ASEAN - India Shared Cultural Heritage

ACT EAST: ASEAN-INDIA
SHARED CULTURAL HERITAGE
ACT EAST: ASEAN-INDIA SHARED CULTURAL HERITAGE

Culture is the key to the India-ASEAN partnership. Shared histori-
cal ties, culture and knowledge continue to underpin India’s
sustained interactions with Southeast Asia. The commonalities
between India and Southeast Asia provide a platform for building
synergies with the countries of the region. As India’s engagement
with the ASEAN moves forward with support of the Act East
Policy (AEP), the socio-cultural linkages between the two regions
ACT EAST:
can be utilized effectively to expand collaboration, beyond
economic and political domains into areas of education, tourism
ASEAN-INDIA
and people to people contact. This book presents historical and
contemporary dimensions between India and Southeast Asia with
particular reference to cultural heritage. One of the recommenda-
tions of this book is to continue our efforts to preserve, protect, and
restore cultural heritage that represents the civilisational bonds SHARED CULTURAL
HERITAGE
between ASEAN and India. The book will serve as a knowledge
product for policymakers, academics, private sector experts and
regional cooperation practitioners; and is a must-read for anyone
interested in the cultural heritage.
fodkl'khy ns'kksa dh vuqla/ku ,oa lwpuk iz.kkyh
AIC
Core IV-B, Fourth Floor, India Habitat Centre
Lodhi Road, New Delhi-110 003, India
AIC
Tel.: +91-11-2468 2177-80, Fax: +91-11-2468 2173-74
E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] fodkl'khy ns'kksa dh vuqla/ku ,oa lwpuk iz.kkyh ASEAN-India Centre at RIS
Website: www.ris.org.in; http://aic.ris.org.in ASEAN-India Centre at RIS
Act East:
ASEAN-India Shared
Cultural Heritage
Act East:
ASEAN-India Shared
Cultural Heritage
First Published in 2019 by

Tel.: +91-11-2468 2177-80, Fax: +91-11-2468 2173-74
E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]
Website: www.ris.org.in; http://aic.ris.org.in
ISBN No.: 81-7122-140-8
Copyright © AIC and RIS
All rights reserved. No part of this book shall be produced, stored in a retrieval
system or transmitted by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
recording, or otherwise, without permission from the publisher and the copyright
holder.
Cover Design: Sachin Singhal

Contents
Foreword ............................................................................................... vii

Preface.................................................................................................... ix
Acknowledgments.................................................................................... xi
List of Tables, Figures and Maps.......................................................... xiii
List of Abbreviations .......................................................................... xvii
List of Contributors................................................................................xix
1. Introduction...................................................................................... 1
Prabir De
Part I
2. Shared Cultural Heritage: Towards A Sustainable Future ............... 9
Himanshu Prabha Ray
3. Commercial Interactions between India and Southeast Asia
during the Medieval Period and Future Interaction between
ASEAN and India .......................................................................... 25
K. Selvakumar
4. Maritime Relations between Peninsular India and Southeast Asia:
An Archaeological Perspective...................................................... 45
K. Rajan
5. A Study on Ancient Culture and Civilization Links between India
and Myanmar ................................................................................. 85
Mya Mya Thaung
. Part II
6. Women in Monastic Buddhism in Southeast Asia: An Agenda for
Archaeological Research ............................................................. 111
Garima Kaushik
7. Circulation of Buddhist maṇḍalas in Maritime Asia: A Study of
the Art of the Buddhist Diamond Triangle of Odisha (India) and
Borobodur–Candi Mendut in Java............................................... 119
Umakanta Mishra
vi Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage
8. The Mudra in the Dances of ASEAN: A Hypothesis .................. 141

Haji Mohd Abdoh Bin Haji Awang Damit
Part III
9. Some Prospects of ASEAN-India Partnership in Culture ........... 151
Sophana Srichampa
10. Building Synergies through Digitalization .................................. 163
Nilima Chitgopekar
11. South and Southeast Asian Interactions: Contexts
for Renewal.................................................................................. 167
Niharika Gupta
12. Through the Lens of Art: Setting the Context to Indian Heritage
in Singapore and Southeast Asia.................................................. 175
Nalina Gopal
13. Cultural Role in ASEAN-India Relations for the World Peace.... 191
Andrik Purwasito
14. Strengthening Cultural Relations through the Role of
Museum Institutions .................................................................... 201
Mohamad Shawali bin Haji Badi
15. Enhancing India-Philippines Cooperation in Culture.................. 209
Joefe B. Santarita
16. Cultural Relation between India and Vietnam: Toward a Profound
Partnership for Future Development ........................................... 223
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha
Appendix
Summary of the Conference................................................................ 235
Agenda................................................................................................. 243
Keynote Address by Gen. (Dr) V. K. Singh ........................................ 247
Inaugural Remarks by H.E. A.M. Fachir............................................. 253
Remarks by H.E. Nguyen Quoc Dzung............................................... 255
Foreword
Ambassador (Dr.) Mohan Kumar

Chairman, RIS
ASEAN-India relations are firmly embedded in culture, commerce and

connectivity (3Cs). Shared historical ties, culture and knowledge have
continued to underpin India’s sustained interactions with Southeast Asia.
Culture is the key to the India-ASEAN partnership.
ASEAN-India relation is one of the cornerstones of India’s foreign
policy and the Act East policy (AEP). Starting as a sectoral partner of
ASEAN in 1992, India became a dialogue partner of ASEAN in 1996, a
summit-level partner in 2002 and strategic partner in 2012. On January
25, 2018, India and ASEAN celebrated 25 years of its partnership, at a
Commemorative Summit in New Delhi, with the participation of Heads of
State/Government from all the ten countries of ASEAN and India. For the
first time, all the ten ASEAN leaders also attended India’s Republic Day
Celebrations on January 26, 2018, in New Delhi, as Guests of Honour. At
the ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit, held on 25 January 2018, our
leaders have outlined their vision on the future of ASEAN-India Strategic
Partnership, where they have identified cultural relations as one of the key
areas of ASEAN-India partnership.
The ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) at Research and Information System
for Developing Countries (RIS) in collaboration with the Indian Mission
to ASEAN in Jakarta, Indonesian Foreign Affairs Ministry, and ASEAN
Secretariat organized the 2nd International Conference on “ASEAN-India
Cultural Links: Historical and Contemporary Dimensions”, held at Jakarta
on 19 January 2017. Several scholars and experts from India and ASEAN
presented their research papers at this Conference. This publication Act
East: ASEAN – India Shared Cultural Heritage is an outcome of this
Conference. This book presents essays on India’s cultural links with
Southeast Asia, with particular reference to cultural heritage.
viii Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage
I would like to record my appreciation of the efforts that have been

put by my colleague, Dr. Prabir De and his team, in putting together this
volume. I wish to thank Prof. Sachin Chaturvedi, Director General, RIS
for his support and cooperation.
I am certain that this publication will be a valuable reference for
policymakers, academics and practitioners.
Mohan Kumar
Preface
Prof. Sachin Chaturvedi

Director General, RIS
India attaches the highest importance to its historical relations with

South East Asia, with ASEAN being at the centre. This is emphatically
reflected in India’s “Act East” policy, which in fact is culmination of its
earlier, “Look East” policy. While the economic dimensions of ASEAN-
India partnership are the key to deepening the relationship, the historical
linkages is the corner stone of this strong edifice. This relationship also
draws sustenance from promoting people-to-people contacts at different
levels in the backdrop of rich history of civilizational links, and in this
context added emphasis is given to three dimensions of ASEAN-India
relations: culture, commerce and connectivity.
RIS since early nineties has been engaged in providing policy
research inputs for strengthening ASEAN-India cooperation, when India
became a Sectoral Dialogue Partner of ASEAN. Among other initiatives,
the India-ASEAN Eminent Persons’ Lecture Series was also launched
in December 1996 to facilitate people-to-people interactions. Later, the
ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) was set up at the RIS.
In order to discuss the special significance of cultural issues in the
ASEAN-India Strategic Partnership, the AIC at RIS, in collaboration
with the Indian Embassy to ASEAN in Jakarta; Indonesian Foreign
Affairs Ministry; and ASEAN Secretariat organized the 2nd International
Conference on “ASEAN-India Cultural Links: Historical and
Contemporary Dimension” at Jakarta on 19 January 2017. Many eminent
scholars and experts from ASEAN and India participated to deliberate on
various facets of the shared historical and cultural heritage between India
and South East Asia. The present volume contains 15 papers that were
presented at this conference. They deal with several aspects of ASEAN-
India civilizational linkages with particular focus on cultural heritage.
x Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage
I am sure researchers and policy makers would find the publication

useful and relevant for their work. I also take this opportunity to thank
Dr. Mohan Kumar, Chairman, RIS for his consistent support. Thanks
are also due to the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) for its support
for organising the above said conference. I also compliment my senior
colleague Dr. Prabir De and other researchers at AIC for bringing out this
valuable publication.
Sachin Chaturvedi
Acknowledgments
The Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage has been edited
by Dr Prabir De, Professor, Research and Information System for
Developing Countries (RIS) with the assistance of Ms. Sreya Pan, Research
Associate, RIS.
This book is an outcome of the 2nd International Conference on
“ASEAN-India Cultural Links: Historical and Contemporary Dimensions”,
organised by the ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) at Research and Information
System for Developing Countries (RIS) in collaboration with the Indian
Embassy to ASEAN in Jakarta, Indonesian Foreign Affairs Ministry, and
ASEAN Secretariat, held at Jakarta on 19 January 2017.
We thank all the contributors for their contributions to this
volume. We wish to thank Dr Mohan Kumar, Chairman, RIS and
Prof. Sachin Chaturvedi, Director General, RIS for their guidance.
Our sincere thanks are to Mr Anurag Bhushan, Joint Secretary
(ASEAN Multilateral), MEA; Col. Sandeep Puri, the then Director (ASEAN
Multilateral), MEA; and Dr Madan Sethi, Deputy Secretary (ASEAN ML),
MEA for their cooperation. We also wish to extend our thanks to Mr Suresh
Reddy, former Indian Ambassador to ASEAN and Mr Rakesh Upadhya,
First Secretary, Indian Mission to ASEAN and other colleagues at the
Mission for helping us to organise the second International Conference on
“ASEAN-India Cultural Links: Historical and Contemporary Dimensions”
at Jakarta.
We would like, in particular, to acknowledge the financial assistance
under the ASEAN-India Fund, extended by the Ministry of External Affairs
(MEA), Government of India through the ASEAN Secretariat to ASEAN-
India Centre (AIC) at RIS for organising the aforesaid conference.
This volume has benefited greatly from the assistance and support
by the RIS Administration. Copy editing of the Report was carried out
by Mrs Shashi Verma. Mr. Tish Malhotra along with Mr. Sachin Singhal
coordinated the production of the Book.
Views expressed in this volume are those of the authors and not the
views of the Governments of India or ASEAN countries, Research and
Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), ASEAN-India Centre
(AIC) or the ASEAN Secretariat. Usual disclaimers apply. For any further
queries on the Book, please contact at [email protected]
List of Tables, Figures and Maps
List of Tables
Table 3.1 : List of Tamil Inscriptions Found in Southeast

Asia and China........................................................... 29
Table 4.1 : Trade Guild Inscriptions of South India..................... 64
Table 6.1 : Social Identification Categories Used by Bhikkhunis
and Upasikas in the Donor Records......................... 113
Table 6.2 : List of Probable Monastic Sites for Bhikkhunis
(Bhikkhuni Viharas).................................................. 114
Table 7.1 : Alignment of the Buddhas in Caṇḍī Mendut
and MVS.................................................................. 130
Table 7.2 : A Comparison of the Alignments of the Bodhisattvas
in the MVS and Mendut........................................... 131
Table 7.3
: Alignment of Buddhas and Bodhisattva in the
stūpa of Udayagiri, Odisha 9th-10th Century
Modelled on Garbhadhātū-Maṇḍalas....................... 136
Table 8.1 : The Outputs, Indicators and Activities Proposed..... 146
Table 14.1 : Programmes in Malaysia.......................................... 207
List of Figures
Figure 3.1 : Map of Important Archaeological and Historical
Sites in India and Southeast Asia............................... 30
Figure 3.2 : Distribution of Merchant Guild Inscriptions.............. 32
Figure 5.1 : Stone Slab Bearing the Figures of the Pyus
Discovered from Hanlin............................................. 88
Figure 5.2 : Kaw Gun Cave Stone Scription................................. 88
Figure 5.3 : The Inner Herm of the Hanging Robes Inscription.... 89
xiv Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage
Figure 5.4 : Kun Seik Stone Inscriptoin........................................ 90

Figure 5.5 : Pillars of Kalyani Inscription (Bago)........................ 90
Figure 5.6 : Kalyani Inscription (KelarTha).................................. 91
Figure 5.7 : Shwedagon Pagoda Inscription.................................. 92
Figure 5.8 (a) : Votive Tablet Found at Sriksetra................................ 93
Figure 5.8 (b) : Buddha-gaya Type Votive Tablet Found at
Thatonregion.............................................................. 93
Figure 5.9 : Botahtaung Votive Tablet........................................... 94
Figure 5.10 : Bronze Standing Buddha, Amaravati Style ............... 95
Figure 5.11 : Figer-Marked Brick Found at Lower Myanmar......... 96
Figure 5.12 (a) : Silver Coins Found at Lower Myanmar..................... 97
Figure 5.12 (b) : Silver Coins Found at Lower Myanmar..................... 97
Figure 5.13 (a) : Silver Coins Found at Pyu.......................................... 98
Figure 5.13 (b) : Silver Coins Found at Pyu.......................................... 98
Figure 5.14 : Twenty Gold Plates Discovered from Sriksetra....... 103
Figure 5.15 : Silver Coins Found at Rakhine................................. 104
Figure 7.1 : Ratubaka Manta on a Gold Foil, 7th Century CE,
Central Java.............................................................. 127
Figure 7.2 : Model of the Borobodur from the Site Museum...... 128
Figure 7.3 (a) : Buddha in Bhumisparsamudra................................. 128
Figure 7.3 (b) : Buddha in Bhumisparsamudra................................. 128
Figure 7.4 : Tathāgata Vairocana in Bodhyāngi Mudrā............... 130
Figure 7.5 : Alignment of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in the
Garbhadhātūmaṇḍala................................................ 131
Figure 7.6 : Vairocana in Central Cella of Candi Mendut .......... 133
Figure 7.7 : Abhisaṁbodhi Vairocana with Mantra from MVS in
Back Slab, Lalitagiri, Odisha, Early 8th
Century CE............................................................... 135
Figure 7.8 : Mañjuśrī maṇḍala, 9th-10th Century CE.................... 137
Figure 8.1 : Namaskara / Anjali / Hridayanjali Mudra
Gesture of Greeting, Prayer, and Adoration............. 143
List of Tables, Figures and Maps xv
Figure 8.2 : Different Versions of Namaskara Mudra from the

Dances of ASEAN Member States........................... 144
Figure 12.1 : The Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore.................... 176
Figure 12.2 : Archaeological Finds from Fort Canning Hill and
Parliament House Complex ..................................... 178
Figure 12.3 : (Left) Vishnu, 10th Century, Chola Period, Granite,
Tamil Nadu, South India
(Right) Harihara, Asram Maha Rosei, Pre-Angkor
Period, Style of Phnom Da, 7th Century,
Sandstone................................................................. 180
Figure 12.4 : (Left) Bhima (Bima), Shadow Puppet (Wayang Kulit),
20th Century, Polychrome Leather, Java, Indonesia
(Right) Display of Mahabharata Wayan Kulit puppets
at the Indian Heritage Centre................................... 181
Figure 12.5
: (Left) Seated Buddha, 11th-12th Century, Pollonaruva
Period, Gilt Bronze, Sri Lanka
(Right) Buddhist Interactions Display at the Indian
Heritage Centre........................................................ 182
Figure 12.6 : Indo-Portuguese figure of a Gilded Ivory
Madonna with Gold Earrings; 17th Century............. 183
Figure 12.7 : Indian Trade Textiles and Other Objects of Trade... 185
: (Left) Head of Buddha, Late 8th-Early 9th Century
Figure 12.8
CE, Shailendra Period, Andesite Stone, Central Java,
Indonesia
(Right) Head of Buddha, 5th Century CE, Gupta
Period, Red Sandstone, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh,
India.......................................................................... 185
Figure 12.9
: (Left) Kedah Buddha, 5th-9th Centuries, Bujang Valley,
Kedah, Malaysia
(Right) Standing Buddha, Circa 500 CE, Gupta Period,
Copper Alloy, East India. ........................................ 187
Figure 12.10 : (Left) Agastya, 11th Century, Volcanic Stone, Indonesia
(Right) Mukhalinga, 7th Century CE, Pre Angkor
Period, Sandstone, Cambodia................................... 187
Figure 15.1 : Maharadia Lawana................................................... 212
xvi Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage
Figure 15.2 : Singkil ..................................................................... 213

Figure 15.3 : Agusan Gold Vajralasya........................................... 215
Figure 15.4 : Butuan Ivory Seal..................................................... 215
Figure 16.1 : My Son Sanctuary (Quang Nam province).............. 224
Figure 16.2 : My Son A1 Tower (H.Parmenter)............................ 227
List of Maps
Map 5.1 : Map of India and Southeast Asia................................ 86
Map 7.1 : Diamond Triangle Buddhist Sites of Odisha............ 135
Map 8.1 : Expansion of Hinduism in Southeast Asia............... 142
Abbreviations
AD Anno Domini
AEC ASEAN Economic Community
AEP Act East Policy
AIC ASEAN-India Centre
AIR Artist in Residence
AMCA ASEAN Ministries Responsible for Culture and Arts
APSC ASEAN Political-Security Community
ASCC ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community
ASEAN Association of South East Asian Nations
ASEAN-COCI ASEAN Committee on Culture and Information
ASI Archaeological Survey of India
BCE Before Common Era
BV Bujang Valley
BVAM Bujang Valley Archaeological Museum
CE Common Era
DU Delhi University
EFEO École Française d’Extrême-Orient
ICCR Indian Council for Cultural Relations
ICT Information and Communication Technology
IHC Indian Heritage Centre
IIM Indian Institute of Management
IIT Indian Institute of Technology
IPMDB Indo-Pacific Monochrome Drawn Beads
ITEC Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation
JNU Jawaharlal Nehru University
LEP Look East Policy
MEA Ministry of External Affairs
MVS Mahāvairocanasūtra
xviii Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage
NCCA National Commission for Culture and the Arts

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
PGW Painted Grey Ware
PIO People of Indian Origin
RIS Research and Information System for Developing
Countries
SEA South East Asia
SHK Saṅ Hyaṅ Kamahāyānikan
STTS Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṁgraha
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization
ZOPFAN Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality
List of Contributors
Garima Kaushik, Assistant Professor, School of Buddhist Studies,

Comparative Religions & Philosophy, Nalanda University, Rajgir, Bihar
H. Andrik Purwasito, Professor and Head of International Relations
Programme, Universitas Sebelas Maret, Java
Haji Mohd Abdoh Bin Haji Awang Damit, Acting Director of Culture
and the Arts, Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports, Brunei Darussalam,
Bandar Seri Begawan
Himanshu Prabha Ray, Former Chairperson, National Monuments
Authority, Ministry of Culture, New Delhi
Joefe Santarita, Associate Professor and Dean, Asian Centre, University
of the Philippines, Manila
K. Rajan, Professor, Department of History, Pondicherry University,
Puducherry
Mohamed Shawali Haji Badi, Deputy Director General (Policy),
Department of Museums, Government of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur
Mya Mya Thaung, Assistant Director, Department of Historical Research
and National Library, Ministry of Religion and Culture, Government of
Myanmar, Yangon
Nalina Gopal, Curator, Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha, Head of Ecological Culture and Tourism Vietnam
National Institute of Cultural and Arts Studies, Ministry of Culture,
Sports and Tourism, Hanoi
Niharika Gupta, Director (Content), Sahapedia, New Delhi
Nilima Chitgopekar, Associate Professor, Jesus Marry College, Delhi
University, New Delhi
Prabir De, Professor, ASEAN-India Centre (AIC), Research and
Information System for Developing Countries, New Delhi
xx Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage
Sophana Srichampa, Associate Professor and Chair for Bharat Studies,

Organisation Research Institute for Language and Culture of Asia,
Mahidol University, Bangkok
Umakanta Mishra, Assistant Professor, Ravenshaw University, Cuttack,
Odisha
V. Selvakumar, Assistant Professor, Department of Epigraphy and
Archaelogy, Tamil University, Thanjavur
1
Introduction
Prabir De
I
ndia and Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are home
to 1.8 billion people and have an economic size of US$ 3.8 trillion
and a substantial share of world resources, economic and otherwise.
Both share land and maritime boundaries to each other. Overtime, India’s
relations with ASEAN have grown from strength to strength.
ASEAN-India relations are firmly embedded in culture, commerce
and connectivity (3Cs). India’s ‘Look East Policy’ (LEP) was in force for
more than two decades, and thereafter, it has been transformed into a more
serious ‘Act East Policy’ (AEP) with ASEAN at its core. The ASEAN-
India relations have gained constant momentum throughout this period.
The collaboration between ASEAN and India has accelerated across a
range of economic and strategic issues, including trade and investment,
connectivity, energy, culture, people-to-people contacts, and maritime
security. Starting as a sectoral partner of ASEAN in 1992, India became
a dialogue partner of ASEAN in 1996, a summit-level partner in 2002
and a strategic partner in 2012. On 25 January 2018, India and ASEAN
celebrated 25 years of its partnership at a Commemorative Summit in
New Delhi with the participation of Heads of State/Government from
all the ten countries of ASEAN and India. For the first time, all the ten
ASEAN leaders also attended India’s Republic Day celebrations on
26 January 2018 in New Delhi as Guests of Honour.
2 Act East: ASEAN-India Shared Cultural Heritage
Shared historical ties, culture and knowledge have continued to

underpin India’s sustained interactions with Southeast Asia. Our cultures
and values are closely related, which is clearly evident from history of
civilisational contacts. The process of acculturation of India and Southeast
Asia began in ancient times from the 3rd century onwards. The exchanges
via trade, the influence of Sanskrit and Indian epics in Southeast Asia and
technological innovations between the two regions are well documented.
The commonalities between India and Southeast Asia provide a platform
for building synergies with the countries of the region. Therefore, culture
is the key to the India-ASEAN partnership.
At the ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit held on 25 January
2018, the leaders of ASEAN countries and India welcomed the cultural
initiatives undertaken by India and ASEAN countries. This is a reflection
and outcome of the strong people to people connect between India and the
ASEAN countries, which plays a critical role in strengthening ASEAN-
India Strategic Partnership.
Cultural heritage means significant cultural values and concepts;
structures and artefacts; sites and human habitats; oral or folk heritage,
including folkways, folklore, languages and literature, traditional arts and
crafts, architecture, the performing arts, games, indigenous knowledge
systems and practices, myths, customs and beliefs, rituals and other living
traditions; the written heritage; and popular cultural heritage. India’s own
definition of culture, traditions and heritage fits well with the Southeast
Asia’s declaration and the commonalities between them provide a
platform for building synergies with the countries of region. This is where
socio-cultural issues in ASEAN-India Strategic Partnership, the policy
instrument through which India attempts to promote economic integration
and strategic objectives in the region, assume special significance.
The ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) at Research and Information System
for Developing Countries (RIS) in collaboration with the Indian Embassy
to ASEAN in Jakarta, Indonesian Foreign Affairs Ministry, and ASEAN
Secretariat organized the 2nd International Conference on “ASEAN-
India Cultural Links: Historical and Contemporary Dimensions”, held
at Jakarta on 19 January 2017. Gen. (Dr.) V.K. Singh (Retd.), Minister
of State for External Affairs (MEA), Government of India delivered the
Keynote Address, while the Special Address was given by H.E. Retno
Marsudi, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Indonesia. Besides, H.E. Le Luong
Minh, Secretary General of ASEAN and H.E. Nguyen Quoc Dzung, Dy.
Introduction 3
Foreign Minister, Vietnam delivered Special Remarks. Amb. Preeti Saran,

Secretary (East), Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Government of
India delivered the Valedictory Address. Amb. Suresh K. Reddy, Indian
Ambassador to ASEAN gave the Opening Address. Several scholars and
experts from India and ASEAN presented their research papers at this
2nd International Conference. The Conference is a direct outcome of
India’s renewed thrust on civilizational links with Southeast and East
Asian countries as well as to document them comprehensively under the
Act East Policy (AEP).
Our shared cultural linkages help us to understand and confront
contemporary challenges. We aim to deepen ASEAN-India ties,
based on our rich cultural affinities, and there is a need to create
greater awareness of the linkages between India and ASEAN. This
2nd International Conference dealt with important dimensions of historical
and cultural relations between India and Southeast Asia. Some of the
objectives of this Conference were to identify (i) emerging challenges to
ASEAN-India strategic partnership through people to people connectivity
and cultural relations, and (ii) the feasible policy options to overcome the
challenges from the perspective of ASEAN community blueprints. This
book is an attempt to deal with such objectives.
Chapter Outline
This book presents 15 research papers, which were presented at the
aforesaid Conference. It presents several dimensions of cultural heritage
between India and Southeast Asia. In particular, the book has three
distinct sections on India’s shared cultural heritage with Southeast Asia.
Himanshu Prabha Ray in her paper (Chapter 2) has focused on the
historical cultural-maritime linkages of the region and the importance
of the coastal areas in bonding the South and Southeast Asia from the
prehistoric time to modern era. The diversified nature of region embrace
the cultural interchanges across Bay of Bengal in different forms. To
understand the plural nature of South and Southeast Asian societies, there
is a need to explore more studies on cultural heritage.
V. Selvakumar in his paper (Chapter 3) has presented the commercial
interactions between India and Southeast Asia in the medieval period
and possible measures for cultural and academic cooperation in the
contemporary period. The author has recommended to enhance present
cooperation in the field of academic research in different historical eras,

and to enroot regional prosperity and better mutual understanding of
South and Southeast Asian peoples’ activities.
In his paper (Chapter 4), K. Rajan has presented the merchandise
linkages of South and Southeast Asian nations in the different historical
periods, which were well documented in Brahmi script and Prakrit
language. History reveals that commercial activities had enhanced
cultural and civilizational association of the region. Author in this context
has presented the nature of trade that existed between 6th century BCE
and 3rd century CE.
Mya Mya Thaung in her paper (Chapter 5) has indicated that historical
Indianization was widespread throughout Southeast Asia, and Myanmar
was also past in it. Historical evidences and documents reveal that Indian
civilization had great influence on the religious practice, art of writing,
coins, votive tablets and inscription, and India and Myanmar had very
strong civilizational linkages.
Garima Kaushik in her paper (Chapter 6) has brought a different angle
in context of ancient archaeological evidence of women contribution
in Monastic Buddhism in the Southeast Asia. Author has argued that
there is a need for archaeological expedition to unveil degree of women
engagement in the religion activities, and their role of power and authority
within it.
In his paper (Chapter 7), Umakanta Mishra has explored the role of
Indian state Odisha as an important region in the transmission of esoteric
Buddhism in maritime Asia between 8th and 11th centuries CE. The
Indian Buddhist monks carried mantras, maṇḍalas and icons to Java and
other Southeast Asian nations. Parts of Odisha present early epigraphic,
sculptural and architectural evidence of maṇḍala stūpa and maṇḍala
sculptures are based on the twin texts of the MVS and STTS, which also
efflorescenced in the art, iconography and architecture of Borobodur,
Mendut and Sewu. These early religious exchanges between the South
and Southeast Asian made a glorious history of mutual engagement.
Haji Mohammad Abdoh Bin Haji Awang Damit in his paper (Chapter
8) has presented the artistic dimension of historical linkages of South and
Southeast Asian region in the form of Mudra. Along with the movement
of Hinduism and Buddhism from India to Southeast Asia, Indian dance
Introduction 5
form also influenced the traditional and classical dance of the Southeast
region. The author has highlighted the similarities in the hand-gestures
of ASEAN dance with Indian dance forms. The author has proposed to
explore the origins of hand-gestures of Southeast Asia’s classical and
traditional dances, and has argued that it had originated from a single-
source, hypothetically from India.
Sophana Srichampa in her paper (Chapter 9) has presented the
perspective of ASEAN-India partnership in light of cultural diplomacy.
From religious connection to natural resources the similarity persists in
rice culture consortium, alternative medicine practice and other potential
cultural diplomacy collaborations like films/movies, books, etc. The
e-mapping of Indian diaspora in Southeast is another evidence of our
shared cultural values.
Nilima Chitgopekar in her paper (Chapter 10) has argued the necessity
of digitisation to build more synergies between South and Southeast
Asian nations. Digitisations will make easier access to the commoners to
deepen their knowledge on ancient cultural affinities of South-Southeast
Asian region.
Niharika Gupta in her paper (Chapter 11) has argued that the ASEAN-
India region needs to create more spaces for engagement and academic
association in order to deepen awareness of the region’s historical
and civilizational links. The author has also highlighted Sahapedia’s
contribution in this endeavour and encouraged people to relate local
cultural forms with trans-local patterns and to document multi-ethnic
histories through a tool for cultural mapping.
In her paper (Chapter 12), Nalina Gopal has discussed the cultural
affinity of Southeast Asia in terms of religious connection, popular
mythological influence and age old trading network of the region. Author
has described how art history and social history approaches are depicted
in the permanent galleries of the Indian Heritage Centre situated in
Singapore, which tell the story of Singapore’s Indian communities within
the larger context of Southeast Asia. The collection of the Centre, its use
of technology and its position as a model community museum has also
been illustrated in this paper.
Andrik Purwasito in his paper (Chapter 13) has attempted to build a
bridge that connect the spirit of ancient cultural link to modern regional
cooperation of South and Southeast Asian region.
Mohamad Shawali bin Haji Badi in his paper (Chapter 14) has
discussed the role of museums in context of cultural and civilizational
linkages of the region. India and Malaysia have signed the Cultural
Exchange Programme Agreement 2015-2020 to strengthen cultural
relations through the social institutions like museums. The author has
recommended implementing the Agreement in order to strengthen our
cultural bonding.
Joefe B. Santarita in his paper (Chapter 15) has explained Indian
influences in the Philippines performing arts and also found Sanskrit
elements in the languages of the Philippines. The author has presented
artefacts and textiles to show regional affinities. To promote regional
cultural empathy, author has urged to develop more people to people
contract to support the cultural diplomacy.
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha in his paper (Chapter 16) has explored the cultural
linkages between India and Vietnam. Author has argued that both the
governments have extended their efforts to strengthen ancient linkages
by ensuring cultural cooperation between the nations. Author has
mentioned that Vietnam has revised its policies in the field of culture and
international cultural cooperation to strengthen mutual cultural relations.
Concluding Remarks
As India’s engagement with the ASEAN moves forward with support of
the Act East Policy, the socio-cultural linkages between the two regions
can be utilized effectively to expand collaboration, beyond economic and
political domains into areas of education, tourism and people to people
contact. Several new ideas, therefore, emerge from this book, which may
be taken up for implementation in order to deepen the cultural relations.
We should continue our efforts to preserve, protect, and restore cultural
heritage that represent the civilisational bonds between ASEAN and
India.
Part I
Shared Cultural Heritage: Towards A Sustainable Future

Himanshu Prabha Ray
Commercial Interactions between India and Southeast Asia

during the Medieval Period and Future Interaction between
ASEAN and India
K. Selvakumar
Maritime Relations between Peninsular India and Southeast

Asia: An Archaeological Perspective
K. Rajan
A Study on Ancient Culture and Civilization Links

between India and Myanmar
Mya Mya Thaung
2
Shared Cultural Heritage:

Towards a Sustainable Future
Himanshu Prabha Ray
1. Introduction
The historical and cultural links between India and countries of the
present ASEAN grouping go back to at least two thousand years if not
earlier. The links have deep foundation and are diverse both spatially
and temporally.1 They range from prehistoric maritime exchanges to
historical connections starting from the beginning of the Common
Era onwards-expansion of Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam across the
Bay of Bengal to travels undertaken in the early twentieth century by
Indian leaders like Rabindranath Tagore. In addition to these historical
links, the discipline of archaeology developed in South and Southeast
Asia under British, French and later Dutch rules and often the military
officials involved was common to both regions.2 As a result of these early
beginnings of archaeology, much of the history of the region was focused
on monumental remains such as magnificent temples, splendid sculptures
and wonderful Buddhist stupas. This paper has three objectives – first,
to highlight the diverse nature of contacts across the seas; second, to
illustrate how early archaeological interest in Empires and monumental
architecture created a somewhat warped understanding of the past;
and third, to suggest that there is an urgent need to initiate dialogue
emphasizing the plural nature of societies of the ASEAN-India region,
so that this distinctive feature could be preserved. In the final section, we

propose a collaborative research project that would facilitate a shift from
current focus on art and architecture to research intellectual foundations
of interactions in the ASEAN-India region. In the next section, we start
by providing an overview of the diverse nature of interactions across the
Bay of Bengal.
2. Fishing Communities and Travelling Crops

Recent research on the prehistoric movements of plants and animals across
the Bay of Bengal has underscored contributions of small-scale groups
as a major focus of cultural history and as agents for the exchange of
native crops and stock between Southeast Asia and India. Archaeological
evidence for these translocated crop-plants dates to at least the third
millennium BCE and draws on historical linguistics, most notably
relating to tree-crops and boat technology; with a growing contribution
from genetic studies of animals, including domesticated and commensal
species. Origins and transoceanic dispersal of plants such as sandalwood,
coconut-palm, lime cultivars and ginger provide fascinating though not
widely known narrative of sea journeys.3 Sandalwood is famous for its
fragrance, which develops after its dead-wood dries. In some textual
sources, the wood is called ‘white sandalwood’ to distinguish it from
the inferior ‘red sandalwood’ (Pterocarpus santalinus), a tree native to
South India. In Indic cultures, sandalwood powder was initially used as a
cosmetic, and subsequently attained its ceremonial function in Hinduism
and Buddhism. In insular Southeast Asia, sandalwood is traditionally
made into a porridge used for its scent and medicinal properties. The
presence of sandalwood in South Asia seems to be of considerable
antiquity and its use is deeply rooted in the Indic cultures. Sandalwood
reference occurs in many Sanskrit texts, such as the late 1st millennium
BCE Rāmāyaṇa and in the 4th-5th century CE works of Kalidasa. The
identification of sandalwood in the charcoal records at Sanganakallu in
southern India suggests that it was used in South Asia at least in 1400-
1300 BCE.
In the light of the antiquity of sandalwood in South Asia, it is difficult
to imagine that this tree might be of foreign origin. First, the geographical
distribution of species of genus Santalum shows on the one hand a
remarkable discontinuity in Southern India and the entire area between
Nusa Tenggara, Northern Australia and most of the Pacific region on the
Shared Cultural Heritage: Towards a Sustainable Future 11
other, which, if not caused by massive extirpation in the intervening area,

can only be the result of the human-mediated introduction. Second, there
is absence of entirely wild populations in the South Asian subcontinent,
even though the tree is known for its ability to reproduce quite easily
without human intervention.
The ginger plant (Zingiber officinale) is a tuber, and its rhizomeis
widely used as a spicefor human consumption. Ginger is thought to
have originated in Southeast Asia, although it has not been found in
a wild state anywhere. The ginger-plant is propagated by replanting
pieces of its rhizome, rather than seeds; its dispersal typically requires
human intervention. Its introduction into South Asia is presumably
anthropogenic.4
Fishing as a subsistence strategy dates back at least 10,000 BCE in
the coastal areas of the Bay of Bengal and the South China Sea.5 A few
coastal shell midden, open and cave sites with marine shell deposits
dating 8000 years ago have been identified in northern Sumatra, western
peninsular Malaysia and north Vietnam. At present, many of these sites
are found inland, e.g. in Sumatra, on an old shoreline 10-15 kilometres
away from the coast, thereby indicating higher sea levels during the
middle Holocene. The spread of Austronesian natives throughout island
Southeast Asia has been attributed to their success in boat technology.
It has been suggested that around 2000 BCE, they had already a boat-
building technology based upon ‘lashings, protruding pierced lugs, and
a hollowed base for the hull with added planks. At this stage, however,
they must have adopted their own unique triangular sail and outrigger
construction’.6
Anthropological studies have pinpointed close interaction that
maritime communities maintain with the sea and the extent to which
knowledge of the waters and their seafaring is vital to their identity
construction. Historically these communities, variously termed sea-
gypsies or boat-people, have travelled across waters unhampered and
have claimed sovereignty through kinship ties. They have facilitated
movement of commodities and have forged links with littoral states.
These communities are by no means homogenous and consist of at least
three major ethno-linguistic groups, each with their own histories, culture
and speech patterns. They are (a) the Moken and related Moklen of the
Mergui Archipelago of Burma, with extensions southward into the islands
of southwest Thailand; (b) the Orang Suku Laut, of the Riau-Lingga
Archipelago and the coastal waters of eastern Sumatra and southern

Johor and, until recently, Singapore; and (c) the Bajau Laut, the largest
and most widely dispersed of these groups in the Sulu Archipelago of
the Philippines, eastern Borneo, Sulawesi, and the islands of eastern
Indonesia.
In addition to the fishing and sailing communities, several other groups
also travelled across the ocean. These include merchants and trading
groups, often mentioned in inscriptions in Southeast Asia. Foreign and
local merchants involved with tax farming appear in the inscriptions from
Java, dated from 840 to 1305 CE. The term kling refers both to people
specifically from India, and is also a general term for foreigners, and in
one instance, it occurs as a part of the personal name -si kling. Similarly,
the expression Colika is said to denote people from south India.
By the ninth century the major states on the islands of Java and Bali,
especially the central Javanese state of Mataram had developed complex
economic infrastructures and had integrated diversifying agricultural
systems into a web of regional and long-distance trade networks. Sanskrit
inscriptions from Buddhist sites refer to religious teachers travelling to
the region from Gujarat, Sri Lanka and Gaur in Bengal. Mataram also
produced maritime Southeast. Asia’s first standardized indigenous
coinage; based on gold and billon (silver-copper alloy) divided into
weight-value units integrating local and Indian systems. From the ninth
to the mid-fourteenth centuries several merchant associations dominated
economic transactions in South and Southeast Asia such as the Ainurruvar,
Manigramam, Nanadesi and the Anjuvannam. Associated with these
merchant associations were communities of craftsmen such as weavers,
basket-makers, potters, leather-workers and so on. Several clusters of
Tamil inscriptions have been found on the eastern fringes of the Indian
Ocean from Burma (Myanmar) to Sumatra. Trading networks from the
east coast of India to the South China Sea are thus well-represented in
secondary writings. Also evident from this brief overview is the diverse
nature of interactions across the Bay of Bengal, which included religious
groups, pilgrims and scholars. This diversity was, however, often been
neglected with the focus being solely on trade and trading activity.
The advance of European colonial powers in South and Southeast Asia
began as early as sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, largely through
commercial imperialism, but from about 1750 to 1825, territorial empires
had already been established. It is of no coincidence that interest in the
material heritage of Southeast Asia corresponds with European control

of the region. The engagement of the English East India Company with
the countries of the Bay of Bengal was of a different order from that of
its predecessors. The establishment of colonies in South and Southeast
Asia resulted in the introduction of new disciplines such as archaeology,
which had far-reaching implications for the cultural identity of the sea
and the communities, who navigated it, as will be discussed in the next
section.
3. The Search for Ancient Civilizations

The mid-nineteenth century was also the period when European powers
were looking for possibilities to expand their trade interests in mainland
Southeast Asia, especially with China. In this, France saw Vietnam as a
springboard, and from 1860s onwards was able to establish foothold not
only in Vietnam, but also extend control over Cambodia. In 1863, the
Cambodian monarch Norodom agreed to French protection and accepted
what the French called their ‘civilizing mission.’ On 5 June 1866, the
French Mekong Expedition, to find a channel of communication along
the Mekong river to China, was launched comprising Ernest Doudard
De Lagree, Francis Garnier, explorer and naturalist and Admiral Louis
Delaporte. This expedition did little to find an alternative riverine route
to China, but did put Angkor firmly on the map.
In the context of Java, the name of Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781-
1826) stands out, first as a Malay translator to the Government of India,
and later in 1811 as the Lieutenant Governor of Java, who was soon
promoted as Governor of Bencoolen (now Sumatra), who continued his
work until 1824 when Java was ceded to the Dutch. Raffles’ The History
of Java first published in 1817 remained the standard work until the end
of the century, and included a chapter on the antiquities and monuments
of the region. In 1901, The Dutch Government established a Commission
in the Netherlands Indies for Archaeological Research in Java and
Madura, which was re-designated in 1913 to Archaeological Service in
the Netherlands Indies.
In Cambodia, it was the French naturalist Henri Mouhot’s ‘discovery’
of the temples at Angkor in 1860 that brought the architectural heritage of
Cambodia to the notice of the Europeans. Henri Mouhot made accurate
drawings of Angkor during his second journey to Cambodia from
December 1858 to April 1860. Mouhot’s letters reporting his impressions
of Angkor were first read to the Royal Geographical Society in London

in 1862, as it was they who had sponsored his expedition to Cambodia.
Mouhot’s drawings and illustrations fired the “French imagination and
will to imperialism”.7 Mouhot himself urged the French to add it to their
crown, before the English snatched it.
In France, the study of Asian religion gained momentum with
the establishment and expansion of Musée Guimet in 1889, and the
creation of École Coloniale in Paris signifies the emergence of a career
colonial service. Founded in Saigon on the initiative of the Académie
des inscriptions et belle-lettres in 1898, the Mission Archéologique
d’Indochine became the École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO) in
1901. At the same time, its seat was transferred to Hanoi. The original
tasks of EFEO included archaeological exploration of French Indochina,
the conservation of its monuments, the collection of manuscripts, and
research into the region’s linguistic heritage.
In a strange twist of irony, French writings on the archaeology
of Southeast Asia were taken up by Greater India polemicists in their
nationalist fervour as they wrote of ‘cultural conquest’. Many of the
influential thinkers of the society such as P.C. Bagchi (1898-1956) and
Kalidas Nag (1891-1966) had studied in Paris with celebrated Indologists
Sylvain Lévi (1863-1935) and Jean Przyluski (1885-1944). Not only
did the Director of EFEO George Coedès praised these attempts at
rediscovery of the Indian heritage of colonization, but these interactions
between Indian and French scholars of Further India and Greater India
continued well into the 1950s.8 It is interesting that though members
of the Greater India Society wrote about Indian cultural expansion to
Southeast Asia, as also India’s role in universal history, they contributed
little to the study of Buddhism.
This is a trend that continued as the countries of the region acquired
independence from colonial rule and started writing their national histories.
There was a shift in focus in the post-colonial period from viewing
monumental remains as indicators of ‘Indianization’, a term coined by
colonial archaeologists as also members of the Greater India Society to
discussing them as markers of local genius. New research in archaeology
helped provide wealth of material for tracing the development of the
early settled societies from the second and first millennium BCE onward.
How does archaeological research provide a different perspective to an
understanding of the past in the ASEAN-India region?
Recent archaeological research in the ASEAN-India region supports

presence of a complex cultural landscape prior to the introduction of
Sanskrit and Indic religions. For example, the Bronze Age of mainland
Southeast Asia dates back to 1500-1000 BCE at sites such as Ban Chiang
in north Thailand. A variety of commodities including goods such as
metal ingots, gemstones, shell, carnelian, fine pottery were exchanged
mainly along the river systems, as also along the coastal networks. These
goods were used to express social status, and are often found in burials.
There is an evidence of writing in the Brahmi script on seals and on
pots as early as the beginning of the Common Era. By the fifth century
CE, Sanskrit inscriptions on sacrificial posts (yupa) were inscribed
in Kutei (Borneo), the present-day East Kalimantan in Indonesia,
by Mulavarman, an Indonesian ruler of that period. The inscriptions
record the performance of a sacrifice by king Mulavarman at the sacred
place of Vaprakesvara and setting up of the sacrificial post by the
brahmans. A large number of donations were made on this occasion and
included twenty thousand cows, bulls, ghee, sesame seeds and lamps.
The genealogy of Mulavarman is recorded, and he is described as the
grandson of Kundunga, whose son, Asvavarman was the founder of the
polity. Mulavarman is compared to the epic hero Yudisthira, and is said to
have defeated his enemies and made them pay tax. The fifth century king
Purnavarman of Tarumanagara in west Java had Sanskrit inscriptions
adorned on the boulders in the river-bed of Chi Trauma. Three of these
inscriptions present a marked contrast not only to those from Kutei, but
also to those from the Indian subcontinent. Unlike the yupa pillars from
Kutei, these records are engraved on boulders and have for their subject
matter the footprints of the king and his elephant.
In contrast, a cluster of fifth century inscriptions of unequivocal
Buddhist affiliation are found in Kedah on the west coast of the Malay
peninsula. This includes engraving of the Buddhist formula on stone – a
feature that does not occur among contemporary records from the Indian
subcontinent, though the formula is found on terracotta sealings. Three
of these inscriptions are made of local stone and bear similar illustrations
of Buddhist stupas. Texts very similar to these inscriptions have been
found on the island of Borneo and on the coast of Brunei.9 The most
interesting of these inscriptions in Sanskrit is that of Buddhagupta,
which refers to the setting up of the stone by the mariner Buddhagupta,
resident of Raktamrttika, identified with Rajbadidanga, on the successful
completion of his voyage.10
The ninth century marked a turning point and several major coastal
sites in peninsular Malaysia date to this period such as Ko Kho Kao
near Takuapa, Laem Pho near Chaiya and Kampong Sungai Mas in
south Kedah known for large collections of Chinese as well as West
Asia ceramics. Other characteristic features of these sites are the
brick architectural remains that survive and have been unearthed in
archaeological excavations as well as stone statuary, both Hindu and
Buddhist.11 The founding of Srivijaya in 670 CE in Sumatra is often
described as a momentous event in that it had led to the consolidation
of the first Southeast Asian maritime polity, whose influence extended to
the Malay peninsula as also to Java and west Kalimantan. Inscriptions,
with Sanskrit lexical inputs, dating back to 680s in Old Malay, the centre
of manufacturing, commercial, religious and political activity, were
identified in the archaeological record on the banks of the Musi river.12
Both Buddhism and Hinduism were adopted by communities in
mainland Southeast Asia simultaneously at the major sites of the Óc
Eo culture, such as Óc Eo and Gò Tháp. The earliest temple along
the Vietnamese coast was built of wood in the 4th century CE by King
Bhadravarman, who dedicated the entire valley of My Son to Bhadresvara
– one epithet of God Siva. The surviving shrines, however, mainly date
back to the tenth century. The kings of various dynasties continued to
build Hindu temples and worshiped Siva in form of Sivalinga in My
Son. Meanwhile, various groups of Hindu temples were constructed
in the coastal plains of Champa from the seventh century onwards and
continued to the thirteenth and fourteenth century in the southern realm of
the Champa kingdom. Buddhism was also followed by the Cham people.
The largest monastery was built at Dong Duong in 875 by the Cham
king Indravarman II. Gò Xoài is one of the sites where a Buddhist stupa
is clearly defined. Small bronze Buddhas and Avalokitesvara images
have been found along the coast of Central Vietnam, while terracotta
votive tablets depicting Buddhist triad were discovered from Tra Kieu
and produced in a kiln site at Nui Choi (Quang Ngai province), which
represents a long history of development from seventh to about twelfth
centuries CE. Sanskrit and Chăm languages belong to two distinct
language families and yet they co-existed in ancient Vietnam.13 The
seafaring skills of the Chăm and their domination in the south China Sea
makes it imperative that any discussion of their art heritage should also
include an overview of maritime activities along the Vietnamese coast.14
Archaeological research during the last few decades has deepened the
past of Thailand and challenged the notion of a unified superimposed
Dvaravati kingdom. In 1980s, a careful study of aerial photographs of the
central plain of Thailand produced an atlas of 63 moated settlements that
have generally been identified as remnants of the Dvaravati Kingdom.
During the sixth century, the sea level was appreciably higher and the
shallow bay extended inlands many more kilometres than at present,
creating an irregular shoreline with numerous peninsulas. Particularly
relevant to this section is the Chao Phraya valley, the large fertile
lowland, suitable for rice cultivation and accessible to maritime travel
through the Gulf of Siam. Buddhism provided a common faith to several
contemporary centres and the diverse and the heterogeneous communities
inhabited the region. It is also significant that as in India and other parts
of Southeast Asia, Buddhist centres co-existed with Hindu shrines and
other cultural centres of local deities.15
Two aspects of the South and Southeast Asian past are striking–
one the diversity; and second the interconnectedness through travel
and pilgrimage. It is these two outstanding features of the culture of
the ASEAN-India region that will form the leitmotifs of this section.
Diversity encompasses a wide variety of groups with distinctive ethnicity,
language, religion and culture; and is nowhere more marked than in the
range and variety of religious architecture in South Asia from the third
century BCE onwards. A shrine not only functioned as a place of worship
and ritual, but also a centre for religious festivities and discourses on
ethics and moral values. The rulers and other members of elite groups
often used it as a platform to further their own agenda by making lavish
donations and often inscribing these within the precincts of the shrine.
The shrine undeniably was at the core of the cultural life of a community
and the focal point of a range of followers, from the lay devotee to
the ritual specialist, from the patron to the architect. Poets and scribes
engraved their writings in praise of the deity or the genealogy of the
patron on temple walls.
The variety and religious affiliations of shrines in South Asia are
extraordinary and range from open-air tree shrines to elaborate temples,
monumental stupas and colossal mosques. Similarly remarkable is the
sanctity accorded to certain locations, which continue to be revered by
devotees of different religions. An appropriate example of this is the site
of Ellora, in the Aurangabad district of the present state of Maharashtra
in India.16 The earliest cave excavation at Ellora began in the late sixth
century and was dedicated to Siva, followed by Buddhist and Jaina caves
over the next several centuries until the tenth century CE. Though a
majority of Ellora’s Hindu excavations are dedicated to Siva, the two
exceptions are Caves 14 and 25, which appear to have been temples to
Durga and Visnu (or, possibly Surya), respectively. Cave 16, famous
as the monolithic rock-cut Kailasanatha temple, dedicated to Śiva, is
admired for its conceptualization and sculptural exuberance. The Śaiva
caves shared several architectural features with twelve Buddhist caves at
Ellora, which were excavated from 600 to 730 CE. They document the
development of Vajrayana imagery from the simple delineation in Cave
6 to the elaborate forms of Cave 12. Much of the excavation activity for
the Jain cave-temples was conducted during the ninth and tenth centuries,
a time when the Rāṣṭrakūṭas had attained paramount sovereignty in the
region. Although the Archaeological Survey of India has categorized
Jain monuments into five separate cave complexes (Caves 30-34), there
are in actuality twenty-three individual cave-temples, nearly all of them
containing a shrine and rock-cut Jina image.17
Around three kilometres from the caves at Ellora is Khuldabad, known
as the valley of saints, as it is said to contain graves of 1500 Sufi saints
as well as the tomb of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb and his sons and
his generals. Marking the Chisti establishment at the site are the tombs of
Sayyad Burhan-al din, a Sufi Saint, who died in 1344, and the mausoleum
of Sayyed Zain ud din, another saint, highly revered by the Muslims. On
the east side it contains a number of verses inscribed from the Quran
and the date of the saint’s death in 1370 CE. These tombs are important
markers of the fourteenth century Sufi tradition of Nizamuddin Auliya
that went from Delhi to the Deccan and established itself in Khuldabad.18
Ellora is by no means the only example of religious pluralism in South
Asia, but instead is one of the many sacred places that have preserved
diverse historical memories.
One of the issues that we have mentioned above was that of the
mobility in the region and interconnectedness of religious shrines.
Buddha dhamma permeated across ethnic and political boundaries in
South Asia. The Mauryan ruler (317-186 BCE) Aśoka was perhaps the
first pilgrim; as his edicts refer to his dhammayātā or travel for visiting
sites associated with the Buddha. Obligatory pilgrimage and rituals thus
provided identity and laid the foundation of an extensive religious and
cultural ethos extending across the region.19
Certain conclusions may be drawn from the brief overview presented

above. First, information on seafaring communities from historical and
archaeological sources indicates that their make-up cut across ethnic
lines. Hence, attempts at categorizing them within present national
boundaries have a little support historically. Second, while trade provided
an important motive for sea-travel, it was by no means the only reason
for travel by sea and needs to be studied within a wider perspective of
seafaring activity and maritime networks. Third, the role of religions,
such as Buddhism or Hinduism, in motivating and supporting seafaring
activity needs to be recognised and accepted. Finally, for an appreciation
of cultural interchanges across the Bay of Bengal, it is crucial to highlight
the diverse channels of communication, which also included oral
transmission by priests and pilgrims, wandering story-tellers, musicians
and entertainers. It is only then that a holistic understanding of cultural
interaction between South and Southeast Asia would emerge. More
importantly, this deep understanding of the plural nature of South and
Southeast Asian societies needs to be highlighted in the present scenario
of divisive and fragmented identities. This is an issue that has been further
expanded upon in the next section, as I suggest a shift in gears to focus on
a hitherto neglected area of research.
4. The Way Forward: Researching Knowledge Traditions
of the ASEAN-India Region
The sailing vessels, which were swept by the monsoon winds across the
Bay of Bengal, encouraged dialogue between communities of scholars,
officials and itinerant intellectuals. The exchange of ideas and beliefs led
to the establishment of centres of learning along the littoral but they also
sustained and transformed the older centres by the movement of ideas
and beliefs across the region. An investigation of the growth and linkages
between centres of learning in the region reveal the nature and strength of
the otherwise diverse communities which inhabit the littorals. Evidence
indicates that intellectual advances in many fields were the result of
cross pollination of ideas, which linked different communities. The
interchange of ideas across societies and regions created thedynamism
necessary for the emergence and sustenance of extensive civilizations
and the movement of scholars and students across institutions sustained
an early cosmopolitan urge.
Providing a link between the Western Himalayas, Andhra and
Indonesia was the renowned dhamma teacher Atisa (982-1054). Atisa
was born in the village of Vajrayogini of Vikrampur region; identified

with Dhaka in the present Bangladesh. At a young age he was ordained
as a Buddhist monk and studied with several famous teachers, such as
with the master Dharmakīrti of Suvarnadvipa, identified with Sumatra
from 1012 to 1024. He travelled to the Indonesian archipelago on board
a merchant ship along with his students. On completion of his studies,
he returned to Vikramshila. In 1042, he arrived in Tibet at the invitation
of the king of Tibet, and is considered the father of Tibetan Buddhism.20
This example illustrates the mobility of scholars as they traversed large
parts of South and Southeast Asia in search of knowledge, as also the
close connections that were forged between religious institutions and
learning.
The disciplines of interest here are of recording, writing and law.
Writing facilitated storing of information, and cumulative knowledge
promoted new genre of cultural and artistic expression and aided
ordering of information under numeric and alphabetic heads and the use
of maps.21 These networks may be identified in the archaeological record
by specimens of writing on pottery, seals and sealings and by inscriptions
on stone and copper plates. The decimal system originated in India. It
gradually replaced the Roman system that was prevalent in Europe, and
became the standard system by the 17th century CE. The adoption of
the decimal system was one of the major factors for the commercial,
mathematical and scientific renaissance in Europe. The journey of these
treatises of mathematics from South and Southeast Asia to Europe is
itself a fascinating narrative that needs both to be restated and celebrated.
A large number of inscriptions document complex arrangements for
the use of temple resources, whether these were lands or else revenues
from shops and markets. In the larger temples, we find mention of
several classes of temple employees such as administrators, treasurers,
accountants, temple women, cooks, sweepers, artisans, watchmen, etc.
Resources for temple rituals, processions and for the large number of
employees were generated through surplus agricultural production on
temple lands and from donations in cash and kind from trading and
other groups. The inscriptions also provide a record of legal transactions
conducted and in addition to the temple archives on income and
expenditure form a valuable source of information on the legal jurisdiction
of the temple. A good example of this is the study of the early seventeenth
century archives of a temple in Kerala.22
Davis has explored the increased prominence of intermediate-level

corporate groups in the creation and administration of law. The corporate
groups in question include, among others, merchants, traders, religious
specialists, soldiers, agriculturalists, pastoralists, and castes. Such groups
or associations are intermediate in two interrelated ways: (i) they mediate
practical legal influences from both highly local sources (villages,
families, etc.) and elite-level political rulers, and (ii) they mediate
theoretical legal influences from local and regional customary law and
the elite-level Brahmanical discourses of Dharmaśāstra, the treatises on
Hindu law. It is the functioning of these corporate bodies that we explore
in this paper, as also the different partnerships between religious shrines
and merchant bodies and other occupational groups.23
A crucial element in the Asian coastal landscape was the religious
shrine. It is important to locate this shrine in context, both physical and
social to unravel multiple levels at which sacred sites interacted with
a diverse range of communities and negotiated among them. Another
aspect of the shrine is its horizontal expansion and additions made to it
over time to house a variety of functions of interest to this paper, such
as ghatikāsthāna or centre of learning, which came to be incorporated in
temples, especially in peninsula India from the 8th-9th century onward.
Eleventh century inscriptions from the temple in Thirumukkudal, on
the banks of the Palar river near Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu indicate
the existence of a Vedic pathsala attached to the temple, as also a
medical centre termed athura saalai and arrangements for distribution
of medicinal herbs. Inscriptions from the Buddhist site of Kanheri near
Mumbai and a temple in Gujarat would suggest that this practice may
have earlier beginnings. Sixth century inscription from Kanheri refers
to a donation by vaidya or physician. Three copper plates from central
Gujarat dated in the reign of the Huna Toramana (5th – 6th centuries CE)
record gifts made to the temple of Jayaswami or Narayana, belonging to
the queen mother by the trading community of Vadrapalli. Vadrapalli was
probably located eight kilometres to the west of Sanjeli and signatories
to the donation included traders from Ujjain, Kannauj, Mathura and
perhaps Mandasor in central India. A goldsmith constructed a lake near
the temple. The copper plate states that itinerant mendicants visiting the
temple, as also devotees should be provided with medicines (bhaisaja).
These are aspects which need further research and analysis.
Endnotes and References

