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Ideologies in the Philippines: A Comparative Analysis

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 POLITICAL

IDEOLOGIES IN THE PHILIPPINES:

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
Rizal G. Buendia oftentimes depending on its position from
the power spectrum at a giventime,can be
Special Lecturer, College of Economics and Politics,
generally considered conservative, reform­
Polytechnic University of the Philippines.
ist, and revolutionary or radical. These can
be classified under the following groups: as
staunch defender of the status quo, when it is
Introduction deemed dominant and in power (conserva­
tive or "rightist"); an advocate of change
within the existing order when it is in the
his paper, in brief, is an attempt to
T present the major ideologies espoused fringe of political power (moderate or "cen­
trist"); and a rabid believer in the total de­
by different parties, groups, and aggrupations
in the country today and analyze their con­ struction of an existing social order through
cepts of an ideal political system for the "revolutionary violence" when it is out of
Philippines. Given the multifarious and power and does not seem to have a chance of
complex socio-cultural, economic, and po­ seizing political power under the present
litical problems of the country, ideologies socio-economic and political structure (radi­
continue to compete in offering solutions cal or "leftist").
and programs of government to respond to
the national crisis. Apart from these major categories, there
are other ideologies which stand "in-
Ideologies have sharpened their distinc­ between" the aforesaid classifications.
tions and differences from each other as they These ideologies are modifications of exist­
strive to gain peoples' support to their ide­ ing ones and contain certain shades of two or
ologies; while new ones emerged or re- more fundamental elements of major ideolo­
emerged to suit the idiosyncracies of the gies. These "shady" are formulated and
country's political milieu. These develop­ "concocted" by political scientists through
ments are most welcome and encouraging time and are continued to be done as the
because they signify the growth of political political landscape of a given society changes.
movements aspiring to answer the country's However, they remain to be classified in
acute social illnesses. accordance with their ideological roots, how
they perceive change, and in what mode it
should be done. Ideologies, therefore, are not
mere products of abstract reasoning but are
An expanded and slightly revised paper delivered'on the occasion of the First National
Convention and Third Anniversary o f the Kabataang Liberal ng Pillplnas, (Young
interpretations of political events and phe­
Liberals of the Philippines) September 12-13,1992, Hasmln Bldg., Polytechnic Univer­ nomena-historical and contemporary-based
sity of the Philippines, Manila. on the concrete conditions of the time.

