Literarure Reviw On Power Sector
Literarure Reviw On Power Sector
Literarure Reviw On Power Sector
2
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 OVERVIEW
For any specific research to occupy the place in the development of a discipline,
the researcher must thoroughly familiar himself not only with previous theory and
research but also with industry background. To assure this familiarity a review of
the relevant literature is done. A Survey of related studies was undertaken by the
researcher to get an insight into the work that has already been in the field of this
investigation in the context of related industry. An attempt is made in this chapter
to review the existing literature on the subject of research. The available literature
related to the present research work studied by the researcher is divided into the
following subcategories:-
Prior studies on power sector
Power sector scenario in India
Recent issues & challenges of Indian power sector
Overview of Indian power sector performance
Power sector reforms in Madhya Pradesh
The concept of performance & its measurement
Approaches of performance measurement
KPI approach of performance measurement
KPIs for a power distribution utility
The Concept of Customer satisfaction
Summary and research gaps
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The literature was reviewed with an intention of finding research gaps and
developing the base for conceptual framework.
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investors with protection from arbitrary political action alongside incentives for
efficient operation and investment (Laffont and Tirole, 1993).
UNEP (2005) explained the dual challenge of ensuring electricity for national
economic development and at the same time providing increased electricity access
to the poor parts of the population. Special focus was put on the role of energy in
achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
Carreon et. al. (2006) found that electrification is most closely correlated with
economic growth and urbanization. Their study further reveals that residential and
agricultural tariffs declined in the 1970s, which aided electrification, but progress
in electrification has continued even through the flat and rising tariffs of the
1980s. Even as the sector has experienced enormous financial difficulties in the
1990s, electrification continued apace.
Bishnu Dash (2010) studied that The National Thermal Power Corporation
(NTPC), the state owned power generator, aims to become a 75,000 MW plus
company by 2017. Since the public sector company plans to add 1000 MW
through renewable energy sources, it is keen to develop some renewable energy
based projects in Orissa, which has untapped potential in wind and solar energy
sectors.
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Juskow (1998) found that the privatization of the generation sector may lead
towards competition in bulk supply through transmission access, while
distribution network could remain a natural monopoly along with availability of
retail choices to consumers.
D. Sa et. al. (1999) found that the Indian power sector was opened to private
participation in 1991 to hasten the increase in generating capacity and to improve
the system efficiency as well. However they revealed that some important
problems have not been addressed such as an addition to the generation capacity
without corresponding improvement of the transmission and distribution facilities
is likely to further undermine system efficiency. They also stated that investment
in infrastructure has been a responsibility of state governments because
intrinsically long gestation periods coupled with the relatively low rates of return
from serving all categories of consumers had rendered such projects commercially
unviable.
Graham (2000) found that the involvement of the public sector in the electricity
industry is partly explained by the sector’s technical and economic evolution. As
utilities pursued economies of scale both in supply and in demand, electricity
systems became highly centralised, large-scale technological networks.
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marginal costs and inability to cover the costs incurred are the main weaknesses in
the tariff policy.
A series of proposals during the late 20th century sought to address issues of
power shortages, as well as capital shortages suffered by developing country
public sectors. Power liberalisation has differed by country, but common elements
of an agenda for sectoral change can be identified (IEA 2001; Littlechild, 2001;
Rosen et.al. 2000):
Vertically integrated utilities are broken up, either by sale of generating
plants, or by placing generation assets in separate unregulated generating
companies that remain utility subsidiaries.
Markets are created into which the generating companies can sell, and
from which others can buy.
Capital investment in the sector is increasingly decided by market actors
and forces.
Ruet (2002) found that improvement in the Plant Load factor (PLF) and reduction
in the non technical losses at least worth present tariffs can increase 17 percent
energy level. These will keep away unpopular measures such as tariff increase. He
also expressed the view that these actions are not done because of the reasons that
state electricity boards are operated based on self enforcing political executive
instruction, absence of focus on costs and budgets in actual decision making,
absence of properly designed information system.
Government of India in its Tenth Five year Plan (2002-07) wrote that the power
sector has been suffering from serious problems, which were identified as early as
ten-year ago. However, no corrective action was taken and the result is that the
power sector faces an imminent crisis in almost all states. No state electricity
board (SEB) was recovering the full cost of power supplied, with the result that
they made continuous losses on their total operations.
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The efforts undertaken in increasing the production are not yielding the desired
results mainly because the transmission system in unable to take the load of
transferring the power from one place to another and thus is leading towards high
T&D losses. As per the latest estimates, the T&D losses are as high as 40 to 50%.
Thus, special efforts have been undertaken to improve the Power transmission and
distribution capacity in the 10th (2002 - 2007) and the 11th five-year plan (2007 -
2012) (Govt. of India report of the expert group on restructuring of SEBs, July
2002).
Woode & Kodwani (1997) examined the lessons that can be learned from the
British privatization programme for India’s reforms since the reform of the energy
sector is considered key economic objective in India. They felt that there is a
necessity of strong political will to design the restructuring programme. They
suggested that separating generation from bulk transmission and leaving the task
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The Government of India reports in the Ninth Five Year Plan (1997-2002)
emphasised on the significance of power sector reforms at the earliest and the
need for tariff rationalization. It was clearly stated that “the major cause of the
problems being faced in the power sector is the arbitrary and unremunerative tariff
structure”. The state governments not only desire to provide power at
concessional rates to certain sectors, especially to agriculture without subsidizing
SEBs for the issues arising out of it but also constantly interfere in tariff setting,
even though the tariff is fixed and realized by SEBs. Therefore, power supply to
agriculture and domestic consumers is heavily subsided. SEBs through cross
subsidization of tariff from commercial and industrial consumers are able to
covers only a part of this subsidy. The SEBs in the process, have been incurring
heavy losses. If the SEBs were to continue on the same lines, their internal
resource generation during the next ten years will be negative, being of the order
of Rs. (-) 77000 crores. This situation raised serious doubts about the ability of the
states to contribute their share to capacity addition during the Ninth Plan and
thereafter.
Godbole (1998) has explained that only the privatization of distribution coupled
with the setting up of effective regulatory bodies would provide a long term and
lasting solution to the power sector imbroglio. Otherwise this dance of one step
forward one step sideways and one step backwards will continue to create an
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illusion of forward movement. The views that the many unresolved problems
faced by private power projects can be traced to the liberalization process having
started at the wrong end namely power generating. He opined that it should
commence with the restructuring of the state electricity boards.
Ghosh (1999) felt that the argument about competition enhancing efficiency does
not apply to the electricity industry. Its advocacy has been motivated. He also felt
that the policy of separating generation, transmission and distribution of power is
not justified and there are strong technical reasons for keeping generation,
transmission and distribution under one authority. He opined that the need of the
hour is not bifurcation of the board in Andhra Pradesh, but a minor adjustment of
tariff rates for agriculture and domestic consumers. He felt that the private sector
is interested in acquiring existing low valued assets of state electricity board with
a view to make large capital gains. In any case, the private sector would look for
profitability rates comparable to what it can earn elsewhere which would be
entirely inappropriate for infrastructural facilities. He felt that the new approach is
disastrous for the entire range of rural consumers. According to him properly
targeting of input subsidy of electricity is good for economy.
