the curate of Canta and possibly, that of its indigenous headmen.
Conclusion
Fig. 8.11 A view of the town and valley of Canta, August 2014.
Photo by Évelyne Mesclier, CC BY.
The file ends rather abruptly, leaving us wondering about the outcome of
the proceedings. Once Escalante finished the headcount in Canta, we find
don Francisco’s petition, followed by Vergara’s and Osorio’s depositions.
The final pages, written three years later in 1656, contain two petitions
addressed to the viceregal justice. The first, by the Protector general de los
Sacred boundaries 255
indios, or Indians’ attorney, and the second by don Phelipe Quispi Guaman
Yauri, governor of the Canta repartimiento. Both petitions reiterate the request
to close down the doctrina of Pariamarca and warn about the political costs
of keeping a parish that so obviously represented a burden on a population
whose numbers continued to decline. We get the impression that the case
would hover indefinitely.
The lack of a conclusion to the proceedings is frustrating, although
unsurprising. In colonial Spanish America — and Peru was no exception
— legal disputes could take years, even decades, without ever reaching
a resolution. Historians investigating the social significance of law under
Spanish colonial rule maintain that its power resided in the proceedings
rather than in the results.59
Parish boundaries in colonial Peru represent a complex set of issues. For
the church and the Spanish crown, dividing the territory to carry out the
evangelising endeavour seemed both appropriate and necessary. Contemporary
ideas about Christian duty were combined with the crown’s imperative to
compensate a number of soldiers, clergymen, entrepreneurs, and bureaucrats
for their services to the king. This was no easy amalgam. The Catholic church,
at the global and local level, provided the principles guiding the procedure.60
Implementing these norms involved dealing with the local populations, which
held their own religious views and kept their own sacred places, had their
own political institutions and systems of authority, in addition to their own
ways of controlling and using vital resources such as land and water. In the
Peruvian Andes, parish boundaries were linked to aspects such as dwindling
population numbers, as well as kinship ties and political alliances that had
been severely affected by the Spanish conquest and continued to evolve. As
all other parts of the colonial edifice, parishes rested upon indigenous labour.
The case studied here exemplifies the extent to which the very existence of
the parish, its functioning and reach, concerned perhaps more than any other
colonial institution, the lives and livelihood of the people.
59 See Owensby. On late August 2014, I visited the town of Pariamarca along with friends
and colleagues, whose company and support I would like to acknowledge: Évelyne
Mesclier, Ana María Hurtado and César Iglesias. From our conversations with the locals,
we learned that no one knows today that in Pariamarca there was ever a textile mill.
Pariamarca has a church, but does not have parish status. For government administration
purposes, Pariamarca is today subordinated to Canta.
60 In 1564 the Spanish crown incorporated the decrees of the Council of Trent as law of the
state. On this subject, see Primitivo Tineo, “La recepción de Trento en España (1565):
disposiciones sobre la actividad episcopal”, Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia, 5 (1996),
241-96.
256 From Dust to Digital
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Ramos, Gabriela, Death and Conversion in the Andes: Lima and Cuzco, 1532-1670 (Notre
Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010).
—, “Los tejidos y la sociedad colonial andina”, Colonial Latin American Review, 19
(2010), 115-49.
—, “Pastoral Visitations as Spaces of Negotiation in Andean Parishes”, The Americas
(forthcoming).
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, María, Estructuras Andinas del poder: ideología
religiosa y política (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1983).
Rostworowski, María, Señoríos indígenas de Lima y Canta (Lima: Instituto de Estudios
Peruanos, 1978).
258 From Dust to Digital
Archival resource
Autos de la supresión de la doctrina de Pariamarca en el corregimiento de Canta que se
pretende por los indios de dicha doctrina, in Archives of the Diocese of Huacho (ADH),
Curatos, Leg. 2, Exp. 1, 1653.
9. Researching the history of slavery
in Colombia and Brazil through
ecclesiastical and notarial archives
Jane Landers, Pablo Gómez,
José Polo Acuña and Courtney J. Campbell
This chapter addresses the history of slavery and development in two of the
most African locales in colonial South America: the Pacific and Caribbean
coasts of modern Colombia and northeastern Brazil. Both modern nations
have recognised the historical and civic neglect of the “black communities”
within their borders and now offer them legal and cultural recognition,
as well as, at least theoretical, recognition of ancestral communal land
ownership.1 The endangered archives digitised under the auspices of the
British Library’s Endangered Archives Programme enable researchers, as
well as these neglected populations, to know more about their often hard
to discover past.2
1 “Ley 70 sobre negritudes”, cited in Aline Helg, Liberty and Equality in Caribbean Colombia,
1770-1835 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), pp. 1-2; “Lei No.
7.668, de 22 de agosto de 1988”, http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/L7668.htm;
“Programas e ações”.
2 In 2005, with funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities, Vanderbilt
University launched a major international initiative to begin locating and preserving
ecclesiastical and notarial records of Africans in Cuba and Brazil, Ecclesiastical and
Secular Sources for Slave Societies (http://www.vanderbilt.edu/esss/index.php). With
funding from the British Library, the project was expanded into Colombia (EAP255,
EAP503 and EAP640) and into additional areas of Brazil (EAP627).
3 Carl O. Sauer, The Early Spanish Main (London: Cambridge University Press, 1966),
pp. 104-19 and 161-177; Erin Stone, Indian Harvest: the Rise of the Indigenous Slave Trade
from Española to the Circum-Caribbean, 1492-1560 (Ph.D. thesis, Vanderbilt University,
2014); and Nicolás del Castillo Mathieu, “Población aborigen y conquista, 1498-1540”,
in História Económica y Social del Caribe Colombiano, ed. by Adolfo Meisel Roca (Bogotá:
Ediciones Uninorte-ECOE, 1994), pp. 25 and 43.
4 Jane Landers, “The African Landscape of 17th Century Cartagena and its Hinterlands”,
in The Black Urban Atlantic in the Age of the Slave Trade (The Early Modern Americas), ed.
by Jorge Cañizares-Ezguerra, James Sidbury and Matt D. Childs (Philadelphia, PA:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), pp. 147-62.
5 Castillo Mathieu, pp. 43 and 25; Anthony McFarlane, Colombia before Independence:
Economy, Society and Politics under Bourbon Rule (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1993), pp. 17-18; and María del Carmen Borrego Plá, Cartagena de Indias en el Siglo
XVI (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1983), pp. 58-61 and 423-35.
6 McFarlane, p. 8.
Researching the history of slavery in Colombia and Brazil 261
7 Castillo Mathieu, pp. 44-45; and María del Carmen Borrego Plá, “La conformación de una
sociedad mestiza en la época de los Austrias, 1540-1700”, in História Económica y Social, ed.
by A. Meisel Roca (Bogotá: Ediciones Uninorte-ECOE, 1994), pp. 59-108 (pp. 66-68).
8 António de Almeida Mendes, “The Foundation of the System: A Reassessment of the
Slave Trade to the Spanish Americas in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries”, in
Extending the Frontiers: Essays on the New Transatlantic Slave Trade Database, ed. by David
Eltis and David Richardson (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008), pp. 63-94.
9 After the union of the Spanish and Portuguese crowns in 1580, the Portuguese Company
of Cacheu began to export more slaves from Angola and the Kingdom of Kongo. Borrego
Plá, Cartagena de Indias, pp. 58-61 and 423-35.
10 David Wheat, Atlantic Africa and the Spanish Caribbean, 1570-1640 (Chapel Hill, NC:
University of North Carolina Press, forthcoming), ch. 3. Wheat also participated in the
EAP project in Quibdó, EAP255: Creating a digital archive of Afro-Colombian history
and culture: black ecclesiastical, governmental and private records from the Choco,
Colombia, http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP255
11 Linda A. Newson and Susie Minchin, From Capture to Sale: The Portuguese Slave Trade to
Spanish South America in the Early Seventeenth Century (Leiden: Brill, 2007); and Borrego
Plá, “La conformación”, p. 68.
12 Landers, “The African Landscape of 17th Century Cartagena and its Hinterlands”; Jean-
Pierre Tadieu, “Un proyecto utópico de manumission de los cimarrones del ‘Palenque de
los montes de Cartagena’ en 1682”, in Afrodescendientes en las américas: trayectorias sociales
e identitarias: 150 años de la abolición de la esclavitud en Colombia, ed. by Claudia Mosquera,
Mauricio Pardo and Odile Hoffman (Bogotá: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2002),
pp. 169-80.
262 From Dust to Digital
the Isthmus of Panama, the Spaniards moved eastward into the Darién and
then eventually pushed farther south into the rugged Chocó, Colombia’s
northwestern region of dense jungles noted for its hot and humid climate and
extreme rainfalls. Hostile native groups with deadly poison-tipped arrows also
prevented Spaniards from settling in the area in the early years of exploration.13
One unhappy Spaniard called the Chocó “an abyss and horror of mountains,
rivers, and marshes”.14 Although for many years, Spaniards considered the
Chocó a useless and unhealthy frontier, discoveries of gold, silver, and later
platinum, attracted miners to the region, and they brought large numbers of
enslaved Africans to extract the precious metals.15 As in other contact zones,
smallpox and later epidemics of measles combined with unaccustomed
labour led to a dramatic decline among the native populations of the Chocó,
and more African labourers were brought in to replace them in the mines
and agricultural production. The newly imported African bozales arriving in
Quibdó and Buenaventura in the eighteenth century lived in small villages or
rancherias located in the tropical rainforest while working on alluvial mining
centers.16 Independent free prospectors called mazamorreros were also drawn
to work in the Chocó.17 The region, therefore, acquired a distinct culture that
blended indigenous, African and European peoples and traditions, although
people of African descent predominated by the eighteenth century.18
In 1654, Spaniards established San Francisco de Quibdó along the Atrato
River that leads to the Caribbean and the small village served as the first
regional capital of the Chocó (Fig. 9.1). Quibdó remained relatively isolated,
Fig. 9.2 The Quibdó team examines a notarial register at the EAP workshop.
Photo by David LaFevor, CC BY.
information related to the most important economic activity in the region: gold
and platinum mining by black slaves, and the social conditions in the towns
and mines developed around this enterprise. They hold registers related to
the sale and transfer of property (including slaves), certificates of payment
and of debt cancelation, wills, ethnic origin of slaves arriving in Chocó and
the south Colombian Pacific, and activities of different state and ecclesiastical
actors, including visits by the Inquisition office during the eighteenth century.
These sources also provide important data related to the development of
independent communities and maroon settlements and their relationships with
Emberá-Wounaan groups that inhabited the area for centuries. Indeed, almost
every slave inventory from the eighteenth century lists at least one or two slave
runaways. Registers of slave manumission in Chocó date as early as 1720, and
after buying their freedom former slaves started migrating to places like the
Baudo valley where they formed largely black towns with cultural and social
characteristics similar to the palenques established by escaped slaves.24
These communities lived in the most difficult conditions. The Colombian
Pacific still has — as it has since reliable records begin — some of the highest
morbidity and mortality rates of any place in the Americas. This should not be
surprising given the harsh climate of the area, the impoverished conditions in
which most of the inhabitants of the region still live, and the violence that has
characterised the rise and decline of mining and narcotic plantation booms in
the region. Starting in the mid-eighteenth century notarial records, most of the
registers of slaves’ sales, denunciations for mistreatment, or death registers, also
describe the usual roster of diseases that challenged life in the early modern era:
yellow fever, malaria, typhus, smallpox, bubonic plague, syphilis and leprosy,
among many others. While traveling around the Atrato and San Juan Rivers in
the 1820s, French geologist Jean Baptiste Boussingault wrote:
The register of slave sales from Chocó and Buenaventura amply confirm
Boussingault’s observations about the prevalence of leprosy. Among the specific
designations uniquely referring to leprosy that appear in the records we have
digitalised are “galico reventado, llaga, ahoto, gota coral, and tumors”, among
others. For instance, Fig. 9.3 provides an example of the sale in 1810 in San
Francisco de Quibdó, capital of the province of Citará (today Chocó) of two
slaves, Antonino and his wife, Micaela. The seller was José María Palomeque
who was registered as a vecino (registered inhabitant) of the city of Cartago,
but lived in the province of Citará. Palomeque sold the two slaves to Rita
Alarcon, also a resident of Citará for four hundred and two hundred pesos
respectively. In the sale document, Palomenque expressly took responsibility
for “all the vices, tachas [marks or scars], defects, and public diseases, such as
it is the galico reventado [my emphasis] of which said Micaela suffers and other
hidden ones [they might have]”.26
Hundreds of similar records contain information about the different
diseases suffered by communities of free and enslaved blacks, with most
of the cases pertaining to leprosy and/or syphilis. The records coming from
the Colombian Pacific also illustrate the dynamics of community formation
in these rancherias that were outside the purview of the state. They add an
important chapter to the historiography of public health in the country,
centered, in this case, on descriptions of leprosarium and the “aldeas de
leprosos” (villages of lepers) in the Andes and northern Colombia.27
Eighteenth and nineteenth-century slave trading records from Chocó and
the Colombian Pacific include cases of masters who had to sell their slaves
for a reduced price due to the lesions produced by leprosy. These cases are
probably but a fraction of the real incidence of the disease in the population.
Except for anecdotal reports coming from travellers like Boussingault, there
is virtually no information, outside the records saved by the EAP255 project,
regarding the health conditions, or for that matter, economic, demographic
and social conditions of the black population of these villages on the banks of
26 Notaria Primera de Quibdo, Libro de Venta de Esclavos 1810-188, Fol. 132r. Notaría
Primera de Riohacha Archive, Protocolo 1, Riohacha, 23 March 1831. Notaría Primera de
Riohacha Archive, Protocolo 1, Riohacha, 4 May, 1831. Baptism of María Olalla, Book of
Baptisms, San Gerónimo de Buenavista, Montería, Córdoba, 20 February 1809.
27 See, for instance, Diana Obregón, “Building National Medicine: Leprosy and Power
in Colombia, 1870-1910”, Social History of Medicine, 15 (2002), 89-108; or Pilar Sabater,
“Discurso sobre una enfermedad social: La lepra en el virreinato de la Nueva Granada en
la transición de los siglos XVIII y XIX”, Dynamis, 19 (1998), 401-28; and Abel F. Martínez
Martín, El lazareto de Boyacá: lepra, medicina, iglesia y estado 1869-1916 (Tunja: Universidad
Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia, 2006).
Researching the history of slavery in Colombia and Brazil 269
the Atrato and San Juan Rivers at that time. The isolation of most of the towns
in the Chocó and the Valle del Cauca gave rise to communitarian models
for the perception of disease that emerged spontaneously and preceded
mandatory isolationist projects that public health officials enacted during
the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.
The early twentieth century saw the consolidation of the Colombian State,
the formation of a national bourgeoisie and the inclusion of the nation within
the world economy through the expansion of coffee exports. Modernisation
of the country became a national priority, for which leprosy was an obstacle.
According to nineteenth century publications on the geography of leprosy,
Colombia competed with India for primacy in terms of incidence of the
disease — a contest that the Colombian elites refused to win. If Colombia
was seen by outsiders as a pestilent country, a “leprosarium” in the words
of none other than Gerard Amauer Hansen, the Norwegian scientist who
discovered the mycobacterium causing the disease, Chocó became increasingly
portrayed as a place inhabited by sick black people.28
While the Chocó’s early settlers struggled to exploit the gold and platinum
mines and survive its hostile environment and inhabitants, the lesser
frequented, and less settled northeastern coasts of Colombia, first noted as
a source of pearls, became infamous in the later sixteenth century as sites of
contraband, piracy and illegal slave importations.29 Nuestra Señora de los
Remedios del Río de la Hacha, later known simply as Riohacha, was said
to be “rich only in pearle and cattell”.30 Its beleaguered governor reported
it suffered repeated attacks by “the cruelest Indians of these regions”.31
Riohacha also suffered frequent attacks by French and English pirates and
smugglers. In the 1560s, John Hawkins illicitly sold slaves seized in Sierra
Leone to local pearl fishermen and, in 1596, his kinsman, the famous English
pirate Francis Drake, sacked Riohacha and sailed away with 100 African
slaves as part of his booty.32 Riohacha remained a smuggling centre in the
28 Diana Obregón, “The Anti-leprosy Campaign in Colombia: The Rhetoric of Hygiene and
Science, 1920-1940”, História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos, 10 (2003), 179-207.
29 Kenneth R. Andrews, The Spanish Caribbean: Trade and Plunder 1530-1630 (New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 1978), pp. 27-29; Kris E. Lane, Pillaging the Empire: Piracy in the
Americas 1500-1750 (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1998), pp. 27, 36-38, 106 and 117; and K.
R. Andrews, The Last Voyage of Drake and Hawkins (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1972), p. 95.
30 David Laing Purves, The English Circumnavigators: The Most Remarkable Voyages Round the
World by English Sailors (London: William P. Nimmo, 1874), p. 103.
31 Relación, 24 January 1596, Archivo General de Indias, cited in Andrews, The Spanish
Caribbean, p. 29.
32 Andrews, The Spanish Caribbean, pp. 49, 84, 118-19, 124-25 and 164-65.
270 From Dust to Digital
33 Lane, pp. 27, 36-38, 106 and 117; and Andrews, The Last Voyage of Drake, p. 95.
34 Miguel Acosta Saignes, Vida de los Esclavos Negros en Venezuela (Caracas, Hespérides
1967), pp. 255-58.
35 Lance R. Grahn, “An Irresoluble Dilemma: Smuggling in New Granada, 1713-1763”, in
Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon New Granada and Peru, ed. by John R. Fisher, Allan J.
Kuethe and Anthony McFarlane (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press,
1990), pp. 123-46. Also see Ernesto Bassi Arevalo, Between Imperial Projects and National
Dreams: Communication Networks, Geopolitical Imagination, and the Role of New Granada
in the Configuration of a Greater Caribbean Space, 1780s-1810s (Ph.D. thesis, University of
California, Irvine, 2012).
36 Lance Grahn, The Political Economy of Smuggling: Regional Informal Economies in Early
Bourbon New Granada (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997), ch. 3.
37 Eduardo Barrera Monroy, “La Rebelión Guajira de 1769: algunas constants de la Cultura
Wayuu y razones de su pervivencia”, Revista Credencial Historia (June, 1990), http://
www.banrepcultural.org/blaavirtual/revistas/credencial/junio1990/junio2.htm
Researching the history of slavery in Colombia and Brazil 271
through respect for Spanish military might” thought better of a fight when met
with more than seven times their number of Indians armed with British guns.38
The fierce Wayúu acquired many of those guns through adept contraband
trade in pearls and brazilwood.39 The Wayúu also acquired contraband slaves
from British and Dutch merchants. For example, in 1753, Pablo Majusares and
Toribio Caporinche, two powerful Wayúu chiefs living in the northern region
of the Guajira Peninsula, owned eight African slaves who they employed in
pearl fishing.40 Other slaves belonging to them were destined for service in
the Wayúu’s feared military force.41
Fig. 9.4 Project directors and University of Cartagena student team at EAP
workshop. Photo by Mabel Vergel, CC BY-NC-ND.
38 Grahn, The Political Economy of Smuggling, ch. 3; Helg, Liberty and Equality in Caribbean
Colombia, pp. 27-31 and 43-48; and Eduardo Barrera Monroy, Mestizaje, comercio y
resistencia: La Guajira durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII (Bogotá: Instituto Colombiano
de Antropolgía e Historia, 2000), p. 35.
39 José Polo Acuña, Etnicidad, conflicto social y cultura fronteriza en la Guajira, 1700-1850
(Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes, 2005). The Wayúu also traded with British and Dutch
merchants for gunpowder, knives, slaves, textiles and foodstuffs. Monroy, Mestizaje,
comercio y resistencia, p. 98.
40 Petra Josefina Moreno, Guajiro-Cocinas: Hombres de historia 1500-1900 (Ph.D. thesis,
Complutense University, Madrid, 1984), p. 188.
41 Ibid.
42 http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP503
272 From Dust to Digital
Riohacha (Fig. 9.4).43 Documents from the Notaría Primera of Riohacha offer
numerous examples of slave transactions. For example, on 23 March 1831, the
widow Ana Sierra sold a 25-year-old mulatta slave named Felipa to Maria
Francisca Blanchard, a merchant in Riohacha, for 250 pesos.44 Sometime later,
Blanchard sold the same slave to Miguel Machado for 200 pesos, although
the documents offer no clues as to why the slave’s price dropped.45 The same
Miguel Machado appears again in the notarial documents when he bought
a seventeen-year-old slave named Francisco Solano from Maria Encarnacion
Valverde for 100 pesos. Francisco was the son of another slave who served
in Valverde’s household.46
These notarial records also document links between merchants in Riohacha
and their factors in the islands of Aruba, Curacao and Jamaica, and show how
authorities in Riohacha were able to strengthen their grip on the fertile lands
located south of the Rancheria River through peace treaties with formerly
hostile indigenous groups. Peace allowed for the southward expansion of the
agricultural and cattle ranching frontier, increased production for internal
consumption and commercial exchange, and the further integration of Riohacha.
As Bourbon reformers of the eighteenth century attempted to halt smuggling
and encourage development in Riohacha, they also established new towns to
help support their most important port of Cartagena de Indias. Some of the
new towns located south of Cartagena in the Department of Córdoba were
connected to it via the Sinú River, which also connected the southern towns
to the Atrato River, Quibdó and the Pacific.47
The EAP640 project also enabled teams from the University of Cartagena
to digitalise ecclesiastical records from the churches of Santa Cruz de Lorica
and San Jerónimo de Buenavista in Montería in the Department of Córdoba
in northern Colombia (Figs. 9.5 and 9.6).48
Fig. 9.5 Endangered ecclesiastical records from the Iglesia de Santa Cruz de Lorica,
Córdoba. Photo by Cartagena team member, CC BY-NC-ND.
Fig. 9.6 Students learn to film endangered records at Vanderbilt’s digital workshop
at the University of Cartagena. Photo by David LaFevor, CC BY.
274 From Dust to Digital
Montería was established in the eighteenth century along the Sinú River,
which links it to the Caribbean Sea. It is noted as a ranching capital and
also an ethnically and culturally diverse region where Zenú Indians and
descendants of Spaniards and Africans all interacted. An official history of
Montería states that two different delegations of Zenú Indians presented
their chiefs’ petitions to the governors of Cartagena asking that the Spanish
town be established in their territory.49
The ecclesiast records of San Gerónimo de Buenavista (as it was earlier spelled)
(Fig. 9.7) provide insights into one of the most ethnically diverse areas of
Córdoba. The Catholic church mandated the baptism of African slaves in the
fifteenth century and extended this requirement across the Catholic Americas.
Once baptised, Africans and their descendants were also eligible for the
sacraments of marriage and a Christian burial.50 Baptism records such as the
one below give the date of the ceremony, the name of the priest performing it,
the name of the person baptised (whether child or adult), the parents’ names
if known, and whether the child or adult was born of a legitimate marriage, or
was the “natural” child of unmarried parents. Priests also noted if the baptism
was performed “in case of necessity”, allowing researchers to track epidemic
cycles. The names of the baptised person’s godparents are also given in these
records. Godparents had the responsibility for helping raise their godchild
in the Catholic faith, and in case of the parents’ deaths, they were to raise the
child as their own. Thus, community networks can be traced through patterns
of compadrazgo (godparentage).
Fig. 9.8 Baptism document of Maria Olalla, San Jerónimo de Buenavista Cathedral,
Montería, Córdoba (EAP640). Photo by Cartagena team member, CC BY-NC-ND.
276 From Dust to Digital
The records of San Gerónimo de Buenavista, unlike those from other Caribbean
sites, do not specifically note the race of the person baptised, supporting modern
theories about the historical invisibility of Afro-Colombians. However, researchers
can at times find racial clues in the names of parents. In Fig. 9.8, the priest, Don
Manuel José Beractegui, baptises the legitimate child, María Olalla, born on
12 February 1809 to parents Victoriano Congo and his wife, Simona Sánchez.
That the father bore an ethnic surname suggests that he is African-born, or at
least not recognised as fully acculturated. However, he is a free man; otherwise
his enslaved status would have been noted. A notation to the left of the entry
indicates that the baptism was performed as an act of charity, meaning that the
parents could not afford the standard ecclesiastical fee.51
As Spaniards explored, exploited and finally colonised the northern coast of
what is today Colombia, the Portuguese followed similar patterns along Brazil’s
northeastern coast. Despite challenges from French and Dutch competitors in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Portuguese successfully colonised
Brazil, transferring techniques of sugarcane cultivation and slaves from West
and Central Africa to the coast of Brazil.52 Brazil’s early sugar cultivation
concentrated along its northeastern coast.53 The region’s settlers exported
sugar and other products and imported goods and enslaved Africans through
the major port cities of Recife, Olinda and Salvador, but sugar mills were
scattered throughout the countryside and smaller cities also supplied sugar
for export. Settlers deep in the sertão (backlands) also raised livestock for local
consumption.54
The history of the state of Paraíba (situated to the north of Pernambuco and
to the south of Rio Grande do Norte and Ceará) has received less attention
than that of its northeastern neighbours despite its interest and significance for
Brazilian and Atlantic World history (see Fig. 9.9 for a map of colonial Paraíba
and Fig. 9.10 for a map of modern-day Paraíba).55 When the Portuguese Crown
formed the Capitania of Paraíba in 1574, French settlers still lived in the region,
and the competing Europeans soon allied with warring indigenous nations
to battle one another.56 The Portuguese defeated the French and the Potiguar
Indians in 1584 and established the city of Nossa Senhora das Neves, which
became the political centre of Paraíba, and which is today João Pessoa.57 After a
brief Dutch occupation of some coastal areas of Paraíba from 1634 to 1654, the
Portuguese expanded into the interior sertão in the late seventeenth century.
The names and dates of the first settlers to the region are unknown but they
clustered along river routes to raise livestock and routinely battled the Cariri
and Tarairiu Indians.58
Fig. 9.9 Nova et Accurata Brasiliae Totius Tabula made in 1640 by Joan Blaeu. Note the Capitania
de Paraiba, highlighted on the northeastern coast. Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil,
Public Domain (http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Blaeu1640.jpg).
56 José Octávio de Arruda Mello, História da Paraíba, 11th edn. (João Pessoa: A União, 2008),
pp. 25-26 and p. 263.
57 Ibid., p. 263. Before acquiring its modern name the town was known as Felipéia de Nossa
Senhora das Neves, Frederica, and Paraíba.
58 Ibid., 265. These indigenous groups were later defeated in bloody massacres by
bandeirantes (a type of scouting explorer). José Leal, Vale da Travessia, 2nd edn. (João
Pessoa: Editora e Gráfica Santa Fé Ltda, 1993), p. 17.
278 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 9.10 Map of Paraíba, highlighting São João do Cariri in the interior and João
Pessoa on the coast, created by Courtney J. Campbell, CC BY-NC-ND.
The interior town of São João do Cariri received its first official land grant
in December 1669 for a place referred to simply as “Sítio São João”, but
this land was probably settled prior to this date. Settlers built the town
centre near where the Rio da Travessia (now the Rio Taperoá) and the
Riacho Jatobá meet. When the parish church was built in 1750, the town
was re-named Travessia dos Quatro Caminhos (Crossing of Four Roads).59
The town’s settlers dedicated themselves to raising livestock (cows, horses,
59 The town was run by the Coronel and cattleman José da Costa Ramos (formerly Costa
Romeu). Leal, p. 25.
Researching the history of slavery in Colombia and Brazil 279
sheep and goats) and cultivating cotton, cereals and manioc.60 The area also
developed an important internal market of manioc flour, the liquor known
as aguardente, and compressed sugar. Traveling salesmen with convoys of
donkeys distributed these products throughout the hinterland towns.61
When the parish of Nossa Senhora dos Milagres da Ribeira do Cariri (later
Nossa Senhora dos Milagres do São João do Cariri) was founded by the
Jesuits in 1750, and its church constructed in 1754, it became the largest
parish in Paraíba.62
Although we know from church records that São João do Cariri had
a significant number of enslaved Africans and people of African descent,
there is surprisingly little in the historical literature of the region about
this population. That historians have only recently begun to emphasise the
importance of reconstructing and analysing the history of this population
is not surprising, given their subaltern status. The enslaved Africans of the
sertão were doubly oppressed: first by the institution of slavery and the
slave trade, and then by the cruelty of the recurrent droughts in the region
which left their population especially exposed, abandoned and affected.
These recurrent droughts killed livestock and slaves and created a cycle
of poverty in the region from which, some would say, it has never fully
recovered.63
To better understand the relationship between the sertão, the coastal colonies
and the cities in Brazil’s colonial and imperial history — and to analyse the
role of indigenous and Afro-Brazilian populations in the development of
the region’s economy, culture and history — researchers must consult the
oldest documents remaining in the northeastern region. Unfortunately, as
the examples that follow demonstrate, these sources are frequently in poor
condition and in danger of disintegrating or disappearing within the next
decade. To mitigate this fate, in 2013 a team of researchers supported by the
EAP627 project began digitising documents from the Instituto Histórico e
Geográfico Paraibano (IHGP) in João Pessoa, the Arquivo Histórico Waldemar
Bispo Duarte in João Pessoa, and the Paróquia de Nossa Senhora dos Milagres
do São João do Cariri (Fig. 9.11).64
60 Ibid., p. 55; Padre João Jorge Rietveld, O verde Juazeiro: história da paróquia de São José de
Juazeirinho (João Pessoa: Imprell, 2009), pp. 96-98.
61 Mello, p. 266.
62 Campina Grande superseded it in 1769. Rietveld, p. 98.
63 Ibid., pp. 96-99.
64 EAP627: Digitising endangered seventeenth to nineteenth century secular and
ecclesiastical sources in São João do Cariri e João Pessoa, Paraíba, Brazil, http://eap.bl.uk/
database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP627
280 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 9.11 Students from the Universidade Federal da Paraíba filming ecclesiastical
records from Nossa Senhora dos Milagres do São João do Cariri (EAP627).
Photo by Tara LaFevor, CC BY.
65 Carmen Margarida Oliveira Alveal, Converting Land into Property in the Portuguese Atlantic
World, 16th-18th Century (Ph.D. thesis, Johns Hopkins University, 2007).
282 From Dust to Digital
66 Ibid., p. 7.
67 Ibid., p. 4.
Researching the history of slavery in Colombia and Brazil 283
Fig. 9.14 Nossa Senhora dos Milagres do São João do Cariri Church (EAP627).
Photo by David LaFevor, CC BY.
284 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 9.15 Book of Baptisms, Marriages and Deaths, 1752-1808, from Paróquia de Nossa
Senhora dos Milagres do São João do Cariri Paraíba (EAP627).
Photo by Paraíba team member, CC BY-NC-ND.
Researching the history of slavery in Colombia and Brazil 285
Fig. 9.16 Book of Baptisms, Marriages and Deaths, 1752-1808, from Paróquia de Nossa
Senhora dos Milagres do São João do Cariri Paraíba (EAP627).
Photo by Paraíba team member, CC BY-NC-ND.
286 From Dust to Digital
68 Citing EAP project documents, Solange Pereira da Rocha demonstrates that using these
lesser studied sources, “it is possible to elaborate new understandings of the multiplicity
of experiences of men and women that lived the experience of captivity, their perceptions
of their condition as slaves, and the ways in which they reconstituted family ties and
established links with people from other social groups.” Solange Pereira da Rocha, Gente
negra na Paraíba oitocentista: população, família e parentesco espiritual (São Paulo: Editora
UNESP, 2009), p. 66.
69 For comparison, on seventeenth-century church records from Rio de Janeiro see Mariza
Researching the history of slavery in Colombia and Brazil 287
de Carvalho Soares, People of Faith: Slavery and African Catholics in Eighteenth-Century Rio
de Janeiro (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2011).
70 Maria da Vitória Barbosa Lima, Liberdade interditada, liberdade reavida: escravos e libertos
na Paraíba escravista (século XIX) (Brasília: Fundação Cultural Palmares, 2013). This book
won the 2012 Concurso Nacional de Pesquisa sobre Cultura Afro-Brasileira, a national
award for research on Afro-Brazilian culture given by the Fundação Cultural Palmares,
discussed in more detail below. This recognition demonstrates that the importance of
histories based on these endangered sources has gained national attention as Brazilian
scholars emphasise the importance of studying the effects of slavery on its multi-ethnic
population.
71 Rocha, p. 27.
72 Ibid., p. 294.
73 Ibid.
74 Solange Mouzinho, Parentescos e sociabilidades: experiências de vida dos escravizados no sertão
paraibano de São João do Cariri, 1752-1816 (Master’s dissertation, Universidade Federal da
Paraíba, 2014). Mouzinho used the documents to create a database of the population of
São João do Cariri.
288 From Dust to Digital
Yet, it is not only scholars who are interested in these records. As Brazil
struggles to come to terms with the legacies of indigenous displacement and
African slavery, quilombos (maroon-descended communities) and indigenous
groups might draw upon these records to legally establish their lineage or
vindicate their rights. The Fundação Cultural Palmares (FCP) — so named
after the famed quilombo called Palmares in Pernambuco (modern-day
Alagoas) that resisted colonial domination for over a century — is an agency
of the Brazilian Ministry of Culture dedicated to “promoting the cultural,
social and economic values resulting from black influence in the formation
of Brazilian society”.75 The FCP was established by the Constitution of 1988,
and has the official mission of “preserving, protecting and disseminating
black culture, with the aim of inclusion and for the development of the black
population in the country”.76 Toward this end, one of the FCP’s specific
actions is to carry out research, studies and surveys about Afro-Brazilian
cultural legacies. The FCP also is in charge of protecting the legal rights of
quilombos and pulling together the documentation necessary to support their
historical justification. Ecclesiastical records, like those used to support the
research of Lima, Pereira, and Mouzinho, are fundamental in the preservation
of Afro-Brazilian patrimony.
Further, social movements dedicated to restoring lands granted by sesmaria
to indigenous groups rely on historical documents to make their claims. The
best-known of these groups, the Tabajara of Paraíba, have been struggling
since 2006 to reclaim lands granted to them by sesmaria in the seventeenth
century. By combining data from historical sources with GIS and satellite
technologies, the Tabajara and socially-dedicated scholars have joined forces
with some humble, yet significant successes.77 Making the records digitalised
by the EAP freely available through the Ecclesiastical and Secular Sources
for Slave Societies online archive not only preserves historical patrimony,
but also offers legal support to groups struggling with the economic, social,
cultural and legal legacies of Brazil’s history of colonisation and slavery.
75 “Programas e ações”, Fundação Cultural Palmares, accessed July 29, 2014, http://www.
palmares.gov.br/?page_id=20501
76 “Lei No. 7.668, de 22 de agosto de 1988”, accessed on July 29, 2014, available online:
http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/L7668.htm; “Programas e ações”.
77 On the Tabajara movement, see: Ismael Xavier de Araújo, Viviane dos Santos Sousa,
Roméria Santana da Silva Souza, Jeremias Jerônimo Leite, Tânia Maria de Andrade, and
Rodrigo Lira Albuquerque dos Santos, “Processo de emergência étnica: povo indígena
Tabajara da Paraíba”, in Congresso Norte Nordeste de Pesquisa e Inovação (CONNEPI)
(2012). Available online at http://propi.ifto.edu.br/ocs/index.php/connepi/vii/paper/
view/2110/1626
Researching the history of slavery in Colombia and Brazil 289
References
Acosta Saignes, Miguel, Vida de los esclavos negros en Venezuela (Caracas: Hespérides,
1967).
Almeida, José Américo de, A Paraíba e seus problemas, 3rd edn. (João Pessoa: Estado
da Paraíba, Secretaria da Educação e Cultura, Diretoria Geral da Cultura, 1980
[1923]).
Alveal, Carmen Margarida Oliveira, Converting Land into Property in the Portuguese
Atlantic World, 16th-18th Century (Ph.D. thesis, Johns Hopkins University, 2007).
Andrews, Kenneth R., The Spanish Caribbean: Trade and Plunder, 1530-1630 (New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1978).
Andrews, K. R., The Last Voyage of Drake and Hawkins (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1972).
Araújo, Ismael Xavier de, Viviane dos Santos Sousa, Roméria Santana da Silva
Souza, Jeremias Jerônimo Leite, Tânia Maria de Andrade and Rodrigo Lira
Albuquerque dos Santos, “Processo de emergência étnica: povo indígena
Tabajara da Paraíba”, Palmas, Tocantins (2012), http://propi.ifto.edu.br/ocs/
index.php/connepi/vii/paper/view/2110/1626
Barrera Monroy, Eduardo, “La Rebelión Guajira de 1769: algunas constantes
de la cultura Wayuu y razones de su pervivencia”, Revista Credencial Historia
(June, 1990), http://www.banrepcultural.org/blaavirtual/revistas/credencial/
junio1990/junio2.htm
—, Mestizaje, comercio y resistencia: La Guajira durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII
(Bogotá: Instituto Colombiano de Antropolgía e Historia, 2000).
Bassi Arevalo, Ernesto, Between Imperial Projects and National Dreams: Communication
Networks, Geopolitical Imagination, and the Role of New Granada in the Configuration
of a Greater Caribbean Space, 1780s-1810s (Ph.D. thesis, University of California,
Irvine, 2012).
Borrego Plá, María del Carmen, Cartagena de Indias en el Siglo XVI (Seville: Escuela
de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1983).
Campbell, Courtney J., “History of the Brazilian Northeast”, in Oxford Bibliographies
in Latin America, ed. by Ben Vinson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).
Castillo Mathieu, Nicolás del, “Población aborigen y conquista, 1498-1540”, in
História Económica y Social del Caribe Colombiano, ed. by Adolfo Roca Meisel
(Bogotá: Ediciones Uninorte-ECOE, 1994).
Eakin, Marshall, Brazil: The Once and Future Country (New York: St Martin’s Griffin,
1997).
Grahn, Lance R., “An Irresoluble Dilemma: Smuggling in New Granada, 1713-
1763”, in Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon New Granada and Peru, ed. by John
R. Fisher, Allan J. Kuethe and Anthony McFarlane (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana
State University Press, 1990), pp. 123-46.
—, The Political Economy of Smuggling: Regional Informal Economies in Early Bourbon
New Granada (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997).
Helg, Aline, Liberty and Equality in Caribbean Colombia, 1770-1835 (Chapel Hill, NC:
University of North Carolina Press, 2004).
290 From Dust to Digital
Scholars have developed a lively and fruitful interest in the history of slavery
and other forms of unfree labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria. Paul
E. Lovejoy and Jan Hogendorn have investigated how various measures
implemented by the colonial government resulted in the “slow death of
slavery”;2 Chinedu N. Ubah has examined how the end of slave trading
came about in three stages;3 Alan Christelow has emphasised how Emir
Abbas of the Kano Emirate dealt with cases involving emancipation and
redemption;4 and Ibrahim Jumare has looked at how the 1936 proclamation
marked the beginning of the last phase of domestic slavery in all parts
of Northern Nigeria.5 While the history of slavery has attracted the most
critical attention, the history of forced labour has not been neglected.
1 The research for this article was funded by the Endangered Archives Programme and the
College of Liberal Arts award from the University of Mississippi. I would like to thank
the editor and anonymous reviewers of this volume for their comments and support.
2 See for instance Jan S. Hogendorn and Paul E. Lovejoy, “The Reform of Slavery in Early
Colonial Northern Nigeria”, in The End of Slavery in Africa, ed. by Suzanne Miers and
Richard Roberts (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), pp. 391-411.
3 Chinedu N. Ubah, “Suppression of the Slave Trade in the Nigerian Emirates”, Journal of
African History, 32 (1991), 447-70.
4 Alan Christelow, “Slavery in Kano, 1913-1914: Evidence from the Judicial Records”,
African Economic History, 14 (1985), 57-74. Related to Christelow’s work on the Kano
region is Polly Hill, “From Farm Slavery to Freedom: The Case of Farm Slavery in
Nigerian Hausaland”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 18 (1976), 395-426.
5 Ibrahim M. Jumare, “The Late Treatment of Slavery in Sokoto: Background and
Consequences of the 1936 Proclamation”, International Journal of African Historical Studies,
27/2 (1994), 303-22.
Michael Mason, for example, has drawn our attention to the use of forced
labour in railway construction,6 while other general studies on wage labour
in Northern Nigeria have made considerable reference to either slavery or
forced and bonded labour in general.7
Although there is evident interest in the history of slavery and unfree
labour in Northern Nigeria, as well as a burgeoning interest in the history
of the prison system across Nigeria,8 I am not aware of any comprehensive
study on convict labour in the region. I have referred to the employment
of convict labour in agricultural production in early colonial Kano, but in a
book that focuses primarily on the pre-colonial period.9 Other writers have
written comprehensive studies dealing mainly with the post-colonial use of
convict labour in other parts of Africa.10 Whereas most extant literature on
convict labour focuses on the post-colonial era, Allen Cook’s work on convict
labour in South Africa, unlike this study, mainly explores the “relationship
of the prison labour system to other aspects of apartheid.”11 This paper
seeks to add to the growing literature on convict labour in Africa, among
the forms of unfree labour, by introducing to the debate colonial records
related to the use of convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria.
The colonial records used in this study were written by Frederick Lugard,
the first Governor of Northern Nigeria, and other colonial administrators
in the region.12 After the British conquest of Northern Nigeria in 1897-1903,
Lugard fashioned an administrative system of indirect rule, mainly because
6 Michael Mason, “Working on the Railway: Forced Labor in Northern Nigeria, 1907-
1912”, in African Labor History, ed. by Peter C. W. Gutkind, Robin Cohen and Jean Copans
(London: Sage, 1978), pp. 56-79.
7 See, for instance, Kohnert Dirk, “The Transformation of Rural Labour Systems in Colonial
and Post-Colonial Northern Nigeria”, Journal of Peasant Studies, 13/4 (1986), 258-71.
8 Examples of works that focus comprehensively or less comprehensively on the prison
system in Nigeria include Viviane Saleh-Hanna, ed., Colonial Systems of Control: Criminal
Justice in Nigeria (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2008); Tanimu Bashir, “Nigeria
Convicts and Prison Rehabilitation Ideals”, Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa,
12/3 (2010), 140-52; and T. O. Elias, ed., The Prisons System in Nigeria: Papers (Lagos: Lagos
University Press, 1968).
9 Mohammed Bashir Salau, The West African Slave Plantation: A Case Study (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 124-25.
10 See for instance Kwame Frimpong, “Botswana and Ghana”; Gail Super, “Namibia”; and
Dirk Van Zyl Smit, “South Africa”, in Prison Labour: Salvation or Slavery?: International
Perspectives, ed. by Dirk van Zyl Smit and Frieder Dünkel (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), pp.
25-36, pp. 153-68 and pp. 211-40 respectively.
11 Allen Cook, Akin to Slavery: Prison Labour in South Africa (London: International Defence
and Aid Fund, 1982), p. 3.
12 For more details on Lugard see, for instance, I. F. Nicolson, The Administration of Nigeria,
1900-1960: Men, Methods and Myths (London: Oxford University Press, 1969); and
Margery Perham, Lugard: The Years of Authority 1898-1945 (London: Collins, 1960).
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 295
Britain was not prepared to bear the cost involved in employing a large
number of its citizens as administrators in Africa. Under this system, just
a few European officials were able to rule through an agency of native
administration. These Europeans often lived in separate quarters and enjoyed
many privileges. Over time, the administrators in question promoted many
policies and programmes such as railway construction, road construction
and cash crop production.13
The colonial records used in writing this study were largely obtained in
2012 as part of a major digitisation project (EAP535) funded by the Endangered
Archives Programme at the British Library.14 This project targeted materials
stored at the National Archives of Nigeria in Kaduna and written during
the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Hausa, Arabic and English.
It succeeded in creating an updated catalogue of materials that focus on
the pre-colonial and early colonial history of Northern Nigeria (see Figs.
10.1-10.4 for examples of targeted materials). This catalogue contains 2,376
items dealing with such diverse topics as colonial policies, slavery, religion,
forced labour, convict labour, pawning, agriculture and culture.15 The research
team turned all of the physical paper items associated with this catalogue
into 62,177 digital files. We have also deposited copies of all the digitised
materials at the National Archives of Nigeria and at the British Library.16
The research team did not digitise all of the colonial records available
in the National Archives or even all of the materials related to the various
series mentioned below. The project leader and the relevant officials of the
National Archives jointly selected materials for digitisation. Two major
criteria for selection were the historical value of the records and the state of
their physical preservation.
Fig. 10.1 Kitāb tārīkh Zazzau [A History of Zazzu or Zaria Emirate] by B. Ulama-i, 1924.
Digitised handwritten Arabic document (EAP535/1/2/3/2, image 2), Public Domain.
Fig. 10.2 Digitised original file description written in English on an Arabic document
by Sultan Muhammad Bello, n.d. (probably 1954-1966). The National Archives,
Kaduna (EAP535/1/2/3/3, image 2), Public Domain.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 297
Fig. 10.3 A Guide to Understanding Certain Aspects of Islam, by Sultan Muhammad Bello,
1809. The National Archives, Kaduna (EAP535/1/2/3/3, image 3), Public Domain.
Fig. 10.4 Waqar jami-yah by Sheikh Ahmadu ti-la ibn Abdullahi, n.d.
(EAP535/1/2/19/20, image 2), Public Domain.
298 From Dust to Digital
The EAP535 Provincial Record Collection has been organised into seven
series by place/geographical areas:
Few of the materials in both the EAP535 collections focus primarily on convict
labour. Rather, the majority are in the form of intelligence reports, district
assessment and reassessment reports, letters, memoranda, provincial annual
reports, provincial quarterly reports and touring reports.