1. Anjana Sharma edited, Civilizational Dialogue: Asian Inter-connections
and Cross-cultural Exchanges, ASEAN-India, ICCR, Nalanda University,
Manohar, New Delhi, 2013. Pierre Yves Manguin, A. Mani and Geoff Wade
edited, Early Interactions between South and Southeast Asia: Reflections on
Cross-Cultural Exchanges, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore
and Manohar, New Delhi, 2011.
2. Himanshu Prabha Ray, Archaeology and Empire: Buddhist Monuments in
Monsoon Asia, Indian Economic and Social History Review Volume 45,
number 3, September 2008: 417-49.
3. Tom Hoogervorst, Southeast Asia in the Ancient Indian Ocean World, BAR
International Series S2580, 2013.
4. Tom Hoogervorst, If Only Plants Could Talk…Reconstructing Pre-Modern
Biological Translocations In The Indian Ocean, Satish Chandra and Himanshu
Prabha Ray edited, The Sea, Identity and History: From The Bay of Bengal
to the South China Sea, Manohar Publishers, Delhi.
5. Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia,
Cambridge University Press, 2003: Chapter 2.
6. G. A Horridge, The Austronesian Conquest of the Sea -Upwind, Peter
Bellwood, James Fox, J. and Darrell Tryon, edited, The Austronesians:
Historical and Comparative Perspectives, Australian National University,
Canberra, 1995: 135
7. Penny Edwards, Making a Religion of the Nation and its Language: The
French Protectorate (1863-1954) and the Dhammakaya’, John Marston and
Elizabeth Guthrie, edited History, Buddhism and New Religious Movements
in Cambodia, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 2004: 63-85.
8. Susan Bayly, Imagining ‘Greater India’: French and Indian Visions of
Colonialism in the Indic Mode, Modern Asian Studies, 38, 2004: 703-744.
9. Jan Wisseman Christie, State Formation in Early Maritime Southeast Asia: A
Consideration of the Theories and the Data, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en
Volkenkunde, 151, 2, 1995: 235-88.
10. B. Ch. Chhabra, Expansion of the Indo-Aryan Culture during Pallava Rule,
Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1965: 23-4
11. Michel Jacq-Hergoulac’h, The Malay Peninsula: Crossroads of the Maritime
Silk Road (100 BC – 1300 AD), Leiden: Brill, 2002: 134-60.
12. Pierre-Yves Manguin, The Archaeology of Early Maritime Polities of
Southeast Asia, Ian Glover and Peter Bellwood edited, Southeast Asia: From
Prehistory to History, London – New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004: 305-8.
13. Tran Ky Phuong, The Coastal Temples Of Vietnam: Sanctuaries Of
International Maritime Pilgrims On ‘The Silk Road Of The Sea’ Himanshu
Prabha Ray edited, Mausam: Maritime Cultural Landscapes across the Indian
Ocean, National Monuments Authority and Aryan Books International, New
Delhi, 2014.
14. Charlotte Minh Hà Pham, The Vietnamese Coastline: A Maritime Cultural

Landscape, Satish Chandra and Himanshu Prabha Ray edited, The Sea, Identity
and History: From The Bay of Bengal to the South China Sea, Manohar
Publishers, Delhi, 2013.
15. Himanshu Prabha Ray, Multi-religious Maritime Linkages across the Bay of
Bengal, Nicolas Revire and Stephen Murphy edited, Before Siam: Essays in Art
and Archaeology, River Books & The Siam Society, Bangkok, 2014: 132-51.
16. Geri H. Malandra, Unfolding a Mandala: The Buddhist Cave Temples at
Ellora, New York: State University of New York Press, 1993.
17. Lisa Owen, Absence and Presence: Worshipping the Jina at Ellora, Ray,
Himanshu Prabha, edited, Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South Asia,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2010.
18. Anna A. Suvorova, Muslim Saints of South Asia: the eleventh to fifteenth
centuries, Routledge Curzon, 2004.
19. Patrick Olivelle, Janice Leoshko, and Himanshu Prabha Ray, edited,
Reimagining Aśoka: Memory and History, Oxford University Press, New
Delhi, 2012.
20. Ruth Sonam translated and edited, Atisha’s Lamp for the Path, Snow Lion
Publications, Ithaca, New York, 1997: 7-17.
21. Jack Goody, The Power of the Written Tradition. Washington-London:
Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001: 144.
22. Donald R. Davis, Jr., The Boundaries of Hindu Law: Tradition, Custom and
Politics in Medieval Kerala, CESMEO, Torino, 2004.
23. Donald R. Davis, Jr., Intermediate Realms of Law: Corporate Groups and
Rulers in Medieval India, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the
Orient, 48, 1, 2005: 92-117.
3
Commercial Interactions
between India and Southeast
Asia during the Medieval
Period and Future Interactions
between ASEAN and India
V. Selvakumar
1. Introduction
The ideas of networking and connectivity that have brought people and
cultures across the world together in this digitalized, globalized era are
not new. These ideas had emerged much before in history, when the
cultures of the Indian Ocean sphere had developed extensive exchange
networks, and were interacting and exchanging ideas, people and
commodities (Chakravarti 2012). The cultural connectivity between
India and Southeast Asia (in the Bay of Bengal or Indian region) has been
vibrant, continuous and multi-dimensional in nature involving cultural,
commercial and political spheres for more than two millennia, and it has
mutually benefitted cultural systems that flourished across the Bay of
Bengal. The connectivity and interactions between India and Southeast
Asia perhaps began in the prehistoric period, and increased connections
were established from the early historic period with the ideas related to
various faiths, polity and arts, commodities, and people were constantly
flowing, gradually contributing to cultural efflorescence of both these
regions. No region, which has been culturally vibrant, can be considered
exclusive, and such regions have always interacted with the neighbouring
regions, and in the making of the Indian Sub-continent cultures, India’s
connections with Southeast Asia have contributed significantly in terms
of ideas and materials. The Indian texts and archaeological sources have
numerous references to interactions between India and Southeast Asia
from the early historic period (Majumdar 1953; Cœdès 1964; Nilakanta
Sastri 1978; Ray 1994, 1996, 2003). The landscape of Southeast Asia
finds a frequent mention in the Indian literature. The early medieval
Tamil text of Manimékalai refers to Cāvakam or Java (Monius 2001). In
the medieval and modern period too, intense cultural, commercial and
political interactions continued between the regions. This paper focuses
on the commercial interactions between India and Southeast Asia in the
medieval period, and also discusses about the possible measures for
cultural and academic cooperation between India and Southeast Asia.
The data for this paper is mainly derived from the inscriptions from
Southern part of India, and as a result, the focus of this paper is more on
the southern part of India.
Academic research seeks to look at the reality from an outsider’s (emic)
perspective. It is like looking at the reality from a particular direction and
a position. Therefore, the context and motive of the perceiver/investigator
influences what is perceived and highlighted. The India-Southeast Asia
relations could be viewed variously from the perspectives of India/Indians,
Southeast Asia/Southeast Asians, and Indian Ocean, or from a completely
outsider’s position. It is a fact that we live in a much modified, very
different ‘modern’ context with completely different socio-economic and
ideological systems. What is the use of historical knowledge? How can
it be useful to the contemporary context? The interactions and exchange
of ideas that took place in the past can offer clues for future cultural
interactions and free flow of people, which became upset and disturbed
by the colonial processes and the developments after the colonial period.
The ancient connectivity has disappeared from the memories of the
people, and society at large, which are very transient, and here, historical
research can help in rediscovering or regenerating old connectivity to suit
modern context and geo-political situation.
Commercial Interactions between India and Southeast Asia 27
1.1 Approaches to Long Distance Interactions

Long distance interactions, which were earlier investigated from a narrow
inter-regional point of view (e.g. India-Southeast Asia and Indo-Roman),
are now seen from a global, holistic perspective with improved theoretical
understanding and perceptions. What was earlier known as “Indo-Roman
trade” in the context of early historic period in India (Warmington 1928;
Gurukkal 2016) is now seen from the perspective of Indian Ocean
region as “Indian Ocean exchange system.” The ideas of world systems
theory (Wallerstein 2004), the processes and networks have influenced
new perspectives on the transoceanic, long-distance interactions. The
port towns of the Indian Ocean that were located in a specific region
dealt with the local goods as well as the goods from faraway region in
exchanges, and also witnessed people from various regions, thereby
justifying the focus on transcontinental cultural processes. However, we
need not completely abandon the perspective of “Indo-Roman” trade, as
the interactions did happen at multiple scales— from the local-hinterland
exchange (which is of prime importance) through the regional, bilateral
exchange to long distance exchanges across the Indian Ocean region.
Therefore, the early historic and medieval interactions could be studied as
a part of the global system of Indian Ocean trade and also as “Indo-Roman
trade” with a different set of research goals. Thus, while Indian Ocean
trade and exchange could investigate the processes across the Indian
Ocean region from Africa-Europe-West Asia down to East Asia across
the India Ocean, the perception of the realms of the Bay of Bengal (or as
India-Southeast Asia) and Arabian Sea could be appropriate frameworks
for understanding interactions within the sub-regional scales. Although
the Chinese trade policies and Chinese trade were an important factor in
the medieval Indian Ocean interactions at one level, it is important and
meaningful to focus exclusively on the interactions between India and
Southeast Asia, as the Indian Subcontinent, South East Asia, West Asia
and China in fact acted as independent regional cultural systems.
1.2 Research on the Interactions between India and Southeast Asia

The research on the interactions between India and Southeast Asia was
mainly focused in the first three-quarters of the twentieth century with
much vigour (Majumdar 1953; Cœdès 1964; Sastri 1978). A few of the
early researchers reflected the nationalist/colonial perspectives; and the
Southeast Asian territories were viewed as “Hindu Colonies.” These

perceptions reflect the socio-political-intellectual scenarios of the early
twentieth century under the impact of colonialism. Later the idea of
Indianization was adopted to characterize Indian influence in Southeast
Asia (Cœdès 1964; Acharya 2012), and this has been a much debated and
discussed subject. Now, researchers are critical of the idea of Indianization
and stress the need to carefully and analytically study historical and
cultural developments in Southeast Asia. The developments in Southeast
Asia were the result of internal dynamic, and the influence of ideas from
India had a specific role to play. Similarly, the knowledge, wealth and
commodities from Southeast Asia had contributed to the developments
in India. In the recent years, researchers have sought to analyze
developments in the area of India-Southeast Asia interactions from more
realistic terms by critically looking at various source categories. The
publications on the interactions by several researchers, including Ray
(1994, 2003), Karashima (2002, 2004), Hall (2010), Bellina and Glover
(2011), Kulke et al. (2009) and Manguin et al. (2011) have analyzed
the primary sources such as literature, inscriptions and archaeological
remains to understand the complex nature of interactions.
Despite the debates on the nature and appropriate labels for the
processes that contributed through the Indian ideas, the influence of
Indian culture is clearly observable in many areas of Southeast Asia in
varied realms, and a more balanced approach is necessary to understand
the Indian interactions and how their influences have been incorporated
in the historical and cultural developments. India’s cultural connection
has been always looked at from the Indian perspectives, and contribution
of ideas from the Southeast Asia has not been sufficiently analyzed.
It is also necessary to focus on the two-way processes in interactions,
and contributions of the cultural ideas of Southeast Asian origin in
interactions. Certain terms such as Prāhu and Bangka used in Southeast
Asia for watercrafts have parallels in South India (Padavu, Padagu and
Vangam, Selvakumar in press a, in press, b). The use of carved paddle in
pottery making, certain type of watercrafts and certain metal (copper and
tin), shouldered celts and various plants that are grown in India might
have had their origins in Southeast Asia. The traditional knowledge on
certain medicinal plants, probably, came to India from Southeast Asia.
Table 3.1: List of Tamil Inscriptions Found in Southeast Asia and China
Sl. No. Location Medium/ Name of Faith/ Name of the Chronology Remarks and Notes
the Temple/Context Religion settlement in
inscription
1 Wat Khlong On a touchstone - 3-4th Century The stone was used by a goldsmith
Thom, whose name was “Perumpattan”
Thailand
2 Takua Pa, Stone Vishnu images 9th Century A tank was dug by Nankurutaiyan and it
Thailand found nearby was maintained by the merchant guilds
of Manigramattar and Senamugattar
3 Barus, Stone - Matankari Desi 11th Century Mentions about Pathinen bhumi teci
Indonesia Vallaba Uyyakkonda tisai vilanguayirattu ainurruvarom, the
Pattanam, merchant guild (Subbarayalu 2002)
Nakarasenathipathi
4 Pagan, Burma Stone; Vishnu Pukkam alias 13th Century An individual from Magodayarpattanam,
Nanadesi Vinnagar Arivattanapuram (Modern Kodungallore) Kerala made
temple donation of lamps to the Vishnu temple.
5 Quanzhou Stone; Shiva 13th Century Mentions about the construction of a
China Tirukkaniswaram temple for the welfare of Emperor Kublai
Khan)
6 Neuseu Aceh, Stone; Found in a 13th Century May be related to Ainurrvar, Ayyavole
Indonesia Mosque; context 500 (Karashima and Subbarayalu 2009)
uncertain
7 New Zealand On a Ship’s Bronze - - 13-14th Mentions name of a ship owner
Bell Centuries Muhaidden Vakkuz
Source : Author’s own.
1.3 Sources for the Study

The sources for understanding interactions between India and Southeast
Asia are found in epigraphical, literary and archaeological sources (Figure
3.1). The interactions between India and South Asia perhaps began in the
Early Historic period with a great intensity and archaeological materials
of Indian origin; including roulette ware, and beads found at Khao Sam
Khao, Sembiran, Buni Complex and several other sites (Glover and
Bellina 2011; Selvakumar 2011). The descriptions of the Southeast Asian
territories and the idea of Suvarnabhumi (golden territory) are often
noticed in the Indian literature and the Jataka tales have many graphic
descriptions of voyages to Southeast Asia (Ray 2003).
The epigraphical sources are mainly the merchant guild inscriptions
distributed across South India (Karashima and Subbarayalu 2009). The
Sanskrit inscriptions found in Southeast Asia mainly pertain to political
activities. In addition to the inscriptions, sculptures and other material
remains found in Southeast Asia (Table 3.1) also serve as important
sources for analyzing interactions.
Evidence related to the interactions is reported in the form of
archaeological materials, sculptures and temples at several locations
Figure 3.1: Map o f Important Archaeological and Historical

Sites in India and Southeast Asia
Source: Author’s own.

in Southeast Asia. An earthen ware form (wide-mouthed vessel) often

used for cooking, excavated at Kotachina and also at Lamreh (Mckinnon
2011), has parallels in Tamil Nadu, Kérala and Sri Lanka. This type
of coarse ware pottery might have been carried by traders from South
India as an item of trade or for their own use. These vessel-forms can be
broadly dated to the medieval period, more towards the later medieval
context. The evidence from these sites suggests that the trade was active
throughout and the Indian guilds were active at least till the thirteenth
century, when transformations took place in the wider Indian Ocean
region.
2. Commercial Interactions in the Medieval Period

Interactions between India and Southeast Asia in the medieval period
are evidenced in a number of areas such as politics, economics, art and
architecture, script, literary and cultural traditions. The highlight of the
Medieval interactions has been the conflict between the Cholas and the
Sri Vijayas, and the naval expedition of Rajendra Chola to Southeast Asia,
which has been extensively analysed by researchers (Kulke et al. 2009;
Sen 2003, 2009); this paper confines only to the commercial interactions
between 800 and 1300 CE.
Commercialization
The process of commercialization and the organization of mercantile
activities are well attested from the early medieval period in different
parts of India. In the early medieval South India, the development of
hinterland territories and settlements through the organization of
irrigation and agrarian activities; the rise of nagaram (commercial
establishment) settlements from ca. ninth century; and the movement
of Brahmins and the formation of elite groups with higher consumption
power created necessity for the long-distance trade. The formation of
a territorial division of nādu, which was the ‘basic fabric of agrarian
society’ with a nagaram each (Hall 1980), suggests the development of
commercial activities and the rise of merchant guilds.
The Medieval Merchant Guilds

The organization of mercantile activities was witnessed across India, Sri
Lanka and Southeast Asia (in the Indian Ocean) in the early medieval
period. The rise of organized merchant guilds and the donation of land
and certain rights and privileges for the creation of exclusive commercial
quarters are evidenced by the Terisapalli copper plates of Kerala, which

mentions about the merchant guild of Manigrāmattar (Abraham 1988).
The merchant bodies had certain degree of autonomy, since they did
not use the prasasti of the kings in their inscriptions and documents
(Shanmugam 2002). The merchant guilds had a powerful role in the
organization of trade and commercial activities during this period,
and numerous inscriptions from South India, Sri Lanka and Southeast
Asia stand testimony to commercial and cultural activities of these
guilds (Karashima 2002). These inscriptions are mainly concentrated
between 900 and 1300 CE (Figure 3.2). The merchant guilds known
as Manigrāmam, Patinenvishayattar, Valanjiyars, and Ainurruvar had
developed their networks across these regions. The Chola expeditions
and expansion to Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia in fact supported the
movement of the merchants and their activities. The merchants of West
Asian origin were also present in the ports of India.
The Tamil inscriptions from Takua Pa in Thailand, Pagan in Burma
and Neuseu Aceh in Indonesia are indicators for the strong presence of the
merchant guilds of Indian origin in Southeast Asia. The Barus (Varosu in
Tamil) inscription found in North Sumatra mentions about the existence
of the merchant settlement of Nanadési-Tisaiyāyirattu Ainnurruvar in
1088 CE. Barus, known as Fasnur to the Arabs, was a major commercial
centre (Perret 2007; Subbarayalu 2002), and merchants from Southeast
Asia, South India and Middle East visited this port for trade purpose.
Figure 3.2: Distribution of Merchant Guild Inscriptions
100
90 87 93
80
70
60
50 52
40
30 27
27
20 20
10
5
0
800-900
901-1000
1001-1100
1101-1200
1201-1300
1301-1400
1401-1600
Note: Based on the data from Karashima (2002).

Apart from the Tamil inscriptions, the Javanese inscriptions too

revealed about the activities of the merchants. An inscription found at
Cane dated to 1021 CE from East Java mentions “Kling, Aryya, Singhala,
Pandikira, Drawida, Campa, Remen, and Kmir” as foreigners, and the
term Drawida perhaps indicates the people from the Tamil Region.
According to Jan Wisseman Christie, in the inscriptions from Turun
Hyang and Garaman of the mid-eleventh century CE, Drawida has been
replaced by Colika (Cholas), and Pandikira by Karnataka, and Malyala,
referring to Kérala, also occurred (Christie 1998), suggesting changes in
the patterns of trade.
2.1 Commodities of Exchange

The commodities exchanged during the medieval period included
variety of goods and many of them were related to ornamental, ritual
and medicinal values. The merchant guild inscriptions listed numerous
commodities traded during the period. Precious stones, coral, aloe wood,
cloves, copper, tin and camphor (karpur) were imported from Southeast
Asia; pearl, coral, betel nuts, cardamom, Indian spices, variety of textiles
and silk, medicinal herbs, and possibly iron were exported from the
Indian ports.
Akil or aloe (agar or eagle wood) (Minter 2005) was one of the imports
from Southeast Asia to India. The Tamil texts frequently mentioned about
aloe, which was burned to perfume women’s headdress. Warmington has
suggested that aloe came to South India or Sri Lanka from the eastern parts
of Asia, and was exported to the Western world (Warmington 1928). Akil
is mentioned in the inscription datable from as early as 887 CE (South
Indian Inscriptions 3, 167), and it also occurs in later inscriptions (e.g.
SII, vol. 8, no.442 of ca 1300) as taxed commodity.
Pattinappālai, the text on the Chola king Karikālan, gives a very
detailed account of the port of Kaverippumpattinam, and mentions
about sandal and akil from the western hill or more particularly from
Coorg (Kodagu). In this poem, akil from Southeast Asia is not found.
Cirupānatruppadai 154-156 mentions about the akil brought by waves.
A commentator of Cilappatikāram mentions about Kidāravan kārakil,
which means black or the red akil from Katāram (Kidāram). There are
two types of akil wood— white akil (Disoxylum malabaricum) and red
akil (Disoxylum binectiferum), which is mentioned as black akil in the
Tamil texts (Rajagopal 2011).
The sense and sensibility to body and dressing were also changing in
the course of history, and new types of weaving and variety of clothes
were developed in the medieval period, as we find numerous references
to clothes in the inscriptions. Perhaps clothes were used more frequently
by the people of many sections of the society from the medieval period.
The paintings of the Chola period and the Vijayanagara period reveal
the variations in the attitudes of the people to clothing. The Tamil text of
Pattinappālai narrates about the produce from kāzhakam (Pattinappālai
191-194), which is the Tamil equivalent of Sanskrit Katāha, reached the
port. It has been argued that this could refer to the iron objects from Bujang
Valley (Rahman 1990); although the Pattinappalai does not specify the
name of the product that came to Kaverippumpattinam. However, other
references are very clear that Kāzhagam refers to textile. Kāzhagam is
mentioned as a type of clothe in Purananuru 41: 9. It is mentioned as blue
cloth in Kalittogai 7: 9. Similar references occur in a few early Tamil texts
(Kalitogai 73: 17; 92: 38, and Tirumurugarrupatai 184).
Tukir or red coral was another important import from the east, as
Pattinappālai mentions about the tukir from the eastern sea, which refers
to the Bay of Bengal and beyond (Pattinappālai 191-194). Other poems
mention about its use in ornaments (Puranānuru 218). The red coral
must have come from Indonesia or from the region of the Philippines,
since these areas have coral reefs suitable for coral production. Similarly,
clove (Eugenia aromatica) (Rajan 2011), karpur (from Cinamomum
camphora) or karpur barus, lead and copper were also probably
imported from Southeast Asia in the early historic period (Minter 2005).
It was continued to be imported in the medieval period. Camphor is
mentioned in the inscription of Belgaum, and akil is mentioned in
the Virinjipuram and Piranmalai, Belur and Kovilpatti inscriptions
(Karashima 2002).
Ceramics were also traded in the medieval period as a large quantity
of Chinese Ceramics appears all across the Indian Ocean. Very limited
ceramics of Southeast Asia have come to light. Thai iron painted ware
and Thai celadon wares from Sichanari kilns were found at the site of
Kotapatnam in Andhra Pradesh (Sasaki 2004).
2.2 Political Conditions and Commercial Interactions

The interdisciplinary perspective in history argues that certain aspects
of politics and economy cannot be seen in isolation, and investigation
of political economy “as the relations between political structure and

systems and the economic realms of production, consumption and
exchange” (Sinopoli 2003) is essential to properly contextualize historical
development. Unlike the Early Historic commercial interactions, the
medieval commercial relationships in the Indian Ocean were intimately
linked to political conditions and government policies.
The early medieval period in India and Southeast Asia witnessed
several parallel developments in the history. State formation, agricultural
expansion, Brahmin migration, ritualized temple worship, bhakti
movement and emergence of elite agrarian and mercantile groups are
attested in India. The Cholas, the Chalukyas, and the Palas were the
important political powers in coastal region of India, while the Sri
Vijayas had emerged as an important power in Southeast Asia controlling
maritime route that passed through the Malacca straits. Similar processes
are witnessed in Southeast Asia, and the kingdoms of Southeast Asia
were adopting the ideas of construction of temples and ritual centres, and
rituals for the legitimization of kingship and polity that emerged in India.
Apart from the role of legitimization, the Sanskrit rituals and ideas, most
probably, had magical value in the societal context of Southeast Asia (Ali
2011). Pollock (1996, 2006) conceptualized the development as Sanskrit
Cosmopolis.
The policies of the Chinese political establishment too had an
important effect in the Indian Ocean trade; and at one level we have to
correlate developments in China and the relationships between Southeast
Asian and Indian powers. The development of tribute trade in China
under the Song realm (Sen 2009) was profitable to many agencies, and
this encouraged various kingdoms to send tribute to China, according to
Tansen Sen (Sen 2009). The Sri Vijayas sent many embassies to China,
and this is reflected in the Chinese texts (Sen 2009). The profit from
the tribute trade might have encouraged the Cholas to send embassies
to China. The political interference of the Chinese trade in Southeast
Asia, probably, presented a case for the Chola military interest in the
commercial activities. The Sri Vijaya state itself was involved in trade
activities and forced the commodities that were transported through the
Malacca straits to be sold directly to them. Interference in the Chinese
trade could be the reason for the Chola expedition to Southeast Asia, as
as suggested by the researchers.
The Chola kings donated tax-free land for the Chulāmanivarma

vihara; built by the Sri Vijaya king Vijayottungavarman at Nāgapattinam
port in southern part of India in the early eleventh century and later
the Chola expedition to Southeast Asia took place around 1025-26 CE
(Kulke 2009). Spencer (1976) argues that the Chola expedition was
undertaken for the benefits accrued through plunder raids. Sastri (1957)
and Abraham (1988) have argued that commercial interests could be the
reason behind such an interference.
The study of the Chinese records by Tansen Sen offers very interesting
information to understand relationships among the Cholas, Sri Vijayas
and the Chinese establishment. Tansen Sen, based on the references to the
Cholas from the Chinese records, argues that the Sri Vijaya misinformed
the Chinese scribes about the status of the Cholas as the subordinates
to the Sri Vijaya, to gain from the state sponsored trade of the Chinese
(Sen 2009). The Songshi records mention about the status assigned by
the Song court to the Cholas in a memorial presented to Song Emperor
Huizong in 1106 CE. “The Chola kingdom is subject to Sri Vijaya. We
wrote to its ruler on coarse paper” (Sen 2009). The Chinese text Song Hui
Yao mentions that the prefect of Guangzhou requested the Song court to
limit embassies from Cholas, Arabs, Sri Vijaya and Java; and this reveals
that all these kingdoms were given higher status and treated equally (Sen
2009). By the time of Xining, the Chinese establishment was convinced
that the Cholas were inferior to the Sri Vijayas.
The Chinese trade policies further impacted the maritime interactions
in the Indian Ocean in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The Yuan
dynasty of China (1279-1368) encouraged trade activities in the Indian
Ocean, and this seems to have resulted in the presence of ceramics of the
13th-14th centuries along the coasts of South India (McElney 2006). These
trade policies are reflected in the distribution of Chinese ceramics in the
Indian Ocean region.
Why did the Sri Vijayas sponsor the construction of a Buddha vihara
at Nagapattinam? Why did the Cholas offer tax-free lands to this Vihara?
These activities definitely point out to their interest in developing
diplomatic, political and economic relationships. The presence of several
settlements of Indian merchant guilds in Southeast Asia points out to the
fact that Southeast Asia’s strategic location was in the maritime network
of the Indian Ocean. The traders of Indian origin were actively engaging
in the commercial activities, and the merchants of West Asian origin

were also present in the ports of South Indian coast.
3. Looking into the Future Interactions

The connections between India and Southeast Asia have been very
intimate in the past causing important historical developments. But,
‘What is the relevance of the past to the present?’ The issue at stake
here is the development of relationships of significance that would have
relevance for the future. People-to-people contact through tourism and
education, cultural and commercial interactions can help to produce
business opportunities and support economies in a mutually beneficial
manner. In the globalized contemporary context, several measures have
to be adopted for mutual beneficial interactions between these regions in
future. Because of the colonial interventions and the formation of nations
states that adopted “closed door” policies in the twentieth century, people
have forgotten the deep cultural and commercial interactions that these
regions were engaged in. The understanding and research on the past can
help rediscover and forge new relationships between these regions.
Approaches to Research
The interactions between India and Southeast Asia have been viewed
from colonial perspectives in the early part of the twentieth century. As
a result of the colonial/nationalist perspectives, extreme notions, (e.g.
Greater India) were prevalent. From the end of twentieth century, such
early ideas have been very critically reviewed, and the research focus has
to be shifted to apply rigorous historical research methods with proper
analysis of the texts and archaeological sources. We need to decolonize
and deconstruct the colonial paradigms and intellectual structures to
understand the interactions from a closer to objective perspective.
Closer Focus on Indian Interactions and Influence

More detailed studies are necessary to understand interactions between
India and Southeast Asia from the early historic period from a micro-
regional perspective. The future research can focus on the ideas of
convergence of cultural ideas, and how Indian influences were adopted and
how local cultures were developed according to their local environmental
and cultural contexts.
Collection and Analysis of Primary Sources

Archaeological surveys and excavations offer ample opportunities
for collecting fresh data related to Indian interactions with Southeast
Asia. Explorations and excavation of archaeological sites could be very
useful in unearthing evidences related to interactions. This is important,
especially in the current context where development activities are
destroying archaeological sites in many parts of the world. Collaborative
excavation of archaeological sites especially the coastal port towns can
be very useful to bring to light fresh data, which would enable better
interpretations of cultural interactions. Digital archaeology and scientific
analyses of material culture can also be very productive for academic
understanding.
Heritage Preservation and Heritage Tourism

The Project Mausam, conceived by the Government of India, can be
a good opportunity for developing cultural interactions between the
ASEAN and India. This could be beneficial for both India and ASEAN
in terms of cultural as well as economic realms. Many of the historical
sites that were connected in the past are lying in ruins as unimpressive
archaeological sites. For example, a few heritage museums and exhibition
centres could be developed at sites such as Arikamedu, Nagapattinam,
Kaveripumpattinam, Vishakapattanam and Sisupalgarh in India and at
Isthmus of Kra (Thailand), Barus (Indonesia) and several other connected
archaeological sites. Some of these heritage sites can be developed as
tourist attractions showcasing cultural connectivity. In the existing
museums of India and Southeast Asia, separate galleries can be created
for India-ASEAN interactions. Disseminating authentic information on
the past cultural exchanges between these regions through digital media
(website) in various languages would be useful for promoting tourism.
Focus on Local Historical Development

The exclusive concentration of “Indian influence” could be a fragmentary
approach in comprehending cultural and historical developments in
the Southeast Asia. Examination of the local historical developments
holistically could naturally lead to comprehending and contextualizing
interactions between India and Southeast Asia.
Academic Cooperation
Ancient and medieval societies were exchanging ideas, techniques and
people for the welfare of the society, and often such exchanges were
mutually beneficial, free from the “modern” or “post-modern” notions.
There is an evidence for the presence of Buddhists from the Southeast
Asia in the educational establishments of Nalanda for the purpose of
learning. Similar academic cooperation and exchange can be organized
in the contemporary context under the India-ASEAN initiatives.
Education: Student/Research Exchange Programmes

In the area of education, serious interactions are essential. Offering
fellowships for undertaking post-doctoral and short-term research
programmes on certain aspects of cultures and cultural interactions, and
exchange of students at the doctoral level and offering training through
short-term academic workshops to the students can help in research
interactions and development, and in building long-term relationships
and in empowering younger generation. Study tours in ASEAN-India
regions can be encouraged among the children of schools and college
students.
Joint Historical and Archaeological Research Initiatives

To move beyond the level of seminars that contribute to academic
exchanges and dissemination of ideas and findings, undertaking joint
research projects in the area of history and archaeology is also equally
important. The collaborative projects can help bring in new data and to
understand cultural connections and linkages and to foster long-term
academic partnerships.
Organizational, Financial and Logistic Support

Creation of a forum for ASEAN-India Academic and Cultural interaction
can be very useful. Offering financial and logistic support to undertake
collaborative research projects in the area of history and archaeology can
lead to more academic interactions, and shed new light on the processes
of interactions. Often to initiate such projects and to achieve meaningful
and serious results, sustained, constant support is vital.
4. Conclusions
Long distance exchange has been an important mechanism used by
societies, not only to tackle the lack of exotic resources necessary
for cultural complexity, but also to allow new ideas for cultural and
technological development. Such exchanges help the concerned
communities mutually, and contribute to cultural enrichment. India and
Southeast Asia had strong commercial interactions in the medieval period
and the merchant guild network of Indian origin that was present at a
few settlements of Southeast Asia and India facilitated these interactions.
While at one level the interactions between India and Southeast Asia can
be seen as part of the Indian Ocean regional exchanges involving Afro-
Euro-Asia region in the west to China in the east, at another level, the
interactions between India and Southeast need to be focused exclusively.
The early medieval society in India and Southeast Asia had attained
a higher degree of social complexity with state formation and social
hierarchy, when compared to the early historic period. Commodities
such as copper, eagle wood, tin and camphor of Southeast Asia and pearl,
coral, betel nuts, cardamom, Indian spices, variety of textiles and silk,
medicinal herbs, and possibly iron were exchanged. Cultural ideas that
were exchanged between these regions contributed to immense cultural
developments. The Medieval commercial interactions were very well
organized with the presence of the merchant guilds of Indian origin.
These guilds were active till the 13th century, when major transformations
took place in the organization of merchant guilds. The interactions of the
early period can offer use for the way forward.
In the globalized, contemporary context, serious academic and cultural
cooperations between India and ASEAN can be beneficial for both the
regions for exchanging ideas and for building long-term partnerships.
Shifting away from the colonial paradigms of research, focusing on
the local cultural historical developments holistically, working on the
microscopic aspects of Indian influence in Southeast Asia, collection
of primary archaeological and epigraphical data through archaeological
explorations and excavations, and application of scientific analysis,
development of heritage sites and heritage tourism, and forging academic
research partnerships for undertaking research projects can be useful
for developing lasting ties and interactions. To achieve the academic
knowledge production and dissemination, and cultural interactions

among various sections of the society through intellectual partnerships,
support in-terms of financial, logistic and infrastructure is essential from
the India-ASEAN initiative.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank RIS, ASEAN-India Centre, Prof. H. P. Ray,
Prof. Prabir De and Dr. Durairaj Kumarasamy for the support in the
preparation of this paper.
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4
Maritime Relations between
Peninsular India and Southeast
Asia: An Archaeological
Perspective
K. Rajan
1. Introduction
The Coromandel Coast (cōḻmaṇṭala kaṭaṟkarai), Malabar Coast
(malaimaṇṭalam) and Konkan Coast of peninsular India played a vital
role in the transoceanic trade from the times of Iron Age. The sepulchral
monuments, popularly called Iron Age megalithic monuments, ceramics,
graffiti marks, iron objects, beads made of semiprecious stones such
as carnelian, quartz, agate, lapis-lazuli, sapphire and black-cat-eye
encountered in South India, Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka clearly point to
the emergence of cultural homogeneity as well as towards close maritime
contacts. Further, the archaeological sites and habitation mounds
strategically located on trade routes and in the midst of resource zones
suggest that human occupation is widespread, transcending different
ecological zones. The continuous human occupation leads to resource
mobilization and subsequently to resource transaction through trade
and trade networks. The archaeological and epigraphical findings of the
region under discussion point to a vibrant trade carried out with extensive
and reliable trade networks. The long survival of trade centres and port
towns located in potential economically viable resource zones are the
fine indicators of its natural growth and expansion. The exploitation of

natural resources like iron ore, pearl, gemstone, cotton, spices, forest
products, glass, etc. through the induction of new technology in the
area of production and transportation led to vibrant industrial activities
such as iron, steel, gemstone, glass and textile industries. The growth
of these industries transformed cultural matrix of the region. The state
protection and the formation of trade guilds had an indirect impact on the
development of trade and trade networks. These multiple factors played
a crucial role in maintaining these commercial activities over a period of
time. Irrespective of these emerging scenarios, the earliest written record
emerges only from the time early historic. The penetration of Brahmi
script and Prakrit language supported with Buddhism in Southeast Asia
and Sri Lanka is considered as the result of maritime trade. The traders
as cultural ambassadors played a dominant role in carrying cultural
values to trading nations. The material evidences encountered in early
historic times and the epigraphical records particularly the trade guild
inscriptions observed in medieval times in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka
suggest that the cultural contacts between India and Southeast Asia were
vibrant. Keeping in view voluminous data, the present paper attempts to
understand the nature of trade that existed between 6th century BCE and
3rd century CE. The transoceanic trading activities have been discussed in
the backdrop of recent archaeological evidences, which surfaced in India,
Sri Lanka, Southeast Asia and the West.
Before going into the details of the maritime trade, it is necessary to
understand the nature of goods produced for exports, the volume of trade,
the role of traders and trade guilds, which were involved in carrying
these goods to different parts of the Indian Ocean region and trade routes
connecting different port towns, trade centres, mercantile cities and
production centres for better trade exchanges. Although, it is not possible
to list out all the trade goods involved in the transoceanic trade but some
of the goods such as gemstone, pearl, iron and steel, forest products,
textile and glass involved in extensive trade are highlighted here.
Gemstone
One of the important industries that fetched greater amount of external
wealth to peninsular India is of gemstone industry. India’s tradition in
gemstone is elaborated in Arthasāstra, Ratnasāstra, Vishnudharmottara,
Brahma samhita, Yukiti-kalpataru and in Caṅkam literature. The availability
Maritime Relations between Peninsular India and Southeast Asia 47
of large number of semiprecious stones in varied cultural contexts since

Harappan times suggests its significance. Greek introduced intaglios and
cameos in India. Two intaglios (a garnet and a carnelian) representing a
grazing horse from Vellalur and a woman and a cameo representing fish on
carnelian from Karur are good examples. The Pattanam (ancient Muziris/
Muciṟi) excavation also yielded considerable number of cameo blocks. The
recent study carried out on traditional bead-making industry at Kangayam
by the author in the backdrop of Kodumanal excavation has proved the
continuity of this industry (Rajan 2004, 2015). Gemstone industry of the
Kongu region (Chera country) played a crucial role in the trade contact
with the Indian Ocean region. Beads of sapphire, beryl, agate, carnelian,
amethyst, lapis-lazuli, jasper, garnet, soap stone, quartz, onyx, cat eye, etc.
found in different manufacturing stages at Kodumanal stand as a testimony
to their production (Rajan 1991, 2015). The absence of raw materials like
carnelian, agate and lapis-lazuli in this region suggests that these might have
been procured from Gujarat-Maharashtra and Afghanistan, respectively,
either directly or through intermediate trade transactions (Chakrabarti
1978, Tosi and Marcello 1973).
Another significant discovery is the exposure of a complete gemstone
industry at Kodumanal. The four trenches laid in the northern part of the
habitation mound yielded the industry in different stages of manufacture.
A huge quartz block with cut-marks, barrel-shaped quartz cut-pieces
and quartz discs of various sizes were recovered demonstrating different
stages of manufacturing. The rough-outs and chips stand as a testimony
to this affair. The beads in different manufacturing stages, rough-outs,
finished and semi-finished, drilled and undrilled, polished and unpolished,
roughly shaped balls, cylindrical discs, rings, truncated cones, blades,
etc. were unearthed along with the raw material. The discarded chips,
grooved stone slab used for polishing the beads, a huge quartz block
and several barrel and disc shaped quartz blocks found intact clearly
demonstrate that the quartz beads or objects were manufactured locally
at Kodumanal. The survival of this age-old tradition could be seen at
Kangayam, the nearby town. An ethno-archaeological study carried
out in Kangayam region by the author clearly shows that the present
-day traditional bead making artisans are still following the same old
method observed in Kodumanal. The references on gemstone industry
found in Caṅkam literature also support our view. The Caṅkam literature
Patiṟṟuppattu (67:1; 74:5) referred to this site as Koḍumaṇam, famous
for gems. During early historic times, beryl was highly valued than gold.
These finished beads were sent down to Muciṟi (Pattanam) through
Palaghat gap on the Kerala Coast for final shipment to Roman world.
Such beads also made a way to Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka through
ports of Korkai, Alagankulam, Kaveripattinam and Arikamedu.
The collection of gemstone recorded at several places in Caṅkam
literature belongs to the early part of Christian era. But all of them
refer to the natural way of collection. They collected gemstone while
tilling the land, grazing the cattle and digging the land for roots. There
is hardly any reference, except one, on an organized way of quarrying
the gemstones. Generally, the hillocks (kuṉṟam) embedded with gems
(tiru-maṇi) are often mentioned in the literature (Naṟṟiṇai 234:3). The
precious stones (tiru-maṇi) with various shapes (pala-urū) emerged
from the ground (nilavaṟai) (Naṟṟiṇai 399:4-5). Here, the various shapes
denote the nature of the original shape of the precious stone. When the
hillock people (vēṭṭuvar) go for hunting, the sparkling (miḷira) gems
(maṇi) appear on the ground due to the thrust of toe (kuḷampu) of the
galloping deer or animal (Puṟanāṉūṟu 202:1-3; Maturaikāñci 273). The
cattle keepers (kōvalar) collected sparkling precious stones (katir-maṇi)
while going for cattle grazing in the pastoral tracks (mullai-nilam) of
Ceruppumalai belongs to Chera king (Patiṟṟupattu 21:20-23). The hillock
Ceruppumalai belonging to the Chera king Pūliyar Kō (Palyāṉai Celkeḻu
Kuṭṭuvaṉ) could be contextually identified with the Sivanmalai and
Perumalmalai located west of Kangayam in Erode district. The flawless
gems (tiru-maṇi) were collected by the tillers (ērālar) from the plough
marks while tilling the land (nāñcil-āṭiya-koḻu-vaḻi) (Patiṟṟuppattu
58:13-19; 76:11-15). The hillock people (kāṉavar) used to collect
precious stones (tūmaṇi) when they dug for roots (kiḻaṅku) in the hillocks
(kuṉṟam) (Kuṟuntokai 379:1-3). The kāṉavar also collected sparkling
precious stones (kaṇ porutu imaikkum tiru-maṇi) by digging hard surface
with the help of elephant tusk (yāṉai-veṇ-kōṭu) (Akanāṉūṟu 282:1-10).
The precious stones also appeared in pits dug by the wild boars (Naṟṟiṇai
399:2-4). The gems were also collected in the midst of milk-white quartz
(vāṉ-paliṅku) and red gravel/feldspar (cem-paral) (Patiṟṟuppattu 66:16-
20). The gems were collected from hillock (malai), land (nilam) and
water (nīr) (Maturaikāñci 504-506). In this context, one must realize that
the pearl (muttu) is also considered as a gem by the Early Historic people,
as it comes from water i.e. sea-water.
The quality is judged based on the level of light that is emitted from
a semi-precious stone (tiru-maṇi imaikkum). The exposed gemstones
emit light through reflection of the evening sunlight falling on the
western slopes of the Kolli hills, located near Namakkal (Akanāṉūṟu
213:11-15). The hills, hill slopes and lands were spread with the stones
(Maturaikāñci 273-285; Naṟṟiṇai 234:3) and they were found exposed
during rainy season and these were sometimes brought down by streams
(Aiṅkuṟuṉūṟu 233:2-4). These precious stones collected by the local
people were sold out in the markets (Maturaikāñci 504-506). Quite
interestingly, there is a reference to specialist artisan called tiru-maṇi
kuyiṉar (gem borer) (Maturaikāñci 511; Cilappatikāram 5:46) and
mani-viṉaiñar (Maṇimēkalai 28:45) exclusively working on gemstones.
The Tamil-Brahmi inscription of 2nd century CE, found at Arachchalur
in Erode district, mentions about a gemstone tester, called maṇiya-
vaṇṇakkaṉ (Mahadevan 1968). There is a reference on the whetstone/lap
stone (cemaikal) specialist called ciṟukārōṭaṉ, who prepares the wheel
by mixing payiṉ (wax) and kal (probably corundum powder) (Akanāṉūṟu
1:5-6; 356:9). The gems to be faceted or polished are fixed on wax placed
on the tip of the rod. Sometimes, the gemstones (teṉ-maṇi) are separated
from the parent rock by placing them in the furnace (ūtulai) that makes
clipping easier (Kuṟuntokai 155:3-4).
These references clearly indicate that semi-precious stones (tiru-maṇi)
were generally collected by the hillock people (kāṉavar), cattle-raising
people (kōvalar) and tillers (uḻavar). The collected gemstones were sold
in the local market. Then, the artisans (like ciṟukārōṭaṉ and tiru-maṇi-
kuyiṉar/tiru-maṇi viṉaiñar) prepared the beads or other objects and sold
them again in internal, external and international markets. There was a
gemstone tester (maṇiya-vaṉṉakkaṉ) to judge the quality of the gemstone.
The mode of collection, the process involved in the preparation of final
products and the use of various technical terms clearly suggest the
existence of a gemstone industry in Tamil Nadu during the early historic
times and the finished products were exported to Indian Ocean countries.
Pearl
The recent ethno-archaeological study made on the traditional diving
practices in the Gulf of Mannar helps to understand economic viability of
pearl fishing that existed in the pre-Christian era. Even today the people
of the Gulf of Mannar go for diving without any breathing aids to the
depth of six fathoms; they used to stay on the sea floor for about 54
seconds (Athiyaman 1997; Athiyaman 2000). This ethnographic study
proved beyond doubt that the references found in the literature and
foreign accounts are not an exaggeration. The earliest account of pearl
and chank fishery in Tamil Nadu is of Megasthenes (Arunachalam 1952).
Though the method of diving is not adequately recorded, many of the
Caṅkam literature like Kalitokai (131:22) and Akanāṉūṟu (350:10-11)
had mentions of fishing community paratavar (Barata in Sri Lanka);
who resided at Pandya capital Korkai were involved in the pearl fishing
(Ciṟupāṇāṟṟuppaṭai 56-58). Mahāvaṃsa refers to eight kinds of pearls
presented to king Ashoka by King Devanampiya Tissa (250-210 BC).
Duttagamani (161-137 BC) decorated his hall with pearls establishing
the existence of pearl fishing in Gulf of Mannar (Geiger 1950). The
Periplus Erythrean Sea mentions that condemned criminals were used at
the Pandya port Korkai in the Gulf of Mannar (McCrindle 1984). Strabo,
Pliny and Ptolemy also referred to pearl fishing. The port Korkai on the
east coast of Tamil Nadu and Mantai on the west coast of Sri Lanka are
the two important international ports of calls in the Gulf of Mannar. The
pearl oysters of P.fucata type grow on pearl beds or banks (pār in Tamil),
but it is seasonal. Due to frequent migrations of pearl oysters to opposite
beds in the Gulf of Mannar of India and Sri Lanka, the pearl divers were
forced to move frequently between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lankan coast.
The recent excavations conducted in 2015 and 2016 at Keeladi (Kiladi),
near Madurai, yielded considerable number of pearls in the excavated
trenches testifying existence of the pearl industry.
Metallurgy
Another important industry that fetches good amount of wealth to the
treasury is iron and steel industry. The traditional crucible steel was
produced out of high carbon alloys in India before 4th - 3rd century BCE.
This is well reflected in the Classical Mediterranean accounts (Bronson
1986).Pliny’s Natural History identifies the Chera country as the source
of iron to Roman world (Bronson 1986). This traditional method was in
vogue till 17th century in Tamil Nadu (Buchanan 1807). The technical
terms like irumbu (iron) (Akanāṉāṟu 4:3), ekku (steel) (Puṟanāṉūṟu
26:5-6) kollan (black smith), karumai kollan (skilled black smith)
(Puṟanāṉūṟu 21:8), ulai (furnace) (Perumpāṇāṟṟuppaṭai 437), ulai-kūṭam
(workshop) (Puṟanāṉūṟu 170-17) ulai-kal (anvil) (Puṟanāṉūṟu 170:11),
turutti (bellow) (Perumpāṇāṟṟuppaṭai 206; Akanāṉāṟu 224), vicai vāṅku