Reddy (2000) opined that at present for all ills of the power sector, a uniform
system in being imposed on all states. There is no attempt to examine specific
experiences of different states and tailor the changes needed according to the
requirements of the particular state. The problems faced by the electricity
establishment in Andhra Pradesh are not the same as that of Orissa. And yet one
can see that not only the electricity reforms act passed in AP is a carbon copy of
the Orissa Act, even the regulations formulated by the APERC are only a copy of
the OERC. In AP no other alternatives are explored to solve the problem facing
APSEB. Even the recommendations made by Hiten Bhaya Committee were
brushed aside to impose the World Bank recommendations. While taking up these
reforms stake holders were not consulted. Until the recent tariff hike, public was
not aware of the changes taking place in the power sector. There is neither
participation nor transparency in the whole exercise. The ongoing changes in the
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power sector demand two things: one is to comprehend process and its
implications and another is to enable citizens to interact with the Regulatory
Commission and participate in its proceedings effectively as this exercise is new
to the people in their state.
Malaluna (2000) wrote that the power industry is the most scrutinized industry in
the world today. Sweeping reforms are being pushed in many countries Reforms
of the power industry have increasingly been used as the basis for the release of
funds by multilateral development banks and international financial institutions.
In the Philippines, power reform bill awaits finalization by the bicameral
conference committee. The bill has been in deliberation for the five years, while a
wide segment of civil society has been involved in drafting the bill. Their key
concerns have been kept aside or inadequately addressed. Beyond doubt this was
due to the successful and powerful lobby of business with vested interests in the
passage of a version of the bill.
Rao (2000) opined that independent regulations are new in India. Public opinion
has to recognize its value. It will do so when it sees results in terms of improved
quality, availability and in due course, reduced tariffs. Ultimately the
independence of regulators can only be guaranteed by strong public opinion.
While legislation will help, it is important that financial and human resources for
regulatory commissions are kept out of the scope of government approval.
Mahalingam (2000) wrote that the choice of Orissa for a pioneering electricity
reform experiment seemed logical as state with low literacy rate low income
levels and more importantly negligible consumption by agricultural sector (1ess
than) and hence lacking in a constituency which would effectively resist a drastic
overhaul. Nevertheless for the World Bank, the choice of Orissa came about more
by accident than design. Around the mid-90’s the Bank-funded upper Indravati
project in the state ran into rehabilitation problems. Unwilling to give up such a
sizeable account the Bank hit upon the idea of converting the upper Indravati loan
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into a reform loan. It set aside 350 million US dollars to be disbursed to the Orissa
electricity sector in phased manner linked to specific milestones in restructuring.
Kumar (2000) stated that the process of power sector reform was initiated in India
in the early 1990's. Haryana was the second state after Orissa to undertake power
sector reforms under the overall supervision of the World Bank. The Haryana
Electricity Reforms Act 1997 came into force with effect from 14 August 1998.
Consequently a number of structural changes were undertaken. He studied the
experience of electricity sector reform process in the context of Haryana State.
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Morris (2000) expressed that true reform and restructuring of any state electricity
board in India would have to address the issue of an enormous leakage of revenue
from the system. This would call for privatization of distribution, and change in
the institutional mechanism, for the administration of the subsidy. Rather than the
detailed regulatory mechanisms, which are being pushed by the central
government and the regulators, light and price-cap type regulation would suit
India better. A complete separation of distribution from generation is neither
necessary nor desirable, existing IPP contracts would have to be extinguished and
methods to carry out the same are suggested. The danger of mounting regulatory
risk, either shutting out private power production, or resulting in massive tariff
increases is real.
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Raghu et. al. (2001) expressed that power sector reforms are being taken up in the
background of the liberalisation process that started in 1991 at the national level
as a precondition to the IMF/WB bail out of India from the balance of payments
(BOP) problem. The power reform process, as is being done, has only managed to
empower the anti-people processes, individuals and institutions, which have been
responsible for the present crisis situation through finances, new concepts and
approaches. The decision-making process has not been changed; only the actors
have changed, essentially it is the same which brought in the present crisis
situation – opaque, no local participation, fudged information and statistics, adhoc
planning, etc. A true review of the reform process should go into the question of
who is getting the free lunch, supposed to have been provided to the poor people
of India.
Bacon & Jones (2001) in their study on privatization & liberalization of electricity
sector in 14 developing countries viz. Albania, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil
Colombia, Coted’ivorie, Georgia Hungary, India, Kazakhstan Mali Panama
Thailand, Turkey and Ukraine concluded that competition for the right to enter the
power market on contractual or regulated terms plays an important role in
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Steiner (2001) tired to measure the competitive aspects and the cost efficiency of
the reform. She also looked at some reform elements separately, including
unbundling wholesale power pool, third party access to transmission and
privatization. The study found that electricity market reforms generally induced a
decline in the industrial price and an increase in the price differential between
industrial customers and residential customers, indicating that industrial
customers benefit more from the reform. She also found that unbundling is not
associated with lower prices but is associated with a lower industrial to residential
price ratio and higher capacity utilization rates and lower reserve margins
Dubash & Rajan (2001) felt that three steps including de-metering of agricultural
consumption and giving subsidies, signing independent power producers contract
with major fiscal implications and implementing Orissa model on the national
scale made the power sector policy in India to be locked into adverse
arrangement. They criticized those international donor agencies that are largely
unaccountable to the Indian Public, playing crucial role in shaping the future of
the power sector. They explained the process of power reforms in India by
dividing the entire period into four overlapping but distinct periods. They are pre
1991, and 1991 independent power producer policy and its aftermath; the World
Bank led restructuring policy that began to be implemented around 1993 in Orissa
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and the period shortly after 1998. In total they provided an analysis of the social
and political context in which power sector reforms have taken place in India.
Parikh & Parikh (2002) studied the state of the power sector and experiences of
power sector reforms in India and suggested some means to enable state
electricity boards to control expenditures.
Jones & Tenenbaum (2002) suggested that blind imitation of other countries is
hazardous. They stated that the model of reforms in the power sector
recommended by the World Bank too needs to be examined critically in the
Indian context. They opined that a number of doubts were raised about the
practicability, feasibility or even advisability of privatization of power distribution
on all India bases stating the instance of privatization of distribution in Orissa.
They also expressed that guarantees by state governments; counter-guarantees by
the Centre and escrow accounts will not create or sustain investor confidence
which is key to power sector reforms. They emphasised that state governments
have to play critical role in these reforms and also felt that some financial steps
including securitization of dues of state electricity boards to central PSUs or
writing off loans given by the state government to state electricity boards or
converting them into equity are not real solutions to the actual problems.
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Phadke et al. (2003) studied the electricity reforms in India and suggested that the
change in ownership through privatization alone cannot bring efficiency in the
sector. He opined that the success of electricity reforms in India will depend
critically upon the existence of some sort of restraining or disciplining mechanism
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in the sector, in the absence of which current efforts will likely result in transition
from inefficient public ownership to profit gouging monopolies or oligarchies. In
principle, such a mechanism should be strong, independent and effective
regulatory oversight over public or private monopolies or significant competition
among large number of public and private entities. But it is important to examine
without bias, and as thoroughly as possible, the feasibility and effectiveness of
both these sector disciplining mechanisms before making any claims regarding the
desirability of privatization. The researcher also argues that issues related to
protecting the environment, extending access to poor and other off-grid
populations and strategic concerns related to import dependence and foreign-
private ownership need to be addressed up-front in order for reforms to be in
broader public interest.
Michael et al. (2003) suggested that in order to achieve success in the reforms the
measures like adoption of a legal and regulatory framework based on the
principles of efficiency through competition market governance structure
including an independent regulator based on the principles of transparency and
non-discrimination have to be taken. A review of the power, water and transport
sectors along with certain legal and regulatory issues relating to PPI was carried
out in eight countries: United Kingdom, Australia, Hungary, Brazil, Philippines,
Argentina, Malaysia and Thailand the International experiences with competitive
wholesale power markets has been mixed. While some markets have seen supplies
drop and prices skyrocket (as in the US state of California), others have managed
to attract higher private investment after the market reforms. Throughout the
process it is crucial for the government to publish the overall policy on power
market reform, and where possible the timetable and the scope of each step in the
process so that investor can assess risks before investments. In addition existing
investors will seek reassurance from the government that their investments will be
protected during the transition period.
