Position Paper to: “A Myth of Origins: Esu-Elegbara and the Signifying Monkey” (Gates 1988).

by Holger Poehlmann

Monkey Business: The signified Signifyer

Gates attempts to construct a genealogy leading from the yoruban Èṣù to the ‘Signifying Monkey’, an

African American figure of central importance for his Theory of Afro-American Literary Criticism. His

intention is to identify a ‘Myth of Origin’ for the African-American Literary Tradition. To make Èṣù

usable as an african equivalent of the greek Hermes, he establishes Èṣù’s relation to language and

interpretation. To then appropriate this myth for Afro-American Literary Criticism he “speculate[s]” on

Esu’s relation to his functional equivalent in Afro-American mythic discourse: that oxymoron, the

Signifying Monkey” (Gates) .

I don’t question the (functional) similarities between Èṣù and the American Monkey, as there are

certain traits which are necessary to qualify any figure to be a Trickster and hence are shared among

them. But i do question his presentation of evidence for Èṣù’s role as ‘linguist’ and interpreter and for

his construction of a transatlantic genealogy.

First i will evaluate his usage of documentary data and the way he puts them together.

Since the discussion of Yoruba-Concepts will lead far beyond the scope of this paper, in the second

part i will restrict myself to point at anthropological data which will question Gates’ Yoruban-Evidence.

The third part engages with Gates’ cuban evidence focusing on Echú’s role as an interpreter and his

supposed connection with the ‘jigue’.

Documentary Data
His use of Yoruba-Myth as evidence for Èṣù as literary critic suffers from a process of ‘overmediation’

on the one hand - and Gates’ position in the critical discipline on the other hand 1. The ‘texts’ he uses

as a starting point for his interpretations have already been mediated several times, before they reach

him. The Myth has been related from an unknown informant to a translator/interpreter then

transmitted in an unknown manner to an Author/interpreter who than fixed them into written words.

Although Gates forwards his source he ads adds yet another layer of mediation by translating it to the

realm of literary critique. His interpretation subverts the original meaning in favour of supporting his

argument and doesn’t account for the original cultural (cognitive) framework of the myth.

There are several instances where he delivers arguments which are not substantiated by relevant
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sources2. The anthropological data he supplies to proof his key arguments are drawn from works of

a.o. Herskovits, Dos Santos, Del Pozo and Ogundipe. Whereas Herskovits, Bascom and Dos Santos

are present in the Anthropological discourse, the cited works of Ogundipe and Del Pozo evade even

the the detection by a Library of Congress Database search. Apart form Esonwanne’s remark, that

“[...] a consciously critical engagement with anthropological texts of this (and other) periods that one

finds lacking in Gates’ myth” some works present erroneous data which leads to doubt the

informedness of the authors. The wrong rendition of some Lucumi terms by Dos Santos shall serve as

an example 3. The validity of his use of poems to retrieve anthropological data suffers from a failure to

to proof their relevance to cuban folklore, since it is not established in how far the folk-concepts have

been suited to the pot’s intend.

Yoruban Evidence
The Yoruba-Concept of Àṣe,̣ as Gates states himself, “[...] is an elusive concept, and thus its

translations vary” (Gates). According to Abiọdun Àse

'power', 'authority', 'command', 'sceptre', ‘vital force' in all living and non-living things and as 'a

coming-to- pass of an utterance' in the Yoruba cosmos” (Abiodun). Gates’ translation as ‘logos’ has to

be viewed as instrumental to his purpose and his opinion that it is “[...] the closest analogue through

which ase can be rendered in English” (Gates) doesn’t conform with the relevant literature4. He now

proceeds to tie ‘logos’ (Àṣe)̣ to Èṣù, to confirm his role as interpreter. His statement, that Èṣù carries a

calabash containing Àṣe,̣ is contradicted by Verger and Pemberton who identify the content as

“poudres utilisées par lui pour ses traveaux” (Verger), a substance called “[...] oogun which has the

power to transform” (Pemberton). Gates sees in the “carved image of Esu”, commonly found at the

top centre of a divination tray, a sign for Èṣù’s “priority [...] in the process of interpretation” (Gates). In

their work “The Yoruba Artist” Abiọdun, Drewal and Pemberton offer a different interpretation.