Apparently, the future and survival of

ideologies rest on the peoples' support and
All ideologies have their raison d'etre their ability to dynamically respond to new
and proffer convincing arguments to justify challenges and demands of political devel­
their programs of government and strategies opment as well as ideals of a "good" society.
for a better political system, either by etching Whether such ideal political system is an­
and grafting new or re-modelled structures chored on solid and material bases and viable
within the existing socio-economic and po­ given the country's political^ulture is for the
litical order or building new ones from the people to decide and history to judge.
ashes of the old.
The discussion in detail and in depth of
Ideologies in one historical point, various ideologies cannot be done in this
forum, given the limited time. It takes a out of power but regresses to passivity and According to this theory, privileged classes
semester or even two courses in politics for becomes lackadaisical when it takes power are inexorably drawn to conservative ide­
us to explore the topic in a comprehensive and thus, protects it from progressive ele­ ologies and work for the defense of status
and profound way. Thus, the discussion on ments in a society advancing an ideology quo. While the less privileged and poorer
ideologies shall be confined to those major that threatens the authority of power holders. segments of the society easily uphold revo­
ones prevailing in the country today. Insuchcase, theideology loses iu dynamism lutionary ideas.
and turns itself to be reactionary and resistant
to change. Obviously, ideologies of that sort This simplistic approach, however,
fail to respond to the vicissitudes of contem­ proved to be inaccurate. Experience among
revolutionary movements attest that leaders
porary politics and do not .reflect concrete
Ideology (idea-logic), generally refers to ofrevolutions,oftentimes come from the
situations obtaining in a polity over time.
ideas, principles, values, or a set of com­ wealthy class while the poor are the ones that
prehensive beliefs and attitudes which are An ideology which refuses to see the resist change or even serve as spies against
logically related that lend legitimacy or il­ dynamics operating in a particular political the revolutionary forces.
legitimacy to existing political, economic landscape and social milieu loses its rel­
Finally, psychological reductionism sees
and social institutions and processes (Rodee evance, reduces its sustainability, and di-
ideologies as rooted in one's mental traits
et. al. 1983:76-77; Lawson 1989:56-57): It minishes support from the masses. Contrary
and dispositions. The theorysees that peoples'
offers a critique of the existing system and a to the beliefs of others, ideology is an inde­
attitudes and actions are rationalized in terms
view of an ideal system. It can be used to pendent variable that has an independent
of some general principle or doctrine. Pareto
justify the status quo and resist every attempt causal impact on politics. It is pro-active
(1963) calls all rationalizations as "deriva­
to alter it or serve the purpose of change. In rather than acted upon. It incorporates pro­
tions" from underlying psychological
both cases, the defense of or affront to the gressive ideas and principles in one coherent
"residues". Derivations, among others, in­
prevailing order can take the form of reform system of political belief in order to advance
clude theological beliefs and political ide­
or violence as the primary means to a per­ the attainment of a belter society.
ologies which are projections of individual
ceived end-an ideal socio-economic and
However, an ideology which tends to be character.
political system.
regressive upon seizure ofpolitical power, in
spite of its progressive posture prior to its Apart from the forecited flaws in reading
Moreover, an ideology can be an instru­ assumption, is a deliberate attempt to reduce ideologies, there are a lot of "loose" defini­
ment of oppression or liberation depending the role of ideas and the significance of tions as there are people using the term
on the perspective it is being viewed. For ideologies itself in political life. It tries to ideology. Apparently, there is a conceived
instance, those who defend the status quo conceal the true, underlying motives of po­ notion that a distinction between political
and reluctant to change it invoke the "divine litical actors under the mantle of an "ideol­ culture and ideology is unnecessary, if not
right theory" (conservatism) which sees that ogy", though it may look progressive. trite and unessential. However, it is preferred
power and authority vested upon rulers are Theories that seem to reduce ideologies to for purposes of precision and eschewing
something derived from God. Thus, all poli­ sporadic perceptions and symptoms of confusion over the use of the term ideology,
cies, decrees, and laws issued by rulers must something more basic is known as that a "tight" definition be made.
not be questioned otherwise it would be "reductionism". These reductionist theories
tantamount to questioning the authority of Thispaperculls Robert Haber's definition
fall into three main categories: power
God. On the other hand,rebellioussubjects of ideology. He states:
reductionism; economic reductionism; and
may justify their acts of violence against
psychological reductionism (Hagopian "Ideology as an intellectual production
those in power by citing the principles of
u.d.:395). has several elements: (1) a set of moral
"natural rights" or the "consent of the gov­
ernment" (liberalism). values, taken as absolute; (2) an outline
For instance, power reductionism sees of the 'good society' in which those val­
However, it was the same ideology which ideology as the dependent variable (See ues would berealized;(3) a systematic
liberated the subjects from their "gods" that, Morganthau 1960). In this case, power is criticism (or.... affirmation)of thepresent
thereafter, was used to oppress the "gov­ seen as the primary means and ends ofpolitics. social arrangements and an analysis of
erned". In the same vein, the socialists incite Adversaries are thro wnoffguard andneutrals their dynamics; and (4) a strategic plan of
the masses, specifically the working class, to are lured to the side of the power seekers or getting from the present to the future..."
"break the chains of capitalist exploitation" made to stay where they are. Ideological (1969:283).
and establish a democratic socialist regime disputes are manipulated and "national in­
from the ashes of a bourgeois state. Subse­ terest" is defined in terms of maintaining or
Ideologies, therefore, are very explicit
quently, socialism was used to legitimize defending and enhancing the state's power
and highly systematic patterns of political
dictatorial control over the working masses. position.
belief. Hagopian (u. d: 390) declares that it
Apparently, ideologies tend to shift and Onmeomerhand,econonucreducuonism is "a programmatic and rhetorical applica­
change its color, ideals, and interests before believes that economic interest is the only tion of some grandiose philosophical system,
and after seizing political power. An ideol­ foundation of ideologies; if we know the which arouses men to political action and
ogy seems to embody the principles and economic interest of a certain group, we can may provide strategic guidance for that ac­
idealsofaprogressive society whenitremains easily predict its ideological persuasions. tion".