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world, some important public benefit programmes and social obligations are being
questioned by those traditionally responsible for the design and implementation of
these programmes. Power companies in increasingly competitive markets find it
hard to maintain spending on programmes that promote public benefits. There is
mounting evidence from developing and developed countries alike that important
public benefit programmes and other efforts fall through the cracks during reform.
Programme areas that can promote public benefits include: Energy efficiency,
Renewable energy, Public interest R&D, Access to modern energy services,
integrated resource planning, Environmental protection.
Rao (2003) expressed the views that the Electricity Bill, 2001 was intended to
enable a major restructuring of the electricity system in India. It would have been
better if the government had amended the existing three Acts relating to electricity
three years ago and introduced essential changes. The bill needs to be passed
speedily. This is despite its many short-comings which can be addressed through
later amendments after the bill is passed. The cost of supply model may become
an important tool for tariff fixation and identification of subsidy/cross subsidy.
For nearly a century, electricity around the world was typically produced by
vertically integrated utilities, which operated facilities for all three stages of
electricity service: generation, transmission, and distribution. In many cases,
utilities were state-owned monopolies. When private ownership was present, the
companies nonetheless operated as monopolies in designated franchise areas
regulated by governments that set rates and oversaw investments. Creating such a
network is a highly capital-intensive project with long payback periods (but
significant society-wide benefits), and, as a result, has required public sector
oversight of electricity supply in many countries. Even where private firms were
active from the outset in the electricity business (e.g., the USA, Germany, and
Japan), governments have played an important role in building electric networks –
sometimes as a supporter of, and at other times as a competitor to, private players
In December 1950 about 63% of the installed capacity in the Utilities was in the
private sector and about 37% was in the public sector. The Industrial Policy
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Godbole (2003) opined that when the bill which was in due course enacted as the
Electricity Act 2003, was under consideration of the standing committee of
parliament, a number of issues, which deserved closer examination had been
highlighted. Several of their issues remain unattended. The Act, which is a half
way house, also raises a number of new issues which are likely to become serious
problems in the coming years.
Ranganathan (2004) has expressed that the Electricity Act 2003 opens the door to
immense possibilities in unleashing competition and trading, but at the same time
opens a new area of policy risk, which it is supposed to mitigate. The Act has an
enabling framework to introduce competition in generation privatization in
distribution, but the homework in terms of addressing transition issue has been
left undone.
Raju & Rao (2004) studied the impact of power sector reforms in AP and
concluded that power sector reforms have positive impact on Transmission and
distribution. They also hold the view that the state sector generation had decreased
during reform period.
Ranganathan & Rao (2004) stated that electricity reforms in India formally started
along with economic liberalisation in 1991-92, though the impetus for private
sector participation in the power sector predates this. However despite aggressive
reform policies in the 90s, private sector participation was moderate at best, and
the financial losses and cash flows of State Electricity Boards (SEBs) reached
crisis proportions. The author also explained the current market rules to put in
perspective the benefits of competition. The current market is only a residual,
unregulated bilateral market overlaid on a contractually bound, bulk regulated
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market. As such, the liquidity will remain low unless existing contracts are
migrated to the market. Production efficiencies, through regional trade, are limited
severely by the inflexible fuel markets. Open access will facilitate capacity
expansion, mostly for sale to private distribution companies and industries, but the
current rules do not contain sufficient measures to discipline costs thereof. An
important benefit of trading, though, is to generate megawatts – avoided supply
needs – through better utilisation of existing capacity.
Sankar (2004) analysed that the Electricity Regulatory Commissions (ERCs) that
have given tariff orders only two, namely Andhra Pradesh and Haryana, have
adopted the concept of cost-to serve whereas other ERCs, on the basis of same
level data availability, have stated categorically that the data was inadequate to
estimate the cost-to-serve. So if one talk with reference to long-run marginal cost
as base level cost then every consumer in most states would be considered as
getting a subsidy. But if the average cost is taken as the base level, tariffs for
agriculture and small households are below the base level and they would be
called subsidised categories. Whereas if cost-to-serve is taken into consideration,
agriculture may not be getting any subsidy at all in view of the supply being
restricted to specific hours, including mostly non-peak hours of the day. If all
factors are taken into costing the actual cost-to-serve, agricultural demand may be
lower than the average cost. The outcomes of reform, if left to the action of
natural political forces, will be complex and hard to predict. Thus, in states with
strong labour unions, large, regulated private firms may be the likely outcome of
reform rather than small, regulated private firms or co-operatives. In states with
large, unnerved rural areas, small co-operatives may result. Given the existence of
economies of density and diseconomies of geography, policymakers should lend
their own weight in support of multiple distribution structures.
Bajaj (2004) opined that both the centre and the states have very vital interests in
power sector, apart from its constitutional position of being a concurrent subject.
The lead in this sector for change has come from the central government, and by
and large many of the central policies have been responsible for where the states
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are today. The author also analysed necessity for regulators to conduct a
Regulatory Impact Analysis (RIA), because regulators can impose very large
costs on the system, which perhaps are not justified by the benefits that they are
intended to produce. An example may not be out of place in this connection.
Karnataka has had for long, a severe shortage of power. Industries have been
required to provide for captive generation capacity to cover a certain minimum
percentage of their needs. Prior to the coming into force of the Reforms Act, the
government had issued an order granting automatic permission to all industries to
set up captive power plants. However, with the passing of the Reforms Act, the
power to accord consent to the setting up of captive generating units, which was
earlier with the Electricity Boards, has now been vested with the Commission.
Though the shortage, reliability and quality problems of grid supply still continue,
the regulator has set in position a formal approval procedure in respect of captive
generation plants. Neither under law, nor in practice, does the regulator appear to
have any justification for denying permission to set up a captive plant. The
transaction costs that are incurred in this process do not seem to serve any
purpose.
Jamasb et al. (2004) in their study proposed a set of indicators for studying
electricity reforms in developing countries. They classified approaches to
analyzing electricity reforms into three broad categories: (i) econometric methods
(ii) efficiency and productivity analysis methods, and (iii) individual or
comparative studies. According to them, efficiency and productivity analyses are
suitable for measuring the effectiveness with which inputs are transformed to
outputs, relative to best practice. They also maintained that single or multi-
country case studies are suitable when in depth investigation or qualitative
analysis is needed. The proper study of economic reforms requires an analysis of
its impact and an assessment of the role of those factors that were influential in
determining its outcome. Any such analysis generally involve measuring (and
there by quantifying) specific aspects of cause and effect. Almost invariably, this
involves using both quantitative and qualitative indicators.
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Lal (2005) wrote case study of the power sector in India. The weakness of the
Indian power reforms programme has been that while it has focused on sorting out
distortions in the relationship between the owner government and power utilities
through the unbundling and regulation model, it has failed to carry credible
assurances that this will improve the equation between the reformed utilities and
their consumers.
Rajikumar (2005) opined that during the past 14 years the ministry of power has
produced several policy documents and issued numerous amendments but it has
failed to make any significant improvements in the power sector. The new policy
is another example that the ministry is not yet ready to learn from its own
mistakes.
Victor (2005) studied the effects of Power Sector Reform on Energy Services for
the Poor and revealed that no inherent connection between the promotion of
improved welfare for the poorest households and the reforming of energy markets.
The findings suggested that while electricity and development are correlated,
detailed studies have not clearly separated cause and effect. In fact there is not yet
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a robust theory and practice to identify when such strategies are a superior
investment when compared with the alternative development strategies.