or mītulai (pedal bellow) (Perumpāṇāṟṟuppaṭai 207), kuṭam (crucible),
kuṟaṭu (tong) and kuṟukku (nozzle or blow pipe) found in Caṅkam
literature proved the level of technical know-how of this industry. The
nineteenth century travellers identified three different types of crucible
processes–Deccani or Hyderabad process, Mysore process and Tamil
Nadu process. In Tamil Nadu process, the charge consisted of wrought
iron produced separately, which was then sacked in the closed crucibles
(Verhoeven 1987). The recent chemical analysis and metallurgical studies
carried out on the iron object collected from iron producing sites at
Guttur, Mallapadi and Kodumanal by Rao and Sasikaran (1997) showed
the evidence of cast iron which was attained through the maintenance
of high temperature of around 1300oc over a longer period. The study,
further, reveals that they not only smelted wrought iron and carburised
it to steel but also fabricated iron bars by forge welding low carbon steel
strips with wrought iron strips to get strength to the artefact (Sasisekaran
2004). The Caṅkam literature Kuṟuntokai (155) refers to the manufacturer
of cast iron bell by wax method. The study of steel-producing site at Mel-
Siruvalur in Tiruvannamalai district (Srinivasan 1994) clearly proves that
high quality iron and steel were produced in Tamil Nadu. While other
parts of India followed the technique of carburization, the smelters of
Tamil Nadu followed the technique of decarburization as the carbon
content in the iron ores here is relatively high. The discovery of separate
furnaces like conical furnace for iron and crucible furnace for steel at
Kodumanal goes well with this process (Rajan 1991).
The recent investigations carried out in iron ore bearing zone of
Salem region yielded interesting evidence on the production of ultra-
high carbon steel. The metallographic analysis carried out on the sword
collected from an Iron Age grave at Thelunganur in Mettur taluk, Salem
district of Tamil Nadu revealed that it was made of ultra-high carbon
steel whose carbon concentration was 1.2 per cent or above based on
the weight fraction. The radiometric date obtained for the carbon sample
collected from the sword place, dating back in the circa 13th century
BCE (AMS date of 3089±40 yr BP and the calibrated calendar date falls
between 1435 and 1233 BCE). It is quite clear that a new technique is
conceived here to accommodate the locally available high carbon content
iron ores. This high quality steel was at a greater demand in the West
for a longer period. Such demand would have existed in Southeast Asia
too. However, there is hardly any evidence that comes forth from the
Southeast Asia. The future discovery may help to understand the role of
steel in Southeast Asia.
Glass
The production of glass in India has a hoary past. It seems that the
Indus people did not have glass, although they had contacts with the
Mesopotamian region. They preferred faience, which may be seen as
a type of proto-glass. The Painted Grey Ware (PGW) culture of the
Ganga valley and possibly the Chalcolithic culture of southern Deccan
(four glass beads found at Maski, date uncertain) (Engle 1976; Francis
1984; Kanungo 2004a; Kanungo 2004b; Dussubieux et.al., 2008) did
have elegant glass beads dating before the mid-first millennium BCE.
However, the Indian glass industry, with production of beads, bangles
and small ornaments, truly gained momentum in the last two or three
centuries BCE. About 30 excavated sites in different parts of India have
revealed glass objects of various colours, including green, blue, red,
white, orange and some other shades. In South India, many archaeological
sites yielded glass beads. Arikamedu (Casal 1956; Lal 1952), Manikollai
(Cuddalore Dt.), Thiruchapuram (Cuddalore Dt.), Appur (Kanchipuram
Dt.), Aliyanilai (Pudukottai Dt.) and Porunthal (Diṇḍugal Dt.) stand out
for the several thousands of beads. All except Arikamedu have possible
evidence of furnace material. Kanungo summarized information from
more than 200 sites with evidence of glass; starting from the Iron
Age down to Late Medieval times. Nearly 29 sites belong to the Iron
Age and about 119 sites come from Early Historic times; of these,
about 150 sites reported glass beads, and 36 claimed to have been
manufacturing sites too (Kanungo 2002a; 2004). Thus, India enjoyed
an important, even dominant role in manufacturing of both stone and
glass beads. Interestingly, India enjoys the same position today. While
glass beads rapidly became popular as an item of adornment due to their
attractiveness, affordability, transportability and durability; even more
important may have been the role of beads in economic, social, aesthetic
and ritual realms of mankind. The sustainable internal and external trade
intertwined these systems together. Different kinds of beads were made
and exchanged, but the small, monochrome, beads manufactured by the
drawn-tube method in south India or furnace-wound techniques in North
India are most common at the archaeological sites.
In ancient times, glass was produced by melting a mixture of sand,

to provide silica, and a source of alkali, usually soda, to act as a flux to
lower melting temperature. Important also for stabilizing the glass were
lime and alumina, usually included along with the two main ingredients
rather than added intentionally. In addition, metallic oxides were mixed
in to colour the glass, with a resulting composition of about 70 per cent
silica (SiO2), 15 per cent soda (Na2O), between 3 and 10 per cent lime
(CaO) and alumina (Al2O3), and between 0.5 and 2 per cent colorants,
usually copper, iron or cobalt. Dikshit (1969), Sen and Chaudhuri (1985)
and Subbarayappa (1991) made limited study on glass technology.
Recently, Laure Dussubieux brought new insights into South Asian
glass compositions. The main objectives of her study were to identify
provenance and diffusion area of Indian and Southeast Asian glass products
(Dussubieux et.al. 2001, 2008, 2010, 2012). Further, she had made some
scientific studies on the glass material collected from early historic sites
of Arikamedu, Karaikadu, Kaveripattinam (Pūmpuhār), Kodumanal
and Alagankulam, which provided a good picture on the nature of glass
technology in Tamil Nadu (Dussubieux 2008). Subsequently, Bernard
Gratuze and Guillaume Sarah analysed one hundred glass artefacts
recovered from seven archaeological sites, namely Alagankulam,
Appur, Arikamedu, Karaikadu, Karur, Kodumanal and Manikollai and
the results confirmed findings of Dussubieux (Gratuze and Sarah 2011).
Peter Francis and Alok Kumar Kanungo made an ethnographic study of
glass bead-making respectively at Papanaidupet in Chittoor district of
Andhra Pradesh (Francis 2002) and at Purdalpur in Hathras district of
Uttar Pradesh (Kanungo 2004b). In addition, the possible discovery of a
glass working furnace at Porunthal near Palani, Appur near Chingleput,
Aliyanilai1 near Aranthangi and Manikollai and Thiruchpuram near
Cuddalore provided fresh evidence on this subject. The excavation of a
bead mound (pāci > bead; mēḍu > mound) at Porunthal revealed more
than 2000 glass beads from a 50 sq. m. excavated area (Rajan et.al.
2014). The recent discovery of sites like Manikollai (maṇi means bead;
kollai means field) and Thiruchapuram, located south of Cuddalore on
Chidamparam road, yielded thousands of glass beads on the surface
spread out in an area of more than 25 acres of land. Literally, they were
bead mounds. The works of the above scholars and others in the field of
ancient glass have provided evidence for an emerging picture of glass
production in the ancient India.
In the ancient world, glass beads were produced by a variety of

methods; the most common being winding hot glass around an iron rod
or mandrel (furnace-winding), folding a heated pad of glass around a
mandrel (folding), shaping and drilling using stone-working techniques
(lapidary), or cut from drawn tubes of glass (drawn or drawn-tube beads)
(Francis 2002). The majority of South Indian glass beads were drawn.
With this method, the beads are first cut from tubes that have been pulled
or drawn out from a hollow gather of glass, then subsequently re-heated
at a lesser temperature to round off sharp edges. These techniques were
used till very recently (Stern 1987; Francis 1991; Kanungo 2004a) to
produce millions of small beads; ranging in diameter from 1 to about 6
mm; the more time-consuming technique is producing furnace-wound
beads (Francis 2002; Kanungo 2004b). W.G.N.Van der Sleen (1973)
classified small, monochrome, drawn and wound glass beads as ‘trade-
wind-beads’ due to their movement across the Indian Ocean and Persian
Gulf. However, Francis (1990) emphasized the importance of production
technology and named only drawn beads as Indo-Pacific Monochrome
Drawn Beads (IPMDB) or simply Indo-Pacific beads (Francis 2002).
These Indo-Pacific beads appear at South and Southeast Asian
archaeological sites, dating from the middle of first millennium BCE.
Based on typological observations and archaeological data, most scholars
believe that the earliest Indo-Pacific beads were made in South India. It
seems both the beads and the technology were moved over to Sri Lanka
and Southeast Asia. Although the details of both the primary and the
secondary glass production centres are far from certain; recent evidence
supports a picture of secondary production of beads and bangles at a
number of sites in both South and Southeast Asia; with primary production
more likely to be restricted geographically. Taking into account of
recent compositional data, a complex picture has emerged (Brill 1999;
Dussubieux 2001; Dussubieux and Gratuze 2003; Lankton et.al. 2008;
Dussubieux et.al. 2008; Dussubieux et.al. 2010; Lankton 2011). The
identification of chemically distinct glass at multiple contemporaneous
and distant locations reveals existence of regional glass technologies
with several independent glass bead-making centres at different points
across South and Southeast Asia.
The most common type of glass used in India was manufactured out
of mineral soda–alumina glass. Beginning in the 1st millennium CE, this
glass accounted for the majority of the glass material studied in the South
and Southeast Asian regions with a complete range of occurrence from

the late centuries BCE to the 16th century CE (Lankton and Dussubieux
2008). Laure Dussubieux suggests that Indian glass soda-alumina
glass had at least four different sub-groups–m-Na-Al types 1 through
4 (Dussubieux, et. al. 2001, 2010, 2012). Among the glass specimens
analysed, nearly 54 per cent came from Tamil Nadu. These are mineral-
soda-alumina glass (m-Na-Al 1) with high alumina, relatively high barium
and relatively low uranium. There is an evidence for production of such
beads at Appur, Manikollai, Thiruchapuram and Porunthal in Tamil Nadu
(Gratuze and Sarah 2011, Rajan 2014). In addition, the Sri Lankan site of
Giribawa, with a possible date from the late centuries BCE to the early
centuries CE, yielded furnaces lined with vitrified alumina-rich materials
and blocks of raw glass with similar composition. Alumina sand sources
were identified in close proximity (Bopearachchi 1999; Gratuze et. al.
2000; Dussubieux 2001).
Glass beads with chemical composition m-Na-Al type-1 were very
unusual in North India where m-Na-Al type-3 glass, slightly lower in
alumina, higher in lime and with considerably higher uranium levels than
m-Na-Al type-1, occurred in large quantity. In terms of primary production,
the site of Kopia in Uttar Pradesh yielded convincing evidence of glass
manufacturing in the form of crucibles and a 120 pound piece of glass,
dated to the first century CE, although other parts of the site were in early
as the fifth century BCE (Roy and Varshney 1953; Kanungo and Misra
2004; Kanungo and Shinde 2005; Kanungo and Brill 2009). Interestingly,
m-Na-Al type-1 glass is the most common glass type found outside India
stretching from West Africa in the west to Korea in the east; indicating a
very wide pattern of exchange. Many Indo-Pacific beads have been found
at Khuan-Luk-pat in Thailand, and it is possible that these beads may
have been made from ingots of Indian-made m-Na-Al type-1 glass. The
north Indian variety (m-Na-Al type-3) is found at the 4th to 2nd c. BCE site
of Khao Sam Kaeo in Thailand at the narrowest part of the Thai/Malay
Peninsula, and as far away as Korea. Thus, the monochrome Indo-Pacific
beads made their presence from the time of 6th-5th century BCE in Sri
Lanka and Southeast Asia.
Textile Industry
In archaeological context, impression of woven fibre, generally found
at the base of the pot, stands as mute evidence on the existence of
textile industry. Evidences found at Mohenjodaro, Nevasa, Chandoli,

Lothal, Alamgirpur, Noh, Rang Mahal, Kaundinyapura and Kodumanal
indicate the presence of this industry in different technological level. The
terracotta spindle whorls and woven cotton pieces found at Kodumanal
(Rajan 1996) and dying vat at Uraiyur (Raman 1964) and Arikamedu
(Begley 1993) further strengthen their survival in the early historic times.
The occurrence of quite a number of intact terracotta spindle whorls
pierced at the centre by means of an iron rod recovered from many of the
excavated sites such as Arikamedu, Kodumanal, Uraiyur, Kiladi, etc. is
clearly suggestive of cotton processing. In addition, an iron rod having
grooving at regular interval used in textile industry to run the thread
was also found in the excavation. There are also several ivory and bone
tools with little grooving at the middle of the tools, which might have
been used in textile industry. To strengthen this fact, a remarkably well
preserved piece of woven cotton was recovered from the site Kodumanal
(Rajan 2015).
Forest Products
Forest products like spices, cardamom, sandal wood, etc. played a crucial
role both in the internal and external trade. The recent excavations
carried out in two seasons at Thandikudi in Palani hills at the 4400
feet MSL by the author clearly proved that people reached and settled
in high altitude from time immemorial. The archaeological vestiges
identified at Thandikudi site clearly suggest that this site lies in a perfect
ecological background, which helped to occupy the site continuously for
more than two thousand five hundred years. The trade guild inscription
issued during 12th regnal year of Kulasekara Pandya (1280 CE) suggests
its long existence and also its trade contact with plains. The mountains,
perennial ponds, fertile soil formed in the valley helped ancient settlers
in several ways to continue their occupation for such a longer period. The
environment helped to cultivate pepper and cardamom at a large scale.
The occurrence of large number of carnelian, quartz and agate beads
at this altitude suggests the existence of extensive trade network. Most
of the elite items recovered from the graves were of products of plains.
These extravagant items might have been exchanged with equal value
such as pepper and cardamom or other forest products like ivory and
medicinal plants. The concentration of large number of archaeological
sites noticed in the Vaigai basin particularly in the Kambam valley
suggests that the whole Western Ghat might have been well-connected
with the trade centres/routes of the plains (Rajan 2005). These products
might have found its way to the far of countries through well established
trade networks.
2. Trade and Trade Routes

Early Historic Period
The identification of raw material, procurement of raw material,
transformation of raw material into an object of usage, the technology
involved in the movement of the goods from production centres to
marketing centres, the exchange of good in terms of money or matter,
the control over the production and marketing by the traders or state,
trade networks, trade routes and many other such aspects are involved
in the establishment of a well-organized internal and international trade.
State has played an important role in the territorial expansion, control
over resource, facilitating trade activities through various provisions and
protections to various marketing mechanisms and trade centres all long
the trade routes as it generally fetches lot of revenue to the state. The
references on trade, traders, trade guild, trade goods and trade routes are
some of the finest indicators on the existence of the trade. In that way,
major trade routes that criss-crossed South India are the finest indicators
to understand the trade networks. The first one starting from port
Kaveripattinam (Pūmpukār) through Uraiyur, the Chola capital, reached
Madurai, the Pandya capital, after passing through the important sites
like Kodumpalur and Vellarai niyamam. The famous Mangulam Tamil-
Brahmi inscription of Pandya Neduncheliyan was found on this route near
Melur. This trade route further continued towards south up to Korkai, the
second capital city of Pandyas. Another trade route that branched off from
the southern route, connected Kerala (Malaimaṇḍalam) through Kollam
pass. The east-west route connecting Alagankulam located on the mouth
of river Vaigai on the seacoast and Vanji and Muciri (Pattanam) on the west
coast passed through Madurai, Chinnamanur, Uttamapuram, Gudalur,
Kumuli and reaches Muciri along the river Periyar. The major products
that exchanged along this route were conch shell and pearl of Gulf of
Mannar, semiprecious stones, spices, pepper, medicinal plants, aromatics
and other hill products of Kambam valley. Hence, they might have used
this trade route to enter into Pandya region from the west coast of Chera
country. The occurrence of Punch Marked coins at Bodiyayakkanur and
Roman coins at Alagankulam, Madurai, Uttamapuram and Gudalur, the
ceramics like NBP, Amphorae, rouletted ware and Arritine ware clearly
points to the existence of trade along this route. The occurrence of name
of the traders in the Tamil-Brahmi cave inscriptions dealing on oil, gold,
paddy and ploughshare indicates the vibrant trade and also of having
enough wealth to make donations to Jain monks. The huge settlements
noticed along the trade route at Uttamapuram, Uttukkadu, Putuppatti and
Tamanampatti reveal the existence of a continuous occupation. These
sites yielded large number of black-and-red ware, russet coated ware,
burnt bricks of abnormal size and rouletted ware. A Jain monument
dating back to c. 9th century CE was also found at Uttamapalayam. It is
a well-known fact that most of the Jain monuments were established on
the trade routes and patronized by merchants. The inscription found on
the walls of the Siva temple at Chinnamanur pinpoints existence of the
mercantile guild Ticaiāyirattu ayiṉūṟṟuvar.
The merchant community specializing in sugar, salt, gem, gold, cloth
and oil were mentioned in the Tamil-Brahmi inscription as donors, and
they organized trade (Mahadevan 2003). The art of gold smith seems to
have caught the fancy of foreign markets and these types of ornaments
were exported to foreign countries during the early historic times. The
availability of Brahmi inscription with influence of Prakrit of Sri Lankan
origin found at Alagankulam clearly suggest that this port on the mouth
of Vaigai river played a significant role on the maritime trade with Sri
Lanka. The Sri Lanka is known for pearl, forest products and gemstones.
There is another trade route which was branched off from this east-
west route by taking diversion from Madurai and reaching again Muciri
through Palaghat gap after crossing Dindugal, Palani and Pollachi (Rajan
2009). The archaeological site Porunthal and Kolumam and Roman
coin hoard sites Kalayamuttur and Pollachi are located on this route.
Another east-west major trade route connecting Kaveripattinam on the
east coast and Pattanam on the west coast passed through major cities,
trade centres and industrial towns such as Karur (the second capital of
Cheras), Kodumanal, Sulur, Vellalur, Velanthavalam and Vanji. The
famous Roman coin yielding sites Karur, Kodumanal, Kattanganni,
Sulur, Vellalur, Velanthavalam and Eyyal are located on this trade route.
The trade route emerged as the site Arikamedu moved westward along
the river Pennaiyar and it reached Karnataka after passing through
Tirukoyilur (the capital of chieftain Malaiyaman), Jambai (the location
of famous satiyaputō Atiyamāṉ inscription) Chengam, (the capital of
chieftain Nannan) and Tagadur (the capital of chieftain Athiyaman).

Roman coins and Punch-marked coins were unearthed.
Navigational Techniques
The established trade routes, production centres, mercantile cities,
trade centres and port towns clearly point to the existence of maritime
trade. Navigational technology might have played a crucial role in the
development of trade. The navigational terms such as ampi (Aiṅkuṟunūṟu
98:1-2; Naṟṟiṇai 354:5-7), Puṉai or Kaṭṭumaram (Akanāṉūṟu 186:8;
Kalittokai 134:24-25; Perumpāṇāraṟṟuppaḍai 2.11:30-35) and Timil
(Naṟṟiṇai 111:5-9; Akanāṉūṟu 350:10-15) point to the existence of
different type of boats/ships. The boat koḍuntimil and tīntimil (Naṟṟiṇai
175:1-3; Akanāṉūṟu 240:5-7) were named after their sturdiness employed
with specialized sailors, called timilar. The ship used for international
trade was invariably called as kalam and nāvāy (Naṟṟiṇai 295:5-6). It had
many sails and masts hoisted with flag (Puṟanānūṟu 30:10-11; Akanāṉūṟu
152:6-8; Maduraikāñchi 74-83) and moved from one paṭṭiṉam (port) to
another paṭṭiṉam (Paripāḍal 10:38-40). One of the remarkable recent
evidences is a ship motif collected from the fifth season of the excavation
at Alagankulam, a Pandya port, on the mouth of the river Vaigai. The
ship was engraved as graffiti on the shoulder portion of a rouletted ware.
L.Casson of New York University who examined this graffiti identified
as one of the largest type of Graeco-Roman three mastered ships used in
trans-oceanic voyage (Sridhar 2005). One must recall here, the Vienna
Museum papyrus, a trade contract written in Greek executed between a
Musiri and Alexandria trader, specifying the volume of goods carried to
Alexandria in a single ship (Rajan 2000). The references like Yavaṉar-
iyaṟṟiya-viṉaimāṉ-pāvai (the beautiful lamp made by Yavanas), Yavaṉa-
p-pāvai, Yavaṉar-ōtima-viḷakku (Yavana lamp), vaṇkaṉ-Yavaṉar (war
like Yavanas), Yavaṉar-irukkai (residence of Yanavas) and Yavaṉa-t-
tatchar (Yavana carpenter) found in Caṅkam literature further support this
phenomenon. This was strengthened with identification of extensive port
infrastructures like wharf, lighthouse and warehouse at Kaveripattinam
(Soundrarajan 1994; Kasinathan 1999). An identical wharf-like structure
in association with a wooden boat, wooden pillars installed along the
brick structure (wharf) to tie the boat were unearthed at Pattanam
(Muciri) on the bank of river Periyar near the mouth in Thrissur district of
Kerala in 2007. Near to this, a huge brick platform was also exposed. The
rouletted ware and amphorae found in large quantities also suggest their
external contact. So far, the Kerala Coast has not yielded rouletted ware;
the present evidence sheds a new light on this aspect. Further, the brick
structure unearthed at Arikamedu, Kaveripattinam and Muciri suggests
their technical know-how. As the excavation at Muciri is in progress, it
may give much more evidence in future.
The structures noticed at Kaveripattinam (Pūmpuhār) and Pattanam
(Muciṟi) could be compared with the structural descriptions mentioned
in Caṅkam literature. The term muṉtuṟai generally refers to the place
where one enters into the river. If the same term refers to the place
near the coast at port towns, one could presume that it also denotes the
harbour. This term is used in relation to the early historic ports like
Korkai, Kaveripattinam and Arikamedu (Vīrai-paṭṭiṉam) (Akanāṉūṟu
130:12; 201:4; 206:13; Paṭṭiṉapālai 173). The term peruntuṟai (Naṟṟiṇai
295:6; Akanāṉūṟu 27:9) refers to the actual place where the cargo is
handled. The ships were either anchored at a distance away from the
port city or the goods welled into the river mouth without slackening
the sail (Puṟanāṉūṟu 30:11-13), as one noticed at Kaveripattinam, which
indirectly suggests that the ancient Kaveri river mouths were wide and
deep enough to allow the boat move in freely. So the anchorage depends
upon the nature of the river mouth. In a few cases, the small boats were
pressed into the service to carry the goods from the big ships anchored in
the open sea, near to the harbour (Puṟanāṉūṟu 343:5-6).
For effective seafaring, the knowledge of tide, current, wave action,
wind movement and position of the star is essential. The term ōtam
(Naṟṟiṇai 117:1-2; 335:1-3; Akanāṉūṟu 123:12-13; 220:12; 300:16-17)
is used to note high tide and low tide. The movement of wind (kaṟṟu)
and its effective utility in the trans-oceanic voyage was also recorded
(Naṟṟiṇai 4:4; 31:8: 295:6). The knowledge of astronomy is also well
reflected in the literature at several places. The astronomer known as
aṟivaṉ (Tolkāppiyam Poruḷatikaram 17) forecasted the monsoon, draught
period and even the change in the political rule based on the position of
the stars (Gurunathan 1993). The knowledge of names of different stars
and its position might have been effectively used by the mariners to navi
gate. Another interesting feature was the use of land-finding bird in a ship
vaṅkam (Nālāyirathivvyaprabandam 692:3-4). Though the reference is
late but the usage of land-finding birds had the antiquity since Harappan
times (Rao 1987). The Sanskrit manuscript Yuktikalpataru refers these
birds as disakakas. Pliny also states that Taprobane (Sri Lanka) mariners
handled this bird (Mc Crindle 1901). The Buddhist text Digha Nikaya
(1.222) of Sutta Pitaka also confirms this (Davids 1890). The usage of
stone anchor is also mentioned in the literature (Maduraikāñnchi 375-
379), and the recent discovery of stone anchors, though late in period,
confirms the continuity of tradition (Jayakumar and Athiyaman 1996).
This acquired and accumulated knowledge in the traditional navigation
would have helped to multiply their mercantile activities in oceanic trade.
The existence of large number of archaeological sites and Jain
centres with Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions all along the trade routes, the
availability of Roman coin hoards, Punch-marked coins, NBP, Arritine
ware, rouletted ware, amphorae, inscriptions of Sri Lankan origin and
many other material remains suggest that sea ports of east and west coast
of peninsular India have played avital role in the internal and the external
trade during early historic times.
Medieval Period
There are several references on ancient highways (peruvaḻi) mentioned
in medieval inscriptions. For instance, the inscriptions found in
semiprecious bearing zone of Kongu country (present Coimbatore,
Tiruppur, Erode and part of Salem region) refer several ancient trade
routes. Among them, the koṅga-p-peruvaḻi, viranārāyaṇaṉ-peruvaḻi,
nāṭṭu-p-peruvaḻi, rājakēśari-peruvaḻi, ayirai-peruvaḻi, magadēsaṉ-
peruvaḻi, atiyaṉmāṉ-peruvaḻi, pēraṟṟu-p-peruvaḻi, chōḻamādēvi-p-
peruvaḻi, pāla-p-peruvaḻi and kārai-t-turai-p-peruvaḻi can be cited. The
koṅga-p-peruvaḻi is one of the east-west major highways that connects
Kaveri deltaic region with Kongu country (ARE 1911/281). It might
have passed through Uraiyur, Kulithalai and Karur along the banks of
river Kaveri and passed further west along the river Noyyal up to Perur
near Coimbatore. The viranārāyaṇaṉ-peruvaḻi mentioned in a record at
Anaimalai is probably the one that connects Anaimalai with Kolumam.
The vaṭṭeḻuttu inscription found at Pachchai-pāḻi near Sundakamuttur
on the rocky surface on the side of the highway Rājakēśari-p-peruvaḻi
(named after Chola king Aditya I) is the one that connects Kongu-nadu
with Malaimandalam (Kerala) (Vaidyanathan 1983). One could see still
the old highway existed in front of the Rājakēsari-p-peruvaḻi inscription.
Another interesting feature of this inscription is that next to the eight-
line vaṭṭeḻuttu inscription, three-line inscription in Tamil script reading
svasti sri rājakēsari peruvaḻi is engraved. This inscription belongs to
10th century CE, and this is the period when vaṭteḻuttu script was slowly
replaced with the Tamil script by Chola regime in Tamil Nadu. The bi-
script presentation suggests that the merchant not knowing a particular
script could read the alternative script and understand the name of the
highway. The term nāṭṭu-p-peruvaḻi mentioned in the epigraph Rajendra I
probably is the one that emanated from Karur connecting various nāḍus of
Kongu country (ARE 1921/111).The highway that run between Karur and
Karai-t-tolu, south of Dharapuram, was known as kāraittuṟai-p-peruvaḻi
(SII 3:26). The highway from Karai-t-tolu to Kolumam was known as
chōḻa-mādēvi-p-peruvaḻi. The mēlai-p-peruvaḻi was another highway
mentioned in Kiranur inscription that was from Dharapuram towards
Pandya country through Palani/Vaikavur (SII 5:282). The Palani temple
inscription mentions about a diversion road that goes to Pandrimalai on
Lower Palani hills, and this road may have also proceeded further to
Pundurai, west of Koḍaikanal (SII 5:286). This diversion would have
taken from the major Highway connecting Pandya country and Chera
country through Vaikavur (Palani) and Kolumam. The Palani temple
inscription mentions this highway as koḻumattiṟkku-p-pōṟa-peruvaḻi;
a highway heading towards Kolumam (SII 5:286). It is also known as
Cēraṉaimēṉkoṇḍa-chōḻaṉ-peruvaḻi (ARE 1909). The east heading route
from Dharapuram was known as pāla-p-peruvaḻi (SII 5:257). Another
major highway probably that connected to Chera capital Karur with
Pallava capital Kanchi was the magadēsaṉ-peruvaḻi. The Arakalur
inscription refers to this highway running through magataimaṇḍalam in
Attur taluk of Salem district (Rajannan 1992).
Besides, there were a few trade routes probably connecting with main
highways like veḷḷōṭṭu-vaḻi (ARE 1968), perunthoḻuvu-vaḻi (ARE 1908),
Kongukulavalli-vadi. The Kongukulavaḷḷi-vadi runs between Pollachi
and Coimbatore and connected with koṅga-p-peruvaḻi or rājakēsari
peruvaḻi. Rājamahēndra-vadi was the one between Dindugal and Karur,
connecting either koṅga-p-peruvaḻi or nāṭṭu-p-peruvaḻi (ARE 1921).
The major trade guild inscriptions are found on these trade routes.
The trade goods were transported on bullock-carts and also on the backs
of donkeys and buffaloes (ARE 1920, 1978; Manickam 2001). The
milestones might have been installed on these highways to indicate the
distance as the two milestone inscriptions, respectively, were noticed
at Muttanur and Atiyamankottai in Dharmapuri district (Govindarasu
1982). In these two mile-stones, the unit kātham indicating the distance
is mentioned as 27 and 29 kāthams. The GPS position taken at the find-
spots suggests that the crow-fly distance of one kātham is equivalent to 5
miles/8 km approximately. The laying of road, installing milestones and
maintenance of these highways periodically probably were considered
as the duty of the state. The toll-tax collected at several toll-gates would
have been utilized for this purpose. These highways were connected with
major mercantile towns.
Trade Guilds of Medieval Period

Noboru Karashima and Y.Subbarayalu, who made an extensive study
on the concept of supra-local organization of merchant guild, observed
that the ainūṟṟuvar is a concept of the merchant organization, which
overarches all the substantial merchant organizations found in some
particular area, locality or town (Karashima 2002a). This organization
took shape in the early tenth century CE. This umbrella organization
attempted to bring together all possible specialist merchant groups,
itinerant and sedentary, local and foreign under a common commercial
network, spread over several regions. Some of the organizations coming
under this supra-local/umbrella organization were otherwise known as
padiṉeṉ-vishayam/padiṉeṉ-bhūmi or nāṉādēsi, añjuvaṇṇam, nagaram,
maṇigramam, etc. The padiṉeṉ-vishayam/padiṉeṉ-bhūmi or nāṉādēsi
were considered synonymous with Aiñūṟṟuvar. The careful studies of the
inscriptions relating to this corporate body by Dikshit (1959), Abhraham
(1988), Champakalakshmi (1996), Karashima (2002a), Subbarayalu
(2012) and others suggest that it was not a single and unified corporate
body for the entire South India, though inscriptions bearing almost
identical eulogistic preamble are found written in Kannada, Tamil and
Telugu languages. These merchant guilds were non-commitment to
any political power and maintained neutrality due to their trans-border
commercial transactions. The occurrence of names of several groups
of warriors (vīrar/vīrakoḍiyār) associated with these merchant guilds
suggest that they had a tradition of protecting themselves.
A large number of trade guild inscriptions were encountered in
Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. Out of 311 trade guild inscriptions, nearly
248 were from these two states; constituting nearly 80 per cent of the
total inscriptions of which nearly 38 per cent come from Tamil Nadu
and 42 per cent from Karnataka. If one considers the period - wise
distribution, only three inscriptions were from Karnataka, whereas

Tamil Nadu met with 25 inscriptions during the period between 800-
1000 CE. In case of period between 1001-1100 CE, out of 25 ainūṟṟuvar
inscriptions encountered in Karnataka, only three belonged to early half
of 11th century CE. Interestingly, of these three inscriptions noticed in
Southern Karnataka, two were written in Tamil, issued during the reign
of Rajendra I and Rajadhiraja I.
Table 4.1: Trade Guild Inscriptions of South India

S. Period Andhra Kerala Karnataka Tamil Mahar- Sri SEA Total
No Pradesh Nadu ashtra Lanka
1 801-900 0 1 2 1 0 0 1 5
2 901-1000 0 2 1 24 0 0 0 27
3 1001-1100 5 3 25 18 0 1 1 53
4 1101-1200 6 0 56 12 2 11 0 87
5 1201-1300 9 2 33 46 0 1 1 92
6 1301-1400 6 0 8 11 0 2 0 27
7 1401-1600 9 0 6 5 0 0 0 20
Total 35 8 131 117 2 15 3 311
* SEA stands for South East Asia.

The earliest aiñūṟṟuvar inscription made its presence during 9th

century CE at Mēlnaṅgāvaram in mid-Kaveri river valley near Kulithalai
(Ganesan 1999). However, the dated inscription was from kā-nāḍu
in mid-Vellar river valley of Pudukottai district. It was issued in the
20th regnal year of Chola king Parakesari (927 CE) at Munisandai in
Tirumayam taluk of Pudukottai district (IPS 61). The aiñūṟṟuvar trade
guild inscriptions had the eulogy (prasasti) like king’s eulogy. The
earliest eulogy of this organization, though the term aiñūṟṟuvar did not
finds its place, appeared for the first time in Tamil Nadu around middle
of 9th century CE at Kamudi in Ramanathapuram district (ARE 1974-75).
The full-fledged commercial settlements are called by a generic term
Nagaram, a town (synonym with paṭṭiṉam and a place name with a suffix
puram). It constituted only 5 per cent of the total settlements in Chola
territory (Subbarayalu 2012). In spite of their small number, nagarams
developed as a centre of transactions in which both local and itinerant
merchants were actively involved. It made appearance in ninth century and

evolved in the later years as active commercial centres with the support of
the state as well as with the trade organizations. Subsequently, a special
kind of nagarams like paṭṭiṉam, vēḷapuram, kaḍigai-tāvalam and eṟivīra-
paṭṭiṉam also emerged. The eulogies provided a kind of hierarchy among
them as paṭṭiṉam (bigger town), vēḷapuram (harbour place and sometimes
part of a bigger town) and kaḍigai-tāvaḷam (protected market place). The
eṟivīra-paṭṭiṉam was just a new designation given to an old nagaram
by the corporate body or by the guards themselves in the memory of the
brave deeds of merchant guards who had given-up their life in protecting
the merchants/merchant guilds. Thus, the eṟivīra-paṭṭiṉam was also a
nagaram with special rights. Nearly 25 eṟivīra-paṭṭiṉam were identified
out of 110 nagarams in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Sri
Lanka, and quite importantly all the inscriptions were written in Tamil
(Subbarayalu 2012).
Majority of inscriptions noticed in Southeast Asia are in Sanskrit. The
major difference between the Sanskrit inscriptions and Tamil inscriptions
is that the former inscriptions inform on political activities and the
later inscriptions inform on trade activities. There are good numbers of
Sanskrit inscriptions datable between 5th and 8th centuries. Among them,
Kutei inscriptions of Mulavaraman, Bogor inscription of Purnavarman,
Nakon-sithamarat (Ligor) inscription of a Sri Vijaya King are important
trade guild inscriptions. In contrast to this, trade guild inscriptions in
Tamil are hardly reported in the period between 5th and 8th centuries CE.
There are about seven inscriptions written in Tamil language.
• Wat Khlong Thom inscription from Krabi Province of Southern
Thailand
• Takua Pa inscription from north of Krabi of southern Thailand
• Barus inscription from northern Sumatra of Indonesia
• Wat Boroma That inscription from Nakhon Si Thammarat in Thailand
• Jakarta National Museum
• Pegan National Museum inscription in Myanmar
• Quanzhou inscription from China
i. The earliest and the first inscription was the one noticed in 1992 at
Temple Museum of Wat Khlong Thom, Krabi Province, Southern
Thailand, engraved on a green colour rectangular touch stone in Tamil-
Brahmi script datable 3rd-4th century CE; reading Perumpataṉkal
meaning “touch stone of Purumpataṉ”.
ii. The second earliest inscription (first trade guild inscription) was from
Takua Pa, north of Krabi, in southern Thailand. It is believed that Takua
Pa is ancient Takkola mentioned by Ptolemy. It seems to record the
protection of a tank called Avaṉināranam, the title of Nandivaraman
III (846-869 CE) under maṇigrāmattār and sēṉamukattār and similar
body. Maṇigrāmam is a famous guild flourished in Tamil Nadu and
Kerala from 9th to 14th century CE.
iii. The third inscription dated back to 1088 CE was from Barus from
northern Sumatra of Indonesia. This was discovered in 1890 in Lubo
Tuo (Loboe Toewa) near Barus (Baros) and re-examined in 1994 at
Jakarta National Museum.
iv. The fourth inscription was from a Buddhist temple Wat Boroma That
in Nakhon Si Thammarat in Thailand and the dates back either 1183
or 1283 CE.
v. The fifth was again from Jakarta National Museum. It is bi-script
inscription carrying Old Javanease and Tamil. But in both the cases,
the language is Tamil. It is datable to 1258 or 1265 CE.
vi. The sixth inscription comes from Pegan National Museum in Myanmar
datable to 13th century CE. It records the construction of a front hall in
Vishnu temple called Nāṉādēsi-viṇṇakar and the installation of a door
and lamp into that hall by Iṟayiraṉ Sirīrāyaṉ alais Sri Kulasēkhara
Nambi of Makōthayar-paṭṭaṇam in Malaimaṇḍalam. It is dated to
13th century CE.
vii. The last seventh inscription was from Quanzhou, a famous medieval
port in China and dated back to 1281 AD. It refers to the installation
of idol of Siva in a temple Tirukkāñchichuram for the health of
the authority by a merchant Champanta Perumāḷ alias Tavach-
chakkaravartikaḷ by permission of Chekachai Kan (Chechchai Khan).
Trade Guild Inscriptions in Sri Lanka
• Viharehinna inscription near Moragolla of Kandapalle Koralle in the
Matale North District of Sri Lanka (early part of 12th century AD)
• Vahalkada inscription (early part of 12th century AD)
• Padaviya inscription (early part of 12th century AD)
• Lankatilaka temple inscription at Reddegamuva in Udunuvara in
Kandy Dt. (14th century AD)
• Anuradhapura inscription
• Budumuttava inscription
The objects of export recovered from archaeological sites located in

different ecological zones demonstrate the existence of a well-established
trade network with inland towns, capital cities, trade centres and port
towns. The movements of export items from inland trade centres to port
towns by the nigamattōrs or cāttu (trade guild) or vaṇikaṉ (trader) were
well attested in archaeological, epigraphical and numismatic records.
These port towns played a vital role in accelerating maritime trade
contacts both with the West and East. The maritime trade would not have
taken place without the knowledge of sea voyage, boat building and port
installation. A cursory look of the available evidence would help to have
a panoramic view of the subject.
3. Trade with Southeast Asia

Among the foreign countries, next to Sri Lanka, the Indian cultural impact
was seen much in Southeast Asian countries. The region protruding from
the Asian mainland with a number of archipelagos in the south effectively
came into the maritime contact due to the influences of monsoons, local
currents and numerous inland water traffics. The lithic and literary records
make references to this region as Suwannaphum (literally meaning Land
of gold). As the region did not report plentiful gold deposit, the scholars
felt that Suwannaphum could be referring to bronze, the colour which
resembles gold or a land rich in resource (Sirsuchat 1996). Probably, in
search of these metal objects and other resources like coral (tukir/pavaḷam),
the Indian merchant communities might have moved in groups under the
banner of guild (probably niyamattōr, cāttu and maṇigrāmattār?) into the
Southeast Asia and made permanent settlements. Such a situation could
not be witnessed with the West.
The impact of Indian culture in Southeast Asia was well established
with the beginning of 5th century BCE but data showing its influence
during the early historic period has been kept at minimal until recently.
As pointed out by Bellina, the study of protohistoric or Iron Age has
been neglected and is not considered to be a significant period of cultural
exchange (Bellina 2007). However, the recent works brought to light
certain tangible evidences to show their early maritime contacts between
the peninsular India and Southeast Asia.
The rise of specialized mercantile community started venturing into
the sea by the middle of the first millennium BCE itself as most of the
ports were emerged on the Indian coast. The mercantile community
dealing with the salt, textiles, metal, gems, gold, pearl, spices etc. were
integrated into a trading system. The frequent references on trade guilds
in Peninsular India and in Ganga valley indirectly pointed to this scenario.
Glover felt that the great expansion of Southeast Asian exchange was
closely connected with the demand of the exotic and luxury items by the
urban people of the Mediterranean basin, which induced the mercantile
community to venture into the sea towards Southeast Asia (Glover 1996).
Among the spices, the cloves from Moluccas received the attention of the
traders. The unopened aromatic flower buds of the tree Eugenia aromatica
would have been exported through South Indian ports particularly
through the ports of Kaveripattinam and Muciri to the western world.
The reference found in the Caṅkam literature Paṭṭiṉapālai (Paṭṭiṉapālai
191-194) mentions about the item of Kalakam (kāḷakattu ākkam meaning
objects from the place/region of Kāḷakam) and red coral from East sea
(kuṇakkaṭal tukir). Though the exact location of the place is not identified
but scholars felt that it points to the place covering southern Thailand
and northern Malaysia, where important archaeological sites with Indian
goods were found.
The site of Khlong Thom (Khuan Lukpad or Bead mound) in Krabi
Province and the Chana in Suratthani province of Thailand is known
for its glass and semi-precious stone beads (Glover 1996). A number of
etched agate and carnelian beads, carnelian lion pendent, glass collar
beads similar to those from Arikamedu, Roman carnelian intaglios and
other intaglios like elephant, lion and the god Perseus are some of the
items found at this site (Veraprasert 1987; Bronson 1990). One of the
interesting findings was of a tortoise or a turtle made of quartz found at
Srikshetra in Thailand (Di Crocco 1996). Such an identical piece was
recovered at Kodumanal. The objects of carnelian and agate recovered
in Southeast Asia particularly in graves were considered of Indian origin.
One of the largest deposits and the oldest to be quarried came from
Deccan plateau of India. The recent evidences, particularly the ones from
Kodumanal, suggest that carnelian beads were manufactured in other
industrial centres by importing raw material from Deccan. Berenice
Bellina recent studies on beads, particularly the ones collected from
the earlier Southeast Asian sites like Khuan Lukpad, Kuala Selinsing,
Khao Sam Kaeo in Thai-Malay Peninsula, Buni area of West Java and
Oc Eo area of Mekong Delta of south Vietnam, point to the existence
of high quality carnelian beads of Indian origin. Further, she identifies
Khao Sam Kaeo as the local Indian production centre. On technological

ground, she suggests that the finishing techniques of Indian beads usually
involve use of rotary grinding stone whereas the beads manufactured
in Southeast Asia were more generally involved the use of drum. The
technical analysis of beads along with other archaeological evidences of
exchanges made it possible to infer the existence of firmly established
trade relationship (Bellina 2007).
Another item of exchange was bronze with a high tin content. The
abundant sources of tin both in Thailand and Malaysia and scarcity in India
would have necessitated looking for Southeast Asia (Bennett and Glover
1992). India met with a few high tin bronze objects at Adichchanallur,
Kodumanal and in Nilgiri hills. These bronzes would have been exported
to India in exchange of gemstone and glass. Tamil Nadu did not have
considerable deposit of copper or tin to be exploited at industrial scale.
The high-tin bronze bowls that found at Adichchanallur and Kodumanal
would have been imported from Southeast Asia as this high-tin cast
bronze vessels were not fall into the Indian metallurgy (Glover 1996).
The Indian made glass and stone beads datable to 4th century BCE were
found in the burial at the bronze producing site Ban Don Ta Phet and in
Thailand suggests that the Tamil Nadu bronze material would have been
imported from Thailand (Srisuchat 1996). The lead and tin ingots found
at Khuan Luk Pat had its way to Sri Lanka. The excavations carried out
at Abhayagiri Vihara in Anuradhapura show the presence of tin ingots
(Abeyratne 1990), which incidentally suggests that the lead and tin
ingots would have reached Tamil Nadu coast either through Sri Lanka or
directly from Thailand (Sirsuchat 1996).
In the course of exploration carried out by the team of archaeologists
led by Noboru Karashima in 1992-93 in Thailand brought to light an
inscribed small flat rectangular touch stone of 3rd-4th century CE at the
temple Museum of Wat Khlong Thom. The eight letters in Tamil-Brahmi
reads perumpataṉkal; meaning “(this is) the (touch) stone of Perumpataṉ”.
Perum means big and pataṉ (pattaṉ) means goldsmith. Therefore,
Perumpataṉ can be a title or the name of the goldsmith who possessed
this touchstone. This is the first and the earliest Tamil inscription so far
found in Southeast Asia (Karashima 1995). Another important finding is
of a square copper coin with a tiger on the obverse and an elephant on the
reverse (Shanmugam 1993). Though there is no legend on the coin but
still one can safely presume that this coin belongs to Caṅkam period as
the square coins were found only in Caṅkam period and the tiger figurine
stands for the insignia of the Caṅkam Age Cholas (Krishnamurthy 1997).
Pallava coins with bull on the obverse and double masted ship motif on
the reverse were also unearthed at this place. The next Tamil inscription
originally discovered in Kho Khao island and presently preserved in
the Nakhon-Si-Tammarat Museum is of the famous Takua Pa (ancient
Takkola of Ptolemy) inscription of Pallava Avaninaranam (Nandivarman
III AD 846-869). The above evidences show the continuous presence
or contact of peninsular Indian traders with Thailand. The major ports
like Khlong Thom and Muang Thong (Ko Kho Khao) on the Andaman
sea coast on the west and Khao Sam Kaeo and Laem Pho on the
south China sea coast on the east of Thailand played a pivotal role in
linking the Vietnam and China on the east and Indian, Sri Lanka and
Mediterranean countries on the west in the early historic period (Sirsuchat
1996).
Glass is considered as one of the export items. The chemical and
spectrographic analysis shows that glass objects were made of three
basic compositions-potassium-silica, lead-barium and soda-lime. The
potassium-silica based glass was manufactured at Arikamedu in Tamil
Nadu and then at Mantai in Sri Lanka. The monochrome beads produced
out of hollow tubes were more common in South India. The lead-barium
had its origin in China and soda-lime in the west. Based on these chemical
composition one could easily locate its origin. For instance the single
coloured small potassium bearing glass beads of Arikamedu and Mantai
reached Southeast Asia. The tombs of the Han dynasties in the Yellow
and Yangzi river valleys of south China yielded quite a number of glass
beads and were very popular between 200 BC and 200 AD. Along with
lead-barium glass beads of China, potassium-silica glass beads were also
found at Guangong and Guangxi. Among the objects, glass bowls, cups
and plates were quite interesting. Even the historical records of the Han
dynasty say that Emperor Wu (140-187 BC) sent people to Southern Sea
to buy glass. It seems that these glass beads would have reached China
from Tamil Nadu but after crossing over the sites like Mantai in Sri Lanka,
Khlong Thom in Thailand and Oc-Eo in Vietnam (Francis 1991). The
Indian traders would have even carried Roman glass objects after making
trans-shipment at Muziris in Kerala and Arikamedu or Kaveripattinam
in Tamil Nadu. The Roman dark blue glass bowls appeared at Canton,
Hanjian and Nanjing in the Han tombs of southern China belonging
1st century CE (Jiayao 1996). Francis Jr. felt that based on the current
level of knowledge that the potassium-silica based glass beads were first
manufactured at Arikamedu (3rd c. BCE to 3rd c. CE) indicates the crafts
man moved from Arikamedu to Mantai in Sri Lanka and then to Khuan
Luk Pat in Thailand and to Oc-Eo in Vietnam. From Khuan Luk Pat,
they must have reached to Kuala Selinsing in Malaysia. Further he felt
that due to the complexity of the process and its relative difficulty in
transferring the technology, this industry would have been in the hands
of Tamils (Francis 1996). It is widely believed that Arikamedu could be
the production centre of glass beads, particularly the ones exported to
Southeast Asia. Arikamedu did not yield any such concrete evidence to
be marked as glass bead manufacturing centre. As stated above, recently
a bead mound, called Manikollai (maṇi > bead and kollai > field) has been
identified 25 km south of Kadalur (Cuddalore) on the Chidambaram road.
A large number of beads at various stages of manufacturing along with
glass crucibles were collected. Interestingly, quite a number of hollow
tubes were recovered from the site. Glass cullet, carnelian, agate, steel
would have been exported from Tamil Nadu coast. Among them glass
occupied an important position. Glass and semi-precious stone beads
were also collected from the site at Gilimanuk in West Bali of Indonesia
(Indiraningsih 1985). The carnelian particularly the etched carnelian was
exported to Southeast Asia. The sites like Bon Don Ta Phet and Khlong
Thom are the fine examples. The regular concentric grooves found in the
drill holes of the semi-precious stone beads were found at Khlong Thom
and Don Ta Phet; clearly indicative of an Indian origin.
On the ceramic side, Walker (1980) identified three vessels of Indo-
Roman rouletted ware of 1st c. CE belonging to the Buni grave complex
on the north coast of Java. Glover identified another rouletted ware at
Tra Kieu in Vietnam. Besides, rouletted wares were also reported at
Darussalam in Brunei, Kobak Kendal and Sembiran in Indonesia, Tra Kieu
in Vietnam and at Mantai, Kandarodai, Tissamaharama and Ambalantota
in Sri Lanka (Glover 1989, 1996; Gogte 1997). Ardika unearthed 79
sherds of rouletted ware in which 78 came from Sembiran and a solitary
example from Pacung. The X-ray diffraction and neutron analysis carried
on the rouletted ware from Sembiran, Anuradhapura and Arikamedu
indicate that they all have one geological source in terms of their clay
and temper compositions (Ardika et.al. 1993). By taking a thread from
this one geological source, Gogte made further study and concluded that
this fine pottery was produced with locally available chlorite based clay
at multiple centres in the Lower Ganga plain with the epicentre in the
Chandraketugarh-Tamluk region of Bengal and it moved to other parts
(Gogte 1997). One needs to have a close look of this hypothesis in the
light of Alangankulam findings. The six meter cultural deposit yielded
rouletted ware in abundance. It had in continuous use for more than 400
hundred years. If we consider this ware came from lower Ganga valley
without any break for over three centuries then certainly the Caṅkam
literature would have noted this flourishing ceramic trade. But there is
no such reference. Further, the site has not yielded any appreciable other
artefacts of lower Ganga valley. Under these circumstances, Gogte’s
findings need further investigation.
4. Trade with Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka played a significant role in the expansion of trade with Southeast
Asia. It served as an intermediate zone in the transoceanic trade between
South India and Southeast Asia. The emerging scenario of recent years
suggests that the cultural contact between India and the neighbouring
island country of Sri Lanka is more than any other overseas countries.
The recent spurt in the archaeological activities of Sri Lanka and India
particularly in South India reflect these indicators more explicitly. The
similarity between the microlithic tools of Teri sites (Deraniyagala 1992);
the structural and cultural similarities between Iron Age monuments
(Seneviratne 1984); the story of conquest of Sri Lanka by prince Vijaya
and his subsequent marriage with Pandya princess; the account of
establishment of Buddhism found in Mahavamsa and Dipavamsa; the
use of Brahmi script for writing Prakrit and Tamil; similarities in coins
found in India and the neighbouring island country of Sri Lanka are the
fine indicators of continuous cultural contact between these two regions
(Pushparatnam 2001). These indicators are inter-related and it cannot be
seen in isolation as it has wider implication in understanding the cultural
matrix of both the counties.
The cultural material unearthed in the excavations at Anuradhapura
(Deraniyagala 1972, 1986, 1990; Coningham 1990, 1991; Coningham
and Allchin 1992), Pomparippu (Begley et.al. 1981), Ibbankatuva
(Bandaranayake 1992) Mantai (Carswell and Prickett 1984), Kantarodai
(Orton 1995), Mahagama (Parker 1909), Ridhyagama (Bopearachchi
1996), Godwaya (Muthucumarana 2014) and Tissamaharama (Schenk
2001) show the contact of the early historic times. The excavation at
Kantarodai, situated in the centre of the Jaffna Peninsula, yielded a
black and red ware phase, followed by a rouletted ware phase which
is comparable with the one found in Tamil Nadu (Begley 1973). The
inscribed rouletted ware with Prakrit language affinity of Sri Lankan
origin found at Arikamedu, Kaveripattinam and Alagankulam is a further
proof (Mahadevan 1994, 1995). The international call of port Mantai (the
ancient port Mahatittha), located in the Mannar Gulf against the port of
Alagankulam and Korkai in Tamil Nadu, helps to inter-link the Sri Lanka
with India and also bridge the trading activities of the Southeast Asia
and the West (Carswell and Prickett 1984). Likewise the port Mahagama
also yielded rouletted ware, Brahmi, graffiti, Indo-Roman and punch
marked coins (Parker 1909). Tissamaharama is another site located in
the southern coast of Sri Lanka, providing considerable evidence of
trade contact in the form of rouletted ware, black-and-red-ware, beads
of semiprecious stones and glass and inscribed potsherds in Prakrit
language. The limited artefacts such as glass ingots, black-red-ware
pot and inscribed objects recovered from the shipwreck noticed off the
Sri Lankan coast at Godwaya provided further impetus on the transoceanic
trade.
The available epigraphical and archaeological sources suggest that
the traders played an active role in accelerating these cultural activities
time and again. Some of the cultural traits like the introduction of Brahmi
script were viewed; this script was introduced by Asoka in view of its
expansion of Buddhism. Based on the Anuradhapura stratigraphical
evidence, Allchin conceived that the Brahmi script began to be used in
Sri Lanka a century ago and before the start of Mauryan rule in Magadha;
and these were introduced by mercantile community at least in 4-5th
century BCE. As per this assumption, the Sri Lankans, particularly the
trading communities were aware of the Brahmi script even before the
introduction of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. This script was later adopted for
writing religious texts so the whole gamut of Prakrit inscriptions was later
in date. He draws the attention of the series of non-scriptural marks. Even
if one leaves the date aside, there is no denying of the fact that the trading
community played a greater role in introducing the script and language
(Allchin 1995). Considering their geographical proximity, the absence of
Prakrit inscription of Sri Lankan origin in the Indian mainland is quite
surprising. However, the recent study of Iravatham Mahadevan proved
that Prakrit inscriptions of Sri Lankan origin were surfaced at Arikamedu,

Alagankulam, and Kodumanal in Tamil Nadu. The nine texts analysed by
him show the diagnostic linguistic features like genitive suffixes –sa/ha,
shortening of long vowels, de-aspiration of the aspirates and the unique
change of ja to jha. These linguistic features were peculiar to Sri Lankan
Brahmi (Mahadevan 1995). The occurrence of these characters in Tamil
Nadu particularly at the ports and trade centres suggest their frequent
interaction. The socio-linguistic study of these epigraphical evidences
exposed the man and material involved in the maritime trade and it
synchronizes well with the evidence of both the countries.
The Brahmi inscriptions of Sri Lanka gave names of various boat
types like nāvai, toṭa and paṭake (Paranavithana 1970), which had its
counterpart with identical name respectively like nāvāi, tōṇi and paṭaku
in Caṅkam Literature. As found at Alagankulam, an inscription of 1st-2nd
century BCE found at Tuvakala in Polanaruwa district had a figure of a
ship engraved in front of the name Barata. Another ship motif engraved
on a grey ware was brought to light from Anuradhapura (Coningham
1996).
The community Barata (Paratavar in Tamil Nadu) needs a special
attention. The name Barata had its significance both in Tamil Nadu and
Sri Lanka; as they were chiefly involved in sea-related activities like
fishing, pearl and chank fishing and in trade particularly horse trading
(Seneviratne 1985; Maloney 1969). Among them, pearl fishery business
would have become a lucrative business. The available lithic and literary
records of Sri Lanka and India suggest that pearl fishing was done
alternatively in two areas of Gulf of Mannar due to the migration of
pearl oysters to opposite beds (Arunachalam 1952), which would have
necessitated the barata community to move freely into Sri Lankan waters.
Twenty one Brahmi inscriptions of Sri Lanka bear the name barata
(Pushparatnam 2001). Of these twenty one, a name tissa is found in
association with the word barata in 15 inscriptions. This shows that
among the traders of barata community, the tissa holds a special place
in the social status. Their closeness to sea is known from a coin collected
from southern Sri Lanka inscribed with a name barata tisaha on the
reverse and two fishes with swastika on the obverse (Bopearachchi
and Wickremesinhe 1999). These barata tissa may have served as a
royal emissary, handled the ship as a captain and moved as big traders.
A Brahmi inscription of Gurunakal refers to a captain of ship hailed from
a Barata community served as a royal emissary (Paranavithana 1970).