The archival documents digitised in the course of EAP535 present a number
of problems. For instance, most of the documents are culturally biased: none
of them come from the convicts’ viewpoint. In one document, a European
official commenting on the colonial police states that: “The fact is that this
country does not produce men who can be trusted out of sight of European
officers”.17 Implicitly, this statement characterises the local people of Northern
Nigeria as incapable of the same strength of character that the policemen are
assumed to possess. It reveals a conscious effort to depict Africans as inferior
while portraying Europeans as members of a superior race.
The limitations of such materials notwithstanding, they constitute a valuable
source of information about convict labour when analysed together. They tell
us about the criminal records of convict labourers, the development of the
prison institutions in which they lived, the health issues they experienced,
their discipline and their work activities (see examples of colonial records that
highlight such issues in Figs. 10.5-10.8). Furthermore, the materials demonstrate
that colonial records focusing exclusively on the prison institution/convict
labourers do indeed exist.18
17 EAP535/3/7/2/7: Sokoto Province, monthly report no. 25, May and June 1905.
18 While investigating documents in the National Archives of Nigeria in Kaduna, I
discovered that the Prison Department in colonial Northern Nigeria maintained monthly
and annual reports. Also, many records in the Public Works Department (PWD), as well
as other SNP and provincial files dealing with the late colonial era, contain references
to the use of convict labourers. Unfortunately, mainly due to the limited duration of the
project, the research team could not digitise all materials related to the use of convict
labour during the colonial era.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 301
Fig. 10.5 Report on the annual inspection of Zungeru prison by Lieutenant Colonel
Hasler, 1906 [1] (EAP535/2/2/5/4, image 7), Public Domain.
302 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 10.6 Report on the annual inspection of Zungeru prison by Lieutenant Colonel
Hasler, 1906 [2] (EAP535/2/2/5/4, image 5), Public Domain.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 303
19 The Harriet Tubman Institute probably obtained these materials from the British Library,
although such colonial records could be found in other archives based elsewhere.
20 The Yusuf Yunusa Collection consists of interviews recorded on cassette tapes in 1975.
The tapes have been deposited at the Northern History Research Scheme of Ahmadu
Bello University, Zaria, and at the Harriet Tubman Institute, York University, Toronto.
They are also available on CDs or in digital format at the Tubman Institute.
306 From Dust to Digital
21 Salau, pp. 83-84; Northern Nigeria Annual Report (henceforth cited as NNAR) 1902,
p. 29; Thierno Bah, “Captivity and Incarceration in Nineteenth-Century West Africa”,
in A History of Prison and Confinement in Africa, ed. by Florence Bernault (Portsmouth,
NH: Heinemann, 2003), pp. 69-77 (p. 74); and David Killingray, “Punishment to Fit the
Crime?: Penal Policy and Practice in British Colonial Africa”, in Prison and Confinement in
Africa, pp. 97-118 (p. 100).
22 For further details on how slaves were used to foster Hausa-Fulani or Muslim hegemony
in the Sokoto Caliphate see, for instance, Salau, pp. 45-54.
23 Bah, p. 74.
24 F. D. Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (Edinburgh: William Blackwood,
1922), p. 199; and Bah, p. 74.
25 Ibrahim Jumare, Land Tenure in Sokoto Sultanate of Nigeria (Ph.D. thesis, York University,
Toronto, 1995), p. 193; and Hugh Clapperton, Journal of Second Expedition into the Interior
of Africa from the Bight of Benin to Socaccatoo (London: Frank Cass, 1829), p. 210.
26 Salau, p. 83; Yusuf Yunusa, Slavery in the 19th Century Kano (Bachelor’s dissertation,
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1976), pp. 23-24; and Paul E. Lovejoy, “Slavery in
the Sokoto Caliphate”, in The Ideology of Slavery in Africa, ed. by Paul E. Lovejoy (Los
Angeles, CA: Sage, 1981), pp. 200-43 (p. 232). See also the Yunusa Collection at the
Harriet Tubman Institute, York University, particularly the testimonies of Muhammadu
Sarkin Yaki Dogari (aged 70 when interviewed at Kurawa ward, Kano city, 28 September
1975), Malam Muhammadu (aged 75 when interviewed at Bakin Zuwo, Kano Emirate,
9 October 1975), and Sallaman Kano (aged 55 when interviewed at the Emir’s palace, 20
September 1975). Sallaman Kano was resident at the palace and responsible for the royal
holdings at Giwaram and Gogel.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 307
including those whom they did not want to sell or otherwise dispose of,
to this prison for reform or, as Yusuf Yunusa puts it, “to be punished and
preached to”.27 On a slave’s arrival at the prison, the master was expected
to declare the specific offence the slave had committed and the type of
punishment to be meted out. Thereafter, the erring slave was admitted
to the facility through two doors, being severely beaten in the process.28
The conditions at Gidan Ma’ajin Watari were terrible, as an early colonial
record indicates:29
A small doorway 2 ft. 6 in. by 18 in. gives access into it; the interior is divided
by a thick mud wall (with a smaller hole in it) into two compartments, each 17
ft. by 7 ft. and 11 ft. high. This wall was pierced with holes at its base, through
which the legs of those sentenced to death were thrust up to the thigh, and
they were left to be trodden on by the mass of other prisoners till they died of
thirst and starvation. The place is entirely air-tight and unventilated, except
for one small doorway or rather hole in the wall through which you creep.
The total space inside is 2,618 cu. ft., and at the time we took Kano [1903] 135
human beings were confined here each night, being let out during the day to
cook their food, etc., in a small adjoining area. Recently as many as 200 have
been interned at one time. As the superficial ground area was only 238 square
feet, there was not, of course, even standing room. Victims were crushed to
death every night — their corpses were hauled out each morning.30
33 On the maintenance of old prisons, see NNAR 1902, p. 76; and on the construction of new
prisons, see Viviane Saleh-Hanna and Chukwuma Ume, “Evolution of the Penal System:
Criminal Justice in Nigeria”, in Colonial Systems of Control: Criminal Justice in Nigeria, ed.
by Viviane Saleh-Hanna (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2008), pp. 55-68.
34 For further details on the growth of the prison system in Nigeria, including Northern
Nigeria, see ibid., pp. 55-68.
35 NNAR 1904, p. 61.
36 For references to the predominance of cash crops in Nigerian agriculture of the time
see, for instance, Jan S. Hogendorn, Nigerian Groundnut Exports: Origins and Early
Development (London: Oxford University Press, 1979); F. A. Okediji, An Economic History
of Hausa-Fulani Empire of Northern Nigeria, 1900-1939 (Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University
Bloomington, 1972); and Bade Onimode, Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria: The
Dialectics of Mass Poverty (Lagos: Macmillan, 1983).
37 For further details on such incentives see, for instance, Hogendorn, Nigerian Groundnut
Exports, pp. 16-35 and 58-76.
38 For further details on steps taken to enhance groundnut production in colonial Northern
Nigeria see, for instance, Salau, pp. 122-25; and Hogendorn, Nigerian Groundnut Exports,
pp. 58-76.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 309
39 NNAR 1912, p. 10; EAP535/2/2/10/26: Nassarawa Province quarterly report, June 1911;
EAP535/2/2/11/18: Niger Province annual report, 1911.
40 For an excellent discussion of colonial land policies in early colonial Northern Nigeria
and the problems of land use faced by slaves in particular, see Jan S. Hogendorn and
Paul E. Lovejoy, Slow Death for Slavery: The Course of Abolition in Northern Nigeria, 1897-
1936 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
41 EAP535/2/2/11/18.
42 Ibid.
43 NNAR 1912, p. 18; EAP535/2/2/10/26; EAP535/2/2/11/18; EAP535/2/2/11/8: Kabba
Province annual report, 1911.
310 From Dust to Digital
Although this is not spelled out, the evidence suggests that convicts relied
on the use of traditional implements and technologies (Fig. 10.9). According
to one report, cash crop production, and farming in general, was often
“undertaken in a really strenuous manner”; moreover, at least in Nassarawa
Province before May 1911, the amount of food “originally provided was quite
inadequate for men working as hard as they do”.52 This is not to say that
colonial administrators regularly starved the convicts. Indeed, some colonial
administrators viewed the productive activities of convicts as important.
Consequently they believed that prisoners should be fed at least the minimum
amount and quality of food necessary to maintain their productivity. For
example, on noting that the “contract agreement”53 system was responsible for
the inadequate amount of food supplied to convicts in Nassarawa Province
before his tenure as the Resident of Nassarawa Province in May 1911, Major
Larymore discontinued this system. Instead he instituted a prisoner’s food
committee consisting of “one clerk, one Political Agent, and the sergeant of
police” who eventually saw to it that convicts received “rather more than
twice what they did before, under a contract agreement”.54 Overall, cash
crop production, whether or not prisoners received an inadequate amount
of food in the course of their activity, was less beneficial to the convicts than
the food crops they produced, and the emphasis on cash crop production
resulted in convicts being forced into strenuous labour.55
52 EAP535/2/2/10/26.
53 Ibid. It is important to stress that this source seems to suggest that prisons depended
on local contractors/merchants for part of their food supplies under the “contract
agreement” system.
54 EAP535/2/2/10/26.
55 Ibid.
56 Mason, p. 57.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 313
57 See, for instance, ibid.; Hogendorn, Nigerian Groundnut Exports, pp. 16-35; and Northen
Nigeria Annual Report 1902, p. 58.
58 Toyin Falola and Matthew M. Heaton, A History of Nigeria (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2008), p. 116; and Matthew M. Heaton, Black Skin, White Coats:
Nigerian Psychiatrists, Decolonization, and the Globalization of Psychiatry (Athens, OH: Ohio
University Press, 2013), p. 32.
59 For details on land policies and other factors that compelled slaves to take part in
infrastructural works in early colonial Northern Nigeria, see Hogendorn and Lovejoy,
Slow Death for Slavery, pp. 136-58.
60 EAP535/2/2/4/20: Difficulty of obtaining labourers at Yola.
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid.
314 From Dust to Digital
63 NNAR 1908, p. 31. For a similar classification, see EAP535/2/2/5/4: Report on prisons for
year ending 21 December 1905.
64 NNAR 1907-08, p. 31. For a similar entry see, for instance, EAP535/2/2/5/4.
65 NNAR 1908, p. 12; and NNAR 1909, p. 15.
66 NNAR 1908, p. 31.
67 NNAR 1907-08, p. 31; and NNAR 1909, p. 15.
68 See, for instance, EAP535/2/2/11/9: Bornu Province annual report, 1911.
69 NNAR 1903, p. 25.
70 For examples of the use of reform rhetoric by colonial officials see, for instance, NNAR
1906-07, p. 41; and EAP535/2/2/10/38: Nassarawa Province quarterly report, September
1911.
71 Inferred from ibid.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 315
Fig. 10.10 Report on the unsatisfactory conduct of the Maaji of Zaria by the District
Officer in charge of the Zaria Emirate, Y. Kirkpatrick, to the Resident of Zaria
Province, 1921 [1] (EAP535/2/3/6/18, image 20), Public Domain.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 317
Fig. 10.11 Report on the unsatisfactory conduct of the Maaji of Zaria by the District
Officer in charge of the Zaria Emirate, Y. Kirkpatrick, to the Resident of Zaria
Province, 1921 [2] (EAP535/2/3/6/18, image 21), Public Domain.
318 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 10.12 Report on the unsatisfactory conduct of the Maaji of Zaria by the District
Officer in charge of the Zaria Emirate, Y. Kirkpatrick, to the Resident of Zaria
Province, 1921 [3] (EAP535/2/3/6/18, image 22), Public Domain.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 319
Like the colonial document on Zaria discussed above (Figs. 10.10-10.12), Michael
Mason’s exploration of the use of forced labour in railway construction also
demonstrates that convict labourers employed by the PWD often experienced
physical cruelty.78
In colonial Northern Nigeria, convict labourers of diverse cultural
backgrounds were often accommodated in the same prison, and the prisons
themselves were often located in settlements consisting of African immigrants
and non-African, mainly European residents. Each of these diverse groups
wanted to maintain their own food consumption habits, which required
the cultivation of specific crops. It seems that one of the reasons the state
allowed some of the prison farmlands in virtually all parts of Northern
Nigeria to be used as centres for the cultivation of varieties of food, fruits
and vegetable crops was to meet the culinary needs of people from diverse
African and European backgrounds.79 Allowing such use of some of the
prison farmlands helped to address the increasing food demand of convicts
in many prisons. It also lowered the cost of the prisoners’ maintenance and
improved the nutritional content of their diet.80 Crops cultivated in prison
farmlands in early colonial Northern Nigeria included yams, potatoes,
beans, Indian peas, guinea corn, soya beans, cassava, “tropical fruits and
English vegetables”.81 In determining what crop should be grown in each
prison farmland, colonial officials sometimes based their suggestions, and
probably decisions, on the results of experiments in their private gardens,
as the following excerpt suggests:
Potato farms on a fairly large scale should certainly be tried this year. The
results in my private garden were thoroughly successful. The produce of one
case resulted in three months’ sufficiency or nearly three cases. I should imagine
that the prison earnings from this source would be considerable (Fig. 10.9).82
Fruit and vegetable crop production in these prison farmlands had further
advantages. It involved little or no capital investment by the state and it was
not related to technological improvements in agricultural techniques. The
78 Here, forced labourers refer to non-convicts who were conscripted into forced labour.
See Mason.
79 NNAR 1912, p. 18.
80 NNAR 1906-07, p. 41; and NNAR 1912, p. 18. For discussion related to the issue of proper
nutrition for prisoners, see p. 15.
81 See, among others, NNAR 1906-07, p. 41; EAP535/2/2/11/18; EAP535/2/2/11/8;
EAP535/3/6/5/4: Niger Province annual report no. 6, 1913; EAP535/2/2/8/1: Zaria Province
quarterly report, December 1908.
82 EAP535/2/2/11/18.
320 From Dust to Digital
production of the crops in prison was also a great boon to local Europeans,
and to many Africans, because it significantly lowered food prices. The
additional revenue generated for the prisons allowed them to pay for the
provision of other food items to convicts, such as palm oil, fish and salt, or
for any other necessary maintenance expenses.
Many prison farms planted with edible crops yielded good results, at least
during specific agricultural seasons.83 Nevertheless, prison-farm production
of crops — whether fruits and vegetables or cash crops — was not without
problems. Their production was not cost-free, at least to the convicts; for
most of them, the cultivation and care of such crops involved strenuous or
“unpleasant” forced labour.84 Other issues included poor seeds and related
planting materials, an inadequate workforce at times when prison labour
was moved to other public works, an inadequate supply of water, poor soil
conditions, poor supervision by colonial officials, natural disasters and poor
farming skills.85 The colonial administrators recognised that these problems
put constraints on the agricultural yields and that poor harvests, in turn, made
the cost of feeding the prisoners higher than it should be. In one report, for
instance, Lugard noted that:
There has been a general increase in the expenditure on prisoners’ food during
the year, particularly at Bornu, Bassa, Kano and Kabba, which is ascribed
to indifferent harvests. The maximum rate of 2d. per prisoner per day was
exceeded in Bassa and Kabba for a portion of the year. The daily average cost
per prisoner during the year was 1s. 5d.86
83 For references to successful farmlands see, for instance, EAP535/2/5/1/14: Kabba Province
quarterly report, December 1912; and EAP535/3/6/5/4.
84 EAP535/3/7/2/5 and EAP535/2/2/10/26. It is notable that the former also reveals that
convicts were often forced to labour in mosquito breeding swamps.
85 NNAR 1913, p. 12; EAP535/2/2/10/26; EAP535/2/2/11/8; EAP535/2/5/1/81; EAP535/3/6/5/4.
86 NNAR 1913, p. 12.
87 EAP535/2/2/10/32: Kabba Province quarterly report, September 1911.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 321
88 EAP535/3/6/5/4; and EAP535/3/8/2/12: Zaria Province annual report no. 62, 1913 also
indicates that poor supervision resulted in a specific farm failure in Zaria Province in
1913.
89 See Heussler, The British in Northern Nigeria, especially pp. 31 and 53.
90 This idea is expressed in, for instance, EAP535/3/6/5/4.
91 EAP535/2/5/1/39: Quarterly report no. 80, December 1912, by Mr. F. H. Buxton. On
the hiring out of convicts, see also EAP535/2/2/11/13: Yola Province quarterly report,
December 1911; EAP535/2/5/1/46: Muri Province annual report, 1912; and EAP535/3/7/2/7.
92 EAP535/2/5/1/39.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 323
written in the same year (1913) shows that non-convict labourers earned a
daily wage of 4d.93
Several reports by colonial administrators reveal that significant cost
savings were achieved through the use of convict labour. In 1907, for instance,
one administrator reported that “All prison clothing has been made on the
premises. In the Provinces the prisoners have been principally employed on
farm work, conservancy, and making and repairing roads. […] In Zungeru
and Lokoja the prison farms supply sufficient food for the maintenance of
the prisoners”.94 Similarly, in 1910, he reported:
Substantial stone workshops, built entirely by prison labour, have been erected
in Zungeru. The gaol at Lokoja was considerably enlarged during the year
by the addition of a new wing. A considerable saving to the general revenue
on this account has been effected, and it is proposed to further extend the
system of employing convict labour on such work.95
99 Clare Anderson and Hamish Maxwell-Stewart, “Convict Labour and the Western
Empires, 1415-1954”, in The Routledge History of Western Empires, ed. by Robert Aldrich
and Kirsten McKenzie (London: Routledge, 2013), pp. 102-17 (p. 113).
100 William H. Worger, “Convict Labour, Industrialists and the State in the US South and
South Africa, 1870-1930”, Journal of Southern African Studies, 30 (2004), 63-86.
101 Florence Bernault, “The Shadow of Rule: Colonial Power and Modern Punishment in
Africa”, in Cultures of Confinement: A History of the Prison in Africa, Asia and Latin America,
ed. by Frank Diköter and Ian Brown (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2007), pp.
55-95.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 325
References
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Empires, 1415-1954”, in The Routledge History of Western Empires, ed. by Robert
Aldrich and Kirsten McKenzie (London: Routledge, 2013), pp. 102-17.
Bah, Thierno, “Captivity and Incarceration in Nineteenth-Century West Africa”, in A
History of Prison and Confinement in Africa, ed. by Florence Bernault (Portsmouth,
NH: Heinemann, 2003), pp. 69-77.
Bashir, Tanimu, “Nigeria Convicts and Prison Rehabilitation Ideals”, Journal of
Sustainable Development in Africa, 12/3 (2010), 140-52.
Bernault, Florence, “The Shadow of Rule: Colonial Power and Modern Punishment
in Africa”, in Cultures of Confinement: A History of the Prison in Africa, Asia
and Latin America, ed. by Frank Diköter and Ian Brown (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2007), pp. 55-95.
Christelow, Alan, “Slavery in Kano, 1913-1914: Evidence from the Judicial Records”,
African Economic History, 14 (1985), 57-74.
Clapperton, Hugh, Journal of Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa from the Bight
of Benin to Socaccatoo (London: Frank Cass, 1829).
Cook, Allen, Akin to Slavery: Prison Labour in South Africa (London: International
Defence and Aid Fund, 1982).
Dirk, Kohnert, “The Transformation of Rural Labour Systems in Colonial and Post-
Colonial Northern Nigeria”, Journal of Peasant Studies, 13/4 (1986), 258-71.
Elias, T. O., ed., The Prisons System in Nigeria: Papers (Lagos: Lagos University Press,
1968).
Falola, Toyin, and Matthew M. Heaton, A History of Nigeria (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2008).
Frimpong, Kwame, “Botswana and Ghana”, in Prison Labour: Salvation or Slavery?:
International Perspectives, ed. by Dirk van Zyl Smit and Frieder Dünkel (Aldershot:
Ashgate, 1999), pp. 25-36.
Heaton, Matthew M., Black Skin, White Coats: Nigerian Psychiatrists, Decolonization,
and the Globalization of Psychiatry (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2013).
Heussler, Robert, The British in Northern Nigeria (London: Oxford University Press,
1968).
Hill, Polly, “From Farm Slavery to Freedom: The Case of Farm Slavery in Nigerian
Hausaland”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 18 (1976), 395-426.
Hogendorn, Jan S., Nigerian Groundnut Exports: Origins and Early Development
(London: Oxford University Press, 1979).
—, and Paul E. Lovejoy, “The Reform of Slavery in Early Colonial Northern
Nigeria”, in The End of Slavery in Africa, ed. by Suzanne Miers and Richard
Roberts (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), pp. 391-411.
—, and Paul E. Lovejoy, Slow Death for Slavery: The Course of Abolition in Northern
Nigeria, 1897-1936 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
Jumare, Ibrahim M., “The Late Treatment of Slavery in Sokoto: Background and
Consequences of the 1936 Proclamation”, International Journal of African Historical
Studies, 27/2 (1994), 303-22.
Convict labour in early colonial Northern Nigeria 327
—, Land Tenure in Sokoto Sultanate of Nigeria (Ph.D. thesis, York University, Toronto,
1995).
Killingray, David, “Punishment to Fit the Crime?: Penal Policy and Practice in
British Colonial Africa”, in A History of Prison and Confinement in Africa, pp. 97-
118.
Lovejoy, Paul E., “Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate”, in The Ideology of Slavery in
Africa, ed. by Paul E. Lovejoy (Los Angeles, CA: Sage, 1981), pp. 200-43.
Lugard, F. D., The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (Edinburgh: William
Blackwood, 1922).
Mason, Michael, “Working on the Railway: Forced Labor in Northern Nigeria,
1907-1912”, in African Labor History, ed. by Peter C. W. Gutkind, Robin Cohen
and Jean Copans (London: Sage, 1978), pp. 56-79.
Nicolson, I. F., The Administration of Nigeria, 1900-1960: Men, Methods and Myths
(London: Oxford University Press, 1969).
Northern Nigeria Annual Reports 1902-1912, MS, Harriet Tubman Institute, York
University, Toronto, Canada (cited as NNAR) (uncatalogued).
Okediji, F. A., An Economic History of Hausa-Fulani Empire of Northern Nigeria, 1900-
1939 (Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University Bloomington, 1972).
Onimode, Bade, Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria: The Dialectics of Mass
Poverty (Lagos: Macmillan, 1983).
Orr, Charles William James, The Making of Northern Nigeria, 2nd edn. (London: Cass,
1965).
Perham, Margery, Lugard: The Years of Authority 1898-1945 (London: Collins, 1960).
Salau, Mohammed Bashir, The West African Slave Plantation: A Case Study (New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).
Saleh-Hanna, Viviane, and Chukwuma Ume, “Evolution of the Penal System:
Criminal Justice in Nigeria”, in Colonial Systems of Control: Criminal Justice in
Nigeria, ed. by Viviane Saleh-Hanna (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2008),
pp. 55-68.
—, ed., Colonial Systems of Control: Criminal Justice in Nigeria (Ottawa: University of
Ottawa Press, 2008).
Super, Gail, “Namibia”, in Prison Labour: Salvation or Slavery?: International
Perspectives, ed. by Dirk van Zyl Smit and Frieder Dünkel (Aldershot: Ashgate,
1999), pp. 153-68.
Ubah, Chinedu N., “Suppression of the Slave Trade in the Nigerian Emirates”,
Journal of African History, 32 (1991), 447-70.
Van Zyl Smit, Dirk, “South Africa”, in Prison Labour: Salvation or Slavery?: International
Perspectives, ed. by Dirk van Zyl Smit and Frieder Dünkel (Aldershot: Ashgate,
1999), pp. 211-40.
Worger, William H., “Convict Labour, Industrialists and the State in the US South
and South Africa, 1870-1930”, Journal of Southern African Studies, 30 (2004), 63-86.
Yunusa, Yusuf, Slavery in the 19th Century Kano (Bachelor’s dissertation, Ahmadu
Bello University, Zaria, 1976).
328 From Dust to Digital
EAP535/3/7/2/5
Sokoto Province monthly report no. 23, February 1905.
EAP535/3/7/2/7
Sokoto Province monthly report no. 25, May and June 1905.
EAP535/2/2/5/4
Report on prisons for year ending 21 December 1905.
EAP535/2/2/5/16
Bornu Province quarterly report, September 1906.
EAP535/2/2/7/39
Kano Province twelve-year report, 30 June 1908.
EAP535/2/2/8/1
Zaria Province quarterly report, December 1908.
EAP535/2/2/10/26
Nassarawa Province quarterly report, June 1911.
EAP535/2/2/10/32
Kabba Province quarterly report, September 1911.
EAP535/2/2/10/38
Nassarawa Province quarterly report, September 1911.
EAP535/2/2/10/44
Bornu Province quarterly report, December 1911.
EAP535/2/2/11/13
Yola Province quarterly report, December 1911.
EAP535/2/2/11/18
Niger Province annual report, 1911.
EAP535/2/2/11/8
Kabba Province annual report, 1911.
EAP535/2/2/11/9
Bornu Province annual report, 1911.
EAP535/2/2/11/17
Nassarawa Province annual report, 1911.
EAP535/2/5/1/39
Quarterly report no. 80, December 1912, by Mr. F. H. Buxton Resident Muri Province.
EAP535/2/5/1/14
Kabba Province quarterly report, December 1912.
EAP535/2/5/1/46
Muri Province annual report, 1912.
EAP535/2/5/1/81
Zaria Province quarterly report, March 1913.
EAP535/3/6/5/4
Niger Province annual report no. 6, 1913.
EAP535/3/8/2/12
Zaria Province annual report no. 62, 1913.
EAP535/3/2/2
Kano Province annual report, 1917.
EAP535/2/2/9/1
Sanitation labourers for Katsina Allah.
EAP535/2/2/4/20
Difficulty of obtaining labourers at Yola.
EAP535/2/3/6/18
Report of unsatisfactory conduct of Maaji of Zaria.
EAP535/2/3/6/9
Flogging in gaols for prison offences: amendment of regulations.
11. Murid Ajami sources of knowledge:
the myth and the reality1
Fallou Ngom
Ajami, the practice of writing other languages using the modified Arabic
script, is a centuries-old tradition, deeply embedded in the histories and
cultures of Islamised Africa.2 With roots intertwined with those of the
first Quranic schools of Africa, Ajami remains important in rural areas
and religious centres where the Quranic school is the primary educational
institution.3 African Ajami traditions go as far back as the sixteenth century
to the early days of Islam in sub-Saharan Africa.4 They emerged as local
scholars understood that they needed to write in local languages texts
1 The transliteration of Arabic words in this chapter is based on the LOC transliteration
system.
2 See Helmi Sharaway, ed., Heritage of African Languages Manuscripts (Ajami), 1st edn.
(Bamako: Institut Culturel Afro-Arabe, 2005); Meikal Mumin and Kees Versteegh, eds.,
The Arabic Script in Africa: Studies in the Use of a Writing System (Leiden: Brill, 2014); and
Moulaye Hassane, “Ajami in Africa: The Use of Arabic Script in the Transcription of
African Languages”, in The Meaning of Timbuktu, ed. by Shamil Jeppie and Souleymane
Bachir Diagne (Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council 2008), pp. 115-17.
3 See Frederike Lüpke, “Language Planning in West Africa — Who Writes the Script?”,
in Language Documentation and Description: Volume II, ed. by Peter K. Austin (London:
SOAS, 2004), pp. 90-107; Hassane, pp. 109-17; and Fallou Ngom and Alex Zito, “Sub-
Saharan African Literature: cAjamī”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam III, ed. by Kate Fleet,
Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas and Everett Rowson (Leiden: Brill
Online, 2014), http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-3/
sub-saharan-african-literature-ajami-COM_26630
4 David Gutelius, “Newly Discovered 10th/16th c. Ajami Manuscript in Niger Kel Tamagheq
History”, Saharan Studies Newsletter, 8/1-2 (2000), 6.
that could be read, recited and chanted in order to convert people. The
materials that emerged represent an essential source of knowledge on the
Islamisation of the Wolof, Mande, Hausa, and Fulani in West Africa and
the Swahili and Amharic in East Africa, as well as a mine of information on
Africa.5 In South Africa, Muslim Malay slaves produced some of the first
written records of Afrikaans in Ajami.6
This contribution focuses on the Ajami tradition of the Muridiyya Sufi
order founded by Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba Mbacké (1853-1927).7 The
bulk of the materials discussed here is taken from those digitised with the
support of the Endangered Archives Programme.8 The article addresses
Ajami literacy in Africa and the factors that contributed to its flourishing
among the followers of Muridiyya. It also explores the religious and secular
functions of Ajami and its role in the emergence of the Murid assertive
African Muslim identity that perpetually thwarts external tutelage and
acculturation. Finally, it outlines the scholarly and practical benefits that
could be gained from studying African Ajami systems.
5 R. S. O’Fahey and John O. Hunwick, Arabic Literature of Africa (Leiden: Brill, 1994); idem,
ed., Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. III: The Writings of the Muslim Peoples of Northeastern
Africa (Leiden: Brill, 2003); and Lameen Souag, “Ajami in West Africa”, Afrikanistik
Online, 2010, http://www.afrikanistik-aegyptologie-online.de/archiv/2010/2957
6 Muhammed Haron, “The Making, Preservation and Study of South African Ajami
Manuscripts and Texts”, Sudanic Africa, 12 (2001), 1-14.
7 Fallou Ngom, “Murīd Identity and Wolof Ajami Literature in Senegal”, in Development,
Modernism and Modernity in Africa, ed. by Augustine Agwuele (New York: Routledge,
2012), pp. 62-78; Fallou Ngom, “Ahmadu Bamba’s Pedagogy and the Development
of Ajami Literature”, African Studies Review, 52/1 (2009), 99-124; Sana Camara, “Ajami
Literature in Senegal: The Example of Sëriñ Muusaa Ka, Poet and Biographer”, Research
in African Literatures, 28/3 (1997), 163-82; and Alex Zito, Prosperity and Purpose, Today and
Tomorrow: Shaykh Ahmadu Bamba and Discourses of Work and Salvation in the Muridiyya Sufi
Order of Senegal (Ph.D. thesis, Boston University, 2012).
8 Project EAP334: Digital preservation of Wolof Ajami manuscripts of Senegal, http://eap.
bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP334. The digitised manuscripts are
available at http://eap.bl.uk/database/results.a4d?projID=EAP334
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 333
areas of Africa, Ajami literacy is more widespread than Latin script literacy,
including among women in some cases.9
A limited census conducted in the areas of Labé in French-speaking
Guinea reveals that over 70% of the population are literate in the local
form of Ajami (including 20-25% of women);10 in Diourbel (the heartland
of Muridiyya), Matam, and Podor in Senegal, about 70% are literate in
Ajami, and in Hausa-speaking areas of Niger and Nigeria, over 80% of
the population are Ajami literates.11 Though Marie-Ève Humery questions
Cissé’s rates of literacy in Ajami, and while it is true that Ajami literacy is less
developed in Fuuta Tooro,12 it is undeniable that grassroots Ajami literacy
is much higher in West African Muslim communities in general than Latin-
script literacy. One need not look any further than in the business records
of local shopkeepers to establish the significance of Ajami in West African
Muslim communities.13
The misrepresentation of Ajami users in official statistics is due to the fact
that “literacy” is generally construed for sub-Saharan Africans as the ability
to read and write in Arabic or European languages or the ability to read and
write African languages using the Latin script. This narrow and prevailing
understanding of literacy has perpetuated the prevalent myth of sub-
Saharan Africa as a region with no written traditions. This understanding of
literacy espoused by African governments and international organisations
has excluded the millions of people who regularly use Ajami.14 The rich
9 Lüpke, pp. 90-107; Meikal Mumin, “The Arabic Script in Africa: Understudied Literacy”,
in The Arabic Script in Africa: Studies in the Use of a Writing System, ed. by Meikal Mumin
and Kees Versteegh (Leiden: Brill, 2014), pp. 41-62; Andy Warren-Rothlin, “West African
Scripts and Arabic Orthographies”, in The Arabic Script in Africa, ed. by Mumin and
Versteegh, pp. 261-88; and Fiona McLaughlin, “Dakar Wolof and the Configuration of
an Urban Identity”, Journal of African Cultural Studies, 14 (2001), 153-72 (p. 165). For the
use of Hausa Ajami by a contemporary female Hausa teacher in Niger, see Ousseina D.
Alidou, Engaging Modernity: Muslim Women and the Politics of Agency in Postcolonial Niger
(Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2005), pp. 52-56.
10 Mamadou Cissé, “Écrits et écriture en Afrique de l’ouest”, Sudlangue: revue électronique
internationale de sciences du language, 6 (2007), 77-78.
11 Ibid.
12 Marie-Ève Humery, “Fula and the Ajami Writing System in the Haalpulaar Society of
Fuuta Tooro (Senegal and Mauritania): A Specific ‘Restricted Literacy’”, in The Arabic
Script in Africa, ed. by Mumin and Versteegh, pp. 173-98.
13 See “Business Records of a Fuuta Tooro Pulaar Shopkeeper” and “Business Records of
a Wolof Shopkeeper”, contributed by Fallou Ngom, Ablaye Diakité, Birane Gassama
and Ibrahima Ngom to Africa’s Sources of Knowledge Digital Library, http://www.ask-dl.
fas.harvard.edu/content/business-records-pulaar-bookseller and http://www.ask-dl.fas.
harvard.edu/content/shopkeeper-s-financial-records-wolof-ajami-0
14 For a discussion of some of these issues, see Lüpke, pp. 90-107; Coleman Donaldson,
334 From Dust to Digital
African Ajami materials refute the pervasive myth of the holistic illiteracy
of Africa that is perpetuated by the over-emphasis on African oral traditions
in academia.15 This emphasis has resulted in the omission of Africa’s
unique sources of knowledge in Ajami in various domains of knowledge
production about the continent.
As David Diringer has rightly noted, scripts generally follow religions.16
Just like the Latin script spread throughout the world through Christianity
and was modified to write numerous European languages, so too the Arabic
script spread through Islam and was modified to write numerous African
languages. Many African Ajami traditions initially emerged as part of the
pedagogies to disseminate Islam to the illiterate masses.17 However, their
usage expanded to encompass other areas of knowledge, as for example in
Figs. 11.5-11.8, 11.11, and 11.12, just as the Latin script flourished from the
church environment to encompass other secular domains of knowledge of
different European communities that had modified the script to meet their
written communication needs.
African Ajami materials uncovered to date encompass various areas of
knowledge. These include prayers, talismanic protective devices, religious
and didactic materials in poetry and prose, elegies, translations of works
on Islamic metaphysics, jurisprudence, Sufism, and translations of the
Quran from Arabic into African languages. The existing secular Ajami
writings encompass commercial and administrative record-keeping,
family genealogies, as for example in Fig. 11.5, records of important
local events such as foundations of villages, births, deaths, weddings,
biographies, political and social satires, advertisements, road signs, public
“Jula Ajami in Burkina Faso: A Grassroots Literacy in the Former Kong Empire”, Working
Papers in Educational Linguistics, 28/2 (2013), 19-36; and Fallou Ngom, “Ajami Script in the
Senegalese Speech Community”, Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies, 10/1 (2010), 1-23.
15 For a discussion on the treatment of Africa as lacking written traditions, see Lüpke, pp. 91-93.
16 David Diringer, The Alphabet: A Key to the History of Mankind (New York: Philosophical
Library, 1948). For a similar discussion, see Ghislaine Lydon, “A Thirst for Knowledge:
Arabic Literacy, Writing Paper and Saharan Bibliophiles in the Southern Sahara”, in
The Trans-Saharan Book Trade: Manuscript Culture, Arabic Literacy and Intellectual History
in Muslim Africa, ed. by Graziano Krätli and Ghislaine Lydon (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp.
37-38.
17 See Tal Tamari and Dmitry Bondarev, eds., Journal of Qur’anic Studies: Qur’anic Exegesis
in African Languages, 15/3 (London: Centre of Islamic Studies, School of Oriental and
African Studies, 2013); Albert Gérard, African Language Literatures (Washington, DC:
Three Continents Press, 1891), pp. 35-47; Fallou Ngom, “Ahmadu Bamba’s Pedagogy
and the Development of Ajami Literature”, pp. 99-124; David Robinson, “The ‘Islamic
Revolutions’ of West Africa on the Frontiers of the Islamic World”, February 2008, http://
www.yale.edu/macmillan/rps/islam_papers/Robinson-030108.pdf
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 335
18 Hassane, p. 115; Lüpke, p. 101; Tal Tamari, “Cinq Textes Bambara en Caractères Arabes:
Présentation, Traduction, Analyse du Système Graphémique”, Islam et Société au Sud du
Sahara, 8 (1994), 97-121; Xavier Luffin, “Swahili Documents from Congo (19th Century):
Variations in Orthography”, in The Arabic Script in Africa, ed. by Mumin and Versteegh,
pp. 311-17; and Matt Schaffer, “‘Pakao Book’: Expansion and Social Structure by
Virtue of an Indigenous Manuscript”, African Languages, 1 (1975), 96-115. During my
fieldwork in the city of Ziguinchor, Senegal, in 2010, I found a Mandinka Ajami text
cursing Adolph Hitler written around 1942 by Mamadou Cissé, who was angered by
the negative effects of World War II on his community. An image and audio transcript
are available at https://patrickcox.files.wordpress.com/2010/09/mandinka-156-768x1024.
jpg; and http://www.pri.org/node/12846/popout. For more Mandinka Ajami texts, see
“Mandinka documents”, contributed by Fallou Ngom, Ablaye Diakité, Birane Gassama,
and Ibrahima Ngom to Africa’s Sources of Knowledge Digital Library, http://ask-dl.fas.
harvard.edu/collection/Mandinka. Also, Fallou Ngom, “Ajami in the Senegambia”,
http://aodl.org/islamictolerance/ajami/language.php?l=3
19 “Palabre de Traité entre le Roi de France et le Roi de Bar [Treaty Palaver between the King of
France and the King of Bar]”, 13 May 1817, in Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer, Aix-en-
Provence, France, Sen/IV/1.
20 For a discussion on the French “civilising mission”, see Alice L. Conklin, The French
Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa, 1895-1930, 1st edn. (Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press, 1997).
336 From Dust to Digital
21 By “signing in Ajami”, I mean that the signatures contain modified Arabic letters such
as the “reversed ḍammah” (or “inverted ḍammah”) attested in San Bambara and Pulaar
Ajami writings. See Valentin Vydrin, “Ajami Script for Mande Languages”, in The Arabic
Script in Africa, ed. by Mumin and Versteegh, pp. 119-224 (p. 222); and “Convention
between the Emperor of France and the King of Maligia”, 5 May 1854 and 5 August 1854,
in Archives Nationales d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence, France, Senegal, IV, 28a.
22 For other secular usages of Ajami in the colonial era, see Abbé David Boilat, “Notes du
Fouta Toro”, Société de Géographie, Ms 8, pp. 48-49; also see the use of Ajami in ornithology
in the late 1890s in Ludovic Besson, “Les Collectes ornithologiques sénégalais de Victor
Planchat dans la collection Albert Maës”, Symbioses nouvelle série, 30/2 (2013), 2-16; and
in Nadia Bougrine and Ludovic Besson, “Décryptage des termes en wolof et soninké
utilisés pour les collectes ornithologiques de Victor Planchat”, Symbioses nouvelle série,
31/1 (2013), 1-8.
23 Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence, France, FN, SG, SN, XVI, 1.
24 See “Lettre de Diaorine Boul Madeguène Samba, Chef des notables et des hommes
libres”, Archives d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence, France, SG, SN, IV, 98b.
25 Cissé, “Écrits et écriture en Afrique de l’ouest”, p. 72.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 337
(₦) until the new ₦ 1,000 banknote introduced in 2006, but the new ₦ 20
and ₦ 50 banknotes introduced in March 2007 bear English, Yoruba, Igbo
and Hausa, all in Roman script.26 Although the change represents a shift
to a national language policy known as wazobia, which is construed as a
symbol of national unity, Muslims took it as anti-Islamic, while a number
of prominent Christians favoured it on the basis that Arabic (for which they
had mistaken the Arabic script Hausa) was a foreign language.27 The existing
evidence demonstrates that Ajami was and is not exclusively used for
religious purposes. When studied, African Ajami materials will illuminate
various aspects of Africa’s pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial history.
31 Oxford Business Group, The Report: Senegal 2009 (Oxford: OBG, 2009), p. 10.
32 For insights on Senegalese Sufi orders, see Khadim Mbacké, Sufism and Religious
Brotherhoods in Senegal, trans. by Eric Ross, ed. by John Hunwick (Princeton, NJ: Markus
Wiener, 2005).
33 Cheikh Anta Babou, Fighting the Greater Jihad: Amadu Bamba and the Founding of the
Muridiyya of Senegal, 1853-1913 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2007), p. 97.
34 Ngom, “Murīd Identity and Wolof Ajami Literature”, pp. 62-54.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 339
35 Mervyn Hiskett, A History of Hausa Islamic Verse (London: University of London School of
Oriental and African Studies, 1975); Beverly B. Mack and Jean Boyd, One Woman’s Jihad:
Nana Asma’u-Scholar and Scribe (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2000); and
Sow. For more insights on Fuuta Jalon Ajami scholars, see http://www.webfuuta.net/
bibliotheque/alfa-ibrahim-sow/index.html
36 For more on Moussa Ka’s bilingual competence, see Camara, pp. 164-68. Also see
bilingual poems by Samba Diarra Mbaye, written around 1903, in “Ay Qasiday Wolof ak
Arab [Poems in Wolof and Arabic]” (EAP334/13/2).
37 For a French translation of the poem, see Ahmadou Bamba, “Huqqal Bukā’u? [Should
they be Mourned?]”, http://khassidaenpdf.free.fr/khassida_pdf/Huqqal.pdf. For an
Arabic copy of the poem time-aligned with its chanted version, see http://www.youtube.
com/watch?v=8KNzA917AmI
340 From Dust to Digital
Ajami, including “woppuma” [I am not ill], “ba na ma” [left me], “të na
ma” [it is beyond my control], and “meruma” [I am not angry]. 38
With this educational background, Bamba recognised the importance
of Ajami before he began his Sufi movement in 1883. The founding of
Muridiyya accelerated Ajami literary production in Wolof society, an
acceleration that continues today.39 The establishment of Muridiyya, the
life story of Bamba, and his own Arabic writings are fairly well known.40
His life story as told in hagiographic Ajami sources such as Jasaawu Sakóor:
Yoonu Géej gi [Reward of the Grateful: The Odyssey by Sea] written between
1927 and 1930 and Jasaawu Sakóor: Yoonu Jéeri ji [Reward of the Grateful: The
Odyssey by Land] written between 1930 and 1935 by Moussa Ka, and Jaar-
jaari Boroom Tuubaa [Itineraries of the Master of Tuubaa] published in 1997
by Mahmoud Niang is poignant and inspirational for Murids.41
Bamba was born and raised in Senegambia in the troubled nineteenth
century, a period characterised by French colonisation and the destruction
of the local traditional political and social structures. He emerged in
the national scene in 1883 after the death of his father. Murid scholars
regard 1883 as the birthdate of Muridiyya.42 From 1883 to his death in
1927, Bamba’s life was marked by suffering. He was wrongly accused
of preparing a holy war against the French colonial administration and
subsequently was exiled to Gabon for seven years (1895-1902).
38 Interview with Sam Niang (archivist at the Bibliothèque Cheikhoul Khadim), Touba,
Senegal, 12 July 2014. All interviews were conducted by the author unless otherwise
stated. Thanks to Sam Niang for giving me a copy of the poem.
39 Ngom, “Ahmadu Bamba’s Pedagogy”, pp. 99-124; Gérard, pp. 44-45; and Lüpke, p. 102.
40 See Babou; David Robinson, Paths of Accommodation: Muslim Societies and the French
Colonial Authorities in Senegal and Mauritania, 1880-1920 (Athens, OH: Ohio University
Press, 2000); John Glover, Sufism and Jihad in Modern Senegal: The Murid Order (Rochester,
NY: University of Rochester Press, 2007); Allen F. Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts,
A Saint in the City: Sufi Arts of Urban Senegal (Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Fowler Museum
of Cultural History, 2003); and Fernand Dumont, La Pensée Religieuse d’Amadou Bamba
(Dakar: Nouvelles Éditions Africaines, 1975).
41 See Mahmoud Niang, Jaar-jaari Boroom Tuubaa [Itineraries of the Master of Tuubaa] (Dakar:
Librairie Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba, 1997); Moussa Ka, Jasaawu Sakóor: Yoonu Géej gi
[Reward of the Grateful: The Odyssey by Sea] (Dakar: Librairie Touba Darou Khoudoss,
1997); and Ka, Jasaawu Sakóor: Yoonu Jéeri ji [Reward of the Grateful: The Odyssey by Land]
(Rufisque: Afrique Impression, 2006). For a Latin-script transcription and French
translation of Ka’s two poems, see Bassirou Dieng and Diaô Faye, L’Épopée de Cheikh
Ahmadou Bamba de Serigne Moussa Ka: Jasaa-u Sakóor-u Géej gi–Jasaa-u Sakóor Jéeri ji (Dakar:
Presses Universitaires de Dakar, 2006).
42 Interviews with Masokhna Lo (Imam of the Mosque of Diourbel), Diourbel, Senegal, 11
June 2011; Mbaye Nguirane, Diourbel, Senegal, 11 June 2011; and Sam Niang.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 341
Fig. 11.1 Picture of Ahmadou Bamba taken during the 2012 Màggal, the yearly
celebration of his arrest in 1895. The Arabic verses read as follows: “My intention on
this day is to thank You, God; O You, the only one I implore, The Lord of the Throne”.