According to the researcher, in practice, very few countries have actually
implemented substantial reforms of their power sectors. These “reforms” have not
much altered the industrial organization of the electric power sector. Given these
two weak signals—the ambiguous link between overt electrification and
development, and the lack of much real reform in developing country power
markets—it is not surprising that the reform processes observed so far have not
had much effect on the welfare of the poorest households.
Shashi (2005) analysed that the power sector poses a serious challenge to
infrastructure development in India. A recent forecast made by the Planning
Commission indicates that India requires an investment of US$ 300 billion for the
development of power sector. In terms of per capita power consumption, India is
well below China, the US, Russia, France, Germany, Japan and several other
countries of the world. The inadequate generation of power and its supply has
crippled industry, agriculture, trade, commercial and domestic sector consumers.
The exorbitantly high transmission and distribution losses have made power an
expensive input and constrained India's global competitiveness. Globalization,
macro and micro economic reforms and outmoded framework governing
functioning of power sector in India ushered in its privatization. Shashi also
explained developed countries would also stand to gain from the debate by
reflecting on the various models they have chosen to assist the developing
countries in the growth of their power sector. On micro front, the shashi has
successfully flagged issues of vital import to power sector ranging from debt-
equity mix, escrow, and risk management to repatriation of dividends,
technological up-gradation, reduction of technical losses and thefts.
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shortages, poor financial health of the State Electricity Boards (SEBs) and severe
resource crunch. The power sector reforms in the country and consequent
privatisation of generation, T & D have been sluggish, due to complexities
involved. The Ministry of Power has been making continuous efforts for
promoting reduction of T&D loss and re-structuring of SEBs. The electricity
regulatory commissions, recently formed as a part of the reforms, have been still
learning to exercise adequate control on power tariffs. With reference to above
power and energy scenario, Ministry of Power (MoP) and Ministry of Non-
conventional Energy Sources (MNES), Government of India, have been
promoting viable renewable energy technologies including wind, small hydro and
biomass power, energy conservation, demand side management etc. MNES have
been promoting various sources of renewable energy since 1990. (Bajaj &
Sharma, 2007)
Nepal & Jamasb (2009) quantitatively explored high-level links between power
sector reforms and wider institutional reforms in the economy for a set of 27
diverse countries in rapid political and economic transition since 1990. The results
indicated that power sector reform is indeed a more complicated process than
initially perceived. The results also showed that power sector reform is greatly
inter-dependent with reforms in other sectors in the economy. They concluded
that the success of power sector reforms on outcomes in developing countries will
largely depend on the extent in which countries are able to synchronize inter-
sector reforms in the economy.
Dash & Sangita (2011) examined the impact of governance reforms on efficiency,
equity and service delivery in order to identifying the factors responsible for the
success/failure of reforms in the power sector in Orissa. It is found from their
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study that the success of reforms depends not on mere change of ownership from
public to private. It depends on so many factors like to what extent the
stakeholders involved in the process are benefited and how the institutions
implement the policies in reality.
Babalola (1999) studied the performance of Nigerian electricity sector to find out
the influence of ownership structures upon performance and productivity and
concluded that change of ownership and presence of regulator positively impacted
the scale efficiency of the industry.
Abey George (2000) expressed the views that several factors namely high levels
of transmission and distribution losses, increasing domestic consumption by a
few, subsidized supply electricity to the industrial and the tourism sector,
decreasing capacity of reservoirs, the unreliability of Monsoons etc., have led to a
very vulnerable electricity generation system in Kerala. The KSEB’s answers to
this very complex issue were rather simple viz., in the form of fossil fuel based
electricity generation system.
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Sankar & Ramachandra (2000) explained the principles of retail tariff fixation and
critically examined the performance of the Orissa Electricity Regulatory
Commission and found that the development of power sector is beyond the
boundaries of a regulator.
Prayas Energy Group (2000) found that, one of the major fallouts of the Enron
Controversy has been lack of concerted efforts to improve the performances of
MSEB. The measures have started yielding some results in term of reduction in
errors and better estimation of theft and identification of high theft areas. The
success of these efforts depended on co-operation of MSEB workers and
engineers and strong public pressure to ensure the top management of MSEB is
given free hand to deal sternly with erring staff and consumers alike and is made
accountable for performance of MSEB.
Kannan & Pillai (2001) studied the plight of power sector in India and explained
the significant aspects of inefficiency costs involved in SEBs functioning through
examining physical performances and financial performances.
Gurtoo & Pandey (2001) examined the past problems of power sector and initial
phase of reforms. They said the Uttar Pradesh State Electricity Board’s poor
financial condition and growing power shortages necessitated the radical reforms
in the state power sector. They said that the reforms model being implemented is
based on incomplete diagnosis of the Board’s past problems. High cost of power
purchase, arbitrary depreciation norms, misrepresentation of agricultural
consumption and over reporting of impact of subsidy, were as important reasons
as were poor maintenance, poor productivity, high transmission and distribution
losses, poor billing efficiency and high subsidy to agriculture, in affecting the
financial performance of the Board. They opined that besides lack of recognition
of the former set of causes, the reforms process is ridden with other major pitfalls
like shortage-prone gaps in the proposed model and adhoc handling of its
implementation. It appeared to them that the proposed reforms model appears to
have been conceived out of desperation to escape from financial burden imposed
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Sharma et al. (2003) found that most of the State Electricity Boards (SEBs) in
India have been working under resource crunch and operating at massive
commercial losses. The inefficiencies were mainly due to the following:
1. The technical performance of the SEBs was not satisfactory. Transmission
&Distribution losses are very high, of the order of 22.9%).
2. Thermal power stations were operating at very low efficiency and with
average plant load factor of only 53.9%.
3. Poor billing and collection, because of incorrect reporting and billing and
inadequate collection efforts, tampering with meters, and misreporting in
collusion with consumers.
4. Unmanageable size and monolithic structure, making unwieldy, inefficient
and unresponsive to change as well manpower related problems, poor
productivity, low skills and lack of training for up gradation and low
motivation levels, etc.
Zhang et, al (2005) studied the effects of privatization, competition and regulation
on the performance of electricity generation industry and found that establishing
an independent regulatory authority and introducing competition before
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Mathur & Mathur (2005) expressed that commercially unviable policies are
responsible for the financial mess state electricity boards are in. They also
examined rural electrification from a socio developmental perspective and argued
that the direct and indirect benefits of rural electrification in reducing the burden
on women, its positive impact on health, education and farm income, justifies the
expenses of network expansion for universal access. They also advocated network
uses of electricity as this would enhance these benefits, have a beneficial effect on
the environment, increase the viability of rural electrification and result in savings
on household (total) energy expenditure.
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The Indian power sector is undergoing a significant change that is redefining the
industry outlook. Sustained economic growth continues to drive power demand in
India. The Government of India’s focus to attain ‘Power for All’ has accelerated
capacity addition in the country. At the same time, the competitive intensity is
increasing on both market side as well as supply side (fuel, logistics, finances and
manpower). The Planning Commission’s 12th Plan expects total domestic energy
production to reach 669.6 million tonnes of oil equivalent (MTOE) by 2016–17
and 844 MTOE by 2021–22. (Indian Brand Equity Foundation, 2015)
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By 2030 – 35, energy demand in India is projected to be the highest among all
countries according to the 2014 energy outlook report by British oil giant BP. As
of April 2014, total thermal installed capacity stood at 168.4 gigawatt (GW),
while hydro and renewable energy installed capacity totalled 40.5 GW and 31.7
GW, respectively. At 4.8 GW, nuclear energy capacity remained broadly constant
from that in the previous year. Indian solar installations are forecasted to be
approximately 1,000 megawatt (MW) in 2014, according to Mercom Capital
Group, a global clean energy communications and consulting firm. Wind energy
market of India is expected to attract about Rs 20,000 crore (US$ 3.16 billion) of
investments next year, as companies across sectors plan to add 3,000 MW of
capacity powered by wind energy. Around 293 global and domestic companies
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have committed to generate 266 gigawatts (GW) of solar, wind, mini-hydel and
bio-mass based power in India over the next 5-10 years. The initiative would
entail an investment of about US$ 310-350 billion. The industry has attracted FDI
worth US$ 9,548.82 million during the period April 2000 to February 2015. The
Indian power sector has an investment potential of Rs 15 trillion (US$ 237.35
billion) in the next 4-5 years, providing immense opportunities in power
generation, distribution, transmission and equipment. The immediate goal of the
government is to produce two trillion units (kilowatt hours) of energy by 2019.