And another ship captain named Tisa referred to in Paramankanda served
as an ambassador. An inscription of 2nd century BC from Gudivila of
Ambarai district referred to a Tamil trader called tissa, who made a daṇa
to a Buddha Sangha (Paranavithana 1970). Likewise, the Anuradharapura
inscription speaks about a meeting of Tamil traders under the banner of
a guild in which a trader named tissa was also involved (Paranavithana
1970). Another interesting evidence is of a trader called īla barata was
mentioned in Anuradhapura inscription (Paranavithana 1970) who carried
out the trade in association with Tamil traders. The special mention of īḻa
barata (Barata of Īḻa i.e., Sri Lanka) is to differentiate from a barata
(trader) of Tamil Nadu coast, though both hailed from a same barata
community. This barata community owned a ship and carried out their
business by forming a guild. They also held an enviable position in the
society as captain, ambassador and above all as big traders. A Brahmi
inscription of 2nd c. BCE discovered at Anuradhapura informed about
the traders of Tamil Nadu engaged in joint trade with nāvika karava and
captain of the ship acted as a chief of the guild (Paranavithana 1970).
Another inscription of 1st c. BCE from the same place referred to a trader
of Indian origin namely nāvika of bōjakata (Paranavithana 1970). The
term nāvika is synonym with the nāvikaṉ of Tamil Nadu mercantile
community, who owns a ship. The father of Kannaki, the famous heroine
of epic Cilappatikāram was none other than a mā-nāvikaṉ.
Two Brahmi inscriptions of Periyapuliyankulam in northern Sri Lanka
mentioned a Tamil trader (vaṇikaṉ) called Visākē. The near identical
name visāki (or visākanan) found on a russet coated ware was collected
from a transepted cist burial with menhir at Kodumanal. The titles or
the personal names like sāmuda, sāmuta and cāmuta, all meaning ocean,
occurring in Sri Lankan Prakrit-Brahmi inscription (Paranavithana
1970) was comparable with the kaḍalaṉ, also meaning ocean, found
in Tamil-Brahmi inscription at Mangulam near Madurai. Alagarmalai
Tamil-Brahmi inscription records a name kalapaṉ īlavarayaṉ in which,
the scholars felt, kalapaṉ (kaḍalaṉ) stands for an ocean. So kalapaṉ
īlavarayaṉ was trader arrived from Sri Lanka (Mahadevan 1968).
In this context, the recently found inscribed coin, reading mahācāttaṉ
(Bopearachchi 1999), read it as mahacita apo, is quite interesting. Here
the word cātaṉ stands for a trader (cāttu for a trade guild) and the prefix
mahā stands for big. The mahācattaṉ probably a big trader or a head of a
trade guild involved in maritime trade and he may have probably issued
the coin. The Tirupparankundram Tamil-Brahmi inscription mentions
about a cāttaṉ in association with a man called Īḻakuṭumpikaṉ. Unlike in
Sri Lanka, the coin issued by their counterparts cāttaṉ and mācattuvāṉ
(mā > big, cāttaṉ > trader) of Tamil Nadu could not be surfaced so far.
All the inscribed coins so far unearthed belong to Tamil rulers. Periplus
records that Roman traders procured the Sri Lankan goods without
visiting that country and likewise Sri Lankan traders procured Roman
goods from west coast ports of Tamil Nadu (Warmington 1928). The
literature Paṭṭinapālai speaks on the imports from Īḻam (Sri Lanka) at
Kaveripattinam and the householder of Sri Lanka Īḻakkuṭumpikaṉ made
a stone bed for a Jain at Tirupprankundram.
The above evidences point to a frequent voyage between the two
neighbouring regions. The economically viable interaction played
a causative role in the formation of ports, establishing a state, spread
of literacy through the wide usage of Brahmi script and the exchange
of technology in boat building, production of iron, glass beads, etc.
According to Mahavamsa, Sena and Gottika, the children of a captain of
a ship involved in the horse trade, were the first Tamil rulers of Ceylon
(177-155 BC) who came from Tamil Nadu (Mahavamsa XXI:10) and
subsequently Ellalan (Elara) established a longest rule (145-101 BC)
(Mahavamsa XXI:15-34). The frequent political contact during the
Duttagamini rule clearly established the fact that there was a continuous
political and cultural contact between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka
(Mahavamsa XXXIII: 37-61).
The above discussion clearly indicates that the multiple factors
played a greater role in the transoceanic trade. The trade led to the
cultural interactions between the Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka, and each
factor has to be weighed in the given chronological and cultural frame
to understand the real fathom of the socio-cultural-economic impact on
both the side of the littoral states of Bay of Bengal.
Endnote

1
The material like crucibles and slag collected at this site probably used for
manufacturing iron/steel. Therefore, Aliyanilai findings required further
investigations to confirm its association with glass
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South India, Papers from the Institute of Archaeology 5:44-59.
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Asia, Office of the National Culture Commission, Thailand, Bangkok.
Subbarayalu, Y. 2012. South India under the Cholas, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi.
Thapar, R. 1973. Asoka and the Decline of Mauryas, Delhi.
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Lazuli Trade. Expedition 16(1):15-23.
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Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt., Ltd, New Delhi.
5
A Study on Ancient Cultural
and Civilization Links between
India and Myanmar
Mya Mya Thaung
1. Introduction
Indian relations with Southeast Asia can be generally ascribed to the
invasions of the Kushans into India in the 1st century AD; seeking fortunes
overseas by high-caste Indian adventurers and their colonization of the
locals (Map 5.1). There are reliable evidences regarding the sea-routes
followed by the Indians. Beginning from the north, there was first the
famous port of Tamralipti (Tamluk) in Midnapur district of West Bengal.
From this port, there was a regular sailing of vessels which proceeded
along the coast of Bengal and Burma (Myanmar). At least as early as the
2nd century BC, there was a regular trade-route by land Bengal and China
through Upper Myanmar and Yunnan. Through this route, the Indians
came and established their colonies not only in Myanmar but also in the
mountainous regions of upper valleys of the Chindwin, the Ayeyawady,
the Thanlwin, the Mekong and the Red River as far as Yunan.
In recent decades European and Asian scholars have unearthed great
stores of information on the history of Southeast Asia before the reaching
of the Europeans. It is found that since 1st century AD kingdoms emerged
in Southeast Asia practicing Indian religions, arts and customs including
the use of Sanskrit or Pali as the sacred language.
Map 5.1: Map of India and Southeast Asia
The concept of Indianization had a major impact on the way Southeast

Asia’s changing social environment was described. The adoption of
various Indian systems was selected by different parts of Southeast Asia.
Brahmanic rituals were adopted by local rulers and they still play an
important role in Southeast Asia today. Buddhism and Hinduism spread
from Indian administrative systems were adopted.
Traders were the key to the dissemination of social and cultural
practices. Brahmanic rituals at the Khmer courts could only have been
introduced by Brahmans, just as Buddhist monks spread the British
doctrine. Buddhist and Brahman priests also established permanent
bases. They built temples for worship, exposing indigenous population to
these rites and rituals. The archaeological evidences show that Myanmar
had the impact of “Indianization” in religious belief, the art of writing,
culture and civilization.
The relations of Myanmar with India can only be safely said to
date from the 5th century, on the strength of the 5th century Kun-Zeik
Stone Inscription, the 6th century Botahtaung Votive Tablet, Amravati,
Gupta Style Buddha images etc. found in Lower Myanmar, Myanmar.
A Study on Ancient Cultural and Civilization Links between India and Myanmar 87
Buddhist legends, however, claim that two merchant brothers Taphussa

and Bhalika of Ukkalapa of Lower Myanmar visited Majjhimadesa of
India during the life-time of the Buddha and that in the 3rd century BC,
the famous Mauryan emperor Asoka sent the Buddhist missionaries Sona
and Uttara to SuvannabhumiThaton (Golden Land). Apparently Lower
Myanmar had relations with India before 100AD. Indian merchants and
traders arrived in Myanmar by sea and overland before that time.
2. Archaeological Findings in Myanmar

A large number of Buddhist Archaeological findings have been
discovered in Myanmar. They include stone inscriptions, Buddha images,
votive tablets, terra-cotta plaques, pot-sherds, etc. They constitute solid
documents confirming the dates of the arrival of Indian culture and
religions at Lower Myanmar and Upper Myanmar.
Stone Inscriptions
A considerable number of stone inscriptions were found scattering in
Ramannadesa of Lower Myanmar. Most of them were written in Mon
scripts. The Mon used Pallava scripts. Nai Pan Hla says that they derived
the Pallava scripts from the Southeastern part of India in the 6th century
AD.1 Forchhammer thinks that Mon alphabets may have originated in
one of the Telgu-Canarese alphabets.2
Pyu Stone Inscriptions

In 1897, two gold plates bearing Pyu inscriptions were found at
MaungKan’s field in Lebaw village, Pyay. The script is identical
with the Kadamba script of South India of 5th century AD. Each plate
contains three lines of Pali beginning with the popular Buddhist formula
“Ye dhammahetuppabhawa’’.
At Halingyi, a stone slab bearing Pyu inscription was brought to light
in 1964 (Figure 5.1). There were six and a half long lines of Pyu writings
with the same script found in Sri Ksetra. Although all the words are not
decipherable, the Royal Titles “Sri Trivikrama” and “varman” are quite
clear. Regarding these titles, U Aung Thaw remarks in his recent book3
“Historical Sites in Myanmar” on page 13: “It may be presumed that this
inscription records a certain event associated with the Vikrama dynasty
or the Varmans of Sri Ksetra”.4
Kaw Gun Cave Inscriptions

Kaw gun cave is located on the western bank of the Thanlwin River,
28 miles north of Mawlamying and 6 miles south of Pa-an in Lower
Myanmar. This cave yields remarkable antiquities. A three-line old
record inscribed on the stone wall of the audience hall of the cave in
and Sanskrit mixed with Mon begins with the Hindu god Paramesvara
(Figure 5.2).
Figure 5.1: Stone Slab Bearing the Figures of
the Pyus Discovered from Hanlin
Figure 5.2: Kaw Gun Cave Stone Scription

Paleographically, this unedited inscription is ascribed to the 6th century

AD. Apparently, it might have been written by the Indians.5 Another
Kawgun Cave Stone Inscription is written on the left side of the inner
hem of the hanging robes of a headless Buddha image found in this cave
(Figure 5.3).
Figure 5.3: The Inner Herm of the Hanging Robes Inscription
Kun Zeik Stone Inscription

It is found at Kun Zeik Village sitting on the Sittaung River, ShweGyin
Township, Bago Division on the Gulf of Muttama. It is now kept at the
Kambojasadi Palace in Bago. It includes 19 lines written in Kadamba
script on the front face. The portion from the 14th to the 19th line is a
mixture of Anuloma PaticcasamuppādapatilomaPaticcasamuppāda
(Figure 5.4).
Figure 5.4: Kun Seik Stone Inscriptoin
The first and second of the four lines on the back are about the last portion
of Anuloma Paticcasamuppāda (the Law of Dependent Origination in
foreword order).The third and fourth lines are about the Joy of Utterance
(Anekajātisamsāra), stanza made by the Buddha, immediately after the
Buddha had attained Buddhahood.6
Kalyānī Stone Inscription

It was inscribed by king Dhammacetī in 1479 (843 M.E) in Hamsāvatī.
It includes 10 stone slabs, 3 of which were inscribed in Pāli while 7
in Mon. As both sides of the slabs were written, pages totalled 20, 6
in Pāli and 14 in Mon (Figure 5.5). Today, it is housed in the Kalyānī
Sima in Bago. It records not only the brief history of Buddhism in
Majjhimadesa after the demise of the Buddha but also those of Buddhism
in Lankadipa and Myanmar. Famous Myanmar treatises on religion such
as, Sāsanalankāra, Sāsanavamsappdipika, Vamsamedappakasanī and
Sāsanabahusutappakasanī are found to have much religion of Myanmar.
Figure 5.5: Pillars of Kalyani Inscription (Bago)

The brief account of this inscription is that about 218 years after
the demise of the Buddha, king Dhammasoka asended the throne in
Pataliputta. He was much devoted to the religion of the Buddha. So
he offered monks a lot of grains.7 This stone inscription is the earliest
epigraphic evidence confirming Taikkala on the side of Mt. Kelāsa, near
Thaton as Suvannaabhūmi indicated by Dipāvamsa and Mahāvamsa
(Figure 5.6).
Figure 5.6: Kalyani Inscription (KelarTha)
Shwedagon Pagoda Stone Inscription

This stone inscription was found by Forchhammer on the eastern side
of Singuttara Hill where the Shwedagon Pagoda stands. It contains 3
large stone slabs standing about 4 feet apart from each other. They were
erected by king Dhammacetī in 1485. This stone inscription is the only
epigraphic evidence which mentions oceanic journey of Taphussa and
Bhallika of Lower Myanmar to Majjhimadesa (Figure 5.7).
Figure 5.7: Shwedagon Pagoda Inscription
3. Votive Tablets
Votive tablets are small Buddha icons, usually made out of baked or
unbaked clay by a press-mould technique, a process that has been used
for many hundreds of years to produce religious objects.8 The practice of
stamping tablets originated in India around the beginning of the Christian
Era but it became more popular during the Gupta (4th-6thcenturies AD).
These tablets display figures of Buddha, Bodhisattva or Tantric divinities
and often include Buddha creed-the Yedhamma stanza.9 They are made
as a means of acquiring merit. Coedes is of opinion that the practice
of making clay votive tablets was confined only to the Buddhists but
Dr ThanTun argues against his opinion by asserting that the tablets are
also being used by devotees of Hinduism. Myanmar votive tablets belong
from the 6th to the 15th centuries AD.10 Dvaravati tablets date from the 6th
to the 13th centuries AD.11 It is said that art of making terra-cotta votive
tablets by a mould had come to Myanmar around the 6th century AD
(Figure 5.8 (a) (b)).
Figure 5.8 (a): Votive Tablet Found at Sriksetra
Figure 5.8 (b): Buddha-gaya Type Votive Tablet Found at

Thatonregion
Note: Photo by DHR.

The oldest votive tablets in Lower Myanmar are the Botahtaung

Pagoda tablet, exposed by bombing during the 2nd World War. It includes
the Ye Dhamma Stanza in Mon (Pallava) script of the 6th century AD
(Figure 5.9).
Figure 5.9: Botahtaung Votive Tablet
4. Buddha Images
Buddhists have the tradition of making Buddha images for worshipping
on the Buddha’s behalf. The Buddha images are regarded as Uddissa
Cetiyas; one of the four types of Cetiyas.12 But it is hard to trace back to
the time of inventing Buddha images. During the life time of the Buddha,
created Buddha (nimitta Buddha) was made by the Buddha himself when
he went down to the Uttarakuru for alms-meal while he was preaching the
Abidhamma Pitaka in Tāvatimsa. It is said that although the art of making
Buddha images started in the 2nd century AD,13 the symbols representing
the Buddha such as wheels of the Dhamma, deers, etc. may date as far
back as Asoka Period (3rd to 1st century BC).14 The earliest Buddha images
are said to have been made in Mathura in India.14In general, there are five
positions for seated Buddha images (1) Dhammacakkamudrā (2) Dhyāna-
mudrā (3) Abhayamudrā (4) Bhumisparsamudrā and (5) Varadamudrā.16
A considerable number of old Buddha images were found scattering over
Ramaññadesa.
An Amaravatī style image of the Buddha (30 cm) was found at Kyet-
tu-ywe-Thaung village, 24 km east of Thaton. It is now kept at monastery
named Nandawya KyaungTaik in Thaton. The sculpture depicts the
Buddha in a standing position; with his right arm pendent by his side
and his left raised in the Vitarka mudra or holding his robes. The eyes
are open, the head covered with large hair curl. The right shoulder is
uncovered, the robe falling smoothly in parallel curved folds, broken by
the long, upward weep of the fabric on the left where the arm is raised17
(Figure 5.10). Three Buddha images were found at Tagundaing village
near Twantay (Kabin) in 2005. Apart from the votive tablets, terra-cotta
plaques depicting some episodes from the Jātaka Atthakathās are found
at the walls of the Thagya Pagoda inside the precinct of the Shwezaryan
Pagoda.
Figure 5.10: Bronze Standing Buddha, Amaravati Style
Note: Found at Old Thaton, now kept in NandawyakyaungTaik; Photo by DHR

5. Finger-marked Bricks
Finger-marked bricks are found at Thaton and nearby sites such as
Kyaikkatha, Sanpannago and Dawei. The origin of finger marking in
South Asia, however, remains unclear. Preliminary survey of Buddhist
sites in India and Nepal recorded finger-marked bricks in Bihar (at
Kosambi, Rajagriha and Vaishali), Uttar Pradesh (at Kusinara, aravasti
and Varanasi [Sarnath], and Kapilavastu18. Finger-marking can be used
as a rough guide only, but provides valuable evidence of first millennium
AD habitation.19 The use of finger-marked bricks in Myanmar indicates
the relationship between Myanmar and India since first millennium AD
(Figure 5.11).
Figure 5.11: Figer-Marked Brick Found at Lower Myanmar
6. Coins
A lot of coins were discovered at Kyaikkatha in Lower Myanmar.
Kyaikkatha was first identified on aerial photographs by U Aung
Myintin 1976 and verified on the ground in 1981. The site occupies
a unique position at the mouth of the Sittaung River, linking it to the
Gulf of Muttama. During the 1981 survey, a horde of coins was found
at Kyo Bin Kone Kyaung, a monastery to the southeast of Kyaikkatha.
These were decorated with conch or Sankkha and Srivatsa motifs and
stylistically dated to the 5th century AD. The design of the silver coins
was adapted from South Asian pieces–notably of Andhra region–in the
early centuries AD and employs a common repertoire of symbols.20 In
addition to Kyaikkatha coins, two silver coins with Srivatsa and conch
shell and Srivatsa and a radiating sun were discovered at Winka21 and
Ayetthema villages at the foot of Mt. Kelāsa (Figure 5.12(a) (b)). The
four symbols most often seen in Myanmar are Srivatsa, the Baddapitha,
and the swastika rising sun, and the Sankha or conch. These are dated
back to the 6th to7th century AD, but others are of early centuries AD.22
Coins were also discovered in Pyu City-States namely Beikthano, Halin
and Sriksetra and Hmaingmaw (Pinle) (Figure 5.13(a) (b)).
Figure 5.12(a): Silver Coins Found at Lower Myanmar
Figure 5.12(b): Silver Coins Found at Lower Myanmar

Figure 5.13 (a): Silver Coins Found at Pyu
Figure 5.13 (b): Silver Coins Found at Pyu

7. Urbanized Pyu City-States in Myanmar

In Myanmar, transition to urban civilization was made in the 2nd century
BC. The earliest settlers in Myanmar were the Pyus. They lived along the
Ayeyawady. They built city-states namely Beikthano, Halin, Sreksetra
and Pinle. Monumental evidence, literary evidence, and sculptural
evidence show that Pyus were the good Buddhists.
The site of old Beikthano is located near Kukkogwa village, 12 miles
west of Taungdwingyi, Magwe Division. Its city-wall is nearly in the
rectangular shape. Old Beikthano is also called Panhtwarmyo. Later,
King Duttabaung occupied Beikthano and married princess Panhtwar. As
it was the city destroyed by King Duttabaung who ascended the throne
in 442 BC, it can be assumed to be the city which emerged in about 5th
century BC.23
Through the analysis of the building in the north-south alignment,
the north-south city-wall deviates 13 H towards the west. So, Dr Than
Tun ascribed the age of Beikthano to late 2nd with a peculiar structure,
and, Buddhist artifacts such as bronze Buddha statue, bells, etc. were
unearthed (a bronze Buddha Statue, a bronze bell, four bronze lamps of
various sizes, etc. were recovered from the mound No.13 on 10.6.2004).
The ears of the Buddha statue are long and a little broader in their upper
parts and droop downwards almost enough to touch the shoulders. The
hairs on the head are balled in spirals. The hem of the robe is folded in two
or three layers.24 It is learnt that the religious objects found in Beikthano
were Theravada Buddhist artifacts. When the Buddha statue excavated
from Beikthano were shown to the learned scholars of India, it is learnt
that they are in close affinity with those housed in Ajantar Rocky Cave in
the western part of India and they are the ancient Buddha images.25
It seems that Buddhism arrived at Beikthano earlier than at Srikhestra.
Only buildings were discovered in the early phases. But no image or
icon was discovered at all. Therefore, it can be assumed that practice of
iconic (practice of worshipping no image) was introduced earlier into
Beikthano. This testifies to the fact that the founding of Beikthano may
be earlier than the 2nd century BC or contemporary with King Asoka.
However, it is believed that the practice of worshipping Buddha images
at Myanmar may have been attributed to the 3rd or 4th century AD, or later.
It is considered that Beikthano may have continued flourishing up be the
5th or 6thcentury AD.26
At the mound No. (3), a central part of a structure with a circular-

shaped foundation is found 10 feet projecting from the ground-level. A
circular wall was found 31 feet from the central building and another
circular wall 10 feet from that wall. The structure surrounded by these two
circular walls is nearly identical with that at Nagarjunakonda in Andhra
region in the South-eastern part of India. This excavated structure can
be considered to be an UddisaCeti. Besides, a square-shaped structure,
which can be assumed to be a monastery, was excavated and also a terra-
cotta stamp, containing a phrase saying “SamghaSiri”.27 Therefore, on the
evidence of the word ‘Samgha’ which is included in the Saranagamana, it
can be concluded that Buddhism had flourished in Beikthano at that time.
The Buddha statue discovered in Beikthano is the one with his two
legs touching the ground in a relaxing manner (pralambasana), his left
palm on the left knee and his right palm a little above the right thigh,
thrusting it forwards with the thumb and the fore-finger touching in a
curve (Vitarka mudra). This mudra is the most common among Buddha
images, belonging to the Pyu Period. Sometimes, the Pyu Buddha images
cost double to Vitarka mudra. The face of the bronze Buddha statue is
plum and its cheeks are a little swollen, this assumes a square-shaped face.
Therefore, it is no doubt that this Buddha statue is the Buddhist artifact
created by the Pyus themselves. So, on the strength of this Buddha statue,
the belief that school of ‘Aparaseliyamatisasaka’ (school of worshipping
no images) thrived in Beikthano can be annulled, and it can be asserted
that the practice of worshipping Buddha images prevailed in it.28
8. Halin City-State
Another old Pyu city, which yielded Buddhist archaeological evidences
is old Halin city. It is situated in Wetlet Township, Shwebo District.
Preliminary excavations were done by Taw Sein Ko, Director of the
Burma Archaeological Department in 1905 and by Duroiselle, Director of
the same department in 1929. Two Pyu stone inscriptions were unearthed
from these excavations. These scripts go back to the 4th century AD.29
As one of the stone inscriptions contains the name ‘Srivikrama’,
which is found on the burial urns in Srikhestra, there might have been
some connection between Halin and Srikhestra. No Buddha statue and
votive tablet were discovered in Halin as in Srikhestra. Since there is a
lid of a pot resembling a stupa in Halin, it is presumed that Buddhism
reached Halin. It is found that the stupa engraved on the lid is the one
containing terrace, down-turned lotus, up-turned lotus, bell-shaped floral

design, etc.
In view of the writing ‘dayadanam engraved on a stone stamp obtained
from the mound No (1), it can be assumed that there may have been
a large number of people in Halin, who could make donation and that
some of them therefore, bore the name ‘dayadanam’. Moreover, as the
tomb domes found in Halin are similar to the building in Amaravati and
Nagarjunakonda in India and Beikthano, they may have been religious
structures. Anyway, discovery of the stupa-shaped lid, Pyu stone
inscriptions and potsherds containing scripts in Halin and generosity of
its people suggest that Buddhism had reached Halin since then.30
9. Pinle City-State
Another ancient Pyu city in which Buddhist artifacts and buildings were
discovered is old Pinle city. It is located 5 miles southeast of Kume by
the side of Yangon-Mandalay High Way in Myit – Thar Township. As it
lies closest to the Nathtaik pass out of the old cities scattering over the
Kyaukse plain, it would have been a commercial hub in those days.30
It can be assumed that as it was an important city on one of the two
China-Pyu-India land trading routes, it was a militarily, economically
and religiously significant centre at that time.
Regarding Pinle, the Jambukonchar Treatises states thus:
“…The four previous Buddhas had lived in that region
in their previous births. The first king of the dynastic line ruling the
region was king Wanatakalutuppa and the last king Cetissa…It was
known as Uatyaung Pancalarit during the life time of the Gotama
Buddha but as Pinle in Pyu Period…”32
During the excavation of No (8) mound in old Pinle City in the
1981-82 field season, a hollow silver Buddha statue and an Arahat statue
under the debries of bricks in the No (2) layer were found. Therefore, it
can be said definitely that Buddhist objects including a Buddha statue,
an Arahat statue, religious edifices, etc. found in Pinle are Uddiyacetis of
Buddhist. These excavated objects are very important religious artefacts
for the Buddhist.33
In addition, seven gold Buddha statues, seven silver Buddha statues,
an alloy Buddha statue and four silver stupas were exposed from
a brick mound in Maing Maw Village near Pinle. These statues were
typologically akin to those of Srikhestra. So it can be concluded that Pinle

was culturally connected with Beikthano and Srikhestra. At any rate,
the above excavated archaeological documents suggest that Buddhism
would have thrived in Pinle to a great extent.
The account of Buddha’s Sasana would not be completed without the
explanation of Tisaranagamana (Three Refuges for Buddhist). As the
Pyus believed in Theravada Buddhism, their refuge in Tisaranagamana
became stronger. Especially, it is an undeniable fact that Tisaranagamana
was well established in the Pyus of Srikhestra. This is proved by the
existence of gigantic pagodas and stupas in Srikhestra and Buddha
images, votive tablets and Dhammakhandhas from the Tipitaka preached
by the Buddha, excavated from it. Furthermore, as there were monks
(Samghā) in Srikhestra in addition to the Buddha and the Dhamma, the
Buddhism of it can be supposed to have flourished to its fullest extent.
After the demise of the Buddha, the Teachings of the Buddha have been
preserved successively by his disciples. The U Kala’s Chronicle states
that King Duttabaung supported the four Requisites to 3000 Arahats
daily and that he compiled the Dhammathat Kyan, consulting with them.
10. Srikhestra City-State

It is located in the site of the present Hmawzar 5 miles south-east of
Pyay. It is found that the evidences excavated from Srikhestra play an
important role in the history of Myanmar. Buddhism and literature thrived
there side by side. The standard of the arts of it was not low.
Twenty golden plates were found during the Khin Ba mound’s
excavation in the 1926-27 field seasons (Figure 5.14). The extracts from
the Abhidhamma and the Vinaya Pitakas were inscribed on them. The
scripts are similar to those of the Southern India.34 The time of inscribing
the scripts can be ascribed to between the 4th and the 5th centuries AD.
Another ancient object is a little later than twenty golden plates. It is a
hollow silver casket resembling a Bodhi throne, unearthed from Khin
Ba mound. The titles of the four Buddhas and some excerpts from the
Pitakas are inscribed on the arms of the lid of the silver casket. In addition
to golden plates and the silver casket, the golden leaves found at Kywan
Su village in the Hmawza village tract include the eulogy on the Buddha
and it is written in the 5th or 6th century AD scripts.
Figure 5.14: Twenty Gold Plates Discovered from Sriksetra
The Pyus of Srikhestra were accustomed to inscribing the Pali extracts

from the Pitakas not only on the stone slabs but also on the thrones of
the Buddha images. On the throne of a headless Buddha image unearthed
in 1928 is inscribed part of Yedhamma stanza in Sanskrit. The style of
the Buddha belongs to the Gupta Age.35 It should be noted that the script
of the Pyus are the archaic scripts of Southern India, and that the Pyus
received the art of writing by communicating with the Southern India.
Monumental evidences, sculptural evidences and epigraphic
evidences clearly show that Theravada Buddhism developed into a great
extent. The art of writing of the Pyus came from Southern India. The
prototypes of stupas and temples came from India also. Vesali of Rakhine
was contemporary with Sriksetra of Pyu. Archaeological report of Vesali
points out the symbols of auspiciousness. Srivatsa found in the coin of
Vesali is the same with those from Pyu capitals, Beikthano, Halin, Pinle
and Sriksetra; conveying the fact that there were communications among
contemporary capitals like Pyu capitals Rakhine’s ancient capitals such
as Dvaravati and Vesali had close relations with India (Figure 5.15).
In the field of Buddhism in Rakhine, especially Buddhist art these are
religious buildings and edifices for ritualistic purposes and for monastic
life and the condition of impressive images to convey the idea of the
Buddha. Archaeological evidences of Brahminism are also found in

ancient capitals of Rakhine.
Figure 5.15: Silver Coins Found at Rakhine
11. Concluding Remarks

In conclusion, Indianization was widespread throughout Southeast Asia.
Myanmar also is one of the Indianized states of Southeast Asia. There
were elements that were seen as useful and practical to local communities,
especially in relation to ideas of kingship. Buddhist, Hindu and Brahmanic
concepts of the universe endowed the king with particular powers in the
physical and metaphysical worlds. Textual and archaeological evidences
show that Indian civilization had great influence on the religious belief,
art of writing, coins, votive tablets and inscription and India and Myanmar
had very strong civilizational linkages.
Endnotes
1. Nai Pan Hla, Professor Dr. Nai Pan Hla’s Research Papers, Yangon, Myanmar,
AharmanThitSarpay, 2005, p.267 (Hearafter cited as Nai Pan Hla, Research
Papers.)
2. SriPyanchi U Mya, Ancient Myanmar Alphabets, Yangon, Government
Printing and Stationary Department, 1961,p.4
3. Refer page 13, “Historical Sites in Myanmar, U Aung Thaw.
4. Dr. Nai Pan Hla, Archaeological Aspects of PYU MON MYANMAR,Yangon,
Thin Sarpay ,2011,pp.29-30
5. Nai Pan Hla, The Significant Role of the Mon Language and Culture in
Southeast Asia, Tokyo, Japan: Institute for the Study of Languages and
Cultures of Asia and Africa, 1992,p.56
6. U Sein Win, “Kun SeikPyu Stone Inscription in Pali”,Thuyethami Diary,
Yangon, Chan Tha Press, 2004, pp.3-9
7. KhinGyiPhyaw, Myanmar Translation of the Kalyani Stone Inscription,
Yangon, Myanmar: Department of Religious,1997, p.5
8. Chirapravati, Votive Tablets in Thailand, Oxford University Press, 1997, p.1
(Hereafter cited as Chirapravati, Votive Tablets in Thailand.)
9. Chirapravati, Votive Tablets in Thailand, P.5
10. Dr. Than Tun, Myanma Terracottas, Yangon, Monywe Press, 2003, p.64
11. Chirapravati, Votive Tablets in Thailand,P.9
12. Min Sithu, History of Worshipping Pagodas and Buddha Images, Yangon,
Shwedaungtaung Press,2001, p.125 (Hereafter cited as Min Sithu, Worshipping
Pagodas and Buddha.)
13. Min Sithu, Worshipping Pagodas and Buddha, p.113
14. Nai Pan Hla, Research Papers. P.23. Naing Pan Hla Says that Stone-deer
and wheel of the Dhamma are very old. They are similar to those appeared
in Asoka Period (3rd to 1stcentury BC.)
15. Coomaraswamy, The Origin of the Buddha Images, New Delhi,
MushiramManoharlal, Publisher Pvt. Ltd., 2001, p.33 (Hereafter cited as
Coomaraswamy, Buddha Images.)
16. Coomaraswamy, Buddha Images, p.32
17. Elizebath Moore, Early Landscapes of Myanmar, Bangkok Printing Co.Ltd.,
2007, p. 201(Hereafter cited as Elizebath Moore, Landscapes.)
18. Elizabeth Moore and San Win, The Gold Coast: Suvanabhumi?, Lower
Myanmar Walled Sites of the First Millennium AD., Honolulu: University
of Hawaii Press, 2007, P. 214 (Hereafter cited as EleizabethMooreand San
Win, The Gold Coast: Suvannabhum.)
19. Donald M. Stadtner, The Mon Over Two Millennia Monuments, Manuscripts,
Movements, Institute of Asian Studies, Demystifying Mists: The Case For
the Mon. Chulalongkom University, Bangkok, 2011, P.40
20. Eleizabeth Mooreand San Win, The Gold Coast: Suvannabhum, P. 310
21. U San Win, ‘’An Overall Review of Field Trips made in Kyaikhto and Bilin
Townships in Mon State’’, Golden Jubilee Commemorative Issue of the
Myanmar Historical Commission, 2004,pp.272-285
22. P. Pamela, Gutman,’’The Ancient Coinage of Southeast Asia’’,Journal of the
Siam Society, Ι, 1978,pp.8-21
23. Nyunt Han, AungKyain, Chit San Win, Thein Lwin Oo, (New Evidence
Discovered in Old Cities) Myanmar Old Cities, Shwe Min Thar Press, 2007,
p.9 (Hereafter cited as Old Cities)
24. Major Ba Sein, (Beikthano City and Perspective on History),
ThakathopangapadethaSargaung, Vol. l, Part lll, 1966, P.184
25. Old Cities, PP.9-10
26. U Htay Wai, History of Pyu City Civilization, Yangon, Thiser press,
2009,PP.288-289
27. U Aung Thaw, ‘Old Visnu’ The Historical Sites in Burma, 2ndedition, Yangon,
The New Light of Myanmar and Guardian Press, 1993,p.50
28. Old Cities, p.11
29. U Myint Aung ,Research Field Trip in Halin, Yangon, MyintMetta Off-set,
2007,PP.86-87
30. Field Trip in Halin, P.236
31. Old Cities, P.13
32. Jambukonchar Treatise, PP.4-5
33. Old Cities,P.13
34. Niharranjan Ray, Theravada Buddhism in Burma, Calcutta, Calcutta
University Press, 1946, p.37
35. Niharranjan Ray, Sanskrit Buddhism in Burma, Niharranjan Amsterdam, H.J
Paris,1936, P.20
References
Chirapravati. 1997. Votive Tablets in Thailand, Oxford University Press.
Coomaraswamy. 2001. The Origin of the Buddha Images, New Delhi,
MushiramManoharlal, Publisher Pvt. Ltd.
Gutman, P. P. 1978. The Ancient Coinage of Southeast Asia. Journal of the Siam
Society, Ι.
KhinGyiPhyaw. 1997. Myanmar Translation of the Kalyani Stone Inscription,
Yangon, Myanmar: Department of Religious.
Min Sithu. 2001. History of Worshipping Pagodas and Buddha Images, Yangon,
Shwedaungtaung Press.
Moore, E. 2007. Early Landscapes of Myanmar, Bangkok Printing Co.Ltd.

Moore, E. and San W. 2007. The Gold Coast: Suvanabhumi?, Lower Myanmar
Walled Sites of the First Millennium AD ., Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press.
Mya, Sripyanchi, U. 1961. Ancient Myanmar Alphabets, Yangon, Government
Printing and Stationary Department.
Nai Pan Hla. 1992. The Significant Role of the Mon Language and Culture in
Southeast Asia, Tokyo, Japan: Institute for the Study of Languages and
Cultures of Asia and Africa.
Nai Pan Hla. 2005. Research Papers, Yangon, Myanmar, AharmanThit Sarpay.
Nai Pan Hla. 2011. Archaeological Aspects of PYU MON MYANMAR, Yangon,
Thin Sapay.
San Win, U. 2004. An Overall Review of Field Trips made in Kyaikhto and
Bilin Townships in Mon State, Golden Jubilee Commemorative Issue of
the Myanmar Historical Commission.
Sein Win, U. 2004. “Kun SeikPyu Stone Inscription in Pali” Thuyethami Diary,
Yangon, Chan Tha Press.
Stadtner, Donald M. 2011. The Mon Over Two Millennia Monuments,
Manuscripts, Movements, Institute of Asian Studies, Demystifying Mists:
The Case for the Mon. Chulalongkom University, Bangkok.
Than Tun. 1974. “A Forgotten Town of Burma”, SHIROKO Kagoshima
University, No,12.
Than Tun. 2003. Myanma Terracottas, Yangon, Monywe Press.
Thaw, A. 1972. Historical Sites in Burma, Union of Burma, SarpayBeikman
Press.
Part II
Women in Monastic Buddhism in Southeast Asia: An Agenda

for Archaeological Research
Garima Kaushik
Circulation of Buddhist maṇḍalas in Maritime Asia:

A Study of the Art of the Buddhist Diamond Triangle of Odisha
(India) and Borobodur–Candi Mendut in Java
Umakanta Mishra
The Mudra in the Dances of ASEAN: A Hypothesis

6
Women in Monastic Buddhism
in the Southeast Asia:
An Agenda for Archaeological
Research
Garima Kaushik
1. Introduction
The academic study of women in Buddhism began in late 19th century,
and the works of C.A.F Rhys Davids, Mable Bode, I. B. Horner laid
the bedrock over which subsequent works on the subject were carried
out. The Orientalist and the Protestant Buddhist approaches converged
on to one point; an over dependence on Pali textual tradition which
was seen to represent Buddhism in entirety with all its various forms.
More recent works, focusing on the different Nikayas, have also largely
based their interpretations on the texts of different schools to arrive at an
understanding of the relationship that women had with Buddhism and
also how / which sect was disposed more favourably towards women.
With the study of different genres of Buddhist texts, the main issues
that have kept scholars preoccupied in more recent times are as follows.
• The religious aspirations and capabilities of women
• The issue of Bhikkhuni or nuns ordination
• Women’s role within the Samgha and outside it
• Images of the feminine in Buddhism; their visual representation and
reception
2. Women in the Early Buddhism

The two broad categories within which women were seen in the early
Buddhism were as lay practioners or upasikas and female monastics
or Bhikhunis. Most of the texts used for the study were known to be
authored by male monastics, and are known to exhibit varying degrees
of adrocentric biases. These canonical texts sketched an idealized image
of a Buddhist woman; as opposed to the texts which were about women
and authored by women. The latter reflect true struggles and aspirations
of the women, but unfortunately have been accorded somewhat of a
peripheral status as compared to the Canonical texts; by those working
on the subject.
A textual analysis reveals that as compared to the female renunciants,
the lay women or upasikas were accorded greater space and more
positive representation in the textual tradition by male editors. The male
monastics along with the lineage of the past Buddhas also conjured up a
corresponding lineage of ideal upasikas and bhikkunis. These legendary
Buddhist women were projected as the ultimate ideal which every
Buddhist woman was expected to emulate. The literary tradition erected
larger than life representation of the ideal female lay donor, Vishakha,
to which the lay women were expected to live up to. The texts upheld
the family and the role of the mother within it as the most sacrosanct.
While most of the feminine representations within Buddhism portray the
woman in the negative, there are positive representations as well. Among
these, the representations of the lay woman as ‘mother’ are the most
popular and score over any other kind of the positive representation of
the feminine. Even within the biographical tradition, Gautama’s mother
occupies a considerable space within the biographical narrative of the
Buddha. It also needs to be stressed that this positive representation of
the female was not limited to the textual tradition but was manifested
within the domain of Buddhist art too.
While the texts provide various orthodox doctrinal views on women,
they are inadequate in trying to understand how women themselves
received such views, and if at all they acted or reacted to them. As
Schopen states, real Buddhism comes to be equated with textual
Buddhism. The literary material which consists of heavily edited texts
are intended to inculcate an ideal recording of what a small atypical
Buddhist Community wanted. That community should believe or practice
whereas the archaeological material records or reflects at least a part of
what Buddhists actually practiced and believed.
Women in Monastic Buddhism in the Southeast Asia 113
As compared to the study of textual sources on the subject of women

and monastic Buddhism, the engagement with archaeological sources
started very late and only in the beginning of the twenty-first century.
It has only been in the past decade or so that archaeological data have
been brought into study Buddhism from a gendered perspective. Recent
studies in the field of epigraphy (Shah 2001) and visual representation
(Kim 2012) have brought into focus the inadequacy of dealing with only
the literary sources. These studies could address issues such as identity of
Buddhist women and their visibility in historical records for the medieval
period, which contradicts the view that women’s presence, and more
specifically patronage, had completely disappeared within the Samgha
by the 9th century A.D.
Contrary to what has been generally believed based on a reading
of the Buddhist textual, it has been brought out through the analysis of
archaeological data that though motherhood was certainly an important
criterion of self identification for women in the early Buddhism. It was
definitely not the “most significant and dominant category” through
which the female Buddhist practitioners sought to identify themselves
with; as has been understood by a reading of the literary sources. This
study reiterates that religious behaviour was not always in conformity
with literary prescriptions.
Table 6.1: Social Identification Categories Used by Bhikkhunis and
Upasikas in the Donor Records
Category of identification Bhikkunis Upasikas
As Mother 2 – 0.89 per cent 54 – 21.7 per cent
As Wife 0 75 – 30.2 per cent
By the Native place 85 – 38.11 per cent 70 – 28.2 per cent
As Grand daughter 0 5 – 2 per cent
As Daughter-in-law 0 8 – 3.2 per cent
By Personal name 118 – 52.9 per cent 24 -9.6 per cent
As Sister-in-law 0 2 – 0.8 per cent
As Daughter 5 – 2.24 per cent 39 – 15.7 per cent
As Sister 1 – 0.44 per cent 16 – 2.4 per cent
By Cast/ Gotra/ Kula 0 4 – 1.6 per cent
As Pupil/Antevasini 7 – 3.1 per cent 12 – 4.88 per cent
As Nun/Bhikkuni 2 – 0.89 per cent 0
As Upasika 0 2 – 0.8 per cent
As neice 3-1.34 per cent 1- 0.4 per cent
Others 0 6 – 2.4 per cent
Table 6.2: List of Probable Monastic Sites for Bhikkhunis

(Bhikkhuni Viharas)
1. Vihāra of Rani Ratnagiri, Orissa - 11th-12th
Karpurasri Century
2. Itamundia Kiching, Orissa - 11th-12th
Century
3. Monasteries Nalanda, Bihar Eastern Side
9-12.
4. Monastery E Kasia, Eastern Side 1st-2nd Century
Uttar Pradesh A.D
5. Monastery F Sravasti, Eastern Side 1st-2nd Century
Uttar Pradesh A.D
6. Purvārāma Sravasti, South-East/ East 1st-2nd Century
Monastery Uttar Pradesh A.D
7. Kumāradevī Sarnath, Eastern Side 12th Century
Monastery Uttar Pradesh A.D
8. - Kapilavastu, - --
Uttar Pradesh
9. Vihāra of Devi Sāñci, - 8th -9th Century
(Queen of Madhya Pradesh
Asoka)
10. Monastery 44 Sāñci Eastern Area of
the Complex.
11. Site No. 6 Nagarjunakonda, - 3rd-4th
Andhra Pradesh Century A.D
12. SAN 3 Sannathi, Eastern Bank 2nd Century
Andhra Pradesh of River A.D.
Bhima, in the
western part of
the site
13. Upper terrace Bairat, 2nd Century
Rajasthan A.D
14. SGL 5 Sanghol East Kushana
15. SGL 5 Sanghol North East Kushana
16. Udaygiri 7th-8th to 11th-
12th Century
Having said this, there are also instances where archaeological data
have supported and substantiated textual interpretations. The fact that
upasikas were definitely favoured over their monastic counterparts is
evident in the textual renderings. Various types of structures associated
with lay-female Buddhist women have been identified and documented
at various Buddhist sites; like circular structures, ayaka stupas and three-
roomed cells all within and as an integral part of the sacred Buddhist
landscape. The presence of these structures, which imply lay presence, are
far more numerous as compared to sites with Bhikkhuni presence. Though
historical texts have been of little help in the identification of monastic
residences for nuns, quite a few have been identified archaeologically.
The presently available archaeological data on women within the
religion allow us to investigate further the role of women, their degree
of engagement with the religion, and their role of power and authority
within it; the issues that have evaded Buddhologists, so far.
Studies on women and Buddhism in Southeast Asia are mostly focused
on the contemporary issues like the issue of ordination and revival of
nuns lineage. Works that focus on the early history of Buddhism and
the role of women in it have been a fewer. They have basically followed
the methodological approaches that have directed the course of similar
studies in South Asia with primary focus on the survey of the textual
material. Most researches by feminist authors have focused on the study
of Mahayana Buddhism and its implications in the region. Works on
Theravada Buddhism on the other hand have been much lesser and far
between. These works have to try to assess among other reasons for
the popularity of Theravada among the female Buddhists in South Asia
(Andaya 2002). On the another trajectory, the innovative engagement
and reworking of the received Pali textual tradition to reconfigure and
repackage Theravada to make it more popular by bringing in elements
that find ready acceptance by lay adherents, especially the women (Derris
2008), indicates that the religion in the region was not a static monolithic
entity and was also not immune to change as was earlier believed.
Theravada penetrated into the interiors of the region, gaining a firm
foothold by integrating local beliefs and enhancing its appeal, presumably
by equating motherhood and merit making and creating thereby greater
opportunities for greater lay engagement, especially for Theravada
Buddhist women.
However, archaeological investigation, especially on their actual

presence, has been lacking, especially in Myanmar and Thailand. It still
needs to be tested whether it was actually the ‘motherhood ideal’ which
was the most popularly accepted lay ideal for early Buddhist women or
as in the case of South Asia. Contrary to this, generally accepted notions/
issues of personal identity devoid of gender, took precedence over their
social/communal identities reflective of stereotypical gender roles.
Issues that further need to be investigated are–if the lay women were
more favoured over their monastic counterparts? Were there any kind
of material remains that would be supporting the argument? What were
the various types of structures associated with lay women at Buddhist
sites? How and where was monastic and lay Buddhist interaction played
out? What were the monastic spaces demarcated for female renunciants?
Were stūpas erected for women? Is this practice survived among the
later day Buddhists? Which particular group of women (laywomen or
almswomen) enjoyed this privilege? and Do the architectural planning
and layout of these structures conform to similar structures identified in
South Asia?
Numerous inscriptions from the second century BCE mention
Bhikkhunīs along the Indian trade routes and near active seaports with
Indonesian connections. Old Indonesian languages and texts are rich
with words describing such religious women ascetics–Wikuni in Bahasa.
Women ascetics of various traditions including Buddhist are also known
as muṇḍīs (women who have taken tonsure), sekhīs (those who have
undertaken training-sikkha in the precepts) and dewī or devīs (female
divinities). Rara-kili and Rara-kili are other terms that inform about
various categories of religious women during the historical period.
Apart from the literary references there are visuals engraved on stone
that are further testimony to the presence of these women mendicants
or Bhikshunis. The circular structures discussed above have been seen
in Indonesia. Ruins of Mortuary Monument of Gāyatrī Rājapatni as
Prajñāpāramitā in Candi Gāyatrī at Boyolangu, Indonesia is one such
monument whose contextual archaeological analysis along gendered lines
would help in understanding better the presence of such structures both
within the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia, especially Indonesian
Buddhism from a gendered perspective. Similarly, the study of cave sites
like Dewi Kili Suci’s Selomangleng Goa Cave (Mount Klothok, five
kilometres west of the city of Kediri, Indonesia) would parallel and also
at the same time add to the study of cave sites known to have associated
with female Buddhist practitioners.
Many temples in Thailand, more so in the North, do not allow women
to circumambulate the stupas. As by going around it, they might
desacralize relics enshrined within the stupa. Do such issues of purity
and pollution prevalent in contemporary Buddhism have a historical
precedent? In the light of this contemporary religious custom is there
a possibility of existence of stupas dedicated to women as are known
from South Asia? Issues such as these and many others still await
answer, and only an in depth archaeological enquiry would help resolve
many of these unanswered queries. Archaeological researches such
as focused on studying the nuances of monastic architecture from a
gendered perspective, its evolution and regional variations in the two
geographical regions can give answers to the issues that have evaded
satisfactory explanations thus far. Collaborative projects in archaeology
and ethnography that seek to map, document and more importantly
contextualize the presently available data can go a long way in providing
a more coherent and connected account of historical ties between the two
regions.
References
Davids, C.A.F Rhys. 1909. Psalms of the Early Buddhists: Volume I. Psalms
of the Sisters. London: Pali Text Society. https://archive.org/details/
PsalmsOfTheSistersPsalmsOfTheEarlyBuddhistsByMrs.RhysDavids
Derris, K. 2008. “When the Buddha Was A Woman: Reimaging Tradition in the
Theravada,” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, Vol. 24 No.2, pp.
29-44.
Haynes, B. M. 1892. Women leaders of the Buddhist Reformation in Transactions
of the 9th International Congress of Orientalists, London, 1892, pp. 341-43.
Also published in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain &
Ireland (New Series), Volume 25, Issue 03, July 1893, London, pp 517–
566.
Horner, I. B. 1930. Women under primitive Buddhism : laywomen and
almswomen, G. Routledge & Sons, Limited. London. http://www.sacred-
texts.com/journals/jras/1893-13.htm
Jerryson, M. 2018. If you meet the Buddha on the road: Buddhism, Politics and
Violence, Oxford University Press.
Kaushik, G. 2016. Women and Monastic Buddhism in Early South Asia:

Rediscovering the Invisible Believers, Routledge.
Keyes, C. F. 1984. Mother or Mistress but never a monk, Buddhist Notions of
Female Genderin Rural Thailand, American Ethnologist, Vol. 11, No. 2.
pp. 223-241
Kim, J. 2012. Unheard Voices: Women’s Roles in Medieval Buddhist Artistic
Production and Religious Practices in South Asia, Journal of the American
Academy of Religion, Vol. 80, No. 1. pp. 200-232.
Luce, G.H. and Pe Maung Tin. (1933-1956). Inscriptions of Burma. 5 Portfolio
Vols. Rangoon University Press and Oxford University Press.
Paul, D. Y. and F. Wilson. 1985. Women in Buddhism: Images of the Feminine in
the Mahayana Tradition, University of California Press.
Schopen, G. 1997. Bones, stones, and Buddhist monks: collected papers on
the archaeology, epigraphy, and texts of monastic Buddhism in India,
University of Hawaii Press.
Shah, K. K. 2001. The Problem of Identity: Women in Early Indian Inscriptions,
Oxford University Press.
Watson, A.B. 2007. “Localising the Universal: Women, Motherhood and the
Appeal of Early Theravāda Buddhism” Journal of South East Asian Studies
33, no. 1 (2002): 1-30. Doi:10.1017/S0022463402000012
Watson, A.B. 2007. Studying Women and Gender in Southeast Asia, International
Journal of Asian Studies, Volume 4, Issue 1, Cambridge University Press.
7
Circulation of Buddhist maṇḍalas
in Maritime Asia: A Study of the Art
of the Buddhist Diamond Triangle
of Odisha (India) and Borobodur–
Caṇḍī Mendut in Java
Umakanta Mishra
1. Introduction
George Cœdès (1968) considers arrival of the Esoteric Buddhism in
Southeast Asia from South Asia as the dominant fact of the 8th century
CE. Tantric Buddhism had spread to Southeast Asia in different waves
and through different channels and agents. Earlier scholars like Bernet
Kempers (1933) and recent scholars like Peter Sharrock (2016),
J. Sundberg (2003, 2010) and others, on the basis of the epigraphic,
archaeological and the Chinese Buddhist records, argue that ‘India’s
Buddhist strategists of the Pallava dynasty in the south and the later Pāla
dynasty in the north, ‘forged alliances in Southeast Asia in the 8th century
that became key to keeping alive their international proselytizing mission
when the emperors of China and Tibet ordered the closure of thousands
of monasteries on political-religious whims’ (Sharrock and Bunker
2016). The influence of Pallavagrantha script on the inscriptions of
early Sailendras (Canaggal Inscription of Sañjaya), the biography of the
Buddhist monk, Vajrabodhi, who spent three years in Java between 717-
720 CE en route to China and the Nalanda Inscription of Devapāla (860