Upon his return from his seven-year exile to Gabon, new unfounded
accusations were again made against him, which led to his second exile
to Mauritania (1903-1907). When he returned from Mauritania, the French
administration kept him under house arrests in Thieyène (1907-1912) and
in Diourbel (1912-1927) where he died. He is buried in Touba, the holy
city of Muridiyya. At the end of his life, however, the French colonial
administrators realised that they were mistaken and they attempted
to rehabilitate him by awarding him the Chevalier de la Légion d’Honneur
(Knight of the Legion of Honour), the highest distinction of the French
342 From Dust to Digital
Republic.43 Though colonial sources note that Bamba received the award,
Murid Ajami sources contend that he did not accept it.44
But for Bamba and his followers, the long unjust sufferings he
courageously endured and the nonviolent approach he championed have
profound religious meaning. They see his ordeals as analogous to the
sufferings of the prophets and saints of the Abrahamic religions, so too
the price he had to pay to attain supreme sainthood in order to become the
saviour and the intercessor of mankind. These narratives pervade Murid
Ajami and oral sources.45
Bamba stressed in his teachings the equality between all people, work
ethic, Sufi education, self-reliance, and self-sufficiency. He also sought
to reform the traditional Islamic book-based education to make it more
practical, ethics-centred, and to accommodate the varying ethical and
spiritual needs of the uneducated crowds who first joined his movement.
Because he understood that Ajami is pivotal to communicate his teachings
to the masses, he encouraged it and implemented a division of tasks within
his movement. He gave orders to some of his senior disciples to separate
from him and found their own communities as independent leaders.46
He encouraged Mor Kairé (1869-1951), Samba Diarra Mbaye (1870-1917),
Mbaye Diakhaté (1875-1954), and Moussa Ka (1889-1967), the four initial
Murid Ajami poets, to write in Ajami in order to spread his message to the
majority of the Wolof people who could not read Arabic.47
As the language of the Quran, Arabic letters (including Arabic numerals)
have a holy status in African Muslim areas. They are believed to have
spiritual potency and are thus regularly used in prayers, Islamic medicine,
numerology, and in the making of amulets such as good luck charms and
protective devices as documented in Fig. 11.3, discussed below. Arabic has
also been used as the lingua franca of the elite in Muslim communities.
For the illiterate masses (who cannot differentiate Ajami texts from Arabic
texts) everything that looks like Arabic is regarded as potent, regardless
of whether the material is religious or not. Among educated and semi-
educated African Muslims, however, Ajami does not have the potency of
Arabic nor its holy status.48
Ajami is used primarily for educational and communicational purposes
among the Murids. Because of the “de-sacralised” status of Ajami scripts,
Murid Ajami materials routinely include western numerals.49 These
numerals are used for different purposes, including in the paginations of
Arabic and Ajami educational materials in Murid communities. The use of
western numerals in paginations in Murid communities is a post-colonial
phenomenon because manuscripts written before Senegal’s independence
(1960) do not use numerals for pagination. They utilise “pointers” called
joxoñ in Wolof. These “pointers” consist of writing the first word of the next
page at the bottom of the preceding page. They have largely been replaced
by paginations with western numerals in contemporary Murid educational
materials.50
In contrast, materials used in Islamic medicine, numerology, or potent
prayers do not include western numerals. While the instructions to use the
medicine, the numerological figure, or the prayer formulae are typically
in Ajami and can include western numerals, the formulae themselves are
exclusively in Arabic with Arabic numerals due to their perceived potency
derived from the sacredness of the Quran.51
Related to this issue is the centrality of numeracy among Ajami
users, an issue largely overlooked in the literature. Many successful
business people, shopkeepers, farmers, fishermen, and merchants in
African Muslim communities are Ajami users with good numeracy
48 See the use of unaltered Arabic letters in talismanic figures in Moukhtar Ndong, Manāfi’ul
Muslim [Mystical Healing and Protection Manual] (EAP334/12/2).
49 For an insightful history of western numerals, see Stephen Chrisomalis, Numerical
Notation: A Comparative History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
50 For examples of “pointers”, see “Alxuraan bu ñu Tekki ci Wolof [The Quran Translated in
Wolof]” (EAP334/6/5).
51 For more insights on the potency of Arabic letters and numerals, see Constant Hamès,
ed., Coran et Talismans: Textes et Pratiques Magiques en Milieu Musulman (Paris: Éditions
Karthala, 2007).
344 From Dust to Digital
skills.52 Ironically, most of them know western numerals but they do not
necessarily know the Arabic numerals. This is partly because the western
numerals are readily available to them through the local currencies used
in their communities.
According to Sam Niang, archivist at the Bibliothèque Cheikhoul
Khadim in Touba, who was born and raised in the Murid community,
though the traditional Quranic schools do not teach numeracy as a subject
matter, students generally acquire numeracy in western numerals through
a process that could be termed “currency-derived numeracy”, i.e. through
their sustained exposure to the currency used in their communities. His
experience taught him that Murid Ajami users learn western numerals
primarily from the money that circulates in their communities and schools.
These include the coins of 5 francs (dërëm), 10 francs (ñaari dërëm), 15 francs
(ñetti dërëm), 25 francs (juróomi dërëm), 50 francs (fukki dërëm), and 100 francs
(ñaar fukk) and banknotes such as 500 francs (téeméer), 1000 francs (ñaari
téemeer), 5000 francs (junni), and 10000 francs (ñaari junni).
When students leave their communities and schools later, they
enhance their numeracy skills in western numerals by learning from their
supervisors. Thus, an Ajami literate apprentice tailor will learn from his
boss how to take measurements and write them correctly and a novice
shopkeeper, itinerant merchant, or businessman will improve his numeracy
skills in western numerals by learning from his supervisor more arithmetic,
how to use modern calculators, keep financial records, and write invoices
for local customers who request them.53
The learned people who are literate in Arabic and in the local Ajami
form are generally those who can use Arabic numerals. Thus, while in
general one develops literacy and numeracy in the same language, the case
of Ajami users demonstrates that these two skills can be acquired from two
different languages, as the Fuuta Tooro Pulaar and Wolof Ajami business
records demonstrate.54
Because they lack the potency associated with Arabic, Ajami materials
are used to communicate both religious and non-religious information in
African Muslim societies. The bulk of African Ajami materials consist of
poems, which continue to be recited and chanted to the illiterate masses
52 See the Pulaar and Wolof business records in Ajami in footnote 12.
53 Interview with Sam Niang. This fascinating “currency-derived numeracy” among Murid
Ajami users begs for further scholarly inquiry.
54 See footnote 12.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 345
to convey the teachings of Islam to this day. Among the Murids, texts
by Bamba or Ajami poems of his disciples often offer the occasion for a
public performance where the singers and their vocalists sing the lines to
a tune that they have adopted.55 The recitations of Ajami poems followed
the tradition of the recitations of the Quran and Sufi poems. But African
Ajami poems were also enriched by the local African musical traditions.
While the skills needed for Wolof Ajami poets are, among others, mastery
of the Ajami script and an understanding of Arabic and Wolof poetic
devices, the skills required for singers of Ajami poems include literacy
in Ajami, a good voice, and an understanding of appropriate singing
styles for each poetic genre (referred to as “daaj” in Wolof). Murid Ajami
poets and singers draw from the rich Wolof praise-singing tradition in
content and form. Their poetry in its musicality and rhythm reflects the
localisation of Islam.56
In order to execute his pedagogical and religious vision, Bamba
focused on writing in Arabic for devotional purposes and to communicate
with his peers, while at the same time he specifically tasked some of his
senior disciples to communicate his ethos to the masses in their tongue
(Wolof) through read, recited, and chanted Ajami poetry. The first
four senior scholars he tasked to communicate his ethos to the masses
were Mor Kairé, Samba Diarra Mbaye, Mbaye Diakhaté and Moussa
Ka, the most famous Murid Ajami poet. All four were learned Muslim
scholars who used to produce Arabic poems before Bamba tasked them
to convey his teachings using Wolof in the form of Ajami poetry. They
are responsible for the expansion of Ajami as a mass communication
tool in Murid communities and its use as a badge of identity of their
movement. A good example of their poetic work is a poem by Diakhaté
illustrated in Fig. 11.4.
The division of tasks that Bamba implemented between him and
his senior followers engendered four major categories of Ajamists
(Ajami scholars): social scientists; esoteric scholars; poets and singers;
and scribes and copyists.57 The first group consists of professional
55 Camara, pp. 164-67. One of the most recited and chanted Murid hagiographic Ajami
poems is: Ka, Jasaawu Sakóor: Yoonu Géej gi. See a recited version of this poem by Ibra
Diop-Karamane at http://www.jazbu.com/Serigne_Moussa_ka
56 See Ngom, “Ahmadou Bamba’s Pedagogy”, p. 109; Gérard, p. 73; and Cheikh Anta Diop,
Nations nègres et culture, 4th edn. (Dakar: Présence Africaine, 1979), pp. 528-32.
57 Ngom, “Ahmadou Bamba’s Pedagogy), pp. 108-09.
346 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 11.2 Mbaye Nguirane reading an Ajami excerpt of one of Moussa Ka’s poems
during an interview with Fallou Ngom on 11 June 2011. Born in 1940 in Diourbel,
Senegal, Nguirane is a leading specialist in Sufism, a historian and a public speaker.
63 Moussa Ka, Taxmiis bub Wolof [The Wolof Takhmīs] (Dakar: Imprimerie Librairie Cheikh
Ahmadou Bamba, [n.d.]), verse 8.
348 From Dust to Digital
64 For information on how El Hadji Mbacké’s ranks his sources and accounts of Bamba’s
sayings and teachings, which echoes the methodology of hadith scholars, see El Hadji
Mbacké, Waxtaani Sëriñ Tuubaa [Discussions of The Master of Tuubaa], 1 (Dakar: Imprimerie
Cheikh Ahmadal Khadim, 2005), p. 87. For the methodology of hadith scholars, see
Hamza Yuyuf Hanson, “The Sunna: The Way of The Prophet Muhammad”, in Voices of
Islam, ed. by Vincent J. Cornell, 5 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2007), pp. 125-47.
65 See Niang, Jaar-jaari Boroom Tuubaa.
66 Ousmane Kane, The Homeland Is the Arena: Religion, Transnationalism, and the Integration of
Senegalese Immigrants in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 37.
67 Rüdiger Seesemann, “‘The Shurafâ’ and the ‘Blacksmith’: The Role of the Idaw cAli
of Mauritania in the Career of the Senegalese Ibrâhîm Niasse (1900-1975)”, in The
Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa, ed. by Scott S. Reese (Leiden: Brill, 2004), pp.
72-98 (p. 93). For further insights on the perceptions and treatments of black people
by Arab/Berbers in West Africa, see Robinson, Paths of Accommodation, pp. 11-13; and
Bruce S. Hall, A History of Race in Muslim West Africa, 1600-1960 (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2011).
68 Abdoul Aziz Mbacké, Ways Unto Heaven (Dakar: Majalis Research Project, 2009), p. 39.
This book is a good English translation of Masālik al-Jinān.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 349
69 See Ka, Taxmiis bub Wolof. In this poem, Ka praises Bamba, asserts his own proud
African Muslim identity, and defends the legitimacy of Ajami in religious discourse.
He also rejects the belief in the superiority of Arabs and Arabic over black people and
African languages held by some of his peers. He claims that ethnolinguistic diversity is
a blessing, a divine grace. For a chanted version of Taxmiis bub Wolof, see http://www.
youtube.com/watch?v=pvxI_iQOyiU. For further insights on the Arabisation ideology
and the response of the Berber population in Algeria, see Lameen Souag, “Writing
‘Shelha’ in New Media: Emergent Non-Arabic Literacy in Southwestern Algeria”, in
The Arabic Script in Africa, ed. by Mumin and Versteegh, pp. 91-94; and Judith Scheele,
“Coming to Terms with Tradition: Manuscript Conservation in Contemporary Algeria”,
in The Trans-Saharan Book Trade, ed. by Krätli and Lydon, pp. 292-318.
70 Ka,Taxmiis bub Wolof, stanzas 1-4.
71 See the mission statement of Muridiyya, “Lan mooy Yoonu Murid? [What is the Murid
Way?]”, in Niang, Jaar-jaari Boroom Tuubaa, pp. 7-8.
72 The work that has lasting impact on the scholarship on Murdiyya, which has omitted
Ajami sources and relies primarily on colonial archives, is Donald B. O’Brien, Mourides of
Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1971). There is a plethora of works on Muridiyya that has followed his
tradition.
350 From Dust to Digital
identity and treat their Ajami skills as assets, as the following verse
by Kairé illustrates: “[Bamba] you made us erudite till we rival Arabs
and compose poems both in Arabic and Ajami”.76 They produced a rich
corpus of read, recited and chanted poems, which conveyed the teachings
of Islam and Muridiyya, and reflected an enduring resistance against
acculturation into the Arab and western cultures. The contents of their
poems continue to resonate with people today, and are still read, recited,
chanted and listened to in Murid communities.77
During Bamba’s house arrest in Diourbel, Ajami writing, reading and
chanting became part of the major activities in Murid communities and
schools along with copying, reading, reciting and chanting the Quran
and Bamba’s poems. During Bamba’s time in Diourbel, his compound
gradually became a centre of Islamic learning and scholarship, and
Moorish and Wolof disciples and teachers flocked to the quarter to work
as readers of the Quran and scribes, copying Quranic and other religious
books destined for students in the new schools that were opened in the
area.78 Translations of Bamba’s poems and other Islamic didactic and
devotional materials into Ajami were also part of the regular activities
during this period.79 The activities of copying, translating and chanting
didactic and devotional materials continued. They have become important
employment-generating activities in Murid communities as illustrated in
Figs. 11.9 and 11.10.
Ajami poets such as Ka and Diakhaté used to meet in Diourbel to
discuss Ajami poetry and techniques (metric, rhythms and versification)
during Bamba’s house arrest there. The joint Ajami poem “Ma Tàgg
Bàmba [Let me Praise Bamba]” was written during this period by
Ka and Diakhaté.80 An important corpus of Ajami poems written by
Bamba’s daughters also exists, but it remains unknown outside Murid
76 Mor Kairé, “Ku Dawal Sunu Shaykh ba Daloo Ngërëmam [If you Serve Our Leader till you
Obtain his Endorsement]”, verse 9 (EAP334/14/9).
77 Audio recordings of recitations and songs of Ajami poems can be found online. For
chanted poems by Ka, Diakhaté, Mbaye and Kairé, see http://www.jazbu.com/Serigne_
Moussa_ka; http://www.jazbu.com/wolofal; http://www.jazbu.com/sambadiarra; and
http://www.jazbu.com/mor_kayre
78 Babou, p. 166.
79 Interview with Bassirou Kane (specialist of Mbaye Diakhaté’s poems and professional
Ajami singer), Khourou Mbacké, Senegal, 25 July 2011. See Kane and the research team
with trunks containing Ajami materials of his father who served as assistant to Diakhaté
at http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP334#project_gallery
80 For the chanted version of the poem, see Duo: Mbaye Diakhaté and Moussa Ka, chanted by
Djim Cissé, audiocassette, Touba, recorded by Kabou Fall, 1999. For a digital copy of the
recited version of the poem, see http://www.jazbu.com/Serigne_Moussa_ka
352 From Dust to Digital
81 See Moussa Ka and Sokhna Amy Cheikh Mbacké, Qasidak Wolofalu Maam Jaara [A Wolof
Ajami Tribute to Maam Jaara] (Touba: Ibrahima Diokhané, [n.d.]).
82 Interview with Sam Niang.
83 Sokhna Mai Sakhir wrote a moving Ajami poem between 1974 and 1975 in which she
presents her condolences to her husband and family for her daughter, Mame Faty
Mbacké-Balla, who died at a young age. See Al Hamdu li’llāhi Ma Sant Yàlla [Thanks be
to God, Let Me Grateful to God] (Dakar: Imprimerie Serigne Saliou Mbacké, 2007), pp.
1-26. Soxna Mai Kabir wrote Maymunatu, Bintul Xadiim [Maymunatu, Daughter of The
Servant] (Dakar: Imprimerie Serigne Saliou Mbacké, 2007), pp. 27-32. This poem is quite
popular in Murid communities. For its chanted version, see Wolofalu Soxna Maymunatu
Mbàkke, audiocassette, chanted by Abdoul Ahad Touré, recorded by Studio Talla Diagne,
Touba, 2005. Sokhna Aminatou Cissé is the author of “Maa’u Rahma [Water of Grace]”
in Jaayante ci Ndoxum Tuubaa, Vol. 1. [Commitment to the Water of Touba, Vol. I] (Touba:
SA-Edition Magal 2012), pp. 17-21. There are likely other female Murid Ajami writers to
be discovered.
84 Interview with Bassirou Kane. Bassirou Kane’s father, Abdou Kane (1915-2000), was a
student and assistant to Diakhaté.
85 For the calligraphic copying of the Quran, see Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Islamic Art and
Spirituality (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1987).
86 Souhaibou Diakhaté, Xasiday Wolofalu Sëriñ Mbay Jaxate: Li War ab Sëriñ ak ab Taalube
[Ajami Poems of Mbay Jaxate: Duties of Leaders and Disciples] (Dakar: Imprimerie Issa
Niang, [n.d.]), verse 3.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 353
87 For insights on the Seereer and other Senegalese ethnic groups, see Ethnologue’s section
on Senegal at http://www.ethnologue.com/country/SN
88 Interview with Amdy Moustapha Seck.
89 For samples of Cheikh Ngom’s written legacy, see “Wolofal Rare Documents”,
contributed by Fallou Ngom to Africa’s Sources of Knowledge Digital Library, http://
ask-dl.fas.harvard.edu/search/node/Cheikh%20Ngom?page=1. Although Cheikh Ngom
wrote exclusively in Wolof Ajami because of the Murid influence on him, other Muslim
members of the Seereer ethnic group who live in areas beyond the sphere of influence
of Muridiyya have developed grassroots literacy in Seereer Ajami. The script in the few
ephemeral Seereer Ajami texts I have seen in the regions of Thiès and Fatick shares
features with Wolof Ajami. For example, p is written with bāʾ with three dots above or
below just like in Wolof.
90 See Ka, Jasaawu Sakóor: Yoonu Géej gi; and idem, Jasaawu Sakoor: Yoonu Jéeri ji.
354 From Dust to Digital
91 Habibou Rassoulou Sy, Fonk sa Bopp di Wax li Nga Nàmp [Respect Yourself by Speaking your
Mother Tongue] (Kaolack: [n. pub.], 1983).
92 Mouhammadou Moustapha Mbacké-Falilou, Afdhalul Hiraf-Taclīmu Haraf Ngir Fer ijji
[The Best Letters-Teaching Letters for Literacy] (Touba: [n. pub.], 1995).
93 Babou, p. 164.
94 Following is an incomplete list of known Murid television and radio stations, audio
recording studios, private presses, and bookstores: Al Mouridiyah TV, Lamp Fall TV,
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 355
Al Bichri TV, Touba TV, Lamp Fall FM, Sokhna Faty Mbacké FM, Diant Bi FM, Disso
FM, Studio Talla Diagne, Studio Kabou Fall, Studio Moustapha Fall-Mouride Sadikhe,
Studio Hizbut-Tarqiyyah, Darou Mouhty Éditions, Impression Cheikh Ahmadal
Khadim, Impression Keur Serigne Kébé, Imprimerie Librairie Cheikh Abdoul Ahad
Mbacké, Imprimerie Librairie Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba, Imprimerie Moustapha Guèye,
Imprimerie Serigne Issa Niang, Imprimerie Serigne Saliou Mbacké, Imprimerie Touba
Darou Salam, Librairie Imprimerie Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba, Imprimerie Touba Photo,
Librairie Imprimerie Touba Darou Khoudoss, Imprimerie Serigne Fallou Mbacké, and
Imprimerie Serigne Massamba Mbacké. The investments that the Murids have made in
telecommunication, publishing presses, bookstores, and audiovisual recording of their
written and verbalised Arabic and Ajami materials are unmatched among Sufi orders of
Senegambia. These investments have contributed to the expansion of the movement in
the region.
95 For a criticism of the prevailing treatment of Africa as a continent devoid of writing
traditions, see also Lüpke, pp. 91-93.
96 Chouki El Hamel, Black Morocco: A History of Slavery, Race, and Islam (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 75.
356 From Dust to Digital
100 Ibid.
101 The vowels o/ò are written with a reversed ḍammah in Bambara. See Tamari, “Cinq Textes
Bambara en Caractères Arabes”, p. 99; and Vydrin, p. 222.
102 See the footnote on page 25 of the document located at http://paul-timothy.net/pages/
ajamisenegal/je_sais_le_wolofal_06-jan-2013_a4.pdf
103 Peter T. Daniels, “The Type and Spread of Arabic Script”, in The Arabic Script in Africa,
ed. by Mumin and Versteegh, pp. 34-39.
104 Ibid.
358 From Dust to Digital
This approach was also utilised for Senegambian Mandinka. The result
is that although books, a keyboard and a typewriter were produced for the
standardised Ajami orthographies, there is no single functioning school or
community in Senegambia that uses the caractères arabes harmonisés. Ajami
users continue to utilise their centuries-old Ajami orthographies to which
they are loyal for cultural, historical and practical reasons as illustrated
in Figs. 11.4-11.8, and 11.12.105 Most of the documents produced with the
caractères arabes harmonisés are thus dormant in the offices where they
were produced and in the homes of the people who participated in the
harmonisation project.
The experience with caractères arabes harmonisés shows that great
initiatives can fail because of a wrong approach. It demonstrates that
standardisation of Ajami scripts must be carried out bottom up, and must
be grounded in local realities, if it is to be successful. Rather than teaching
Ajami users who have been using their local Ajami orthographies for
centuries to learn new diacritics and letters they have never seen, the
diacritics and letters to be used as standards must be drawn from the
pool of those already in use in local communities.
The standardisation of Ajami orthographies, if done well, has great
potential for Africa. Given the scope of usage of Ajami in the continent,
standardised Ajami orthographies grounded in a bottom-up approach
have transformative potentials. They could help to modernise Quranic
schools across Islamised Africa and develop curricula for the teaching of
such subjects as science, mathematics, geography and history, thereby
exposing students to the world outside their communities.106 Well-
harmonised African Ajami systems could also open up new means of
communication never possible before, and they could unite Ajami users
from the same ethnolinguistic group from different countries segmented by
European official languages. They equally have the potential of enhancing
access to and communication with millions of Ajami users and improve
the work of educators, journalists, public health workers, and local and
international NGOs in areas where Ajami is the prevailing medium of
written communication.107
105 Also see Sy, Fonk sa Bopp di Wax li Nga Nàmp; Ka, Taxmiis bub Wolof and the secular and
religious materials in the digital repositories cited in the paper.
106 Ngom, “Ajami Script in the Senegalese Speech Community”, p. 20.
107 I am indebted to Sam Niang and to all those I interviewed for sharing insights and
documents that helped with this article. Thanks also to my colleague Babacar Dieng
for reading the initial draft of the article and offering helpful comments, and to the
anonymous reviewers and Maja Kominko for their insightful suggestions.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 359
A protective device
Fig. 11.3 This image is the last page of Moukhtar Ndong’s Ajami healing and
protection manual, Manāficul Muslim (EAP334/12/2, image 19), CC BY.
The use of the Arabic numerals inside the design (made with the word
Allāh) requires skills in Islamic numerology and mathematics.108 The image
illustrates the different roles assigned to Arabic and Ajami in African
Muslim societies. Only Arabic letters and numerals are used in the image
because of their purported potencies. Ndong omitted the instructions
on how to use the formula. The omission is not accidental, but devised
to protect the potent knowledge of the formula. Protection of such potent
knowledge is typically done by partial or full omission of information.
Though some ingredients or instructions may be provided in Ajami, a
crucial piece of information or the entire instruction may be omitted. This
is because the authors generally acquired the knowledge through arduous
peripatetic learning and they only provide it to deserving individuals.
Fig. 11.4 “In the Name of Your Quills and Ink” by the master poet and social critic,
Mbaye Diakhaté, written between 1902 and 1954 (EAP334/4/2, image 46), CC BY.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 361
Ak darajay say xalima aki say daa, may ma ngëneeli julli yépp ak wirda
Ak darajay sa loxo lii ngay binde, def ma bu wér sa loxo lii ngay binde
Ak darajay sa cër yii may ma ab cër, bu rëy ci yaw bu gëna sàkkan bépp cër
Ak darajay sa bopp bii ngay dox di muur, def ma sa bopp def ma it ku am muur
Ak darajay sa jàkka jii jëgal ma, tey ak ëllëg te lu ma sib fegal ma
Ak darajay xam-xam bi ngay defe lu ne, xamal ma ab xam-xam bu may defe lu ne
Samaw nit ak sama barab barkeelal, saa jëmm ak sama yëf it barkeelal
Samab xarit ak barabam barkeelal, yëfam akug njabootam it barkeelal
Bépp jullit ak barabam barkeelal, njabootam ak yëfam it barkeelal
Ku may siyaara ka gërëm barkeelal, ku may fexe lor aka wor daaneelal
Képp ku jóg ngir Yàlla ak yonent ba ak yaw ba ñów fi man, begal ko Bàmba
Képp ku may sant aka may teral ko, képp ku may diiju aka moy alak ko
Na nga ma wër kàpp te def sa ab ñag, ba ku ma bëgga jéema lor daanu ca ñag
Wàttu ma man sàmm ma it doylul ma, wàllis ñu may sàmm aka wër musal ma
Ku ma bëggul bu mu faseeti aki naqar, ku ma bëgg it bu mu faseeti aki busar
Képp ku may fexeeli mbeg dee ko begal, képp ku may fexeeli ay dee ko bugal
Ku jàpp nak ag jaamburam ci man bu wér, jàppal ma sag jaambur ci moom itam bu wér
Ku yëngu jëm ci man yëngul te jëm ci moom, te lu mu yéene yan ko far loolale moom
Képp ku am yéene ci man dëgg, fabal la mu ma yéene lépp far jox ko mu jël
Ku xàcci lëf jam ma loola na ko dal tey ak ëlëg, te bu mu dal ku xàcciwul
Jox nga sa mbir Yàlla mu saytu ko bu wér, jox naa la sama mbir dëgg saytu ko bu wér
Ku la begal Yàlla begal ko mbeg mu rëy, ku ma begal yaw it begal ko mbeg mu rëy
Yàlla daa la def sëriñ bu barkeel, na nga ma def man it murid bu barkeel
109 I performed the transcriptions and translations in the contribution. Because the
graphemic properties of the Ajami texts are not my focus in this article, I offer a
Latin-based transcription of the materials based on the standard Wolof orthography.
I comment on the graphemic features when I deem it necessary. For a more detailed
discussion on the graphemic traits of Wolofal, see Ngom, “Ajami Script in the Senegalese
Speech Community”, pp. 1-23.
362 From Dust to Digital
In the name of your quills and ink, offer me blessings of all prayers and invocations.
In the name of your hand you write with, make me your hand you write with.
In the name of your distinctions, offer me a distinction greater than any distinction.
In the name of your head you always cover,110 make me yourself and a fortunate person.
In the name of your mosque, forgive me now and ever, and save me from things I dislike.
In the name of your multifaceted knowledge, offer me multifaceted knowledge.
Surround and fence me so that whoever seeks to harm me falls on the fence.
Sustain me, protect me, fulfil me, and bring me people who will shield and save me.
Make ever unhappy whoever dislikes me, and make ever happy whoever likes me.
Make ever happy whoever seeks to please me, and punish whoever wishes me ill.
Whoever leaves me alone leave him alone too.
Whoever threatens me, threaten him, and make his ill-wishes fall back onto him.
Whoever wishes me well, take all his good wishes and give them all back to him.
Whoever hits me, punished him now and ever and leave alone whoever did not hit me.
You left your affairs to God Who addressed them, I leave you with mine, address them.
May God bring joy to anyone who makes you joyful and to anyone who brings me joy.
God has made you a blessed spiritual leader; make me a blessed Murid disciple.
Your Lord is Sacred and unblemished of all that is alleged against Him; and He is The
Most Exalted. May God’s blessing be upon all His Messengers. All praise belongs to
God, The Sustainer of all the worlds.
Genealogy
Fig. 11.5 A page from Habibou Rassoulou Sy’s Lawtanuk Barka [Flourishing of Baraka],
a genealogy book of the family of Boroom Tuubaa (Ahmadou Bamba). Bamba is located
in the circle in bold (EAP334/12/1, image 6), CC BY.
The book from which this page is taken describes in great detail the
maternal and paternal ancestry of Ahmadou Bamba from its Fulani roots
to its full Wolofisation. The page above focuses on Bamba’s great maternal
grandfather and his descendants. The Ajami note at the bottom of the page
reads as follows: “The Grandfather Ahmadou Sokhna Bousso Mbacké and
his five sons and five daughters. May God be pleased with them”.111
111 For another fascinating African genealogical tradition, see a discussion on the gargam
genre in Dmitry Bondarev, “Old Kanembu and Kanuri in Arabic Script: Phonology
Through the Graphic System”, in The Arabic Script in Africa, ed. by Mumin and
Versteegh, pp. 107-42 (p. 111).
364 From Dust to Digital
Ajami art
Fig. 11.6 A work of Ajami art displaying a key Murid maxim: “Loo yootu jàpp ko (Seize
whatever you reach)” in Mbaye Diakhaté’s “Yow miy Murid, Seetal Ayib yi La Wër [You,
the Murid, Beware of the Challenges Surrounding You]” (EAP334/8/1, image 29).
112 For more insights on the use of similar chronograms among Hausa scholars, see Murray
Last, “The Book and the Nature of Knowledge in Muslim Northern Nigeria, 1457-2007”,
in The Trans-Saharan Book Trade, ed. by Krätli and Lydon, pp. 208-11.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 365
The maxim Loo yootu jàpp ko (Seize whatever you reach) echoes the pivotal
teaching of optimism of Muridiyya. Muridiyya teaches that genuine Murids
will achieve their wishes in life as a prelude for their paradise in the afterlife.
A shopkeeper’s advertisement
113 See Ngom, “Ajami Script in the Senegalese Speech Community”, pp. 13-14; Vydrin, p.
209; and Warren-Rothlin, p. 275.
366 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 11.8 A mill owner’s advertisement for grinding grains, including peanuts. The
Ajami text reads as follows: “Ku bëgg wàllu wàlla soqlu wàlla tigadege wàlla nooflaay;
kaay fii la. Waa Kër Xaadimu Rasuul [If you want (your grains) pounded or grinded
or peanut butter effortlessly; come here. The People of The Servant of the Prophet
(Ahmadou Bamba)]”. Photo taken in Diourbel in June 2009.
Fig. 11.9 Shopping for Ajami materials in Touba, Senegal during the 2012 Màggal.
Besides the Ajami materials, the image captures the centrality of work ethic
in Muridiyya. The patchwork clothing is a symbol of the group of Murids
who emulate Ibra Fall (called “Baye Fall”), the most loyal disciple of Bamba
popularly known as the apostle of work ethic. The belt around the man’s
waist symbolises “the belt of work ethic”.
Fig. 11.11 An advertisement in Ajami for the mobile phone company Orange in a
suburb of the Murid holy city of Touba, 12 July 2014.
Similar to image 7 and 8, this image also reflects the digraphia situation in
Touba, which is located in the region of Diourbel. It is worth noting that the
advertisement is not written with the caractères arabes harmonisés, which most
people do not know. The Ajami text is written with Eastern Arabic script
(Mashriqī) which many people now know rather than the Maghribī script more
commonly used in West Africa. It reads as follows in standard Wolof: “Jokko
leen ci ni mu leen neexee ak Illimix #250#. Woote (below a telephone icon), mesaas
(below the message icon), and enterneet (below the icon @) [Communicate
freely with Illimix by dialling #250# to call, send a text message, or access the
Internet]”. The Wolof vowel e is systematically written with a kasrah, which is
one way to write the vowel in Wolof Ajami.114 The phone company understood
that Ajami is key for the effective marketing of its product in the Murid areas.
In the region of Diourbel, all important announcements destined to the
public — be they public health announcements, calls to action, speeches or
official letters of the highest authority of the Murid order (the Khalife Général
des Mourides) — are first written in Ajami before their subsequent reading on
television and radio stations and translated into French for wider national
dissemination. Murids nationwide often receive copies of the original
announcements in Ajami scripts through their regional leaders. Such a use
114 See Ngom, “Ajami Script in the Senegalese Speech Community”, pp. 1-23.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 369
Fig. 11.12 A public announcement in Ajami and six foreign languages asking pilgrims
who attended the 2011 Màggal to turn off their mobile phones when entering the
Great Mosque of Touba where Ahmadou Bamba is buried, 11 January 2011.
115 See an official letter of the late Khalife Général des Mourides Cheikh Mouhammad
Lamine Bara Mbacké (2007-2010) recognising the foundation of the Murid youth
organisation in the city of Ziguinchor in southern Senegal: “Formal approval of the
birth of a youth Murid organization”, contributed by Fallou Ngom to Africa’s Sources
of Knowledge Digital Library, http://www.ask-dl.fas.harvard.edu/content/formal-
approval-birth-youth-murid-organization-wolofal-wolof-ajami. Despite being far
from the traditional sphere of influence of Muridiyya, the order has expanded in the
southern part of Senegal thanks to its mass communication system based on written
and verbalised Ajami materials.
370 From Dust to Digital
116 See Ngom, “Ajami Script in the Senegalese Speech Community”, pp. 1-23.
117 There are likely texts in English, Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, French, and other
languages written in the Wolof Ajami script by people in the Murid diaspora around
the world who know Wolofal and speak these languages but cannot write them.
This is because, wherever they are, Murids whose primary socialisation took place
in Murid areas would likely use Wolofal to document their lives. I know a Murid in
America who writes his numerous passwords in a notebook with Ajami to protect
himself from identity theft. The international dimension of Ajami in the Murid
diaspora begs further inquiry.
118 See Monographie sur l’impact socio-économique du grand magal de Touba au Sénégal, Rapport
sous la direction de Moubarack Lo, Emergence Consulting, November 2011, http://
www.majalis.org/news/pdf/549.pdf, pp. 7, 23-25, 30-36 and 63-72.
Murid Ajami sources of knowledge 371
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Recited Ajami poems of Mor Kairé, http://www.jazbu.com/mor_kayre/
Recited Ajami poems of Moussa Ka, http://www.jazbu.com/Serigne_Moussa_ka
Recited Ajami poems of Samba Diarra Mbaye, http://www.jazbu.com/
sambadiarra/
WebFuuta, http://www.webfuuta.net/bibliotheque/alfa-ibrahim-sow/index.html
12. Digitisation of Islamic manuscripts
and periodicals in Jerusalem and Acre1
1 The transliteration of Arabic words in this chapter is based on the LOC transliteration
system.
2 EAP119: Preservation of historical periodical collections (1900-1950) at the al-Aqṣá
Mosque Library in East Jerusalem, http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?
projID=EAP119
3 EAP399: Historical collections of manuscripts located at al-Jazzār mosque library in
Acre, http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP399 and EAP521:
Digitisation of manuscripts at the al-Aqṣá Mosque Library, East Jerusalem, http://eap.
bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP521
4 Houari Touati, L’armoire à sagesse: bibliothèques et collections en Islam (Paris: Aubier, 2003;
Ami Ayalon, Reading Palestine: Printing and Literacy, 1900-1948 (Austin, TX: University
of Texas Press, 2004), pp. 43-44; Youssef Eche, Les bibliothèques arabes publiques et semi-
publiques en Mesopotamie, en Syrie et en Egypte au Moyen-Age (Damascus: Institute Francais
de Damas, 1967); and Abdul Latif Ibn Dohaish, “Growth And Development of Islamic
Libraries”, Islamic Quarterly, 31 (1987), 217-29.
5 Dov Schidorsky, “Libraries in Late Ottoman Palestine between the Orient and Occident”,
Libraries and Culture, 33.3 (1998), 261-76 (p. 263), https://www.ischool.utexas.edu/~lcr/
archive/fulltext/LandC_33_3_Schidorsky.pdf; and Ayalon, Reading Palestine, pp. 45-47
and 93-103.
6 Bernhard Dichter, Akko: Sites from the Turkish Period (Haifa: University of Haifa, 2000), p.
108. Yitzhak Reiter, “The Waqf in Israel Since 1965: The Case of Acre Reconsidered”, in
Holy Places in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Confrontation and Co-existence, ed. by Marshall
J. Breger, Yitzhak Reiter and Leonard Hammer (London: Routledge, 2009), pp. 104-27
(pp. 112-14).
7 Dichter, Akko, p. 109; and Nathan Schur, A History of Acre (Tel Aviv: Dvir, 1990), pp.
173-76.
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 379
8 Ulrich Jasper Seetzen, Reisen durch Syrien, Palästina, Phönicien, die Transjordan-länder,
Arabia Petraea und Unter-Aegypten (Berlin: Reimer, 1854), pp. 82-83, https://archive.
org/details/ulrichjaspersee03seetgoog; and Ali Bey al-Abassi [Domingo Badia Y
Leblich], Travels of Ali Bey in Morocco, Tripoli, Cyprus, Egypt, Arabia, Syria, and Turkey,
Between the Years 1803 and 1807 (London: Longman, 1816), https://archive.org/details/
travelsalibeyps01beygoog, pp. 249-50.
9 Thomas Skinner, Adventures During a Journey Overland to India, 1 (London: Richard
Bentley, 1837), p. 145, https://archive.org/details/adventuresduring01skin; Edward
Hogg, Visit to Alexandria, Damascus, and Jerusalem, During the Successful Campaign
of Ibrahim Pasha, 2 vols. (London: Saunders and Otley, 1835), 1, pp. 162-63. https://play.
google.com/store/books/details/Edward_Hogg_Visit_to_Alexandria_Damascus_and_
Jerus?id=g9G3dRviOv0C&hl=en,
10 Joseph Asad Dagher dates the library’s foundation to 1927 and attributes it to the
Superior Islamic Council (Majlis al-ʾAwqāf al-ʾIslāmī). See Joseph Asad Dagher,
Repertoire des bibliotheques du proche et du Moyen Orient (Paris: UNESO, 1951), p. 68. See
also Geoffrey Roper, World Survey of Islamic Manuscripts (London: al-Furqan Islamic
Heritage Foundation, 1991), pp. 574-76; and Tia Goldenberg and Areej Hazboun, “Old
Manuscripts Get Face-Lift at Jerusalem Mosque”, The Big Story, 31 January 2014, http://
bigstory.ap.org/article/old-manuscripts-get-face-lift-jerusalem-mosque
11 Mona Hajjar Halaby, “Out of the Public Eye: Adel Jabre’s Long Journey from Ottomanism
to Binationalism”, Jerusalem Quarterly, 52 (2013), 6-24, http://www.palestine-studies.org/
sites/default/files/jq-articles/JQ-52-Hajjar_Halaby_Out_of_the_Public_Eye_4.pdf
12 Ayalon, Reading Palestine, p. 94; Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of
Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), p. 54.
380 From Dust to Digital
November 2001.
18 Natsheh, “Al-Aqṣa Mosque Library of al-Haram as-Sharif”, p. 45.
19 For the partial catalogues of the collection see Khader Salameh, Fihris makhṭūṭāt Maktabat
al-Masjid al-Aqṣá, 1 (Al-Quds: Idārat al-Awqāf al-ʿĀmmah, 1980); idem, 2 (Ammān:
al-Majmaʿ al-Malakī li-Buḥūth al-Ḥaḍārah al-Islāmīyah, 1983); and idem, 3 (London:
Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1996).
20 Majed Khader, “Challenges and Obstacles in Palestinian Libraries”, in Libraries in the
Early 21st Century: An Interntional Perspective, ed. by Ravindra N. Sharma, 2 (Berlin: De
Gruyter, 2012), pp. 425-44 (pp. 432-33).
21 Goldenberg and Hazboun.
22 For a broader discussion of the situation of Palestinian libraries in the early twenty-
first century, see Kader, “Challenges and Obstacles in Palestinian Libraries”; Françoise
Lefebvre-Danset, “Libraries in Palestine”, IFLA Journal, 35/4 (2009), 322-34; and Erling
Bergan, “Libraries in the West Bank and Gaza: Obstacles and Possibilities”, paper
presented at the 66th IFLA Council and General Conference, Jerusalem, 13-18 August 2000.
382 From Dust to Digital
frequently unable to access the library because of the curfews imposed due
to political unrest in the Old City.
Consequently, all three digitisation projects supported by the EAP had
a dual aim: to help the preservation of the materials by creating digital
surrogates, and to facilitate access to the materials and make them available
to scholars and students in Palestine and worldwide. Each of the three
projects created digital photographs in TIFF format. One set remains in
al-Aqṣá Library and al-Jazzār Mosque Library, while another has been
transferred to the British Library and made accessible via the Internet to
scholars worldwide.23
when political changes in the Ottoman Empire brought about the abolition
of censorship.27 As many as fifteen periodicals appeared in 1908, another
twenty were published before the outbreak of World War I, and nearly 180
more before the end of the British Mandate.28
Launching a newspaper was easier than sustaining its publication for
long, and the majority of papers started in Palestine and elsewhere in the
region turned out to be ephemeral.29 Moreover, the presence of Egyptian
and Lebanese publications throughout the region resulted in a weakening
of local presses, which found it hard to compete with the quality of the
products flowing from Cairo and Beirut.30 In 1936 Zionists attempting to set
up an Arabic newspaper to counter anti-Zionist propaganda, acknowledged
that it was difficult to compete with the quality of imported Egyptian
publications like al-Ahrām [The Pyramids] and al-Jihād [The Struggle].31
The Zionist settlement represented an additional incentive for the
emergence of Arabic publications, many of them opposed to the new
Jewish presence in Palestine.32 The three leading papers of the pre-war
period voiced Palestinian Arab emotions and they all were published by
the Palestinian Christians. Jurji Habib Hananya’s al-Quds [The Holy, epithet
for Jerusalem] was first published in that city from 1908, was moderate.33
Najib Nassar’s al-Karmil [Carmel, after Mount Carmel] which appeared in
Haifa in the same year, and the Jaffa paper Filasṭīn [Palestine], established
by the cousins Yūsuf al-ʿĪsá and ʿĪsá al-ʿĪsá in 1911, were outspokenly
anti-Zionist.34
With the outbreak of World War I publishing activities in Palestine
were suppressed, but re-emerged in 1919 with the establishment of British
control over Palestine, and two of the leading pre-war papers, al-Karmil and
27 Adnan A. Musallam, “Arab Press, Society and Politics at the End of the Ottoman Era”,
http://www.bethlehem-holyland.net/Adnan/publications/EndofTheOttomanEra.htm
28 Ami Ayalon, The Press in the Arab Middle East: A History (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1995), p. 66; and idem, Reading Palestine, p. 60.
29 Ayalon, Reading Palestine, p. 61
30 Ibid., p. 60.
31 Ibid., p. 52.
32 For a discussion of the role of Zionism in the development of Palestinian identity under
the British Mandate, see Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, “The Pitfalls of Palestinology”, Arab
Studies Quarterly, 3/4 (1981), 404-05.
33 Mary Hanania, “Jurji Habib Hanania History of the Earliest Press in Palestine, 1908-
1914”, Jerusalem Quarterly, 32 (2007), 51-69.
34 Ayalon, Press in the Middle East, p. 66; Rashid Khalidi, The Iron Cage: The Story of the
Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (Boston: Beacon Press, 2007), pp. 91-95; and Qustandi
Shomali, The Arabic Press in Palestine: Bibliography of Literary and Cultural Texts, “Filastin”
Newspaper (1911-1967), 2 (Jerusalem: Arab Studies Society, 1990).
384 From Dust to Digital
35 Ayalon, Press in the Middle East, p. 97. See also Adnan Musallam, “Turbulent Times in the
Life of the Palestinian Arab Press: The British Era, 1917-1948”, http://www.bethlehem-
holyland.net/Adnan/publications/Turbulent_Times.htm
36 Ayalon, Reading Palestine, p. 51.
37 Ibid., p. 62.
38 Ayalon, Press in the Middle East, pp. 96-97; and Zachary F. Foster, “Arabness, Turkey and
the Palestinian National Imagination in the Eyes of Mirʾat al Sarq 1919-1926”, Jerusalem
Quarterly, 42 (2011), 61-79.
39 Musallam, “Arab Press, Society and Politics”; Ayalon, Press in the Middle East, p. 98;
and Qustandi Shomali, Mirʾat al-Sharq: A Critical Study and Chronological Bibliography
(Jerusalem: Arab Studies Society, 1992).
40 Adnan Abu-Ghazaleh, “Arab Cultural Nationalism in Palestine during the British
Mandate”, Journal of Palestinian Studies, 1/3 (1972), 37-63; and Ann Mosely Lesch,
Arab Politics in Palestine: The Frustration of a Nationalist Movement (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1979), pp. 65-67.
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 385
Fig. 12.1 Front page of al-Jāmiʿah al-Islāmīyah [Islamic Union] newspaper, 27 July 1937
(EAP119/1/12/480, image 1), CC BY.
386 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 12.2 Front page of al-Liwāʾ [The Flag] newspaper, 16 December 1935
(EAP119/1/17/2, image 1), CC BY.