This will mean doubling the current production capacity in order to achieve
provide 24x7 electricity for residential, industrial, commercial and agriculture use.
Government had rewritten the National Solar Mission with target of 100,000 MW
capacities by 2022. The government has also sought to restart stalled hydro power
projects and increased the wind energy target from 20 GW to 60 GW by 2022.
(Indian Brand Equity Foundation, 2015)
Accordingly, the CEA shall prepare short-term and perspective plan. The National
Electricity Plan would be for a short-term framework of five years while giving a
15 year perspective and would include:
Short-term and long term demand forecast for different regions;
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2.4.2 GENERATION
The Government of India has initiated several reform measures to create a
favourable environment for addition of new generating capacity in the country.
The Electricity Act 2003 has put in place a highly liberal framework for
generation. There is no requirement of licensing for generation. The requirement
of techno-economic clearance of CEA for thermal generation project is no longer
there. For hydroelectric generation also, the limit of capital expenditure, above
which concurrence of CEA is required, would be raised suitably from the present
level. Captive generation has been freed from all controls. The progress of
implementation of capacity addition plans and growth of demand would need to
be constantly monitored and necessary adjustments made from time to time. In
creating new generation capacities, appropriate technology may be considered
keeping in view the likely widening of the difference between peak demand and
the base load. (National Electricity Policy, 2014)
2.4.3 TRANSMISSION
The Central Government would facilitate the continued development of the
National Grid for providing adequate infrastructure for inter-state transmission of
power and to ensure that underutilized generation capacity is facilitated to
generate electricity for its transmission from surplus regions to deficit regions.
Network expansion should be planned and implemented keeping in view the
anticipated transmission needs that would be incident on the system in the open
access regime. Prior agreement with the beneficiaries would not be a pre-
condition for network expansion. Central Transmission Unit / State Transmission
Unit should undertake network expansion after identifying the requirements in
consultation with stakeholders and taking up the execution after due regulatory
approvals. (National Electricity Policy, 2014)
2.4.4 DISTRIBUTION
For achieving efficiency gains proper restructuring of distribution utilities is
essential. Adequate transition financing support would also be necessary for these
utilities. Such support should be arranged linked to attainment of predetermined
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control of power system at state, regional and national level can be achieved only
through use of Information Technology. Application of IT has great potential in
reducing technical & commercial losses in distribution and providing consumer
friendly services. Integrated resource planning and demand side management
would also require adopting state of the art technologies. Special efforts would be
made for research, development demonstration and commercialization of non-
conventional energy systems. Such systems would need to meet international
standards, specifications and performance parameters. (National Electricity
Policy, 2014)
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f. Enabling regulations for inter and intra State trading and also regulations
on power exchange shall be notified by the appropriate Commissions
within six months.
(National Electricity Policy, 2014)
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Further, there have been significant increases in the share of private sector in
power generation in the country. The private sector installed capacity has
increased from 17112 MW in 2007 to 82715 MW as of 2014. As a result of these
changes over the years, the deficits between demand and supply have fallen
significantly in recent periods, as is shown in the chart below. (CERC, 2014)
Figure 2.1: Energy Gap and Demand Gap (Jan’ 12 to Sept ’13)
Source: CEA
While the transmission segment of the sector continues to be largely under the
public sector monopoly structure, several developments have resulted in increased
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investments and better efficiencies in this segment. GoI guidelines for tariff-based
competitive bidding for transmission services have encouraged private
investments. The rapid increase in inter-regional capacity has caused a change in
the nature of inter-state transmission system (ISTS) in a short span of time. The
integrated national system is expected to harness natural resources optimally,
evolve deep competitive markets, and also to add robustness to the power system.
In addition, the Electricity Act has provided for better monitoring, scheduling, and
dispatch of power in the form of Load Dispatch Centres, besides setting up
standards for grid operation in the form of the Grid Code. These have been
followed up by regulations by CERC where more efficient development and
pricing mechanisms for transmission have been instituted. However the
momentum has not carried over to state level policies and regulations on
transmission and in particular the inconsistencies in open access to state level
networks remain a serious concern. (CERC, 2014)
The Distribution segment of the electricity sector remains the only segment that
is yet to see radical improvements in efficiency. Despite several efforts, it is still
mired in problems and the overall performance of this segment remains
inadequate. While the network losses have reduced in the past decade, they
remain much above acceptable norms. The level of access has also improved, but
remains inadequate. Most importantly, supply quality remains very erratic and
inconsistent across the state owned distribution companies, and no state owned
distribution utility attempts to meet the service standards and the obligations cast
on them to serve load. (CERC, 2014)
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The steep increase in ACS over the last few years has been primarily due to
increase in power purchase costs, which form close to 80% of the total cost of
Discoms. Power purchase costs increased by over 16% in 2008-09, the year in
which international coal prices went up significantly, and thereafter have
remained high as compared to the price levels of 2007-08 (Refer to the figure
below). (CERC, 2014)
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On the revenue front, the tariff increase has not been commensurate with the
increase in ACS. While the ARR has been increasing in the last 2 years (FY10
and FY11), the tariffs were not revised in many of the states for number of years.
The lack of cost coverage has forced the Discoms to borrow heavily from banks
and FIs, which has increased their interest burden over the years. Thus, Financial
Gap has consistently increased over the last few years and has reached
unsustainable levels at present. As of 2011-12, over one rupee is lost on every unit
of power purchased and sold by the distribution companies in India. In absolute
terms, the aggregate losses (without accounting for subsidy) in 2011-12 were Rs.
88,053 Crs. (CERC, 2014)
The total subsidy booked by distribution companies in 2011-12 was Rs. 30,242
Crs. However, not this entire subsidy is actually received by the Discoms. As a
result, the book losses underestimate the actual loss levels and do not provide a
clear picture of the financial health of Discoms. As highlighted before, inadequate
tariff hikes was one of the factors behind the continuous increase in revenue gap
over the years. In light of the deteriorating financial health of utilities, the
Ministry of Power (MoP) requested the Appellate Tribunal to take appropriate
action by issuing necessary directions to all the State Commissions to revise the
tariff periodically, in the interest of improving the long term viability of the
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It can be observed that the collection efficiency for most of the states is above
90%, which is surely a positive sign. State like Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, and
Jharkhand have low collection efficiency (below 80%). The technical component
of total losses in India is much more than acceptable international standards. The
main reason behind the high rate of T&D losses is the lack of sufficient
investment made in the T&D sector, especially in the sub-transmission and
distribution. Additionally, power thefts continue to plague the distribution system
in states. Further, improper load management and poor quality of distribution
transformers used are also responsible for high technical losses. The figure below
presents that average (5 year) AT&C losses for different states. As observed in the
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In addition to infrequent and inadequate tariff hikes, low revenue realization from
agriculture is also one of the major reasons for poor performance of some of the
large agricultural states. Discoms that have not been able to increase tariffs for
agricultural consumers are observed to have poor financials. Madhya Pradesh has
an average revenue realisation of Rs 1.65/kWh from agriculture. However, its
AT&C losses are as high as 38% which is one of the reasons for its poor financial
performance. Add to that, there are no subsidies have been given in the state
which has further aggravated the condition. Rajasthan has very low revenue
realisation from agriculture compared to other states. Also, the state government
subsidy provided to bridge the cost-revenue gap of the agriculture segment is less
when compared to other states. (CERC, 2014)
The reform process of the Madhya Pradesh power sector had its genesis in the late
eighties and early nineties when the sector was facing mounting financial burden
and a peak power deficit in excess of 25%. Madhya Pradesh State Electricity
Board (MPSEB), the state utility could never earn the stipulated minimum 3%
return on its investment and instead needed a revenue subsidy of Rs17 billion in
1999 (or, as much as 40% of its revenue). MPSEB had at one point more than
60,000 employees for a 2,200 megawatt (MW) generation transmission
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distribution system. The transmission and distribution (T&D) losses were 47% –
more than half of it was “non-technical” or “commercial” losses (ADB. 2011).