CE) attest to the influence of the Pallava and Nalanda on the Southeast
Asian esoteric Buddhism. This paper explores the role of Odisha as an
important region in the transmission of esoteric Buddhism in maritime
Asia between 8th and 11th centuries CE. It covers architectural and
iconographic programmes in the Buddhist diamond triangle sites of
Ratnagiri, Udayagiri and Lalitagiri, situated in eastern littoral state of
Odisha to argue that Odisha presents early epigraphic, sculptural and
architectural evidence of maṇḍala1 stūpa and maṇḍala sculptures which
Buddhist monks carried to Southeast Asia and China. It also draws on the
architectural similarities between the evidence from Odisha with those of
Borobodur and Caṇḍī Mendut.
This article is divided into three sections— The first component
briefly deals with two important texts – Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṁgraha
(henceforth, STTS) and the Mahāvairocanasūtra (henceforth, MVS) (both
composed in 7th century CE), which formed the basis of early tantric
Buddhism before the emergence of Yoga and Anuttarayoga tantra. This
section also deals with biographies of three important Buddhist monks—
Vajrabodhi (671-741 CE), his disciple Amoghavajra (who stayed in
Java) (704-774 CE) and Śubhakarasiṁha (637-735 CE), who played
important role in the transmission of these twin texts to Southeast Asia
and China; The second component covers some epigraphic, iconographic
and architectural evidences from Buddhists sites of Caṇḍī Borobodur,
Caṇḍī Mendut and Ratu Boko in Central Java to discuss the ideological
influences of the STTS and the MVS in the architectural and sculptural
arrangements in these monuments. The final component brings up the
epigraphic, iconographic and architectural evidence of the influence of
the twin texts of the STTS and the MVS in Orissa in early 8th century-
9th centuries CE to emphasize that Odisha presents an early evidence of
the presence of tantric maṇḍalas form of Buddhism. It concludes while
pleading for a more scholarly attention on the civilisational linkages
between Odisha and Southeast Asia, especially in the sphere of Buddhism
and Saivism.
2. Two Important Texts and Their Transmissions

Two important texts, which formed the basis of the Buddhist maṇḍalas
as well as early esoteric Buddhism in India (7th-8th century CE), China,
and Japan, were the STTS and MVS. Kukai (774-835 CE), who founded
Circulation of Buddhist maṇḍalas in Maritime Asia 121
the Shingon Buddhism in Japan, acknowledges importance of these texts

when he writes that the esoteric Shingon doctrine, the secret treasury
given in two sutras, was unfolded by the Dharmakāyā Mahāvairocana
Buddha for the sake of his own enjoyment (Hakeda 1972).
The MVS was a seminal work in the history of Tantric Buddhism,
offering one of the first fully developed expositions on this form of
Buddhism. In India and Tibet, it came to be classified as a Caryā Tantra,
or “Practice Tantra”; corresponding to the second category of what
was to become in Tibet the standard fourfold classification of Buddhist
tantras, eventually to be superseded to a large degree by the STTS in
the 8th century CE. There was also a mūla-tantra text, composed in the
7th century CE and consolidated over time into a Yogatantra text. The
STTS does not explain the concepts; rather it is concerned with the
manuals of the Maṇḍalas rites: how to draw maṇḍalas, initiation into
these maṇḍalas (abhiseka) and powers resulting from the performance
of these ritual-actions.
The twin texts travelled to Java in the Sailendra period in the 8th
century CE, and from there to China in the T’ang period in early 8th
century CE. An Indian monk, Amoghavajra, who took these texts to
China, and played a key role in fighting Chinese opposition to Buddhism.
Amoghavajra’s Japanese disciple, Kukai, took, among other things,
maṇḍala form of tantric Buddhism, and that today is known as Shingon
Buddhism in Japan.
No Sanskrit manuscript of the MVS is available today. But the Tibetan
and the Chinese versions are available. Śubhakarasiṁha, who went to
China, made a commentary on the MVS with his signature available in
Japan. It deals with the Buddhist esoteric concept and also deals with
garbhadhātū maṇḍalas.
The Chinese Tang period text Sung kao-seng chuan, written by Tsan-
ning (919-1001 CE), gives the biography of many Indian Buddhist monks
who took Buddhism to China (Chou 1945). Three prominent monks in
the transmission of the MVS and the STTS were Vajrabodhi, his disciple
Amoghavajra and Śubhakarasiṁha. Vajrabodhi’s Chinese disciple, Lu
Xuan, has given the treasure of biography of his master and Amoghavajra,
who was one of the celebrated Buddhist monks in the T’ang Court, and
there are extensive Chinese records about him.
Vajrabodhi (671-741 CE)

Vajrabodhi was a prominent monk associated with the transmission of the
tantricism to China. His Chinese disciple, Lü Xiang, left his biography
(Sundberg and Giebel 2011). According to this biography, he belonged
to Malaya in South India, near the Potalaka Mountain. His father was
Brahmin and an acārya in Kāñci. He studied in the Nalanda monastery
in Bihar where he studied the sūtras, abhidharma and so on. He then
went to west India to learn the doctrine of yoga, three secrets (of speech,
mind and dhāraṇī). He thereafter went to South India at the invitation
of Pallava king Narasiṁhavarman to pray for rains. The southern part
of this country borders upon the seashore, where there was a temple of
Avalokiteśvara. Was it the temple of Negāpattinam where there was an
Avalokiteśvara image? Avalokiteśvara appeared and instructed him to
pay homage to Buddha’s tooth in Ceylon and climb Mt Lankā to worship
Buddha’s footprint. Then he visited Ceylon and climbed the Lanka
Mountain. He passed by Ruhuna, and converted the king to Mahāyāna
and climbed Lanka mountain where he saw the footprint of Buddha’ right
foot. This is Adam’s peak. There he entered into samādhi for a day. He
stayed in Abhayarāja temple, where he paid obeisance to Buddha’s tooth
and was honoured in turn by the king Manavamma (Manavarman). He
came back to South India and asked for the permission of the King to go
to China where Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva lived. The King Manavarman said,
‘if you insist on going, I will send an ambassador to accompany you and
present some tribute to the Tang Emperor’. Vajrabodhi sailed for Ceylon
first where Śrī Śaila (Manavarman) tried in vain to desist him from going
to China. Vajrabodhi sailed eastward with the Persian merchants, who
having come with 30 ships to trade with Ceylon for jewellery, desired
to make a voyage to the East with Vajrabodhi. The Persian merchants
were very active in the Indian Ocean during this period (The Persian
and Sassanid glazed wares were found from many places of Indian
Ocean). The Cosmas Indicopleustes wrote, “The island being, as it is, in
a central position, was much frequented by ships from all parts of India
and from Persia and Ethiopia and it likewise used to send out many of its
own (McCrindle 1897). Vajrabodhi stopped at Sri Vijaya in 717 CE and
stayed there for three years, where he met his follower, Amoghavajra.
He finally reached China in 720 CE. In 723 AD, he translated the
Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṁgraha and Mahāvairocanasūtra in Tzu-sheng
temple. He translated Mahāprajñāpāramitāsūtaśāstra as well as the
Mahāpratisarā Dhāraṇī. He died in 732 CE. There are epigraphical
and iconographic evidences from the Indonesian Archipelago on

Mahāpratisarā dhāraṇī and Mahāpratisarā image from Java (Cruijsen
et al. 2013).
Biography of Amoghavajra (Pu-k ‘ung) (704-774 CE)

Amoghavajra was one of the celebrated Buddhist monks in the Chinese
records (Goble 2012; Chou 1945). He belonged to Brahmin family of
North India. Chao Chien, a disciple of Amoghavajra wrote a biography of
the master. At the age of fifteen he became the follower of Vajrabodhi, who
introduced him to a Sanskrit text of Siddhaṁ and a treatise on the Science
of Sounds. Having led the disciple to Vajradhātumaṇḍala, Vajrabodhi
taught him Science of Sounds. He learned the Bhadracāripraṇidhāna
in two evenings. He taught him Vairocanasūtra and manuals of siddhi.
Later he took Amoghavajra to China’s Loyang, where Vajrabodhi died.
Thereafter, Amoghavajra planned to make a long journey to India and
Ceylon, as the late Master once ordered him to do. He first arrived at
Nan-hai-chun where the Governor General Chu-lin made an earnest
request for abhiseka. Then he boarded a Kun-lun ship. When they
reached the boundary of Kling they met with a heavy storm. Then from
Kling, he arrived in Sri Lanka. When Amoghavajra first met the acārya
Sāmantabhadra, he requested the Master to teach him the method of
erecting an altar in accordance with the Mahākaruṇāgarbha-dhātū-
maṇḍala of the Vairocanasūtra. In 749 AD, he returned to China again.
There he translated STTS and MVS and a text on alayavijñāna. He died in
774 CE ; and was one of the most important celebrated Buddhist monks
in the Tang Court. Amoghavajra designated six disciples as having been
fully trained in Esoteric Buddhist practices— Han’guang 含光, Hyech’o
慧超, Huiguo 慧果/惠果, Huilang 慧朗, Yuanjiao 元皎and Juechao
覺超. Implemented in official temples throughout the Imperium, the
main monastic centers of Esoteric Buddhist practice were: Xingshan
Monastery興善寺, Huadu Monastery化度寺, Baoshou Monastery寶
壽寺, and Ximing Monastery西明寺 in Chang’an, Jin’ge Monastery
金閣寺 at Mount Wutai, and Qinglong Monastery 青龍寺 in Luoyang
(Goble 2012)
Śubhakarasiṁha (637-735 CE)
Subhakarasimha (Shan wu-wei) of Taisho Tripitaka was a native of central
India (most likely Chhatishgarh and Panduvaṁśīs), whose ancestors
on account of internal problems, came to Oḍra and ruled over Odisha.
He, however became a monk at the age of 13, and travelled towards
a monastery near the Sea (most likely Ratnagiri)2, where he obtained
Saddharmapuṇḍarīka sutra. He then accommodated on a merchant ship
and by travelling on which he visited many countries. He came to Nalanda,
became a disciple of Dhramagupta. Dharamagupta imparted him dhāraṇī,
yoga and three secrets of words, speech and mind. Then he wandered in
many parts of India and on the instruction of his preceptor, Dharmagupta,
left for China via Kashmir, Swat, Tibet, and finally reached in China in
712 / 716 CE at the invitation of the Chinese Emperor. Included among the
texts which he brought to China were the Mahāvairocanābhisaṁbodhi,
which he translated into Chinese in 725 AD. The text has survived later
in early Japanese copies, and is known as the Gobushinkan (Yamamoto
1990). He also made an iconographic copybook in his own hand of
maṇḍala deities of the Sarvatathāgata-tattvasaṁgraha (Sarvatathāgata-
tattvasaṁgraha 1981). Both the Sarvatathāgata-tattvasaṁgraha and
the Gobushinkan emphasised on the importance of Mahāvairocana and
the interrelated Mahākaruṇāgarbhodbhava-and Vajradhātu-maṇḍalas.
These two maṇḍalas form the basis of the Japanese Shingon Buddhism,
andaccording to the Japanese legends, were transmitted by Mahāvairocana
to Vajrasattva who kept them for several hundred years within an iron
stūpa in South India until they were recovered by Nāgārjuna (Snodgrass
1988 I). Śubhakarasiṁha also gave a copy of Mahāpratisarā dhāraṇī to
the Chinese emperor Su-tsung in 758 AD. Another Dhāraṇī, Usṇiṣavijayā
Dhāraṇī was also presented by Amoghavajra to the Chinese emperor Tai-
tsung in 762 AD (Chou 1945; Snodgrass 1988).
3. Influence of STTS and MVS in Central Java

The biographies of all these great masters of tantric Buddhism have two
things in common. One they took tantric Buddhism to China, and in
their journey, they stopped at Sri Lanka and Java before reaching China.
Second, they used merchant ships in their travel. Vajrabodhi travelled
in a Persian merchant ship to Java while Śubhakarasimha travelled with
merchants. As has been highlighted in the biography of Amoghavajra,
he met Vajrabodhi first in Java. Amoghavajra as well as Vajrabodhi
both were important Buddhist monks and attained a great degree of
fame in Java. The Śailendra kings certainly knew Amoghavajra and
were probably powerfully attracted by his prowess in protection of state
beyond dispute. At least one Javanese monk, referred to as Bianhong
(辯弘), went to China intending to study the doctrines of esoteric Buddhism

at Amoghavajra’s feet. Modern Javanology owes a tremendous debt to
the influential Japanese monk Kūkai (空海) for documenting essence of
the story of Bianhong.
Bianhong, a monk of the country of Holing in Java, while practicing
the yoga of Cakravartīcintāmaṇi in his native land had attained some
degree of spiritual power. On suddenly hearing that the teachings of
Mahāvairocana’s Great Maṇḍalas of the Matrix of Great Compassion
(Mahākaruṇāgarbhodbhavamaṇḍala of the Mahāvairocana Sūtra)
were to be found in South India, he fervently yearned to study them,
and had set out for South India. On the way, he suddenly met someone
who asked, “Where are you going?” He replied, “I have heard it said
that the great teachings of the Matrix [of Great Compassion] are to be
found in South India. I yearn in my heart to study them, and therefore
I have equipped myself for a journey and taken to the road.” That
person informed him,“Those teachings have been taken by the Ācārya
Amoghavajra, and transmitted to the land of the Great Tang, and his
pupil, the Ācārya Huiguo, is presently at Qinglong Temple (青龍寺) in
Chang’an (長安), where he is giving instructions. If you go there, you will
certainly be able to receive them together with others, otherwise they will
be difficult to obtain.” When he had finished speaking, he vanished. It is
thus evident that he was a divine being. [Bianhong] turned back and set
out for the Great Tang. He eventually visited Qinglong Temple, where he
met His Reverence [Huiguo] and explained in detail the purpose of his
visit, offering him one seven-gemmed initiation flask, one bronze bowl,
three conch-shells and various famed aromatics. His Reverence held an
initiation [ceremony] for him and conferred on him the great teachings
of the Matrix [of Great Compassion]. Bianhong lived in Bianzhou (汴
州), where he propagated the esoteric teachings [lit. “esoteric wheel”]
(Sundberg 2011).
Peter Skilling has identified Kedah (Kadara) as Srivijaya where the
monk Atisa, the great 11th century Indian monk of Tibet studied from
1012 to 1024 CE under Guru Dhramakirti. A colophon of a Tibetan work
of Atiśa says it was written ‘in the city of Srivijatya in Suvarṇadvīpa
(Skilling 1997). A year after Atiśa left, the Cola fleet from Tanjore
attacked ports in Melaka strait and installed a Cola crown prince
(Miksic 2013).
Another evidence of the presence of the esoteric Maṇḍala form of

Buddhism in Java came from Ratuboko inscription (792 CE) of the time
of Sailendra King, Samaratunga (Panarabang) of central Java, which
states the construction of the Abhayagiri monastery in Java in line of
the Abhayagiri monastery of Sri Lanka, which Vajrabodhi had visited
in his journey and where relic of Buddha was located. Basing his efforts
upon the transliteration offered by de Casparis, Lokesh Chandra (1995)
renders the following translation of the opening strophe: “I pay homage
to Sambuddha who is verily the Sumeru, of vigorous qualities, and
endowed with the awe-inspiring power of knowledge, whose deep caves
are [profound] wisdom, whose rocks are lofty tradition, whose Good
Words are brilliant [like the sheen of] metal190 (dhātu [of Sumeru]),
whose cascades are Love, whose forests are meditation, whose glens are
few desires, who is not shaken by the violent tempests of the eight ways
of the world” Lokesh Chandra notes that the first three stanzas refer to
Sumeru, fire (vahni), and waters (arṇava), corresponding to three of the
mahābhūtas or elements: earth, water, fire. He suggests that the fourth
element, wind, may be found in the succeeding stanza. In the Vajradhātu
Mahā Maṇḍala only these four elements guard its corner directions.
Chandra proceeds to tabulate the following correspondences between the
Perfectly Enlightened One (Sambuddha) and Sumeru.
Sumeru Sambuddha
deep caves (guhā) profound wisdom (dhi)
rocks (śila) lofty traditions (smṛti)
shining metals (dhātu) Good Words (sadvākya)
cascades (prasravaṇa) Love (maitri)
forests (vana) meditation (samādhi)
valleys, glen (kandarā) few desires (alpecchatā)
violent tempests (ugra pavana) eight ways of the world
(aṣṭa loka-dharma)
Ratuboko Gold Foil

This artefact, a gold foil recovered from Ratuboko is inscribed with a
sanskrit mantra Oṁ ṭakī jaḥ svāhā. Sundberg argues that the mantra
refers to invocation to Vairocana by the Sailendra king, Panaraban
(Samaratunge), for special powers, and the mantra was taken from the
STTS (Sundberg 2003). On the other, Arlo Grifiths found the occurring
in the Buddhist tantric text of the Gūhyasamājatantra (Griffiths 2014).
Recently, Andrea Acri found parallel of the mantra Oṁ ṭakī jaḥ mantra
in two other Balinese texts: Pañcakaṇḍastava and Gaṇapatitattva
(Acri 2016).
Figure 7.1: Ratubaka Manta on a Gold Foil, 7th Century CE,

Central Java
One of the most scholarly interventions in contextualizing the art,

architectural and epigraphic evidences of central Java is the works of
Hudaya Kandahjaya (2009, 2016). His works on the footprints of the
tantric Buddhism in Indonesia, the probable Sanskrit Buddhist texts
which influenced the Javanese 10th century tantric Buddhist/Śaiva text
Saṅ Hyaṅ Kamahāyānikan (SHK) (at the time of ruler, Sondok 929-47
CE) and the reading of Borobudur have been the major contributions in
our further understanding of Borobodur. Lokesh Chandra found 15 out
of 42 verses of the MVS in the SHK (Chandra 1995).
4. The STTS and MVS Influence in Java: Architecture and

Art Evidence
Borobudur is the most important monument of the short-lived Sailendra
dynasty in Central Java (mid-8th barely to the mid-9th century), and has been
subject to many interpretations (Krom 1927; Moens1951; Chandra 1980;
Gellner 1996). But, the present scholarship tends to assume that Borobodur
is a maṇḍala stūpa. In Borobodur, as many as 504 Buddha figures are
placed geometrically. From the foot and first to third galleries we can find
four kinds of Buddhas in four cardinal directions with specific posture
and mudrā. The Buddhas in the fourth gallery has the same mudra, i.e.
vitarka mudrā and are facing four directions. The total number of the Five
Buddhas from foot to fourth gallery is 432. Then at the circular terrace
in the summit, which can be approached from the east, depicts in the bas
relief the culmination of Sudhanakumāra’s journey with the ten vows of
Figure 7.2: Model of the Borobodur from the Site Museum
Note: The first three square terraces contain Buddhas in four direction in four
different postures. The Buddha in the fourth gallery may be identified with
Sarvārthasiddhi, Sākyamunī and the Buddhas in circular latticed stupa in the
fifth and sixth can be identified with Vairocana Buddha
Figure 7.3 (a): Buddha in Figure 7.3 (b): Buddha in

Bhumisparsamudra Bhumisparsamudra
Note (Figure 7.3(a) and Figure 7.3(b)): Buddha in Bhumisparsamudra (Aksobhya

in the eastern niche, from foot to third gallery (eastern quarter) and Buddha in
vitarka mudra in the fourth gallery identified with Śākyamunī)
Source (Figure 7.3(a) and Figure 7.3(b)): Author’s own.
Sāmantabhadra, and have 72 Buddhas in circular latticed stūpa in the

fifth and sixth gallery. Thus like the Vajradhātu maṇḍalas, Borobodur
has Aksobhya in the east, Amitābha in the west, Amoghasidhhi in the
north and Ranasambhava in the south. The STTS states that Buddha
Sarvārthasiddhi attained Buddhahood after he was instructed by Vairocana
and Vajradhātū. Most likely, the Buddha in vitarka mudrā in the fourth
gallery is Śākyamunī, who is called Sarvārthasiddhi in the STTS. The
STTS states that bodhisattva Sarvārthasiddhi was practicing yoga.
All the Buddhas aroused him and said him: you have been practicing
austerities without knowing the truth of sarvatathāgatas. You cannot
become a complete Buddha by this Samādhi alone. Then they taught
methods of attaining complete Buddhahood. At the fourth stage,
Bodhisattva was initiated with the vajra name of Vajradhatū. After that,
all the Buddhas started for Vajramaṇiratnaśikhara kutāgra on the top of
Mt Meru. After moving there, all of the Buddhas blessed Vajradhātu
Tathāgata as Sarvatathāgata and let him take a seat of siṁhāsana so
as to face every direction (33a). At that moment, Tathāgata Akṣobhya,
Amitabha, Lokeśvararaja and Ratnasambhava blessed themselves as
Sarvatathāgatas. Tathāgata Śākyamunī understood the similarity of every
existence and the four other Tathāgatas took their respective seats in
four directions surrounding Śākyamunī. From the above description of
STTS, it seems that Borobodur panel represents four Tathāgatas in three
lower galleries and Sākyamunī (Sarvārthasiddhi) in the fourth gallery).
According to the Indian cosmology, Mt Meru is the summit centre of
the cosmos and vajramaṇiratnaśikhara-kutāgara of the Meru to which
Vairocana and four Tathāgatas took Sarvārthasiddhi represents this
summit. The summit of Borobodur with circular latticed stūpas having
Vairocana in Bodhyāngi mūdrā represents the kutāgara. Here Buddha
Vairocana is represented in the Bodhyāngi mudrā. This mudrā represents
six elements, a mudrā signifying the union of five knowledges of the
Tathāgatas into single enlightenment, whereby the index finger of the
left hand is clasped by the five fingers of the right hand, referred to as the
‘knowledge fist mudrā’.
He (Vairocana) pervades all space. Vajradhātū can be identified with
Vairocana at the beginning of subsection 2 of STTS; Then Tathāgata
Vairocana, obtained hṛdaya of Sarvatathāgata Sāmantabhadra, and was
initiated in the abhiśeka of mahamaniratna emerging from the akāśa of
Sarvatathāgatas (paragraph 34 of the STTS). The kutāgara is decorated
with vajra, maṇi and ratna, and Kazuko Ishii argues that the square and
rhombhic pattern of the bell shaped latticed pattern represent the jewelry
(Ishhi 1995).
Figure 7.4: Tathāgata Vairocana in Bodhyāngi Mudrā
Note: Borobdour representing the absolute void

Caṇḍī Mendut and MVS

Caṇḍī Mendut is another important temple built on the model of
garbhadhātūmaṇḍala of the MVS. The temple is the part of the triad
of Caṇḍī Pawon and Caṇḍī Borobodur. The Karangttenah inscription
describes it as veṇuvanā bhikṣyām … jinamandiram in line 21 (Casparis
1950). It is 3 k.m. east of Borobodur. Sudarshana Singhal (1991) has found
close similarities in the representations of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas
in Mendut with the alignment of the Buddhas and bodhisattvas in MVS
in the Japanese maṇḍalas. In the Garbhadhātū-maṇḍala, Tathāgata
Vairocana Buddha is in the centre, and he is surrounded by the following
Bodhisattvas as has been given in Table 7.1.
Table 7.1: Alignment of the Buddhas in Caṇḍī Mendut and MVS
MVS Caṇḍī Mendut
Centre Vairocana Vairocana
East Ratnaketu Empty
South Samkusumiaraja Empty
West Amitābha Empty
North Duṇdubhinirghoṣa Empty
Alignment of Bodhisattvas
The Bodhisattvas in the eight petalled lotus in intermediate direction
are SE: Sāmantabhadra, SW: Mañjuśrī, NW: Maitreya, NE: Lokeśvara
where as the four other Bodhisattvas in the outer circle are E: Mañjuśrī,
S: Sarvanivāraṇaviṣkāmbhin, W: Ᾱkāśagarha, N: Kṣhitigarbha.
In Table 7.2, a comparison has been made between the representation
of the alignments of various Bodhisattvas in various directions in the MVS
and the iconographic arrangements in the outer wall of Caṇḍī Mendut.
Figure 7.5: Alignment of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in

the Garbhadhātūmaṇḍala
Table 7.2: A Comparison of the Alignments of the Bodhisattvas in

the MVS and Mendut
MVS Caṇḍī Mendut Mudrā and Photos
symbols
Mañjughoṣa (E) Vajrapāṇi SE r.h: abhaya
l.h: vajra
Kṣhitigarbha (N) Kṣhitigarbha (SE) r.h: cintāmaṇi
on lotus
l.h: gem
Ᾱkaśagarbha (W) Ᾱkaśagarbha (SW) r.h varada
l.h
upstanding
sword on
lotus
Table 2 continued...
...Table 2 continued
Sarvanivāraṇaviṣkāmbhin Sarvanivāraṇaviṣkāmbhin r.h: broken

(S) (NE) l.h flaming
cintāmaṇi on
lotus
Avalokiteśvara (NE) Avalokiteśvara (NW) Broken

image
Sāmantabhadra (SE) Sāmantabhadra (NE) A stem

divided into
three studs
Maitreya (NW) Maitreya (NW) Varada stūpa

in crown
Mañjuśrī(SW) Mañjuśrī(SW) Book
5. MVS, STTS and Iconographic Programmes in Odisha

The close similarities between the Caṇḍī Mendut Buddhas and Pala
bronze images, possible prototype of the terraced stūpa of Kesariaya
and Borobdour (Chemburkar 2016), the biography of Vajrabdodhi and
Amoghavajra and palaeographic similarities between Pallava inscriptions
and Inscriptions of Sailendras, all the evidences make Sharrock to argue

that that Vajrabodhi introduced in Southeast Asia this maṇḍalas form of
tantric Buddhism from South India and Nalanda. “The form of Pallava-
style Kāñcī Buddhism that Vajrabodhi and his disciple Amoghavajra
propagated across Asia was to profoundly influence the Buddhism of the
Pāla dynasty in northern India which arose a few years after Vajrabodhi’s
death in China in 741 CE” (Sharrock 2016). However, the archaeological
evidence from Odisha reveals that Odisha was an important early centre
of tantric Buddhism, and contains early epigraphic, architectural and
iconographic evidences of maṇḍalas form of Buddhism. Tibetan sources,
such as the Blue Annals, Tāranātha’s account, refer to Odisha as an
important centre of tantric Buddhism (Sahu 1958; Mitra 1981; Donaldson
2001; Mishra 2009). The biography of Śubhakarasiṁha reveals that he
was a ruler of Oḍra and most likely studied in Ratnagiri monastery. More
than the literary references, the archaeological evidence suggests that
Orissa was certainly an important centre of tantric Buddhism.
Figure 7.6: Vairocana in Central Cella of Candi Mendut
The Buddhist remains of Odisha are strewn throughout the state but the
main concentration is in the Assia group of hills in the undivided Cuttack
district. Archaeological excavations and explorations have revealed more
than 100 sites but the sites of Ratnagiri, Lalitagiri and Udayagiri contain
sustentative presence of tantric Buddhism (Mitra 1981; Patnaik 2017;
Trivedi 2011). As has been noted in the previous section, two important
texts carried by Śubhakarasiṁha, Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra to China
are the MVS and the STTS. The Abhisaṁbodhi Vairocana image of
Lalitgiri is inscribed with a mantra on the back slab which reads “namaḥ
sāmantabuddhānāṁ a vira (line 1), and is followed by huṁ khaṁ in line
2.3 This mantra appears in the chapter six of the MVS. The Khadipada
Avalokiteśvara image inscription from Odisha (dated to 8th century CE)
refers to installation of the image by Rahularuci who has been described
as Mahāmaṇḍalācāri (who is adept in maṇḍalas) paramaguru (supreme
preceptor) (Ghosh 1942). From the Buddhist sites of Odisha, five types
of maṇḍalas are found –1.the stūpa maṇḍala with four Dhyānī Buddhas
flanked by two Bodhisattvas each as in the Udayagiri stūpa; 2. Sculptural
maṇḍalas of eight Bodhisattvas around a Buddha on a single stone slab;
3. Four Bodhisattvas surrounding four Dhyānī Buddhas with fifth one
at the centre; 4. free-standing Bodhisattvas forming a maṇḍala and the
last type being the maṇḍala diagram on the back of the image. The
last category– maṇḍala diagram– is incised on the back of Jambhala
image at Ratnagiri which consists of two concentric circles along with
the Buddhist creed, a mantra and letters and numerous inscriptions
representing Jambhala, Vasudhārā, dance deities, deified paraphernalia
and musical instruments (Mitra 1981). In Odisha, there are many
examples of Vajradhātū and Garbhadhatū maṇḍalas datable to 8th-11th
centuries AD (Donaldson 2001; Mishra 2009).
The Udayagiri Mahāstūpa (dated to 10th century) CE has been identified
as a garbhadhātū maṇḍalas stūpa by Donaldson (Donaldson 2001). In the
outer niches of the Udayagiri stūpa, four Tathāgata Buddhas have been
represented. They have been identified as Vairocana in the north flanked
by Mañjuśrī on the right and Kṣhitigarbha on left (he holds a kalaśa
with a kalpavṛkṣa on it), Akṣobhya facing east is flanked by Maitreya in
the dexter and Sarvanivāraṇaviskhāmbin on the sinister, facing west is
Amitābha flanked by Lokeśvara on the right and Vajrapāṇi on the left and
Ratnasaṁbhava in the south is flanked on two sides by Sāmantabhadra on
the right. This alignment of the Bodhisattvas closely corresponds to the
Garbhadhātū maṇḍala of the MVS. Table 7.3 represents the iconographic
alignments of the Tathāgatas and Bodhisattvas in the Udayagiri Stūpa
near Monastery I.
Map 7.1: Diamond Triangle Buddhist Sites of Odisha
Figure 7.7: Abhisaṁbodhi Vairocana with Mantra from MVS

in Back Slab, Lalitagiri, Odisha, Early 8th Century CE

Table 7.3: Alignment of Buddhas and Bodhisattva in the

stūpa of Udayagiri, Odisha 9th-10th Century Modelled on
Garbhadhātū-Maṇḍalas
Buddhas Photos
Vairocana Tatagata is flanked by Mañjuśrī on

the right and Kshitigarbha on the left
Amitabha Tathāgata is flanked by Avalokiteśvra

on the right and Vajrapāṇi on the left
Ratnasaṁbhava (south) flanked by

Sāmantabhadra and Ᾱkāśagarbha
Tathāgata Akṣobhya is flanked by Maitreya on

the right and Sarvanivāraṇaviṣkhāṁbin on the
left.
It is important to ascertain the dates of the emergence of Maṇḍalas stūpa

and sculptures based on five Tathāgata Buddhas and aṣṭa-bodhisattvas in
Odisha and elsewhere based on archaeological evidence. This is not to
contest that Nalanda or Paharpur or Vikramsila were not important centres
of tantric Buddhism. It is to bring into focus the substantive archaeological
presence of the variety of Buddhism in archaeological Buddhist sites of
Odisha that the Buddhist monks took to Java, China and Japan. G.H
Malandra (1985) work shows that the maṇḍalas appeared in 8th century
CE in Ellora. In Odisha, the MVS appeared in early 8th century CE in
Lalitagiri’s Abhisaṁbodhi Vairocana image, and therefore, maṇḍalas
most likely appeared in Lalitagiri in early 8th century CE. There are many
free standing Bodhisattvas (aṣṭa-bodhisattvas) and Tathagta Buddhas of
Figure 7.8: Mañjuśrī maṇḍala, 9th-10th Century CE

8 century CE in Lalitagiri, indicating the presence of the alignments of
th
Tathāgatas and Bodhisattvas (Patnaik 2017). The maṇḍalas stūpa and

sculptures expanded in 9th-10th century CE in Udayagiri and Ratnagiri.
There are many examples of smaller stūpa maṇḍalas of Tathāgatas and
sculptural maṇḍalas from Ratnagiri ( stūpa 253 of Ratnagiri). One of the
important sculptural remains is the Mañjuśrī Maṇḍala in which Mañjuśrī
can be identified with Vairocana as in the Kelurak inscription of Java. In
Java, the maṇḍalas stūpa and sculptures ended by 850 CE.
6. Conclusion
The paper briefly deals with the Indian Buddhist masters who carried
the tantric Buddhism to central Java, China and Japan in 8th cenury CE.
Further, it also examined some of the traces of the tantric Buddhism in
cental Java by analysing mantras, icons and architecture. The Buddhist
monks of India went to Java and carried mantras, maṇḍalas and icons to
Southeast Asia. South India and Nalanda played a key role in the cultural
interaction with Java involving esoteric Buddhism. However, the eastern
littoral state of Odisha also preserved early epigraphic, iconographic
and architectural evidences of maṇḍala form of Buddhism based on the
twin texts of the MVS and STTS, which also efflorescenced in the art,
iconography and architecture of Borobodur, Mendut and Sewu. This
mutual interaction between Odisha and Southeast Asia in the tantric
Buddhism in early medieval period from 8th-12th centuries CE requires
more in-depth study.
Endnotes
1. Mandala involves meditative visualization of hosts of supernormal beings
in particular geometrical arrangements (Skt.maṇḍala) for the purpose of
mundane and soteriological goals (Skt. siddhi).
2. Ratnagiri has been described as located on the sea coast by Tibetan Buddhist
monk Lama Tāranātha
3. This mantra on the back slab of Abhisaṁbodhi Vairocana image of Lalitagiri
appears in chapter six of the Mahāvairocana Sūtra. The section states,
“Then the World-honoured One Vairocana further dwelled in the samādhi
‘Adamantine Play Which Vanquishes the Four Demons’ and uttered words
of adamantine syllables for vanquishing the four demons, liberating the
six destinies, and satisfying the knowledge of an omniscient one: Namaḥ
samantabuddhānāṃ, āḥ vi ra hūṃ khaṁ”(Homage to all Buddhas! Āḥ vira
hūṃ khaṁ.’ (Giebel 2005: 80).
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Eighth Century’, in Lokesh Chandra (ed) The Cultural Horizons of India,
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8 (3-4): 241–332.
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Hawaii Press.
Cruijsen, T., Griffiths, A., and Klokke, Marijke, J. 2012. ‘The cult of
the Buddhist dhāraṇī deity Mahāpratisarā along the Maritime
Silk Route: New epigraphical and iconographic evidence from
the Indonesian Archipelago’, Journal of the International
Association of Buddhist Studies 35 (1-2): 71-158.
Donaldson, T. E. 2001. Iconography of the Buddhist Sculptures of Orissa, 2
vols. Delhi: IGNCA/Aryan Book.
Ghosh, A. 1941-1942. Khadipadā Image Inscription of the time of Subhakara.
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Giebel, R. W. 2005. The Vairocanābhisaṁbodhi sūtra. Translated from the
Chinese. Taishō Volume 18. Number 848. Berkley: Numata Center for
Buddhist Translation and Research.
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elite, unpublished Ph.D dissertation, Department of Religious Studies,
Indiana University, US.
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dharanis in Indonesian Inscriptions. Bulletin of the School of the Oriental
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8
The Mudra in the Dances of
ASEAN: A Hypothesis
1. Introduction
The Mudra is the highly stylized language in hand-gestures used in Indian
dance forms. It is related to Hindu, Buddhist or Tantric iconography and
Carnatic music of southern India, but distinct in forms. From 200 BC
until the 15th century, India had established trade, cultural and political
relations with Southeast Asian kingdoms in Burma, Thailand, Indonesia,
Malay Peninsula, Cambodia and Vietnam. The Indian traders, adventurers,
teachers and priests continued to be the dominating influence in Southeast
Asia until about 1500 CE; and Indians often ruled the earliest states in
these regions. Hinduism and Buddhism existed with mutual toleration.
Cultural dissemination, hence, shaped cultures and performing arts of
Southeast Asian Kingdoms.
2. Indian Diaspora
The roots of the Southeast Asian cultures can be seen from the influence
of the movements of colonial powers, traders, adventurers, teachers and
preachers to Southeast Asia. Early movements suggest that migrations
and movements influenced the peoples of Southeast Asia. The influence
of Indian civilization became predominant in the early centuries
(Munoz 2006).
Map 8.1: Expansion of Hinduism in Southeast Asia
Source: Wikipedia
The influence of Indian civilization started in the end of the first

millennium when India, Sri Lanka and mainland Southeast Asia became
involved in the network of trade of luxury goods through the maritime
Silk Road connecting eastern Roman Empire to the Han Dynasty in China
(Kossak and Watts 2001). Along with the trade of goods, religion and
culture influenced Southeast Asia. The Indian cultural spread according to
Munoz (2006) occurred probably through technical and cultural transfers
by Austronesian sailors and traders, who had been in regular trade contact
with India since mid 1st century and Indian nobles, adventurers, monks,
Brahmans and traders, who had migrated individually or in small groups
until the 7th century. The Indian and Southeast Asian cross-fertilization
of cultures is an example of non-military involvement in exchanges
(indiandiaspora.nic.in).
Migration is a factor that developed diverse, multiethnic societies
(Massey et al. 1993). The Indian Diaspora conceptualized the reproduction
in an often-hostile environment and the relation to the homeland (Oonk
2007). The Hindus first settled in Suvarnabhumi and came into close
association with the peoples and produced the inevitable result of cultural
The Mudra in the Dances of ASEAN: A Hypothesis 143
immersion and assimilation (Mabbett, 1977). With these settlements,

cultural exchanges occurred and evolved to become art forms set in
Southeast Asia.
Levonson and Ember (1996) stated that the anthropological
studies in dance gained popularity since 1950 in movements in
cross-cultural perspective (Mauss 1950), dance ethnology (Kurath
1960) and choreometrics (Lomax 1968). Few critics found Lomax’s
study unacceptable (Kealiinohomuku 1974, 1991; Williams 1974;
Youngerman, 1974). Some studies looked into historical evidences
of cultural immersion through dance, for example in Boasian tradition
(Royce 1977), Grau (1993) and Spencer (1985).
It was of my interest to look at the origins of Southeast Asian’s
classical and traditional dances’ hand-gestures, and it seems to have
originated from a single-source, hypothetically from India.
3. Hypothesis
The roots of ASEAN classical and traditional dance can be seen from
the influence of the movement of Hinduism and Buddhism to Southeast
Asia. Such cultural heritage can be traced to its roots in classical Indian
dance. Protecting this heritage of classical and traditional dances is the
main concern of ASEAN Member States. Such protection involves proper
documentation and comparative study of the relationship between history
and practiced cultural expressions. Hence, classical and traditional dances
do have their significance on the importance of sustainable development,
therefore identifying the roots of cultural expression is very important for
identification of cultural heritage.
Being involved in numerous ASEAN-COCI performing arts
programmes and activities, I witnessed similarities in the hand-gestures
of ASEAN dances.
Figure 8.1: Namaskara / Anjali / Hridayanjali Mudra
Gesture of Greeting, Prayer, and Adoration

Namaskara Mudra is an example of the cultural immersion in

the dances of ASEAN. Such variations of gestures can be found in
the prologue of performances, and brings in the gesture of greeting
and invitation. Dances and dance forms such as Alai Asyik (Brunei
Darussalam), Apsara (Cambodia), Oleg (Indonesia), Nattakam (Laos),
Mak Yong (Malaysia), Yama Zatdaw (Myanmar), Hud-Hud (The
Philippines), Zapin (Singapore), Khon (Thailand), and Tra Kieu (Viet
Nam) have some elements of the Mudra in the repertoire.
Figure 8.2: Different Versions of Namaskara Mudra from the Dances

of ASEAN Member States
Mahulikar (2003) wrote on the Ramayana as the fountain source of a

great tradition of literature, culture, religion, and highlighted Southeast
Asia as the chief point in the cultural influence of Ramayana. By using
evidences from language and literature and epigraphic evidences she
managed to show different versions of Ramayana in Southeast Asia from
Yogesvara (9th century Java), Hikayat Seri Rama (Malaysia), Ramakien
(Thailand), Phra Lak Phra Lam (Lao PDR), Yama Zatdaw (Myanmar)
and Maradia Lawana (The Philippines). Performances of the versions of
Ramayana that I experienced in different ASEAN Member States showed
that the Mudras played a very important role in expressing different parts
of the stories and plots of the Ramayana.
Documenting traditional and classical dances from its roots to the one
of the earliest civilizations (Indian Classical Dance) will help to explore
roots of ASEAN Classical and Traditional Dances. The movement of
Indian ideologies through history can be tracked through the performing
arts of ASEAN. The Ramayana, which has been a famous folklore, is
depicted through dance and music. It will be very interesting to trace
roots of Classical and Traditional Dances of ASEAN with the Mudras of
Indian heritage.
4. Suggested Projects
Brunei Darussalam suggested an ASEAN Committee on Culture
and Information (ASEAN-COCI) Project under the ASEAN-India
Cooperation Fund entitled Seminar and Workshop on the Mudra in
Classical and Traditional Dances of ASEAN in 2012. In the seminar and
workshop, the participants will explore the hasta-mudra (hand gestures)
in classical Indian dance and examine such gestures to the performing
arts of the ASEAN Member States. The experts from India will facilitate
discussions on similarities and differences as well as interactions between
professionals and practitioners.
Previous ASEAN-COCI projects involving the discipline of dance
concentrated on festivals and exchanges. In music, a project entitled
“Sonic Orders in ASEAN music” manage gathered similarities and
differences in sonic orders of the music and musical instruments of
ASEAN and the relationship with the standard and traditional tuning
systems.
By identifying the roots and looking back into the history of the
movement of cultures within ASEAN, ASEAN Member States can
identify their similarities and differences; hence such identification would
lead to understanding and tolerance with cultures of ASEAN. It would
also have an impact on the grassroot level of practitioners of cultural
expression (dance) hence with this unification through the Mudras,
ASEAN can be seen as building its identity through exploring its roots
hence promote ASEAN Awareness and the sense of community.
The objectives of this project are as follows.
• To preserve, ensure continuity and protect distinctiveness of ASEAN
and Indian cultural heritage
• To explore differences and similarities between ASEAN dance hand
gestures and tracing them back to the roots from Classical Indian
Dance
• To find common ASEAN Mudras and their roots from classical Indian
dances
Brunei Darussalam as the proponent will work closely with ASEAN
Secretariat, and India would work on the implementation. The Ministry
of Culture of India and the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR)
were suggested to organize the management of the project in India with
strong support from the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), India. Prior
to the implementation, the country coordinator for ASEAN-India will
establish mechanism for discussions between the ASEAN and India. It
is suggested that the India Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) will be
the counterpart in India.
Table 8.1: The Outputs, Indicators and Activities Proposed
Outputs Indicators Activities
To document one A compilation of During the workshop,
classical dance of AMS country papers each country will
and country research consisting of detailed present their country
papers based on the drawings and form paper and to submit
interactions, relations and of one classical or to the coordinator
roots to the history of the traditional dance, which the word file
movement of greatest has relations to classical and PowerPoint
civilization in ASEAN; Indian dance. presentations (with
videos and audios)
for compilation and
documentation.
To gather professional All AMS represented A forum for
dancers, choreographers and comprised discussion will be
and dance researchers in professionals in dance held.
an academic situation and choreography.
To learn and gain Participants to discuss Workshop from
experience with resource one of the common ASEAN Member
person(s) from India on hand gestures of States and resource
Classical Indian Dance, ASEAN, rooting back persons.
through Workshop on the to classical Indian
Mudras Mudras.
The progress can be analyzed through looking at the documentation

and the end of workshop questionnaires and reports.
Cross-cutting issues can be identified through the disciplines of
education, history and sustainable human development. This project
needs to be extrapolated to discover other living tradition that has been
impacted through the movement of Hinduism and Buddhism in the
Southeast Asia.
It is hoped that the project can be materialized owing to the importance
of cultural links between ASEAN and India as well as tracing back at the
importance of Indian civilization in this region.
References
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the Hand Gestures of Yoga and Indian Dance, Expanded Edtion, Jessica
Kingsley Publishers, London.
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in mainland Southeast Asia, PhD Thesis submitted to University of
Canterbury, New Zealand.
Kaeppler, A.L. 2000. Dance Ethnology and the Anthropology of Dance, Dance
Research Journal, Vol. 32, No. 1, pp. 116-125.
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Resource for Educators, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
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1, New York, Hencry Hold and Co, pp. 309-312.
Mabbett, I. W. 1977. The ‘Indianization’ of Southeast Asia: Reflections on the
Prehistoric Sources, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 8(1), pp. 1-14.
Mahulikar, G. 2003. The Effect of Ramayana on various Cultures and
Civilizations, Indica (Journal of the Heras Institute of Indian History &
Culture) Vol.40, No.1.pp.3-12.
Massey, D.S., Arango, J., Huga, G. Kouaouci, A., Pellegrino, A., Taylor, J.E.,
1993. Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal,
Population and Development Review, Vol. 19, No. 3, 431-436.
Monuz, P.M. 2006. Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago and the
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Oonk, G. 2007. Global Indian Diasporas, Exploring Trajectories of Migration
and Theory, Eds., ASEAN Member Statesterdam University Press.
The Indian Diaspora, http://indiandiaspora.nic.th, Visited 13 January 2017.
Todaro, D. 1985. The Meaning of the term Mudra and a Historical Outline of
“Hand estures”, Journal of Escoteric Buddhism, Vol. 1985, No. 151, pp.
L71-L54.
Wheatley, P. 1961. The Golden Khersonese: Studies in the Historical Geography
of the Malay Peninsula before A.D. 1500, University of Malaya Press.
Part III
Some Prospects of ASEAN-India Partnership in Culture

Sophana Srichampa
Building Synergies through Digitalization

Nilima Chitgopekar
South and Southeast Asian Interactions: Contexts for Renewal

Niharika Gupta
Through the Lens of Art: Setting the Context to Indian

Heritage in Singapore and Southeast Asia
Nalina Gopal
Cultural Role in ASEAN-India Relations for the World Peace

Andrik Purwasito
Strengthening Cultural Relations through the Role of

Museum Institutions
Enhancing India-Philippines Cooperation in Culture

Joefe B. Santarita
Cultural Relation between India and Vietnam: Toward a

Profound Partnership for Future Development
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha
9
Some Prospects of ASEAN-India
Partnership in Culture
Sophana Srichampa
1. Introduction
In 1992, India joined as a sectoral dialogue partner of the ASEAN and
became the full dialogue partner in 1996 and Summit-level Partner in
2002. In 2009, India signed an FTA in goods with ASEAN; and services
agreement in 2014. The ASEAN is a strategic partner of India because
it is located between two major players and along important sea routes.
India aims to form the security architecture for the future of Asia, and it
is acting as a counter-balance against China in disputes over South China
Sea with some members of the ASEAN. India seeks to be a strong player
in ASEAN, which would help it to become a global power in future
(Mrunal, n.d.).
Over the last 25 years, India did gain benefits in following services–
education, healthcare, IT-software, accountancy and consultancy
services. Indian investors are interested in greater access to ASEAN
especially for IT, automobiles, engineering and pharmaceuticals. ASEAN
investors are keen to cooperate with India in construction, transportation
and engineering services as well as shipping (Mrunal, n.d.).
However, relations between India and ASEAN focus mostly on the
ASEAN Economic Community. But, there is an ASEAN Community
pillar, which is the concern of this article, namely, the ASEAN Socio
-Cultural Community (ASCC). The ASCC promotes well-being of

citizens and provides equitable access to human resources. It calls for
access to primary healthcare for vulnerable groups or people at risk.
This is in line with the Declaration of the Right to Development of
the UN General Assembly of 4 December 1986. There are three main
objectives set to be achieved by the ASCC blueprint, namely, advancing
and prioritizing education, investing in human resource development and
promotion of decent work (School of Liberal Arts, 2014).
This article presents ASEAN-India partnership opportunities in
culture based on the concept of Cultural Diplomacy.
2. Cultural Diplomacy
The meaning of Cultural Diplomacy is “Cultural Diplomacy
may best be described as a course of actions, which are based
on and utilize the exchange of ideas, values, traditions and other
aspects of culture or identity, whether to strengthen relationships,
enhance socio-cultural cooperation, promote national interests
and beyond; Cultural diplomacy can be practiced by either
the public sector, private sector or civil society.” (Institute for
Cultural Diplomacy, n.d.)
The term ‘culture’ is defined variously by many scholars as follows.
Culture is way of life, cumulative knowledge, beliefs, values,
attitudes, meanings, hierarchies, religion, spatial relations;
accumulated experience which is socially transmitted to be
a person’s learned and behaviour; it becomes a collective
programming of the mind of one group differentiated from
another. (‘Culture’, n.d.)
3. India and ASEAN Partnership in Culture
According to the historical linkages between India and Southeast Asia
over more than thousand years, the culture of India was syncretised into
local cultures of the Southeast Asian people. Moreover, Indian Diaspora
is acknowledged as assets for Southeast Asia. Here, we would like to
highlight issues, which will be developed between India and Southeast
Asia.
Some Prospects of ASEAN-India Partnership in Culture 153
3.1 Religious, Cultural and Eco-Tourism Partnerships

As India has tried to extend road connectivity from Northeast India to
ASEAN since 2004, it is possible that India can link with ASEAN through
the Trilateral Highway from Moreh in Manipur State to Myanmar, and
access Thailand through Mae Sot in Tak Province (western Thailand)
or through Chiang Rai Province in the north of Thailand to Lao PDR,
Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore, and by ocean to
Indonesia.
The Northeastern part of India is the gateway to ASEAN from the
subcontinent. The region is very rich in terms of natural resources, bio-
diversity and ethnic diversity, which can be promoted and connected with
Southeast Asia.
3.1.1 Religious Circuits
India shared its Hinduism and Buddhism with the Southeast Asia since the
ancient time. Moreover, Sikhism and Jainism, which originated in India,
have also spread to some Southeast Asian countries through migration and
transnational workers from India. Among ASEAN nations, five countries
have a majority of Buddhists–Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Lao PDR
and Cambodia; and adherents of Budhism make pilgrimages to the four
holy places of Buddhism in India and Nepal. There are many Buddhist
places and temples in Southeast Asia, which can be linked to India, and
future plans are in place to develop a Buddhist circuit linking India to
ASEAN by air or by road or both. India is also trying to connect with
other northern landlocked countries such as: Nepal and Bhutan. Many
ASEAN people would desire to visit these two countries too. Therefore,
in the future, the circular route, including India and these countries,
should be considered as a potential religious (Hindu and Buddhist) circuit
for tourism.
In Southeast Asia, there are many renowned Hindu places in countries,
such as Cambodia and Indonesia. There are also less frequently visited
Hindu sites, Thailand, in particular, should be considered as part of
the Hindu circuit tourist programme linking ASEAN countries and
India. Thematic tourism related to religion can be conducted between
Southeast Asia and sites such as Ganesha temples, Ganesha Chaturathi,
Shiva temples, Kumbh mela in India, etc. Also, health tours comprising
Ayurvedic therapy and Yoga or spiritual tours of visiting some specific
guru ashrams are examples of the potential lying in the popularity of
Indian spiritual and well-being practices for Southeast Asians.
The Hindu circuit can be promoted for tourists flow from India to
Southeast Asian countries (mainland down to Indonesia) and vice versa.
Other religions, namely, Islam, Sikhism and Jainism, can be promoted
for pilgrimages from Southeast Asia to India.
3.1.2 Natural Resources and Biodiversity

Northeast India is rich in natural resources and biodiversity. For example,
a cherry-blossom festival is held each November in Meghalaya. The
Kaziranga national park in the Golaghat and Nagaon districts of Assam
(India) has 430 sq. km. of reserved areas under the UNESCO World
Heritage since 1985, where varieties of animals such as one-horned great
Indian rhinoceros and other endangered species find sanctuary (‘Indian
rhinoceros’, n.d.). It is also home to wild Asiatic water buffalo, eastern
swamp deer, elephants, gaurs, sambars, the Indian muntjacs (red muntjac
and barking deer), wild boars, hog deers, Indian tigers and leopards, etc.
This National Park helps protect and take care of all animals and natural
environment. Elephant riding as part of safaris in the park is a particularly
exciting and unique experience. Moreover, Kaziranga National Orchid
Park has around 500 varieties of orchids, 132 species of sour fruits and
leafy vegetables, 12 species of cane, 46 species of bamboo and a large
variety of local fishes (Manjil 2015). It is one of the most outstanding
sanctuaries in India. It can be promoted as a learning centre for ASEAN
countries for sharing and learning for their respective national parks’
development. Kaziranga should be promoted as a tourist place in context
of eco-tourism in combination with the ethnic cultural festivals.
3.1.3 Ethnic Group Diversity