The attitude of the British authorities to the vociferous Palestinian press was
initially benign, as they assessed the public impact of newspapers to be minimal.
Nevertheless, as the press’s radicalisation and impact grew, the British authorities
responded with increasingly harsh measures. The new Publication Law, issued
in January 1933, gave the authorities powers to deny or withdraw publication
permits, suspend or close down papers, and punish journalists, was amended
and new regulations were introduced which restricted the freedom of the press
even further.41 Many major newspapers, Filasṭīn, al-Difāʿ, al-Liwāʾ and al-Ṣirāṭ
al-Mustaqīm among others, were suspended from circulation for extended
41 See Ayalon, Press in the Middle East, pp. 98-100; and Musallam, “Arab Press, Society and
Politics”.
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 387
periods of time in 1937 and 1938.42 With the outbreak of World War II and the
introduction of new emergency laws, the British ordered the closure of almost
all newspapers. Only Filasṭīn and al-Difāʿ were able to survive by adopting a
moderate nationalist tone and publishing closely censored news.43
The periodical collection at al-Aqṣá Mosque Library consists of historical
newspapers, journals and magazines in multiple formats. We selected 24 of
these (thirteen magazines and eleven journals) for digitisation, on the grounds
of their rarity and importance of the events they covered.44 In addition to
Filasṭīn, we have digitised such papers as al-Jāmiʿah al-Islāmīyah, published by
Shaykh Sulayman al-Taji al-Faruqi in Jaffa.45 The newspaper was deemed to
be in opposition to the Supreme Islamic Council led by Muhammad Amin
al-Husayni. The first issue of the newspaper was published on 16 July 1932,
and by the begining of its second year, the newspaper, which had started on 5
July 1933, had reached issue number 297. Al-Jāmiʿah al-Islāmīyah continued to
publish its eight-pages for a period of two years. At the end of the same year
the newspaper closed with the issue 588, at the order of the British Mandate
authorities. We have also digitised al-Jāmiʿah al-ʿArabīyah published in
Jerusalem from 20 January 1927.46 The publisher and chief editor was Munif
al-Husayni, who worked as a spokesman for the Supreme Islamic Council,
which indicates that the Islamic Council was the funder for the newspaper.
The slogan of the newspaper, which was written below the title, was a
prophetic saying: “If the Arabs are humiliated, then Islam is humiliated (اذا
”)ذلت العرب ذل ااسام. Amil al-Ghuri joined the editorial staff of the newspaper
responsible for the foreign affairs section, and Muhammad Tahir al-Fityani
for domestic news. The last issue of the newspaper appeared on 22 July 1934.
The collection of historical newspapers in al-Aqṣá is an important source
of information about Palestine, its history, and its people in the first half of
the twentieth century. The newspapers constitute important sources on the
42 Aida al-Najjar, The Arabic Press and Nationalism in Palestine, 1920-1948 (Ph.D. thesis,
Syracuse University, 1975), ch. 2; and Ayalon, Press in the Middle East, p. 100. See also
“Suppression of the Arabic Press During the British Mandate”, Endangered Archives
Blog, 18 January 2010, http://britishlibrary.typepad.co.uk/endangeredarchives/2010/01/
suppression-of-the-arabic-press-during-the-british-mandate.html#sthash.fUYyVklB.
dpuf
43 Ayalon, Press in the Middle East, p. 102.
44 For a list of the circulation of Arabic Newspapers in the region, see Ayalon, Press in the
Middle East, pp. 148-51.
45 Weldon Matthews, Confronting an Empire, Constructing a Nation: Arab Nationalists and
Popular Politics in Mandate Palestine (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2007), pp. 52 and 143; and
Ayalon, Press in the Middle East, p. 99.
46 Matthews, p. 82.
388 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 12.3 Front page of Miraʾat al-Sharq [The Mirror of the East] newspaper, on the
Balfour Declaration, 2 November 1917 (EAP119/1/24/1, image 1), CC BY.
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 389
Fig. 12.4 Front page of al-Jāmiʿah al-ʿArabīyah [The Arab League] newspaper, on the
Buraq uprising, 16 October 1929 (EAP119/1/13/260, image 1), CC BY.
390 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 12.5 Page three of al-Jāmiʿah al-ʿArabīyah [The Arab League] newspaper, on
al-Qassam unrest, 22 November 1935 (EAP119/1/13/1504, image 3), CC BY.
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 391
Fig. 12.6 Front page of al-Iqdām [The Courage] newspaper, on political parties,
30 March 1935 (EAP119/1/23/34, image 1), CC BY.
392 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 12.7 Front page of al-Difāʿ [The Defence] newspaper, on the great strike of 1936,
17 June 1936 (EAP119/1/21/169, image 1), CC BY.
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 393
Fig. 12.8 Page three of al-Jāmiʿah al-ʿArabīyah [The Arab League] newspaper,
on the Palestinian press under the Mandate, 3 April 1930
(EAP119/1/13/338, image 3), CC BY.
394 From Dust to Digital
Digitisation of manuscripts
In 2010, with the support of the EAP, we initiated the project to digitise
the historical manuscript collection in the holdings of al-Jazzār Mosque
Library (al-Aḥmadīyah), in Acre. The materials selected for digitisation
included a collection of 53 Arabic language manuscripts dating from
the fourteenth to the twentieth century. The manuscripts cover aspects
of the Islamic religion, but also Arabic literature, the Arabic language,
logic, mathematics and Sufism (Figs. 12.10-14). They provide a unique
insight into centuries of Arabic culture in Palestine. A catalogue of the
manuscripts, published in 1983, documents circa ninety manuscripts in
the library.49 The manuscripts are tightly bound and have been damaged
through constant use. Due to preservation challenges — and because of
their uniqueness and high value — digitisation had to be conducted on
the premises of al-Jazzār Mosque Library. The project resulted in the
creation of high-quality digital archival copies of 53 rare manuscripts,
consisting of 17,965 pages.
47 See, for example, the State of Michigan’s “Guidelines for Digitizing a Newspaper”, http://
www.michigan.gov/documents/hal/GuidelinesForDigitizingANewspaper_181557_7.
pdf
48 See the EAP’s “Guidelines for Photographing and Scanning Archive Material”, June
2014, http://www.bl.uk/about/policies/endangeredarch/pdf/09guidelines_copying.pdf
(accessed 22 October 2014); and the National Digital Newspaper Program’s “Technical
Guidelines for Applicants”, 26 September 2014, http://www.loc.gov/ndnp/guidelines/
NDNP_201517TechNotes.pdf
49 Mahmoud Attalah, Fihris Makhṭūṭāt Maktabat al-Aḥmadīyah fi ʿAkkā (Amman: Mujmaʿat
al-Lughah al-ʿArabīyah al-Urdunnī, 1983).
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 397
Fig. 12.10 Damaged paper of Bāb sharḥ al-shamsīyah, work on logic, 1389 CE
(EAP399/1/23, image 4), CC BY.
50 The EAP specifications consisted of the following devices and software: Device: Atiz
BookDrive Pro; Cameras: Canon EOS 600D + Lens EF-S18-55mm f/3.5-5.6 IS II; Capturing
Software: BookDrive Capture; Colour Checker: x-ritecolorchecker Passport; Converting
Program: Adobe Photoshop CS6 for converting images from RAW to TIFF; CheckSum:
Checksum Tool version 0.7; Storage: External Hard Disk WD My Passport 1TB.
51 File names for digital masters and PDF derivatives were established prior to the scanning
process. Each title was assigned a four letter Scan ID. For this digitisation project the
following file naming convention has been established: project code_ three letter Scan ID
+ _page numbers (two or three digit page number starting with zero); EAP521_four letter
Scan ID + three digit page number starting with zero, for example: EAP521_bada_01 for
the first page of the Badae’ al-burhan manuscript.
404 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 12.16 Maʿālim al-Tanzīl, exegesis, 1437 CE (EAP521/1/6, image 3), CC BY.
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 405
Fig. 12.18 al-Nawādir al-Sulṭānīyah, on the history and biography of Salaḥ al-Dīn
al-Ayyūbī, 1228 CE (EAP521/1/24, image 29), CC BY.
406 From Dust to Digital
51 Taʾsīs ʿalá al-Bināʾ تأسيس على البناء 18th Arabic Language Good
century
52 Sharḥ al-Tuḥfah شرح التحفة الحموية 1640 Arabic Language Acceptable
al-Ḥamawīyah
53 Taj al-lugha wa تاج اللغة وصحاح 1407 Arabic language Good
sihah al-Arabi’a العربية
54 Sharḥ Mukhtaṣar شرح مختصر ابن 18th Falak (Astronomy) Good
Ibn al-Khaṭṭāb الحطاب century
55 ʿUjālat al-Bayān fī عجالة البيان في شرح 1653 Arabic Language Acceptable
Sharḥ al-Mīzān الميزان
56 al-Ṣāfiyah fī Sharḥ الصافية في شرح 18th Arabic Language Good
al-Shāfiyah الشافية century
57 Sharḥ al-Shāfiyah شرح الشافية 1580 Arabic Language Acceptable
58 Risālah fī al-Khayl رسالة في الخيل 1902 Arabic Literature Good
59 Ḥāshiyat Mīrzā حاشية ميرزا خان 1715 Mantiq Fair
Khān (Logic)
60 Miftāḥ al-ʿUlūm مفتاح العلوم 1347 Arabic Language Fair
61 al-Dībāj الديباج المذهب 16th History Acceptable
al-Mudhahhab century
62 al-Ghunyah الغنية لطالبي طريق 1500 Sufism Good
li-Ṭālibī Ṭarīq الحق
al-Ḥaqq
63 Ḍiyāʾ al-Anwār ضياء اانوار 1888 History & Biography Good
64 al-ʿUshāriyāt العشاريات 1461 Hadith (Prophetic Fair
traditions)
65 Tārīkh Nāẓir تاريخ ناظر 1738 Tawhid (On Good
Monotheism)
66 Risālah fī Khalq رسالة في خلق القران 1617 Tawhid (On Fair
al-Qurʾān Monotheism)
67 Sharḥ Qaṣīdat Badʾ شرح قصيدة بدء 19th Tawhid (On Good
al-Amalī اامالي century Monotheism)
68 Maljāʾ al-Quḍḍāh ملجأ القضاة 1864 Fiqh (Jurisprudence) Good
69 al-Mawlid al-Sharīf المولد الشريف 1847 History & Biography Good
70 al-Fawāʾid الفوائد الجليلة 1731 Hadith (Prophetic Acceptable
al-Jalīlah traditions)
71 Mafātīḥ al-Ghayb مفاتيح الغيب 16th Sufism Good
century
410 From Dust to Digital
103 al-Kawākib الكواكب الدرية في 18th History & Biography Bad
al-Durrīyah fī تراجم الصوفية century
Tarājim al-Ṣūfīyah
104 Murshid مرشد الزوار الى 1605 History & Biography Fair
al-Zuwwār ilá قبور اابرار
Qubūr al-Abrār
105 Manāqib al-Imām مناقب اامام علي 1578 History & Biography Acceptable
ʿAlī wa-Baqīyat وبقية العشرة
al-ʿAsharah
106 Nahj al-Taqdīs ʿan نهج التقديس عن 1552 History & Biography Fair
Maʿānī Ibn Idrīs معاني ابن ادريس
107 al-Asbāb ااسباب والعامات 17th Medicine Acceptable
wa-al-ʿAlāmāt century
108 Kitāb al-Aghdhiyah كتاب ااغذية 1346 Medicine Acceptable
wa-al-Ashribah وااشربة
109 al-Wajīz lil-Ghazālī الوجيز للغزالي 15th Fiqh (Jurisprudence) Fair
century
110 al-Ṣafwah الصفوة الطبية 1679 Medicine Fair
al-Ṭibbīyah wa-al- والسياسة الصحية
Siyāsah al-Ṣiḥḥīyah
111 Fī ʿIlāj al-Amrāḍ في عاج اامراض 17th Medicine Acceptable
century
112 al-Wajīz lil-Ghazālī 2الوجيز للغزالي ج 15th Fiqh Fair
(part two) century (Jurisprudence)
113 Tuḥfat al-Aḥbāb fī تحفة ااحباب في علم 1686 Arithmetic Fair
ʿIlm al-Ḥisāb الحساب
114 al-Tadhhīb fī Sharḥ التذهيب في شرح 17th Mantiq Fair
al-Tahdhīb التهذيب century (Logic)
115 Sharḥ ʿalá Matn شرح على متن السلم 1866 Mantiq Good
al-Silm (Logic)
116 al-Ilbās fī Funūn االباس في فنون 16th Clothes Good
al-Libās اللباس century
117 Aḥkām al-Awānī احكام ااواني 18th Fiqh Good
century (Jurisprudence)
118 al-Jāmiʿ fī ʿUlūm الجامع في علوم 15th Tafsir (Quranic Acceptable
al-Qurʾān القران century exegesis)
119 Mabāriq al-Azhār مبارق اازهار 1718 Hadith (Prophetic Acceptable
traditions)
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 413
References
Abu-Ghazaleh, Adnan, “Arab Cultural Nationalism in Palestine during the British
Mandate” Journal of Palestinian Studies, 1/3 (1972), 37-63.
Abu-Lughod, Ibrahim, “The Pitfalls of Palestinology”, Arab Studies Quarterly, 3/4
(1981), 404-05.
Aderet, Ofer, “Preserving or Looting Palestinian Books in Jerusalem”, Haaretz, 7
December 2012, http://www.haaretz.com/weekend/week-s-end/preserving-or-
looting-palestinian-books-in-jerusalem.premium-1.483352
Al-Abassi, Ali Bey [Domingo Badia Y Leblich], Travels of Ali Bey in Morocco, Tripoli,
Cyprus, Egypt, Arabia, Syria, and Turkey, Between the Years 1803 and 1807 (London:
Longman, 1816).
Al-Najjar, Aida, The Arabic Press and Nationalism in Palestine, 1920-1948 (Ph.D. thesis,
Syracuse University, 1975).
Attalah, Mahmoud, Fihris Makhṭūṭāt Maktabat al-Aḥmadīyah fi ʿAkkā (Amman:
Mujmaʿat al-Lughah al-ʿArabīyah al-Urdunnī, 1983).
Ayalon, Ami, The Press in the Arab Middle East: A History (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1995), p. 66.
“Modern Texts and Their Readers in Late Ottoman Palestine”, Middle Eastern
Studies, 38/4 (2002), 17-40.
—, Reading Palestine: Printing and Literacy, 1900-1948 (Austin, TX: University of
Texas Press, 2004).
Bergan, Erling, “Libraries in the West Bank and Gaza: Obstacles and Possibilities”,
paper presented at the 66th IFLA Council and General Conference, Jerusalem,
13-18 August 2000.
Dagher, Joseph Asad, Repertoire des bibliothèques du proche et du Moyen Orient (Paris:
UNESCO, 1951).
Dichter, Bernhard, Akko: Sites from the Turkish Period (Haifa: University of Haifa,
2000).
Eche, Youssef, Les bibliothèques arabes publiques et semi-publiques en Mesopotamie, en
Syrie et en Egypte au Moyen-Age (Damascus: Institute Francais de Damas, 1967).
Foster, Zachary F., “Arabness, Turkey and the Palestinian National Imagination in
the Eyes of Mirʾat al Sarq 1919-1926”, Jerusalem Quarterly, 42 (2011), 61-79.
Goldenberg, Tia, and Areej Hazboun, “Old Manuscripts Get Face-Lift at Jerusalem
Mosque”, The Big Story, 31 January 2014, http://bigstory.ap.org/article/old-
manuscripts-get-face-lift-jerusalem-mosque
Gish, Amit, “Ownerless Objects? The Story of the Books Palestinians Left Behind in
1948”, Palestine Studies, 33 (2008), 7-20, http://www.palestine-studies.org/ar/jq/
fulltext/77868
—,“Salvage or Plunder?: Israel’s ‘Collection’ of Private Palestinian Libraries in West
Jerusalem”, Journal of Palestine Studies, 40/4 (2011), 6-23.
Halaby, Mona Hajjar, “Out of the Public Eye: Adel Jabre’s Long Journey from
Ottomanism to Binationalism”, Jerusalem Quarterly, 52 (2013), 6-24.
Hanania, Mary, “Jurji Habib Hanania History of the Earliest Press in Palestine,
1908-1914”, Jerusalem Quarterly, 32 (2007), 51-69.
414 From Dust to Digital
Hogg, Edward, Visit to Alexandria, Damascus, and Jerusalem, During the Successful
Campaign of Ibrahim Pasha, 2 vols (London: Saunders and Otley, 1835).
Ibn Dohaish, Abdul Latif, “Growth And Development of Islamic Libraries”, Islamic
Quarterly, 31 (1987), 217-29.
Irving, Sarah, “‘Endangered Archives’ Program Opens up Priceless Palestinian
Heritage”, The Electronic Intifada, 13 May 2014, http://electronicintifada.net/
blogs/sarah-irving/endangered-archives-program-opens-priceless-palestinian-
heritage
Khader, Majed, “Challenges and Obstacles in Palestinian Libraries”, in Libraries in
the Early 21st Century: An Interntional Perspective, ed. by Ravindra N. Sharma, 2
(Berlin: De Gruyter, 2012), pp. 425-44.
Khalidi, Rashid, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).
—, The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (Boston: Beacon
Press, 2007).
Lefebvre-Danset, Françoise, “Libraries in Palestine”, IFLA Journal, 35/4 (2009), 322-34.
Lesch, Ann Mosely, Arab Politics in Palestine: The Frustration of a Nationalist Movement
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1979).
Matthews, Weldon, Confronting an Empire, Constructing a Nation: Arab Nationalists
and Popular Politics in Mandate Palestine (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2007).
Matusiak, Krystyna K., and Qasem Abu Harb, “Digitizing the Historical Periodical
Collection at the al-Aqṣa Mosque Library in East Jerusalem”, in Newspapers:
Legal Deposit and Research in the Digital Era, ed. by Hartmut Walravens (The
Hague: DeGruyter, 2011), pp. 271-91.
Mermelstein, Hannah, “Overdue Books: Returning Palestine’s ‘Abandoned Property’
of 1948”, Jerusalem Quarterly (Autumn 2011), http://thegreatbookrobbery.org/
overdue-books-returning-palestine’s-“abandoned-property”-1948-hannah-
mermelstein
Musallam, Adnan A., “Arab Press, Society and Politics at the End of the
Ottoman Era”, http://www.bethlehem-holyland.net/Adnan/publications/
EndofTheOttomanEra.htm
—, “Turbulent Times in the Life of the Palestinian Arab Press: The British Era, 1917-
1948”, http://www.bethlehem-holyland.net/Adnan/publications/Turbulent_
Times.htm
Natsheh, Yusof, “Al-Aqṣa Mosque Library of al-Haram as-Sharif”, Jerusalem
Quarterly, 13 (2001), 44-45, http://www.jerusalemquarterly.org/images/
Articlespdf/13_Review.pdf
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Catastrophe, http://www.nad-plo.org/userfiles/file/New%20Publications/
NAKBA%20BOOK%202013.pdf
Reiter, Yitzhak, “The Waqf in Israel Since 1965: The Case of Acre Reconsidered”, in
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Marshall J. Breger, Yitzhak Reiter and Leonard Hammer (London: Routledge,
2009), pp. 104-27.
Digitisation of Islamic manuscript and periodicals 415
3 William Flinders Petrie, Methods and Aims in Archaeology (London: Macmillan, 1904), p.
48; see also Irina Podgorny, “La prueba asesinada: El trabajo de campo y los métodos
de registro en la arqueología de los inicios del siglo XX”, in Saberes locales, ensayos sobre
historia de la ciencia en América Latina, ed. by Frida Gorbach and Carlos López Beltrán
(Zamora: El Colegio de Michoacán, 2008), pp. 169-205.
4 Daniel Buck, “Pioneer Photography in Bolivia: Directory of Daguerreotypists and
Photographers, 1840s-1930s”, Bolivian Studies, 5/1 (1994-1995), p. 10; see also Anonymous,
Cartes de Visite (Tarjetas de Visita) Retratos y fotografías en el Siglo XIX, Guía de Exposición
(Cochabamba: Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas y Museo Arqueológico,
UMSS, 2013), pp. 6 and 16.
5 Efraín Bischoff, “Fotógrafos de Córdoba”, in Memorias del Primer Congreso de Historia de la
Fotografía (Vicente López, Provincia de Buenos Aires) (Buenos Aires: Mundo Técnico, 1992),
pp. 111-15 (p. 112); Juan Gómez, La Fotografía en la Argentina, su historia y evolución en el
siglo XIX 1840-1899 (Buenos Aires: Abadía, 1986), p. 86; and María Cristina Boixadós,
Córdoba fotografiada entre 1870 y 1930: Imágenes Urbanas (Córdoba: Universidad Nacional
de Córdoba, 2008), pp. 26-27. I am indebted to Roberto Ferrari for this information.
6 EAP207/6/1.
A charlatan's album 419
Fig. 13.1 Carte-de-visite from Bernabé Mendizábal to Mr. Comendador Dr. Guido
Bennati (EAP207/6/1, images 27 and 28), Public Domain.
two dusty, thin pamphlets. The first was published in 1876 in Cochabamba
(Bolivia) and contains the “titles of honors, ranks, and diploma” that adorned
the name of Guido Bennati. The second is the catalogue of Bennati’s Museo
Científico Sudamericano (South American Scientific Museum). The catalogue
displays samples from the three natural kingdoms — plants, animals and
minerals — that were gathered by Bennati while travelling through the
Argentine provinces, Paraguay, Brazil and Bolivia, and that were exhibited
in Buenos Aires in 1883.9
The three sets of documents — the cartes-de-visite, the catalogue of Bennati’s
museum and the collection of letters and certificates published in Cochabamba
— indicate a common travel route shared by people, images and objects in
a period lasting from the late 1860s to the early 1880s. At the time of our
discovery, we knew that the Museum of La Plata had bought part of Bennati’s
ethnographic and anthropological collection,10 transferred at an unknown
time to Antonio Sampayo, the man who sold it to the museum.11 Once these
disconnected traces and scattered pieces were put side by side, they revealed
the itineraries of Bennati along the southern cone of the Americas, a travel route
seemingly reflected in the places and people represented in the cartes-de-visite:
from Buenos Aires to Mendoza, and from Mendoza to Córdoba, Entre Ríos,
Corrientes, Asunción del Paraguay, Corumbá (Brazil), Santa Cruz de La Sierra,
Cochabamba, Lake Titicaca and the ruins of Tiahuanaco, La Paz, Tarija, Salta,
and then back to Buenos Aires (see Fig. 13.2). With all these elements in view,
we developed the hypothesis that the cartes-de-visite are likely the remnants
of Bennati’s album, collected, bought or received as a present on his South
American travels.
Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Sucre, La Paz, Bogotá and Cali; articles from Colombia, Bolivia,
and Guatemala; and manuscripts and letters stored at the Bibliothèque Nationale de
France (BNF). The compiled materials give a comprehensive view of the continental
scope of the travels of Bennati and other itinerant charlatans.
9 Guido Bennati, Museo Científico Sud-Americano de Arqueolojía, Antropolojía, Paleontolojía y
en general de todo lo concerniente a los tres reinos de la naturaleza (Buenos Aires: La Famiglia
Italiana, 1883); and idem, Diplomas i documentos de Europa y América que adornan el nombre
del Ilustre Comendador Dr. Guido Bennati, publicación hecha para satisfacer victoriosamente a
los que quieren negar la existencia de ellos (Cochabamba: Gutiérrez, 1876).
10 Máximo Farro, La formación del Museo de La Plata. Coleccionistas, comerciantes, estudiosos
y naturalistas viajeros a fines del siglo XIX (Rosario: Prohistoria, 2009), pp. 102-03; on the
museum, see also Irina Podgorny and Maria Margaret Lopes, El Desierto en una Vitrina:
Museos e historia natural en la Argentina, 1810-1890 (Mexico City: Limusa, 2008).
11 Roberto Lehmann-Nitsche, Catálogo de la Sección Antropología del Museo de La Plata (La
Plata: Museo de La Plata, 1910), pp. 64-65, 90-91 and 112; and Antonio Sampayo, Objetos
del Museo (Buenos Aires: La Nazione Italiana, 1886). See also Irina Podgorny, “Robert
Lehmann-Nitsche”, in New Dictionary of Scientific Biography 4, ed. by N. Koertge (Detroit,
MI: Scribner, 2007), pp. 236-38. In November 1885, Bennati also sold thirteen boxes of
fossils to the museum. See Farro, p. 103.
A charlatan's album 421
Fig. 13.2 Itineraries of Guido Bennati in South America. Map by Samanta Faiad,
Dept. Ilustración Científica del Museo de La Plata, CC BY.
422 From Dust to Digital
Working from this hypothesis, our chapter focuses on the research that allowed
us to bring back to life this collection of cartes-de-visite, digitised as part of
EAP095 and EAP207, a pilot and a major project undertaken at the Museum
of La Plata in the years 2006-2010.12 The first section is a short introduction to
the history of the museum and its archive; the second is devoted to Bennati
and his travels in South America. Bennati was not a photographer, but he
gathered and displayed photographs in his travelling museum and during
his medical performances. At the same time, other members of Bennati’s
commission bought, resold and dispatched photographs from South America
to the European illustrated journals.
Our contribution presents the network of itinerant characters who circulated
objects, photographs and knowledge in South America in the 1860s and 1870s.
Following the hints provided by the cartes-de-visite, the evidence found in other
repositories (the local press in particular) and secondary texts on the history of
photography in South America, this chapter aims to shed light on the role of
travelling conmen, quacks and charlatans as agents of the circulation of knowledge.
As such, the cartes-de-visite accumulated and collected by these agents tell us
an important history that can be used as a model for interpreting the flow of
images both in the region and on a global scale. At the same time, we want to
contribute to the discussion of how historical researchers devoted to the rescue
of endangered archives — such as those collected in this volume — can work
together to make “murdered” evidence live and speak again.
12 On this project, see Tatiana Kelly and I. Podgorny, eds., Los secretos de Barba Azul:
Fantasías y realidades de los Archivos del Museo de La Plata (Rosario: Prohistoria, 2011);
and Irina Podgorny and Tatiana Kelly, “Faces Drawn in the Sand: A Rescue Project
of Native Peoples’ Photographs Stored at the Museum of La Plata, Argentina”, MIR,
39 (2010), 98-113. See also EAP095: ‘Faces drawn in the sand’: a rescue pilot project
of native peoples’, photographs stored at the Museum of La Plata, Argentina, http://
eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP095; and EAP207: ‘Faces drawn
in the sand’: a rescue project of native peoples’ photographs stored at the Museum
of La Plata, Argentina - major project, http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.
a4d?projID=EAP207.
A charlatan's album 423
the province. In 1906, the museum became one of the faculties of the recently
established National University of La Plata. As such, it was turned into a
school of natural sciences, where zoology, geology, botany, palaeontology,
anthropology and archaeology were taught. The extant collections — fossil
bones from Patagonia and the Pampas, mineral samples, human skulls
and skeletons, dried animal skins, shells, butterflies and herbaria from
Argentina, as well as archaeological pottery, moulages and art, maps and
photographs — were transformed into materials for scientific training and
pedagogical education.13
13 On the history and transformations of the museum, see Podgorny and Lopes, El Desierto;
Farro; and Susana V. García, Enseñanza científica y cultura académica: La Universidad de La
Plata y las ciencias naturales (1900-1930) (Rosario: Prohistoria, 2010).
14 Farro, ch. 3.
15 See, for instance H. Glenn Penny, Objects of Culture: Ethnology and Ethnographic Museums
424 From Dust to Digital
in Imperial Germany (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), in
particular ch. 5. This argument is fully developed in William Flinders Petrie, “A National
Repository for Science and Art”, Royal Society of Arts Journal, 48 (1899-1900), 525-33; and
also Irina Podgorny, Un repositorio nacional para la ciencia y el arte (Bogotá: Universidad
Nacional de Colombia, 2012).
16 See García, Enseñanza científica y cultura académica, ch. 4; and idem, “Ficheros, muebles,
registros, legajos: La organización de los archivos y de la información en las primeras
décadas del siglo XX”, in Los secretos de Barba Azul: Fantasías y realidades de los Archivos del
Museo de La Plata, ed. by Tatiana Kelly and I. Podgorny (Rosario: Prohistoria, 2011), pp.
41-65 (pp. 59-64).
17 Thus, late in the nineteenth century, whereas the Department of Geology kept their
records and noted all the mineralogical samples and objects coming to the collections,
others, such as the Department of Zoology, left their collections unrecorded. In 1908,
the Departments of Anthropology and Zoology started an inventory book, following
the protocols of the new university. Later, when the Photographic Archive was created,
Emiliano MacDonagh and Ángel Cabrera, in charge of the Departments of Zoology
and Palaeontology respectively, were two of the few chiefs who donated photographs
from their collections to the archive. See García, “Ficheros, muebles, registros, legajos”.
What caused this difference in attitude to institutional policies and record-keeping, a
difference that characterised the running of the institution for most of its history? Beyond
the personalities of the employees, one might consider, first, the structural weakness of
the institution in comparison to the weight and relevance of certain individuals (which
has its correlative in the weakness of the museum director vis-à-vis the “jefes de sección”);
and second, the micropolitics of the museum, namely the inner alliances and conflicts
which may have caused resistance to certain directives emanating from the authorities.
A charlatan's album 425
as all administrative public offices were supposed to do.18 Far from a historic
repository, this was a living archive used for institutional administration and
management. These papers represent the main collections stored today in
the historic archive of the museum.
It was only in 1937 that a memorandum established another kind of
archive: a photographic archive to protect the extant photographic materials
and to illustrate the museum’s collection. All photographic materials — the
ones that already existed and the ones that would be produced in the future
— were transferred to the new archive along with information that would
help in identifying and classifying the images. The archive, located in a
photographic lab created in the late 1880s, had to be organised following
the names of the scientific sections that, in fact, reflected neither the historic
situation nor the disciplinary boundaries of the late nineteenth century, but
rather the scientific organisational chart of the museum in the late 1930s.
Thus, the historical photographs that were incorporated into the archive
were “reclassified” according to the new disciplinary sections created in
those years. In this way, both original order and provenance were lost.19
Furthermore, the transfer of photographic collections from the scientific
departments to the archive had not been recorded, and there are no documented
traces of the implementation of the 1937 memorandum. However, it is clear
that, again, the guidelines were only partially followed: whereas many scientific
departments deposited their plate negatives in the new archive, others continue
to store photographs and negatives following the organisational chart of the
museum’s foundational years.20 These images were never given to the archive,
which in fact continued to function as a photographic lab rather than as a
historical repository. Thus the archive continued to produce photographs
for the researchers working in the museum, but it did not comply with the
procedures set in 1937.
In one of these back and forths of papers, memoranda and collections,
the cartes-de-visite purchased or presented at and unspecficied date became
invisible to curators and officials. Along with many other objects, they started
their life as murdered evidence of forgotten facts and events.
One of the administrative files records the purchase of Guido Bennati’s
collection. The administrator of the Department of Anthropology noted in
the early twentieth century that the collections he curated included 44 skulls
from Bolivia, donated in June 1903 by a certain Señor Zavala, the holder of
Bennati’s collection.21 By 1910, in fact, the Department of Anthropology had
recorded the existence of skulls, skeletons and a dried foetus, collected in
Bolivia in 1878 and 1879 and purchased from Bennati, the good friend of the
Bolivian General Bernabé Mendizábal, in the early years of the museum. Most
probably, this transaction included the collection of cartes-de-visite, which
— together with the skeletons — arrived at the department around 1887.
Bennati, aware of the interest in these initiatives, collected fibres that could
be employed as raw materials for several industries, also exhibiting vegetal
products in Córdoba and in other places he visited. At the same time, he
collected the portraits of people who shared his interests, as evidence of
their collegial friendship. In doing so, he was following a fashion that had
spread throughout the Americas and Europe: collecting cartes-de-visite, as it
is well established, became an obsession in the second half of the nineteenth
century.26 As Douglas Keith McElroy has noted:
26 For Latin America, in particular Peru, see Keith McElroy, Early Peruvian Photography: A
Critical Case Study (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Research Press, 1985), pp.
15-45. See also Robin Wichard and Carol Wichard, Victorian Cartes-de-Visite (Princes
Risborough: Shire, 1999).
A charlatan's album 429
In our case, the cards travelled with the collector and promoted the business
of science and quackery. Bennati, as was common among travelling dentists,
surgeons and photographers at that time, announced his Commission’s arrival
in the cities it visited in the newspapers, promoting the services and gifts it
offered to the local population and government. Thus, in Paraguay in 1875, he
presented fragments of the skeleton of Megatherium that had been discovered
in the surroundings of the city of Asunción; the remains of this formidable
fossil mammal had been considered an icon of prehistoric South America
for decades.28 In January 1875, President Juan Bautista Gill accepted it as a
gift with the intention of creating Paraguay’s national museum — although
this museum was never in fact inaugurated.29
It is probable that when Bennati brought his advertisement to the
newspaper, he met its editor, the French journalist Joseph Charles Manó,
and discovered that they shared common strategies and interests.30 Bennati
invited Manó to join an expedition, covering his travel expenses. Manó, in
exchange, would record geological and botanical observations.31 Together
they navigated the Upper Paraguay River up to the Brazilian fluvial port
of Corumbá, a gateway to Mato Grosso and the Amazon basin which, with
the opening of the Paraguay River after the Paraguayan War of 1864-1870,
had become strategically important for international trade. Manó and
Bennati travelled and, at the same time, encountered a network of itinerant
commission moved freely in the cities’ scientific and literary circles. They
were accepted and welcomed by several members of the various political
factions and certain members of the Catholic clergy, who dispensed honours
to them, supported their initiatives in the fields of public health and science,
and gave tokens of their friendship, such as General Bernabé’s carte-de-visite
dedicated to Bennati.
The Commission exhibited its collections in Santa Cruz de la Sierra
and undertook excursions to the Inca ruins nearby as a means of proving
their interest in the local environment and culture. In Santa Cruz, the
Commission produced two publications, Relación del Viaje de la Comisión
Científica Médico-Quirúrgica Italiana por el norte del Gran Chaco y el Sud de la
Provincia de Chiquitos and El Naturalismo positivo en la Medicina (1875); and
in Cochabamba they published Compendio de los trabajos ejecutados en este
trayecto and Diplomas i documentos de honor de Europa y América que adornan
el nombre del ilustre comendador Dr. Guido Bennati (1876).37 While Diplomas i
documentos is a transcription of testimonies made by witnesses to Bennati’s
degrees as a doctor of medicine, the second and the fourth of these volumes
were travel descriptions, and the third a compendium of ideas on the
most modern methods in medicine. These publications described what
the members of the Commission encountered on their travels: fauna, flora,
mineral resources, ruins and natives. They also proposed a plan of action for
the local government and elite on how to improve their economic situation
by means of new roads and encouraging industry and commerce. Probably
written by Manó, an expert in the art of propaganda, these pamphlets were
printed on low-quality paper, with a very dense typography, in the printing
offices of the newspapers in which they worked or in those owned by their
protectors.38
In November 1876, the Commission arrived in La Paz, allegedly after
having completed “The scientific study of the material resulting from their
travels with regards to Hygiene, Climatology, Botany, Mineralogy, Geology,
Zoology, Industry and Commerce of the Argentinian, Paraguayan and
Oriental Republics”.39 They wanted to “publish the most exact work on its
Ethnography and the systems of mountains and rivers, questions absolutely
related to the problem of Hygiene”. They promised to publish a “Descriptive
History of the Republic of Bolivia”, imitating the propagandistically-minded
publications advertising their natural resources that had allowed other
Spanish American countries to successfully attract European migration.
This work would be integrated in three quarto volumes of more than 400
pages. They were in fact calling for a subscription and also for the provision
of data, information and objects.40
In La Paz, the Commission installed its offices and museum in a house
located in the main square of the city. While the cabinet of Doctor Bennati
opened from 7am to 11am, the museum opened from 1pm to 4pm, displaying
curiosities and representing the diversity and richness of the nature and arts
of South America.41 The museum was a means to exhibit the commission’s
collection but also to enrich it further: Bennati and company offered monetary
compensation for plants, fruits, fossils, petrifactions, furniture, books in all
languages or in Spanish from the age of the conquistadors, animals, minerals,
artefacts, and everything related to the arts and nature of these regions.42
The museum was indeed the centre of a medical-commercial enterprise.
Healing was performed in the space of the museum, which, at the same
time, exhibited the local medical and industrial products Bennati and his
companions had collected on their travels. The museum attracted not only
potential patients to the medical cabinet but also artefacts, photographs
and books to be resold on a market that would deliver these objects to other
places and people. In doing so, the museum also allowed Bennati and his
circle to procure documents, materials and exemplars of writing about the
topics they had supposedly investigated in the field. In other cities visited
by Bennati, the newspapers published extensive descriptions of the interior
of his cabinet: the walls were covered by photographs showing the patients
before and after being treated by Bennati. The photograph of a “blind invalid
man” is possibly the only item remaining from this series.43
44 See, for instance, Douglas Keith McElroy, The History of Photography in Peru in the
Nineteenth Century, 1839-1876 (Ph.D. thesis, University of New Mexico, 1977).
45 La Comisión Italiana, “Escursion a Tiaguanaco y al lago Titicaca”, La Reforma, November
1876.
434 From Dust to Digital
who was in Tiahuanaco at the same time as the Italian Commission.46 Like
the Commission, Broca classified the skulls as belonging to two different
human types.47
In the meantime, in La Paz, Manó broke with Bennati and returned to
journalism. In March 1877, Manó began an association with Eloy Perillán y
Buxó, a Spanish anarchist, anti-monarchist and director of the newspaper
El Inca. Perillán y Buxó had had to leave Spain and go into exile in 1874 due
to his provocative writings, time he spent travelling in South America.48
Like Bennati and Manó, Perillán y Buxó both mocked and profited from
the tastes, pretensions and consumption habits of the petite bourgeoisie
of Europe and the Americas. All three men were aware of the importance
that government officials and the urban bourgeoisie attached to academic
titles, collections and scientific rhetoric. Throughout their travels, the men
endeavoured to publish records, inaugurate museums and affirm their own
scientific expertise. They also sought to establish newspapers and offer their
services to the political factions of the troubled South American republics.
Manó and Perillán y Buxó issued a new periodical, El Ferrocarril [The
Railroad],49 and in March 1877 they announced that they were collecting
archaeological pieces to be dispatched and published in La Ilustración Española
y Americana, an illustrated journal in Madrid.50 Offering to pay for remittances,
they obtained “mummies, Incan pottery, medals, arrows, photographs of ruins
and Indian types, idols”.51 On 22 November 1877, La Ilustración published
“an engraving with five peculiar views of the Bolivian Republic, based on
direct photographs sent by an old correspondent of our periodical”. These
“souvenirs of Bolivia”, sent by “Mr. P. y B”, showed several vistas, one of
them probably portraying the visit of Bennati’s commission to the ruins and
village of Tiahuanaco (Fig. 13.5).
46 Pascal Riviale, Los viajeros franceses en busca del Perú Antiguo, 1821-1914 (Lima: IFEA,
2000), pp. 145-47.
47 Paul Broca, “Sur des crânes et des objets d’industrie provenant des fouilles de M. Ber à
Tiahuanaco (Perou)”, Bulletins de la Société d’anthropologie de Paris, 3/1 (1878), 230-35.
48 Luis Monguió, “Una desconocida novela Hispano-Peruana sobre la Guerra del Pacífico”,
Revista Hispánica Moderna, 35/3 (1969), 248-54; and Pedro Gómez Aparicio, Historia del
periodismo español: De la Revolución de Septiembre al desastre colonial (Madrid: Editora
Nacional, 1971), p. 204.
49 Gustavo Torrico Landa and Cristóbal Kolkichuima P’ankara, La imprenta y el periodismo
en Bolivia (La Paz: Fondo Ed. de los Diputados, 2004), p. 225.
50 “Museo Boliviano”, El Ferrocarril, 7 March 1877.
51 “Museo Boliviano”, El Ferrocarril, 14 March 1877.
A charlatan's album 435
In fact, these vistas had been taken by the travelling German photographer
Georges B. von Grumbkow who, late in 1876, was hired by the aforementioned
Théodore Ber to take photographs of the ruins — photos that Ber wanted to
send to France as part of his role as Commissioner of the French Government
for collecting American antiquities.52 However, Grumbkow, once he took the
pictures, sold them to the many customers interested in this kind of material. In
1876-77 Tiawanaku received visits not only from Ber and Bennati’s Commission,
but also from the German geologists Alphons Stübel and Wilhelm Reiss. These
two men visited the ruins and purchased a set of the photographs taken by
Grumbkow, now stored in the Leibniz Institut für Landeskunde (IFL) in
Leipzig (Figs. 13.6 and 13.7).53
Fig. 13.6 “The Ruins of Pumapungu”, view to the southwest. © Stübel’s Collections,
Leibniz-Institut für Länderkunde, Leipzig, all rights reserved.
52 Pascal Riviale and Christophe Galinon, Une vie dans les Andes: Le journal de Théodore
Ber, 1864-1896 (Paris: Ginkgo, 2013). I am very grateful to Pascal Riviale for his hints
regarding Théodore Ber and Stübel’s collection.
53 See the IFL’s Archive for Geography at http://www.ifl-leipzig.de/en/library-archive/
archive.html. On Stübel’s collections, see Babett Forster, Fotografien als Sammlungsobjekte
im 19. Jahrhundert: Die Alphons-Stübel-Sammlung früher Orientfotografie (Weimar: VDG,
2013). Another set of Grumbkow’s photographs are kept in the Museo de Arte de Lima;
see Natalia Majluf, Registros del territorio: las primeras décadas de la fotografía, 1860-1880
(Lima: Museo de Arte de Lima, 1997). One of the images dispatched by Perillán y Buxó
to Madrid came to be known as the portrait of Alphons Stübel in Tiwanaku. However, as
Riviale’s recent research has proven, the man in the picture is not Stübel but M. Bernardi,
Ber’s travel companion. The image is available at http://ifl.wissensbank.com
A charlatan's album 437
Less than a year after they were taken, these photographs had travelled far
beyond the Andes: dispatched by this dynamic world of itinerant people
composed of charlatans, journalists, travellers and photographers, they were
soon incorporated into the visual universe of South American archaeology,
which was emerging in the same years and through the same agents.
Even though until now we have found no trace of Grumbkow’s photographs
either in La Plata or in Buenos Aires, textual evidence suggests that they were
exhibited in Buenos Aires in 1883, when Bennati presented his collection in the
Argentinian capital. The local newspapers celebrated his collections, reporting
and describing them in detail. Bennati’s museum contained the enormous
carapaces of mastodons, mylodons and glyptodonts, in addition to fossils,
bones, teeth, petrified plants and fruits, mineral collections, precious stones,
438 From Dust to Digital
objects from different tribes and from the Bronze Age, musical instruments,
dried skins, human skeletons, skulls, mummies, weapons, jewels, seeds,
textiles, pottery, bowls, jars, idols, apparel, baskets, feathers, petrified human
eyes, vistas, photographs of Indians domesticated by Bennati, landscapes of
primitive cities, etc.54 The collection also included the same cartes-de-visite
that — as we argue in this paper — came to the Museum of La Plata a couple
of years later. As the catalogue states:
To complement this Group (various), we display a large and diverse collection
of vistas representing places, buildings, ruins, etc., among which the ruins of
the ancient town of Tiaguanacu, with its gigantic monoliths, stand out. This
collection is supplemented by the native attire of nearly all the countries visited.55
Let’s observe the photographs displayed at Museo Bennati and let’s compare
the facts. Huge monoliths, eight metres high and four wide, had been reshaped
by the elapsing of time and the action of wind and rain, to become thin needles,
just a metre high and eroded on their top.
The palaces, the temples, the circuses and the megalithic masonry keep,
however, their mightiness. There one can observe how the monoliths were
used, as well as the arts, crafts and power of those thousands of men that
had erected them.
Carving, transporting them to a place where there were no mountains, building
a city around an “artificial hill”, where the temple of the Sun was located;
having this enormous city destroyed, forgetting that this cyclopean city had
ever existed, having the wind modelling its monoliths … many centuries,
hélas, many centuries must have gone by!
Tiahuanaco! Up there we have its colossal ruins, whose dimensions —as well
as those from Palenque — would scare any Londoner.
The Islands of the Sun and the Moon, the temple of the virgins, they lay over
thousands of shells left in the mountains by the ancient Titicaca lake with a
former circumference of 2650 leagues, today reduced to 52 length and 33 width!
Tiahuanaco, despite all the heresies committed against her, such as the new
temple built with her stones, recalls to us the sorrow already caused by the
Coliseum “quod non fecerunt barbaros fecir Barberini”, and exhibits one of
the oldest civilisations from the Americas.
Is that all?
No! We have photographs in front of us that reveal something still more
spectacular.
Bennati dug at Tiahuanaca, searching the tombs of those ancient beings.
Did he find them?
Six metres below Tiahuanaca, under a triple layer of topsoil, clay and sand, he
found the vestiges of an older city, with great monuments, superb monoliths,
mighty buildings, still more powerful than those from modern Tiahuanaca or
Tiahuanacú (the reconstruction of the name is still uncertain). The excavation
was not very extensive, the city but partially revealed; however it is enough
to confirm its existence, as well as the existence of its monuments, as seen
and photographed by Bennati.