The reform process was initiated in 1996 with the appointment of Tata Rao
Committee to look into the restructuring of sector and increased private
participation. The Committee came out with a report in 1997 that included key
recommendations for functional division of MPSEB, formation of an electricity
regulatory commission, private sector investment, etc.
In 2000, there was another key development which had a huge impact on the
power sector reforms in Madhya Pradesh. This was the physical partition of the
state into Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh that required the erstwhile MPSEB to
be split into (i) Madhya Pradesh State Electricity Board, and (ii) Chhattisgarh
State Electricity Board (CSEB). The split, however, raised a number of issues
around inequitable allocation of supply resources versus liabilities. As Table 1
summarizes, MPSEB was left to meet 78% of the energy requirements (including
90% of the heavily subsidized agricultural customers) using only 68% of the
capacity, and effectively ended up with a significant peak shortfall and 64% of the
total revenue. Therefore, MPSEB had started with an annual loss of Rs21 billion,
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while CSEB had positive profit of Rs9.3 billion. MPSEB needed significant
financial assistance to the tune of Rs175.6 billion over 2002-2005 from the State
Government that included inter alia (i) Rs74.6 billion of outstanding debt to
domestic financial institutions that was absorbed by the government; (ii) Rs32.3
billion on subsidies; and (iii) Rs53.3 billion for capital investment projects. The
debt restructuring efforts continued during 2007-2009 with an additional Rs111.4
billion provided to MPSEB (ADB. 2011).
The reform of the Madhya Pradesh power sector that started more than 15 years
ago comprises of the following key elements:
i. Segregation of the vertically integrated Board into generation,
transmission and distribution functions;
ii. Corporatization of the utilities i.e. formation of limited companies under
the Companies Act, 1956;
iii. Rationalisation of tariffs for prices to cover at least 75% of the cost of
supply of electricity by 2005; (Govt of Madhya Pradesh, 2000)
iv. Continuous review of the working of the reorganized utilities/companies
and taking measures to restructure them to achieve commercial viability
through:
(a) Rationalization of tariffs;
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The original reform agenda has been followed over the last 12 years, albeit there
were many practical constraints that limited the achievement in some cases, not
the least of which was a continued poor financial performance of the state utilities.
In July 2002, MPSEB was divided into five state-owned companies – one each for
generation and transmission and three for distribution, namely:
i. Madhya Pradesh Power Generation Corporation that catered for about
65% of state’s generation with the remaining coming from the Central
Generating Stations and purchase from other states apart from a small
quantum of hydro/wind generation.
ii. Madhya Pradesh Power Transmission Corporation (MP Transco) that
owns and operates the state power grid;
iii. Distribution of electricity is looked after by three companies namely (a)
Madhya Pradesh Madhya Kshetra Vidyut Vitaran Company (DISCOM-
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For about three years since their formation, the new companies functioned just as
the agents of MPSEB. All transactions including filing tariff revision petitions
were performed under the head of MPSEB. On 1 June 2005, the companies
started their independent operations. All transactions including filing tariff
revisions are currently performed independently by these companies.
The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has played a significant role in the power
sector reform since the nineties – most notably through its financing of the Sector
Development Program (SDP) to develop an enabling policy environment and
improve the financial performance of MPSEB. ADB had approved a total loan
amount of $350 million including a $150 million policy-based program and an
investment loan of $200 million. The program loan was disbursed in three
tranches between March 2002 and November 2003 and the counterpart funds it
generated were transferred to the State Government by the Government of India to
support the financial restructuring of MPSEB and finance part of the adjustment
cost associated with the SDP. The actual project cost at completion in 2007
including additional works approved in 2004 was $260 million, of which $179
million was financed by ADB.
SDP has been a significant part of the overall strategy adopted by the Central and
State governments to identify and fix the structural problems in the Madhya
Pradesh power sector. The regulatory and legal reforms have been effective in
establishing a transparent regulatory environment for the power sector. The
investment projects have been effective in containing and eventually reducing
transmission and distribution losses. The more recent investment in high voltage
distribution system and segregation of agricultural and residential feeders are
likely to deliver further improvement to render the distribution utilities to become
financially viable in future.
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The early reform process in Madhya Pradesh as well as some of the other States in
India paved the way for exploiting the opportunities presented through the
national policy reform process, namely, the introduction of The Electricity Act
2003. In particular, the private sector participation in Madhya Pradesh got a boost
albeit the continued poor financial performance of MPSEB meant that it had
limited financial ability to honour power purchase agreements with the
independent power producers (IPPs). Nevertheless, after a decade (1990-2000)
that saw less than 900 MW of new capacity addition, there was 4,218 MW of new
capacity that matured over 2002-2009, including 2,411 MW of state’s share in the
joint venture hydro projects. The installed capacity in the State (in all forms of
ownership including MPPGCL, joint ventures, Central Sector and Other States)
has increased from 4,000 MW in FY2011 to 10,632 MW at the end of FY2012.
As per the generation expansion plan for the state, the generation capacity is
estimated to be around 16,350 MW by the end of FY2015 (Energy Department,
Govt. of Madhya Pradesh).
As Shahi (2006) had pointed out, this was deemed to be a more challenging task
for Madhya Pradesh with its substantial share of agricultural consumption (e.g.,
41% in 2000 in Madhya Pradesh compared to 5% in Orissa). The reform
programs conducted by ADB, Department for International Development (DFID)
and Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) all emphasised the need
for improved performance of the institutions, especially that of the Madhya
Pradesh State Electricity Regulatory Commission. A number of performance
criteria were set for all of the relevant power utilities. These criteria
comprehensively captured all aspects of governance and measured the
achievement of the utilities against set standards. The Table 2 summarizes these
criteria and the performance (DFID, 2012).
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and 96% in 2012, despite 94% in FY2010 and achieved the target
an increase in cost of of 96% for 2012 (ADB Independent
supply (MP Electricity Review report). Industrial consumers
Regulatory Commission, were paying 40% for the domestic
2013) consumers in FY2005, which has now
(FY2010) reduced to little over 20% and
likely to meet the FY2012 target of 16%.
Thus, the cross subsidies are declining.
Computerised systems: Computerised billing Online bill payment system has been put
billing, online payment, system is already in place. in place by all the 3 DISCOMs although
customer feedback Online payment system the coverage of customers has been only
rolled out fully as of 17% of the total customers of 8.2 million
December 2012. Customer and less than 1% of those covered
online grievance system in actually use the facility. Bill collection
place in 9 out of 42 Circles. has improved from 85% in FY2005 to
96% in FY2012 (Collated from Annual
Reports of Discoms, 2012). 15 out of the
42 circles have already implemented
online payment mechanism in the three
DISCOMs in FY2010. The roll out has
been completed in December 2012.