There are eight states in Northeastern India, namely, Sikkim, Assam,
Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya, Nagaland and
Manipur–with around 46 million people (in 2011, Northeast India, n.d.)
rich in ethnolinguistic diversity. Most people belong to mongoloid ethnic
groups, who share similarities with ethnic groups in Southeast Asia.
According to Post (2015), three major following language families are
found in the northeast of India.
(i) Tai-Kadai language family: Southwestern Tai has 3-4 varieties
with around 10,000 knowers only in the northeast India; these are
endangered (Abbi, n.d.). These varieties are similar to the Tai-Kadai in
Myanmar, Thailand, Lao PDR and Vietnam.
(ii) Austroasiatic language family: This is Munda in Jharkhand as

well as adjacent parts of Assam, Odisha, West Bengal, Chhattisgarh,
Bihar (Munda people, n.d.). There are around 11 million knowers of
Munda. Another group is Khasi in Meghalaya and along the border with
Assam (Khasi people, n.d.). There are around 1.6 million knowers of
Khasi. These two groups share similarities with the Mon-Khmer groups
in Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Lao PDR, Cambodia and Malaysia.
(iii) The Tibeto-Burman sub-language family: This family is found
in Assam, Tripura, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Manipur
and Nagaland. The major groups of languages known in these areas are
Kuki, Naga, Meitei, Bodo and Garo. The number of knowers could not
be estimated. Some of the Tibeto-Burman speakers in the Northeast of
India are connected to the same group in Myanmar and similar groups in
the north of Thailand and Vietnam.
In the recent years, the Hindi, Nepali, English, and Dravidian
languages are growing in the Northeast India (Post 2015).
The diversity of ethnic groups in this part of India is evident by their
distinct culture and identity. This authentic display of identity is colourful
and charming, and some states promote their ethnic cultural identity in
annual festivals such as the Bihu festival in Assam, Hornbill festival in
Nagaland and Sangai festival in Manipur, etc.
From this, India can be seen focusing on specific opportunities in
sharing with Southeast Asia by air or by land. Projects like Trilateral
Highway, eco-tourism and cultural tourism partnerships should be
encouraged to promote rich nature and ethnic diversities of these regions.
For this, infrastructure needs to be developed further, road in
particular, and the participation of the affected ethnic groups and other
stakeholders should be part of the process. Reliable and sustainable
resources and cultural sources shall be of prime concern. In the future,
the two regions would develop applications to address these issues to be
able to access and learn from the combined efforts. we propose further
research collaborations on eco-tourism, religious and ethnic cultural
tourism between India and ASEAN.
4. Two Basic Human Partnership

There are four basic human survival needs— food, shelter, clothes and
medicine. Here, following two basic needs that India and ASEAN should
collaborate on as partners are discussed.
4.1 Rice Culture Consortium Partnership

One of the common characteristics of the Southeast Asian region is rice
production and consumption, which is featured in the ASEAN emblem.
In fact, rice culture is an integral part of Asian beliefs, rites and rituals.
Some rites and rituals with rice in Southeast Asian countries, such as
Thailand, are influenced by Indian culture. According to Workman
(2016), following ranks emerged.
• 1st was India (US$ 6.4 billion) with 30.1 per cent of total rice exports
• 2nd was Thailand (US$ 4.5 billion) with 21.4 per cent of total rice
exports
• 5th was Vietnam (US$ 1.6 billion) with 7.5 per cent of total rice exports
• 9th was Cambodia (US$ 335.1 million) with 1.6 per cent of total rice
exports
This suggests that if ASEAN was to cooperate as the united consortium,
they could be able to negotiate for a position of considerable strength.
Unfortunately, there is no formal strategy to maximize the united efforts.
Our common rice culture does not reflect ‘solidarity’. Many farmers,
especially in Thailand, remain very poor and suffer from unstable rice
price and remain trapped in a high price commercial loop of production.
From my own observations, travelling through some states of India,
the country is a reflection of the legendary Suwannabhumi with it vast
fields of golden rice. Therefore, I propose that we set up a “Rice Culture
Consortium” with collaboration in the following.
}
i) Rice plantation processes
ii) Rice nourishment processes
iii) Rice harvest processes
“Production processes”
iv) Rice consumption
v) Rice distribution
vi) Rice exchange
The processes from i) to iii) present the ‘Production processes’. India

and ASEAN can collaborate in such areas as training, manufacturing
fertilizers for the consortium or ordering fertilizers on-behalf of the
consortium, and their distribution to farmers fairly. An India-ASEAN
Consortium can also supply equipment together for rice production
to minimize imports and share expertise such as development of rice
varieties. As for consumption, distribution and exchange, rice should
be sold on-behalf of the consortium, not through individual country. No
one country can produce enough rice, so the consortium should share or
sell at a friendship price or exchange for other commodities. India and
ASEAN can guarantee food security of the consortium and other regions.
In the future, planning through IT and Apps need to be developed and
used.
Apart from rice culture consortium, we would like to propose further
research collaborations on rice culture between India and ASEAN.
4.2 India-ASEAN Medicine Consortium Partnership

Each country in the ASEAN has its own traditional medicine for
alternative health care, which can be produced in the country. Several
imported medicines from abroad are very expensive, which many
people cannot afford. Fortunately, India has comparative advantage in
pharmaceutical products, including Ayurveda. If India and ASEAN can
collaborate in training, co-produce necessary or expensive medicines and
share or sell at cooperative prices, it would surely benefit the poor and
others who are unable to access quality health-care. Moreover, such a
consortium would help other countries with their specific needs. In case
of legal obstacles affecting this collaboration, the involved governments
should do their best to facilitate and reduce bureaucratic obstacles.
Indian Ayurveda and yoga have spread worldwide. Therefore, these
practices could be included in joint collaboration efforts with the ASEAN
formally and widely. We would like to challenge India and ASEAN about
these two consortia. We are dominated by capitalism and materialism
at the personal and national level to the extent that selfcentreness has
become the norm. We do not dare to share our expertise with others,
and, as the result, competition prevails with winners and losers. In such
an environment, collaboration may not be possible. So, we need to learn
to love others more than ourselves and our own. We are all related just
as our faiths and forefathers taught us. But, we forget often that and
feel that it is impossible to collaborate by sharing our secret products or

findings. When we cannot collaborate, there is a gap for other countries
or capitalists to take advantage of our weaknesses for their benefit.
5. Mapping of the Indian Diaspora and Transnational

Indian Workers as the Human Capital of India and
ASEAN Partnership
In Southeast Asia, around four million people belong to Indian diaspora.
Some are playing excellent role in many countries and are assets to
those countries. In some countries, local Indians are citizens and are at
home. This is particularly the case in Thailand. They may not be feeling
nostalgic for their ancestral home, India. However, a lot depends on each
country’s policy as to whether they fully utilize their Indian community’s
potential to strengthen ties with India in any specific field.
Today, globalization encourages labour migration through transnational
companies from India throughout the world including ASEAN. Many
people work abroad until retirement and chose not to return to India.
They then represent accumulated asset of that (host) country.
The legal movement of Indians in ASEAN due to transnational
work opportunities is dynamic. We would like to propose that India and
ASEAN do further research towards producing an encyclopedia as a
digital map of Indian diaspora and transnational Indian workers, who
represent asset for both India and ASEAN, which can be shared and used
to build greater links between India and ASEAN. India has expertise on
IT. Therefore, India would be able to manage such kind of collaboration
projects between India and ASEAN. This India-ASEAN asset can be
utilized for further relationship building in any specific field in future.
6. India and ASEAN Film Collaborative Partnership

India is one of the biggest film producers in the world. There are many
linkages through film which I would discuss here.
• If India considers collaborative film production with ASEAN
countries, including developing suitable skills in other countries,
that would help them to improve the quality of film production. Joint
film production will promote positive relations between ASEAN and
India.
• India should develop ways to promote selected Indian films as

cultural diplomacy in ASEAN, especially in Thailand. I have voiced
my suggestions on this matter for many years, but we have not seen
any improvement. Indian films have faded from the mainstream Thai
society since 1980, and the new generation Thais have little idea about
India, only as the negative stereotypes of Indians as money-lenders;
charging high interest rates, which is a myth that many Thais have
held to up till today. This myth affects the perception of many people
including decision-makers and a very few young people seem to be
interested in India, and do not know that India is now undergoing
tremendous changes towards modernisation. Therefore, using films or
movies as a medium to update perceptions on India is worth pursuing.
Later, when consumers are more familiar with India, they would be
willingly accepting goods, culture and other exchanges. Likewise,
India should open up to ASEAN films and the promotion of their
culture in India. Therefore, mutual exchange would help both. Film
festival, with related seminars, is one such activity towards a better
mutual understanding between ASEAN and India.
• We believe that there are many films from India and ASEAN that
reflect Asian values. Our people can learn a great deal through films,
and it is time that Asia becomes proud of its distinct values and
promotes itself more strongly and widely to the world. Therefore,
the governments of ASEAN countries and India should distinguish
between commercial films and culturally valuable films, and provide
special financial incentives (tax breaks) for merit-worthy films, TV
documentaries and internet features, etc.
• Collaborative courses on film production between India and ASEAN
should be considered.
7. Selected Books Exchange between India and ASEAN

Many people do not have the chance to visit all 10 ASEAN countries or
India either for that matter. To help them and others who are interested
in learning about each country, India and ASEAN should agree and
collaborate on exchange of selected English books about each country
on selected topics. That means one country would send ten copies to
the other ten countries. Books can be up-to-date sources for people and
students to learn and research by themselves. But, they are rarely used
as a cultural medium to other countries. Moreover, books can serve as
‘wisdom ambassadors’ for others to learn more about that country. The
book exchange should be arranged formally and initiated effectively by
an assigned office. This way less investment is required, but the benefit
would be surmountable.
In the future, e-books can be exchanged over networks between India
and ASEAN. Moreover, there should be an “India and ASEAN Writer/
Translator Association” for selected books translation into national
languages. This would be a part of people to people understanding
promotion through the translation of outstanding literatures and novels.
If it can be promoted in the school curricula in each country, it would be
a good way to learn about neighbours’ culture.
8. Conclusion
All Southeast Asian countries have been influenced by Indian culture
and civilization in one way or other since more than thousand years.
Resultant “ASEAN values” are the foundation of common characteristics
of the ASEAN Community. When India first took part in ASEAN in
1992, most activities and policies were initiated at the government level
of both ASEAN and India. The goal of collaboration was mainly focused
on economics and security. However, India has implemented “Cultural
Diplomacy under Soft Power” as its policy towards other countries
including those of Southeast Asia. The socio-cultural programmes
connecting ASEAN to India have been promoted and sponsored by
the Government of India for more than 50 years through, for example,
scholarships. Southeast Asia tends to look towards western countries
and other eastern countries. In fact, many Indian people prefer to look
towards west too. So, the policies of governments and the interests of the
people may not correspond with each other.
According to the “3Cs Mantra” (Commerce, Culture and Connectivity)
of the Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Act East Policy, these 3Cs are
important for building people-to-people relationships. Connectivity by all
means should be promoted, roads in particular. The governments of India
and ASEAN should plan further collaborative programmes through road
networks. Eco-tourism, religious tourism and ethnic (culture)-tourism
between India and ASEAN have been proposed for prospective partnership
project. When tourism starts, people would be able to travel and learn and
get to know each other. Trade and investment will then follow naturally.
Other potential cultural diplomacy collaborations include: films/movies,
books, and e-mapping of Indian diaspora in Southeast Asia as well as

two challenging proposals that include a rice culture consortium and a
medicine consortium between India and ASEAN based on shared Asian
cultural values. In future, IT and Apps used for these prospects should
be co-developed. ASEAN and India should collaborate to strengthen the
region rather than depend on distant western countries. Of course, one
facet of collaboration is competitiveness but this should be on-behalf
of the India-ASEAN community, not individual countries. Another
facet is helping each other by sharing. This way our India-ASEAN
Community will become a harmonious society with well-being as its
goal in accordance with the ASCC Blueprint, 2025. Sustainable relation
between India and ASEAN is our goal. Therefore, we have to create a
‘caring and sharing society’ by using our common religious values to
support our citizens.
Acknowledgment
I am grateful to Dr Amarjiva Lochan, the Founder Adviser of the CBS,
Mahidol University for giving several ideas to boost the Indo-ASEAN
relations.
References
Abbi, A. (n.d.). Tai Kadai languages of India: A probe into the Seventh
Language Family. [Online:http://www.eva.mpg.de/fileadmin/content_
files/linguistics/conferences/2015- diversity-linguistics/abstracts_all.
pdf] retrieved on the 1st January 2017.
ASEAN-India Centre at RIS. 2016. ‘ASEAN-India Relations’. [Online: http://
www.mea.gov. in/aseanindia/20-years.htm] retrieved on the 11th February
2017.
‘Culture’. (n.d.). [Online: https://www.tamu.edu/faculty/choudhury/culture.
html] retrieved on the 1st January 2017.
‘Indian rhinoceros’ (n.d.) [Online:, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Indian_
rhinoceros] retrieved on the 1st January 2017.
Institute for Cultural Diplomacy (n.d.). [Online: http://www.culturaldiplomacy.
org/ index.php?en_culturaldiplomacy] retrieved on the 11th February 2017.
‘Khasi people’. (n.d.) [Online: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khasi_people]
retrieved on the 1st January 2017.
‘Munda people’ (n.d.). [Online:, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Munda_people]

retrieved on the 1st January 2017.
Mrunal. (n.d.). ‘[Diplomacy] India-ASEAN: Relation, FTAs in Goods, Services
and Investment’. [Online:http://mrunal.org/2014/09/diplomacy-india-
asean-relations-fta-free-trade-agreement-in-goods-services-investment.
html] retrieved on the 3rd January 2017.
Manjil. 2015. Kaziranga National Orchid and Biodiversity Park. [Online: http://
www.northeast- india.in/kaziranganationalorchidpark/] retrieved on
the 1st January 2017.
‘Northeast India’. (n.d.). [Online: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Northeast_
India] retrieved on the 14th February 2017.
Post, Mark W. and Robbins B. 2015. ‘The Tibeto-Burman Languages of
Northeast India’. [Online: C11%20NEI_2015_Submission.pdf] retrieved
on the 1st January 2017.
School of Liberal Arts - Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University. (2014). ‘The
three pillars of the ASEAN community’. (n.d.). [Online; http://stouonline.
stou.ac.th/elearning/courses/ASEAN/11312/modules/module1/
presentation2.html] retrieved on the 3rd January 2017.
Workman, D. 2016. Rice Exports by Country. [Online: http://www.
worldstopexports.com/ rice-exports-country/] retrieved on the 1st January
2017.
10
Building Synergies through

Digitalization
Nilima Chitgopekar
1. Introduction
India has myriad features of cultural heritage. One of the significant
markers is its rich mythology. Hindu mythology is quantitatively huge
with a fascinating plurality in its interpretations. Additionally, one myth
may have several versions or retellings. Even the same frame story of a
myth has often different twists and turns. This renders the mythology to
appear to be contradictory and at times confusing also. The reasons for
dissimilarities in the stories are many, but two reasons sum up the peculiar
character of several Indian things. Variations have emerged in different
historical periods and in different geographical areas/regions. It is this
same kind of pluralities that one encounters in the case of languages,
vernaculars and customs of the country. This has rendered the nature
of the mythology as robust, almost garrulous as well as dynamic, ever-
changing over centuries to suit new socio-economic situations. Inchoate
as it may appear, it is paramount, for anyone who wants to understand
India, to first understand the mythology, as it is the mythology that forms
the backdrop to many of the dance forms, the classical and folk songs,
the visual as well as martial arts, the tropes and archetypes found in the
Indian cinema, among others. Therefore, I believe that one would be
bereft of certain things without some knowledge and understanding of
Hindu mythology, and many aspects of the culture would be lost without
some comprehension of its symbolism and interpretations.
The institutions where one can understand this area of myths are
practically non-existent in India. This is an appalling desideratum that
there are hardly any university, where one could go to pursue a course on
such studies. It is doubly pitiful that to study aspects of Hindu mythology,
culture or religion, one is given the best advice to enrol in an overseas
university, where there are full–fledged departments of religious studies.
In addition, if one would embark for an individual attempt to study
mythology, the scholars in majority are non-Indians which, in itself, I
must clarify, is not a negative feature; but I felt there is a need to contribute
in this area with one’s own living experiences and one’s own scholarship.
I was buoyed to contribute in this field because though I had done
a Doctorate on aspects of history and religion and I have been teaching
history for several years, mythology forms only a small part of the
syllabi. I have written books, articles and also given talks on various
aspects of Hinduism and culture in India and overseas. Even though I
am grateful for all these opportunities, what I am aware that the lectures
were only piecemeal and I could not do justice to the abundant tapestry
of research that I had been involved in during all these past decades. And
I was not able to reach a desirably larger audience. Hence, when I was
approached by a young entrepreneur to start a platform for understanding
Hindu mythology seven years ago, I was excited and ready to take on
the challenge. The idea was to videotape my lectures and subsequently
of other scholars lectures on several aspects of mythology and personal
development and to create online courses. There is a universal appeal to
mythology. Depending how it is presented and how it is interpreted, it can
be of use to people across all denominations. I know the value of myths
as I have been continuously fascinated as to why certain ideas continue
across millennia and garner strength over time and while others die out. I
focussed my energies on bringing out the fundamental principles behind
evergreen and empowering ideas and how people can apply them to
maximize their human potential. So what I started highlighting is what is
so powerful about the myths and at the same time providing life solutions
that lie in stories. After considerable online research, we realized the
massive online demand for information, content and related subjects.
Building Synergies through Digitalization 165
2. Transformative Learning Solutions

This led to the creation of a company called Transformative Learning
Solutions. It provides lectures in a film format on religion, mythology,
art, iconography and associated them with the personal development. The
three films and courses I have made with this company are—The Shiva
Experience, The Ganesha Experience and The Goddesses Experience.
Subsequently, films and courses were made on the philosophy of
Advaita and Vishnu. Presently, the company is involved in disseminating
considerable aspects of Ayurveda.
The mythology highlighted is not just religious in nature. Keeping
this in mind and seeing its potential, I have used it as a way to improve
one’s life. People from all denominations have benefitted from them and
continue to do so in a digital online forum. Most of the online courses
have to be purchased. However, at the same time, there is a lot of free
material being shared with thousands of subscribers, who sign in.
Being an academic for several decades, I am aware of the need for
the constant production and the dissemination of knowledge. In today’s
world, I personally felt, after writing and editing six books that it was not
enough. The internet is an eminently suitable way to spread knowledge
and bring people together. Now since years, many of my lectures have
been digitalized in a film format, which are viewed by large numbers
of subscribers in over 60 countries, including the ASEAN countries.
This format has several inherent advantages. It increases people–to-
people connectivity, and discussions take place without any hindrance.
Hindu mythology has some universal truths, which are explained in such
a manner that people from different backgrounds are benefitting from
them. This is a valuable way of communication.
What is transformative of the digital publishing experience is the
immediate accessibility it provides to all. In a manner of speaking, it is
non-elitist. One may call this forum a ‘massification’of higher education.
Thus, the knowledge and books do not remain the privilege of a few.
Today, everything is about quick accessibility and hyper link connectivity.
This is the age of trans-global identities. The greatest advantage of online
publishing is the volume of data availability. This data, in turn, can be
customized according to what people want and presented to them. Instant
and continuous feedback, both through data and actual interactions, can,
and it does take place.
I am glad that I was able to make these films, where not only matters
regarding deep issues are considered but also amusing anecdotal parts
of different myths are shared, which people identify with or may just
simply find entertaining. Moreover, the entry point in the series is
psychological, and we deal with everyday problems. The resonance of
these life and world affirming stories is clear from the large number of
subscribers world-wide, and this in turn leads to constant avenues for
cultural exchange.
The films incidentally are not to be compared with free YouTube,
where a person just watches videos. In our films, there is text companion
along with video screening. The content is non-religious and modern, as
well as success oriented. The films have been kept neutral and wide for
all sections of people.
It is an exprience that would change and transform lives, thereby
creating new vistas of communication. This is how a global platform for
mythology was created and provided.
Total subscribers: 160,000
ASEAN countries: 27,000
where the free content is concerned, 400,000 people a year visit the site.
I sincerely believe that this kind of interaction is crucial between different
ASEAN nations and should be done on both sides for increasing cultural
understanding and interactions.
11
South and Southeast Asian

Interactions: Contexts for
Renewal
Niharika Gupta
1. Introduction
This paper places some of the themes explored at different conferences
over the last decade on historical interactions between South and Southeast
Asia in the context of the educational programmes and institutional
partnerships proposed at different fora like the Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, Nalanda University and ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) to
suggest lines along which emerging collaborations could be developed.
The focus is on creating spaces of engagement and academic resources on
the artistic and intellectual traditions of these civilizations and to deepen
awareness of both their historicity and their plurality. These concerns
inform the mandate of Sahapedia, an online encyclopedic resource on the
arts and cultures of South Asia. The inter-cultural flows between South
and Southeast Asia form one of the most fascinating areas to observe how
arts, ideas and practice relate to broader historical and social dynamics.
Given the richly diverse cultures that distinguish the countries of South
and Southeast Asia, it is Sahapedia’s endeavour to encourage its users
to relate local cultural forms with trans-local patterns and to document
multi-ethnic histories through a tool for cultural mapping; both of which
have clear resonance with the aims of the conference.
Developments in archaeology and more recently epigraphy, and

advances in textual and art historical interpretation (Manguin 2011) have
filled our understanding of how from ancient through medieval times,
trade, pilgrimage and migration between the Indian subcontinent and the
countries of Southeast Asia shaped course of economies and sometimes
of dynasties, and led to the adaptation of systems of governance and
the coin of social ceremonies. Port towns, courts, monastic centres and
shrines provided the contexts for a continuous cultural cross-fertilization,
traceable in localized devotional practices as well as grand temple
complexes, in philosophical, literary and theatrical trans-creation, and in
the interpenetration of languages and of textile traditions.
These linkages were recognizable if not fully comprehensible to
ever-growing numbers of Indians travelling to Southeast Asia, but they
perceived from the vantage point of the world that no longer is connected
in the same way. For colonial rule severed these exchanges, though at the
same time it created new contexts for entwined economic and political
fortunes with people migrating to work on plantations and in mines,
and as soldiers, money-lenders and civil servants. Colonialism was also
responsible for certain commonalities of experience, from the quotidian
environment of urban forms and institutions to extreme experiences of
the World wars. And, while the course of anti-imperial struggles took
different forms, these led to renewal of conversations between the
peoples of South and Southeast Asia, as did other movements for change
in politics and arts. Even when reviving local folk traditions, Tagore
absorbed influences from Indonesian dance, while modern academies
like the Bhatkhande Music Institute attracted innovators like W.D.
Amaradeva of Sri Lanka, who were similarly pan-Asian in inspiration.
Here again, however, histories subsequent to decolonization have led to
breaks in these interactions and a measure of amnesia about them.
This is not to overlook numerous scholarly and popular studies,
exhibitions and conferences convened in the ASEAN countries,
Australia, USA and India on the histories of exchange in spices and
dyes, diffusion of ideas and beliefs, technique and design, as well as
on histories subsequent to colonization. Yet, as touched on at the AIC
Conference 2015, there is a need for institutionalized study programmes,
long-term collaborations between museums and sustained investment in
projects of translation and research, if our ‘connected histories’ (to use
the title of the works by Sanjay Subrahmanyam) are to become integral
South and Southeast Asian Interactions: Contexts for Renewal 169
to the popular understanding of Asia’s past and its living traditions, and
for us to explore avenues opened up by the current scholarship. These
possibilities are elaborated below.
2. International Summer Schools

International summer schools for the study of South and Southeast Asian
interactions have been proposed in the past (Sharma 2012). These may
be designed for both high school and undergraduate students. School
students would be encouraged to open up their imaginations to make
sense of worlds, not defined by current political geographies, and
where there was greater interplay between languages, and between oral,
textual and visual in the transmission of narratives, ideas and ideology.
Making the case for not limiting ourselves to the study of the past of
the existing nation-states, Norman Davies described our mental maps
as ‘invariably deformed’, in that ‘our brains can only form a picture
of the data that circulates at any given time … created by present-day
powers, prevailing fashions, and accepted wisdom’ (Davies 2011). The
study of histories beyond the confines of current state boundaries would
offer school students a richer and more inclusive imagining of the past,
as they would see how the cultural diversity within and between our
countries has throughout made for creative interchanges between, e.g.,
Sanskrit and Old Javanese (Hunter 2011b), Old Javanese and Balinese
(Ariati 2016), and Sanskrit and Tamil (Peterson 1986). They would learn
while looking closely at the arts as sources essential to reconstruct past
connections between civilizations, and as embodying the difficulties of
transmission in their forms (Lee 2009). And, they would learn something
of the dynamics of inter-linguistic accommodation that made possible
exchange between traders and co-religionists of different ethnic origins
in coastal settlements (Hunter 2011a).
For undergraduates, the exposure would foster a degree of sophistication
in their understanding of the past as well as of reflexivity. Studies such
as Hunter (2011a), cited above, historicizing the shift in writing practice
from monumental display to epistolary exchange between the political
centre and its allies can be related to the current studies of the emergence
of literary idioms of imperial power within ‘the ostensibly narrow
confines of tiny chieftaincies’ in 15th century North India (Jha 2017),
and of bureaucratic literate practice in the 17th century; Maratha state
and its relation to the spread of religious movements (Deshpande 2016).
Likewise, they would be able to situate developments in local politics

within inter-regional dynamics, whether of Airlangga’s rise to power at
the time of Rajendra Chola (Susanti 2009) or how Iran and the Indian
subcontinent mediated relations between the Arab world and Southeast
Asia (Heesterman 1989). Comparative studies would also make them
aware of the possibilities of cross-disciplinary work on archaeology and
texts, ethnography and history, and the possibility of achieving ‘a new
perspective on an old set of facts’ (Kolff 1987). And given the scrutiny to
which area studies have been subject, they form a site for surveying how
disciplines funnel our perspectives–reflecting on the shifting perceptions
of inter-civilizational transmission between South and Southeast Asia.
Pierre-Yves Manguin (2011) touched on tensions between Orientalists
and the sociologist Paul Mus.
3. Museum Collaborations
Museum collaborations (proposed at the AIC Conference, 2015) could
take the form of the loan of museum treasures as also the joint curation
of exhibitions, designed to help viewers move from recognition of
familiar icons to a sense of diversity of forms and practices associated
with divinities with similar names, and the intellectual and artistic energy
they embody. And for viewers from our countries, visual displays need to
be complemented by colloquia, where they may discuss representations
of divinities or epic characters in different literary and performing arts
traditions. Museum audiences are liable to assimilate what they see to
pre-existing frames of reference, just as scholars whose cross cultural
frontiers may be tempted to cherry-pick to buttress arguments (as
observed by Shereen Ratnagar at the ‘Asian Encounters’ Conference, IIC
2011). Yet these risks are being offset by the potentials opened up by
the kind of sensitive curation and interpretation that uses the security of
familiar reference points to stimulate curiosity about new interpretations,
and receptivity to other languages, especially among younger audiences.
Mutual understanding is also deepened by exposure to practice, where
rituals dissimilar at sight may be united by their underlying significance,
or obversely forms are retained with a shift in meaning (an understanding
of these strengthens mutual identification, or enlarges sensitivity to
other ways of seeing). Travelling exhibitions also allow curators to
explore different ways of interpreting similar collections in relation to
different audiences—when the exhibition, ‘The Everlasting Flame:
Zoroastrianism in History and Imagination’, first opened in London in

2013, it was accompanied by a Conference on how tradition and identity
are historically constituted (SOAS 2013), when it travelled to India in
2016, it was accompanied by two other exhibitions, of which ‘Threads
of Continuity’ (Cama, Pudumjee and Lilaowala 2016), entailed a shift
in emphasis from how Zoroastrians responded to and were represented
by different regimes through history, to trace continuities in practice and
underlying philosophy across regions and over millennia.
Inter-museum collaborations are also a means to learn from each
other’s curatorial practice. If the museums in India sought to go beyond
displaying objects to recreating context and encouraging artisans,
museums in Singapore have had a longer tradition of integrating oral
histories, and of exploring contact between peoples, whether in terms of
creative influence or lives of migrant workers. A Conference on ‘Asian
Encounters’ in Delhi in 2011 included a paper on Singapore’s Peranakan
Museum (Kwok 2011), and how the case had to be made for presenting
‘a unique regional culture’. The museum later curated an exhibition at
Delhi’s National Museum (2015), for which the exploration of social and
domestic histories was also relatively new. Again, the periodization of
art by dynasties is common in Indian museums; alternative possibilities
are seen in the display of technologies and writing practices (among
others) as contributed by different cultures of Indonesia through history
at the National Museum, Jakarta.
4. Conclusion
There are also large-scale projects that could serve as models. There is
the Clay Sanskrit Library and Murty Classical Library of India, a series
of translations with scholarly introductions where the original is printed
in parallel in roman script. For the literatures of South and Southeast
Asia, the introductions would need to bring out how narratives, themes
and rhetorical forms are elaborated and reinvented across literatures. A
second project would be to develop a digital database of past and current
studies on South and Southeast Asia along the lines of the International
Medieval Bibliography of Europe, North Africa and the Near East (300–
1500) that the University of Leeds is maintaining since 1967.
References
Ariati, N W. P. 2016. The Journey of a Goddess: Durga in India, Java and Bali.
New Delhi: Aryan Publishers.
Cama, S., Dadi P. and Ashdeen Z. L. 2016. ‘Threads of Continuity: Zoroastrian
Life and Culture.’ New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts.
School of Oriental and African Studies, London. 2013. ’Looking Back:
Zoroastrian Identity Formation through Recourse to the Past. Centre for
Iranian Studies, October 11.
Davies, No. 2011. Vanished Kingdoms: The History of Half-forgotten Europe.
London: Penguin Books.
Deshpande, P. 2016. ‘The Writerly Self: Discourses of Literate Practice in Early
Modern and Colonial Western India’. Lecture at the Centre for Historical
Studies, JNU, August 17.
Gaucher, J. 2006. De la Maison à la Ville en Pays Tamoul.
Godrej, P. and Firoza P. M. 2016. ‘Across the Oceans and Flowing Silks from
Canton to Bombay 18th–20th Centuries’. New Delhi: National Gallery of
Modern Art.
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Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Hunter, T. 2011a. ‘Exploring the Role of Language in Early State Formation of
Southeast Asia’,Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre Working Paper No 7 (October).
Online at http://nsc.iseas.edu.sg/ documents/working_papers/nscwps007.
pdf (viewed on January 10, 2017).
———. 2011b. ‘Figures of Repetition (Yamaha) in the Bhattikavya, the
Raghuvamsa, the Siwagrha Inscription and the Ramayana Kakawin’, in
From Lanka Eastwards: The Kakawin Ramayana in Literature and the
Visual Arts, eds. Andrea Acri, Helen Creese and Arlo Griffiths. Leiden:
KITLV Press, pp. 25–52.
India International Centre, IGNCA and Delhi University. 2011. International
conference, ‘Asian Encounters: Networks of Cultural Interaction’, New
Delhi, India International Centre, November 1–3.
Jha, P. 2017. ‘Writing Power and the Power of Writing: Literature and History
in Fifteenth Century North India.’ Lecture at the Centre for Historical
Studies, JNU, March 22.
Keay, J. 2005. The Spice Route: A History. London: John Murray.
Kwok, K. 2011. ‘Singapore’s Perakanan Museum: Making the Case,
Conceptualising and Presenting a Unique Regional Culture’, paper
presented at the international conference, ‘Asian Encounters: Networks
of Cultural Interaction’, India International Centre, New Delhi, November
1–3.
Lee, R. 2009. ‘The Indic Carvings of Quanzhou’, inNagapattinam to

Suvarnadvipa: Reflections on Chola Naval Expeditions to Southeast
Asia, eds. Hermann Kulke, K. Kesavapany and Vijay Sakhuja. Singapore:
ISEAS.
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South and Southeast Asia: Reflections on Cross-cultural Exchange.
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Singapore: ISEAS.
12
Through the Lens of Art:

Setting the Context to Indian
Heritage in Singapore and
Southeast Asia
Nalina Gopal
1. Introduction
The cultural identity of Southeast Asia is firmly rooted in the region.
Years of contact with the neighbouring civilizations have left deeper
impressions. Hinduism and Buddhism found their way into Southeast
Asia via travellers, monks and merchants. Islam and Christianity too
travelled via South Asia to Southeast Asia. The vast remains of stone
sculptures and architecture from early Southeast Asian kingdoms stand
testimony to the adaptation of Indian religions by local rulers. Early
Hindu-Buddhist cultural centres in Southeast and East Asia included Pyu,
Funan, Zhenla, Dvaravati, Champa, Central Java, Angkor, Majapahit,
Srivijaya and Kedah. Extensive archaeological remains and inscriptions
in Southeast Asia, dating from the 3rd century CE to the end of the 14th
century CE, bear testimony to the presence of Indian religions as well as
their adaptation by local rulers. Literary traditions too were adapted and
internalized; and the popularity of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata is
immeasurable. The trading networks established by South Asian Islamic
communities in the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asian region too have a
long and uninterrupted history.
This context of early interactions between the two regions forms an

important prologue to the modern dispersion of South Asian diasporas
to the Southeast Asian region, and enables an understanding of how a
shared past cements cultural ties of the present. Singapore’s role in the
trading networks of past, and the parallelism of the migrant narratives
of Indians in Singapore with others in Southeast Asia, and the shared
histories of these corresponding communities has been discussed in this
paper. How art historical and social history approaches are combined
in the permanent galleries of the Indian Heritage Centre (IHC) to tell
the story of Singapore’s Indian communities within the larger context
of Southeast Asia are demonstrated in what follows. The collection of
the Centre, its use of technology and its position as a model community
museum has also been illustrated.
The Indian Heritage Centre (IHC) in Singapore is a community
heritage museum dedicated to narrate the history of Singapore’s Indian
community within the larger context of Southeast Asia, alongside
intangible experiences of Indian culture in Singapore through permanent
gallery exhibits, changing exhibitions and programming. Launched on 7
May 2015, the IHC is the newest institution under the management of the
National Heritage Board of Singapore.
Figure 12.1: The Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore
Note: The Indian Heritage Centre building at night. The Centre under the management
of the National Heritage Board and with support from the Indian community, traces
the history of the Indian and South Asian community in the Southeast Asian region.
Through the Lens of Art: Setting the Context to Indian Heritage 177
Housed in a modern, purpose-built space, the IHC is located in the

Little India heritage district. It acts as a cultural hub for Singapore’s
Indian community as well as a space for introduction to the history
and culture of Singapore’s third-largest majority community (after the
Chinese and Malay communities) for locals and tourists alike. It is unique
in that it looks at the trajectory of migrant communities in Singapore and
Southeast Asia, and less at the subcontinent and its history itself. Curated
in five themes, the permanent galleries begin with an introduction to the
presence of Indians in the Southeast Asia and their interactions with the
region, underscoring vital role of Indians in the building of 19th century
Singapore; the rich and diverse culture of the community; their experiences
during the time of World War II; and finally, their contribution to the
making of Singapore as a modern nation-state. The permanent galleries
display around 450 artefacts from Singapore’s national collection and the
local Indian community.
2. The Migrant Narrative

Indians have been present in modern Singapore since its founding.
Indians reached in 1819 with Sir Stamford Raffles, the founder of colonial
Singapore, as Sepoys and their accompanying bazaar contingent. The
name of Narayana Pillai, a Tamil contractor from Penang, has gone
down in the history as the first Indian migrant to Singapore. Between
1825 and 1873, Singapore was a British penal colony receiving convict
migrants from the subcontinent. Concomitantly labour was also recruited
and employed on plantations and infrastructure building projects. The
wide-ranging plethora of occupations early Indians were engaged in
range from merchants and traders to police to security personnel, private
financiers, etc. have often been overshadowed by the majority narratives
of convict and labour. Perceptions on antecedents, within the community
and otherwise, were riddled with the seeming stigma of convicts’ past.
The long history of Indian presence in a glorious era of trade and cross-
cultural contact between the South Asian and Southeast Asian regions
forgotten in some cases, and seldom established as the pretext to the
migrant narrative.1
Singapore or Singapura or Temasek was an important trading
port integral in the 14th century to the trading network in the region.
Archaeological finds at Bukit Larangan or Fort Canning as it is more
popularly known within the boundaries of old Singapore include a gold
armlet together with other pieces of Javanese gold jewellery. The armlet
is decorated with an embossed kala (known as kirtimukha in South
Asia) head. The advanced technique and design of the armlet have led
scholars to conclude that it has the appearance of an Indian ornament.2
Furthermore archaeological surveys conducted since 1984 by Professor
John Miksic and his team at sites such as the Fort Canning, the new
Parliament Complex, the old Parliament House, Colombo Court, and
Empress Place, yielded thousands of artefacts; predominantly dating
between 1300 and 1600. These artefacts include equally Chinese and
local (Malay-style) pottery, with small quantities of glass, gold, copper,
lead, and dammar (tree -resin used as incense). Ergo various types of
industries were operating in Singapore, which included gold, copper, and
bronze, glass recycling, and pottery-making. Several Chinese jars called
“mercury jars” dating back to the 14th century were excavated at the old
Parliament House site, and are suggestive of early industrial activity.
A carnelian bead and glass or perhaps lac-bangle fragment, possibly
originated in India, dated back to the late 13th century were found at Fort
Canning, and are indicative of early contact with the subcontinent. These
archaeological finds are initial displays at the Indian Heritage Centre;
establishing the presence of a cosmopolitan, multicultural community
since the pre-colonial period.
Figure 12.2: Archaeological Finds from Fort Canning Hill and

Parliament House Complex
Note: As displayed at the Indian Heritage Centre. Collection of the Professor John Miksic
3. Cross Cultural Exchange

Hindu – Buddhist Connections
Due to their situation along important trade routes connecting the
subcontinent and China, parts of Southeast Asia were introduced to
India’s major religions— Hinduism and Buddhism. Synchronous was the
steady influx of Indian sculptural styles and artistic traditions. Some of

the oldest material remains are suggestive of Indian contact in the form
of epigraphic, sculptural and architectural installations across Southeast
Asia.Using the illustrative example of Vishnu worship in Southeast Asia,
the following paragraphs provide historical evidence of the adaptation
and appeal of Hindu religions in Southeast Asia.
Vishnu and his incarnations frequently appear in the epigraphic
and archaeological evidences of Southeast Asia. The earliest known
Southeast Asian Sanskrit inscription, from Vo Canh in Vietnam, dating
back to the 3rd century CE, relates to verses of the Valmiki Ramayana.
A 5th-6th century CE Sanskrit inscription at Si Thep in Thailand uses
the term “vaishnava sura” (Vaishnava hero) in conjunction with the
names Rama and Lakhsmana. Other 7th century CE inscriptions from
Cambodia and Vietnam make further allusions to Indian texts and reveal
knowledge of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. The West Javan
Ciareuteun rock inscription, dating back to the 5th century CE, presents
an early mention of Vishnu and his association with kingship. It speaks
of Purnavarman, the king of Tarumanagara (in West Java) and compares
his footprints to vishnupada. Written in the Pallava-Grantha script, the
inscription is indicative of early interactions with South India. Another
5th century CE inscription, from Prasat Pram Loven (Go Thap) now in
Vietnam, makes reference to a Kaundinya Prince Gunavarman who
consecrated a sanctuary containing vishnupada. Archaeologists are of the
view that the vishnupada in the Ciareuteun inscription marks a military
conquest while the inscription by Prince Gunavarman denotes a peaceful
territorial possession. References to the construction of vishnugruhas to
accommodate vaishnava(s) and installation of Vishnu images are also
found in the 7th century CE Angkor Borei inscription from the Kingdom
of Funan. At Kuala Selinsing in Perak, a 5th century CE carnelian seal is
inscribed with the name of a Vaishnava king, Vishnuvarman.
Furthermore, throughout Southeast Asia, archaeological finds suggest
that images of Vishnu and other Hindu deities were possibly produced
around the 5th century CE. Early Southeast Asian visual representations
display strong stylistic connections with India in their developmental
phase. However, art historians reason that Southeast Asia gradually
developed its own unique regional style. The earliest and most commonly
found image of Vishnu is the four-armed Vishnu with cylindrical headgear
from 5th-7th centuries CE. The headgear takes after the kiritamukuta
or jewelled crown adorning Vishnu sculptures of the Gupta (3rd - 6th

centuries CE) and later Pallava (7th - 9th centuries CE) periods in India. In
this resplendent form, Vishnu has a royal persona. Other early forms of
Vishnu and related images include Vishnu reclining on the serpent Ananta
in his meditative state of creation as Vishnu Anantashayin; the goddess
of prosperity and wealth, Shri; and the Dashavatara. Temple reliefs were
also devoted to the popular episodes of Ramayana, Mahabharata and
Krishna Leela (stories from the life of Krishna). Temples dedicated to
Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva as the Trimurti (Trinity) were established
in Cambodia, Java and Bali. For instance, the 9th century CE temples
in Prambanan, Java are characterised by the placement of Ramayana
reliefs surrounding sanctums of Brahma and Shiva. Harihara appears
in Southeast Asian imagery from the 6th century CE with Vishnu as
the embodiment of powers of creation and protection, and Shiva as a
quintessential ascetic, both qualities desired by the ruling class.
Figure 12.3: (Left) Vishnu, 10th Century, Chola Period, Granite,

Tamil Nadu, South India (Right) Harihara, Asram Maha Rosei,
Pre-Angkor Period, Style of Phnom Da, 7th Century, Sandstone
Sources: (Left) Collection of Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore

(Right) Collection of Musee National des Arts Asiatiques, Guimet, Paris
In addition, evidence of Vishnu and Vaishnava literature in Southeast

Asia can be found in many facets of region’s heritage – with its impact
on performing art traditions being most evident. The Indian epics
Ramayana and Mahabharata arrived in Southeast Asia as written and
oral narratives. As early as the 9th century, the Ramayana was translated
from Sanskrit to old Javanese. Tamil and eastern Indian versions of
the epic were also known in the region due to close contact with these
regions. Dramatised performances of local versions of the Ramayana
such as the Javanese Ramayana Kakawin, the Thai Ramakien and the
Cambodian Reamker sooner became the part of the regional dance and
theatre repertoire. Javanese and Balinese performances of wayang kulit
(shadow-play), wayang topeng (mask–play) and wayang wong (dance
and theatre) continue to present stories from the Ramayana. Likewise,
the Mahabharata inspired adaptations and its influence can be found in
over one hundred plays. The format of these plays was similar to their
Indian counterparts and focused on the ultimate victory of good over evil.
This is most evident in the puppetry traditions. Punakawan or the clown
in wayang kulit performances introduced the element of comedy as did
Vidushaka (the jester) in Indian puppetry. Heroes and demons continued
to capture the attention of the audience in India and Southeast Asia alike.
However, the Southeast Asian adaptations introduced sub-plots featuring
indigenous characters and gods. The wayang ensemble of Punakawan
includes Semar, Togog and Sarita, who were local gods sent to serve
Pandava and Kaurava.
Figure 12.4: (Left) Bhima (Bima), Shadow Puppet (Wayang Kulit),
20th Century, Polychrome Leather, Java, Indonesia (Right) Display of
Mahabharata Wayan Kulit Puppets at the Indian Heritage Centre
Sources: (Left) Collection of the Asian Civilisations Museum

(Right) Indian Heritage Centre
Buddhism was diverse in its influence in Southeast Asia. Discernible

Buddhist traditions were established in the area. These included a
profound Theravada tradition among strains of the Mahayana and Tantric
traditions. The Buddha and Buddhist deities are well represented across
peninsular and mainland Southeast Asia with idioms of the Gupta,
Amaravati, Pala and Anuradhapura schools; having had deep impact on
the Buddhist art of the region. Srivijaya, a powerful maritime kingdom,
was influenced by the Mahayana school of Buddhist art emerging out of
North India.3 Srivijaya had favourable relations with the Chola Kingdom
during the reign of Raja Raja I, which saw the building of the Buddhist
Chudamani Vihara at Nagapattinam by the Srivijayan King Mara
Vijayatungavarman. Buddhism had a lasting impact on the religio-social
culture of Southeast Asia, making it a predominant religion in countries
like Thailand and Myanmar. Their architecture and sculptural traditions
also stand testimony to longstanding sway of Indian Buddhism. Sri
Lankan Buddhist art, emerging from the seat of Theravada Buddhism first
between the 3rd century CE to the 11th century at Anuradhapura and later
from the 11th century at Pollonaruwa, too gained a strong influence on
Southeast Asian art, especially on that of Thailand. A particular stylistic
trait that has travelled is the siraspata (as seen in the below seated Buddha
image from Pollonaruwa), the flame like protuberance on head.
Figure 12.5: (Left) Seated Buddha, 11th-12th Century, Pollonaruva

Period, Gilt Bronze, Sri Lanka (Right) Buddhist Interactions
Display at the Indian Heritage Centre.
Source: Collection of Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore.

Islamic and Christian Networks

Trading networks initiated by the South Asian Islamic communities in the
Indian Ocean and Southeast Asian region have a long and uninterrupted
history. Trading settlements in Southeast Asia were occupied by Chinese,
Arab, Gujarati, and South Indian traders. These settlements were
associated with the spread of Islam in Southeast Asia from the 13th and 14th
centuries onwards. Scholars have suggested that Arab trading groups also
travelled to Southeast Asia from Sri Lanka, Gujarat, the Coromandel and
Malabar coasts; bringing with them their brand of religion and cultural
influence. Early Christian influences arrived in Southeast Asia via Central
and South Asia in the 7th century CE; although the arising settlement
left no lasting impact. However, there was a revival in the influence of
Christianity with the spread of European imperialist networks across
Asia in the 16th and 17th centuries, and important among these were the
Portuguese settlements originating in Goa, reaching Malacca and Macau
in the east. Later, missionaries were sent from India to Singapore during
the 19th and early 20th centuries to serve here educational and religious
needs of the Christian communities.
Portuguese conquest in the area including the east and the west coast
of Africa, Sri Lanka, Goa, Macao, Japan, and the east coast of Brazil saw
the creation of Christian art in parts of Asia and Africa. Foremost among
these were intricate ivory images of Christian icons popular in Portugal
and in their Asian territories. Christian images produced in Goa were
commonly of Christ and the Virgin Mary. In fact, from the 16th century
onwards such images were produced in Asia for export to Europe.
Figure 12.6: Indo-Portuguese Figure of a Gilded Ivory Madonna with
Gold earrings, 17th Century
Source: Collection of the Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore.

Trade Across the Ocean

Trade in Indian textiles through land and sea routes can be traced to as
early as the first century CE.4 India, renowned for its painted and dyed
textiles, was engaged in production activities and trade along the Gujarat,
Coromandel and Bengal coasts. Trading companies such as the British
East India Company and the Dutch East India Company acquired Indian
textiles in exchange for silver from Europe and Japan, and traded them
for spices cultivated in Southeast Asia. These spices and textiles were
then sold in Europe and the Americas.
Fortified settlements of Tamil merchants already existed in places like
the port of Takuapa in the Isthmus of Kra in the late 9th century. Takuapa
was an important point in the Malay peninsula, known in Tamil sources
as Takkolam. The Takuapa inscription, in the collection of the National
Musuem of Thalang in Phuket, makes reference to this presence. The
Barus inscription of 1088 with details of the Ayyavole guild also illustrates
flourishing manigramam or merchant guilds of Tamil traders during the
Srivijaya period. Sea-borne Gujarati traders played a role in connecting
the trading ports of West and Southeast Asia, laying the foundation for
cross-regional trade before the advent of colonial companies –the Dutch
VOC and British EIC.
Some of the earliest textiles to be traded were the Gujarati Patan ki
patola–double-ikat silk cloths. Patola cloths were stitched into costumes
and worn as trousers, sash and head cloths by the royalty and courtiers.
Cambay Cloths, also from Gujarat, were exported to Southeast Asia,
particularly Indonesia. These included – figurative (popular were geese
and dancing girl patterns) and flower-patterned block-printed designs
as well as inferior checkered cloths. Gujarati block printed trade cloths
were also used by the Toraja royalty of Sulawesi as ceremonial hangings.
Cotton cloths arrived from Bengal and Masulipatnam, immaculate
bengali muslin, were used as turban cloths. The Coromandel cloths such
as chintz, kalamkari were also coveted. The dodot were large cloths worn
by members of the Javanese royalty as drapes on top of their Patola pants.
Malabari Calicos were also traded in but they were the most inferior ones.
Following colonial intervention, the trade in Indian textiles dried up by
the 19th century, and respectable local imitations were soon produced,
which were traded out of Singapore too.
A display of trade cloths and parallel productions of luxury trade

objects in wood, silver and ivory are displayed at the Centre to illustrate
the long standing trade relations between the regions of South and
Southeast Asia. The luxury goods were commissioned by Europeans;
living both in the West and in the colonies and were a unique confluence
of cross-cultural craftsmanship, aesthetics and taste.
Figure 12.7: Indian Trade Textiles and Other Objects of Trade
Source: Collection of the Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore.
Figure 12.8: (Left) Head of Buddha, Late 8th–Early 9th Century CE,
Shailendra Period, Andesite Stone, Central Java, Indonesia
(Right) Head of Buddha, 5th Century CE, Gupta Period, Red
Sandstone, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, India
Sources: Collection of the Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore.

4. Curating Displays
Through the curatorial device of juxtaposition, carefully installed
displays suggest the exchange of ideas in the creation of art and sculpture.
Bringing together South and Southeast Asian models of the Head of
Buddha, the influence of Indian artistic traditions on the development
of Javanese Buddhist art but with an emphasis on the development of a
unique Southeast Asian model has been put forward. In the collection of
the Centre is a remarkable Javanese Head of Buddha, made of andesite,
dating back to the 8th-9th centuries CE, Shailendra dynasty period. The
conspicuous base displayed as seen above is an attestation to its excellent
provenance having been mounted by the European Collection Karl Ernst
Haus, who had acquired the sculpture in the early 20th century for his house
museum. This superbly carved head evinces all the prescribed physical
attributes or Mahapurusha lakshana of the Buddha: a cranial bump or
ushnisha emerging from atop the head signifying enlightenement; tightly
arranged snail-shell curls suggestive of the closely shorn hair of a tonsured
man; a circular dot or urna at the centre of the forehead, denoting his
vision into the celestial world; and elongated earlobes, suggesting the
past use of heavy ear ornaments that were abandoned when the Buddha
gave up his regal life and went in search of enlightenment.This figure is
reminiscent of the dhyani Buddha sculptures at Borobudur – a colossal
Buuddhist temple complex in Central Java. Borobudur was constructed
between the 8th and 9th centuries CE under the Shailendra dynasty. It was
discovered in 1814 by Sir Stamford Raffles who was then the British
lieutenant governor of Java. Certain features of this sculpture such as the
elegantly arched brows, straight nose and full lips, are comparable to the
Gupta model displayed alongside at the Centre. Dating to the 5th century
CE, Gupta period, of the Mathura school, the sculpture is made of red
standstone exhibiting the perfect symmetry and balance of the Gupta
prototypes. The perfected art of the Gupta school had an influence on the
sculptural traditions of several other kingdoms within and outside India.
In Figure 12.9 (Left) standing figure of a bronze Buddha was found
at a site in the Bujang Valley in Kedah in the early 1940s. The serenely
smiling Buddha stands in tribhanga, with his hips tilted to the left and
his right hand in varada mudra (boon-bestowing) gesture. His left hand
holds the gathered ends of his diaphanous robe or samghati, which is
worn over the left shoulder. The style of this piece is typical of the Gupta
school, particularly of the Sarnath style. This figure is considered as one
the earliest Buddhist images to have been produced by local craftsmen

in reproduction of Indian idioms. It is an important, stellar piece in
the collection of and on display in the permanent galleries of the Asian
Civilizations Museum.
Figure 12.9: (Left) Kedah Buddha, 5th-9th Centuries, Bujang Valley,

Kedah, Malaysia (Right) Standing Buddha, Circa 500 CE, Gupta
Period, Copper Alloy, East India.
Sources: (Left) Collection of Asian Civilisations Museum, Singapore.

(Right) Collection of the Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore.
Figure 12.10: (Left) Agastya, 11th Century, Volcanic Stone,

Indonesia (Right) Mukhalinga, 7th Century CE, Pre Angkor Period,
Sandstone, Cambodia
Sources: Collection of the Indian Heritage Centre, Singapore.

