Practical and Discursive Consciousness - Charles Brand
Practical and Discursive Consciousness - Charles Brand
Practical and Discursive Consciousness - Charles Brand
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Write an essay on what Anthony Giddens means by the term ‘‘practical consciousness’’ and how it
Introduction
The main focus of this essay will be the nature of practical and discursive consciousness and their
relationship to each other within a social action theoretical framework. An overview of Giddens' defining
thoughts on both concepts will be followed by an examination of the views of Lukács regarding his
theories of false and class consciousness and how Mark Haugaard developed these ideas to incorporate
the concepts of practical and discursive consciousness. The often dichotomous nature of the relationship
between practical and discursive consciousness will then be examined through the work of Beverly
Skeggs. This section will consider difficulties that may be encountered when attempting to apply these
concepts to the realities of peoples' lives and their own self-perceptions. To conclude, the recent
calamitous boom-bust events in the Irish economy and its possible effect on society with regard to the
Practical or Discursive?
Anthony Giddens elucidates the term practical consciousness during the introduction of The
“Practical consciousness consists of all things which actors know tacitly about how to 'go on' in the contexts of
social life with out being able to give them discursive expression.” (Giddens, 1986:xxiii)
O'Connor and Kay (2010:4-4) further elaborate upon this in descriptions of certain everyday activities,
such as visiting the cinema or eating in a restaurant. Embedded within these situations are protocols
which are observed by customers without questioning the origin of that knowledge, e.g. that payment is
made when entering a cinema, but when leaving a restaurant. As Giddens (1986:xxiii) explains, these
generally accepted modes of behaviour are not documented in literature, yet knowledge of them exists
tacitly in people. Furthermore, the nature and content of practical consciousness is sensitive to the effects
of the cultural environment, position within social strata and adherence to particular belief systems by the
agent (Giddens, 1986:7). The nature of these sensitivities will be discussed with reference to the work of
Discursive consciousness on the other hand is that which can be verbalised or considered
intellectually (Giddens, 1986:49) and, as Giddens (1991:35) notes, it provides a platform for the
interpretive mechanisms by which humans monitor and internally annotate their behaviour. This concept
is clarified by Lars Bo Kaspersen,
“A discursive explanation means that we explicitly express an activity; for example, how and why we ride a
bicycle. Such an explanation may operate at different levels. Asked about my bike riding, I can respond that I
am on my way to work, I can provide an anatomical/physiological explanation, or I can declare that I bike
because I am opposed to automobile pollution” (Kaspersen, 1995:35).
We can describe levels for another everyday occurrence: men holding doors open for women. This could
be discursively explained, on various levels, as occurring because the man is in a positive mood, feels he
is physically stronger than the woman or because his upbringing conditioned him to do so.
1986:35), while discursive consciousness can manifest in purposeful and intentional behaviour. The
knowledge held at a practical level becomes explicit through the discursive process. The evolution of
practical into discursive knowledge enables implicit behaviour and beliefs to be explicitly articulated. In
our door-holding example above, the man may tacitly believe that his behaviour is expected within the
social context, but may only come to realise this when questioned. When applied to social stratification
and placement, discursive knowledge becomes a tool with which to examine and reflect upon position
within newly recognised social strata. An agent may choose to act, or not, depending on their social
status and the level of societal entrenchment they perceive. (Haugaard, in Clegg et al, 2006:216). This is
Lukács published History and Class Consciousness in 1922 which highlighted the importance of
“...the subjective side of Marxist theory” (Ritzer, 2008:278). Lukács work concentrates on the subjective
collective consciousness of groups “...who occupy the same class position within society” (Ritzer,
2008:279). False consciousness to which Lukács refers is a state of collective psychological reality. The
members of one group are unaware of and unable to fully comprehend their socio-economic position in
relation to other groups. Due to a lack of awareness, a false consciousness, they are unable to effect any
change. Lukács posited that two groups engaged in this idealogical struggle were the proletariat and the
bourgeoisie. For societal change to occur the proletariat had to achieve class consciousness, to “...fully
realise the nature and extent of their exploitation in capitalism” (Ritzer, 2008:279). Lukács (1922) wrote,
“The superior strength of true, practical class consciousness, lies in the ability to look beyond the divisive
symptoms of the economic process to the unity of the total social system underlying it” (Lukács,
1922/1968:74).
He believed in the ability of the proletariat to achieve a state of class consciousness and so become active
in determining their own social position (Ritzer, 2008:280). A shift in consciousness would “...[move the
proletariat] from being a “class in itself”, that is a structurally created entity, to being a “class for itself”, a
class conscious of its position and mission (Ritzer, in Bottero, 2007:539). For this to occur, the proletariat
would need to be equipped with a true understanding of their subordinate position within the structures
of society.
Haugaard (1997) argues that the transition from a “class in itself” to a “class for itself” involves a
conversion or interchange of information between discursive and practical consciousness. This transition
involves translating the structural reality from practical to discursive consciousness (Haugaard,
1997:155). Furthermore, Haugaard, like Lukács, posits that practical consciousness regarding class
structures within capitalism must shift into discursive consciousness before a class consciousness can be
achieved, and a struggle begun (Lukács, 1922/1968:76; Haugaard, 1997:155). Lukács and Haugaard
both assume that the agents of the respective classes are not only aware of, but also comply with, the
stratification of their social groups. This requires a recognition of the concept of identity and its myriad
meanings, within both practical and discursive consciousness. For some, however, their perception of
self-identity and their potential for agency within the structural elements of society does not concur with
The relationship between practical and discursive consciousness is a bidirectional one. Our tacit
knowledge augments the discourse regarding different subjects and spoken knowledge, and this in turn
updates particular taken-for-granted realities (O'Connor and Kay, 2010:4-5). This process can lead to
conflicts between what people “feel” about their situations and what people “think” about their situations.