Although there was a target set to roll out
online customer feedback system in all
Circles by December 2012, it has not
been achieved yet (Central Discom
Annual Report 2012-13).
Aggregate technical and Significant reduction in ATC was 44% in FY2006and a 35%
commercial (ATC) losses ATC has been achieved target for FY2010 was set. In FY2010,
exceeding the FY2012 the realized losses were 33%, i.e.,
target and future targets up exceeded the loss reduction target.
to FY2015 have been FY2012 target of 28% has also been
revised in light of this. exceeded and the FY2015 target has now
been revised to 18% (DISCOM-E), 16%
(DISCOM-W) and 19% (DISCOM-C)
(MP Electricity Regulatory Commission)
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Private sector investment In May 2012, Madhya A total of 49 MOUs have been signed
in generation Pradesh Investment in under the old and new policy taken
Power Generation Projects together with a total capacity of 67,546
Policy for IPPs have been MW. A total capacity of over 10,000
enacted. The long term MW is in various stages of
target is for 50 GW implementation. (MPSEB Annual Report
including 10 GW by 2012. 2012-13) A benefit- cost analysis done
There has been significant by the DFID consultants noted that: “an
activity already including additional 3,148 MW of concessional
24 MOUs signed in 2012 power will be available to the state
for a total capacity of (compared to the Old Policy) with a an
31,480 MW. additional benefit of Rs 431.87 billion
(£6 billion) to the state. In addition this
will enable the state to raise revenue to
the tune of Rs252.83 billion (£3.5
billion) from electricity duty and cess.”
Renewable energy A target of INR 12.5 billion MP currently has 386 MW of wind and
investment was set for 2012 that has an estimated 270 MW of solar capacity.
been exceeded. There are (Ministry of New and Renewable Energy
very significant investments Annual Report 2012-13) There is an
in solar and wind that are estimated 870 MW of additional solar
forthcoming. investment worth INR 10 billion that is
likely to be achieved by June 2014.
(Government of MP, 2013) There are
proposals for 2,100 MW of wind in the
state that are worth INR 12.7 billion
In addition to the performance review in, it is also useful to note some of the
institutional developments that took place since early nineties, to gain a more
holistic understanding of the power sector in Madhya Pradesh. The enactment of
Madhya Pradesh Electricity Act of 2001 clearly delineated the responsibilities for
overall sector formulation, economic regulation, and utility function among
Madhya Pradesh Government, MPSERC, and MPSEB and its successor entities,
respectively. The prevailing institutional mechanism for tariff setting through the
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nineties was highly politicized was set significantly below cost of supply.
Although abundance of cheap coal in the nineties had the cost of supply around
Rs2 for kWh, the average realized tariff was below Rs1.50 through the nineties,
even after industrial and commercial customers paying substantially higher than
the cost of supply. The cross-subsidies from industrial/commercial consumers to
agricultural and residential consumers were no longer sustainable as industrial
consumers were increasingly resorting to captive power generation.
Under MPSERC’s Tariff Orders, the average domestic tariff increased from
Rs2.36 per kWh in FY2002 to Rs4.80 per kWh in 2012. The agricultural tariff
increased more sharply from Rs0.90 per kWh in FY2002 to Rs3.80 per kWh in
FY2012. Cost reflectivity of tariff for agricultural customers expressed as a
percentage of the average cost of supply improved from 27% in FY2004 to 75%
in FY2010. The cross-subsidy from HV consumers (mainly industrial) to LV
consumers (mainly residential and agricultural) has been significantly reduced
from Rs. 1.73/kWh in 2004 to Rs0.5 per kWh in 2013. A transparent tariff- setting
mechanism has clearly worked to increase the level of cost recovery. The 2013
tariff order issued by the MPSERC notes the following cost recovery for FY2012:
I. Domestic: 97.85%
II. Industrial: 122.29%, and
III. Agriculture: 75%.
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supply notwithstanding the fact that the cost of supply has increased substantially
to Rs4.90 per kWh in FY2012.
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management by opinion to management by facts, that is, away from a soft science
approach to performance measurement. That means that managers are collecting
hard numbers to set and achieve desired performance levels and to enable this
there is a need for a developed performance measurement system (Harbour,
1997). Harbour emphasized the importance of performance measurement as “You
can’t understand, manage, or improve what you don’t measure”.
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the air with the end goal of reaching its destination. Following this reasoning,
managers of organisations should not be satisfied with anything less than a full
battery of instrumentation which supplies them with the correct information
regarding the environment they are competing in and the current condition of the
company to guide them in reaching their goals.
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objective measures of ROA and sales growth. However, the amount of unshared
variance between the constructs implies that the global measures may capture
some broader conceptualization of performance. In other words, there are more
dimensions to overall organizational performance then ROA and sales growth.
The Q ratio was proposed by Callard & Kleinman (1985) as a substitute for
Tobin’s Q, and is calculated as the ratio of the value of individual business units
divided by the inflation adjusted purchase cost of assets.
Chakravarthy (1986) empirically found that profitability criteria are not capable of
“distinguishing differences in the strategic performances of the computer firms in
the sample”. The importance of this research was that no single profitability
measure was capable of discriminating between the performances of firms. This
applied to both the accounting measures used and the market-based measure. As
strategic performance deals with the future, Chakravarthy proposed that a firm
needs slack resources to ensure its flexibility. Accordingly, in assessing strategic
performance, the ability of a firm to produce slack resources is critical. The
discriminant function developed includes multiple dimensions of performance,
once again indicating the importance of multivariate measures of overall
organizational performance.
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Based upon the findings of their literature review, Brush and VanderWerf (1992)
examined methods and sources for obtaining estimates of new venture
performance.
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KPIs are quantifiable measurements that gauge the outcome of a critical success
factor, goal and objective or performance (Bauer, 2004).
KPIs reflect strategic value drivers to achieve organisational goals. Value drivers
mean activities that, when executed properly, guarantee future success. Value
drivers could help an organisation to move in the right direction in order to
achieve its organisational goals, for example, high customer satisfaction or
excellent service quality. KPIs, in most cases, are non-financial (Eckerson, 2004).
Reh (2005) states that KPIs will help an organisation define and measure progress
towards organisational goals. Once the mission statement has been analysed,
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stakeholders identified, and goals defined, KPIs are set in place so as to measure
progress towards goals. KPIs are a performance management tool and they should
not just act as visual metaphors. The developer should understand what constitutes
KPIs that could deliver a long-term value-added tool to the organisation.
Masilamani (2005) presented her definition of KPI as "a relative measure of the
performance of an organisation". KPI can also be used to indicate the performance
of specific and focused activities in the organisation which could directly affect
the value of that organisation.
Pekeliling (2005) looks at KPI as something that one can measure continuously.
He also believes that in order to do well in performance measurement, the
company needs to understand its critical success factors so that it may increase
repeat business with key customers.