59 EAP095 and EAP207 benefited from the professional expertise of Tatiana Kelly, Máximo
Farro, Susana V. García and Alejandro Martínez, to whom I express my deepest
gratitude: it was their engagement and commitment that made this article possible
and that led to the success of both projects. Silvia Ametrano, the director of Museo de
La Plata, Américo Castilla, Lewis Pyenson, Maria Margaret Lopes and José A. Pérez
Gollán supported us in multiple ways: we are all indebted to them and, in particular, to
Cathy Collins, who was always there to help and advise from London. We also want to
mention the permanent support provided by Lynda Barraclough, former EAP Curator.
Part of the bibliographical materials used in this chapter was available to us because
of the permanent support of Ruth Kessentini, Ellen Garske, Birgitta von Mallinkrodt
and Hans-Jörg Rheinberger from the Max Planck Institute for the History of Sciences
in Berlin (MPI-WG). This paper — which also acknowledges the support of PIP 0116
— is based on research undertaken at Biblioteca Nacional de la República Argentina,
Biblioteca Luis A. Arango in Bogotá, Bibliothèque Nationale de France and the Leibniz
Institute for Regional Geography in Leipzig (Archiv für Geographie). The chapter —
which benefited from the comments by Maja Kominko and two anonymous reviewers
— was initiated while I was on a Fellowship at IKKM-Bauhaus Universität Weimar. I am
very grateful to Daniel Gethmann and Bernhard Siegert for their productive suggestions.
A charlatan's album 441
References
Anonymous, Cartes de Visite (Tarjetas de Visita) Retratos y fotografías en el Siglo XIX,
Guía de Exposición (Cochabamba: Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas y
Museo Arqueológico, UMSS, 2013).
Bennati, Guido, Diplomas i documentos de Europa y América que adornan el nombre del
Ilustre Comendador Dr. Guido Bennati, publicación hecha para satisfacer victoriosamente
a los que quieren negar la existencia de ellos (Cochabamba: Gutiérrez, 1876).
—, Museo Científico Sud-Americano de Arqueolojía, Antropolojía, Paleontolojía y en
general de todo lo concerniente a los tres reinos de la naturaleza (Buenos Aires: La
Famiglia Italiana, 1883).
Bischoff, Efraín, “Fotógrafos de Córdoba”, in Memorias del Primer Congreso de
Historia de la Fotografía (Vicente López, Provincia de Buenos Aires) (Buenos Aires:
Mundo Técnico, 1992), pp. 111-15.
Boixadós, María Cristina, Córdoba fotografiada entre 1870 y 1930: Imágenes Urbanas
(Córdoba: Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, 2008).
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Ber à Tiahuanaco (Perou)”, Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris, 3/1
(1878), 230-35.
Buck, Daniel, “Pioneer Photography in Bolivia: Directory of Daguerreotypists and
Photographers, 1840s-1930s”, Bolivian Studies, 5/1 (1994-1995), 97-128.
Draghi Lucero, Juan, Miguel Amable Pouget y su obra (Mendoza: Junta de Estudios
Históricos, 1936).
Farro, Máximo, La formación del Museo de La Plata: Coleccionistas, comerciantes,
estudiosos y naturalistas viajeros a fines del siglo XIX (Rosario: Prohistoria, 2009).
Forster, Babett, Fotografien als Sammlungsobjekte im 19. Jahrhundert: Die Alphons-
Stübel-Sammlung früher Orientfotografie (Weimar: VDG, 2013).
García, Susana V., Enseñanza científica y cultura académica: La Universidad de La Plata
y las ciencias naturales (1900-1930) (Rosario: Prohistoria, 2010).
—, “Ficheros, muebles, registros, legajos: La organización de los archivos y de la
información en las primeras décadas del siglo XX”, in Los secretos de Barba Azul:
Fantasías y realidades de los Archivos del Museo de La Plata, ed. by Tatiana Kelly and
I. Podgorny (Rosario: Prohistoria, 2011), pp. 41-65.
Gómez, Juan, La Fotografía en la Argentina, su historia y evolución en el siglo XIX 1840-
1899 (Buenos Aires: Abadía, 1986).
Gómez Aparicio, Pedro, Historia del periodismo español: De la Revolución de Septiembre
al desastre colonial (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1971).
González Echevarría, Roberto, “The Dictatorship of Rhetoric/The Rhetoric of
Dictatorship: Carpentier, García Márquez, and Roa Bastos”, Latin American
The final pages were, however, finished on a Visiting Professorship as the Chaire Alicia
Moreau at the Université Paris Diderot - Paris 7. In this context, the discussions with and
suggestions made by Gabrielle Houbre, Pascale Riviale, Natalia Majluf, Roberto Ferrari
and Stefanie Gänger were fundamental for understanding the paths of the photographs
mentioned here. This paper is dedicated to Pepe, in memoriam.
442 From Dust to Digital
Kyle Jackson1
If today the sky were to thunder and the local church bell to peal in the
mountaintop village of Aithur in Northeast India’s Mizoram state, the
resident Christian Mizo villager would simply pack an umbrella to church.
However, a century ago the same soundscape would have held radically
different meaning for most listeners.2 Thunder was not a sonic shockwave
devoid of transcendental meaning, but rather evidence of the god and healer
Pu Vana — Grandfather of the Sky — as he dragged a bamboo plate about
the heavens. The church bell would have rung out in direct contravention
of the village headman’s strict order for its silence. Its sound was thought
to bring pestilence upon Aithur, whose tiny minority of first Christian
converts were far from welcome and farther still from representing the
near total majority that Christians would enjoy a century later, when the
first converts were long dead and Pu Vana long forgotten.3
1 I wish to thank Roberta Bivins, Luke Clossey, Lindy Jackson and Joy L. K. Pachuau for
comments on an earlier draft.
2 R. Murray Schafer coined the term “soundscape” to refer to a “sonic environment”, the
auditory equivalent of a landscape, in his seminal The Tuning of the World: Towards a
Theory of Soundscape Design (New York: Destiny, 1977), pp. 274-75.
3 Haudala, “A Lushai Pastor on Tour”, The Herald: The Monthly Magazine of the Baptist
Missionary Society (London, 1916), p. 63. All quoted editions of The Herald and The
Missionary Herald were viewed in the Angus Library and Archive, Regent’s Park College,
Oxford, UK (hereafter ALA).
In the last decade, the field of sensory history — or the “habit” of writing
sensory history, the term historian Mark M. Smith employs to refer to its
overarching utility — has made great strides in advancing our understanding
of historical and cultural articulations of human ways of knowing.4 While
this body of scholarship has been helpful in broadening our understanding
of the complex history of the human sensorium, it nonetheless treats the
continents with an uneven hand. For example, the bibliography of Smith’s
recent overview of scholarship sensitive to the history of the senses reveals
a ratio of roughly 8.5:1 for studies of the west to those of the wider world.5
Historians attentive to non-western countries have yet to examine in
depth the hill tribes of India’s Northeastern frontier and the history of their
ways of knowing. In 1935, many Northeastern hill areas were formally
deemed “excluded areas” by the British Raj; until 2011, Mizoram itself
remained a region restricted to visitors. Entire textbooks on the history of the
subcontinent have been written with only a scant sentence or two reserved
4 Mark M. Smith, Sensing the Past: Seeing, Hearing, Smelling, Tasting, and Touching in History
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2007), p. 5; a partial list of essential works by
historians and anthropologists of the senses would include W. F. Bynum and Roy Porter,
Medicine and the Five Senses (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Constance
Classen, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and Across Cultures (London:
Routledge, 1993); Alain Corbin, Village Bells: Sound and Meaning in the Nineteenth-Century
French Countryside, trans. Martin Thom (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998);
Steven Feld, Sound and Sentiment: Birds, Weeping, Poetics, and Song in Kalui Expression
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982); Susan Ashbrook Harvey, Scenting
Salvation: Ancient Christianity and the Olfactory Imagination (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 2006); Peter Charles Hoffer, Sensory Worlds of Early America (Baltimore:
John Hopkins University Press, 2003); David Howes, Sensual Relations: Engaging the
Senses in Culture and Social Theory (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2003);
David Howes, ed., Empire of the Senses: The Sensual Culture Reader (New York: Berg, 2005);
Richard Cullen Rath, How Early America Sounded (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,
2005); Schafer, The Tuning of the World; Leigh Eric Schmidt, Hearing Things: Religion,
Illusion, and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
2000); Bruce R. Smith, The Acoustic World of Early Modern England (Chicago, IL: University
of Chicago Press, 1999); Mark M. Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel
Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2001); Mark M. Smith, How Race is Made:
Slavery, Segregation, and the Senses (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press,
2006).
5 As historians Luke Clossey and Nicholas Guyatt have shown, Europe, Canada and
the U.S. together command over three-quarters of all historical research done in
North America and Britain, as of 2012. The UK and Ireland, with only 1% of the
world’s population, command close to 20% of the historical research done in Britain
and North America. See Clossey and Guyatt, “It’s a Small World After All: The Wider
World in Historians’ Peripheral Vision”, Perspectives on History, 51/5 (May 2013), http://
www.historians.org/publications-and-directories/perspectives-on-history/may-2013/
its-a-small-world-after-all
Hearing images, tasting pictures 447
6 Characteristic examples include John Keay, India: A History (New York: Atlantic Monthly
Press, 2000); and Sunil Khilman, The Idea of India (London: Penguin, 2012).
7 James C. Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast
Asia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009); Journal of Global History, 5/2 (2010);
Andrew J. May, Welsh Missionaries and British Imperialism: The Empire of Clouds in North-
East India (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012); Indrani Chatterjee, Forgotten
Friends: Monks, Marriages, and Memories of Northeast India (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2013). See also Joy L. K. Pachuau’s forthcoming monograph Being Mizo: Identity
and Belonging in Northeast India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming in 2015).
A story from Sir George Abraham Grierson’s Linguistic Survey of India (1927) highlights
the staggering diversity of India’s Northeast: “One of the witnesses [to a crime] was
a woman who knew only the Khami language. This was translated into Mrū, which
was then translated into Arakanese, which was again translated into the local dialect of
Bengali, from which version the Magistrate recorded the quadruply refracted evidence
in English”. George Abraham Grierson, ed., Linguistic Survey of India, Volume 1, Part 1:
Introductory (Calcutta: Government of India, 1927), p. 21.
8 Robert Finlay, “Weaving the Rainbow: Visions of Colour in World History”, Journal of
World History, 18/4 (2007), 383-431 (p. 398).
448 From Dust to Digital
9 Ibid., p. 402.
10 N. E. Parry, People and Places in Assam, n/d, Cambridge Centre of South Asian Studies
Archive, Cambridge, UK (hereafter CSAS), Parry Papers, Microfilm Box 5, No. 40, p. 250.
11 Finlay, “Weaving”, p. 430.
12 Patricia Uberoi, discussant for the workshop “History Through Photographs: Exploring
the Visual Landscape of Northeast India”, Delhi, 31 October 2013.
13 Raymond Queneau, Exercices de style (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1947). I am grateful to
Hearing images, tasting pictures 449
historian Carla Nappi, whose ongoing project, Qing Bodies: Exercises in Style, brought
Queneau to my attention.
14 On Asia-normative history-writing and the challenging principle that written histories
should seek to be empathetic, meaningful and understandable to their historical subjects,
see Luke Clossey, “Asia-Centered Approaches to the History of the Early Modern World:
A Methodological Romp”, in Comparative Early Modernities: 1100-1800, ed. by David
Porter (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), pp. 73-98.
15 J. H. Lorrain, “Amidst Flowering Bamboos, Rats, and Famine: Report for 1912 of the
B.M.S. Mission in the South Lushai Hills, Assam”, reprinted in Reports by Missionaries
of Baptist Missionary Society (B.M.S.), 1901-1938 (Serkawn: Mizoram Gospel Centenary
Committee, 1993), p. 88.
450 From Dust to Digital
Like the life-sustaining jungle tubers, sound was far more important
to people in early-twentieth-century Lushai Hills than it is in Mizoram
today.16 Indeed, life and death were literally at stake in the audible realm,
for malevolent forest phantasms (ramhuai) lived in the forest, listening to
and seizing those people careless enough to utter the names of humans,
certain animals or ramhuai aloud. Mizos, too, interacted with this forest world
through auditory channels. Lasi Khal was the hunter’s chanted sacrifice to
the female forest spirit Lasi, who decreed his success or failure in the hunt;
the auspicious crow of the rooster informed a village headman’s surveyors
as to whether a given clearing was healthy and thus habitable; the tap of
a metal knife (dao/chempui) on fallen bamboo shafts betrayed the position
of protein-rich worms (tumlung) to the careful listener.17
18 E. Lewis Mendus, The Diary of a Jungle Missionary (Liverpool: Foreign Mission Office,
1956), p. 74 (“constant hum”). For historical Lushai onomatopoeia, see J. H. Lorrain,
A Grammar and Dictionary of the Lushai Language (Shillong: Assam Secretariat Printing
Office, 1898); and idem, Dictionary of the Lushai Language (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society
of Bengal, 1940).
19 Schafer, The Tuning of the World, p. 231.
20 Rath, How Early America Sounded, p. 100.
21 David Vumlallian Zou, The Interaction of Print Culture, Identity and Language in Northeast
India (Ph.D thesis, Queen’s University, Belfast, 2007), p. 75; and E. L. Mendus, “Editorial”,
Kristian Tlangau, Aijal, September 1932, p. 188.
452 From Dust to Digital
Regardless, however, of where one sat, the room depicted in the photograph
was the largest and most reverberative single space in the region, encouraging
human voice and song in ways hitherto unheard in the Lushai Hills. The
church structure employed the type of high, gabled ceiling that, as the
historian of hearing Richard Rath notes, “sonically fortif[ies]” congregants’
singing, praying and audible verbal and non-verbal responses.22 In inherently
promoting such a uniquely live acoustic space, this built environment could
itself have been a catalyst for the “noisy” hlimsang Mizo revivalist song and
dance that so worried stoic missionaries throughout the early history of
Christianity in the region. In a very real sense, this particular church was
not just a building. It was also an instrument.23
The church resounded outwards too. Alain Corbin’s pioneering work
on the social history of the church bell in rural France resonates in colonial
Lushai Hills, for here also the Christian community was inherently reliant on
the church’s brass gong.24 Residents in the model Christian village of Mission
Veng had to live within earshot to know when to attend mandatory services
— the invisible “acoustic horizon” of the gong defined the physical range of
the community.25 In Mission Veng, a handbell announced schoolchildren’s
classes, while a brass gong heralded church services. Tone and frequency
thus attended concepts of time and punctuality.26 Such human-made sonic
tools were second only to guns in the range and volume of their report.
Within this new auditory milieu, foreign missionary preachers still
fought for their own brand of sonic discipline. Physical walls served their
obvious structural function, but they also acted as sonic barriers against what
missionaries heard as the “unruly” sounds of the village and of agents of
Satan, the “evil spirits” who disturbed outdoor preaching tours by making
livestock “cackle”, “squeal”, “bark”, “bleat”, and human babies “cry”.27
Part of the missionary project within the church’s walls was an imposition
of what historian Andrew J. Rotter calls “respectable, mannerly sound”.28
Early missionary preaching seems to have baffled the Mizo, who repeatedly
interrupted sermons with unrelated questions and diversions. The central
pulpit in our photograph points to a new way of ordering communication
and sound. Verbal communication in the hills had no precedent for the
monologue, the expectation of silence lasting “twenty or thirty minutes”
while a single speaker stood in front of a seated group.29 Mizo communal
meetings were more casual, held in what the missionaries would have called
an informal manner on verandahs or at the entrance to villages.30 In song,
too, Mizo congregants had difficulty with the Welsh fourth and seventh scale
degrees, their efforts sounding flat or “plaintive” to western ears. Traditional
Mizo musical languages operated in five-note pentatonic registers, whereas
Welsh mission music assumed an eight-note, or diatonic, scale.31
In many ways, then, Christianity arrived packaged as a bafflingly foreign
sonic cacophony. Missionaries record that it was only when they started
promoting Jesus less as a redemptive saviour from sin and more as an ally (Isua
Krista, the “vanquisher” of the huai) that Mizos suddenly started listening.32
This Isua Krista claimed power to intervene in the ancient aural regime of the
ever-listening huai. The very radicalness of the Mission Veng church’s aural
practices — jarringly foreign scales, tempos, bells and monologues — would
thus have been wholly consistent with the arrival of the missionary’s sonic
revolutionary, Isua Krista.
29 John Meirion Lloyd, On Every High Hill (Liverpool: Foreign Mission Office, 1952), p. 30.
30 Dorothy Glover, Set on a Hill: The Record of Fifty Years in the Lushai County (London: Carey
Press, 1944), p. 12.
31 Joanna Heath, “Lengkhawm Zai”: A Singing Tradition of Mizo Christianity in Northeast India
(Master’s dissertation, Durham University, 2013), p. 59; interview, Joanna Heath, Aijal,
Mizoram, 25 May 2014; Lorrain, Dictionary of the Lushai Language, p. 302 (“plaintive”).
32 J. H. Lorrain, “After Ten Years: Report for 1912 of the B.M.S. Mission in the South Lushai
Hills, Assam”, reprinted in Reports by Missionaries, p. 88.
454 From Dust to Digital
of, “Where is the zu?”.33 Communal singing demanded rice beer. Indeed,
this link was so strong that missionaries soon felt compelled to institute
a twelve-month probationary period on all candidates for baptism: new
Christians had to keep the Sabbath Day for a year, abstaining from both zu
and sacrificing animals for health.34 Missionary translations tiptoed around
inconsistencies in their message. In a purposeful lexical distancing, the wine
of the Last Supper and Communion was translated into Mizo from English
partly phonetically, as uain tui (wine liquid), while sweetened water was used
in the ritual itself.35 Taste was policed with a watchful eye and a discerning
tongue, with alcohol banned from communion cups and missionary print
media alike.
Such missionary authority over taste could become even further entwined
in everyday life, as when missionaries were granted the government monopoly
over the local distribution of salt. Then as now a favourite condiment of
the Mizo diet, salt sustains both health and life, particularly in such a hot
climate.36 Colonial records from the 1880s and 1890s reveal a sellers’ market:
brokers were making 100% profit, trading salt from the plains for rubber
from the Mizo hills; marching British Raj soldiers were being stopped by
Mizo villagers hoping to trade foodstuffs not for money, but for salt; and
in Mission Veng, too, missionaries paid for construction labour with the
popular condiment.37 Mizos craved salt for medicines to treat goitres and to
soothe burns, and, of course, for food, particularly bai — bean or pumpkin
leaves boiled with vegetables and fermented pig fat (sa um).38 The first
By the time our central photograph was taken, the Mizo names of Lalrinawma
and Lalliani would have denoted “the Lord is trustworthy” and “the Lord
is great” respectively, whereas only decades earlier they had referred not to
Lal Isua (Lord Jesus), but to a historical lal, or village headman.
As a digitisation team from the British Library’s Endangered Archives
Programme (EAP),44 we travelled around Mizoram in 2011, following thick
webs of kinship connections and uncovering in Mizo homes an array of
individual forms and certificates that were issued by colonial institutions
long before the rise of any predominantly literate public sphere.45 These
historical collections were maintained as often by professional and amateur
Mizo historians as by the rural and urban descendants of historical village
headmen or by those early educated Mizos who had lived in the mission
centres and beyond. Everywhere, the act of colonial documentation had
generated new identities that apparently needed to be preserved.46 Many
such colonial files are still used in legal battles over land entitlement today.47
The broader encounter with the colonial state worked to pull individuals
out of communitarian social networks. In a world where people were normally
defined within networks of indebtedness (of marriages, friendships, oaths
or a variety of possible fealties to a village headman, any of these potentially
spanning generations), colonial bureaucratic practices did not document
existing individual identities so much as create them.48 Networks, village
identities and multi-generational debts were irrelevant to the matrices
of standardised, individualised files on which colonial bureaucracy and
surveillance in Aijal depended.
As Adam McKeown has shown in the case of China, the act of bureaucratic
documentation can be a powerful force towards individualisation.49 In the
Lushai Hills, the two mission stations demanded individual hospital in-patient
names, dispatched myriad certificates for Sunday School, recorded the
44 See EAP454: Locating and surveying early religious and related records in Mizoram,
India, http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP454. The digitised
documents are avilable at http://eap.bl.uk/database/results.a4d?projID=EAP454
45 According to historian J. V. Hluna, literacy rates in the Lushai Hills during the period
under discussion were 0.93% in 1901, 3.98% in 1911, 6.28% in 1921, and 10.70% in 1931. J.
V. Hluna, Education and Missionaries in Mizoram (Guwahati: Spectrum, 1992), p. 225.
46 McKeown, Melancholy Order, p. 353
47 For instance, our digitised collection “EAP454/2: Pi Lalengliani collection of Chaltlang
chief R. D. Leta’s materials [1906-1929]”could not preserve certain historical material
deemed legally sensitive by the custodian to an ongoing land-ownership case.
48 Chatterjee, Forgotten Friends; and McKeown, Melancholy Order, pp. 10, 12, 269.
49 McKeown, Melancholy Order.
Hearing images, tasting pictures 457
50 “List showing the registers kept in the Sub-Divisional Office at Lungleh other than the
treasury account book”, Mizoram State Archives (hereafter MSA) CB-2, H-28, n/p.
458 From Dust to Digital
of both hygiene (the godliness and healthiness of washing) and time (the
concept of a named day in a seven-day week).51
A common thread running through the missionary literature is disgust
with the smell of the unredeemed Mizo. Mizos lived in “squalid hovels”, their
“hair matted with clay”.52 In contrast, the mission station served as a “model
of order [and] cleanliness”, and missionaries who lived there filled their
accounts with praise for the exemplary Christian Mizos and, by association,
for the transformative power of their god: “our [Mizo student] children are
much cleaner than any other children”.53 The link between Christianity,
cleanliness and olfactory neutrality was portrayed and manufactured as
self-evident as much as it was insisted upon. When one Lushai woman
came to see Pu Buanga (J. H. Lorrain) and professed to be a Christian, the
missionary told the “abominably filthy” woman he would not believe it
“until she made herself cleaner”.54
The manufacture and continuous repetition of such a sensory stereotype
was an important part of the missionaries’ civilising mission and of the
construction of a Mizo “race”, seeking to protect the senses against affront
as defined by a missionary-normative nose. In an offhand comment in 1891,
a colonial superintendent pointed out that the Mizo ideas of “disagreeable
smells are not ours”; arriving three years later, missionaries worked at
bringing the Mizo sense of smell around, towards sensing in “right” ways.55
The olfactory was thus ideological. Missionaries had a self-imposed duty
as “more sensorily advanced westerners to put the senses right before
withdrawing the most obvious manifestations of their power”.56
Missionaries lived among and smelled the Mizos with whom they worked
on a daily basis — Mizos who in their eyes looked and smelled filthy and,
worse, did not know it. Early on, an exasperated Pu Buanga noted that
“to teach the inseparableness of Godliness and cleanliness… seems to be
the hardest doctrine of any for them to understand or act upon”.57 Over a
decade later, the missionary was still frustrated that local Mizos remained
unconcerned with washing.58 The righting of this sensory wrong provided
significant justification not only for the white missionary “staying on”, but
also for the non-devolution of his authority. In terms of pure subjectivity,
the white missionary nose was the most powerful nose (indeed, which Mizo
was ever qualified to disagree?), powerful enough even to ignore its own
hypocrisy. In one instance, in early private letters home, two missionaries
told of not bathing for two weeks on account of a water scarcity, apparently
oblivious to the human effort required to transport water in the hills (by way
of bamboo tubes generally carried in baskets on Mizo women’s backs).59 While
foreign missionaries handed out cakes of soap as school prizes, Christmas
gifts and tokens of attendance, there could not have been enough soap to lift
contemporary Mizos up to olfactory equality.60 The extension of soap and
right-smelling were potent and highly visible symbols for the missionaries
of “improvement” and of civilisation, yet missionary racial and sensory
stereotypes simultaneously barred Mizos from full membership of this
civilisation, no matter how much the converts washed.61
The question of what made a smell “good” or “bad” was culturally
subjective in a radical sense. Using the visual orientation of our central
photograph as a perspectival thinking tool, we can in fact bend historians’ usual
assumptions about the missionaries’ civilising mission back on themselves.
As early as 1903, a new compound noun had crystallised in the Mizo lexicon:
“the foreigners’ smell”, used to refer to the missionaries’ use of soap.62 The
deprecating label had gained some traction in the Hills, and J. H. Lorrain
heard it across multiple villages. In one instance, he was baffled when the
Mizo owner of a house at which the missionary was staying “ran over to
the other side of the street muttering, ‘I can’t stand the smell any longer!’”.63
When asked by Pu Buanga what she meant, a passerby seemed surprised
64 Ibid.
65 Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2008), p. 6.
66 Classen, Worlds of Sense, p. 81.
Hearing images, tasting pictures 461
enjoyed their comparative comfort during church services that lasted for
“hours on end”.67
Colonial stereotypes about the Mizo often had the haptic at heart, and
acted as catalysts for a broader human exhaustion in early-twentieth-century
Lushai Hills that did not exclude lay members of the Mission Veng biak
in. In the colonial archive, Mizos are above all characterised as lazy (“the
Lushai will always scheme out of his work if he can”) and incapable of hard
work (their “laziness can only be got over by good supervision”).68 Though
comparatively light on the ground in terms of actual manpower, colonial
officials were uncompromising in their demands, overseeing what historian
Indrani Chatterjee has called “government by terror”.69 Mizo households
groaned under the imposition of heavy taxes (chhiah) payable in cash or rice,
even in times of famine, and the ten days’ forced “coolie” (kuli) hard labour
that required men to travel and work anywhere in the Lushai Hills District
with meagre or no pay.
The district was explicitly intended to be governed with more flexibility
and less accountability, and colonial impositions were only more resented as
they were further abused.70 Assistant political officer C. S. Murray demanded
sexual corvée from Mizo village women until his removal following a village
riot in protest; the records of Superintendent John Shakespear’s assistant
nonchalantly report the burning of tens of Mizo villages (“We burnt the
village and returned to Serchhip”); village headmen begged for relief from
the crippling debt of loans extended by the government in times of scarcity.71
In a private letter dating from 1938, retired officer Shakespear boasts to the
contemporary incumbent about the corruption, profiteering and misuse of
human labour under his superintendentship decades earlier:
I gather that matters are not as casual now as they were in my day. We had
lots of ways of wangling a few rupees when we needed them. That very fine
retaining wall and the parapet along the terrace in front of your house represents
the result of a raid by Cole, who was acting for me, on the Aijal-Champhai
road estimate. The plough cultivation in Champhai, was started by Loch &
myself misusing government bullocks and coolies supplied for transport
purposes. Then there was the Political Fund, at my uncontrolled disposal. I
also instituted a “Political Bag”, into which fines for political offences were
put to be used for just things as your rugs. Alas I fear that I should find the
Superintendents [sic] job far harder than it was in my day.72
The child was raised by his mother, unbeknownst to Murray, until village
rumour of a boy sap reached missionaries J. H. Lorrain and F. W. Savidge in
Serkawn. The mother was made to bring the child, and Challiana was taken
away from her in the missionaries’ firm conviction that no Mizo could raise
a (half) white boy. Under Savidge’s bungalow roof and tutelage, and with
Murray’s discreet financial support from abroad, the boy was groomed
as a translator, church pastor and medical assistant. He smoothed out the
Mizo language translations of his new, missionary fathers and even visited
England with Savidge (Fig. 14.2).
Fig. 14.2 Challiana, seated second from right, with F. W. Savidge, seated second
from left, and others, n.d., British Library (EAP454/16/1), CC BY.
Fig. 14.3 Wedding at Mission Veng Church, n.d., British Library (EAP454/12/1 Pt 2), CC BY.
Fig. 14.4 Church leaders at Mission Veng Church, 1919, British Library
(EAP454/13/22), CC BY.
466 From Dust to Digital
82 Entitlement to a window only came with fantastic social and spiritual status. Indeed,
only those who had performed the elaborate and expensive khuangchawi ceremony at
communal feasts were permitted a window, presumably because through the ceremony
they attained their own security. See Grace R. Lewis, The Lushai Hills: The Story of the
Lushai Pioneer Mission (London: Baptist Missionary Society, 1907), p. 25; Lloyd, On Every
High Hill, p. 60; McCall, Lushai Chrysalis, pp. 118 and 167; and John Hughes Morris,
The History of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’ Foreign Mission, to the End of the Year 1904
(Carnarvon: C. M. Book Room, 1910), p. 230.
83 Interview, B. Lalthangliana, Aijal, trans. by Vanlalchhawna, 25 April 2006. See also J. H.
Lorrain, “South Lushai”, Annual Reports of the BMS, 118th Annual Report, 1910, ALA, p.
62.
84 Lloyd, On Every High Hill, p. 60.
85 McCall, Lushai Chrysalis, p. 92.
86 Baptist Missionary Society: London Baptist Mission, South Lushai Hills, handwritten annual
statistics book, “Plan of Mission Bungalow, 1903”, ALA BMS Acc 250, Lushai Group
IN/111, p. 10.
87 Kitty Lewis to Parents, 22 November 1922, JMLA, p. 4; John Meirion Lloyd, History of
the Church in Mizoram: Harvest in the Hills (Aijal: Synod Publication Board, 1991), p. 111;
“Mission Cottage at Aijal, blueprints by District Engineer, Lushai Hills”, 29 September
1905, Llyfrgell Genedlaethol Cymru/National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth (hereafter
LLGC/NLW), CMA 27 300.
Hearing images, tasting pictures 467
The Mizo in-patient at a mission dispensary thus had in a real sense to ignore
or endure the health risk inherent in the very structure itself. So when a
missionary made the offhand jest that, between Christ and windows, “more
than one kind of light has come … into Lushai”,88 he was actually touching
upon a massive chasm between missionary and Mizo ideas of both health and
architecture. For the missionary, an open window letting in air and sunlight
was healthy. For the Mizo, it endangered the pursuit of health.
Turning in our central photograph from the windows to the tables, we
can make out seven books —three thin (perhaps the New Testaments first
printed in 1916, since the complete Bible in Mizo did not appear until the
1950s) and four thick (likely the Kristian Hla Bu, or “Christian Hymn Book ”).89
Like the church windows, the church’s New Testaments were not immune
to the infiltration of the huai. In the Mizo-language Gospel of John, one of
the first books of the Bible to be translated, Jesus’s response to a crowd’s
accusation is “Ramhuai zawl ka ni lo ve [I am not possessed by a ramhuai]”.90
While other words without Mizo equivalents (like “crown”) were simply
kept in their English form, the demons of Galilee literally became the huai
of Northeast India in this text.91
Meanwhile, the song books pictured would have been hot off the press,
for updated volumes of the Hla Bu were released in 1913, 1915 and 1919.
The Hla Bu was a living text, with ten versions appearing between 1899
and 1922. The 1919 version was the heftiest and most indigenised at that
time, featuring some 558 songs, many by Mizo Christian composers and
some, written after the mautam famine of 1911-1912, characterising the
world as a place of suffering.92 The Kristian Hla Bu was in fact crystallising
around the historical moment these texts were photographed here: no
edits followed for twenty years after the 1922 version. By 1919, young
Mizo composers like Kamlala (1902-1965) and Huala (1902-1995) started
penning lyrics that included elements of the traditional, poetic register of
the Mizo language — a lexicon that until then had been largely banned in
the church along with traditional drumming, dance and drink.93 That the
Hla Bu stabilised at the same time as traditional Mizo drumming and poetic
vocabulary made their debuts within Mizo Christianity is no coincidence.
Christianity in the Lushai Hills was becoming a vernacularised Lushai Hills
Christianity. The Mission Veng biak in, the historical headquarters for the
Welsh Calvinistic missionaries, was henceforth one of only two churches
in the district where congregants were barred from hearing the traditional
drum (khuang) in worship.
As knowledge about literacy, and then literacy itself, spread throughout
the early 1910s, Mizo interpretations of the power of the written word
abounded. Some realised its potential to transform ephemeral oral and
aural declarations into edicts of greater permanency: one lal, or village
headman, demanded that the missionary Daktawr Sap (Dr. Peter Fraser)
confirm the lal’s declaration so “that it may not be destroyed for ever. I
want you very much also to kindly write it in a book”.94 Others decoupled
missionary claims about the inherent truth of God’s word while assisting
91 Birgit Meyer, Translating the Devil: Religion and Modernity Among the Ewe in Ghana
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999), pp. xvii and 109-10.
92 Tlanghmingthanga, An Appraisal of the Eschatological Contents of Selected Mizo-Christian
Songs with Special Reference to Their Significance for the Church in Mizoram (Master’s
dissertation, Serampore College, 1995), pp. 86 and 94.
93 Ibid., p. 88; and Heath, “Lengkhawm Zai”, p. 34.
94 Fraser, Slavery, p. 59.
Hearing images, tasting pictures 469
with the translation of it: one Mizo co-translator of the Gospels — not
self-identifying as a Christian himself at the time — was known to argue
with Mizo converts, claiming that he knew “more about the Gospel than
[the converts]” for he had “helped to make it up!”.95 Others saw books as
talismans for missionary soothsayers, in the register of traditional Mizo
puithiam healers: one Mizo father whose daughter had run away demanded
the missionaries “consult their books” to tell him whether she would return
to Aijal or run to Silchar.96
Whatever the interpretations, by the time our central photograph was
taken, the New Testament had become a mandatory photographic prop in
all Mizo Christian circles (see Figs. 14.4, 14.6 and 14.7). Captions on such
photographs regularly single out individuals such as the one “sitting in the
middle holding books”97 or the one “on the right holding books”.98 Those with
books sometimes placed themselves (or were placed) in conspicuous positions
of prominence, their tomes emphasised and open, or displayed prominently
against their bodies. Mizo Christians, known in the hills as “Obeyers of God”
(Pathian thuawi), were under strict injunction to transgress traditional Mizo
norms. These could be as emotive as where to bury dead family members,
as fundamental as which actions were socially acceptable or as conceptually
diverse as ideas about marriage, gender or entry to the afterlife. In doing so,
Obeyers of God met with much opposition at this time.
Most likely, Christians held the New Testament especially close in
photographs as a visible marker both of difference and of real and genuine
personal conviction. Perhaps, too, the burgeoning Mizo literacy was seen as
the key conduit to greater Mizo roles in the expanding church and colonial
government, for the 1910s witnessed the ordination of the first trained Mizo
pastors, the commissioning of the first Mizo Bible Women and the paid
employment of the first Mizo evangelists, all while groups of Mizo graduates
began to assist the colonial bureaucracy in Aijal. Reading could and did provide
Christians with a route around social persecution via colonial brokership.
Fig. 14.7 “Wives of the Soldiers in Lungleh”, c. 1938, loose photo in J. H. Lorrain’s
file, BMS Acc. 250, Angus Library and Archive, Regent’s Park College, Oxford.
Hearing images, tasting pictures 471
Before noticing the books in our central photograph, the congregant’s eye
would have been drawn to the pulpit and, above it, to the visual centrepiece
of the church interior: the signboard proclaiming chibai (greetings). The
prominence of this Mizo word is significant, for it seems to have undergone
a revolution in both meaning and usage in the early colonial Lushai Hills.
In the late nineteenth century, chibai was in fact part of the vocabulary of
human health, employed by a highly specialised Mizo practitioner (puithiam)
when he approached forest spirits (ramhuai) with offerings on behalf of
the sick.99 Chibai thus functioned as a sort of inter-species pidgin, a human
attempt at communication with powerful non-human beings. The word had
seemingly little or no public life of its own; the earliest English dictionaries
and grammars of the Mizo language ignore it entirely, despite their impressive
breadth (Brojo Nath Shaha’s 1884 work spans 93 pages; T. H. Lewin’s 1874
work teaches 1609 phrases) and their emphasis on the basic vocabulary
typical of a phrasebook.100 Lewin and Shaha equip readers to ask “What is
your name?” but offer no words of greeting.
To contemporary officials (and to our modern ears), the question “What
is your name?” may have sounded innocuous enough. But attempting to
listen to the question with historical Mizo ears, we can begin to hear the
discordant echoes of conceptual chasms that existed between Mizo and
colonial, western modes of interpersonal communication. These differences
are key to the history of chibai —the word which would come to be elevated
to the quintessential personal greeting in colonial Lushai Hills and in today’s
Mizoram, catapulted into public use and onto 1930s church platforms. For
an historical Mizo, the seemingly mundane question “What is your name?”
was actually rather grave, for it would have involved an acute assessment of
risk. Personal names were directly related to personal health. Intentionally
unattractive names were sometimes given to Mizo children as a precautionary
measure against their being stolen by the ramhuai.101 Names were thus an
asset that cost nothing and yet could pay back in spades: a properly given
name could be an important prophylactic against ill health.
Since names had transcendental value, they could prove a battlefield
between the physical world of the Mizo and the spirit world of the ramhuai.
Thla ko was the verb for calling back a Lushai soul (thlarau) that had escaped
its two-souled human body only to be seized by the ramhuai.102 Losing one’s
thlarau meant sickness. The responsibility then fell to the grandfather (pu) of
the sick person to call aloud the name of his grandchild at the abode of the
huai — an experience harrowing in itself. The lost soul could then be escorted
home safely to its body, whereupon the afflicted person could recover.103
Names were thus to be jealously guarded, “since the name of a being also
encapsulated the [thlarau] of the being”.104 Historian Indrani Chatterjee notes
that for a Mizo to be addressed by her childhood nickname “constituted a
public invitation to seizure” by the ramhuai who continually eavesdropped
on human conversation.105 In 1912, Superintendent Shakespear noted that
there was “a strong and general dislike among all Lushais to saying their
own names”,106 this perhaps not least because anti-huai names could be
embarrassingly unattractive. Mizos in the early twentieth century would
instead introduce themselves via a cautious triangulation of nouns, as the
son of a father, or as the friend of a friend.107
Taken together, a keynote feature of Mizo interpersonal communication in
the Lushai Hills was that personal names were seen less as simple, semiotic
referents and more as actual verbal embodiments of the person — the signifier
was the signified.108 This connection seems to have been taken literally: in
one case, a Mizo man remembered first identifying as a Christian when “as
a boy his Day School Teacher wrote his name down as a Christian.”109 If
we attempt to turn towards this Mizo perspective where names are deeply
significant, the missionaries’ requirement that the Mizo register their names
upon seeking conversion — or the government’s myriad bureaucratic registers,
or the grammars informing arriving officials and missionaries of phrases like
“What is your name?” —becomes deeply imbued with meaning. It is highly
likely that the missionaries employed Mizo terminology in their frequent
references to the approaches of new potential converts who, in all the reports,
“give their names”, “gave their names” or “have given their names” (all
110 Fraser to Williams, 11 July 1910, LLGC/NLW CMA 27 314, p. 9 (“give”); Fraser to
Williams, 28 March 1912, LLGC/NLW CMA 27 318, p. 6 (“gave”); Fraser to Williams, 10
March 1909, LLGC/NLW CMA 27 315, p. 4. See also Fraser to Williams, 25 September
1909, LLGC/NLW CMA 27 315, pp. 3 and 4 (“have given”).
111 John 4:24; Lorrain, Chan-chin tha, n/p (“‘Jihova Thlarao ani e, a chibai bûk-tute’n thlarao leh
ti tak zet-in chibai an bûk tûr ani,’ a ti a”). See also E. Rowlands, English First Reader: Lushai
Translation (Madras: SPCK Press, 1907), p. 7.
112 “Dan Thar Mawite [The New, Admirable Rules]”, Mizo leh Vai Chan Chin Bu, September
1914, p. 148.
113 Ibid.
474 From Dust to Digital
114 February 1914, Mizo leh Vai Chan Chin Bu, p. 23. I am grateful to Rohmingmawii for
bringing to my attention the above two articles from Mizo leh Vai Chan Chin Bu.
115 L. H. Lalpekhlua, A Study of Christology from a Tribal Perspective (Ph.D. thesis, University
of Auckland, 2005), p. 116.
116 Kitty Lewis to Mother and Father, 20 November 1922, JMLA, p. 4.
117 Thu dik ziak ngama [One who dares to write the truth] to McCall, 26 December 1937, IOR
Mss Eur E361/20, p. 8; and Challiana to Wilson, 27 January 1938, ALA IN/56, p. 2.
118 Lorrain, Dictionary of the Lushai Language, p. 88.
119 Lloyd, On Every High Hill, p. 64 (“Harvest”).
Hearing images, tasting pictures 475
In a sense, the history of chibai parallels the history of hello, for both
were elevated to their current prominence in part by technology — the
early-twentieth-century rise of Mizo vernacular print culture for chibai, the
late-nineteenth-century rise of the telephone for hello.120 But in the Lushai
Hills, chibai also provided a malleable tool for the colonial import of several
basic tenets of interpersonal communication: that one person greets another
person, that one person asks another’s name, and that these exchanged
names are inherently devoid of transcendental value. Only by approaching
this photograph in context — and by leaving aside our modern, western
assumptions about communication — can we see the extraordinary in what
would otherwise just be a church welcome sign.
123 D. E. Jones, “The Report of the North Lushai Hills, 1923-1924”, in Reports of the Foreign
Mission of the Presbyterian Church of Wales on Mizoram, 1894-1957, ed. by K. Thanzauva
(Aijal: The Synod Literature and Publication Boards, 1997), p. 67; Lalrinawma, “Impact
of Revivals”, p. 35 (“trembling”, “stiffened”, “stretched”, “shivered”).
124 D. E. Jones, “A note on ‘The Revival’”, 24 April 1913, LLGW/NLW CMA 27 318.
125 Lalsawma quoted in Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity, p. 253.
126 Lloyd, History of the Church, p. 192.
127 Lalsawma quoted in Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity, p. 253.
128 Jones to Williams, 22 May 1913, quoted in Vanlalchhuanawma, Christianity, p. 205.
Hearing images, tasting pictures 477
The battle over harhna (over who sensed what from the spirit of God,
how and in what sensory ways these revelations should be manifested)
played out in the myriad texts of mission reports, in conflicts in meetings (as
when Savidge screamed, “Stop dancing!”, during a meeting in Muallianpui
village) and, turning to our photograph, apparently also in the layout of
the mission’s most important church.129 By the time this photograph was
taken, the lam tual was an important feature of most chapel architecture in
the Lushai Hills — a central area made between the pulpit and the pews for
a circle of processional dancing. However, the interior of the Mission Veng
biak in, the centre of mission power pictured at the height of a wave of harhna
in the Lushai Hills, is altogether unaccommodating. The placement of pews
cannot have been accidental; from a contemporary Mizo perspective, they
are “anti-spirit” and authoritative, crowding out both the quintessential
Mizo sense of the movement of God’s spirit and any chance for the attendant
dancing which was, as contemporary accounts suggest, a bodily reaction of
self-preservation as innate as pulling away from a hot flame.
Fig. 14.8 “Some of the mothers who live in Lungleh”, c. 1938, loose photo in J. H.
Lorrain’s file, BMS Acc. 250, Angus Library and Archive, Regent’s Park College, Oxford.
Fig. 14.9 Two Mizo nurses in Serkawn, c. 1924, British Library (EAP454/6/1), CC BY.
Hearing images, tasting pictures 479
133 Anderson quoted in Luke Clossey, “Review of Emma Anderson, ‘The Betrayal of
Faith’”, International History Review, 30 (2008), 828-29 (p. 829); and Christopher Herbert,
Culture and Anomie: Ethnographic Imagination in the Nineteenth Century (Chicago, IL:
Chicago University Press, 1991), p. 167.
134 Patricia Grimshaw and Andrew J. May, “Reappraisals of Mission History: An
Introduction”, in Missionaries, Indigenous Peoples and Cultural Exchange, ed. by Patricia
Grimshaw and Andrew J. May (Eastbourne: Sussex Academic Press, 2010), p. 96;
135 Eduardo Kohn, How Forests Think: Toward an Anthropology Beyond the Human (Berkeley,
CA: University of California Press, 2013), p. 22.
480 From Dust to Digital
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484 From Dust to Digital
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Chapman, E., clipping entitled “Day by Day in Darzo”, n/d, The Angus Library and
Archive, Regent’s Park College, Oxford, IN/65.
Cole, H. W. G., “Standing Order No. 10 of 1909-10”, 19 July 1909, Mizoram State
Archives, Aijal, CB-14, G-169.
Jones, D. E., “A Note on ‘The Revival’”, 24 April 1913, Llyfrgell Genedlaethol Cymru/
National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, CMA 27 318.
Lorrain, J. H., “South Lushai”, Annual Reports of the BMS, 118th Annual Report,
1910, The Angus Library and Archive, Regent’s Park College, Oxford.
—, Logbook, Baptist Church of Mizoram Centennial Archive, Lunglei, Mizoram.
Mendus, E. L., “A Jungle Diary” draft, n/d, Llyfrgell Genedlaethol Cymru/National
Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, HZ1/3/46.
Parry, N. E., People and Places in Assam, n/d, Cambridge Centre of South Asian
Studies Archive, Cambridge, Parry Papers, Microfilm Box 5, No. 40.
Scott, Lady Beatrix, “Indian Panorama”, Cambridge Centre of South Asian Studies
Archive, Cambridge, Lady B. Scott Papers, Box 1.
Shakespear, John, “Extracts from Diary of the Superintendent of Lushai Hills”, 17
February 1895, Appendix No. 2, Mizoram State Archives, Aijal.
Woodthorpe, R. G., “The Lushai Country”, 1889, The Royal Geographical Society
Manuscript Archive, London, mgX.291.1.