Beverly Skeggs (1997) demonstrated that at times the experience and interpretation of the personal
realities of people in society can be contradictory to that of the discursive consciousness or discourse
around a subject. During an ethnographic study into the attitudes of working class women towards
feminism Skeggs found that some women expressed and exemplified subjective representations of what
could be termed feminist ideology. However, because of their perception of what “being” a feminist meant
and required from them, they associated feminism with women in a more affluent social position who did
not have the difficult everyday realities and hardships that characterised their practical consciousness:
“...the logical conclusion to the marketing of popular individualistic feminism: feminism is seen to be selfish,
prerogative of the privileged, something that benefits those in different economic, social and cultural
circumstances (Skeggs, 1997:153).
In this instance the dichotomous relationship between practical and discursive consciousness created
conflicts for these women. They clearly did not view themselves as affected by, or effecting, feminism yet
their daily existence was full of what could be referred to as common problems of gender inequality
(Skeggs, 1997:155)
From a sociological perspective the last ten years has provided an unprecedented opportunity for
discourse due to the level and intensity of economic turmoil in Ireland. One focus of this discourse has
been social trust, and its role in maintaining stable societies. The relationship between trust and practical
consciousness is clearly elucidated by Newton (2007:350) who states “Trust is not a mindset that people
have inside themselves, but a collective property of social systems”. A growing feeling of apathy towards
political processes has been shown to be associated with negative feelings of trust in general (Giddens,
2006:676). In recent times Ireland has seen large scale demonstrations by citizens as a reaction to the
gross mishandling of the country's finances. The public has not been coy in voicing this feeling of
mistrust. One survey found that Ireland had the lowest rate of trust in Government out of 22 European
countries as well as the lowest rate of trust in businesses, with banks being the least trusted sector
(Finfacts Team, 2010). It could be argued that there has been a shift from the level of practical to
discursive consciousness with regard to certain structural elements within the Irish State, such as the
financial organisations, and this shift has impacted directly on the level of trust.
Irish banks have historically been regarded as monolithic and permanent institutions within the
Irish state.
“If the party consists merely of a hierarchy of officials isolated from the mass of ordinary workers who are
normally given the role of passive onlookers, if the party only occasionally acts as a whole then this will produce
in the members a certain indifference composed equally of blind trust and apathy with regard to the day-to-day
actions of the leadership” (Lukács, 1922/1968:336).
The surge of wealth created for the economy by the banks during the Celtic Tiger years served to
copper-fasten their position within customers' practical consciousness as immoveable, solid and
trustworthy – these assumptions were rarely challenged or even articulated. In the past four years the
level of discussion in numerous public forums regarding bad practices within the Irish banking sector has
been unprecedented. Detailed analysis of lending processes, risk assessment and other banking practices
has been moved from the boardroom into the everyday dialogue of the public.
One could argue that the public nature of this exposure has served to raise this subject from the
previously practical to the discursive. In doing so it has very much altered the consciousness of the Irish
people with regard to the banks and trust in the government via its perceived relationship with the
banks, and certain bankers in particular. As the results of the aforementioned survey illustrate, attitudes
regarding issues of trust in the government have altered and this could further alter future discursive
subjects. If Lukács was correct, this discursive change will now influence the constitution of our practical
consciousness with regard to our financial institutions. This influence could, as Lukács predicted, provide
us with agency to articulate and challenge how financial institutions influence our lives. In fact, this newly
found discursive consciousness echoes Skeggs findings regarding perceived self-identity within practical
consciousness. While many Irish citizens previously considered the day-to-day running of the banking
sector, and its regulators, to be none of their concern, they have recently discovered that these “other”
realities very much affect their own day-to-day lives. The bank guarantee scheme and the repercussions
it has had for subsequent budgets, has had a large impact on the household budgets of almost all citizens
– suddenly banking and finance have become national concerns within the discursive consciousness of an
entire generation.
References:
Literature:
Bottero, Wendy (2007) Class Consciousness. In: George Ritzer ed. The Blackwell Encyclopedia of
Clegg, Stewart R, Courpasson, D, Phillips, Nelson (2006) Power and organizations. London:Sage
Publications.
Giddens, Anthony (1986) The constitution of society: outline of the theory of structuration.
Giddens, Anthony (1991) Modernity and self-identity: self and society in the late modern age.
Cambridge:Polity Press.
Haugaard, Mark (1997) The Constitution of Power: A theoretical analysis of power, knowledge and
Oxford:Blackwell Publishers.
Kay, Martin. O'Connor, Pat. (2010) Sociology 3A Oscail Course Notes. Dublin:Oscail
Lukács, Georg (1968) History and class consciousness: studies in Marxist dialectics, trans. by R.
Newton, Kenneth (2007) Social and Political Trust. In:Dalton, Russel J., Klingemann, Hans D. ed. Oxford
Skeggs, Beverly (1997) Formations of Class and Gender. London: Sage Publications.
Electronic:
Finfacts Team, 2010, Trust in government and business in Ireland is the lowest in Europe according to