From extensive analysis and from discussions with over 1,500 participants his
KPI workshops, covering most organization types in the public and private
sectors, (Parmenter, 2007) defined seven KPI characteristics:-
1. Nonfinancial measures (not expressed in dollars, yen, pounds, euros, etc.)
2. Measured frequently (e.g., daily or 24/7)
3. Acted on by the CEO and senior management team
4. Understanding of the measure and the corrective action required by all staff
5. Ties responsibility to the individual or team
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6. Significant impact (e.g., affects most of the core critical success factors [CSFs]
and more than one BSC perspective)
7. Positive impact (e.g., affects all other performance measures in a positive way)
A KPI can be used to closely monitor the results of actions. When it is not certain
that a result is due to a specific set of plans and actions it is useful to introduce
KPIs to detect and track what is happening. KPI measures that are thought to be
appropriate can be trended over a period of time, and in different situations, to see
if they, in fact, do highlight the relevant factors that are truly important to the
successful outcomes from the actions. KPIs lead to positive actions and provide
the key to organisational success. KPIs should generate the intended action and
thus, improve performance. Only those factors that are essential and critical to the
organisation reaching its goals are selected. It is important to keep everyone's
attention focused on achieving the same KPIs. How to motivate people to reach
the KPIs targets? The top management could use KPIs as a carrot. Post and show
the progress of KPIs everywhere in the organisation such as the main entrance,
pantry room, on the walls of hallways, meeting rooms, staff areas, or even on the
organisation's website. The future success could be realised if the top executives
give their full commitment. When KPIs cascade throughout the organisation, it
will enable everyone to march together on the right path (Parmenter, 2007).
According to Hough (2007) the KPI profile describes the outputs (results)
expected of the individual, i.e. what he/she must achieve to be successful in the
particular role/position. It also explains how the individual will know whether
he/she has successfully achieved his/her objectives.
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A major benefit of KPIs is that the key issues are addressed and by using a
dashboard, the results are visible. They do not need to analyse rows of data on
spreadsheets or reports to come up with the same result. When an outcome is
monitored and trended with a KPI, the resulting figure tells one the process
performance effectiveness. The KPI should be an accurate, honest reflection of the
process efficiency in delivering the outcome. With a reliable KPI measure of
performance, the effect of a change made to a process, or a new strategy
implemented, is then reflected in the KPI results produced. KPIs can offer many
perspectives on an event. It can permit intense focus and scrutiny, it can detect
changed conditions, it can score performance, it can indicate a change from plan,
it can detect potential problems and it can drive improvement. Change to a certain
operation can be monitored and the reflected KPI will echo if the change
improved the result. Once the effects of a change can be monitored reliably,
repeatably and accurately by KPIs, it is reasonable to use the KPI as a tool to
improve the ongoing process performance. Simply introduce the test change into
the process and monitor its effect with the KPI. Keep those changes that work and
discard those changes that do not produce suitable results (Anon, 2009).
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Substation energy
Efficiency of distribution Audits / load flow
Technical losses
Infrastructure
studies
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In the year 2007, a pioneering study was commissioned by Prince Edward Island
Regulatory & Appeals Commission (Prince Edward Island is a Canadian
Province), for devising a framework for comprehensive measurement and review
of the performance of Maritime Electric Company, Limited (power distribution
company functioning on the island province). The study has identified KPIs which
may be utilised for ascertainment of performance of a Power Distribution Utility
in relevant functional area. The major KPIs (with association to functional area to
which these KPIs relate) have been identified in the study are listed as below
(Murphy, 2007):-
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2) Distribution Losses
3) Customers per Distribution Employees
4) Distribution Reliability
5) Distribution Transformer Utilisation
6) Transmission/Distribution O&M Cost
7) SAIDI
8) SAIFI
(B) Demand Side Management
9) DSM Initiatives
10) DSM Budget
11) DSM FTE Employees
12) DSM MWh Savings
13) Power Quality Standards
(C) Human Resources / Safety
14) Lost Time Injury Duration
15) Lost Time Injury Frequency Rate
16) Labour Productivity
(D) Customers / General
17) Service Coverage
18) Productive Electricity Usage
19) Lifeline Tariff Usage
a) Domestic Usage
b) Commercial Usage
c) Industrial Usage
d) Other Usage
20) Customer Unbilled Electricity
21) Self Regulated or Externally Regulated
(F) Financial Indicators
22) Operating Ratio
23) Debt to Equity Ratio
24) Rate of Return on Assets
25) Return on Equity
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The flagship funding agency in India namely Power Finance Corporation has used
the following structure for performance evaluation of state power utilities (Power
Finance Corporation, 2013):-
(A) Performance on Financial Parameters
1) Introduction
2) Revenue from Sale of Power
3) Income, Expenditure and Profitability of the Utilities
4) State wise financial performance of utilities
5) Subsidy Booked and Received
6) Gap between ACS and ARR
7) Expenditure Details
(B) Financial Position
8) Capital Structure
9) Net worth
10) Borrowed Funds
11) Net Fixed Assets and Capital WIP
12) Capital Expenditure
13) Receivables for Sale of Power
14) Creditors for Purchase of Power
(C) Analysis of Profitability and Capital Structure Ratios
15) Return on Equity
16) Return on Net Worth
17) Return on Capital Employed
18) Debt Equity Ratio
19) Installed Capacity
20) Generation
21) Power Purchase
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Customer satisfaction has long been recognised as a process (Oliver, 1981) and is
the difference between consumers’ perceived and expected performance of a
product or service. In other words, customer satisfaction occurs when
performance is higher than expected, while dissatisfaction occurs when
performance is lower than expected. Overall, to gain customer satisfaction, some
argue that organisations need to exceed predictive expectations of customers,
rather than just satisfy expectations (Spreng and Mackoy, 1996).
Carpenter and Fairhurst (2005) showed that utilitarian shopping benefits and
hedonic shopping benefits had a positive impact on satisfaction.
Day (1984) asserts that "while everyone knows what satisfaction means, it clearly
does not mean the same thing to everyone". Early conceptualizations of consumer
satisfaction view it as a single variable which involves a single evaluative reaction
from consumers, which may or may not be related to pre-evaluation concepts. In
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Consistency theories suggest that when expectations and the actual product
performance do not match the consumer will feel some degree of tension. In
order to relieve this tension the consumer will make adjustments either in
expectations or in the perceptions of the product's actual performance. Four
theoretical approaches have been advanced under the umbrella of consistency
theory: 1. assimilation theory, 2. contrast theory, 3. assimilation-contrast
theory, and 4. negativity theory.
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4. Negativity theory. Like the three previous theories, negativity theory has its
foundations in the disconfirmation process. Introduced into the consumer
satisfaction literature by Anderson (1973), negativity theory posits that when
expectations are strongly held, consumers will respond negatively to any
disconfirmation. Accordingly, dissatisfaction will occur if perceived performance
is less than expectations or if perceived performance exceeds expectations
(Anderson, 1973).
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1990; Brensinger and Lambert, 1990; Crompton and MacKay, 1989). Tangibles
are the physical evidence of service, reliability involves consistency of
performance and dependability, responsiveness concerns the willingness or
readiness of employees to provide services, assurance corresponds to the
knowledge and courtesy of employees and their ability to inspire trust and
confidence, and finally, empathy pertains to caring, individualized attention that a
firm provides its customers (Lassar et al., 2000).
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For obtaining in depth knowledge about the industry relevant with the research
further literature was reviewed under the heads ‘Power Sector Scenario in India’,
‘Recent Issues & Challenges of Indian Power Sector’, ‘Overview of Indian Power
Sector Performance’ and ‘Power Sector Reforms in Madhya Pradesh’.
Since the main research question of this study was to find out how did M.P. West
Discom perform after operational autonomy hence further literate review was
undertaken under the heads ‘The Concept of Performance & its Measurement’,
‘Approaches of Performance Measurement’, ‘KPI Approach of Performance
Measurement’, ‘KPIs for a Power Distribution Utility’ and ‘The Concept of
Customer Satisfaction’ so as to generate sound base for the conceptual framework
of this study. The researcher concluded that performance of M.P. West Discom is
to be studied through Key Performance Indicators applicable in its case. A
detailed discussion on Key Performance Indicators applicable for this study is
given in Chapter 3 – Conceptual Framework.
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