Drawing from the work of Abimbọla they conclude that: “Esu

separating the physical world (ilé-ayé) from the spiritual realm (ìta-ọrún) [...]. This arrangement calls

attention to Eṣu’s influence in the two worlds and his crucial role as the ‘impartial police officer’”

(Abiodun, Drewal and Pemberton) which is antithetical to Gates’ view since impartiality excludes

interpretation/mediation.

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Cuban Evidence
For the construction of the genealogy of the ‘Signifying Monkey’ Gates’ cuban evidence is of central

importance. Without proof for a transatlantic Èṣù (Echú) as interpreter, and even more important

without a relation between Echú and a monkey his arguments will loose the very foundation. In afro

cuban mythology the Oricha Changó is generally the original owner of Ifá. There are several

patakines (myth) explaining why and how he gives Ifá to Orunmila. Echú is always involved in one

way ore the other, but never plays a role in teaching Ifá to Orunmila. Gates relies on the translation5 of

a patiki which portrays Echú “[...] as the first interpreter, responsible for teaching or uncovering the art

of divination to Oruba [Ifa] while accompanied by Moedun [the Monkey]...” (Gates). The very ‘free’

translation of “adivino” (diviner) as ‘interpreter’ seems intentional to support Gates’ argument but

wouldn’t hold up under anthropological scrutiny. Moreover is Lydia Cabrera’s account of this myth

singular in the literature on afro-cuban mythology, hence hardly a strong argument for Gates

genealogy6. Gates’ main evidence for Echú’s conflation with a monkey is a poem by Teofilo Radillo.

A closer look at the material reveals a close collaboration between Gates and Jose Piedra7 in

constructing a transatlantic myth from this poem to get a final proof for his genealogy. If if the poem is

considered as valid data, it is still an unsubstantiated assertion that the guije is considered an Echú in

Cuba. The folktale relating the origin and the identity of the jigue can be reviewed at the ‘Portal de la

Cultura Holguinera’. Neither being of dark color and tiny size, nor having long hair and pointed teeth

are characteristics which are attributed to Echú in cuban mythology or his depictions in art and ritual

objects8. The Yoruba portray Èṣù as “large and small” (Pemberton)9. Gates mentions these

characteristics for Èṣù, but doesn’t reveal his source (Gates).

1. c.f. (Esonwanne)
2. example:”Esu is said to limp[...], “In this calabash he keeps ase [...]” (7), “Two of Esu’s physical
characteristics [...] (17).
3. Irunmale (Irunmole) has no gender neither has Egun. ‘Iyam-mi Aje’ (Dos Santos in Gates 29)
makes no sense. More probable: ‘Iyá mí [Ilé]’ which is a praise name for Oshun, a female Orsha
(Pemberton 68).
4. see a.o. (Drewal and Drewal), (Abiọdun), (Thompson), (Makinde).

5. the last part of the original says:”Los caracoles, por medio de los quales vaticinan babalochas e
iyalochas, Baké Eleggua, le pertenecen a este orisha” (Cabrera 112) is better translated as: “The
cowry shells with which the priests an pristesses divine, belong to Bakè Elegguá” (Author).
6. for afro-cuban mythology c.f.: (Castellanos and Castellanos), Cabrera (1993).

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7. Gates’ argumentation is strikingly similar to Piedra’s in his article: (Piedra).

8. c.f. (Moreno), (Thompson)

But the house was too small for him.

Eshu slept on the verandah-

But the

verandah was too small for him.

Eshu slept in a nut-

(Pemberton)

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