Archival letters
Challiana to Wilson, 27 January 1938, The Angus Library and Archive, Regent’s
Park College, Oxford, IN/56.
E. A. Gait to the Secretary to the Government of India, “Proposals for the
Administration of the Lushai Hills”, 17 July 1897, Mizoram State Archives, Aijal,
CB-5, G-57.
Fraser to Williams, 10 March 1909, Llyfrgell Genedlaethol Cymru/National Library of
Wales, Aberystwyth, CMA 27 315.
Fraser to Williams, 11 July 1910, Llyfrgell Genedlaethol Cymru/National Library of
Wales, Aberystwyth, CMA 27 314.
Hearing images, tasting pictures 485
3 On Nekhoroshev, see Heather S. Sonntag, Genesis of the Turkestan Album 1871-1872: The
Role of Russian Military Photography, Mapping, Albums and Exhibitions on Central Asia
(Ph.D thesis, University of Wisconsin, 2011); and A.L. Kun, editor Turkestanskii Al'bom:
po razporiazheniu Turkestanskogo general’nogo guberatora K.P. fon Kaufman (Tashkent: n.
pub., 1872). On Charushin, see Sergei Aleksandrovich Morozov, Russkie puteshestvenniki-
fotografi (Moskva: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel’stvo geograficheskoi literatury, 1953). pp.
38-40.
4 EAP016: Digitising the photographic archive of southern Siberian indigenous peoples,
http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP016. The digital images are
available at http://eap.bl.uk/database/results.a4d?projID=EAP016
The photographs of Baluev 489
remote regions of the central Siberian district (which is still known today as
Krasnoyarsk Territory). Using the same equipment and skills provided by the
EAP, we consulted, catalogued and digitised an additional 91 of his glass-
plate negatives and catalogue annotations to produce what we assume to be a
near-complete series of 711 images.5 Furthermore, we found and transcribed
his diary of travels during the Northern Expedition.6 We also consulted and
partially photographed a thin folder of archived reports and correspondence
about the expedition, and consulted the scattered references in the secondary
published literature on the expedition. Perhaps most ambitiously, we linked
the photographs to diary entries — which was a Herculean task given the
sometimes unhelpful ways that images are sorted and catalogued in Soviet-
era museum archives. For a variety of reasons, the images and diary entries
were linked by date and are quoted as such in this chapter.7 Our discussion
further focuses on a four-month section of his travels between 7 November
1938 and 17 February 1939 for reasons we discuss below.
5 In this chapter, the glass-plate images digitised by the EAP are referenced with a two-
part number which represents the box number within which they were found as well
as their ordinal number with the box (EAP125-020). This is the reference which links to
copies displayed online and held on microfilm in the British Library. The newly digitised
images are referenced with a four digit number which is hand-written on the negatives
and which corresponds to an older cataloguing system, now lost (KKKM 3604). We have
no hard evidence to prove that the 711 images form a complete unbroken series since
there is no archival record of how many images Baluev took; neither do the hand-written
numbers consistently correspond to a series. We assert that the set must be more-or-
less complete due to the fact that it would be hard to imagine Baluev carrying many
more plates back to Krasnoyarsk. The older cataloguing system corresponds to a single-
sentence description of the item which we have called an annotation. While it stands to
reason that Baluev must have composed this annotation, we cannot be sure. It may have
been another member of the expedition or indeed any other museum worker.
6 I. I. Baluev, “Dnevnik ekspeditsii museia na sever krasnoiarskogo kraia v 1938-1939”,
KKKM-Nauchnyi arkhiv, 7886 Pir 222 (in three separate notebooks). The archived
notebooks are not consistently paginated and all references herein are therefore by date.
7 In Soviet-era museum practice, collections are curated by topic, not by date or collector.
Further inventory numbers are assigned sequentially to any object that is added to the
collections and therefore do not necessarily sequence items in a particular collection.
To add more complexity, inventory numbers are regularly redone and the records of
the previous inventory discarded. Baluev’s images were re-numbered thrice (and for
the EAP a fourth time). It is extremely difficult to see a logic in the older numbering
system. Indeed, our EAP system was also topical and not universal. For this article we
reassembled the entire collection according to date by linking the images to the diary
by their attributions, in many cases by viewing the images and making a judgement
as to which place or nationality was represented, and then often arranging the images
in order by one or another of the older numeric codes. We cannot be sure that we have
reconstructed the exact sequence of photographs, but we are confident that we sorted
most photographs accurately by date, place and subject.
490 From Dust to Digital
twenty-first century logic to look back on what has become a mythic time,
to see if we can sense and touch elements of choice, insight and agency in
circumstances that are thought to be dark with intrigue.
Our study has yet another goal in terms of trying to reach beyond
stereotypes and myths to reveal people caught up in difficult processes.
This archive helps us see through what might at first glance seem like the
overwhelming “provincialism” of one man’s story, caught as it was in a
network of relationships so very far away from Moscow and Leningrad, the
so-called centres of political and cultural life. Baluev’s life and work seems
ephemeral when set beside the relatively rich biographies of aristocrats
and revolutionaries in the capital cities. This is why we tried to provide
more detail about his life before he became a photographer and then after
he left the museum. Similarly to what has been often done for the great
figures of this time, we attempted to follow Baluev’s life through a trail of
correspondence and reports in local newspapers.
While our attempts to find this material and to provide this global
context are admittedly tentative and partial, what emerges in this study is
a snapshot of the man as he was known by the museum which employed
him. All the materials which we discovered on Baluev are in the personnel
files, the manuscript collections or the photographic collections of the KKKM
itself. After Baluev left the museum his trail vanished and faded from view.
We do not know where or when he died, but again this is not uncommon
in the traumatic period on the eve of World War II. This tale is therefore
also the tale of an archive — a repository which has given us a brief bright
window onto the life of a creative person. In the theoretical terms in which
we have framed this chapter, early Soviet institutions not only transformed
people but represented them, leaving us with material records of their lives
which allow us to think through the events they experienced.
which never went to press for that reason. Sergei S. Savoskul, “Etnograf Krasnoiarskogo
muzeia B. O. Dolgikh v 1937-1944 gg.”, Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, 1 (2009), 100-18 (p. 112).
492 From Dust to Digital
(6 October 1905 NS) on the eve of the revolutions which would transform
the Russian Empire.10 This village was a centre for the Yenisei Cossacks,11
and was one of the largest Cossack villages in the south of Yenisei province.
After the October Revolution this social group would come to be labelled as
suspect, due in part to their wealth as well as to the role that many Cossacks
played in the civil war resisting Bolshevik power.
Baluev studied in the Karatuz local school and upon completion of his
studies was trained as a photographer in the provincial capital Minusinsk
between 1926 and 1928. He married Zinadia T. Toropova in 1928, and
then went to work in the Rembrandt photographic company in the same
city, most likely doing portraiture for private clients. In 1930 he tried to
change careers by retraining as an accountant (ekonomist). However, due
to a lack of money he was unable to finish his studies and took a job as
a casual labourer. Between 1930 and 1931, he resumed photographing at
the Slavgorod invalid commune. Again, it is not entirely clear what his
duties were in the commune. These organisations were formed to help
improve the lives of handicapped people through selling handicrafts or
through repairing shoes or watches. It is possible that he took photographs
to advertise the work of the organisation, or taught photography to the
organisation’s clients. From 1931 to 1934, he became one of the main
accountants in the Alma-Alta biochemical factory. While there are many
details in his autobiography, it is silent on one point: it seems that his
family was repressed. In a book documenting repressions in Krasnoyarsk,
he and his wife are listed as victims of political repression along with his
father, mother, brothers and sisters. According to this source, the entire
family was exiled to Slavgorod.12
Baluev moved to Krasnoyarsk in 1934, possibly at the time that his
exile was annulled. First he worked from 1934 to 1935 as a planner in
the worker’s trade organisation KraRAIORS (Krasnoiarskii Raionnyi Otdel
Rabochego Snabzheniia), and then as a planner in the Education Department.
In the autumn of 1935, he returned to photography at the KKKM. His
wife joined him there in the summer of 1938, also as a photographer, and
they worked together until the war, at which point his fate is not clear.
Baluev’s personal biography is only faintly outlined in the museum’s
records. However, his brick home still stands in the city of Krasnoyarsk
at number ten Oborony Street, and the world he saw through his camera
is registered in hundreds of photographs.
Baluev’s photographic portfolio is archived by the KKKM, which in
2005 was a partner in the EAP project. The museum was founded in 1889
at the initiative of a group of intellectuals who wished to bring together
objects and collections held in private hands.13 Between 1903 and 1920,
it came under the sponsorship of the Krasnoyarsk section of the Eastern
Siberian Division of the Russian Geographical Society, which outfitted
many expeditions to outlying regions, greatly increasing its collections
of objects and photographs. The work of the museum in this respect did
not depart from the already widely-documented work of the Russian
Geographical Society in this period. 14 It would be fair to say that the
majority of the collecting concerned the Turkic peoples to the south and
the Tungusic peoples in the near north along the Angara River. Arctic
collections were few and far between for reasons of distance, but also
due to the fact that they were administered from different towns such
as Eniseisk or Turukhansk.
The Egyptian-style building in which the photographs are currently
housed was designed between 1913 and 1914 and completed in 1930. In
1934, following the merging of former Tsarist-era territorial divisions, the
museum came to be responsible for representing the entire territory of the
newly-joined entities which made up Krasnoyarsk Territory (krai).15 This
included the Evenki National District, the subject of most of the images
analysed here (Fig. 15.2). From 1934 onwards, the KKKM was therefore
given a new mandate to represent a regional territory that had in fact
quadrupled through annexation to the north. It is within the context of
this new Soviet mandate to depict a vast and newly acquired frontier that
Baluev’s collection should be interpreted.
Fig. 15.2 Map of the Evenki National District. Photo by I. I. Baluev (EAP016/4/1/223).
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
496 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 15.3 The first camp after crossing the border between Taimyr and Evenkia
with all three expedition members: Baluev, Dolgikh and Strulev.
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia (KKKM 3683), all rights reserved.
The Russian Empire was inland and contiguous. Rather than travelling for
weeks and months across oceans, most travellers already had a pre-formed
impression of the people they were to encounter.18
Early Soviet expeditions adopted many of the time-tested techniques
of earlier expeditions; there was, however, a distinct new quality — one of
our co-authors has described it elsewhere as a spirit of “discovery”.19 Briefly
put, if in the Imperial period there was always a consciousness that settler
Russians were surrounded by non-Christian “alien” peoples (inorodtsy), these
peoples were of little concern to the Russians busy with cultivating the taiga
and building new settlements. After the Revolution and extended civil war,
however, there was a new sense that all residents of the Soviet Union enjoyed
a common citizenship and and that qualities once dismissed as cultural
differences were now recognised as matters requiring improvement: hence
the early Soviet-era battles against backwardness and illiteracy. Although
northern Siberians had been in regular contact with Russians since the
seventeenth century, this mid-twentieth-century expedition was nevertheless
one of discovery, since these Soviet museum workers were travelling to
encounter people and places in a new way. With reference to standard Soviet
rhetoric and roles, they literally saw themselves as “pioneers”.20
The blending of older methods of expeditionary work with new
assumptions can be best illustrated by two formal aspects of the expedition.
As already mentioned, Baluev, Dolgikh and Strulev followed trails and
roads which were already well-established. This autumn-winter clockwise
expedition route from the Yenisei through the taiga had been followed
routinely by state servants for the past half-century if not longer. Within
the ethnographic literature we can compare the itineraries of the missionary
18 For an overview of the stereotypes which framed Russian Eurasian exploration, see
Galya Diment and Yuri Slezkine, Between Heaven and Hell: The Myth of Siberia in Russian
Culture (New York: St. Martins, 1993); and Mark Bassin, Imperial Visions: Nationalist
Imagination and Geographical Expansion in the Russian Far East, 1840-1865 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 274-82. For an overview of debates surrounding
middle Yenisei aboriginal peoples, see Craig Campbell, Agitating Images: Photography
against History in Indigenous Siberia (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press,
2014); and Elena Kovalaschina, “The Historical and Cultural Ideals of the Siberian
Oblastnichestvo”, Sibirica, 6 (2007), 87-119.
19 David George Anderson, “First Contact as Real Contact: The 1926/27 Soviet Polar
Census Expedition to Turukhansk Territory”, in Recreating First Contact: Expeditions,
Anthropology and Popular Culture, ed. by Joshua A. Bell, Alison K. Brown and Robert J.
Gordon (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Scholarly Press, 2013), pp. 72-89.
20 We would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for this observation.
The photographs of Baluev 499
21 David G. Anderson and Natalia Orekhova, “The Suslov Legacy: The Story of One
Family’s Struggle with Shamanism”, Sibirica, 2 (2002), 88-112.
22 Sergei S. Savoskul and David G. Anderson, “An Ethnographer’s Early Years: Boris
Dolgikh as Enumerator for the 1926/27 Polar Census”, Polar Record, 41 (2005), 235-
51. Sergei S. Savoskul, “Vpervye na Severe: B. O. Dolgikh — registrator pripoliarnoi
perepisi”, Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, 4 (2004), 126-47.
23 Andrei Aleksandrovich Popov, “Poezdka k dolganam”, Sovetskaia etnografiia, 3-4 (1931),
210-13; and idem, “Iz otcheta o komandirovke k nganasanam ot Instituta Etnografii
Akademii Nauk SSSR”, Sovetskaia etnografiia, 3 (1940), 76-95.
24 Savoskul, “Etnograf Krasnoiarskogo muzeia”, p. 101.
25 Dolgikh, “Plan ekspeditsii”, pp. 4-5.
26 Danileiko, pp. 122-27; and M. S. Strulev, 1938, “Materialy sotsstroitel’stva po
Evenkiiskomu natsional’nomu okrugu”, Statisticheskie dannye, KKKM, O/f 7886/PIr
223.
500 From Dust to Digital
insight not into an individual’s past, but into “the details of the historical
development of one or another people”.27
Finally, Baluev’s task was to take images of people and landscapes using a
type of camera which required careful choreographing, planning, posing and
staging. The level of light and his equipment would have limited the angles he
could choose and his opportunities for “spontaneous” portraiture. Therefore
he worked within the constraints and guidelines of a nineteenth-century
traveller working for the Russian Geographical Society.28 He nevertheless
departed from the canon by photographing objects (usually structures)
which represented institutions and by capturing new forms of association
(usually represented as groups of people engaged in specific tasks), as we
will describe in detail below.
The interweaving of old and new ways of life seems to have been part
of a long process of negotiation. Indeed, the expedition was planned over
a period of a year. In the summer of 1939, Dolgikh had just taken charge of
the ethnographic “cabinet” of the museum, assigning himself the broad goal
of documenting the “social and economic structure [stroi] of the people of
the North of Krasnoyarsk Territory”.29 The term “structure” is misleading
in the sense that what was meant was a process. The data that the team
gathered — be they narratives, images or statistical tables — spoke not to
how people saw themselves, but instead of their trajectories in space and time,
from the past to the present, and from the present to the future. In the plan
for the expedition, filed on 28 December 1937, Dolgikh listed the following
subjects as important to describing these destinies. The intangible sense of
30 Dolgikh, “Plan ekspeditsii”, pp. 2 and 4. The categories in curled brackets were added by
Dolgikh in pencil to the second draft of this document (p. 4).
31 Antsiferova, 1938.06.02, “Spisok raboty po fotosnimki Krasnoiarskogo kraevogo muzei
ekspeditsii eduiushie na Sever”, KKKM 1842-1-599, p. 26.
32 Ibid., p. 26
502 From Dust to Digital
order that nobody could ever say that I refused to photograph the State Farm
I agreed to go. In the evening a worker from the State Farm escorted me […]
Elsewhere we can read his worry about the privileges of the political leadership
vis-à-vis the workers he was documenting. In one incident, the team travels
to a remote hunting camp to photograph the heroic Stakhanovite squirrel
trappers who had exceeded their quota of animals hunted for the state (Fig.
15.4). Here, he represents the heroic workers almost as second-class citizens.
After several days of illness, Baluev writes:
January 19, 1939. I woke in the middle of the night in terrible shape. The
people inhabiting the rooms given to the Stakhanovites were the leaders
of the Nomadic Soviet and the Simple Production Unit. The Stakhanovites
themselves had collapsed on the dirty floor near the door. The leaders were
sleeping on their beds.
Fig. 15.4 Stakhanovite hunter, Stepan N. Pankagir, on the hunt for squirrels.
Uchug, Evenki National District, 17 January 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1264).
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
when one finds it, to play the card game préférence, to enjoy sleeping late or to
read a novel by Pushkin, Dostoevsky or Balzac that one might discover lying
about even the most remote camp. The terror certainly disrupted lives and
careers, but it also left space for mundane being in which certain routines,
fascinations and relationships remained relatively stable. In viewing these
photographs it is the impression of routine and stability that comes through
most strongly.
39 The foundational text describing the “non-capitalist path” for Siberians is Mikhail
Alekseevich Sergeev, ed., Nekapitalisticheskii put’ rasvitiia mal’ykh narodov Severa (Moskva:
Nauka, 1955). The ideology as it applied to Siberia is described and criticised in David G.
Anderson, “Turning Hunters into Herders: A Critical Examination of Soviet Development
Policy among the Evenki of Southeastern Siberia”, Arctic, 44 (1991), 12-22; Yuri Slezkine,
Arctic Mirrors: Russia and the Small Peoples of the North (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,
1994); and more generally in Alexei Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More:
The Last Soviet Generation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006).
506 From Dust to Digital
temperatures.40 Once exposed, the glass plates were often developed in the
field — an effort that required preparing temperature-sensitive chemicals
and having different equipment to hand. Finally, the photographer was
burdened with heavy but fragile cameras, as well as cumbersome tripods.41
The photographic glass plates Baluev used were not unlike small
windowpanes coated with a dried chemical solution that was extremely
sensitive to light. The vast majority of negatives in the KKKM collection
are 9 x 12 cm (roughly 4 x 5 inches). A box of negatives can be seen on the
table in front of Baluev as he works on his journal (Fig. 15.1). Exposure to
light outside the camera would render the chemical coating on the plates
unusable, producing a negative that was uniformly black. To make his
pictures, Baluev would have loaded each precious frame into a light-tight
cartridge. These loaded cartridges would then have been stored in a box or
leather pouch, ready for exposure. It is not clear how many cartridges the
photographer would have had, though we estimate that it was not more
than a dozen or so (commercially available pouches appear to have held
five to ten cartridges).42
When his camera was ready, Baluev would load the cartridge into its
interior, which did not admit any light whatsoever. Once in the camera,
a cover was removed from the cartridge where the plate — opposite the
camera’s lens — was ready for exposure. After taking measurements
and adjusting the camera to let more or less light through the lens, and
deciding upon the duration of the exposure, he would open the shutter for
the selected exposure time. The cover of the cartridge was then re-inserted
and the cartridge itself removed, placed in a pouch or box of cartridges
containing exposed plates and saved until it could be developed in chemicals.
If the plate was exposed to light prior to development, the image would be
obliterated. Photographers until this time appear to have been technicians
as much as they were artists. They learned their craft through a mixture of
training, shop theory and experience.43
Baluev notes in his diary that he is using a “Compound” shutter.44
This style of shutter (also known as Kompur) was typically affixed to
“Fotokor” cameras. The Fotokor (short for Photo Correspondent) was
a highly portable rangefinder camera. It used a bellows system which
collapsed into a small box. This kind of camera is referred to as a “folding
bed plate camera”. In the portrait of Baluev where he is writing in his diary,
you can see a case that is very similar in appearance to the kind used to
hold these cameras when they are folded up. The Fotokor cameras were
produced by GOMZ (Gosudarstvennyi Optiko-Mekhanicheskii Zavod/State
Optical-Mechanical Factory) in Leningrad.45 The bellows and compartments
in Baluev’s Kompound camera were no doubt brittle and stiff in the cold.
Working with the plates and camera mechanisms must have been a great
challenge with numb fingers. Nonetheless, Baluev produced hundreds
of images both inside and out, in all conditions, even temperatures cold
enough to freeze mercury — not to mention skin — upon exposure.
The process of developing the negatives required chemicals, water
and a completely dark room or tent. Darkness in the long winter nights
in northern Siberia was probably not difficult to come by. Indeed it was
light that was more likely to be a concern. While daylight was critical for
exposing the images, Baluev also had flash equipment and used magnesium
powder for interior shots. By the 1930s the magnesium powder formula
was so refined and the flash so quick that the photographer could take
more or less candid shots in darkened spaces.46 According to his journals,
he attempted to use available light whenever possible, implying perhaps
that his magnesium stock was in short supply. The challenges of using this
equipment in Arctic conditions are thoroughly documented in his diary:
43 Erika Wolf, “The Soviet Union: From Worker to Proletarian Photography”, in The Worker-
Photography Movement, 1926-1939: Essays and Documents, ed. by Jorge Ribalta (Madrid:
Museo Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, 2011), pp. 32-50 (p. 34).
44 Baluev, “Dnevnik ekspeditsii”, 4 December 1938.
45 The Worker Photography Movement, 1926-1939: Essays and Documents, ed. by Jorge Ribalta
(Madrid: Museo Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, 2011).
46 Beaumont Newhall, The History of Photography, from 1839 to the Present Day (New York:
Museum of Modern Art, 1964), p. 140. Newhall suggests that the magnesium powder
flash was “hardly more than a way of creating enough illumination to take snapshots in
dark places” (p. 157).
508 From Dust to Digital
26 December 1938, Tura. I guess I have finally caught cold from all of
these severe frosts [minus 48]. This evening I felt very poorly. My legs
hurt and my head is beginning to hurt. The cold is creating ice fog which
makes it impossible to take pictures outside. And now I am running out of
photographic plates. Today I went around the village of Tura looking for
replacement plates. The veterinarian has some, and he promised to give me
a few. I wasn’t able to photograph anything today […].
29 December 1938, Tura. The cold is not particularly bad but it still does not
allow me to do my work. I took a picture of the meteorological station and
the post office. I am really fed up with Tura. And the worst is that it [the
village] does not allow me to take any pictures. Also there is nowhere to
develop the negatives because it is so cold. The room where we live is warm
only when the stove is burning at full blast, and then only in that corner
where the stove is sitting. If I developed the negatives then there would be
no place to dry them. At night it is horribly cold in the room despite the fact
that it is packed with people.
30 December 1938, Tura. My nerves are fraying from the fact that it is not
possible to photograph the subjects that interest me. I can only take pictures
inside and then with magnesium [magniia]. Today I took a picture of the
cafeteria with the delegates of the Ilimpi region conference.
47 Anonymous, p. 88.
48 Dolgikh, “Plan ekspeditsii”, p. 4.
510 From Dust to Digital
particular skills, both technical and compositional. It would seem that his
training in portraiture as well as his previous experience in working for
small enterprises gave him the skills and the imagination to photograph
something as intangible and fragmented as a “collective farm”.
The photographic conventions practised by Baluev presented a stable and
recognisable world. His camera was oriented according to the horizon. His
backgrounds were critical for the recognition of individuals. Architectural
features were used to locate the viewer in space to help make sense of the
scene. When he photographed people, he usually placed a clearly defined
subject in the centre of the frame. Landscape photographs tended to be
composed to maximise the perception of key features like rivers, cliffs,
ridges and forest clearings. Pictorial representation as a conventional
photographic technique dominated Baluev’s photography, which, unlike
more revolutionary types of photography, was more concerned with
documenting socialist transformation than formally instigating it.
What enlivens Baluev’s work on this topic is what we could perhaps define
as an “aspirational” quality and what some readers might call propagandist.
We would argue that the term propaganda is a heavy one, castigating more
than it enlightens. The term implies that the visible engagement of subjects
in the photographs is forced or somehow legislated in order to legitimate
an unpopular policy goal. Although the late 1930s were over-determined
by rather arbitrary policy goals, we must also bear in mind that many of
the institutional public settings that Baluev photographed were new. They
brought together people united by a particular skill set and class profile;
they might have never worked together before. In that vein, these enterprises
were experimental, organised with a sense of destiny or hope that they could
improve the lives of people in a single state-constructed community.49 This
intangible sense of aspiration — what we theorise here as a sense or feeling
of transformation — is what comes across in Baluev’s photographs, and
what may have made him a favourite photographer for commissions over
a five-year period at the start of the Stalinist era.
49 For a critical overview of the history of new labour units in this region of Siberia, see
David G. Anderson, Identity and Ecology in Arctic Siberia: The Number One Reindeer Brigade
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); Craig Campbell, Agitating Images: Photography
against History in Indigenous Siberia (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press,
2014); and Nikolai Ssorin-Chaikov, “Bear Skins and Macaroni: The Social Life of Things
at the Margins of a Siberian State Collective”, in The Vanishing Rouble: Barter Networks
and Non-Monetary Transactions in Post-Soviet Societies, ed. by Paul Seabright (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 345-61.
The photographs of Baluev 511
Ironic Compositions
Fig. 15.5 Prize-winning hunter Ivan K. Solov’ev (a Yakut) shows his award
to his wife. Next to her is V. V. Antsiferov. Kamen’ Factory, 7 November 1938
(EAP016/4/1/1913). © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
Fig. 15.6 Female hunters. From the left, Mariia L. Mukto and Mariia F. Chapogir
hunting for squirrels in the forest. Evenki National District, 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1323).
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
However this encounter was soon recorded in Baluev’s diary with puzzlement
and disappointment at the productive logic of the region (Fig. 15.7):
Fig. 15.7 Icefishing with reindeer fat. Evenki National District, 1939.
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia (KKKM 3684), all rights reserved.
20 January 1939, Kataramba River. In the morning after having tea, I got
to work. Here I found two women squirrel hunters, and took their picture.
Around noon I travelled with the camp owner to go fishing. Among his fishing
equipment I found a fishing lure that was not in any way alluring [nekliziuzhe].
It was like a branch that would likely frighten any fish set before it. At the end
of the lure the fisherman set a huge cube of fat weighing about 25 grams. He
threw it into the water, waited for half an hour and then decided that there
were no fish. He then turned around and went back to the lodge. He tried
to convince me that on this lure, the hook of which was as thick as an index
finger, he catches fish. Fishing with such equipment is called khinda.
The passage reveals Baluev’s lack of faith in the traditional ecological knowledge
of local Evenkis and his sense of knowing better than them how production
should be organised. Reading this passage today, in an era when ideologies of
production are not sacrosanct, allows us to interpret this encounter as a clash
of worldviews. From the perspective of an average urban Russian of this time,
the point of fishing would be to catch fish, with success being quantified and
514 From Dust to Digital
measured by the number of fish caught. Such a Russian would assume that
fish would have to be lured into a fish trap or onto a hook.
However, within many northern indigenous cosmologies, including those
of the Evenkis, animals are attributed with agency and are expected to come
to hunters of their own will.51 Approaching the task from this point of view,
a fisherman would not try to lure the fish onto a subtly concealed hook but
instead strive to advertise his or her presence to give the fish an opportunity
to present itself. If a fish did not turn up on the hook, it would mean that it
did not want to provide itself for food, or “that there were no fish”. It is not
entirely clear why Baluev took the time to comment on a fishing strategy that
he found to be inefficient. He may have been expressing a frustration with
the impossibility of the Soviet project that aimed at including all nationalities
equally in a common economic project of building socialism.52 It would seem
that here he notes the impossible distance between the utopia of a fully efficient
productive society and the level of education of the citizens in this region.
While many of these compact civic domains were built upon existing
patterns of trade and movement in the south, the north was quite different.
Here local peoples, with their knowledge of how to identify subsistence
resources as they moved and with their domesticated reindeer, were not
necessarily tied to one particular place, although to claim that they were
completely nomadic would also be an exaggeration. Engineers of socialism
put a lot of energy into inscribing “national autonomous districts” across the
river valleys and mountain escarpments of the northern part of Krasnoyarsk
Territory where they had very little relevance.
One consistent quality in Baluev’s work is his attempt to make these
newly created districts appear solid and real. As Savoskul noted following
his short survey of Baluev’s collection: Baluev had a remarkable interest in
capturing geography lessons, in which children would follow these ephemeral
boundaries with their fingers (Fig. 15.8).54
There are many such staged photographs taken in different parts of this vast
region. One might add that Baluev also had an interest in maps. In many
cases, he simply photographed paper maps wherever he found them —
perhaps to help document the expedition, or to provide a reference copy for
himself when he returned home (Fig. 15.2). It must be understood that these
maps were undoubtedly rare, having been freshly printed, and that even the
intellectuals in Krasnoyarsk might not be too sure where the boundaries of
one district ended and another began.
One remarkable exercise, in which he invested a lot of effort, was
photographing the exact place where one district turned into another.
Baluev created an entire series of photographs attempting to document the
division between the northerly Taimyr National District and its southern
neighbour, the Evenki National District. On one photograph (Fig. 15.9), he
notes with irony that the trapper Nikolai Nikloaevich Botulu, who traps
from a collective farm within Taimyr, actually sets his deadfalls for Arctic
foxes within the Evenki National District.
Fig. 15.9 The Yakut Nikolai N. Botulu (Katykhinskii) with a polar fox caught in the
jaws of a trap. He was from Ezhova, Taimyr National District, but his traps were
located in the Evenki National District, 1938 (EAP016/4/1/315).
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
The photographs of Baluev 517
Fig. 15.10 Krasnoyarsk krai forest on the border of the Evenki National District,
Boguchansk Region, February 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1646).
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
518 From Dust to Digital
Built structures
A second marked feature of the Baluev collection is the photographer’s
attention to institutional architecture. In every named, populated place he
made a concerted effort to photograph every government building and note
the institution it held. If poor weather prevented him from taking photographs,
he held the images in his head until the weather cleared, and then he would
quickly “photograph the place”. Unfortunately, his diary does not give much
insight into how he made his selection of what to photograph. It is tempting
to conclude that Baluev was checking off either a formal or implicit list of all
the institutions that made up Soviet civic order. In every named place we have
photographs of schools, collective farms, nursing stations, boats and other
vehicles, as if these were the architectural grammar from which a civilised
place was constructed. His choice of objects is presented as self-evident:
3 January 1939, Tura. I tried today to photograph the village, but as with the
previous days my efforts were not rewarded with success. […] The cold is
the main thing that is freezing my work.
8 January 1939, Tura. The temperature rose to minus 38. The fog thinned and
I took advantage of the opportunity to run around Tura to take a picture of
whatever I could.
9 January 1939, Tura. I got up at 10.00 and after breakfast went to photograph
[different] means of transport in Tura. Yesterday I made arrangements that all
the automobiles and horses would be ready. The reindeer, to my great fortune,
were standing in front of the School of Political Enlightenment [politprosvet
shkola], although their antlers were unattractive [Fig. 15.11]. I dropped the
idea of photographing the reindeer and instead went to the place where all
the Tura vehicles are concentrated. After doing ‘the transport’ I went to the
Fur Exchange [Fig. 15.12].
The photographs of Baluev 519
Fig. 15.11 Three modes of transport: reindeer, sleigh and truck. Evenki National
District, Tura, 1939. © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia (KKKM 3767), all rights reserved.
Fig. 15.12 Evenki hunter Danil V. Miroshko trading furs. The head of the exchange
is Luka Pavlovich Shcherbakov. Tura, January 1939. © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia
(KKKM 3822), all rights reserved.
520 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 15.13 A reindeer herd with herder from the Reindeer Sovkhoz (state farm), NKZ.
Evenki National District, February 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1341).
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
what I could. This morning the sun reflected off the snow and burned our
eyes. […] Taking pictures of reindeer is very clumsy.
Fig. 15.14 Headquarters for the Reindeer Sovkhoz (state farm), NKZ. A chum (conical
tent) is in the foreground, a new home for Evenki labourers in the background.
© Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia (KKKM 3706), all rights reserved.
Here, aside from venting his dissatisfaction at the reality of travel in this
region, Baluev indicates a dislike for collective subjects like reindeer herds
— subjects of great scale and variety. This observation resonates with the
character of his portfolio; with the exception of this one image, all of his
other images feature a single building, a portrait or a rather strictly posed
group of people. It seems that in his aesthetic view there were limits to the
demands of state authorities on what should be photographed.
Within his chosen frame of the intimate subject, however, there was room for
personal interest and visual juxtaposition. After filing dozens of photographs
of imposing log structures with multiple smoking chimneys, he liked to add
photographs of how modest people lived. One particularly striking image
captures a hastily-constructed Yakut tent pitched in among the grid-like
structures of the capital of the Evenki National District, Tura (Fig. 15.15).
522 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 15.15 Yakut tent in Tura in the winter. Evenki National District, Tura settlement,
January 1939 (EAP016/4/1/1556). © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
Reinvented traditions
Soviet transformation was often illustrated with depictions of rituals reinvented
for a new era. In Baluev’s portfolio, a series of photographs portray the
reconfiguration of a traditional Slavic New Year’s celebration as a “tree
celebration” (elka). The entry in his diary seems to suggest that Baluev
documented the celebration simply because at the darkest time of year it
was difficult to take any pictures outside.
1 January 1939, Tura. Today we allowed ourselves to relax in our sleeping
bags as long as we wished. We got up at 12 o’clock. It was a clear day, minus
51 degrees. Tura was sitting in clouds of steam and smoke. The visibility
was not more than 70-100 sazhen. In the sky one could see that the sun was
peeking up far away (but it didn’t warm us). By 2 o’clock there was the fog
before the sunset and by 3 o’clock people were already lighting lamps in their
flats. It is very boring. At 4pm the procurator came by to visit. […] at 7pm I
photographed the New Year’s tree in the school.
The photographs of Baluev 523
In Fig. 15.16, we see a group of children standing before the festive tree
adorned in an array of costumes representing various nationalities (Cossack
militiamen, Russian peasants and possibly Uzbeks), iconic labourers (such
as a sailor), as well as animals from fairy tales (a fox or wolf, etc.). This looks
like a relatively familiar spectacle of organised youth theatre in the winter
holiday season. The Soviet New Year tradition eclipsed the old Orthodox
Christmas, which was celebrated on 7 January. The festival culture of the
officially atheist state was an important element in the production of everyday
Soviet socialism that stripped old festivals of their religious symbolism and
remade them as non-spiritual celebrations of human community and national
patriotism. The costumes in this photograph appear to be part of a staged
programme, perhaps in part celebrating the communist international — an
aspirational community of happy communist nationalities. The calendric
marker of the decorated tree and the masks demarcate a carnival time defined
by collective celebration even at the most remote edges of the Soviet empire.
524 From Dust to Digital
Conclusion
Although overtly focused on documenting Soviet futures, Baluev’s images
from the Northern Expedition came, more often than not, to be consulted by
historians, museum workers and anthropologists in an effort to document
the vanishing past. The two enterprises are of course linked, since a view
to the past can give an impression of the tremendous distance a society has
travelled. Savoskul’s Russian-language overview of the Northern Expedition
has done the most to document the way that Baluev’s images were circulated
and cited. Savoskul’s interest in the development of the security state leads
him to note that
[…] the photographs of I. I. Baluev even came to the need of the employees
of the GULAG. In December of 1954, the Museum received a letter on the
letterhead of the Political Division of the NKVD Noril’sk Labour Education
Camp. It turned out that in preparation for the publication of a book celebrating
the 25th anniversary of the Komsomol [the agency] was lacking photographic
material on the life and living conditions of the ‘indigenous population of
the Taimyr National District which was absolutely necessary to illustrate the
introduction to the collection’.55
of requisite topics with an element of intuition and style. We argue that this
particular photographer during this troubled time felt limitations and saw
opportunities, and that this comes out strongly in his images. For example,
one of Baluev’s photographs was published in an early twenty-first century
English-language monograph documenting the effects of the redistributive
state on the psychology and ways of life of forest hunters (Fig. 15.17).59
Fig. 15.17 Children performing exercises under a portrait of Stalin (a small portrait
of the assassinated Bolshevik leader, Sergei Kirov, is behind the teacher’s head)
(EAP016/4/1/1246). © Krasnoyarsk Museum, Siberia, all rights reserved.
59 Nikolai V. Ssorin-Chaikov, The Social Life of the State in Subarctic Siberia (Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press, 2003).
526 From Dust to Digital
60 David G. Anderson and Craig Campbell, “Picturing Central Siberia: The Digitization
and Analysis of Early Twentieth-Century Central Siberian Photographic Collections”,
Sibirica, 8 (2009), 1-42 (p. 30, Fig. 17).
61 The digitisation of the Baluev archive was primarily funded by a grant from the Arcadia
Foundation administered by the British Library as part of the Endangered Archives
Programme (EAP016). The work on the attributions and the writing of this article was
funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC ES/K006428/1), “Etnos: A Life
History of the Etnos Concept Among the Peoples of the North”. We are very grateful to the
Krasnoyarsk Territory Regional Museum for permission to reproduce all the images in this
article. We would also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers and the volume editor
for their highly detailed comments, which greatly improved the manuscript. Finally, we
would like to thank Zoe Todd for her last-minute help in formatting and proofing the
chapter.
The photographs of Baluev 527
References
Abramov, Georgi, “Etapy razvitiia otechesvennogo fotoapparatostroeniia”, http://
www.photohistory.ru/index.php
Anderson, David Dzh., ed., Turukhanskaia ekspeditsiia pripoliarnoi perepisi: etnografiia i
demografiia malochislennykh narodov Severa (Krasnoyarsk: Polikor, 2005).
Anderson, David G., “Turning Hunters into Herders: A Critical Examination of
Soviet Development Policy among the Evenki of Southeastern Siberia”, Arctic,
44 (1991), 12-22.
—, Identity and Ecology in Arctic Siberia: The Number One Reindeer Brigade (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2000).
—, “The Turukhansk Polar Census Expedition of 1926/27 at the Crossroads of Two
Scientific Traditions”, Sibirica, 5 (2006), 24-61.
—, “First Contact as Real Contact: The 1926/27 Soviet Polar Census Expedition to
Turukhansk Territory”, in Recreating First Contact: Expeditions, Anthropology and
Popular Culture, ed. by Joshua A. Bell, Alison K. Brown and Robert J. Gordon
(Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Scholarly Press, 2013), pp. 72-89.
—, and Craig Campbell, “Picturing Central Siberia: The Digitization and Analysis
of Early Twentieth-Century Central Siberian Photographic Collections”, Sibirica,
8 (2009), 1-42.
—, and Natalia Orekhova, “The Suslov Legacy: The Story of One Family’s Struggle
with Shamanism”, Sibirica, 2 (2002), 88-112.
Anonymous, “Nastavleniia dlia zeliaiuschikh izgotovliat fotograficheskie snimki na
polzu antropologii”, Izvestiia Imperatorskogo Russkego Geograficheskogo Obshestva,
8 (1872), 86-88.
Barkhatova, Elena, ed., A Portrait of Tsarist Russia: Unknown Photographs from the
Soviet Archives (New York: Pantheon, 1989).
—, “Realism and Document: Photography as Fact”, in Photography in Russia 1840-
1940, ed. by David Elliot (London: Thames and Hudson, 1992), pp. 41-50.
Bassin, Mark, Imperial Visions: Nationalist Imagination and Geographical Expansion in
the Russian Far East, 1840-1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
Campbell, Craig, Agitating Images: Photography Against History in Indigenous Siberia
(Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2014).
Danileiko, V. A., “Gosudarstvennaia etnografiia, ili otrazhenie protsessa
sotsialisticheskogo stroitel’stva na prieniseiskom Severe, v rabotakh
etnografov kontsa 1930 gg. (k postanovke voprosa)”, in Vestnik Krasnoiarskogo
gosudarstvennogo pedagogicheskogo universiteta im. V.P. Astaf’eva, ed. by N. I.
Drozdov (Krasnoyarsk: Krasnoiarskskii Gosudarstvenii Pedogogicheskii
Universitet im. V. P. Astaf’eva, 2011), pp. 122-27.
D’Encausse, Hélène Carrère, L’empire éclaté: La révolte des nations en URSS (Paris:
Flammarion, 1978).
Diment, Galya, and Yuri Slezkine, Between Heaven and Hell: The Myth of Siberia in
Russian Culture (New York: St. Martins, 1993).
Dolgikh, Boris Osipovich, Rodovoi i plemennoi sostav narodov Sibiri v XVII veke
(Moskva: Nauka, 1960).
528 From Dust to Digital
Archival resources
Antsiferova, 1938.06.02. Spisok raboty po fotosnimki Krasnoiarskogo kraevogo
muzei ekspeditsii eduiushie na Sever KKKM fond 1842 opis 1 delo 599 list 26.
Baluev, I. I., 1935.06.15. Avtobiografiia. KKKM-Nauchnyi arkhiv, opis 02 delo 44
list 2-3.
Baluev, I. I., 1941.5.12. Anketnyi list I. I. Balueva. KKKM-Nauchnyi arkhiv, opis 02
delo 44 list 11-12.
Baluev, I. I., 1938-39. Dnevnik ekspeditsii museia na Sever Krasnoiarskogo Kraia v
1938-1939. KKKM-Nauchnyi arkhiv, 7886 Pir 222 (in three separate notebooks).
Dolgikh, B., 1939. Predvaritel’nyi otchet etnografa Severnoi ekspeditsii
Krasnoiarskgo kraevogo muzeia 1938-39 gg. KKKM, fond 1843, opis 1 delo 600
list 1-12.
Dolgikh, B., 1937.12.28. Plan ekspeditsii etnograficheskogo kabineta Krasn. Gos.
Muzeiana 1938g Number p/n 1842, opis 01, delo 599, 4-5. Programma raboty
ekspeditsii po sotsialistichekomu stroitelstvu Severa Krasnoiarskogo Kraia.
KKKM, fond 1842, opis 1 delo 599 list 24-25.
Strulev, M. S., 1938. Materialy sotsstroitel’stva po Evenkiiskomu natsional’nomu
okrugu. Statisticheskie dannye. KKKM, osnovnoi fond 7886/PIr 223.
16. Archiving a Cameroonian
photographic studio
David Zeitlyn
1 See Joseph Chila and Samuel Finlak: Two Portrait Photographers in Cameroon, ed. by Ingrid
Swenson (London: Peer, 2005).
2 No glass plate negatives — as used in the 1960s in the camera shown (Fig. 16.1) — have
survived, although a very small number of plastic plates were found and have been
scanned. The archive covers the period from approximately 1970 to 1990.
3 EAP054: Archiving a Cameroonian photographic studio, http://eap.bl.uk/database/
overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP054.
5 See Seydou Keïta, ed. by André Magnin (Zurich: Scalo, 1997). For parallels from Togo and
Ivory Coast, see Jean-François Werner, “La photographie de famille en Afrique de l’ouest:
une méthode d’approche ethnographique”, Xoana, 1 (1993), 35-49; and idem, “Twilight
of the Studios in Ivory Coast”, in Anthology of African and Indian Ocean Photography, ed. by
Pascal Martin Saint Léon and N’Goné Fall (Paris: Revue Noire, 1999), pp. 92-103.
6 For example, Stephen Sprague, “Yoruba Photography: How the Yoruba See Themselves”,
African Arts, 12 (1978), 52-59.
7 For more on the Paris exhibition, see Anne-Marie Bouttiaux, Alain D’Hoogue and Jean
534 From Dust to Digital
Loup Pivin, L’Afrique par elle-même: un siècle de photographie africaine (Paris: Revue Noire,
2003). For the UK exhibition, see Kobena Mercer, Self-Evident (Birmingham: Ikon Gallery,
1995). An overview is presented in Anthology of African and Indian Ocean Photography, ed.
by Saint Léon and Fall.
8 See Christopher Pinney, Camera Indica: The Social Life of Indian Photographs, Envisioning
Asia (London: Reaktion, 1997); Deborah Poole, Vision, Race and Modernity: A Visual
Economy of the Andean Image World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997); and
Elizabeth Edwards, Raw Histories: Photographs, Anthropology and Museums (Oxford: Berg,
2001).
9 See work in collections such as The African Photographic Archive, ed. by Darren Newbury
and Christopher Morton (London: Bloomsbury, forthcoming in 2015); Photography in
Africa: Ethnographic Perspectives, ed. by Richard Vokes (Woodbridge: James Currey,
2012); and Portraiture and Photography in Africa: African Expressive Cultures, ed. by John
Peffer and Elisabeth L. Cameron (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2013).
Archiving a Cameroonian photographic studio 535
demands provided a secure economic basis for the studios and rendered
the cost of other photographs affordable for clients (Figs. 16.5 and 16.17).
Fig. 16.7 Portrait of an elderly man with spear and pipe (EAP054/1/68/125).
© Jacques Toussele, CC BY-NC-ND.
Fig. 16.9 Portraits for school ID cards. Double exposure on a single negative
(EAP054/1/52/144). © Jacques Toussele, CC BY-NC-ND.
To give a more concrete idea of the relative frequency of the different kinds
of photographs found in the archive, just over half of the total of 46,504 are
passport-style photographs for national identity cards. Recreational images
include many groups of family or friends (3,522 images contain more than
two people) as well as photographs of babies. I note that there are almost as
many images of road traffic accidents (191) as there are of weddings (212).
There are also a small number of photographs taken in hospital showing
bandaged patients recovering after surgery. I have done other such counts
with Cameroonian contemporaries of Toussele, and the relative percentages
are similar.10
It must also be noted that even identity card photographs are of considerable
research interest, especially when one examines the entire negative and not
just the head and shoulders which were printed for the passport-style image.