The technique of juxtaposition was also used to create a Shaivite

pantheon display, showing South and Southeast Asian sculpture of Saivite
Hindu deities and even sages of popular appeal in both regions. Figure
12.10 presents a pair of Southeast Asian representations in the collection
of the centre. The pot-bellied sculpture on the left is of Agastya, a Saivite
saint, depicted with beard and jatabhara (matted hair) who is seen
holding a kundika (water pot) and akshamala (prayer beads). In Hindu
tradition, Agastya is one of the sapta rishi or seven Vedic seers and one
of the eight disciples of the Hindu god, Shiva. Agastya is also venerated
in south India as the author of Agathiyam, a seminal text on Tamil
grammar. In Indonesia, Agastya is held as the harbinger of Indian culture
and Hinduism from south India to Java. Early Khmer representations
of the mukhalinga Shiva often adopt the abstract form of the linga, an
aniconic sculptural representation. Some linga such as this sculpture on
display, are carved with the mukha (the face). The mukhalinga on the
right is carved in three parts as a representation of the trimurti (or Hindu
Trinity) with the square base symbolising Brahma, the commander of the
four cardinal directions; the octagonal shaft symbolizing Vishnu as the
chakravartin (universal king), commander of the eight cardinal and sub-
cardinal directions; and the cylindrical, bulbous head symbolising Shiva,
the divine personification of cosmic infinity in phallic form.
5. Technology and Innovation

The permanent gallery displays were also curated using digital platforms.
Most outstandingly, an integrated media guide application, providing
audio tours for adults in English, Tamil and Hindi (with Chinese and
Malay to come shortly), a tour for young adults in English and augmented
reality experiences featuring virtual docents and 3D artefacts, was
integrated into the experience. The media guide is available on devices
provided at the IHC, free of charge with admission tickets, and can also be
downloaded onto personal mobile devices from various platforms. While
the virtual docents act as community voices introducing the visitor to
the context of thematic galleries and artefact displays, the 3D interactive
artefacts engage visitors by allowing them to “touch” artefacts. Select
artefacts can be rotated, enlarged and examined through the application,
bringing an element of play and discovery for visitors. These include an
open view of a 17th century ivory writing chest from Vizag, displayed
closed in the galleries and a 360 degree Garuda palanquin finial from the
12th century, Angkor Wat period.
From the earliest times, Indians have traded across the Indian Ocean and
over the Asian landmass. This has provided the setting for movement
and settlement in lands beyond India, well before the period of
European colonial intervention. Pre-colonial sojourns have further been
cemented by lasting migrations from the subcontinent to different parts
of Southeast Asia. Indian maritime communities such as the Chulias
of the Coromandel Coast and Bohras of Gujarat continue to be part of
diasporas in Southeast Asia, having links with the long standing cross-
cultural heritage of the regions. In this context post-colonial identities
emerged, which have had common socio-religious backgrounds breeding
mutual appreciation and understanding. The narration of modern South
Asian migration to Southeast Asia is incomplete without establishing
this vibrant past. The Indian Heritage Centre’s collection and displays
were constructed acknowledging this important prelude to the Singapore
Indian experience.

1. For an early account connecting the history of Indians in Singapore and
Malaya to the events of the preceding centuries see RB Krishnan, Indians
in Malaya : a pageant of greater India : a rapid survey of over 2,000 years
of maritime and colonising activities across the Bay of Bengal, (Singapore :
Malayan Publishers, 1936).
2. John Miksic, “The Archaeology of Singapore – Forgotten Hints” in Singapore
and the Silk Road of the Sea 1300-1800, (Singapore: NUS Press, 2013), 17.
3. Promsak Jermsawatdi, Thai Art with Indian Influences, (New Delhi: Abhinav
Publications, 1979), 64.
4. The Greek Periplus of the Erythraean Sea dating to the 1st century CE – 3rd
century CE provides details of centres of production and trade routes. See Ed
by Rosemary Crill, Textiles from India: The Global Trade : Papers Presented
at a Conference on the Indian Textile Trade, Kolkata, 12-14 October 2003
(New York: Seagull Books, 2006), 264.
13
Role of Culture in
ASEAN-India Relations for
the World Peace
Andrik Purwasito
1. Introduction
The complexities of the international relations need the new global order
to promote peace between states and all human relationships. It means the
relations have not only to be state-centric but also relate to all citizens.
We have long been asleep on this matter that the state is the actor, and we
forget that the people and people contact, non-state actors, is also very
important. This works in a soft power diplomacy from an economic issue
to a social and cultural issue. We know that international relations are as
the relationship between family and friends. This India-ASEAN link in
culture is more based on the needs of the living beings. Art and cultural
relations between India-ASEAN are very strategic to promote a centre of
trade and the global market. ASEAN and India, both have huge natural
resources, like mining, forestry, plantation, breeding and fisheries. Our
cultural relations had supported economic and political relations and
enhanced stronger bonding between the regions.
The India-ASEAN cultural link considers it important to unify the
people in the spirit of togetherness. To create stable and prosperous people,
this decision can build a regional community based on cultural relations.
This relation is according to the objective of the ASEAN Community—
is creating an economic integration, the ASEAN Economic Community
(AEC), by establishing a single market,1 and then a political security,
the ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC). The ASEAN
Community builds also on the socio-cultural cooperation, namely,

ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC).2 The ASCC programmes
include (i) Human development, (ii) Social Welfare and Protection, (iii)
Social Justice and Right, (iv) Ensuring Environment sustainability and
(v). Building the ASEAN identity and narrowing the development gap.
Based on the above, we attempt to explain how we are building spirit
of togetherness between ASEAN Community and India and how we are
narrowing the gap with cultural action plan.
These issues can be answered through followings: First, Artist in
Residence (AIR) programme; and second, building the India-ASEAN
Television. These programmes can build communication, interaction
and best integration in the spirit of togetherness. The programmes can
be organized by the executive body of the India-ASEAN relations office.
2. Objective of the Programme

We all know that ASEAN tried to realize the Zone of Peace, Freedom
and Neutrality (ZOPFAN), especially to support the AEC (ASEAN
Economic Community), which started in December 2015. Also, ASEAN
promoted the AFTA (began 1997), accelerated intra-ASEAN trade,
expanded tourism, and showed solidarity to millions of migrants from
ASEAN countries working in Asia-Pacific, and also in India.
The ASEAN community has been very encouraging to make cultural
relations based on the last pillar of the ASCC (socio-cultural pillar),
and also ASEAN tried cooperation more between India and ASEAN,
especially on cultural activities. The main purpose of the cultural
relations between India and ASEAN is for sharing experiences, ideas and
strengthen cultural solidarity.
Netizen Civilization3
Now, we are in the era of globalization. This period has abolished national
borders.4 We can meet each other through digital system. The world is
in our hand. On one hand, we follow globalization, but, on the other
hand, we face many challenges, threats and disruptions in international
relations, such as cybercrime, moral disaster, dehumanization and modes
of new crimes based digital system. Because of the development of
the information and communication technology (ICT), we have now
two worlds— the real space and a cyber space. The old traditions have
Role of Culture in ASEAN-India Relations for the World Peace 193
changed. Now, we live in a new system, which brings new traditions.

There is change from the citizen to the netizen. The new identity of netizen
shows us that an individual is at the centre and source of information.
Today, lifestyle coupled with the ability of each individual becomes a
source of information. This period has changed the concept of distance
and time, where anything has become a real time. 5
3. Anybody is Diplomat
India and ASEAN people follow the globalization path. They can
communicate freely. It is designed by “voice” to “click and share”. There
are a positive opportunities in the international relations, especially in
India-ASEAN cultural relations. Both are growing very fast and driving
every netizen to the desire of independence. Consequently, the hegemony
of the state to the people is becoming weaker. This is really the weakening
state control over citizens. The hegemony and legitimacy of capitalism
over citizens is also getting weaker. Now, we have been born what is
called “capitalnet,” a form of a local capitalists or a nano capitalism,
which is a new concept of local (small) community, but, it is globally
powerful.
Such people and small communities have become active actors in
international relations. They have built self-identities by themselves, and
tried also to educate people to be independent. They are also the great
part of the counter culture to the tendency of corrupt government, octopus
capitalism and hegemony. The artist community in India and ASEAN
countries, for example, can realize the goal of building the India-ASEAN
socio-cultural community with the goal of strengthening the solidarity
and unity of the people.
Finally, everyone can be a King. It is also changing the concept of
diplomacy from the official channels of communication6 to the non-
official channels of communication. An initial change in this period is
where we called, “anybody is a diplomat.” In cultural perspective, the
globalization would build cultural homogenization over time.
4. Cultural Actions
Hope that the cultural actions between India and ASEAN are realizable
when people communicate with each other to minimize dehumanization.
Some of the activities such as ASEAN cultural activity provide
scholarships to nine of the ASEAN youths those who aim to study batik
in Indonesia.7 This action programme has a positive impact, especially

supporting solidarity and building of the cultural communities. It is a
vehicle to know each other. People of India and ASEAN have a potential
cultural link and a great cultural heritage. Thus, cultural action would
improve understanding of its people.
The cultural actions can be designed by the India and ASEAN artists
through building a peer group, a form of promotion of each country and
also as agencies of socialization.8 This cultural programme would be
among younger generations to exchange experiences and information.
Efforts to cultural activities have been carried out such as in ASEAN
activity; they have build a blogger community. For realizing the cultural
actions between India and ASEAN, we can endorse cultural actions by
ASEAN Ministers Responsible for Culture and Arts (AMCA), who can
utilize culture as a means of enhancing human resources, improving
welfare and prosperity of the people. An example of forms of ASEAN
cultural actions are as follows: (i) preservation and promotion of cultural
heritage through documentation, workshops, seminars, training, exchange
of experts, youth camp, culture study tours, and (ii) establishment of
networking systems and centres of excellence for capacity-building.
It includes environmental sector, education, sports, natural disaster
mitigation, biodiversity and humanitarian.
Feeling a sense of community and cultural identity becomes very
important to create mutual trust, mutual understanding and mutual
respect, which has the ability to unite for peaceful coexistence in diversity.
To realize the idea and accelerate the realization of an India-ASEAN
cultural relations, we need a regional communication among the people
of the countries, organized by government, NGOs and universities.
5. Bonding Strap for Engineering of Cultural Programme

Realizing the India-ASEAN cultural actions, we think that capital binder
is very fundamental strategy and approach to build the Indian-ASEAN
relations such as history binder, geographical binder and the socio-
cultural binder.
(a) History as Capital Binder

In the past, relation between India and ASEAN countries was much
closer. We know that historically India and the most of ASEAN countries
embraced the feudal system. King was central in power. Indian culture
has played a decisive role in participating and enriching the ASEAN

culture, customs, intellectual and even mentality of the citizens. Indian
historical monuments can be managed comprehensively to understand
their historical relationship and as a capital for forming best relations
among the people.
The influence of India to ASEAN culture like the religiosity, literature,
culinary, medicine, magic9 etc. can be developed into a builder India-
ASEAN relations. The similarity of community customs and patterns of
agrarian life, could potentially facilitate developing stronger relations.
India and some of the ASEAN countries except Thailand were also
under former European colonization. The similarity of the historical
background can potentially require strategic management to build a
strong relation between India and ASEAN.
(b) Geographical Capital Binder

The geographical character of India and Southeast Asia is a strong capital
to build a cultural relation. ASEAN countries and India have great forests,
rich vegetation and bio-diversity. The vast majority of India and ASEAN
countries also have extensive shore-line and same fields of rice as a source
of food base. Both India and ASEAN residents have common needs of
everyday life such as land management and agricultural products. All
efforts will improve spirit of togetherness.
The geographical capital can be used socio-culturally to establish
relations by creating concept of strong and close cooperation such as the
establishment of regional tourism network, exchange students, networks
of small and medium business units. The beautiful and fascinating
geographic locations are able to attract attention of the world as a
potential tourist destination. The nature tourism should be managed to
serve as a common spirit of togetherness. The spirit of the togetherness
between India and ASEAN countries can also be built through a variety
of bio-diversity to maintain a healthy environment for future generations.
(c) The Socio-Cultural Capital

India and ASEAN countries are an agrarian society. Both of them have the
maritime spirit and strong kinship system including customs, mythology,
Islam and limited westernization. Such was the initiation system in the
old relic. It relates the real life with super-natural life, almost occurred in
India and across ASEAN countries.10
The socio-cultural capital contributes to the spirit of togetherness,

ensuring peaceful co-existence for an ideal life, social life socially stable,
secure and under control. This is reflected in the puppet philosophy,
Ramayana and Mahabharata, from India owned by the ASEAN countries
also.
6. Conclusions
To realize the cultural India-ASEAN relations, we have conducted
following activities.
(i) International Puppet Festival
(ii) Artist in Residence
(iii) Cultural Media Relations:
• Cultural Television
• Bloggers Community
(i) International Puppet Festival

An experience of Dhaatu International Puppet Festival in Bengaluru,
Karnataka, India (7 January 2017), indicates that the cultural activity
is a very useful activity for developing relations. Organized by a non-
governmental organizations (NGO), it was the best example to realize the
India-ASEAN cultural relations. The success story of Indonesian NGO,
Senawangi, which held the first ASEAN International Puppet Festival, in
TMII Ancol, Jakarta East, 29 November to 3 December 2010, indicates
togetherness among different nations.
(ii) Artist in Residence (AIR) Programme

This is a joint activity of all kind of art, like dance, visual art, music,
performance art, etc. done by Indian and ASEAN artists. The artists from
the countries built the community art-work. The programme focuses on
cultural activities. AIR programme is an arena of open communication,
where there is share of symbols, share of meanings and share of ideas. In
the concept of communication, an intense interaction and participation is
for togetherness.
It means that communication and interaction is a vehicle to accelerate
awareness of the India-ASEAN link. The participants of the AIR
programme do so voluntarily (i) uphold equality and spirit of togetherness;
(ii) Respect differences, religion, class, gender, race, and ethnicity;
(iii) Guarantee freedom and creativity; (iv) Reject all forms of symbolic
and physical violence and (v) Maintain good attitude and politeness.11
The AIR as a cultural programme is based on a joint activity in small
community of 50-100 people or more. They work in same place and same
time.The members of AIR live in Ashrama (a cultural dormitory). Every
day they meet and eat together, do the art activities ensemble, such as
workshops, seminars, focus group discussions, exhibitions and cultural
research.
AIR programme requires involvement of various institutions, both by
state and non-state organization, so as to maintain routine, quantity and
frequency.12
AIR programme is an embodiment of diplomacy, people to people,
who are naturally able to contribute to the ideals of spirit of togetherness.
Therefore, official institutions such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Directorate General for ASEAN Cooperation, the Art Institutes, the
Universities, etc. should assist and facilitate and coordinate cultural
activities. The programme must be supported by financial and diplomatic
facilities to speed up the process of formation of Indian and ASEAN
cultural links.
(iii) Cultural Media Relations
(a) Cultural on Screen

The India and ASEAN link needs media expression. Cultural link of
India and ASEAN can be effectively achieved through the medium of
television. Television is a very effective mass media to capture public. It
is cheap, easy to use, and fast and simple.
Television presents the fact of real-time. Television is also capable
forming new thinking beyond time and space. The presence of India-
ASEAN television can be a vehicle for solidarity, spirit of togetherness
among netizens. Television is also very strategic as a form of promotion,
dissemination and exchange and cultural recognition among people of
India and ASEAN.
The above description shows clearly that the cultural television would
be able to connect people to people in the region. Television programmes
must be managed together with a spirit of togetherness, proclaiming
positive situation. The India-ASEAN cultural television would be able to
connect and strengthen bonds of friendship and cooperation.
(b) The Bloggers Community

Blogger community has been contributing to social media. Reaffirming
the needs to reinvent spirit of togetherness, cultural activities through
social media would play a significant role. The bloggers spread cultural
information and contribute to the process of community building, where
the governments of India and ASEAN, the bloggers and all relevant
stakeholders share common responsibilities to ensure continuous process
of building and strengthening India-ASEAN cultural link.
Endnotes
1. Direktorat Jenderal Kerjasama ASEAN Departemen Luar Negeri RI, Cetak
biru Komunitas Ekonomi ASEAN (Asean Economic Community Blueprint),
Jakarta, 2009
2. Jurnal Pengkajian Lemhanas RI, No. 14, Desember 2012
3. Andrik Purwasito, Netizenship Civilization, HI-FISIP-UNS, Surakarta, 2015
4. Andrik Purwasito, Komunikasi Multikultural, Pustaka Pelajar, Yogyakarta,
2015
5. Ibid
6. G.R. Berridge, et.al, Diplomatic Theory from Machiavelly to Kissinger,
Palgrave, Macmillan, Hamsphire, 2001, p. 1
7. http://www.tabloiddiplomasi.org/previous-isuue/159-september-2011/1216-
kembangkan -kerjasama-sosial-budaya-asean-melalui-people-to-people-
diplomacy.html, download May 25, 2015, at 8.22
8. Anthony Giddens, The Textbook of the Nineties, Sociology, Polity Press,
Oxford, London, 1990, p 76-7
9. Thomas Stamford Raffles, The History of Java, Indonesian version, Penerbit
Narasi, Yogyakarta, 2014
10. Denys Lombard, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya, Warisan Kerajaan-Kerajaan
Konsentrik, Indonesian version, PT. Gramedia, Jakarta, 2000, p. 133
11. Ibid
12. Ibid
References
Berridge, G.R. et.al. 2001. Diplomatic Theory from Machiavelly to Kissinger,
Palgrave, Macmillan, Hamsphire.
Direktorat Jenderal Kerjasama ASEAN Departemen Luar Negeri RI. 2009. Cetak
biru Komunitas Ekonomi ASEAN (Asean Economic Community Blueprint),
Jakarta. Jurnal Pengkajian Lemhanas RI. (2012). No. 14, Desember.
Giddens, A. 1990. The Textbook of the Nineties, Sociology, Polity Press, Oxford,
London.
Lombard, D. 2000. Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya, Warisan Kerajaan-Kerajaan
Konsentrik, Indonesian version, PT. Gramedia, Jakarta.
Purwasito, A. 2013. “Memikirkan Peran Budaya, Guna memperkuat dan
mendukung ASEAN Community 2015” Paper on Seminar for ASEAN
Community 2015, in Lombok, Nusa Tenggara Barat, October, 28, 2013.
______, Komunikasi Multikultural, Pustaka Pelajar, Yogyakarta, 2015
______, Netizenship Civilization, Penerbit HI Publishing, FIFIP-UNS, Surakarta,
2015
Lull, J. 1998. Media Komunikasi Kebudayaan, Suatu Pendekatan Global,
Indonesian version, Penerbit Yayasan Obor Indonesia, Jakarta.
Limburg, Val E. 2004. Electronic Media Ethics, Penerbit Pustaka Pelajar,
Yogyakarta.
Raffles, T. S. 2014. The History of Java, Indonesian version, Penerbit Narasi,
Yogyakarta. http://www.tabloiddiplomasi.org/ previous-isuue/159
-september -2011/1216-kembangkan -kerjasama- sosial-budaya- asean-
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8.22
Internet Source
http://www.tabloiddiplomasi.org/ previous-isuue/159 -september-2011/1216
kembangkan -kerjasama-sosial-budaya-asean-melalui -people-to-people
diplomacy.html, download May 25, 2015, at 8.22
14
Strengthening Cultural
Relations through
Museums
1. Introduction
Both India and Malaysia are connected through several cultural and
historical ties in the following two phases:
• The Protohistoric Era, when the centre of the Indian civilisation was
the Indus river valley. It was spread throughout the world, including
Southeast Asia by merchants and Hindu-Buddhist missionaries as
well as through colonialism.
• The British Colonial Era in the 19th century, especially after 1870s,
when the British administration brought in many Indian immigrants
to fulfil the need for manpower in plantations and government service.
After Independence, the Indians who had long lived in Malaysia
obtained citizenship, and became part of Malaysia, living harmoniously
with other Malaysian communities and contributing to nation’s
development. Presently, the Indian community comprises 2.2 million or
9 per cent of the overall Malaysian population, and is the third largest
ethnic group in Malaysia.
Due to the spread of Hindu-Buddhism, elements of Indian culture

and tradition have influenced the religious life and cultural practices of
Malaysia, particularly in aspects of celebrations, textiles and accessories,
language and literature, wedding practices, medicine, food and beverages,
birth and death, as well as music and film; creating a cultural relationship
that binds ties between Malaysia and India till date.
Today, cultures related to India are accepted as part of Malaysian
culture, and recognized under law. Celebrations like Deepavali,
Thaipusam, Pongal and others are recognised as national festivals and are
celebrated together with other communities. Traditional games or martial
arts such as kabbadi and silambam, foods like murtabak, capati, tosai,
maruku and laddu, as well as dances like the Bharatanatyam are gazetted
as national heritage under the National Heritage Act 2005 of Malaysia.
2. Development of Museums in Malaysia

The history of museums in Malaysia developed a little later than in India.
The Perak Museum, which was built in 1883 by the British administration,
is the first museum in Malaya, and is one of the earliest museum
institutions in Southeast Asia. The National Museum, on the other
hand, was established in 1963 and is the parent museum in that exhibits
Malaysia’s early history and its growth as a nation after independence.
Until 2015, as many as 200 museums have been established in Malaysia,
and they are divided into four following categories.
a) Federal Museums
Museums are established and managed by the Department of
Museums Malaysia (an agency of the Ministry of Tourism and
Culture). Presently, there are 22 Federal Museums in Malaysia.
b) State Museums
Museums are established and managed by State Governments under
the State Enactment or Ordinance. There are 106 State Museums
(including galleries) in Malaysia.
c) Institutional/ Agency Museums
Museums are established and managed by Departments, statutory
bodies or Institutions, such as the Royal Malaysian Police Museum,
Army Museum, the Asian Art Museum of University Malaya,
Telekom Museum, Central Bank Numismatics Museum and Gallery,
and many more.
Strengthening Cultural Relations through Museums 203
d) Private Museums
Museums are established and managed by individuals or the private
sector, such as the Islamic Arts Museum, Chocolate Museum, Toy
Museum, Jade Museum and others.
Museums in both countries have a significant role in influencing India-
Malaysia relations. The cultural artefacts displayed in museums are solid
evidence on the existence of a long relationship between Malaysia and
India. It binds both nations in close cultural ties.
Evidence of the Indian civilisation and its influence on the Malaysian
culture can be seen through historical sites, monuments and artefacts
exhibited in museums. Several museums under the management of the
Department of Museums Malaysia have exhibited historical remains of
the Indian civilisation obtained through archaeological excavations and
private collections of the Indian community in Malaysia, who inherited
them from their ancestors. Presently, there are three specialized museums
under the administration of the Department of Museums Malaysia, which
exhibit archaeological and cultural artefacts that serve as evidence of
the existence of a trade and Hindu-Buddhism propagation centre in the
Southeast Asia.
(i) Bujang Valley (BV) Archaeological Museum (BVAM), Kedah

This was opened in 1980 on the most important archaeological site
in Malaysia – the Bujang Valley, which covers an area of 140 square
kilometres. It displays protohistoric archaeological artefacts discovered
in Bujang Valley, a place thought to be the earliest kingdom in Malaysia,
and historically proven as significant Southeast Asia central port and the
focal point of Hindu-Buddhism propagation in Southeast Asia during the
3rd to the 12th century.
The archaeological research at Bujang Valley began in 1840s, and is
a continuous process since 1960s. To date more than 80 heritage sites
were discovered together with more than 60 candis (temples) and other
building structures, pottery, ceramic fragments, glass beads, statue and
sculptures, inscriptions and inscribed stone, ornaments and jewellery,
metal toolsas well as materials used in the construction of these temples
including chiselled granite blocks, river pebbles, laterite and clay bricks.
A large number of those artifacts are exhibited in the BVAM, while
some historically significant artefacts are displayed in the National
Museum, Kuala Lumpur. The archaeological remains and cultural

artefacts found at BV and surrounding areas have indicate existence of a
Hindu-Buddhist civilization.
(ii) National Museum, Kuala Lumpur

It was built in 1963, and is the parent museum in Malaysia that exhibits
Malaysia’s early history and its growth as a nation after independence.
Many archaeological artifacts discovered in Bujang Valley and a few
other archaeological sites as well - with significant national interest -
are exhibited in the National Museum. Some of the most prominence
artifacts are as follows.
• Makara, found at Sungai Mas Village, Kedah of 7th century, is the form
of an elephant and a fish –used as decorations at the main entrance of
a candi/temple.
• Foundation stone, found at the site of Bujang Valley, is thought to
have been used as the foundation for a wooden pillar of the temple;
• Statue of Avalokitesvara, found at Bidor, Perak in 1936, made of
bronze, was gazetted as National Heritage (Natinal Heritage Act
2005)
• Buddha Brahmin Statue (The Jalong Statue), discovered in 1936 at
Jalong, near Sungai Siput, Perak. The design appears to be very much
influenced by statues from Srivijaya of the 9th to the 11th centuries.
• Inscribed stone of Buddha Gupta, was set up in Seberang Perai,
Penang, around 400 AD by an Indian merchant, Buddha Gupta, as
an expression of gratitude for his safe arrival after a voyage from
India. It has a significant role in Malaysia-India relationship as the
original stone was sent to Indian Museum in Calcutta in 1834, and it
is still there. As a token of friendship, the Government of India made
a replica of the stone, and presented to the National Museum in 1961.
(iii) National Textile Museum, Kuala Lumpur

This Museum is a specialized one, established in 2012. It’s role is to
collect, research, preserve, document and display national textile
collection of the multi-ethnic society of Malaysia such as Malays,
Chinese, Indians and the indigenous people. A few pieces of fine cloths
and Indian textiles such as brocade, phatola, bhandana, sarees, brocade
cloth and pelikat (a checkered sarong), brought by merchants from the
port of Gujarat, Malabar, Corromandel and Pullicat in the 15th century,
are displayed. These textiles had penetrated the local market and made
into attires for the Malays.
It is undeniable that the Indian civilisation has influenced and
shaped the socio-cultural ethics of the Malaysian community, and
finally assimilated into the nation’s culture and bonded both nations
in a dynamic cultural relation. What is more important is how cultural
relationship can be strengthened and value can be added through the
role of cultural institutions in both countries. The role of museums and
other cultural institutions must be seen as equally important to the role of
economics, education, engineering, information technology or military
in strengthening relations between India and Malaysia.
3. Cultural Exchange
Diplomatic relations between Malaysia and India were forged in
1957, after Malaysia attained Independence. To further strengthen the
relationship between the two nations, particularly in terms of cooperation
and cultural exchange, the Malaysian and Indian governments signed a
Cultural Agreement on 30 March 1978 in New Delhi. Subsequently, on
27 October 2010, another Cultural Exchange Agreement was signed for
the period 2010-2013. On 23 November 2015, both countries signed a
Cultural Exchange Programme Agreement for the period 2015-2020.
This outlines steps that must be taken at the Ministry level and among
officers to encourage, strengthen and promote cultural cooperation
through activities such as the exchange of visits, performing arts
groups, art exhibitions, training, co-publications, publishing materials,
archives, joint exhibitions, as well as cooperation in the preservation and
conservation of cultural heritage that involves museums, archaeology, art
galleries, archives and libraries.
Out of 15 activities agreed upon, following four are directly related to
museum institutions:
• encourage cooperation in exchanging visits between archaeological
institutions, museums and archives establishments of two countries;
• endeavour to facilitate the exchange of Museums, Archaeologists,
Conservators, Archives and Libraries personnel for training to
exchange information and experience from each other;
• collaborate in joint publication projects and exchange publications
relating to heritage, librarianship, archaeology, museology, archives
and history of arts;
• collaborate in joint exhibitions projects relating to heritage, museology

(collection management), archives and libraries;
Without doubt, the Cultural Exchange Agreement has brought
many cultural benefits to both the countries such as the organisation of
the Festival of India the establishment of the Netaji Subhash Chandra
Bose Indian Cultural Centre, a cultural wing of High Commission of
India, Kuala Lumpur training for students cultural performances, and
other activities. Unfortunately, to date, there have not been any cultural
exchange programmes organised between museums of the two nations
either through the Ministry or related agencies under the Agreement.
Instead, the collaborations occurred with China. The two-way cultural
relationship between Malaysia and the People’s Republic of China was
forged through a Cultural Agreement signed on 23 November 1999. It led
to many cultural exchange programmes including museum activities. For
example, in conjunction with the 40th anniversary of diplomatic relations
between Malaysia and China, from 15 December 2014 to 15 March
2015, the Government of China through Art Exhibition China organized
an exhibition entitled Treasure from the Summer Palace involving 84
exclusive collections belonging to Emperor Qianlong, the ruler of the
Ching Dynasty. Thereafter, from 22 November 2015 to 26 December
2015 the Blue and White Porcelain exhibition was organised, whereby
111 valuable ceramics were displayed. Both exhibitions were held at
the National Museum. Malaysia reciprocated with an exhibition entitled
“Malaysia-China Relations: From Ancient Time to The Future” from 20
December 2016 to 28 February 2017 at Ningbo Museum, China, which
involved 147 collections. Both countries agreed that it would become a
travelling exhibition, shown in several large cities in China, starting in
Hainan in March 2017, to give more Chinese citizens an understanding
of the relationship between the countries, which began in the 15th century
to strengthen diplomatic relations.
India and Malaysia in the past organized several temporary exhibitions
and programmes related to India’s history and culture in the National
Museum, Kuala Lumpur; most of which were through the cooperation
with the High Commission of India to Malaysia.
Table 14.1: Programmes in Malaysia

Year Exhibition/ Programme Location
1964 Indian Textiles National Museum
1965 Ajanta Caves Paintings, India National Museum
1966 International Association of Tamil
National Museum
Research Conference
1968 Indians Art and Architecture National Museum
1968 100 Years Mahatma Gandhi National Museum
1969 Mahatma Gandhi Centenary National Museum
1970 Indian Art Through The Ages National Museum
1972 Bujang Valley Excavations National Museum
1987 Tamils in Malaysia (in conjunction with
National Museum
the 6th Tamil Conference and Studies)
1988 Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru: His Life &
National Museum
Time
1989 Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru: His Life &
National Museum
Time
1992 The Entreport Civilisation in South
National Museum
Kedah, Malaysia 5-14th Century A.D
1999 Dolls from India National Museum
However, based on the records, the Department of Museums Malaysia

has never held a large-scale exhibition or other museum programmes in
India, except for sending officers to join courses in India.
4. The Way Forward

Under the Cultural Exchange Programme Agreement 2015-2016, the
time has come for both the nations, through respective ministries and
agencies, to plan, execute and strengthen museum programmes, through
exhibitions, collection exchanges, artefact conservation, training and
research. Activities that can be organised are proposed as follows.
• The National Museums of both countries or significant museums
can host temporary exchange exhibitions, be it in New Delhi or in
Kuala Lumpur, which can be developed into a travelling exhibition in
each country. Therefore, visits and reciprocated visits by officers and
experts from both countries can be arranged.
• Implement collection exchange programmes or loan of artefacts to
enable citizens of both countries to not only appreciate historical
and cultural artefacts, but also understand respective socio-politics,

histories and cultures that bind them.
• Organize joint research and publication programmes or publication
exchanges on museology.
• Organize exchange programmes on skills and knowledge through the
exchange of officers or experts in the field of museology, especially in
conservation management and artefact conservation.
• Place officers in both countries at selected museums through various
attachment programmes. The Department of Museums Malaysia
will continuously sending its officers for training, especially in
conservation in Hyderabad and Lucknow; and
• Consistently send officers to conferences or cultural fora on
museology, organised by both nations.
Many Indian artefacts and cultural objects are displayed in museums in
Malaysia. Many monuments and historical sites of the Indian civilisation
and cultural practices have been absorbed as part of its national culture.
However, it is not enough to strengthen the relationship between the two
countries in a long term. More large-scale, consistent and high-impact
arts and culture exhibitions must be planned and implemented. Both
countries must take opportunities presented by the Cultural Exchange
Programme Agreement 2015-2020 to strengthen cultural relations
through the role of social institutions like museums. The Cultural
Exchange Agreement that was signed must be followed by the consistent
establishment of cultural exchange programmes as well as dialogues
between the ministries, agencies and cultural institutions. The remaining
years must be used beneficially by both the nations to plan, implement
and strengthen museum activities that are consistent, high impact and
mutually beneficial.
15
Enhancing India-
Philippines Cooperation
in Culture
Joefe B. Santarita
1. Introduction
Since time immemorial, culture and its related activities are considered
important part of human condition and for everyday transactions. In the
recent times, however, culture has evolved to become an indispensable
medium of dialogue and understanding with others, within or between
countries. Thus, modern nation-states began to employ various cultural
forms in conducting their relations with neighbours. In such interactions,
there were attempts that failed, but many were successful too. Hence, it
is imperative to countries such as India and the Philippines to similarly
revisit their ancient encounters and the traces of their practices/influences.
Subsequently, this revisiting of the ‘shared heritage’ is hoped to assist
stakeholders to craft and implement strategies that would fully enhance
cultural partnerships.
In the case of the India-Philippines cooperation in culture, it is
appropriate to start the discussion on the concept of heritage diplomacy.
To better understand this concept, it is good to quote here at length the
idea of Prof. Tim Winter. He opines that heritage diplomacy is more
expansive than cultural diplomacy which typically pivots around the
projection or export of a particular cultural form as a mechanism of soft
power. Film, celebrity, sport or fashion are among the frequently cited
examples of cultural exports that help countries secure influence beyond
their own national boundaries, with the United States, France, Italy and
India associated with cultivating successful programmes in these areas.
In contrast, heritage diplomacy goes beyond the export or projection of
a particular cultural form, and instead brings into focus bi-and multi-
directional cultural flows and exchanges. In many cases, heritage, as a
non-human actor, becomes activated diplomatically because it speaks
to notions of shared culture, even one culture. Moreover, heritage
diplomacy extends beyond the use of culture as a tool for international
public and political relations. It acts as an arena of governance, one that
crosses borders, and becomes politicized as it straddles sectors as diverse
as architectural conservation, social development and post-disaster
reconstruction. In this regard, heritage diplomacy can broadly be defined
as a set of processes whereby cultural and natural pasts shared between
and across nations become subject to exchanges, collaborations and
forms of cooperative governance (Winter 2015). Hence, states around
the world are pursuing a language of ‘shared heritage’ to semantically
shift material culture from one category to the other. Architecture,
archaeological remains, traditional dance forms, food and textiles are
among those cultural forms being discursively framed as shared heritage
by former colonial powers and rising regional powers alike in the name of
creating forms of historical and cultural conjoining; a process that gives
significantly more diplomatic weight to their contemporary international
relations (Winter 2016).
In the recent times, regional powers such as China and India have
also expanded their heritage diplomacy in many fronts all over the world.
India, as one of the early civilizations, is similarly expanding its cultural
interests in Southeast Asia. For some time, India has provided assistance
to Indonesia, Thailand, Cambodia, and Lao PDR in an array of heritage
sectors, including archaeology, textiles, museums and modern urban
architecture. More recently, however, such forms of cooperation have
been explicitly mobilized as a mechanism for promoting economic and
diplomatic relations with Myanmar, offering a case in point. Concerned
by the growing influence of China in the country, the Indian government
began folding archaeology into its official diplomatic visits from 2010
onwards, invoking ideas of mutual pasts to build trust and diplomatic ties
(Winter 2016). India in particular has implemented its Act East Policy
(AEP) as an important mechanism to forward its interest in the region
not only in the politico-security and economic aspects but also in cultural
aspects.
Enhancing India-Philippines Cooperation in Culture 211
This facet of Indian diplomacy is slowly observable in the Philippines.

India too is interested to work this out with the various agencies working
in the archipelago on the preservation and enrichment of culture. Banking
on the long historical and cultural encounter, India is also interested to
cultivate the idea of ‘shared past’ with the Philippines. Contrary to the
belief that the Philippines since early times was consistently out of the
Indian radar, the presence of Indo-Pacific beads, iron implements, and
Hindu-Buddhist images proved otherwise. All these imported goods are
believed to form the part of the repertoire of the Philippine prestige and
status objects. The presence of these goods was facilitated by networks
of trade that were essentially of a maritime nature and were already in
place before the advent of the Europeans. Such condition was clearly
highlighted by former President Abdul Kalam, in one of his speeches in
the Philippines during his state visit in 2006. He said that ‘the countries
of Southeast Asia, including the Philippines, constitute an extended
neighbourhood with whom India’s links go back many centuries. He
further emphasized that there is a distinctive Indian impress in this part
of Asia, a religious, cultural, and linguistic stamp which Indian seafarers
brought via Indonesia and the Malaya peninsula before the era of
European colonisation. He earlier called this link during his Singapore
visit as ‘umbilical connectivity’ (Santarita 2011).
Through the years, these early encounters between India and the
Philippines had produced several cultural manifestations to include the
presence of Ramayana in several variances, the existence of Darangen,
the development of Singkil, hundreds of Sanskrit words in Filipino
languages, other Hindu-Buddhist artefacts, and to some extent even
production and consumption of textiles. These ‘shared heritage’ are
discussed briefly next.
2. Pre-Colonial India-Philippine Links

Unlike with its counterparts, especially in mainland Southeast Asia, the
Philippines has no temple or monument to showcase that resemblance
of those great edifices that were established under the Hindu-Buddhist
influences. However, there are tangible and intangible manifestations of
Indian early contacts in Southeast Asian region, no matter how small,
that managed to survive in the Philippines. One of these is the existence
of Ramayana. In the Philippines, the Rama story is popularly known as
Maharadia Lawana,1 which Dr. Juan Francisco discovered in 1968 as a
Maranaw narrative. This version is in condensed form in comparison

to the Indian Ramayana, but still contains the major episodes of the
latter such as winning of Sita, her abduction, the search for Sita and
her return. These four episodes as they are narrated in the Maharadia
Lawana correspond to five kandas (songs or chapters of Ramayana)
such as Balakanda, Aranyakanda, Kiskindhakanda, Sundarakanda and
Yuddakanda (Francisco 1994).
Figure 15.1: Maharadia Lawana
Source: Photo Courtesy of Joefe Santarita
Other than Ramayana, to point out other vestiges of Indian influences in

the Philippines are the presence of Singkil, hundreds of Sanskrit words
in Filipino languages and the discoveries of various Hindu-Buddhist
artifacts among others.
Singkil, for instance, is an elegant, stylized performance dance usually
involving performers interpreting archetype characters inspired by and
interpreted from the thread of storylines found similarly in the Indian epic
Ramayana–including a princess, her faithful assistant, friends, as well as
ardent suitors who would be stepping in and out, sitting or standing on
two sets of bamboo poles crossed, and being thumped on the floor and hit
together by men to make percussive music for the dance. Native music
instruments like the agung (gong) and the kulintang (made of eight small
gongs set on a rack) complete the ensemble of musical instruments in
the dance. The Maranaw people in southern Philippines even before the
arrival of the Spaniards in 16th century and the arrival of the Islam religion
in the Philippines by the 12th century observed these oral traditions by re-
telling similar storiesfound in the Indian epic Ramayana into ‘Darangen’.
This re-telling is the basis of the story being interpreted and performed,
whenever the singkil is danced (Santarita 2013).
Figure 15.2: Singkil
Source: Photo courtesy of Joefe Santarita
The body, arms, and hand swaying and movements in this dance
remind ancient dance forms from many countries of the Hindu-style of
dancing, which in the singkil can be explained by the extensive influences
made by the Sri-Vijaya and Majapahit empires that reached Indonesia as
well as the many islands of the Philippines. In the performance, the main
dancer–Princess Gandingan–interprets the movements after learning the
rituals from her mother, the powerful healer in the village, in gathering
medicinal plants and herbs from the forest. Movements that interpret
Gandingan’s sojourn in the forest, either alone or with her friends and
faithful assistant that usually bear a beautiful parasol for the princess
wherever she goes during the dance (Santarita 2011).
Aside from performing arts, the most extensive evidences of Indian
influences in the Philippines are Sanskrit elements in the languages of the
country. These have persisted since their introduction in the Philippines
between the 10th and 15th centuries and have been fully assimilated into
their speech systems. There appear to be about 336 words in Philippine
languages recognizably of Sanskrit in origin, and 50 per cent of these
have definitive provenance in Sanskrit (Francisco 1994). William Henry
Scott even gave actual statistical count of Sanskrit words in Philippine
languages. He found out that some 150 separate Sanskrit words are
identified as the origin of Philippine terms majority are in Tagalog and
the rest in Bisaya, Ilocano and Sulu (Tausug) (Scott 1968 as cited by
Francisco, 1994). Examples are guro (teacher), saksi (witness), and
dukha (grief/miserable) among others. Santarita even observed that some
Hindi words found in the Philippine languages through the years have
changed slightly its meaning. Words such as kama which means love in
Hindi and has become bed in Filipino; pitaka which is basket (Hindi) to
wallet (Filipino), and interestingly the term bana for arrow (Hindi) to
husband (Filipino/Hiligaynon).
In terms of concrete manifestations of Indian presence in the
Philippines, Francisco identified some artefacts that are housed either
in the National Museum of the Philippines or abroad (Francisco 1994).
These include the Buddhist Tara of Agusan, votive stamp of Calatagan,
Golden Garuda of Palawan and other glass beads.
In Agusan, Vajralasya, an eight-inch tall image of a woman in pure
gold at Maasin, Esperanza, was discovered in 1917 along the muddy
bank near the Agusan River. The figure passed through many hands and
almost melted down before the Field Museum purchased it in 1922.
Scholars think that the statue may represent an offering goddess from a
three-dimensional Vajradhatu (Diamond World) mandala. Possibly more
than 1,000 years old, this pint-sized, 18-karat gold statue is considered
one of the Philippine Islands’ most important cultural artefacts. The icon
is presently kept at the Grainger Hall of Gems of the Field Museum of
Natural History, Chicago, United States of America (The Field Museum).
In Calatagan, Batangas, clay medallion or votive stamp on whose
obverse face is an image of the Avolokitesvara Padmapani in bas-relief
was discovered. The image stands in the classic Indian pose known as
‘tribhanga’; three bends and appears to hold a padma, lotus in his right
hand. This object was associated with 14th – 15th century, and is now
stored in the National Museum of the Philippines.
Furthermore, the Golden Garuda pendant was found in Brookes
point Palawan. Such image is now stored in the National Museum of the
Philippines, and is believed to be the vehicle of the Hindu God, Vishnu at
the height of power of the Hindi-inspired Majapahit Empire. This image
along with other artefacts such as glass beads of various colours and the
Filipino words of Sanskrit origin are testaments of Hindu influence in
pre-colonial Philippine society (www.philippine-trivia.com).
Figure 15.3: Agusan Gold Vajralasya
Source: Image Courtesy of the Field Museum, Chicago
Moreover, an ivory stamp seal associated with a shell midden dated

9th-12th century was found in Libertad, Butuan City in Agusan del Norte
(southern Philippines). Inscribed on the seal is the word Butban in
stylized Kavi. The script has a similarity to the Tagalog script. Butban,
was presumed to stand for Butwan or Butuan since the letters “b” and “w”
were frequently interchanged. Dated 1002 A.D., the seal could have been
used for documentation in trading (National Museum of the Philippines).
Figure 15.4: Butuan Ivory Seal
Source: Image courtesy of the National Museum of the Philippines.

Furthermore, a golden statuette of the Hindu-Buddhist mythical

beings Kinnari was found in an archeological dig in Esperanza, Agusan
del Sur. In Buddhist mythology and Hindu mythology, a kinnara is a
paradigmatic lover, a celestial musician, half-human and half-horse
(India) or half-bird (Southeast Asia). She is renowned for her dance,
song and poetry, and is a traditional symbol of feminine beauty, grace
and accomplishment. Thus, the discovery of kinnari only proves that
a civilization of Indian influence had existed there before the Spanish
conquest.
Lastly, it was believed that the encounters with Indian cloth in the
country was largely mediated by trade, and may be convincingly dated to
at least the 14th century. Indian textiles were appropriated in a number of
ways in the local scene. Uses varied from the practical to the symbolic,
and were mobilized as capital for economic, social and cultural gain.
There is enough evidence to show that consumption of Indian goods
was widespread throughout the islands. The breadth of textiles that were
accessed in the Philippines were quite extensive, but the distinct features
of each item were not always easily determined as descriptions could be
rather generalized. Most of these goods, however, were of cotton and
enjoyed during patronage for several centuries (Canta 2014). Examples
of these are the patolas and cambayas.
3. Enhancing Cooperation in Culture

Given the ‘shared heritage’ of India and the Philippines, how can the
Philippines and Indian governments and other stakeholders enhance
the cultural cooperation between the two countries. The following
suggestions are hereby offered and reiterated (Santarita 2011):
First, sustainable cultural cooperation must be built through multi-
annual programmes to promote mobility of cultural practitioners and
exchange of people as well as ideas. This can be done by designing a
cultural scholarship that will group together youths from ten countries of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other observers
for two to three months as part of the cultural programme of the India-
ASEAN Dialogue. This will include the study of Hindi, Sanskrit or Urdu
languages, Indian arts, learning how to play Indian musical instruments
and also familiarization with Indian version of Ramayana in the form
of dance or theatrical performances. The Indian Council for Cultural
Relations (ICCR) together with other culturally-focused institutions
should serve as the base of this programme. The proposed programme

is more intensive in nature than the current cultural scholarship being
offered to the youth which used to last only for two weeks. Furthermore,
transnational mobility of people working in the cultural sector such
as the provision of support to the transnational circulation of cultural
and artistic works and products are to be encouraged. India and the
Philippines must facilitate exchanges of academic staff, teachers, experts
and students on programmes, mutually beneficial to both countries
and shall develop programmes between educational, cultural and arts
institutions. At the same time, agencies concerned both in India and the
Philippines must facilitate contacts in the field of folk culture and folk-
crafts, including exhibitions, festivals and performances of folk artists
and festivities in the events organized in their states. Among these is by
regularly inviting Indian artists to perform in the Philippines, particularly
staging of Ramayana in various parts of the archipelago. The Philippine
government through the NCCA should also send performing group in
India to perform Singkil in the Indian Arts Festival or support the puppet
show performance of Teatro Mulat that features Filipino version of Rama
and Sita story among primary and secondary students residing in major
cities of India. This experience will give the students an opportunity to
appreciate their heritage as well as the efforts of their counterparts in Asia
to value such shared heritage.
Second, promote creative/cultural industries by providing support
‘upstream’ on capacities and methods of production and ‘downstream’
on promotion and sales, assist creative/cultural industries through
participation in trade fairs, showcasing artistic and creative talents and
encouraging networking and collaboration. The Department of Trade
and Industry in cooperation with the National Commission for Culture
and the Arts (NCCA) should assist individuals or groups especially from
indigenous communities who are doing still the weaving/textile production
to actively participate in the international trade fairs. Furthermore, it is
important to encourage collaboration between the creative industries and
the business communities towards developing a relationship between
cultural aims and economic interests. The governments of India and
the Philippines should explore alternative investment models for
public support of culture and develop public-private partnerships for
financing of cultural sector. Moreover, both countries should support the
development of frontliners (heritage, arts, media, and functional groups)
of creative industries, who are responsible in the advancement of culture’s

various facets, including, but not limited to cultural expression, arts and
crafts, festivals and celebrations, and cultural sites; visual arts and the
performing arts; publishing and printed media; as well as designs and
new media such as software, video games, architecture, and advertising.
To further assist this industry, the Philippine government, as well as
India, can provide assistance through legislative action, tax incentives,
or IP policy regulation as the industry expands. The government can
also support the industry by marketing its creative products and services
overseas, which can generate revenue for the economy and earn cultural
and creative distinction for the country (Wong 2016).
Third, promote expertise in cultural heritage by developing or extending
assistance programmes to provide expertise to local government units
both in the Philippines and India having difficulties in sustaining their
cultural heritage. The communities in southern Philippines will surely
benefit from the assistance e provided by the experts of both countries.
Moreover, arranging interactive educational workshops and culturally
driven partnership events as well as developing initiatives with the
cultural sector that exploits the potential of social networking to engage
with the public will ensure successful collaboration in the field of culture.
The local government of Butuan, for instance, will surely benefit from
whatever technical assistance it can get from India.
Fourth, Bollywood films must be gradually introduced to the Filipinos
by sponsoring various film showing activities in numerous universities
such as University of the Philippines. On a higher level, it is better to
encourage joint film production in India and the Philippines, and making
each country’s beautiful and historical sites as setting of the film. Hence,
film agreements should be drawn to facilitate joint venture of film
projects and exchanges of films. The 2010 Filipino movie entitled ‘Tum:
My Pledge of Love’ and the 2014 Mumbai Love that were partially shot
in India are cases in point. The production of films in the country should
also be complemented with the offering of tax incentives and other related
film production financial reliefs while filming in the country.
In addition, joint collaboration between India and the Philippines to
work on computer-animated film on Ramayana in Filipino language in
educating the children and youth should be realized soonest. The same
is true with other partner countries. The Philippines in the past has
successfully produced computer-animated movie ‘Princess Urduja’ in
2008, and it was accepted well by the Filipinos, primarily by children.