This raises a host of problems and issues about representation and analysis
(by whom and of what) which, to my mind, gives this project a dynamic
tension. The analysis of individual photographs or groups of photographs
10 I surveyed the work of Samuel Finlak and Joseph Chila, as well as a smaller sample of
negatives from Photo Royale, Banyo.
Archiving a Cameroonian photographic studio 539
Uses of photographs
The images had many uses and these often changed over time. If the single
most common reason for commissioning a photograph from one of the studio
photographers was to get a passport-style print for the national identity card
(or school cards for secondary school pupils), then there were also many
casual or recreational uses. Photographs of families, babies, weddings and
friends were taken for display, storage or discussion when albums were
passed around.14 Weddings, funerals, official meetings, hospital treatments
and traffic accidents are among the different sorts of images found in
photographers’ collections of negatives.
In some cases, a single print or image could serve different purposes
over time: the ID photos of the elderly are in many cases the only surviving
11 For further discussion, see David Zeitlyn, “Redeeming Some Cameroonian Photographs:
Reflections on Photographs and Representations”, in The African Photographic Archive, ed.
by Newbury and Morton.
12 The main interviews were with Toussele, Chila and Finlak, but I also spoke with several
other photographers in Adamaoua, Central, Northwest and West Regions of Cameroon.
13 My other papers include David Zeitlyn, “A Dying Art?: Archiving Photographs in
Cameroon”, Anthropology Today, 25/4 (2009), 23-26; and idem, “Photographic Props/The
Photographer as Prop: The Many Faces of Jacques Toussele”, History and Anthropology,
21 (2010), 453-77.
14 For an early description of how albums were used to introduce families to strangers,
see Janheinz Jahn, Durch Afrikanische Türen: Erlebnisse Und Begegnungen in Westafrika
(Frankfurt: Fischer Bücherei, 1967 [1960]), pp. 169-72.
540 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 16.10 A photocopy of a print of a man standing, showing how the original
negative was cropped (EAP054/1/4/145). © Jacques Toussele, CC BY-NC-ND.
15 See the film Funeral Season (La saison des funérailles): Marking Death in Cameroon, dir. by
Matthew Lancit (2010).
Archiving a Cameroonian photographic studio 541
Fig. 16.11 Original negative for the print shown in Fig. 16.10 (EAP054/1/50/562).
© Jacques Toussele, CC BY-NC-ND.
him, and the London-based charity, Autograph ABP, are acting as his
commercial agents.
Vulnerability
Until our project began, Toussele’s collection was vulnerable.16 It was stored
in a back room of the studio under a leaking roof. When I opened several
boxes at random they showed signs of deterioration and damage — some
negatives had stuck together (Figs. 16.12 and 16.13). The negatives are of
medium format and mainly high quality (good contrast and well-fixed).
Many were very dusty and had suffered from the damp; it was necessary
to wash them before copying. This work was undertaken by Emmanuel
Noupembong, a former apprentice of Toussele who had recently retired
from service as a photographer for the Cameroonian government.
Toussele is ageing and not in the best of health. He collaborated with the
project team of four people to provide basic documentation. He was also
able to recognise some of the people in the photographs, enabling future
research to be undertaken and thus greatly enhancing the importance of
the archive. However, it should be noted that recognising someone is not
the same as knowing their name — often all we could record was that this
person came from that village.
Nonetheless, it is anticipated that the archive will enable scholars to raise
a wide range of issues about the presentation of self, changing fashions
and global patterns of influence as mediated by local norms of appropriate
behaviour in public. An example might be the influence of magazines such
as Vogue and Paris Match which in the 1970s led some young women to be
photographed in daring mini-dresses, and some men to be pictured parading
in trousers known locally as “patte d’éléphant” (“elephant’s foot”), the widest
of flares. The Toussele archive permits a systematic examination of modes of
displaying “modernity” and of being fashionable. I look forward to a new
generation of African historians and scholars exploring the archive in ways
I cannot imagine.
16 It is very likely that, had I not been in touch with Toussele, the collection of negatives would
have been burnt or discarded when he left his studio. I have met many photographers
from his generation who have not retained their black-and-white negatives. Many
reasons are given, the most common being that “since no one is interested any more,
there is no money in it”.
Archiving a Cameroonian photographic studio 543
Archival realities
Originally it was proposed to use digital SLR cameras to copy the negatives,
but further consultation and testing persuaded me that higher quality could
be achieved with dedicated negative scanners. Moreover, during the initial
phase of the project an Epson scanner was available which could scan direct
to a memory card without an intermediary computer. It was originally
planned that Toussele and Chila would copy the collection, but this proved
impossible in practice. Between the application’s submission and its acceptance,
the owner of the studio building in Mbouda decided to redevelop, and so
Toussele was given notice to quit by his landlord. My arrival was fortuitous,
and I was able to help him clear out the studio. In the end, the negatives were
temporarily taken from the studio to the British Council Library in Yaoundé,
where they were scanned by an operator trained specifically for the project.
After scanning, the memory cards were used to make duplicate DVDs in
a standalone burner. Of the DVDs, one went to the British Library where it
was eventually made available online, and the other went back to Toussele
so that he has his own set of the scans. A Cameroonian coordinator made
prints from the DVDs on an ordinary laser printer; these were then sent with
data forms back to Mbouda, where a small team worked with Toussele to
produce basic documentation of the images (Fig. 16.14). The results were
typed up in a database (the basis of the archive’s catalogue).
The project produced a reference digital archive, licensed for free educational
use, based on the surviving negatives and reference prints in Toussele’s
studio.17 Copies on hard drives were deposited at the National Archives in
Yaoundé (which supported the project from the outset), at the University of
Dschang (which is the nearest university to Mbouda), and at the University of
Ngaoundéré (which already has experience of archiving digital photographs
through its collaboration with the University of Tromso on the archives of
the early Norwegian missionaries), as well as at the British Council Library
in Cameroon.
References
Bouttiaux, Anne-Marie, Alain D’Hoogue and Jean Loup Pivin, eds., L’Afrique par
elle-même: un siècle de photographie africaine (Paris: Revue Noire, 2003).
Edwards, Elizabeth, Raw Histories: Photographs, Anthropology and Museums (Oxford:
Berg, 2001).
Jahn, Janheinz, Durch afrikanische Türen: Erlebnisse und Begegnungen in Westafrika
(Frankfurt: Fischer Bücherei, 1967 [1960]).
Magnin, André, ed., Seydou Keïta (Zurich: Scalo, 1997).
McKeown, Katie, “Studio Photo Jacques: A Professional Legacy in Western
Cameroon”, History of Photography, 34 (2010), 181-92.
Mercer, Kobena, Self-Evident (Birmingham: Ikon Gallery, 1995).
Newbury, Darren and Christopher Morton, eds., The African Photographic Archive
(London: Bloomsbury, forthcoming in 2015).
Peffer, John, and Elisabeth L. Cameron, eds., Portraiture and Photography in Africa:
African Expressive Cultures (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2013).
Pinney, Christopher, Camera Indica: The Social Life of Indian Photographs (Reaktion:
London, 1997).
Poole, Deborah, Vision, Race and Modernity: A Visual Economy of the Andean Image
World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997).
Saint Léon, Pascal Martin, and N’Goné Fall, eds., Anthology of African and Indian
Ocean Photography (Paris: Revue Noire, 1999).
Sprague, Stephen, “Yoruba Photography: How the Yoruba See Themselves”, African
Arts, 12 (1978), 52-59.
Turin, Mark, “Born Archival: The Ebb and Flow of Digital Documents from the
Field”, History and Anthropology, 22 (2011), 445-60.
Vokes, Richard, ed., Photography in Africa: Ethnographic Perspectives (Woodbridge:
James Currey, 2012).
Werner, Jean-François, “La photographie de famille en Afrique de l’ouest: une
méthode d’approche ethnographique”, Xoana, 1 (1993), 35-49.
—, “Produire des images en Afrique: l’exemple des photographes de studio”,
Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines, 36/141-42 (1996), 81-112.
—, “Twilight of the Studios in Ivory Coast”, in Anthology of African and Indian Ocean
Photography, ed. by Pascal Martin Saint Léon and N’Goné Fall (Paris: Revue
Noire, 1999).
Zeitlyn, David, “A Dying Art?: Archiving Photographs in Cameroon”, Anthropology
Today, 25/4 (2009), 23-26.
—, “Photographic Props/The Photographer as Prop: The Many Faces of Jacques
Toussele”, History and Anthropology, 21 (2010), 453-77.
—, “Redeeming Some Cameroonian Photographs: Reflections on Photographs and
Representations”, in The African Photographic Archive, ed. by Darren Newbury
and Christopher Morton (London: Bloomsbury, forthcoming in 2015).
17. Music for a revolution: the sound
archives of Radio Télévision Guinée
Graeme Counsel
I first travelled to West Africa in 1990. With little money and even less
experience I crossed the Sahara via Morocco and spent a few weeks in
Mauritania before returning home. This brief voyage had given me just a
glimpse of the region, but it was sufficient to drive my determination to
return. I was compelled to go to West Africa because of my interest in the
origins of the Blues, and my research led me on a journey to trace its roots
via the trans-Atlantic slave trade from Africa to the New World.1 Through
my research I had discovered the music of West Africa’s Mandé griots, and
this inspired my broader enquiries into the music of the region.
The Mandé are one of the largest ethnic groups in West Africa.
Descendants from the formation of the Empire of Mali in the thirteenth
century AD, today they number approximately twenty million people with
significant populations in the nations of Mali, Senegal, Guinea Bissau and
The Gambia. In Guinea they are known as Maninka. A griot 2 is a member
of one of the Mandé’s endogamous social groups, the nyamakala, which
includes blacksmiths, weavers and potters. Griots fulfil a multiplicity of
roles in Mandé communities, including that of genealogists, arbiters, and
masters of ceremonies at life events (births, circumcisions, weddings and
1 Graeme Counsel, Mande Popular Music and Cultural Policies in West Africa: Griots and
Government Policy since Independence (Saabrücken: VDM Verlag, 2009).
2 Griot is the French term for these musicians. It denotes a male musician, with griotte
referring to a female musician. In this text it is used in a non-gender specific sense.
Local terms for griots include djely and djelymoussou, for the male and female musician
respectively.
3 Debra DeSalvo, The Language of the Blues: From Alcorub to Zuzu (New York: Billboard,
2006), p. 116.
4 Thomas A. Hale, Griots and Griottes: Masters of Words and Music (Gainesville, FL:
University of Florida Press, 1998); Eric Charry, Mande Music: Traditional and Modern
Music of the Maninka and Mandinka of Western Africa (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago
Press, 2000); and Counsel, Mande Popular Music.
5 Ronnie Graham, Stern’s Guide to Contemporary African Music, 2 vols (London: Pluto Press,
1988 and 1992); John Collins, West African Pop Roots (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University
Press, 1992); and Charry, Mande Music.
Music for a revolution 549
9 Claude Rivière, Guinea: The Mobilization of a People, trans. by Virginia Thompson and
Richard Adloff (London: Cornell University Press, 1977).
10 Counsel, Mande Popular Music, p. 73; and Don R. Browne, “Radio Guinea: A Voice of
Independent Africa”, Journal of Broadcasting, 7/2 (1963), 113-22 (pp. 114-15).
11 Victoire du Bois, Guinea: The Decline of the Guinean Revolution (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1965), pp. 122-23.
12 Elizabeth Schmidt, “Emancipate Your Husbands! Women and Nationalism in Guinea,
1953-1958”, in Women in African Colonial Histories, ed. by Jean Allman, Susan Geiger and
Nakanyike Musisi (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2002), p. 50.
13 Sékou Touré, “The Political Leader Considered as the Representative of a Culture”,
Blackpast.org, 1959, http://www.blackpast.org/1959-sekou-toure-political-leader-
considered-representative-culture
Music for a revolution 551
our popular songs; they have all become enthusiasts for the tango or the
waltz or for some singer of charm or realism.14
14 Ibid.
15 Schmidt, “Emancipate Your Husbands!”, p. 287; and idem, Cold War and Decolonization in
Guinea, 1946-1958 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2007), p. 74.
16 African “orchestras” of this era should not be confused with concepts of classical music
orchestras. Rather, they should be considered as “dance orchestras” (a widely used local
term) in the vein of jazz-style or Cuban-style groups, first popular in the 1930s, whose
instrumentation includes: a brass section comprising of alto and tenor saxophones, and
trumpets; three to four electric guitars, including bass; timbales; congas; claves; and
a drum kit. Ten or more musicians and singers comprise an average orchestra in the
African context. See Collins, West African Pop Roots; Charry, Mande Music; and Counsel,
Mande Popular Music.
17 Guinean National Commission for UNESCO, “Cultural Policy in the Revolutionary
People’s Republic of Guinea”, in Studies and Documents on Cultural Policies, 51 (Paris:
UNESCO, 1979), p. 80; and Jean-Jacques Mandel, “Guinée: La long marche du blues
Manding”, Taxiville, 1 (1986), 36-38.
18 Sékou Camara, “Sékou Camara dit le Gros, membre-fondateur du Bembeya Jazz
National de Guinée”, interview by Awany Sylla, Africa Online, 20 December 1998.
19 Browne, “Radio Guinea", pp. 114-15; and Gérald Arnaud, “Bembeya se réveille”,
Africultures, 1 November 2002, http://www.africultures.com/php/?nav=article&no=2626
20 Wolibo Dukuré, La festival culturel national de la République Populaire Révolutionnaire de
Guinée (Conakry: Ministère de la Jeunesse des Sports et Arts Populaire, 1983), p. 58
(translation mine).
552 From Dust to Digital
21 Interview with Linké Condé, Chef d’orchestre Keletigui et ses Tambourinis, Conakry, 24
December 2013. All interviews were conducted by the author, unless otherwise stated.
22 Bertrand Lavaine, “Independence and Music: Guinea and Authenticity. A Politicised
Music Scene”, RFI Music, 3 May 2010, http://www.rfimusique.com/musiqueen/
articles/125/article_8351.asp; and Mandel, pp. 36-38.
23 Leopold Senghor, cited in Stephen H. Grant, “Léopold Sédar Senghor, Former President
of Senegal”, Africa Report, 28/6 (1983), 61-64 (p. 64).
24 Michael Onyebuchi Eze, The Politics of History in Contemporary Africa (New York: Palgrave
MacMillan, 2010), p. 120.
25 Bembeya Jazz National, Regard sur le passé (Syliphone, SLP 8, c. 1968). See also Lansiné
Kaba, “The Cultural Revolution, Artistic Creativity, and Freedom of Expression in
Guinea’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 14/2 (1976), 201-18.
Music for a revolution 553
Fig. 17.1 The logo of the Syliphone recording company. © Editions Syliphone,
Conakry, under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
with the musicians adapting elements from Cuban music,47 jazz,48 and African
popular music49 to create new musical forms.50 The label was progressive
in presenting modern music that successfully incorporated traditional
instruments, songs and melodies into an orchestra setting. In the 1960s and
1970s, Guinea’s musicians were at the vanguard of contemporary African
music — they were “the lighthouse to music in Africa”51 — and Syliphone
captured them at the peak of their abilities and recorded their music in state
of the art studios. The influence of the recording label on the development
of African popular music was profound, and felt throughout the region.
Fig. 17.2 Bembeya Jazz National, Regard sur le passé (Syliphone, SLP 10, c. 1969). The photo
depicts Samory Touré, grandfather of President Sékou Touré, who led the insurgency
against French rule in the late nineteenth century. The orchestra’s version of the epic
narrative in honour of his life earned them great acclaim; when it was performed at the
First Pan-African Cultural Festival, held in Algiers in 1969, it won Guinea a silver medal.
© Editions Syliphone, Conakry, under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
47 Bembeya Jazz National, Sabor de guajira (Syliphone, SYL 503, c. 1968); and Sweeney.
48 Diaré Ibrahima Khalil, annotations to Keletigui et ses Tambourinis, JRDA/Guajira con
tumbao (Syliphone, SLP 519, 1970).
49 Pivi et les Balladins, Manta lokoka (Syliphone, SYL 549, 1972).
50 Quintette Guinéenne, Massané Cissé (Syliphone, SLP 54, c. 1976).
51 Interview with Métoura Traoré, Chef d’orchestre Horoya Band National, Conakry, 21
August 2001.
558 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 17.4 The verso cover of a box set of four Syliphone LPs (Syliphone, SLP 10-SLP
13, 1970), released in recognition of the performances of Guinea’s artists at the First
Pan-African Cultural Festival, held in Algiers in 1969. © Editions Syliphone, Conakry,
under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
Music for a revolution 559
Fig. 17.5 Bembeya Jazz National/Horoya Band National, Concerts des Orchestres Nationaux
(Syliphone, SLP 27, 1971). Political doctrine was reinforced through Syliphone. Here the
cover depicts an enemy combatant, his boat blasted, surrendering to the JRDA (Jeunesse
de la Révolution Démocratique Africaine, the youth wing of the PDG) and the APRG (Armée
Populaire Révolutionnaire de Guinée). © Editions Syliphone, Conakry, under license from
Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
Fig. 17.7 Horoya Band National (Syliphone, SLP 41, c. 1973). Many of Guinea’s orchestras
featured the band members wearing traditional cloth. Here, an orchestra from Kankan in
the north of Guinea wears outfits in the bògòlanfini style associated with Mandé culture.
© Editions Syliphone, Conakry, under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
Fig. 17.8 Various Artists, Discothèque 70 (Syliphone, SLP 23, 1971). Tradition and
modernity: a compilation of music by Guinean orchestras is promoted by images
from local cultural traditions. Here, a Fulbé woman is depicted. © Editions Syliphone,
Conakry, under license from Syllart Records/Sterns Music, CC BY.
Music for a revolution 561
From around 1967, Syliphone began to release the first of its 750 songs
recorded on 12-inch (33.3 rpm) and 7-inch (45 rpm) vinyl discs. 52 Many
of the recordings would become classics of African music. Of note is the
1969 recording by Bembeya Jazz National, “Regard sur le passé”,53 which
presents the life of Almami Samory Touré, a national hero who fought
against French rule in the nineteenth century. The orchestra’s version
of his life story, performed in a style closely associated with that of the
traditional griots, extended to over 35 minutes and used both sides of the
LP — a first for a modern African recording. The group’s performance of
the song (as the Syli Orchestre National) at the Premier Festival Cultural
Panafricain held in Algiers in 1969 earned them a silver medal. In 1970 the
Académie Charles Cros awarded its Grand Prix du Disque to a Syliphone LP
by Kouyaté Sory Kandia,54 a recording which featured the mezzo-soprano
performing traditional griot songs on side A of the disc and accompanied
by the modern orchestra Keletigui et ses Tambourinis on side B.
Few other African nations could demonstrate a commitment to musical
culture to the extent of the Guinean government’s. Its national cultural policy of
authenticité and of “looking at the past” had created dozens of state-sponsored
orchestras who released hundreds of songs that were at the cutting edge of
African music. Guinea’s musicians and arts troupes toured Africa and the
world, and were a feature of the nation’s cultural festivals where they were
joined by thousands of other performers. Syliphone was at the centre of this
cultural movement. It was emblematic of Africa’s independence era, and
captured a moment in African history when a new nation asserted its voice
and placed music at the forefront of its cultural identity.55
As the voice of the revolution, Syliphone recordings also served as
a bulwark for Touré’s leadership. There were many hundreds, perhaps
thousands, of songs that were recorded which praised the president,
thus illustrating the personality cult that was being created around the
Le Responsible Suprême et Stratège de la Révolution, as Touré had become
62 Du Bois, Guinea.
63 Arieff and McGovern, “‘History is Stubborn’”, pp. 200-01.
64 Sékou Touré, “Le racisme Peulh, nous devons lui donner un enterrement de première
classe, un enterrement définitif”, Horoya, 29 August-4 September 1976, p. 34 (translation
mine).
65 Nomi Dave, “The Politics of Silence: Music, Violence and Protest in Guinea”,
Ethnomusicology, 58 (2014), 1-29 (p. 4).
564 From Dust to Digital
songs to their patrons. For musicians of the First Republic, their patron was
the state, hence their repertoires contained numerous examples of songs
which praised government figures, industries, campaigns and policies.66
This alignment to political doctrine had been embedded by the nationalist
political campaigns of the 1950s, whereby musicians had been mobilised to
disseminate party ideologies.67 Such appropriations stifled creativity and
silenced the voices of protest, particularly in Guinea where performers
operated within the narrowest of political confines.
A further factor that contributed to the “silence” of protest was cultural:
direct criticism in West African society is considered ill-mannered to the
extent of it being a social faux pas. It is also highly unusual for griots to
directly criticise their patrons; any criticism is offered obliquely via analogy
and metaphor. Bembeya Jazz National’s “Doni doni”,68 for example, with
its lyrics “Little by little a bird builds its nest, little by little a bird takes off”,
caused some consternation at the highest levels as to its allusive potential
vis à vis the large numbers of citizens fleeing Guinea.69 The nation’s censors,
however, were in less doubt about the double entendre contained in Fodé
Conté’s song “Bamba toumani”,70 which described a caterpillar, and how its
head eats everything: the song was never released by Syliphone, and Conté
fled Guinea shortly after recording it. Such musical examples are extremely
rare, and few musicians dared to express anything but solidarity with the
Guinean regime. The socio-political situation of the era required the artists’
creativity and conscience to be silenced, less they risk their lives.71
Guinea’s Cultural Revolution came to a close on 26 March 1984 when
Touré died suddenly of a heart attack. A week later a military coup
ousted his regime and set about dismantling the cultural policies of the
First Republic. It was the end of Syliphone, the end of funding for the
orchestras and performance troupes, the end of the cultural festivals,
and the end of authenticité. Colonel Lansané Conté was Guinea’s new
president, and he would rule for a further 24 years. Such were the
demands of allegiance on musicians that, long after Touré’s death, many
who served his government still choose to deflect rather than answer
enquiries related to his rule.72 Although the era of the one-party state and
of Cultural Revolution has passed, the “silence” persists. It is reinforced
by severe and ongoing economic hardships which make it imprudent
for musicians to criticise contemporary figures, for they are tomorrow’s
potential benefactors. As Dave indicates, it is a silence which allows
musicians to accommodate the political regimes and to manage their
lives in highly volatile contexts.73
From 1984 until 2008, under President Conté, the vast majority of the
music of the First Republic was never broadcast on Guinean radio. The
RTG employed censors who vetted recordings prior to broadcasting. It was
a practise initiated by Touré’s regime, and during Conté’s presidency it
rendered large parts of the audio collection to gather dust in the archives.
Songs which praised Touré, the PDG, its leadership, or its policies were taboo,
thus effectively silencing the music of the revolution. Though attempts by
the Conté government to rehabilitate the era and legacy of Touré commenced
in 1998,74 such actions were uncoordinated, low-key and sporadic. Efforts
to reconcile the Guinean nation with its past were far from a priority for
Conté’s government, whose descent into nepotism, corruption and the
drug trade has been well documented.75 Access to the National Archives
was unreliable and limited; its director explained to one researcher: “We
cannot allow the public to go leafing through these documents. Can you
imagine the kinds of social disruption this would cause? For the sake of
peace in Guinea, those documents must not be consulted”.76
As historical documents, the audio recordings of the RTG archives could
have provided a meaningful contribution to the rehabilitation process, but
for 25 years this did not occur. Rather, a silence was imposed whereby it
was politically expedient to erase the recordings from the cultural memory.
Little effort was directed towards the preservation of the audio materials,
which lay dormant in far from suitable conditions. Perhaps the RTG’s audio
archive was regarded by the authorities as a tinderbox, one that was so
72 Interview with Sékou “Bembeya” Diabaté in Banning Eyre, “Bembeya Jazz: Rebirth in
2002”, Rock Paper Scissors, 2002, http://www.rockpaperscissors.biz/index.cfm/fuseaction/
current.articles_detail/project_id/102/article_id/708.cfm
73 Dave, “The Politics of Silence”, p. 18.
74 Tierno Siradiou Bah, “Camp Boiro Internet Memorial”, Camp Boiro Memorial, 2012, http://
www.campboiro.org/cbim-documents/cbim_intro.html
75 Alexis Arieff and Nicolas Cook, “Guinea: Background and relations with the United
States”, Congressional Research Service Report 7-5700/R40703 (Washington, DC:
Congressional Research Service, 2010).
76 M. Coulibaly, cited in Arieff and McGovern, “‘History is Stubborn’”, p. 211.
566 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 17.9 The Radio Télévision Guinée (RTG) offices in Boulbinet, Conakry.
Photo by author, CC BY-NC-ND.
81 A complete catalogue of all archived materials from the RTG sound archive is available
at Radio Africa. http://www.radioafrica.com.au/RTG_catalogue.html
Music for a revolution 569
Fig. 17.11 Some of the audio reels were in urgent need of preservation.
Photo by author, CC BY-NC-ND.
570 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 17.12 Archiving the audio reels and creating digital copies.
Photo by author, CC BY-NC-ND.
86 Graeme Counsel, “The Music Archives of Guinea: Nationalism and its Representation
Under Sékou Touré”, paper presented at the 36th Conference of the African Studies
Association of Australasia and the Pacific, Perth, 26-28 November 2013, http://afsaap.org.
au/assets/graeme_counsel.pdf; and idem, Mande Popular Music and “Music for a Coup”.
87 EAP catalogue numbers Syliphone4-681-01 to Syliphone4-681-04.
Music for a revolution 573
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These early orchestra recordings reveal the strong influence of Cuban and
Caribbean music, with songs performed as mambos, meringues, pachangas,
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The greater part of the music archived by the EAP projects was recorded
at the Voix de la Révolution studios at the RTG, although a significant
number of live concert recordings were also archived. Of particular interest
are recordings of concert performances by Guinean orchestras, few of
which appeared on Syliphone discs due to the length of the performances
exceeding the practicalities of the vinyl medium. Among the concerts are
performances by the legendary Demba Camara, the lead singer of Bembeya
Jazz National, who died in 1973.99 Live concerts by Myriam Makeba are
also in evidence.100 All of Guinea’s 36 regional orchestras and eight national
orchestras are represented in the archive, with many recorded between
1967 and 1968.101 Recordings of orchestras of the post-Touré era are also
present, with numerous examples from groups such as Atlantic Mélodie,
Super Flambeau and Koubia Jazz.
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Performances in the modern styles, however, are not restricted to the large-scale
orchestras, with a wealth of material by smaller groups and popular artists present
in the collection. Of note are unreleased recordings by Kouyaté Sory Kandia,
recorded with a traditional ensemble.102 Mama Kanté, the powerful lead singer
of l’Ensemble Instrumental de Kissidougou, is known internationally by just one
track which appeared on Syliphone,103 yet the RTG archive contains dozens of
her recordings. One of Guinea’s most popular singers was Fodé Conté, an artist
who did not appear on a single Syliphone release. The RTG archive contains
over 100 of his recordings, including his last sessions before fleeing Guinea.104
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More than half of the recordings in the collection are examples of traditional
Guinean music. Many of these feature artists performing within the Maninka
griot tradition, such as Kadé Diawara and Tö Kouyaté, who were the lead
singers of the Ensemble Instrumental National. Instrumentalists such
as M’Bady Kouyaté, one of Guinea’s foremost kora players, are also well
represented. The Maninka material is augmented, however, by hundreds
of recordings from Guinea’s other ethnic groups, including music by Susu,
Guerzé, Kissi, Toma, Sankaran, Baga, Diakhankhé, Kônô, Wamey, Landouma,
Manon, Lokko, Lélé, Onëyan and Bassari performers. The archive contains
many unique recordings by these, and other, ethnic groups.
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Conclusion
The archiving of the audio collection held at Radio Télévision Guinée
represents one of the largest sound archival projects conducted in Africa. For
a generation, most of its 9,410 songs were considered too politically sensitive
to be broadcast and were hidden from public view. Interest in the recordings,
however, especially in the international market, had been growing, led by
a renewed awareness of the importance of the Syliphone recording label in
the development of African music, and of its symbolic role as the voice of
the Guinean revolution. To date, over fifty CDs of Syliphone material have
been released.108
107 Les Amazones de Guinée — Live at La Paillote (YouTube video), uploaded by Radio Africa,
29 January 2013, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NHIDKJqS57c
108 Graeme Counsel, “Syliphone Discography”, Radio Africa, 1999, http://www.radioafrica.
com.au/Discographies/Syliphone.html
580 From Dust to Digital
It is germane that the RTG’s audio collection is now available for the
Guinean public to access and for Guinean radio to broadcast, for it comes
at a time when Guinea is implementing democratic reforms and multi-party
government for the first time. The success of the EAP projects through
the cooperation of several Guinean ministries signals a willingness by the
government to engage with Guinea’s past, and to reconcile the political
aspirations and motivations of its leaders with those policies and practices
which had failed its citizens.
It is within this spirit of national reconciliation that the sound archive will
greatly contribute to our understanding of Guinea’s journey. For Guineans
it will demonstrate the tremendous value that their first government placed
on rejuvenating and promoting indigenous culture. It will also indicate the
extraordinary depth of talent of Guinea’s musicians, and it will remind us
all of the concerted efforts of a young nation to develop culture, to restore
pride and dignity to culture, and to promote African identity.
References
Adamolekun, Ladipo, Sékou Touré’s Guinea: An Experiment in Nation Building
(London: Methuen, 1976).
Anonymous, “Création en Guinée d’une régie d’édition et d’exploitation du disque
‘Syliphone’”, Horoya, 16 May 1968, p. 2.
—, “De la Révolution Culturelle”, Horoya, 30 August 1968, p. 2.
—, Annotations to Disque souvenir du Premier Festival National de la Culture. Conakry
– du 9 au 27 mars 1970. Folklores de Guinée (Syliphone, SLP 18, 1970).
—, “Guinea: September 28 Massacre was Premeditated”, Human Rights Watch, 27
October 2009, http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/10/27/guinea-september-28-
massacre-was-premeditated
Arieff, Alexis and Nicolas Cook, “Guinea: Background and Relations with the
United States”, Congressional Research Service Report 7-5700/R40703 (Washington,
DC: Congressional Research Service, 2010).
Arieff, Alexis and Mike McGovern, “‘History is Stubborn’: Talk about Truth, Justice
and National Reconciliation in the Republic of Guinea”, Comparative Studies in
Society and History, 55/1 (2013), 198-225.
Arnaud, Gérald, “Bembeya se réveille”, Africultures, 1 November 2002, http://www.
africultures.com/php/?nav=article&no=2626
Bah, Tierno Siradiou, “Camp Boiro Internet Memorial”, Camp Boiro Memorial, 2012,
http://www.campboiro.org/cbim-documents/cbim_intro.html
Browne, Don R., “Radio Guinea: A Voice of Independent Africa”, Journal of
Broadcasting, 7/2 (1963), 113-22.
Bureau Politique du Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution, Authenticité, l’Etat et le
parti au Zaïre (Zaïre: Institut Makanda Kabobi, 1977).
Camara, Mohamed Saliou, His Master’s Voice: Mass Communication and Single Party
Politics in Guinea under Sékou Touré (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2005).
—, Thomas O’Toole and Janice E. Baker, Historical Dictionary of Guinea, 5th edn
(Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2013).
Camara, Sékou, “Sékou Camara dit le Gros, membre-fondateur du Bembeya Jazz
National de Guinée”, interview by Awany Sylla, Africa Online, 20 December
1998, http://www.africaonline.co.ci/AfricaOnline/infos/lejour/1167CUL1.HTM
(accessed 28 June 2014 via Wayback Machine Archive).
Charry, Eric, Mande Music: Traditional and Modern Music of the Maninka and Mandinka
of Western Africa (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2000).
Charters, Samuel, The Roots of the Blues: An African Search (London: Quartet, 1982).
Cohen, Joshua, “Stages in Transition: Les Ballets Africains and Independence, 1959
to 1960”, Journal of Black Studies, 43/1 (2012), 11-48.
Collins, John, West African Pop Roots (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press,
1992).
Coolen, Michael T., “Senegambian Archetypes for the American Folk Banjo”,
Western Folklore, 43 (1984), 117-32.
582 From Dust to Digital
Eze, Michael Onyebuchi, The Politics of History in Contemporary Africa (New York:
Palgrave MacMillan, 2010).
Graham, Ronnie, Stern’s Guide to Contemporary African Music, 2 vols (London: Pluto
Press, 1988 and 1992).
Grant, Stephen H., “Léopold Sédar Senghor, former president of Senegal”, Africa
Report, 28/6 (1983), 61-64.
Guinean National Commission for UNESCO, “Cultural Policy in the Revolutionary
People’s Republic of Guinea”, in Studies and Documents on Cultural Policies, 51
(Paris: UNESCO, 1979).
Hale, Thomas A., Griots and Griottes: Masters of Words and Music (Gainesville, FL:
University of Florida Press, 1998).
Kaba, Lansiné, “The Cultural Revolution, Artistic Creativity, and Freedom of
Expression in Guinea”, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 14/2 (1976), 201-18.
Keita, Cheick M. Chérif, Outcast to Ambassador: The Musical Odyssey of Salif Keita
(Saint Paul, MN: Mogoya, 2011).
Khalil, Diaré Ibrahima, Annotations to Keletigui et ses Tambourinis, JRDA/Guajira
con tumbao (Syliphone, SLP 519, 1970).
Kourouma, Ibrahima, “Des productions artistiques à caractère utilitaire pour le
peuple”, Horoya, 14 September 1967, pp. 1-2.
Kubik, Gerhard, Africa and the Blues (Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi,
1999).
Lavaine, Bertrand, “Independence and Music: Guinea and Authenticity. A
Politicised Music Scene”, RFI Music, 3 May 2010, http://www.rfimusique.com/
musiqueen/articles/125/article_8351.asp
Makeba, Miriam, and Nomsa Mwamuka, Makeba: The Miriam Makeba Story
(Johannesburg: STE, 2010).
Mandel, Jean-Jacques, “Guinée: la long marche du blues Manding”, Taxiville, 1
(1986), 36-38.
Matera, Marc, “Pan-Africanism”, New Dictionary of the History of Ideas, 2005, http://
www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Pan-Africanism.aspx
Merriam, Alan P., “Music”, Africa Report, 13/2 (1968), 6.
Morel, Justin, Jr, Annotations to Camayenne Sofa, A grand pas (Syliphone, SLP 56,
c. 1976).
Niane, Djibril Tamsir, “Some Revolutionary Songs of Guinea”, Presence Africaine, 29
(1960), 101-15.
Rivière, Claude, Guinea: The Mobilization of a People, trans. by Virginia Thompson
and Richard Adloff (London: Cornell University Press, 1977).
Sampson, Aaron, “Hard Times at the National Library”, Nimba News, 22 August
2002, pp. 1 and 6.
Schachter, Ruth, “French Guinea’s RDA Folk Songs”, West African Review, 29
(August 1958), 673-81.
Schachter Morgenthau, Ruth, Political Parties in French-Speaking West Africa (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1964).
584 From Dust to Digital
Archival materials
Syliphone2-028-01 – Syliphone2-028-07. Bembeya Jazz National, 1973.
Syliphone2-038-01 – Syliphone2-038-04. Ismaila Diabaté, 1960.
Syliphone2-052-01 – Syliphone2-052-04. Kébendo Jazz, 1964.
Syliphone2-053-01 – Syliphone2-053-05. Orchestre de la Brigade Féminine, 1964.
Syliphone2-060-01 – Syliphone2-060-06. Orchestre de la Paillote, 1963.
Syliphone2-064-02 – Syliphone2-064-03. Kébendo Jazz, 1964.
Syliphone2-067-01 – Syliphone2-067-06. Orchestre de la Garde Républicaine - 1ère
Formation, 1964.
Syliphone2-068-01 – Syliphone2-068-07. Orchestre Honoré Coppet, 1963.
Syliphone3-042-01 – Syliphone3-042-05. Kouyaté Sory Kandia, c. 1973.
Syliphone3-091-01 – Syliphone3-091-05. Kemo Kouyaté, 1977.
Syliphone3-213-06 – Syliphone3-213-10. Orchestre Féminin de Mamou, 1970.
Syliphone3-248-01 – Syliphone3-248-11. Syli Orchestre National, c. 1962.
Syliphone4-007-01 – Syliphone4-007-06. Orchestre de la Garde Républicaine, 1964.
Syliphone4-047-01 – Syliphone4-047-04. Virtuoses Diabaté, c. 1973.
Syliphone4-105-01 – Syliphone4-105-06. Orchestre de la Garde Républicaine - 1ère
Formation, 1963.
Music for a revolution 585
Discography
African Journey: A Search for the Roots of the Blues. Volumes 1 and 2 (Sonet, SNTF
666/7, 1974).
Authenticité: The Syliphone Years. Guinea’s Orchestres Nationaux and Fédéraux 1965-
1980 (Sterns, STCD 3025-26, 2007).
Balla et ses Balladins, Fadakuru (Syliphone, SLP 47, 1975).
Balla et ses Balladins, Soumbouyaya (Syliphone, SLP 2, c. 1967).
Balla et ses Balladins: The Syliphone Years (Sterns, STCD 3035-36, 2008).
Bembeya Jazz National, Sabor de guajira (Syliphone, SYL 503, c. 1968).
Bembeya Jazz National, Regard sur le passé (Syliphone, SLP 10, c. 1969).
Bembeya Jazz National: The Syliphone Years. Hits and Rare Recordings (Sterns, STCD
3029-30, 2007)
Keletigui et ses Tambourinis, Kesso/Chiquita (Syliphone, SYL 513, c. 1970).
Keletigui et ses Tambourinis: The Syliphone Years (Sterns, STCD 3031-32, 2009).
Kouyaté Sory Kandia (Syliphone, SLP 12, 1970).
Mama Kanté and l’Ensemble Instrumental et Vocal de Kissidougou, Simika
(Syliphone, SLP 29, 1971).
Orchestre de la Garde Républicaine, Tara (Syliphone, SLP 6, c. 1967).
Pivi et les Balladins, Manta lokoka (Syliphone, SYL 549, 1972).
Quintette Guinéenne, Massané Cissé (Syliphone, SLP 54, c. 1976).
586 From Dust to Digital
Jane Lewisohn
The Golha (“Flowers of Persian Song and Music”) radio programmes broadcast
on Iranian National Radio for 23 years from 1956 through 1979 comprised
approximately 850 hours of programmes. They were made up of literary
commentary with the declamation of poetry, and featured singing with musical
accompaniment interspersed with solo musical pieces. The programmes
were the brainchild of Davud Pirnia, a one-time Assistant Prime Minister,
enthusiastic patriot and scholar who harboured a deep love for Persian
culture and its rich literary and musical traditions.2
The foremost literary, academic and musical talents of the day offered
Pirnia their collaboration and support, and the greatest Iranian vocalists of
the twentieth century saw their careers launched on his radio programmes.3
1 The transliteration in this chapter is based on a modified version of the LOC transliteration
system for Persian, without diacritical marks, combined with the system for Persian used
by the third edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. Please refer to http://www.golha.
co.uk/en/about/transliteration#.VLT1Wt7hWqM
2 Davud Pirnia was the son of Mushir al-Dawla (d. 1935), a very popular Prime Minister
who flourished during the constitutional period in Iran. He retired from political life in
1955, and for the next eleven years devoted himself to producing the Golha programmes.
Pirnia received his early education at home from some of the most eminent intellectuals
of the day. He went on to study at the French École St. Louis in Tehran, later going to
Switzerland to study Law. Personal communication from Bizhan Pirnia (son of Davud
Pirnia), Tehran, 12 September 2005. See also Mansura Pirnia, Ardashir Zahidi, farzand-i
khanadan-i Zahidi va Pirnia: afkar va andisha, ravayat-i Ardashir Zahidi (North Potomac,
MD: Mehr Iran, 2004), pp. 36-38. For an overview of Pirnia’s life and times, see Jane
Lewisohn, “Flowers of Persian Song and Music: Davud Pirniā and the Genesis of the
Golhā Programs”, Journal of Persianate Studies, 1 (2008), 79-101.
3 Scholars and poets such as ‘Ali Dashti, Badi‘ al-Zaman Furuzanfar, Jalal-al-Din Huma’i,
Lutf-‘Ali Suratgar, Zia’-al-Din Sajjadi and Rahi Mu‘ayyiri provided commentaries for the
Fig. 18.1 Davud Pirnia (on the right) and Rahi Mu’ayyiri (on the left) at the radio in
Tehran, c. 1950. Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
Fig. 18.2 Parviz Yahaqqi (on the right) and Bijan Taraqqi (on the left)
composing a song for the Golha programmes. Tehran, late 1950s.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
Fig. 18.3 Rahim Moini-Kermanshahi (on the right) and ‘Ali Tajvidi (on the left)
composing a song for the Golha programmes. Tehran, mid-1950s.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
590 From Dust to Digital
Besides having such a rich pool of talent at his fingertips, Pirnia had the
support of the Director of the Iranian National Radio (1950-1960s), Nusratu’llah
Mu‘iniyan, who transformed the radio from a commercial advertising platform
for entertainers and a parking place for relatives of political elites into a respected
and influential vehicle for the preservation and promotion of Persian culture.4 The
Golha programmes became bywords of excellence in the sphere of Persian music
and literature, setting standards that are still looked up to in Iran today; scholars
and musicians often refer to them as being an encyclopaedia of Persian music
and poetry.5 Most of the great ballads and classic songs in contemporary Persian
poetry were commissioned and composed specifically for these programmes.6
Pirnia produced five different radio programmes: “Perennial Flowers”
(Golha-yi javidan, up to 157), “Particoloured Flowers” (Golha-yi rangarang, 481),
“A Green Leaf” (Barg-i sabz, 312), “A Single Rose” (Yik shakh-i gol, 465) and
“Desert Flowers” (Golha-yi sahra’i, 64).7 Each featured choice selections from
4 On the basis of interviews that I conducted with the nay-player Hasan Nahid, the poet and
radio producer Hushang Ibtehaj, the female vocalist Sima Bina, as well as information
gleaned from the personal archive of Mahmud Zulfunun, it is clear that all the participants
in the Golha programmes — whether singers, composers, musicians, conductors, poets
or lyricists — were under contract to the National Radio. Their contracts varied between
being commissioned to perform in a set number of programmes, or present a certain
number of programmes monthly. Participants and performers were paid either upon the
delivery or performance of a certain song or poem, or, in the case of a monthly contracts,
at the end of the period. The notes and lyrics for the songs along with a copy of the
programme were then deposited and preserved in the central Radio Tehran archive.
For further information on this, see Anonymous, “Yek tahavvul dar tarikh-i Radio ya
pardakht fi al-majlis”, Majalla-i Radio – Radio-yi Tihran: Nashriyya-i idara-i kull-i intisharat-i
Radio, 2 (Mehr 1335 A.Hsh./1956), 3-4.
5 Humayun Khurram, “Ghugha-yi sitaragan”, Farhang u pazhuhish, Vizha-yi hunar
(Musiqi), [Culture and Research Magazine: Special Issue on Art (Music)], 198 (13 Murdad
1384 A.Hsh./4 August 2005), 20-21.
6 We’ll mention here only a few such famous “hit” songs: Raftam (lyrics: Navab Safa;
composer: ‘Ali Tajvidi; singer: Hayida), http://www.golha.co.uk/en/programme/1485#.
VBq2n0vxaqM; May-i nab (lyrics: Hafiz; composer: Ruhu’llah Khaliqi; singer: Banan and
Puran), http://www.golha.co.uk/en/programme/1269#.VBq3I0vxaqM; Nava-yi nay or
Bang-i nay (lyrics: Rahi Mu’ayyiri; composer: Murtaza Mahjubi; arrangement Ruhu’llah
Khaliqi singer: Banan), http://www.golha.co.uk/en/programme/1338#.VBq3fkvxaqM;
Sang-i khara (lyrics: Mu’ini Kirmanshahi; composer: ‘Ali Tajvidi; singer: Marziya),
http://www.golha.co.uk/en/programme/1264#.VBq3uUvxaqM; Sariban (lyrics:
Sa’di, composer: Javad Ma’rufi; singer: ‘Abdul-Wahab Shahidi), http://www.golha.
co.uk/en/programme/1272#.VBq4CkvxaqM; Baz-amad (lyrics: Mu’ini Kirmanshahi;
composer: Javad Ma’rufi; singer: Ilahi), http://www.golha.co.uk/en/programme/1316#.
VBq4RUvxaqM; Ghurub-i kuhistan (lyrics: Jahanbakhsh Pazuki; arrangement: Javad
Ma’rufi; singer: Nahid Da’i-javad), http://www.golha.co.uk/en/programme/399#.
VBq4kkvxaqM ; Man-i bidil (lyrics: Rahi Mu’ayyiri; composer: Murtaza Mahjubi singer:
Marziya). See Habibu’llah Nasirifar, Golha-yi javidan va Golha-yi rangarang (Tehran:
Intisharat-i Nigar, 1982 A.Hsh./2003), 15-17.
7 The Golha programmes are available at http://eap.bl.uk/database/results.a4d?
projID=EAP088
Conservation of the Iranian Golha radio programmes 591
the lyrics of the great classical and contemporary Persian poets, combining
song and declamation with musical accompaniment, learned commentary
and Persian folk music.