The subtitling in Filipino or preferably dubbing in Filipino of the
‘Ramayana: The Epic’ produced in 2010 by Maya Digital Media and
released by Warner Bros., India can be a good start. Alternately, the work
of Nina Paley in 2008 entitled ‘Sita Sings the Blues’ can be another
option. Conversely, the Indian government should also look at the
available animated films that are produced in the Philippines and possibly
subtitle it in Hindi. One of these is the locally produced ‘Princess Urduja’
in 2008.
Fifth, attract students to pursue graduate courses in Indian studies
in the University of the Philippines and simultaneously strengthen
the Hindi class offerings in the university. This can be done with the
provision of scholarships/travel grants for students interested to pursue
this degree/course. The Indian Embassy and/or any Indian philanthropic
organizations based in the Philippines should sponsor extramural Hindi
programmes where interested young Filipinos and offsprings of Indian
migrants could both study and interact.
It is important to emphasize here that the promotion of Indian culture
in various institutions of higher learning should not only concentrate on
incoming/potential graduate students but could also tap those secondary
school students and undergraduates who could be potential Indian studies’
recruits in the near future. Such long-term investment can start with the
possible collaboration of the respective Indian missions based in various
countries of the Southeast Asia with several strategic academic institutions
to hold annual cultural activities such as Indian Festival (utsav). In the
case of the Philippines, the Asian Center serves as the primary partner
of the Indian Embassy in organizing an annual utsav since the past two
years, which features Indian music, dances, art works/tattooing, as well
as showing of Bollywood films. These activities are complemented with
the distribution of Indian delicacies during break time. In the said period,
the activity successfully reached more than a thousand young students
who strongly appreciated Indian culture. Moreover, the World Hindi Day
should be encouraged and properly supported by the Embassy and even
by the Indian migrant and business communities. Students who have
undergone extramural classes and Indian students based in Manila are
encouraged to participate in the activity by presenting popular literary
works/poems of noted Indian scholars and artists to public forum. To
complement the university based activities, exchange information on
cultural events such as seminars, contests, conferences, colloquia, round

tables, and other forms of creative and scientific exchanges in both
countries should be encouraged.
Sixth, partnerships between private or public institutions (such as
cultural departments of national, regional or local authorities, cultural
observatories or foundations, university departments specialised in
cultural affairs, professional organisations and networks) that have direct
and practical experience in the analysis, evaluation, or impact assessment
of cultural policies at local, regional, national and international levels
must be encouraged. The government should explore and exploit the
public-private partnerships mechanisms to provide an effective and
efficient service deliverables to end-users in culture. The government
can tap chambers of commerce and industry to financially support the
holding of exhibits, transportation costs of artefacts as well as taxes to
promote further cultural understanding among peoples of India and the
Philippines through museum exhibits and trade fair expositions. New
regionalism and current global developments are inevitably encouraging
non-state actors such as civil society, businessmen, academics and artists
to actively participate in the regionalization through cultural and heritage
diplomacy.
Lastly, presence of Indian diaspora as umbilical connections of India
in the Philippines must be fully maximized to strengthen and/or promote
Hindu-Buddhist influences, to proliferate and maintain Ramayana and
other cultural elements. The Philippine government should capitalize on
the presence of at least majority of those 50,000 People of Indian Origin
(PIO), who are currently residing in the Philippines to enhance Indian
influence in the archipelago. These people are good economic, cultural
gatekeepers as well as effective promoter of heritage diplomacy, whom
the late Indian President Abdul Kalam referred as India’s ‘umbilical
connections’ to the world.
4. Conclusion
To ensure dialogue and promote amity and cooperation among peoples of
India and Southeast Asia, particularly the Philippines, culture (heritage to
be exact) as a resource should be maximized well through various forms.
This can be done only if strategies and plans are carefully considered and
implemented. It is important that the interventions being proposed should
concentrate more on the development of people who are working and
involved in the cultural sector. It must be very clear to the governments

of India and the Philippines that the people-to-people diplomacy is a long
term investment that needs earnest dedication and sincere support from
various key players such as governments, both in the local and national
levels, NGOs, private sectors and other stakeholders to maximize
potentials of culture. It is, therefore, highly recommended that the
government should explore and exploit the public-private partnerships’
mechanism to provide effective and efficient service deliverables to
the end-users in culture. In particular, the government can work with
various private sponsors to support the insurance and other logistics
in the exhibition of several Indian artworks in the Philippines and vice
versa. In this way, India and the Philippines will be able to maximize
their heritage diplomacy and successfully contribute in the realization of
a long-term vision of cooperation such as of former President Kalam’s
idea of pan-Asian community of peace and progress in the future. Hence,
it is with fervent hope that these agents, state and/or non-state actors, are
creative enough to transform these potentials into enhanced partnerships
as vehicles of fostering friendship, and cooperation between now and in
the near future.
Endnotes
1. In Maharadia Lawana story, Rama is Radia Mangadiri, Laksmana is Radia
Mangawarna, Sita is Tuwan Potre Malano Tihaia, Kusa/Lava is Laksmana,
who in the story assumes the character of Hanuman. Ravana is Maharadia
Lawana. The story’s setting is in the legendary island of Pulu Agama Niog.
Pulu means island, Agama for village and Niog for coconut. Hence, Pulu
Agama Niog simply means coconut grove village.
References
Canta, M . 2014. Indian Textiles in the Philippines: Contexts of Encounter and
Traces of Practice. University of the Philippines. Dissertation.
Francisco, J. 1994. Sarimanok and the Torogan & Other Essays. Marawi City:
Mindanao State University.
Santarita, J. 2011. India-Philippine Relations in the Context of India’s ‘Look
East’ Policy. National University of Singapore. Dissertation.
Santarita, J. 2013. Capitalising on Cultural Connections: Indian Influences in
the Philippines. Civilizational dialogue: Asian inter-connections and cross-
cultural exchanges. Ed., Anjana Sharma. New Delhi: Indian Council for
Cultural Relations and Manohar Publishers & Distributors.
Winter, T. 2015. Heritage diplomacy, International Journal of Heritage Studies,

21:10, 997-1015, DOI: 10.1080/13527258.2015.1041412.
Winter, T. 2016. Heritage diplomacy along the One Belt One Road. http://iias.
asia/the-newsletter/article/heritage-diplomacy-along-one-belt-one-road.
Wong, A. C. 2016. Philippine Cultural Diplomacy: Unraveling its Full Potential.
FSI Insights. July.
16
Cultural Relation between India
and Vietnam: Toward Profound
Partnership for Future
Development
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha
1. Introduction
In 2017, Vietnam and India celebrated their 45 years of establishment
of diplomatic relations (7/1/1972-7/1/2017) and 10th anniversary of the
Strategic Partnership between the two countries (6/7/2007-6/7/2017).
The diplomatic relation and friendship between Vietnam and India
were formally founded by President Ho Chi Minh and Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru, and then have been continued by successive leaders
and peoples of both the countries. The relationship between the two
countries, has been upgraded to the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership
level to meet aspirations of the two in their fundamental and long-term
interests in all areas.
That is not how far the relationship between Vietnam and India had
started. In fact, the relationship between the two had started long time ago.
India has profoundly left great influence on almost every aspects of life
in many countries in the world, particularly in the countries of ASEAN
region. Significantly, this influence was placed with no means of force.
It has been very unique and different from other dominant cultures and
civilizations of the world history. For over two millenniums, we have not
witnessed any violence from India on other nations. Cultural influence
and exchange between India and other regional countries have gradually
taken place through her ancient-yet-continuing religious, philosophy,
architecture, arts and trade. ASEAN members, particularly Myanmar,
Thailand, Indonesia, Cambodia, and Vietnam, are countries that were
deeply under the Indian cultural influence. By trade and religions,
Hinduism and Buddhism, all aspects of Indian culture and philosophy
spread widely and profoundly in many countries1 in the region.
In case of Vietnam, the cultural connection between India and Vietnam
was formed for many centuries through Buddhism and especially, the
existence of Champa, an Indianized Kingdom that was located in the
region of the south-central of today’s Vietnam. After becoming part of
current Vietnam (since the late decades of 15th century), many aspects of
Champa’s culture and arts survived and currently have been protected and
preserved well in many Cham relics, located scattered in some provinces
such as Hue, Quang Nam, Khanh Hoa, Binh Dinh, Phu Yen, Ninh
Thuan, etc. by Vietnamese authorities and people. My Son Sanctuary
(Quang Nam province), Po-Nagar (Nha Trang City) and many existing
Cham temples in the south-central and north of Vietnam reflect a great
influence of India’s religions (Brahminism and Buddhism), architecture
and sculptural arts2 (Sharma 2013).
Figure 16.1: My Son Sanctuary (Quang Nam Province)
Source: Nguyen Thi Thu Ha, 2008

Cultural Relation between India and Vietnam 225
Other Indian influences on Vietnam culture can be easily recognized

in Vietnamese cuisine (Indian curry foods, Indian herbal usage, etc.).
Based on those long-lasting cultural influences, the relationship
between India and Vietnam has been strongly maintained and increasingly
reinforced until now by the leaders and people of the two countries.
2. India –Vietnam Cooperation in Culture: Existing Efforts

In modern times, the formal relation between India and Vietnam has
gradually been strengthened by numerous efforts of leaders and people
of both the countries. Since 2007, this bilateral relationship elevated to
strategic partnership, and in 2017, it became Comprehensive Strategic
Partnership in all aspects of life: national defence and security, politics,
economy, science and technology, human resource development, cultural
cooperation. The current government in India, led by Prime Minister
Narendra Modi, viewed Vietnam as an essential partner for its Act East
Policy3. In economic term, strengthening the economic engagement
between the two countries was one of the strategic objectives of the
bilateral cooperation. India now is one of the ten largest trading partners
of Vietnam. Two-way trade between India and Vietnam surpassed US$
7.8 billion in 2015, and showed confidence that the bilateral trade target
of US$ 15 billion in 2020 is feasible4.
In 2015, Vietnam became the country coordinator for India in
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for a three-year term
(2015-2018)5. This has provided Vietnam an opportunity to proactively
reinforce its strategic relation with India with additional supports and
interventions from other ASEAN countries.
Significantly in this bilateral partnership, cultural cooperation has been
always a main pillar for many years. In their upgraded Comprehensive
Strategic Partnership started in 2017, culture has been perceived
continuously as an area that would help set the foundation to support for
the other areas for growth and sustainability. Since 2007, and even before
that, in many formal meetings between the leaders of two countries (high-
level visits, ministerial-level visits), numerous interventions for cultural
cooperation between India and Vietnam have been agreed, signed and
implemented.6
• Agreements on the implementation of India-Vietnam Cultural

Exchange Programme 2012-2015 and its extension.
• Signed Agreements on the research cooperation in Indian studies and
Vietnamese studies (2012)
• Celebrated 40th anniversary of the establishment of full diplomatic
relation between India and Vietnam with activities such as
commemorative seminars, business events, and performances by
cultural troupes, film festivals, culinary week and art exhibitions
(2012)
• Vietnam – India Friendship Festival in Da Nang from 22-25 October
2013
• Holding an Indian Festival in Vietnam from 5-15 March 2014 in
Hanoi, Da Nang and Ho Chi Minh City with programmes of classical
dance recital by Sangeet Natak Academy; Buddhist Festival by
Central Institute of Himalayan Cultural Studies; Food Festival; Folk
dance by Kalbelia Group; Mehendi; and Yoga7.
• Established Indian Culture Centre in Hanoi (2014) in order to
strengthen the presence of Indian culture in Vietnam, to support for
exchanges between artists of two countries in their creativity and
distribution in different fields: yoga, traditional music, traditional craft
workshops, Hindi and English language training, films, heritages, etc.
• Establishment of the Centre for Indian Studies in Ho Chi Minh
National Academy for Politics and Public Administration (Hanoi) in
September 2014.
• First Indian Film Festival was organized during 12-23 December 2015
in Da Nang, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City: 8 Hindi films screening,
Seminar ‘Collaboration in Film making and its role in promotion
of tourism with the participation of 11 Indian film producers and
directors as well as many Vietnamese film makers.
• International project of Conservation and restoration of Cham
monuments in My Son Sanctuary to highlight and reaffirm the
ancient linkages between Vietnam and India through the prominent
existence of Hindu Cham civilization in Vietnam. The initiative was
brought up by the Indian side in 2007 in a formal meeting between
the Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam H.E. Mr.
Nguyen Tan Dung and the Prime Minister of the Republic of India,
H.E. Dr. Manmohan Singh in India, to have a team of Indian experts
to examine the current situation of Cham monuments in My Son.

In following high-level meetings between leaders of two countries,
the project has continued to receive great attention. An MoU on the
financial and technical support of India for the conservation and
restoration of Cham monuments in My Son was signed in October
2014. According to the agreement, India will allocate a fund of around
US$ 2.5 million for Vietnam to implement the project within five
years. The Archaeological Survey of India was the organization that
carried on the assessment on the current state of My Son A1 tower in
2015 and agreed to start the project on February 2016. However, the
restoration activities have not been actually implemented until now.
Figure 16.2: My Son A1 Tower (H.Parmenter)8
Academic Conference and Workshops: International conference on

Cham civilizational Linkages between India and Vietnam was organized
by the Embassy with Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) and
Vietnam National Institute of Culture and Arts Studies in Da Nang in June
2012; Seminar “Vietnam – India Cultural Exchanges” at Cham Sculpture
Museum; International Scientific Conference “Viet Nam, ASEAN -India
Development Cooperation: Reality and Prospect” organized by Ho Chi
Minh National Academy of Politics and Indian Embassy in Vietnam in
29-30 June 2015; 20/2/2016, International conference “Indo-Vietnam
Cultural Relations: Retrospect and Prospect” by Indian Council for

Cultural Relations (ICCR) organized from 20 to 21 February 2016 in
New Delhi, India.
Vietnam-India Cultural Week 2017 in Ho Chi Minh City was organized
during 7-14 January 2017 to celebrate 45 years of the establishment
of diplomatic relation between India and Vietnam with diversified
programmes such as photo exhibition, Yoga day, fashion show, Indian
film festival, food exhibition, logo creating contest, etc.
There have been many efforts to reinforce the cultural cooperation
between the two countries by means of agreements, MoUs and
cooperative projects since the last decade to fulfil the expectation of
leaders and peoples. It is necessary to revise the actual impacts of those
cultural cooperation programmes in order to have a profound, actual and
mutually-beneficial relationship between two countries in coming years.
3. Vietnam National Policy Revision on the Role of Culture

and International Cultural Cooperation
For long time, Vietnamese cultural policies are aimed toward the heritage
conservation/traditional culture and national identity protection, which
have gradually resulted in a very inactive and subsidy-dependent model
of culture of Vietnam in many areas including performing arts, fine arts,
films, etc. In the past decade,Vietnam have had many social changes,
which eventually affecting her culture. There have been numerous
constraints Vietnam had to face, while doing the protection, preservation
and promotion of culture such as over-complex and bureaucratic
government structure; state-enforced decisions on censorship on grounds
of aesthetics or perceived narrowly-confined cultural value; widespread
of copyright infringement; weak evidence base that sets an agenda for
growth, sustainability and value-adding role of cultural sector; etc.
These constraints created a context that urged Vietnam government to
revise and transform their perspective on the role of culture within the
comprehensive development of the country.
In 2014, the Communist Party of Viet Nam issued Resolution 33-NQ/
TW of the 9th Meeting of the Party Central Committee of the 11th tenure
on building and developing Vietnamese culture and people meeting the
demand for national sustainable development. This is a comprehensive
renovation policy of the Party in the field of culture in which, culture was
not recognized as a passive and subsidized sector. It now has to be more
proactive, independent and bring about economic benefits to national

economy. Profits gained from cultural industries and its contribution to
the development of the economy should also reaffirm the fundamental
role of culture as the spiritual foundation of the society. Cultural
development does not mean the total trade-off between the core values
of culture and economic values. It requires harmonious development and
would sustain the balance between culture-based economic development
and preservation of cultural identities of the peoples.
In view of importance of culture, Vietnam government has introduced
an agenda for changes in other related areas, particularly in cultural
cooperation between Vietnam and other countries in the world. There
have been new approaches in implementing policies on international
cooperation since past five years in accordance to the new ideological
direction affirmed in above mentioned Resolution 33-NQ/TW of the 9th
Meeting of the Party Central Committee of the 11th tenure. In 2015, Viet
Nam National Strategy on international relations and cultural until 2020,
with a vision to 2030, was approved by the Vietnam government to promote
international relations culture, turning culture into an internal power,
strengthening the international profile and prestige of the country. To
implement these orientations, the strategy provides uniform solutions, with
specific measures related to creativity, production and the dissemination
of cultural and artistic products, getting access to worldwide audience and
markets, improving the enjoyment of domestic audience through foreign
cultural and artistic activities and international arts festivals organized in
Vietnam. The strategy sets its objectives as promoting national cultural
values to the world, to deepen the understanding of the world regarding
the country, people and culture of Vietnam and at the same time to build
trust and love to Vietnam, contributing to strengthen cooperation in other
sectors.
Under the umbrella of those newly revised policies in the field
of culture and international cultural cooperation, Vietnam has been quite
proactive in negotiating, signing and implementing international treaties,
agreements to enhance cultural exchange and cooperation, to improve
mutual understanding and friendship between Vietnamese and foreign
peoples through the participation and enjoyment of artistic and cultural
activities and, at the same time, increasing professional capacity of artists
and experts working in the fields of culture and of cultural agencies
participating in cultural cooperative programmes.
4. Conclusion
We would like to make following suggestions for further discussion with
scholars and policy-makers of India, Vietnam as well as all other countries
in ASEAN on the international cultural cooperation and exchanges.
Extension: Extending the cooperation in culture from popular areas such
as traditional performing arts, cuisine, heritage management, religions,
yoga, etc. to more contemporary and creative industry-oriented areas
such as films, visual arts, design, software, game, applied craft, pop
music, religious tourism, etc.
Time-bound Implementation: Both nations must strictly respect the
times set in their bilateral agreements or MoUs. Result of the agreement
between India and Vietnam on the international project of conservation
and restoration of Cham monuments in My Son indicates for a better
time-bound implementation of any other cultural cooperation projects.
Sustainability: Countries should take turns to organize more regularly
cultural programmes or activities to make those cultural aspects become
closed and familiar with peoples of two countries.
Diversification: The cultural cooperation between the two countries may
aim to fund grants, technical assistance, technology provision/low-price
trade, governance strengthening (management, skills and professionalism,
entrepreneurship, etc); preferential mechanism for cultural goods and
service businesses, among others.

1. Om Prakash (2012), Attitudinal and Socio-Economic Linkages between India
and Vietnam as gleaned from Cham Inscriptions, paper for International
Conference on the Cham Civilizational Linkages between India and Vietnam,
Da Nang, 26th and 27th June, 2012
2. J.C. Sharma (2012), India’s cultural linkages with Champa, paper for
International Conference on the Cham Civilizational Linkages between India
and Vietnam, Da Nang , 26th and 27th June, 2012
3. http://thediplomat.com/2014/12/india-and-vietnam-advance-their-strategic-
partnership/
4. http://vietnamnews.vn/politics-laws/302217/viet-nam-india relations - upgrad-
ed - to- comprehensive-strategic-partnership.html#V91u2eyA01s0VXSU.97
5. http://thediplomat.com/2014/12/india-and-vietnam-advance-their-strategic-
partnership/
6. http://indembassy.com.vn/cms.php?id=8
7. http://indembassy.com.vn/cms.php?id=8
8. http://www.mysonsanctuary.com.vn/tam-diem/60/854/kiet-tac-a1-my-son-/
Appendix
2nd International Conference
ASEAN-India Cultural and Civilisational Links
19 January 2017, Jakarta
Summary
of the Conference
1. Indian Mission to ASEAN in Jakarta in association with ASEAN-

India Centre (AIC) at Research and Information System for
Developing Countries (RIS), ASEAN Secretariat, Ministry of
External Affairs (MEA), Government of India, Indonesian Foreign
Ministry (KEMLU) organized the 2nd International Conference
on Cultural and Civilizational Links between India and ASEAN at
Jakarta on 19th January 2017. Annexure 1 presents the Agenda of
the Conference. H.E. General (Dr.) V.K. Singh (Rtd.), Minister of
State for External Affairs (MEA), Government of India extended
the Keynote Address. Amb. Suresh K. Reddy, Ambassador of India
to ASEAN gave the Opening Remarks. Special Address was given
by H.E. Mr. A. M. Fachir, Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Indonesia. H.E. Mr. Vongthep Arthakaivalvatee, Deputy Secretary
General of ASEAN and H.E. Nguyen Quoc Dzung, Dy. Foreign
Minister, Vietnam made the Remarks at the Inaugural Session of
the Conference. Amb. Preeti Saran, Secretary (East), Ministry of
External Affairs (MEA), Government of India gave the Valedictory
Address. Dr. Prabir De, Coordinator, AIC extended the Vote of
Thanks.
2. All the ASEAN countries nominated their officials and experts
to this Conference, and about 150 participants including senior
officials attended this one-day event. Annexure 2 presents the list of
delegates. This Conference was the follow up of the 1st International
Conference on “ASEAN-India Cultural Links: Historical and

Contemporary Dimensions”, held at New Delhi on 23-24 July
2015. This Conference was also the first event to celebrate the 25th
anniversary of dialogue partnership between ASEAN and India. The
Conference was divided into four sessions to discuss the historical
and civilizational links between ASEAN countries and India, to
identify emerging challenges to cultural relations between ASEAN
and India at present, and to identify the feasible policy options in
order to overcome the challenges from the perspective of ASEAN
community blueprints. The Conference discussed, analysed and had
put together the various components that would help understanding
cultural links between ASEAN and India.
3. Shared historical ties, culture and knowledge have continued to
underpin India’s sustained interactions with Southeast Asia. Cultural
links between India and Southeast Asia reflect the multi-cultural
and multi-heritage tolerance society. Both physical and emotional
links have to be explored such as Buddhism and Hinduism that
had emerged from India and spread across the Southeast Asian
countries. This would also embrace the tourism by connecting
physical and emotional links. Therefore, ASEAN and India have
multiple commonalities that need to be explored forward for the
next generations. The session-wise major discussions are as follows:
Session I: Trade, Maritime and Cultural Heritage between

India and Southeast Asia
4. The participants of this session presented an overview of the
commercial interaction between Southeast Asian countries and India.
There is huge evidence of commercial links that used to exist between
the countries in Sanskrit and Tamil scripts in Southeast Asia. The
evidence of the long survival of trade centres and port towns located
on the Indian coasts of the littoral states of India and the material
evidences presented in the form of archaeological, epigraphical,
numismatics, art and architecture extending from early historic
times down to the colonial times stand as testimony to the existence
of cultural relations between India and Southeast Asia. India and
Sri Lanka served as a bridge connecting Arab and Mediterranean
countries on the West and Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam
and China in the East. The mercantile community dealing with the
Summary of the Conference 237
salt, textiles, metal, gems, gold, pearl, steel, glass, spices, etc. were
integrated into a well-organized trading system.
5. The participants of the Conference observed that the exact points
of trans-oceanic trade interactions could not be identified but
it points to the place covering Southern Thailand and Northern
Malaysia, where important archaeological sites with Indian goods
were found. The sites like Khlong Thom, Ban Don Ta Phet, Muang
Thong (Ko Kho Khao), Khao Sam Kaeo and Laem Pho in Thailand,
Kuala Selinsing in Malaysia, Brunei, Kobak Kendal and Sembiran
in Indonesia, Gilimanuk in West Bali of Indonesia, Buni grave
complex on the North Coast of Java, Oc-Eo and Tra Kieu in Vietnam
and Darussalam in Brunei were reported with Indian objects like
gem stones, glass beads and ceramics like rouletted ware indicating
that trade centres and port towns played a pivotal role in linking
the Vietnam and China on the east and Indian and Mediterranean
countries on the west in the early historic period. Thus, the available
material evidences clearly point to the existence of considerable
trade networks between India and Southeast Asia.
6. The participants of the Conference highlighted that the primary
concerns of Indian merchants were trade, traveled or migrated and
eventually settled in different countries in Southeast Asia. Indian
culture had a profound influence on the mind set of many Southeast
Asian civilizations. It was also observed that only very few literature
contributions from the Southeast Asian scholars and researchers.
Therefore, it is important to understand from Southeast Asian
countries perspective to know how the Southeast Asian countries
have adopted the Indian culture and carried in their part of life.
Session II: Shared Cultural Relations between ASEAN

and India
7. Participants of this session underlined the importance of cultural
links to create a convergence that would lead to strengthening
and cooperation between the nations and bring people to people
contacts. It is imperative to share the knowledge through education
and institutional exchange of ideas between the countries. The
participants highlighted the role of local genius in Southeast Asian
countries contributed in the construction monumental temple
such as Borobudur and Angor Wat temples was the evidence
of the civilisational strength. Therefore, greater cooperation in

exchange of knowledge between the nations would bring synergies
and cooperation in the areas that lead to the development and
communities. The participants emphasized the importance of
cooperation to understand countries perspectives and collaboration
in the field of art performance, cultural creativity like dance and fine
arts between ASEAN and India.
Session III: Strengthening Cultural Links between ASEAN

and India
8. The participants of the Conference underlined the role of Indian
Diaspora on immersing the Indian cultural values in the civilization
of Southeast Asia (e.g. Mudra in the dances of ASEAN). However, it
is not well explored in the ASEAN countries on the usage of Mudra
in different dance postures. Therefore, there is a need to study to
look at the Mudra in the dances of ASEAN and explore the cultural
linkages between the nations. Some of the participants claimed that
Indian civilization has influenced various aspects of Malaysia’s
socio-cultural landscape and emphasized on the role of National
Museum as a knowledge base for the cultural bond between ASEAN
and India.
9. The participants of the Conference exhibited the role of women in
monsastic Buddhism in Southeast Asia. However, archaeological
investigation is lacking on exposing ‘motherhood ideal’, which was
the most popularly accepted lay ideal in early Buddhist women in
Myanmar and Thailand. There is a need of collaborative projects
in archaeology and ethnography that seek to map, document and
conceptualise the data to provide a coherent and connected historical
ties between the regions. Some of the participants emphasized the
need of digitalization of the content such as Indian mythology
across the states that can be documented and distributed digitally via
internet and other medium to strengthen people to people contacts
between ASEAN and India. Some participants were of the view
that the nature of national museums is focusing on embracing the
national culture and not projecting much about the ASEAN and
India cultural values. Therefore, a Network of Museums of ASEAN
and India would help strengthen the cultural links through exchange
artifacts and ideas between the nations.
Session IV: Looking Forward: ASEAN-India Partnership

in Culture
10. The participants of the Conference highlighted that the historical
and cultural links between India and Southeast Asian countries
had 2000 years of history. Commonalities across the regions are
cultural diversity, shared faith such as Buddhism and Hinduism;
interconnectedness through trade and exchange of ideas. Preserving
plurality and diversity across India and Southeast Asia in terms of
language, ethnicity, culture and religious shrines; oral traditions and
maritime narrative of the region are utmost important for both the
countries.
11. The culture of India was synchronized into the local culture of the
Southeast Asian countries, and Indian Diaspora is the value asset for
Southeast Asian countries. To take it forward, participants stressed
the need of collaborative research, establishing institutional linkages,
training and capacity building, promoting ecological, religious and
cultural tourism, mapping of the Indian Diaspora across Southeast
Asian countries, outreach and display in public museums, maritime
cultural heritage and knowledge traditions of the ASEAN-India
region, film collaboration, book exchange programme, mapping up
of ASEAN India heritage places into a tourism places and generate
awareness on ASEAN-India cultural links.
12. The participants of the Conference have also highlighted the
remarks made by Indian Prime Minister at the ASEAN-India
Summit on 8 September 2016 in Vientiane in which he has proposed
to commission a project for mapping of Indian inscriptions along
the Mekong river as well as a project to capture the cultural symbols
of Indian diversity.
13. Participants of the Conference stressed the need of joint ASEAN-
India project for documenting knowledge base of ASEAN-
India contacts as evident from specimens of writing on pottery,
inscriptions on stone as also on copper plates/gold plaques, votive
tablets, etc. in Brahmi script and Sanskrit/Pali/Prakrit/Tamils. In
addition, the documentation should include contexts in which they
have been found largely on temples, Buddhist monastic complexes,
sema stones, dharanis and so on. Though some works on these are
available, as evident from several presentations at this conference,
there is need for comprehensive documentation and recording. This

would then provide a foundation to a shared cultural heritage for
future ASEAN-India deliberations.
14. The participants of the Conference have made several
recommendations, and some are identified as follows:
• Promote continuous dialogue, debate and discussion on issues
that highlight cultural diversity, multi-religious and plural
nature of contacts in the ASEAN-India region through museum
exhibitions, gallery talks, etc.
• Promote mobility of cultural practitioners and exchange of
people as well as ideas.
• Strengthen tourism and religious travel by producing popular
literature/films on religious circuits and mythology across
ASEAN-India region. Cultural tourism packages that help us to
understand each other’s strengths and weaknesses and appreciate
and relate to each other better.
• Focus cultural exchange programmes on joint research on
themes that cut across political boundaries such as the role of
gender in Buddhism.
• The cultural aspects of rice cultivation; production of knowledge
of traditional medicines; production of films for outreach; and
exchange of selected books.
• Create an ASEAN-India Academic and Culture Forum that
would incorporate scholars, cultural specialist and researchers
from India and ASEAN countries to encourage in academic
research, discussions, debate and capacity building programmes.
• Promote academic cooperation between researchers through joint
historical and archaeological research initiatives to undertake
joint research projects in the area of history and archaeology.
The collaborative projects help to carry out archaeological
research; explorations and excavations that would strengthen the
cultural connections and linkages through long-term academic
partnerships. Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) can also
offer few seats to ASEAN countries for the training course in
Archaeology (P.G. Diploma) under this initiative.
• Encourage student and faculty exchange programmes by offering
fellowships for undertaking doctoral, post-doctoral and short-
term research activities on the issues of culture and cultural

interactions between ASEAN and India.
• Encourage study tour for school and college students from India
and ASEAN countries.
• Networking of Museums can be established between India and
ASEAN countries to exchange of artefacts and ideas and can
also collaborate to promote exhibition across India and Southeast
Asian countries.
• Creation of a trust of agency that can receive donations from
NRIs, Businessmen to support research and cultural activities.
India and ASEAN governments can contribute to such funds.
• India must expand the base for educational cooperation with
ASEAN not just by offering scholarships to students through
ICCR or ITEC but also by keeping certain slots in our leading
institutions like IITs/IIMs/JNU/DU/Delhi School of Economics
and attract students who might find in Indian education both
quality, competitive and cheaper than in the West. More
academic exchanges between scholars and introduction of an
India-ASEAN scholars programme, where alternately an Indian
and an ASEAN scholar can be sent to each other’s institute or
university, would help strengthen the cultural links.
• India may consider opening up campuses of IITs and IIMs in
Southeast Asia. Some Indonesians have shown interest in this
and have even assured investment by local business houses.
• India should present itself as a net capacity-builder by helping
the countries that need support in areas they are deficient. Apart
from ITEC programme other capacity-building support, India
is already providing, the support should extend to building
institutions in countries that are undergoing democratic transition
like Myanmar or even Indonesia. India’s experience in building
institutions like the Election Commission, local self-government
like Panchayati democracy, institutions to manage centre-state
relations can be shared with countries that need support. Such
capacity-building support could be offered even in Science and
Technology, agriculture and other areas where India has the
expertise.
• We need to promote joint research in social sciences and in
science and technology to address issues of common concern
relating to economic development, eradication of poverty, health
issues and general problems of nation-building. Through such

joint research we can find solutions to problems that are typical
to us and are relevant to us.
• In the wake of religious extremism and exclusivist identity
formation, there is need for civilizational dialogues amongst
religious and cultural leaders who can help shape a more
syncretic culture that can build harmonious relations between
different communities based on mutual respect for each other’s
beliefs, customs and traditions.
• The civilizational dialogue should continue with focus on
sectoral outreach.
15. Participants thanked the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA),
Indian Mission to ASEAN at Jakarta, ASEAN Secretariat, AIC,
RIS, KEMLU for hosting the Conference and the hospitality. The
Conference ended with a cultural event (Java Jatrir Patra). The
musical presentation was based on Rabindranath Tagore’s cultural
mission to the Southeast Asia in 1927.
Agenda
09.00 – 09.30 hrs : Registration
09.30 – 10.30 hrs : Inaugural Session

• Opening Remarks by Amb. Suresh K.
Reddy, Ambassador of India to ASEAN,
India
• Remarks by H.E. Mr. Vongthep
Arthakaivalvatee, Deputy Secretary
General of ASEAN
• Remarks by H.E. Nguyen Quoc Dzung,
Vice Foreign Minister, Vietnam
• Remarks by H.E. Mr. A. M. Fachir, Vice
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia
• Keynote Address by H.E. General (Dr.)
V.K. Singh (Rtd.), Minister of State for
External Affairs, Government of India
10.30 – 10.45 hrs : Group Photo
10.45 – 11.00 hrs : Refreshments
11.00 – 12.30 hrs : Session I: Trade, Maritime and Cultural

Heritage between India and Southeast Asia
In Chair: Prof. Himanshu Prabha Ray, Former
Chairperson, National Monuments Authority,
Ministry of Culture, New Delhi
Speakers
• Dr. V. Selvakumar, Assistant Professor,
Department of Epigraphy and Archaelogy,
Tamil University, Thanjavur
• Dr. K. Rajan, Professor, Department
of History, Pondicherry University,
Puducherry
• Dr. Umakanta Mishra, Assistant Professor,
Ravenshaw University, Cuttack
• Ms. Nalina Gopal, Curator, Indian
Heritage Centre, Singapore
• Dr. Mya Mya Thaung, Assistant Director,
Department of Historical Research and
National Library, Ministry of Religion and
Culture, Yangon
• Mr. Siyonn Sophearith, Director,
Cambodian Ministry of Culture and Fine
Arts, Phnom Penh
12.30 – 13.15 hrs : Lunch Break
13.15 – 14.30 hrs : Session II: Shared Cultural Relations

In Chair: Prof. Baladash Ghosal, Secretary
General, Society for Indian Ocean Studies
(SIOS), New Delhi, and Former Professor,
Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New
Delhi
Speakers
• Dr. H. Andrik Purwasito, Professor
and Head of International Relations
Programme, Universitas Sebelas Maret,
Java
• Ms. Nguyen Thi Thu Ha, Head of
Ecological Culture and Tourism Vietnam
National Institute of Cultural and Arts
Studies, Ministry of Culture, Sports and
Tourism, Hanoi
Agenda 245
• Ms. Niharika Gupta, Director (Content),

Sahapedia, New Delhi
• Dr. Douangchampy Vouthisouk, Deputy
Director-General of Performing Arts
Department, Ministry of Information,
Culture and Tourism, Vientiane
14.30 -15.45 hrs : Session III: Strengthening Cultural Links

In Chair: Mr. George Lantu, Director for
ASEAN Socio-Cultural Cooperation,
Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Jakarta
Speakers
• Mr. Haji Mohd Abdoh Bin Haji Awang
Damit, Acting Director of Culture and
the Arts, Ministry of Culture, Youth and
Sports, Bandar Seri Begawan
• Mr. Mohamed Shawali Haji Badi, Deputy
Director General (Policy) Department of
Museums, Malaysia
• Dr. Garima Kaushik, Assistant Professor,
School of Buddhist Studies, Comparative
Religions & Philosophy, Nalanda
University, Rajgir, Bihar
• Dr. Nilima Chitgopekar, Associate
Professor, Jesus Marry College, Delhi
University, New Delhi
15.45 – 16.00 hrs : Refreshments
16.00 – 17.15 hrs : Session IV: Looking Forward: ASEAN-

India Partnership in Culture
In Chair: H. E. Mr. Myint Thu, SOM Leader
of Myanmar, & Director-General, ASEAN
Affairs Department, Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Yangon
Speakers
• Prof. Himanshu Prabha Ray, Former
Chairperson, National Monuments
Authority, Ministry of Culture, New Delhi
• Ms. Sophana Srichampa, Associate
Professor and Chair for Bharat Studies,
Organisation Research Institute for
Language and Culture of Asia, Mahidol
University, Bangkok
• Dr. Joefe Santarita, Associate Professor
and Dean, Asian Centre, University of the
Philippines, Manila
• Dr. Nor Arlinda Binti Mohamed Khalid,
Undersecretary of International Relations
Division (Culture), Ministry of Tourism
and Culture, Kuala Lumpur
17.15 – 17.45 hrs : Valedictory Session

In Chair: Ms. Maria Hellen B. De La
Vega, Acting PH SOM Leader to ASEAN
& Director General, ASEAN-Philippines
National Secretariat, Manila
• Valedictory Address by Amb. Preeti Saran,
Secretary (East), Ministry of External
Affairs (MEA), Government of India
• Vote of Thanks by Dr. Prabir De,
Coordinator, ASEAN-India Centre (AIC)
and Professor, Research and Information
System for Developing Countries (RIS),
New Delhi
19.00 – 22.00 hrs : Reception cum Dinner, Hosted by Indian

Ambassador to ASEAN (Venue: Hosted by
Indian Ambassador to ASEAN)
• Musical Programme: Java Yatrir Patra
[Tagore’s Sense of Wonder in Indonesia]
by Mr. Santanu Roychoudhury and Group
from Kolkata, India (Dua Mutiara Ball
Room, Hotel JW Marriott)
Keynote Address
Gen. (Dr) V K Singh (Retd.)

Minister of State for External Affairs, India
Your Excellency Mr. A.M. Fachir, Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Indonesia;
Your Excellency Nguyen Quoc Dzung, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Viet Nam;
Your Excellency, Mr. Vongthep Arthakaivalvatee, Deputy Secretary
General of ASEAN;
Smt. Preeti Saran, Secretary (East), Ministry of External Affairs,
Government of India;
Shri. Suresh K. Reddy, Ambassador of India to ASEAN;
Distinguished Speakers;
Excellencies;
Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a pleasure to be with you here today for the 2nd International
Conference on ASEAN-India Cultural and Civilisational Links. This is
the first major event in 2017 to mark the 25th anniversary celebrations of
the ASEAN-India Dialogue Partnership. We plan to mark this year with
a series of commemorative events across ASEAN Member States and
India.
1. Today’s conference provides us a platform to continue to build

synergies between India and ASEAN member states based on our
civilizational links and commonalities between India and South East
Asia. It celebrates our historical ties from ancient times dating back
two millenia to the present, based on rich cultural affinities, spanning
art, architecture, language, religion, etc.
2. Recognizing our Prime Minister’s desire for building a deeper
engagement with South East Asia by expanding and comprehensively
documenting India’s civilizational links with ASEAN countries,
our Act East Policy lays significant focus on this third pillar of the
ASEAN-India relationship.
3. The conceptualization and organization of the first edition of the
“ASEAN-India Conference on Cultural Links: Historical and
Contemporary Dimensions” at New Delhi on 23 July 2015, was a
signal effort in this direction.
4. Sustaining the focus, promotion of socio-cultural ties through people-
to-people contacts such as exchange programmes for students, media
persons, diplomats, parliamentarians and farmers and the ASEAN-
India Network of Think Tanks and Eminent persons lecture series
have continued.
5. To celebrate our shared Buddhist heritage, we had designated ASEAN
as the Guest of Honour at the 5th International Buddhist Conclave
held in India from 2-6 October 2016. I take this opportunity to
thank ASEAN member countries for their enthusiastic participation
including of Tourism Ministers, Buddhist monks, scholars and media
persons for this event.
6. The ASEAN India Centre in New Delhi is rendering yeoman’s service
to the ASEAN-India Strategic Partnership through its studies in areas
of mutual interest. We have, moreover, inaugurated the ASEAN
Studies Centre at the North Eastern Hill University in Shillong on
8 August 2016, to work on developing cross-border connections
between our Northeastern region and ASEAN countries.
7. Another major project underway is the re-establishment of the
Nalanda University, once a world-renowned knowledge hub where
scholars from around the world, including South East Asia and
India, exchanged knowledge and ideas. India is working to recreate a
similar world class university in the 21st century, with the support of
Keynote Address 249
its South East Asian partners, and has offered scholarships to students
from CLMV countries to study there.
8. A Mekong-Ganga Coooperation Museum of Traditional Asian
Textiles inaugurated in Siem Reap, Cambodia, has proudly showcased
affinities in our weaving styles and textiles. As part of our effort to
document our cultural and civilizational ties, we also propose to map
Indian inscriptions along the Mekong River as well as record shared
cultural symbols that are found in the river basin.
9. I said before, 2017, marks 25 years of our Dialogue Partnership, 15
years of our Summit Level interaction and 5 years of our Strategic
Partnership with ASEAN. Our celebrations will include hosting of
a Commemorative Summit, a Commemorative Foreign Ministers’
Meeting, a Youth Summit and a host of other events including
ASEAN-India Cultural Festivals, business events, policy seminars,
public competitions and a car rally and sailing expedition. The theme
of our commemorative celebrations is ‘Shared Values, Common
Destiny’, which aptly reflects the close cultural and civilizational
links India and countries of South East Asia have enjoyed over the
millennia.
10. Some of you must wonder why this focus on the historical and
cultural connect between India and South East Asia? It is because
a generation which ignores history has no future. As responsible
citizens, it is incumbent upon us to trace and preserve our shared
heritage and leave this legacy for the future generations.
11. India and Indonesia are close neighbors. We share a deep civilizational
and cultural link. We had the privilege of hosting President Jokowi
in India recently. His landmark visit reflected the special relationship
that India and Indonesia share. It is, therefore, my distinct pleasure
to be in Indonesia, which has long been our maritime bridge to South
East Asia.
12. I would like to thank His Excellency A. M. Fachir and the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, Government of Indonesia, for jointly hosting this
event with us in Jakarta.
13. ASEAN has evolved into a role model for regional cooperation as
it celebrates the 50th anniversary year of its foundation this year.
Today, it is appreciated for the stability it has brought to the region
and its immediate neighborhood. We look forward to working closely

with ASEAN to weave a mutually beneficial legacy which would be
cherished by future generations.
Mr. Deputy Secretary General,
14. I would also like to felicitate ASEAN for completion of one year
of the formation of the ASEAN Community. With the adoption of
the ASEAN 2025 document along with its ASEAN Community
Blueprints, ASEAN has paved its way to a prosperous future.
15. Our ancient interactions demonstrate South East Asia’s widespread
religious and political affinities with the Indian sub-continent.
Scholars have observed that the Gupta dynasty provided an attractive
coherent model of political, social and religious integration for rulers
of South East Asia, and its success was emulated in South East Asia,
where Indian constructs such as iconography, the Sanskrit language
and Hinduism as a way of life were celebrated. Importantly, these
constructs spread, not through conquest but essentially through non-
political agents such as merchants and religious men.
16. The three pillars of the ASEAN-India Strategic Partnership – political,
economic and socio-cultural–have thrived for many centuries.
Evidence of linkages between ancient India and South East Asia
abound in texts and folklore, architecture, literature, dance-forms,
music, religion and culture. The Malay annals, Burmese chronicles
and ancient inscriptions in Viet Nam, all celebrate links with India.
The Sri Vijaya Kingdom of Indonesia maintained regular political
and commercial ties with the Cholas, Pandyas and Chera dynasties
of South India.
17. From the ancient period upto the 12th century, Hinduism as a way
of life permeated South East Asia. Thailand incorporates significant
elements from Hinduism in its architecture, arts, sculpture dance,
drama and literature. The Cham temple complex of My Son Wat in
Viet Nam is dedicated to Bhadreshvara, an incarnation of the Lord
Shiva. The magnificent Angkor Vat in Cambodia was originally built
as a Hindu temple dedicated to the Lord Vishnu. The Vat Phou temple
in Lao PDR, Ananda temple in Bagan, Myanmar and the Borobudur
Buddhist temple in Indonesia are examples of the influence of Hindu
architectural principles. Malaysia was a centre of Hinduism and
Keynote Address 251
Buddhism until the 14th century A.D. In Viet Nam, Shaivism was the
predominant religion until the 15th century.
18. Buddhism spread to South East Asia from India through travelling
monks who were sent by the rulers of Indian kingdoms. In the 3rd
century B.C., nine Buddhist emissaries led by the monks Sona and
Uttara were sent by King Ashoka to South East Asia. With the passage
of time, Buddhism took an indigenous form in all parts of South East
Asia and gradually underwent a process of localisation of its tenets.
19. With the spread of Hinduism and Buddhism also came the assimilation
of Indian mythology and folklore into local mythology of the South
East Asian region. The various forms of Ramayana prevalent in the
region, be it Ramakien in Thailand, Pha Lak Pha Lam in Laos, Yama
Zatddaw in Myanmar, Kakawin Ramayana in Indonesia or Hikayat
Seri Rama in Malaysia, bear testimony to our historical connect.
20. Moreover, Islam travelled to South East Asia from India via traders.
It thrives today as a tolerant religion in the region, with Indonesia
of course being the largest Muslim country in the world, followed
by India. Together, we set an example for the rest of the world, in
peaceful co-existence, tolerance and compassion.
21. Contemporary popular culture in the form of music, Bollywood
movies and TV soap operas, is forging a new understanding between
us. The human element is vital in contemporary discourse. Our youth,
our future generation, must engage and bond in a more systematic
way and at a deeper level. To this end, in addition to organising
the annual student exchange programmes, India will host a Youth
Summit this year to encourage closer contacts among our youth, who
hold the future of our relationship.
22. Let me conclude by saying a few words about this evening’s cultural
programme on Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore’s travels to
South East Asia. Tagore, as we know, was a master litterateur who
weaved magic with words. He was so impressed by the manifest
cultural diversity of South East Asian countries that he set out to
develop close cultural cooperation between India and South East
Asia and to discover the quintessential Asian identity. He introduced
cultural elements from South East Asia in the curriculum of his Visva
Bharati University to enrich its cultural kaleidoscope. Following his
footsteps, we should continue to work together to strengthen our very
rich cultural partnership.
23. I look forward to hearing the views of all the intellectuals and
specialists gathered here today on how we can strengthen our
civilizational links amid the new challenges and opportunities of the
21st century.
Inaugural Remarks
H.E. A. M. Fachir
Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, Indonesia
Your Excellency, Dr. Vijay Kumar Singh, Minister of State for External
Affairs of the Republic of India,
Your Excellency Nguyen Quoc Dzung, Vice Foreign Minister of Viet Nam,
Your Excellency Vongthep Arthakaivalvatee, Deputy Secretary-General
of ASEAN,
Ambassador Suresh Reddy,
Excellencies,
Distinguished Guests,
It is an honor to be here among distinguished participants of the 2nd
International Conference on ASEAN-India Cultural and Civilizational
Links. On behalf of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, I
would like to welcome you to Jakarta.
Please allow me to also commend the Ministry of External Affairs
of Republic of India for co-hosting this important event. This event
represents the dynamic and strong engagement between ASEAN and
India. Moreover, this year marks the 25th anniversary of the dialogue
relation between ASEAN and India.
Excellencies,
We speak the same language. Borobudur, Ayyuthaya, Sanskrit, Ramayana,
for example. So what we learned from this? We notice how close we are
both emotional and physical.
What shall we do about it? Let’s identify linkages as well as stakeholders
of those emotional and physical links. Three biggest religion here in
Indonesia are coming from India: Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam in
Indonesia brought by people and traders from Gujarat, located in the
subcontinent of India. So this links in undeniable.
In Indonesia, we do not need to advertise India, because every day you’ll
find Indian movies and series in TV. You can find Indian culinary easily.
Not to mention in Singapore and another capital of ASEAN Countries.
So, the question is how to empower this? How to make our tourism
even stronger by connecting people who have this emotional links.
For example, setting up religious tourism. Another example area of
cooperation to be explore: movie industry or maritime.
Excellencies,
Again, I wish to thank the government of India for contributing a lot for
this conference in which we should get a benefit of that to strengthen
our emotional and physical links. With those linkages we will be able to
resolve our problems. For instance, the current global economics crisis,
we could address it with the spirit of cooperation.
And another challenges for us on how to address the current global
challenges and how to inherit our values to our young generation. We
should speak with the language being used by our young people: Twitter,
Facebook, and other social media platforms to encourage those shared
value which are so precious and inclusive.
Excellencies,
So lets empower this. First, to strengthen our current cooperation. Second
to explore further possible area of cooperation. Third, to address our
problems.
So with this note I wish you success on your endavours.
Thank you so much.
Remarks
H.E. Nguyen Quoc Dzung

Vice Foreign Minister and ASEAN SOM Leader of Viet Nam
H.E. General Dr. V.K, Singh, Minister of State of External Affairs of India,
H.E. Mr. A. M. Fachir, Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia,
H.E. Mr. Vongthep Arrthakaivalvatee, Deputy Secretary-General of
ASEAN,
H.E. Suresh K. Reddy, Ambassador of India to ASEAN,
Distinguished participants,

It is my great pleasure to join you today at the Second International
Conference on Cultural and Civilizational Links between India and
Southeast Asia. I would like to thank our Indonesian and Indian
colleagues for your warm welcome and excellent arrangements for the
Conference. As the ASEAN and India partnership is a unique one that
has been built upon the foundation of a strong civilizational connection,
this Conference offers great opportunity to further deliberate on cultural,
civilizational linkages and historical interaction between the two regions.
This will help to build up our mutual understanding and confidence,
and strengthen the ASEAN-India relations, particularly when we are
celebrating 25 years of the ASEAN-India Dialogue Relations, 15 years
of our Summit Level interaction and 5 years of our Strategic Partnership.
It is so proud that ASEAN countries and India share long history and
civilizational linkages, which have evolved together through exchanges
of people, ideas and trade over the milennia, long before we decided
to embark upon a partnership in 1992. Notably, it is the Indians and
Southeast Asians who played an active role in that long interaction
process, and the sea links were vital in connecting our two regions. Initial
contacts started with the trips of Indian traders, missionaries from coastal
regions of eastern India through the Bay of Bengal to Southeast Asia.
Along with Ganga and Mekong rivers, ancient ports such as Tamralipti
in Ganga, Oc Eo in Viet Nam and Irrawaddy Vally of Myanmar provided
key routes for the flow of people, goods between the two regions. Legacy
of these exchanges remain in many places in Southeast Asia, ranging
from the famous temple architecture of Borobudur and Prambanan in
Indonesia, Angkor Wat in Cambodia, temples and pagodas in Thailand,
to the presence of Sanskrit words in Bahasha Indonesia and epic tales of
Ramayana in folk literature.
Today, it is our duty to not only preserve but also advance these shared
values and legacy for the benefits of our peoples as well as regional peace,
stability and prosperity. I would like to take this chance to appreciate
great efforts made by all ASEAN countries and India as well as the
ASEAN Scretariat to develop the ASEAN-India relations in all areas of
cooperation, particularly cultural and people-to-people exchanges. These
include the projects to re-establish the Nalanda University, to restore the
cultural relics like My Son sanctuary in Viet Nam, the initiative to boost
cooperation in the region defined by two great rivers, the Mekong and
the Ganga, and various measures taken to speed up regional connectivity
and facilitate the movement of people, goods and services in the region
over the past years.
After 25 years of dialogue relations, ASEAN and India are working
towards a more substantive and reinvigorated relationship that could
tap the full potential and meet the expectation of our peoples. Based on
a solid foundation of shared civilizational heritage, the ASEAN-India
partnership will be driven by our strategic priorities of securing peace,
Remarks 257
stability and prosperity in the region as well as India’s Act East policy
and the ASEAN Vision 2025. For ASEAN, culture and people-to-people
links continue to have a significant role in building a cohesive and
culturally vibrant ASEAN Community.
In that context, I am convinced that with the active participation of
distinguished officials, scholars and academicians today, the Conference
will energize our joint efforts to deepen the ASEAN-India relations
through sharing knowledge, practices and providing valuable inputs and
initiatives to strengthening cultural links as well as trade and maritime
cooperation between Southeast Asia and India.
As the country coordinator for ASEAN-India dialogue relations during
the 2015-2018 period, Viet Nam is looking towards the positive outcomes
of the Conference, particularly specific ideas or proposals to intensify
ASEAN-India cooperative activities, including those in the field of
education, tourism, cultural exchanges and trade. Especially, it would be
much appreciated if our Conference could propose some concrete projects
or activities to be conducted in 2017 when we are commemorating the
25th anniversary of the ASEAN-India Dialogue Relations and the 50th
anniversary of ASEAN.
In this regard, I would like to wish the Conference success. Wish you all
health and happiness in the new year of 2017.
Thank you.
ACT EAST: ASEAN-INDIA
SHARED CULTURAL HERITAGE
ACT EAST: ASEAN-INDIA SHARED CULTURAL HERITAGE

Culture is the key to the India-ASEAN partnership. Shared histori-
cal ties, culture and knowledge continue to underpin India’s
sustained interactions with Southeast Asia. The commonalities
between India and Southeast Asia provide a platform for building
synergies with the countries of the region. As India’s engagement
with the ASEAN moves forward with support of the Act East
Policy (AEP), the socio-cultural linkages between the two regions
ACT EAST:
can be utilized effectively to expand collaboration, beyond
economic and political domains into areas of education, tourism
ASEAN-INDIA
and people to people contact. This book presents historical and
contemporary dimensions between India and Southeast Asia with
particular reference to cultural heritage. One of the recommenda-
tions of this book is to continue our efforts to preserve, protect, and
restore cultural heritage that represents the civilisational bonds SHARED CULTURAL
HERITAGE
between ASEAN and India. The book will serve as a knowledge
product for policymakers, academics, private sector experts and
regional cooperation practitioners; and is a must-read for anyone
interested in the cultural heritage.
fodkl'khy ns'kksa dh vuqla/ku ,oa lwpuk iz.kkyh
AIC
AIC
Tel.: +91-11-2468 2177-80, Fax: +91-11-2468 2173-74
E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] fodkl'khy ns'kksa dh vuqla/ku ,oa lwpuk iz.kkyh ASEAN-India Centre at RIS
Website: www.ris.org.in; http://aic.ris.org.in ASEAN-India Centre at RIS

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ACT EAST: ASEAN-INDIA

SHARED CULTURAL HERITAGE

ACT EAST: ASEAN-INDIA SHARED CULTURAL HERITAGE

fodkl'khy ns'kksa dh vuqla/ku ,oa lwpuk iz.kkyh

Core IV-B, Fourth Floor, India Habitat Centre

ISBN No.: 81-7122-140-8

Copyright © AIC and RIS

Cover Design: Sachin Singhal

Foreword ............................................................................................... vii

8. The Mudra in the Dances of ASEAN: A Hypothesis .................. 141

Ambassador (Dr.) Mohan Kumar

ASEAN-India relations are firmly embedded in culture, commerce and

I would like to record my appreciation of the efforts that have been

Prof. Sachin Chaturvedi

India attaches the highest importance to its historical relations with

I am sure researchers and policy makers would find the publication

Table 3.1 : List of Tamil Inscriptions Found in Southeast

Figure 5.4 : Kun Seik Stone Inscriptoin........................................ 90

Figure 8.2 : Different Versions of Namaskara Mudra from the

Figure 15.2 : Singkil ..................................................................... 213

NCCA National Commission for Culture and the Arts

Garima Kaushik, Assistant Professor, School of Buddhist Studies,

Sophana Srichampa, Associate Professor and Chair for Bharat Studies,

Shared historical ties, culture and knowledge have continued to

Foreign Minister, Vietnam delivered Special Remarks. Amb. Preeti Saran,

cooperation in the field of academic research in different historical eras,

Shared Cultural Heritage: Towards A Sustainable Future

Commercial Interactions between India and Southeast Asia

Maritime Relations between Peninsular India and Southeast

A Study on Ancient Culture and Civilization Links

Shared Cultural Heritage:

so that this distinctive feature could be preserved. In the final section, we

2. Fishing Communities and Travelling Crops

other, which, if not caused by massive extirpation in the intervening area,

Archipelago and the coastal waters of eastern Sumatra and southern

material heritage of Southeast Asia corresponds with European control

3. The Search for Ancient Civilizations

of Angkor were first read to the Royal Geographical Society in London

Recent archaeological research in the ASEAN-India region supports

Certain conclusions may be drawn from the brief overview presented

was born in the village of Vajrayogini of Vikrampur region; identified

Davis has explored the increased prominence of intermediate-level

Endnotes and References

14. Charlotte Minh Hà Pham, The Vietnamese Coastline: A Maritime Cultural

1.1 Approaches to Long Distance Interactions

1.2 Research on the Interactions between India and Southeast Asia

Southeast Asian territories were viewed as “Hindu Colonies.” These

1.3 Sources for the Study

Figure 3.1: Map o­ f Important Archaeological and Historical

Source: Author’s own.

in Southeast Asia. An earthen ware form (wide-mouthed vessel) often

2. Commercial Interactions in the Medieval Period

The Medieval Merchant Guilds

quarters are evidenced by the Terisapalli copper plates of Kerala, which

Note: Based on the data from Karashima (2002).

Apart from the Tamil inscriptions, the Javanese inscriptions too

2.1 Commodities of Exchange

2.2 Political Conditions and Commercial Interactions

of political economy “as the relations between political structure and

Figure 3.1: Map o f Important Archaeological and Historical