To listen to this piece online scan the QR code or follow this link:
http://www.openbookpublishers.com/media/978-1-78374-062-8/Golha-yi-javidan
To listen to this piece online scan the QR code or follow this link:
http://www.openbookpublishers.com/media/978-1-78374-062-8/Golha-yi-rangarang
To listen to this piece online scan the QR code or follow this link:
http://www.openbookpublishers.com/media/978-1-78374-062-8/Barg-i-sabz
18.4 Yik shakh-i gol 196, broadcast between 1956 and 1972.
To listen to this piece online scan the QR code or follow this link:
http://www.openbookpublishers.com/media/978-1-78374-062-8/Yik-shakh-i-gol
To listen to this piece online scan the QR code or follow this link:
http://www.openbookpublishers.com/media/978-1-78374-062-8/Golha-yi-sahrai
Fig. 18.4 Vigin Derderian, one of the most popular pop singers from the 1950s.
He sang several Armenian tunes for the Golha programmes.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
10 One typical example of this attitude appears in a letter (dated 11 July 1931) written by
the director of the Tehran branch of His Master’s Voice record company to their head
office in London, encouraging them to expand their operations in Iran, which states:
“the Persian Government considers that the two great factors for the popularisation of
modern education are the cinema and the phonograph” (His Master’s Voice’s Archives
for Persia, housed in EMI Group Archive Trust, Hayes, Middlesex, UK). Abbas Milani
likewise describes how “the government [of Iran under Reza Shah] was firmly supportive
of Vaziri’s efforts [at modernising Persian music]. Some of his songs became a mandatory
part of the curriculum in all schools, and the government paid for the publication of his
three-volume magnum opus, The Theory of Music. Abbas Milani, Eminent Persians: the
Men and Women Who Made Modern Iran, 1941-1979, 2 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University
Press, 2008), p. 1032. See also Keivan Aghamohseni, “Modernisation of Iranian Music
During the Reign of Reza Shah”, in Culture and Cultural Politics Under Reza Shah: The
Pahlavi State, New Bourgeoisie and the Creation of a Modern Society in Iran, ed. by Bianca
Devos and Christoph Werner (London: Routledge, 2014), 73-94.
11 Willem Floor, The History of Theater in Iran (Washington, DC: Mage, 2005), 197; M. Ali
Issari, Cinema in Iran, 1900-1979 (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1989), pp. 63-64.
12 “Emancipation of women was one of Reza Shah’s most effective weapons in diminishing
the power of the clergy who had traditionally exerted a great deal of power over women’s
lives and their freedoms”. Hamideh Sedghi, Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling,
and Reveiling (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 66.
13 Sipihri, “Radiyu dar 20 sal [20 Years of Radio]”, Radio-yi Iran, 32 (1338 A.Hsh./1959), 3-5.
594 From Dust to Digital
of these broadcasts featured both male and female vocal and performing
artists.14 Certain events in the external political sphere also had a huge
impact on the artistic scene in Iran at this time. At the height of World War
II, after refusing to break his ties with Nazi Germany, Reza Shah abdicated
in September 1941 in favour of his young son Muhammad Reza Pahlavi.
On the pretext of defending and supplying the Russian front against the
German invasion, the Allies took complete control of Iran.15 Although this
was a period of great economic hardship for the general public in Iran,16 new
theatres were opened and musical concerts thrived due to a general lack of
censorship and the fact that the Allies supported this kind of entertainment
in order to win favour with the Persian people.17
During World War II and its aftermath, popular foreign styles began to
exert their influence on Persian music and performance art in general. Western,
Arabic, Turkish and Indian influences began to affect the development of
Persian music. As a result, the native classical “art music” of Iran came
under threat of disappearing or becoming so distorted as to be no longer
recognisable.18 Compounding this crisis of survival of Persian classical
music was the taboo against the performance of serious art music in public,
since “the predominant trend in Islamic culture was anti-musical … When
music was practiced at all it was directly in the face of social and religious
disapproval”.19
14 Tooka Maliki, Zanan-i musiqi-yi Iran: az ustura ta imruz (Tehran: Kitab-i Khurshid, 1381
A.Hsh./2002), p. 227.
15 Donald N. Wilber, Iran: Past and Present (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1967),
pp. 105-06.
16 Interview with Iranian historian Bastani Parizi, Tehran, 13 December 2007.
17 Floor observes that “during World War II, theater and concerts thrived as the young
Shah was weak and the Allies didn’t mind criticism if it was not directed at them. The
Allies also supported local cultural activities in order to gain the support of the people.”
Floor, The History of Theater in Iran, p. 263.
18 Ella Zonis’s description of the situation a decade later in Iran is applicable to this period as
well: “Once again, as in the time of her contact with ancient Greece, Persia is undergoing
heavy cultural pressure from the West. This has greatly stimulated musical activity,
and the long quiescence that preserved Persia’s centuries old music has come to an end.
However the danger exists here, as it does all over Asia, that native art music either will
be replaced by Western Music or will be so westernized as to lose all connection with the
native tradition”. Ella Zonis, “Contemporary Art Music in Persia”, The Musical Quarterly,
51 (1965), 636-48 (p. 647).
19 Zonis points out that “the most devout [Iranian Muslims] rejected music […] The effect of
the religious prohibition has considerable impact on musical life. On religious holidays
(most of which are days of mourning for the death of martyrs such as Ali, Hasan and
Hussein, early Imams of Islam), there is no music on the radio and no public musical
events or rehearsals, even if these are days on which other sorts of business take place.
There appears to be a strong feeling on the part of the populace that even rehearsals
Conservation of the Iranian Golha radio programmes 595
should not be held; for example, some musicians (of Western music) have told me that
while they themselves had no objection to rehearsing on at least minor holidays, they did
not like to be seen carrying a musical instrument in public. Similarly, on such holidays
the music department of the University of Tehran is closed, while other departments
hold classes” (ibid., 637). See also similar comments in Bruno Nettl, “Attitudes Towards
Persian Music in Tehran, 1969”, The Musical Quarterly, 56/2 (1970), 183-97.
20 Hamid Raja’i, “Ali Naghi Vaziri: pidar-i musiqi-yi nuvin-i Iran”, in Guzarish-i musiqi
[Music Report], I/6-7 (Tehran 1386 /A.Hsh.2007), 64-68. See also Milani, 2, p. 1033.
21 Sasan Sapanta, Chishmandaz-i musiqi-yi Iran (Tehran: Mahur, 2004), p. 185; and Floor, p. 239.
22 By “Musaddiq crisis”, I refer to the events of the summer of 1953 during which an oil
embargo on Iran was imposed by the British. In a coup orchestrated by Britain and the
U.S. intelligence services, Prime Minister Muhammad Musaddiq (who had nationalised
the Iranian oil industry) was overthrown and deposed, and Muhammad Reza Pahlavi
returned to the throne. See Homa Katouzian, The Persians: Ancient, Medieval and Modern
Iran (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), pp. 245-52.
23 Iraj Parsinejad, A History of Literary Criticism in Iran (1866-1951) (Bethesda, MD: Ibex,
2003), pp. 41 and 59.
596 From Dust to Digital
On the public institutional level, there were several organisations that had
a lasting impact on the development of Persian music in the nineteenth and
24 See M. A. Jazayery, “Ahmad Kasravi and the Controversy Over Persian Poetry. Part 2:
The Debate on Persian Poetry between Kasravi and His Opponents”, International Journal
of Middle Eastern Studies, 13/3 (1981), 311-27.
25 Davud Pirnia’s son, Bijan Pirnia, told me a story that on returning from a visit to the
home of his friend Mr. Vusuqi, his father decided that he had to do something to combat
the ongoing corruption of Persian music and literary traditions. Shortly after that, he
inaugurated the Golha-yi Javidan series of radio programmes. Interview with Bijan Pirnia,
Tehran, Iran, 12 September 2005.
26 See Ruhu’llah Khaleqi, “Hadaf va ravesh-i majalla”, Majalla-yi chang, 1 (1325 A.Hsh./1946),
3; and idem, “Yek pishnehad-i mofid”, Majalla-yi chang, 2 (1325 A.Hsh./1946), 3. See also
Majalla-yi musiq and Majalla-yi musiqi (Tehran: 1956-1966), passim; and Nettl, “Attitudes”,
pp. 183-97.
27 Mushir Humayun Shahrdar, “Qadamha-i kih barayi bihbud-i musiqi-yi Irani Radio
bardashta shuda-ast”, Majala-yi Radio, 1 (Shahrivar 1335 A.Hsh./1956), 13.
Conservation of the Iranian Golha radio programmes 597
early twentieth centuries. The first of these was the Dar al-Funun (Technical
College) in Tehran, founded in 1868, in which Alfred Jean-Baptiste Lemaire
taught music classes that were largely devoted to providing the Iranian army
with a grounding in military music.28 Secondly, there was the Advanced
School for Music Studies (Madrasa-yi ‘ali-yi musiqi), founded by Colonel
‘Ali-Naghi Vaziri in 1923. Thirdly came the National Conservatory of Music
(Hunarestan-i musiqi-yi milli), founded by Ruhu’llah Khaliqi in 1949, and
fourthly the Centre for the Preservation and Promotion of Music (Markaz-i
hifz va ashaya-yi musiqi), founded by Daryush Safwat in 1968.29
Fig. 18.5 Ali Akbar Shanazi teaching his pupil Pirayeh Pourafar
at the Centre for the Preservation and Promotion of Music in Tehran, in 1977.
Courtesy of Pirayeh Pourafar, Public Domain.
28 Even before Lemaire, wax cylinder recordings and phonograph records had made it
possible for people to listen to quality professional music, whether western or Persian.
However, these were luxury items only to be found in well-to-do households. A
phonograph player would have cost about £1,500 in today’s money and each record
would have cost the equivalent of £20. See Sasan Sapanta, Tarikh-i tahavvul-i zabt-i musiqi
dar Iran (Tehran: Mahur, 1998), p. 67.
29 Owen Wright, Touraj Kiaras and Persian Classical Music: An Analytical Perspective (London:
Ashgate, 2009), pp. 3-4.
598 From Dust to Digital
30 During the Reza Shah period, censorship was tightened and cultural activities that
did not support the drive towards modernisation were banned. Satire was tolerated,
but only if it was directed towards the discredited Qajar regime. Armenian theatrical
performances were banned in 1927. As Floor argues, “The majority of the population
was poor and could not afford the luxury of the price of a ticket to benefit the football
club and other elite institutions” (pp. 258-59).
31 Interview with Shahrdar that was re-broadcast on Islamic Rebublic of Iran Broadcasting
(IRIB) on 25 August 1999.
32 On these events, see Katouzian, pp. 245-52.
Conservation of the Iranian Golha radio programmes 599
Fig. 18.6 Ghulam Hosain Banan (on the left) and Navab-Safa (on the right)
working on a song for the Golha programmes. Tehran, late 1950s.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
It is at this juncture that Pirnia began his work with the radio and inaugurated
the Golha programmes. Around the same time, Nusratu’llah Mu‘iniyan was
33 The following description by Nettl of the situation a decade or so later was by and
large typical of the 1940s-1950s as well: “Western popular music is performed both by
Iranian and foreign performers in nightclubs in Tehran of the same sort that one finds in
large European and American cities. The language of the singing was normally English,
French, or Italian. Popular music in the various Persian styles ... is most typically heard
in large music halls which in Tehran are concentrated in one district whose center is
Lalezar Avenue. These music halls, in contrast to the modern night clubs, are patronized
almost exclusively by men and each of them has a cliental by an occupation”. Bruno
Nettl, “Persian Popular Music in Iran 1969”, Ethnomusicology, 16/2 (1972), 218-39.
34 Interview with Nikukar, Los Angeles, U.S., 25 July 2010. Nikukar was one of the original
sound technicians employed by the National Radio from the 1940s down to the early
1980s.
600 From Dust to Digital
appointed Director of the Radio. A man with refined tastes in classical Persian
music and literature, he completely overhauled the whole organisation,
changing it from a chaotic, shady institution into a highly disciplined,
efficient and respectable one that even began to generate income through
advertising.35 With the help of President Harry Truman’s “Point Four
Program”, designed to give technical assistance to developing countries
recovering from the devastating effects of World War II, the Iranian National
Radio, better known as “Radio Tehran”, was able to make much-needed
technological improvements like the building of professional sound studios
and the installation of modern recording and broadcasting equipment.36
Pirnia’s personal prestige as a scion of a famous former Prime Minister,
and his literary and musical genius in designing these high quality radio
programmes, combined with Mu‘iniyan’s disciplined restructuring of the radio
organisation and brilliant managerial talents, proved immediately effective.
When the major artists and great maestros, virtuosos and divas who left in
disillusionment a few years earlier were invited back to perform, they gladly
accepted.37 Soon the radio became a favourite medium for introducing serious
Persian music to the nation. In the words of Farhad Fakhradini, composer,
conductor and founder of the Iranian National Orchestra:
The Golha programmes were the most successful radio programmes produced
in Iran those days […] The programmes made people appreciate music much
more and attracted people to good music, and developed the populace’s taste
and appreciation for classical Persian music. All the artists who participated
in the creation of the Golha programmes, such as Abu’l-Hasan Saba, Murtaza
Mahjubi, Tajvidi, Davud Pirnia and Rahi Mu‘ayyeri, were people of high
culture and extraordinary individuals. It should be emphasised that we
didn’t have any other entertainment besides the radio in those days. One
might go to the movies once a week, but there was no TV for us to watch. We
would turn on the radio, and the best programme of all at the time was the
programme of “Perennial Flowers” (Golha-yi javidan), after which came that
of “Particoloured Flowers” (Golha-yi rangarang). At the start, Messrs. Tajvidi,
Mahjubi, and Saba worked on these programmes. They were soon followed
by Ruhu’llah Khaliqi, who had a good-sized ensemble, and who was, in fact,
himself the founder-director of the Golha Orchestra.38
One of the biggest effects of the Golha was to immortalise the names of any
artist who performed in them. […] Ask anyone today involved in Persian
music in any capacity what the best exemplar of Persian music is – they will
invariably reply: “the Golha programmes”. The Golha had their own particular
inimitable fragrance which makes their place in the history of Persian music
irreplaceable. … In Persian literature, we have grandees such as Hafez, Sa‘di
and Rumi, but the Golha programmes introduced the public to poets of all the
ages. Anyone who bothered to assemble a collection the Golha programmes in
their home also necessarily collected the works of most of the Persian poets.40
Fig. 18.7 Akbar Golpaygani (on the left) and Farhang Sharif (on the right)
in the late 1960s. Courtesy of Alireza Mirnaghabi, Public Domain.
influences, so that even today the Golha programmes are still cherished among
the populace at large.41
The quality and sophistication of the Golha raised the bar for all other radio
programmes, and helped to bring about what many refer to as the “Golden
Age of Iranian Radio”, a period that lasted a little over a decade from 1954
to 1967. After this time, public radio and television merged into a single
organisation: the National Iranian Radio and Television (NIRT).
To listen to this piece online scan the QR code or follow this link:
http://www.openbookpublishers.com/media/978-1-78374-062-8/Golha-yi-taza
Fig. 18.8 Left to right: Shaf’i Kadkani, Hushang Ebtehaj and Bastani Parizi.
They were all poets whose work was featured in the Golha programmes, c. 1970.
Courtesy of Alireza Mirnaghibi, Public Domain.
In both respects he was quite successful, gathering all the best musicians
around him to produce the Golha programmes. Beyond these programmes, we
didn’t hear much other music of high quality. There was some popular music
being broadcast, but since it started at a level suitable to the masses, it soon
degenerated into cheap music of the lowest quality. The Golha programmes
played a very important role in the development of the musical and literary
culture of Iran during the particular historical moment that they appeared.
The Golha programmes were not without faults – faults that we can see plainly
now with hindsight. That is to say, there were some things missing and other
things that could have been added to or improved on – but at that time there
was nothing better around. One could say that the Golha programmes were
the very best our culture had to offer the world. In his day, Mr Pirnia made
the best possible imaginable contribution to Persian music.
606 From Dust to Digital
After experiencing the impact of the Golha programmes, looking back now
in retrospect, we can recognise their faults and shortcomings in light of what
subsequently came after them. But at the time when the Golha programmes
were broadcast, all the participants were of the highest calibre and they enjoyed
a very high place and were held in high esteem by the greater public.48
I have given such a long quotation from Ibtehaj because he was one of the
main advocates of the neoclassical movement (bazgasht) in Persian music. In
his capacity as the producer of the Golha-yi Taza programmes in the 1970s,
this great modern Persian poet had aimed to revive styles of Persian music
performed before the introduction of western musical notation by Colonel
Vaziri. Despite the fact that many followers of the bazgasht movement
criticised the Golha programmes for including western elements of harmony,
polyphony and counterpoint, as well as other “innovations” in some of its
ballads and orchestral pieces, Ibtehaj’s remarks clearly indicate that the Golha
programmes were nonetheless still largely understood as a force for the
preservation of traditionally “native Iranian” values and “classical Persian”
music in all their authenticity.
Fig. 18.9 Mohammad Reza Lutfi (on the left) and Hushang Ebtehaj (on the right)
in the mid-1970s. Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
National Radio, related how popular the Golha became throughout Iran. His
office typically received thousands of letters from Golha fans every week,
many of whom requested copies of various poems they had heard on a
particular programme. Although it was impossible to answer them all, the
committee devoted two centre pages of the Radio-yi Iran monthly journal to
publishing the transcripts of the Golha-yi Javidan and the Golha-yi Rangarang
programmes.49
Fig. 18.10 Text of the Golha-yi javidan and Golha-yi rangarang programmes printed in
the Radio-yi Iran journal. Majala-yi Radio, 16-17 (1335 A.Hsh./1956), Public Domain.
The standards of the Golha were so high that all the musicians and singers
wanted to participate in them,50 and many of them became famous due to
their participation.51 Everyone knew that Pirnia did not invite just anybody
to participate in the Golha, and that he chose the participants according to
their artistic merits, not because of the strings they could pull for him or in
return for favours.52 Due to Pirnia’s personal integrity, reputation and the
quality and sophistication of the programmes, the musicians and singers in
the Golha programmes soon acquired a social “star” status and respect that
helped in turn to elevate the status of musicians and singers in the eyes of
the general public in Iran. ‘Abd al-Hamid Ishraq, one of the editors of the
journal Musik-i Iran (Iran Music Magazine),53 explained to me that in 1953,
when he was a young man, he was quite an accomplished musician who
played the tar in the National Radio’s orchestra with well-known performers
like Dardashti, Muluk Zarrabi and Bahram Siyah. This was a few years
before the inauguration of the Golha programmes. Despite his talent, he was
discouraged from playing music by the merciless taunting and mockery of
passers-by: when they saw him waiting for the bus with his tar in hand, they
would ridicule him so much that he abandoned playing music altogether.
However, once the Golha programmes hit the airwaves, public attitudes
shifted dramatically, such that music suddenly became a respectable, even
envied profession to pursue.54
Mashhad at that time. I actually wanted to come and participate in the Golha programmes
and to work with their musicians. I was a high school teacher at that time. I struggled to
get myself transferred to work in Tehran. However, my main aim was to work with the
Golha musicians – artists such as Mr. ‘Ibadi, Mr. Shahnaz, Mr. Badi‘i and Majd. So with
great difficulty, I got myself transferred to Tehran. I was still teaching in high school
when I began singing in the Golha programmes”.
51 Interview with Gulpayagani.
52 Parviz Yahaqqi notes that “Mr. Pirnia never allowed himself to be influenced by anyone
when it came to the Golha. It wouldn’t matter if his father, mother or even the Shah
recommended someone for participation in the Golha. If he did not think their talents
were up to the standard of the Golha, he would not accept them”. Interview with Parviz
Yahaqqi Tehran, Iran, 9 September 2005. Yahaqqi, who died in 2012, was one of Iran’s
major violin virtuosos and a composer for the Golha programmes.
53 This was a monthly journal published between 1952-1963, produced by Bahman Hirbud,
and edited by ‘Ali Reza Rashidi and ‘Abd al-Hamid Ishraq.
54 ‘Abd al-Hamid Ishraq notes that “Everyone in the Radio was jealous of the popularity
of Mr. Pirnia and the Golha programmes. Everyone wanted to be in them. Yet he insisted
on focusing on the general quality of the Golha programmes and hardly gave the time of
day to anyone who did not have talent. There were some singers like Bahram Siyah who,
although had a good number of fans, were disappointed not to be chosen for the Golha.
There were many other singers who tried to gain admittance among the performers on
the Golha programmes, but Pirnia, who placed great emphasis on a singer’s ability to
convey both the poetic meaning and the rhythmical ambience of the poems, wouldn’t
accept them. And he was right—not everyone was up to that”. Interview with ‘Abd
al-Hamid Ishraq, Paris, France, 30 May 2008. Ishraq is an architect and historian of
Iranian music.
Conservation of the Iranian Golha radio programmes 609
55 All that existed was the article by Daryush Pirnia and Erik Nakjavani, “Golhā,
Barnāma-yi”, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, 16 vols (New York: Encyclopaedia Iranica
Foundation, 2003), 11, pp. 92-95.
56 Ameneh Youssefzadeh, “The Situation of Music in Iran since the Revolution: The Role of
Official Organizations”, British Journal of Ethnomusicology, 9/2 (2000), 35-61 (p. 39).
610 From Dust to Digital
Fig. 18.11 Faramarz Payvar (on the left) and Hosain Tehrani (on the right),
at the Tomb of Hafiz, Shiraz Arts Festival, c. 1970.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
During the same trip, I established contacts with several of Davud Pirnia’s sons,
and some of his closest collaborators and friends, including Bijan Faraz and
Mu‘in Afshar. I also contacted — and in many cases interviewed — eminent
Iranian musicologists and leading figures in the field of Persian music, such
as Daryush Safwat, Shahin Farhat, Habibu’llah Nasirifar, Shahrukh Nadiri,
Muhammad Sarir, Sa‘id Mir-‘Ali Naqi, Fatima Va‘izi (Parisa), Khatim Asghari
and Pari Banan.57 Out of these conversations emerged some 28 hours of taped
interviews, from which I learned that many private individuals as well as
several institutions possessed substantial collections of the Golha programmes.
Collecting and digitising the entire archive of the Golha programmes
now became a distinct possibility. I also discovered that there were four
private collectors with major collections of Persian music including the
Golha programmes, as well as phonograph records and recordings of private
performances. Four of these collectors had had a personal or professional
relationship with Pirnia. It was Pirnia’s custom to supply recordings to
57 The wife of Ghulum Husayn Banan, one of the original singers in the Golha programmes.
Conservation of the Iranian Golha radio programmes 611
friends who admired a certain Golha programme and provided their own
blank tapes.58
Fig. 18.12 Left to right: Turaj Nigahban, Gulshan Ibrahimi and Humayun Khuram.
Courtesy of Forugh Bahmanpour, Public Domain.
58 Interview with Mu‘in Afshar, Tehran, Iran, 28 September 2005. Afshar was a colleague
and personal friend of Pirnia, who had produced the Barnama-yi kudak [“Children’s
Programme”] at Tehran Radio.
59 EAP088: The Golha radio programmes (Flowers of Persian Song and Poetry), http://eap.
bl.uk/database/overview_project.a4d?projID=EAP088
60 Three major collections in Tehran have been digitised. One, the collection of Gulshan
612 From Dust to Digital
in Iran, France, Germany, Canada and the United States (whose names are
unfortunately too many to mention here) generously shared the recordings
held in their personal archives with the project. In May 2008, the entire digital
archive accompanied by a complete index of the Golha programmes was
delivered to and deposited in the British Library’s World Sound Archive.
Ibrahimi, an amateur musician who enjoyed collegial relationships with all the leading
musicians of his time is preserved in the Museum of Music. The other, the collection of
Murtaza ‘Abdu’l-Rasuli, a master calligrapher, a friend of Pirinia and all the major musicians
and literary figures of the day, is preserved in the House of Music. The third major
collection was compiled at the same time as the broadcasting of the Golha programmes by
Mr Mahmudi, a railroad employee with a passion for music collecting. He was a friend of
Pirnia and would receive from him copies of the Golha programmes. His archive remains in
private hands. There was also a fourth collection belonged to Ahmad Mihran whose house
was a favourite gathering place for all the musicians and singers as well as the poets. It
contained not only recordings from the radio, but also recordings of private performances
of his friends, recorded in his home. Unfortunately, his archive did not survive his death.
Concerning the Mihran Archive, see Furugh Bahmanpur, Cheraha-yi mundagar-i taranaha va
musiqi, 1 (Tehran: Javidan, 1382 A.Hsh./2003), 108-11.
61 Occasionally, due to sickness or accident, a performing artist did not appear in studio.
Consequently, numbered programmes whose recording had been pre-planned were
postponed to a later date. If such a programme was never rescheduled and recorded by
the producer, its number remained blank.
62 In this task I was graciously assisted by many lovers of the Golha programmes. I remain
in the debt of Sayyid ‘Ali Reza Darbandi’s research, both published and unpublished,
as well as his many private communications. See his Golha-yi taza: pazhuhishi dar siri-yi
barnamaha-yi Golha-yi taza (Tehran: Nashr-i Paykan, 1384 A.Hsh./2005).
Conservation of the Iranian Golha radio programmes 613
63 http://www.golha.co.uk
614 From Dust to Digital
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In Russia many old sound recordings remain hidden in archives and in private
collections where the quality of preservation is not guaranteed. This chapter
presents the results of two projects concerning the safeguarding and preservation
of endangered-language sound recordings in Russia, and discusses several
other endeavours relating to these historical materials. We focus on the activities
and outcomes of our Endangered Archives Projects, EAP089: Reconstruction
of sound materials of endangered languages in the Russian Federation for
sound archives in Saint Petersburg, and EAP347: Vanishing voices from the
Uralic world: sound recordings for archives in Russia (in particular Udmurtia),
Estonia, Finland and Hungary.1 We place these activities in the context of earlier
initiatives, such as the research programme “Voices from Tundra and Taiga”
(2002-2005), which facilitated the safeguarding of other sound recordings
and made these materials available to indigenous communities, helping
them preserve their native tongues. After reporting the results of the EAP089
and EAP347 projects, we illustrate the importance of this work for the study
of historical events in Russia and the possible revitalisation of disappearing
languages. Finally, our discussion emphasises the need to safeguard languages
and to modernise the Russian Federation’s archiving activities.
have died, or only few elderly speakers remain, these recordings provide our
only window into the language. For speech communities, such records can
provide a source of pride in their cultural heritage; for linguists, they help
document and explain processes of language contact, shift and change. Finding,
preserving and making these records digitally accessible is an important
measure in stemming the tide of language loss.
A language is in danger when its speakers no longer use it, employ it in
fewer communicative domains, or cease to pass it on from one generation to the
next. The process of endangerment is determined by a number of factors, which
have been described in a report by an expert group assembled by UNESCO.4
According to the report, the major factors that affect whether a language
survives include: 1) intergenerational language transmission; 2) absolute
number of speakers; 3) proportion of speakers within the total population; 4)
trends in existing language domains; 5) response to new domains and media;
and 6) materials for language education and literacy. The last factor is key to
the central theme of this article: languages should be well documented, and the
documentation resulting from linguistic fieldwork of earlier times — which is
often hidden in endangered archives — should be uncovered and preserved.5
At the time when the first sound recordings of language and folklore
were made in Europe, it became obvious that central facilities were needed to
preserve the valuable data which had been collected. Around the beginning
of the twentieth century, this led to the establishment of sound archives
(called phonogram archives), the earliest and the most important of which
was founded in Vienna in 1899. Soon similar institutions started their own
collections of sound recordings in Berlin (1900) and St Petersburg (1908).
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the phonogram archives of three
important European empires (Austria, Germany and Russia) were in regular
contact with each other and with institutions elsewhere.6 For example, during
the Jesup North Pacific Expedition in 1900, data on the peoples of northeast
Siberia were collected, and advanced equipment for speech recording was
introduced to Russian researchers of northern languages and cultures. In the
7 William W. Fitzhugh and Aron Crowell, Crossroads of Continents: Cultures of Siberia and
Alaska (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Scholarly Press, 1988).
The use of sound archives for the safeguarding of endangered languages 621
8 See Tjeerd de Graaf, “The Use of Sound Archives in the Study of Endangered Languages”,
in Music Archiving in the World: Papers Presented at the Conference on the Occasion of the 100th
Anniversary of the Berlin Phonogramm-Archiv (Berlin: VWB, 2002), pp. 101-07; and idem,
“Voices from Tundra and Taiga: Endangered Languages of Russia on the Internet”, in
Lectures on Endangered Languages 5: Endangered Languages of the Pacific Rim C005, ed. by
Osamu Sakiyama and Fubito Endo (Osaka: Osaka Gakuin University, 2004), pp. 143-69.
622 From Dust to Digital
9 The projects “The Use of Acoustic Databases in the Study of Language Change” (1995-
1998) and “St Petersburg Sound Archives on the World Wide Web” (1998-2001) were
financially supported by the International Association for the Promotion of Cooperation
with Scientists from the Independent States of the Former Soviet Union (INTAS). A third
project, “Voices form Tundra and Taiga” (2002-2005), was supported by The Netherlands
Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO). This last project resulted in the publication
of a catalogue: Aleksei Burykin, Albina Girfanova, Aleksandr Kastrov, Yuri Marchenko
and Natalia Svetozarova, Kollektsii Narodov Severa v Fonogrammarkhive Pushkinskogo Doma
[Collections on the Peoples of the North in the Phonogram Archive of the Pushkinskii Dom] (St
Petersburg: University of St Petersburg, 2005). For more information on these projects,
see De Graaf, “Voices from Tundra and Taiga”.
10 For a complete list of materials, see http://eap.bl.uk/database/results.a4d?projID=EAP089
11 These are the collections of 1) Albina Kh. Girfanova, who between 1983-1984 recorded
eighteen speakers of Udeghe; her collection includes fairy-tales, folk-tales, legends, life
stories and songs (improvisations, “personal” songs, imitations of “personal” songs by
other individuals as well as shamanistic incantations, and also phonetics and syntax
questionnaires); 2) Marina D. Lyublinskaya’s collection of recordings made between
1985 and 2000, most of them in northern Russia; and 3) Peter Y. Skorik’s collection
entitled Fairy Tale of the Kereks, which contains unique 1960s sound recordings of the
Kerek people in the Bering region of the Chukotka Autonomous District of the Russian
Federation.
12 This collection includes unique sound recordings from 35 Russian villagers of East
Siberia, living in areas together with the native peoples. They consist of stories,
personal memories and songs in local Russian dialects, in which the code switching and
interference with other languages are notable.
13 Fifteen people were recorded in Crimea and Abkhazia between 1963 and 1974; through
lyrical songs, wedding performances, comic songs and folk tunes they provide specimens
of their language (belonging to the Turkic language family) and culture (based on
Judaism).
The use of sound archives for the safeguarding of endangered languages 623
As a result, in 2010, we began EAP347: Vanishing voices from the Uralic world:
sound recordings for archives in Russia (in particular Udmurtia), Estonia,
Finland and Hungary. Within the framework of this project, we prepared
a preliminary description of all other Udmurt sound collections kept in the
Pushkinskii Dom,19 in the Folklore Archive of the Estonian Literary Museum
(Tartu) and in the Berlin and Vienna phonogram archives.20 We have also
researchers who worked with prisoners of war from Russia. See Robert Lach, Gesänge
russischer Kriegsgefangener (Vienna: Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1926).
21 These collections are mainly located in two leading scientific and educational institutions:
the Udmurt State University and the Udmurt Institute for History, Language and
Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Ural Branch). During this project, 657
sound collections in the Udmurt Institute were digitised. The total volume of digitised
recordings amounts to 600 hours, 20 minutes and 53 seconds. They include songs,
narrations, prayers and incantations. In total they feature 2,560 performers representing
nine regions of the Russian Federation: the Udmurt Republic, the Republic of Tatarstan
(formerly the Tatar Republic), the Republic of Bashkortostan (formerly the Bashkir
Republic), the Republic of Mari-El (formerly the Mari Republic), the Kirovsky Region,
Permsky Krai (formerly the Permsky Region), Krasnoyarsky Krai, the Tomsky Region
and the Tyumensky Region. 143 collectors, mainly from the Udmurt Institute and the
Udmurt State University, participated in the expeditions.
626 From Dust to Digital
One of the most important conditions for this preservation and revitalisation
of the Udmurt language has been the attitude of the Udmurt people towards
their native culture. From our experience, the availability of numerous
publications and the widespread public accessibility of historical recordings
(via radio and television) inspire great interest and even pride.22 We hope that
the revitalisation of the Udmurt language will contribute to the safeguarding
of the broader cultural heritage of the Russian Federation.
of his fieldwork data and other scientific material with him, he had to leave
the phonographic cylinders.26 Until recently, western scholars studying the
Finno-Ugric languages assumed that these early recordings of the Khanty
language had been lost, possibly destroyed in Leningrad during the war.27
However, over the course of our project, we learnt that Steinitz’s recordings
were kept as a separate collection within the archive at the Pushkinskii Dom.
There are thirty wax cylinders in this collection, though Steinitz mentions
31 items in his written account of the expedition. These recordings were
documented and copied onto analogue tapes, but somehow the collection slided
into oblivion. This can be explained by the fact that, since its establishment, very
little information about the rich collections of the St Petersburg phonogram
archive has been accessible.28 The only complete inventory of the archive was
published by Sophia Magid in 1936.29 Magid’s inventory, however, does not
mention Steinitz’s collection, probably because these materials were initially
stored at the Institute for the Peoples of the North and later in the Folklore
Section of the Institute for Anthropology and Ethnography.30
In 2005, within the framework of the international research programme
“Voices from Tundra and Taiga”, the complete catalogue of the recorded
materials was finally published (Fig. 19.3).31 Here, the Steinitz recordings
are described under number 127 as “phonographic cylinders with sound
material from the Khanty (Ostyaks) in Siberia, which were made in 1935 by
Wolfgang Steinitz (1905-1967) and obtained from the Institute of the Peoples
of the North in Leningrad”. These thirty wax cylinders contain 44 sound
recordings altogether, mostly of songs, such as bear songs, but also of two
fairy tales and four shaman performances.
A document from the collection of manuscripts in the phonogram archive
provides a description of the material from the expedition. This list, which was
probably produced by Steinitz himself, allows a more precise identification
of the sound recordings and their contents. One of the tasks of “Voices from
Tundra and Taiga” has been the addition of metadata such as descriptions of
the title, kind, size, place and time of recordings, as well as the tone quality
and duration of the separate sound documents. In this way, the catalogue
was completed with a database on CD-ROM containing copies of the original
recordings together with all the relevant data.32
From the available data we were able to reconstruct some of Steinitz’s
experiences during his fieldwork in the Soviet Union. He started recording
on the day after his arrival in the Khanty village of Lokhtotkurt in July 1935.
He made the following note in his diary:
Abends kommt Matvej Kitvurov, Musikant […] Er bringt sein Instrument […]
Spielt “Programmusik” […] ich will Aufnahme machen: Wir schicken die Kinder
raus, ich stelle den Phonographen genau ein (100 Drehungen). [In the evening
Matvej Kitvurov arrives, a musician …he brings his instrument and … plays
“programme music”. … I want to make recordings: We send the children
outside, I switch on the phonograph at exactly (100 rotations)].33
The expedition to the Khanty people was originally planned to last for a
period of six months but, probably as a result of the political situation in the
Soviet Union, it was shortened to fewer than three. At the end of his stay,
Steinitz had to hurry to catch the last boat:
Kann leider Arbeit nicht beenden […] Bis ¾ 8 Uhr gearbeitet, dann alles liegen
lassen, zu einer Sitzung im Pedtechnikum gelaufen […] Los, über den Berg nach
Samarov, zum letzten Dampfer. [Unfortunately I cannot finish the job … Until
7:45 I was working, then I left everything behind, hurried to a session of the
pedagogical technical college … Then, over the mountain to Samarov, to the
last steamboat].34
32 Ibid.
33 In collection 127, this recording of 31 July 1935 has the cylinder number 4080.
34 Steinitz, Ostjakologische Arbeiten, 431, quoted after Swetozarova, 52.
35 Swetosarowa, “Verschollen geglaubte Feldforschungsaufnahmen”.
The use of sound archives for the safeguarding of endangered languages 629
36 Mari C. Jones and Sarah Ogilvie, Keeping Languages Alive: Documentation, Pedagogy and
Revitalisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).
37 Lev Sternberg was an important Russian figure in the field of anthropology. With
the help of Vladimir Bogoraz, he established the first Russian ethnographic centre at
St Petersburg State University after the Russian Revolution of 1917. See “Pamjati L‘va
Jakovlevicha Sternberga [In Memory of Lev Yakovlevich Sternberg]”, in Sbornik Museja
Antropologii i Etnografii, ed. Y. F. Karsky. Band 7 (Leningrad: Nauka, 1928) pp. 1-70.
38 N. B. Vakhtin, Iazyki narodov severa v XX veke: ocherki iazykovogo sdviga [Languages of
the Northern Peoples in the Twentieth Century: Outline of a Language Shift] (St Petersburg:
Dmitrii Bulanin, 2001).
39 Ibid.
40 Tjeerd de Graaf, “The Languages of Sakhalin”, International Journal on the Sociology of
Languages, 94 (1992), 185-200.
630 From Dust to Digital
47 Schüller, “The Safeguarding of the Audio Heritage”. UNESCO, Language Vitality and
Endangerment.
632 From Dust to Digital
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Doma [Collections on the Peoples of the North in the Phonogram Archive of the
Pushkinskii Dom] (St Petersburg: University of St Petersburg, 2005).
Churakov, V. S., “Obzor folklorno-lingvisticheskikh i arkheologo-etnograficheskikh
ekspeditsii, rabotavshikh sredi Udmurtov v 20-30-e gody XX veka [Review of
the Folklore, Linguistic, Archeological and Ethnographic Expeditions among
the Udmurts in the 1920s and 1930s]”, in Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies, ed. by
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—, “Data on the Languages of Russia from Historical Documents, Sound Archives
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Sakhalin Ainu and Nivkh, ed. by Kyoko Murasaki (Kyoto: ELPR, 2001), pp. 13-37.
—, “The Use of Sound Archives in the Study of Endangered Languages”, in Music
Archiving in the World: Papers Presented at the Conference on the Occasion of the 100th
Anniversary of the Berlin Phonogramm-Archiv (Berlin: VWB, 2002), pp. 101-07.
—, “Voices from Tundra and Taiga: Endangered Languages of Russia on the
Internet”, in Lectures on Endangered Languages 5: Endangered Languages of the
Pacific Rim C005, ed. by Osamu Sakiyama and Fubito Endo (Osaka: Osaka
Gakuin University, 2004), pp. 143-69.
—, “The Status of Endangered Languages in the Border Areas of Japan and Russia”,
in On the Margins of Nations: Endangered Languages and Linguistic Rights, ed. by
Joan A. Argenter and R. McKenna Brown (Bath: Foundation for Endangered
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—, and Hidetoshi Shiraishi, “Capacity Building for Some Endangered Languages
of Russia: Voices from Tundra and Taiga”, in Language Documentation and
Description, ed. by Peter K. Austin, 2 (London: Hans Rausing Endangered
Languages Project, 2004), pp. 15-26.
—, and Victor Denisov, “Sokhranenie zvukovogo naslediia narodov Udmurtskoi
Respubliki: opyt vedushchikh zvukovykh arkhivov mira [Preservation of the
Sound Heritage of the Peoples of the Udmurt Republic: The Experience of
the World’s Leading Archives]”, in Rossiia i Udmurtiia: istoriia i sovremennost
[Russia and Udmurtia: Past and Present] (Izhevsk: Udmurt University, 2008),
pp. 866-78.
Denisov, Victor, “Zapisi Udmurtskogo iazyka i folklora v Fonogrammarkhive
Instituta Russkoi Literatury (Pushkinskii Dom) [Recordings of the Udmurt
Language and Folklore in the Phonogram Archive of the Institute of Russian
literature (Pushkinskii Dom)]”, in Rossiia i Udmurtiia: istoriia i sovremennost
[Russia and Udmurtia: Past and Present] (Izhevsk: 2008), pp. 879-84.
The use of sound archives for the safeguarding of endangered languages 633
Islamic education 137, 138, 142, 331- Krasnoyarsk Territory (Krai) 489, 494,
332, 350. See also talibés 625
Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) 148, 152, Krasnoyarsk Territory Regional
164, 165, 167, 334, 404, 406, 407, 408, Museum (KKKM) 488, 493-496, 526
409, 410, 411, 412 Krymchak people 622
Islamic manuscripts 138-161, 164-172,
173-185, 343, 346, 352, 396-412 Labé 333
Israel, National Library of 380-381 Laborde, Léon de xlix, lv
labour
Jabre, Adel 379 coolie (kuli) 457, 461, 462
Jakarta (Batavia) 149, 150 forced
al-Jazzar, Ahmad 378 colonial public works 312-319
Jerusalem 377-416 colonial records project 293-300,
al-Aqṣá Mosque Library 377, 379-381, 324-325
381-382, 387, 403-412 information recorded 299-304
Haram al-Sharif 379 in pre-colonial Sokoto Caliphate
Hebrew University of Jerusalem 305-308
380-381 mita (draft labour) 247, 251, 252
National Library of Israel 380-381 under colonial rule 308-312,
Jesup North Pacific Expedition (1900) 319-323
619-620 La Guajira Peninsula 270-271
Jihad 337 Lakni cycle (calendar) 39-40, 41
João Pessoa 277, 278, 279-280 Lamu lxi, 135-172. See Riyadha
Mosque
Kairé, Mor 342, 345, 350-351
landscape
Kalimpong 73
Baluev’s photography 500, 509-510
Ka, Moussa 331, 339, 340, 342, 345, 347,
349, 350, 351-352, 353, 355, 356 geomorphology 7
Kano Emirate 293, 300, 306-307, 308 human relationship 24-25, 227, 234
Kasravi, Ahmad 595 photography 500, 510
Kel Tadrart Tuareg 5, 19-23, 25 rock inscriptions 17, 20
Kenya lx, lxi, 135-172. See Riyadha languages. See also translations
Mosque Afghanistan languages and dialects
Khaliqi, Ruhu’llah 590, 597, 598-599, 623
601 dominant 618, 629-630
Khaly Madiakhaté Kala 339 endangered 35, 52, 67-68, 617,
Khamliana 455 618-621
Khanty people 626-628 Evenki 629
Khasi Hills 447-448, 449 Finno-Ugric 621, 623, 626-628
Khasi Hills, India 449 holy 342-343, 349
Khudayar 598 Kerek 622
Khurram, Humayun 609 Nivkh 629-631
Kijuma, Muhammad 159-160 Paleo-Siberian 621
King of Bar 335 revitalisation 625-626, 629-631
Koran. See Quran Samoyed 621, 622
Krasnoyarsk 493 Shan 47-48, 49, 51-52, 62
Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical Tai 34-35, 46-47
University 622 Tajik 622-623
Index 643
Maninka 547, 572, 577-578. See Mbaye Diakhaté. See Diakhaté, Mbaye
also Mandé Mbaye Nguirane. See Nguirane, Mbaye
Manó, Joseph Charles 429-430, 431, 434, Mbaye, Samba Diarra 342, 345, 350, 351
440 McKeown, Katie 545
manuscripts. See also Ajami: Mecca 16, 138, 142, 143, 146, 147-148,
manuscripts; Arabic: 148, 149
manuscripts; Codex Sinaiticus; Medical-Chirurgical Scientific Italian
Coptic manuscripts; Ethiopian Commission 418, 426-427. See
manuscripts; Islamic manuscripts; also Bennati, Guido
Lepcha: manuscripts; Oriental medicine 81, 179, 342-343, 346, 454. See
Christian manuscripts; Syriac also Mizo: healing customs
manuscripts; Tai Ahom:
Bennati, Guido 430-431
manuscripts
Mekelle (Tigray) 89, 91
bindings 97, 101, 109-120, 121, 126
Mendizábal, Bernabé 418, 419, 426
tools and tooling 120-130
Mendoza 418, 427
colophons 71-72, 160
metadata
conservation 95, 96-97, 102, 104-106,
manuscripts 45, 52-63, 94, 95
131, 381
need to understand content 45
copying. See scribes
open access 32
covers 95, 102, 103, 117, 118, 120-121,
128-131 sound recordings 621, 628
Michelet, Jules lxv
dating of 35, 60, 71, 90, 178
microfilm liii, 92
decoration 107-109
microhistory lvi-lvii, lxii
digitisation 32-34, 36-39, 73, 95-96,
105, 403 missionaries
paper 33, 34, 37-38, 71, 114, 117, 160 Baptist missionaries 445, 449
parchment 89, 97, 98-99, 101, 115 churches of 450, 451-452, 460, 466-
467, 477
storage xli, lviii, 90, 96-97, 177-178,
183 education 473-474
maraboutage (Islamic form of magic) hygiene rules 457-460
173, 177, 179 model villages 466
Mashriqī 365, 368. See also Maghrib/ Welsh Calvinistic missionaries 449,
Maghribī 468
Mason, Michael 293-294, 319 Mission Veng Church 450, 465, 467
Matam 333 mita (draft labour) 247, 251, 252
Mauritania 341, 348, 350 mitayo (draft labourer) 251
Maxwell-Stewart, Hamish 324 Mizo
May Wäyni Monastery 89-134 architecture 451-452
book and manuscript construction chibai (greeting) 471, 473-475
106-120 composers 468
tooled leather decoration 120-130 harhna (awakening) 449, 475-477
digitisation project 89-131 healing customs 454, 467, 471-472
manuscripts lal (village headmen) 456, 468
decoration 107-109 language 467, 471
ownership 92 naming practices 471-473
repairs (traditional) 102-106 newspapers 473
storage 96-97 people 453, 455-457
Mbacké, El Hadji 347-348 salt uses 454-455
Index 645
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