 On the other hand, political culture is far freedom cannot be fully realized by mere social context rather than abstracting one's
more complex and diffused sets of political absence ofminimal government control and nature, motivations, andrightsoutside of an
beliefs—almost a mosaic-that includes not social pressure on one's thought and action. economically interdependent society. John
only several competing beliefs, but belief Freedom is deemed accquired only when Dewey maintains that individual develop­
system (subcultures) that influence political one has acmevedacert^ "freedom-creating" ment and progress necessitate social requi­
life. It refers to all those aspects of a coun­ state of mind which requires governmental sites and insulating an individual from
try's general culture that bear more or less action whose responsibility is to raise its society constitutes a debasement of one's
directly on political processes and institutions. citizens' level of consciousness to a point individualism (in Hagopian u.d.: 470-71).
where an individual can exercise one's He thinks that true individualism for the
An ideology has three (3) main structural freedom in a mature and responsible manner. masses and elite requires collective (gov­
aspects, namely: relationship to a grandiose Beyond such point, the growth and expansion ernmental) action against misery, poverty,
philosophical system; program derived from of one's freedom becomes a personal re­ and ignorance.
a philosophical system; and strategy of real­ sponsibility. The modem liberals do not
izing programmatic aims (Hagopian u.d.: advocate a "paternal government" which The neo-liberals perceive that true free­
391). In other words, an ideology is not a denies the individual the responsibility to dom of an individual can only manifest when
philosophy but a translation of an abstract nourish or destroy one's acquired freedom. one's thoughts and actions are governed by
philosophical principle into a concrete po­ reason and morality, termed as the "higher"
litical program intended to achieve a specific While it is apparent that the liberals call or "true" self, instead of the "lower" self
goal. for the safeguard of individual's rights and (instincts and passions). True freedom,
liberties, classical and neo-liberalism differ equated with the "higher" self or "self-re­
Moreover, an ideology performs the fol­
in the means on how to secure one's indi­ alization", can be auained with the individu­
lowing functions: it tries to legitimize and
vidualism. For the former, the government al's association and participation with a
provide moral justification for political
should perform a minimum rule while the group. As Dewey said:
power; helps interpret reality by organizing
latter favour an expanded role in the affairs
the complexity of the political world into "Liberty is that secure release and fulfil­
of its citizens especially in the areas of eco­
moTe readily manageable categories of ment ofpersonal potentialities which take
nomics and education.
thought; and mobilize the masses either to place only in wide and manifold associa­
support or overthorw an existing political The transition from a "negative" or tion with others; the power to be an in­
order. "positive" conception of freedom and the dividualized self making a distinctive
shift from anti-democratic liberalism to lib­ contribution and enjoying in its own way
Given the aforesaid context, ideologies
eral democracy is a matter of logical neces­ die fruits of association" (1954:150 in
in the Philippines will be analyzed using the sity and not a product of historical develop­ Hagopian u.d.: 471).
parameters setforth in the definition of an ment. The convergence of the ideas of liber­
ideology. alism and democracy resolves a pragmatic Evidently, liberal democracy is more
question in development rather than a doc­ pluralistic and democratic in addressing the
Liberal Democracy question of individualism compared to
trinaire. As Leonor Hobhouse states:
Liberal democratic ideology is one ot the classical liberalism. It recognizes the im­
various ideologies in the country espoused "The manner in which the state is to portant role of a government, as a political
by parties, groups, and aggrupations which exercise its controlling power (over institution, in promoting the citizens' free­
remained tied with the colonial-sponsored property and industry) is to be learnt by dom as long as it does not interfere into the
liberal democratic thought as propagated by experience and even in large measure by realm of the individual's "freedom-creating"
the Americans. Perhaps, this is the longest cautious government" (in Sidorsky state of mind.
existing ideology in the country prominently 1970:20).
Neo-liberals, furthermore, accept the
embodied by political electoral parties since
A more interventionist role of govern­ growing participation of government in ci­
the ''granting" of Philippine independence in
ment in the economy cannot be dispensed vilian affairs as society becomes complex.
1946.
with and becomes fundamental as laissez For them, it is inevitable and consistent with
Liberal democracy is neo-liberalism or faire economics could no longer ensure the the basic purpose of liberalism—to secure for
modem liberalism as distinguished from ideals of liberalism (Lawson 1989:66). John all citizens an .equal opportunity for self-
classical liberalism of John Locke (natural Stuart Mill argued that laissez faire did not development. The government is allowed to
rights liberalism), John Stuart Mill (utilitar­ promote the survival of the fittest but ensured assume more welfare functions not only for
ian liberalism), Herbert Spencer (social the exploitation of the many by the few. the middle class but for those citizens who
Darwinist liberalism). Although classical Neither did it guarantee the worker's just are prevented by circumstances beyond their
liberalism and neo-liberalism share the same compensation for the amount of work ren­ control to effectively compete with those
unit of social analysis-the individual-the dered but the reward was inversely propor­ who are more privileged.
former believes that liberalism is incompat­ tion to work (Rodee et. al. 1983:100). Thus,
Liberal democracy, by virtue of its
ible with democracy while the latter asserts it becomes essentia] that social and political
adherance to democracy, advocates for par­
that liberalism and democracy are insepara­ reforms be undertaken by the government.
The State, therefore, has a social function. liamentary government in the broad sense-
ble.
an elected members of legislature which
Liberal democracy defines freedom in a Liberal democrats believe that the indi­ exercises a check on the powers of the execu­
positive sense. It contends that individual vidual's liberty must be defined within a tive. It believes in the idea that all rational
beings possess the inalienable right to rule rendered the "tyranny o f the majority", feared Inasmuch as the ideals and principles o f
themselves. It is to be noted that the liberal by the classical liberals, passe'. liberal democracy remain unchanged, its
thought is the ideological root o f democracy. application need not necessarily be identical
In the Philippines, the first direct contact
either the Anglo-Saxon or American tradition.
Liberal democracy works for an egali­ with the Anglo-Saxon liberal tradition o f the
T h e complexion and dynamism as well as
tarian society but does not intend to even o f f 17th century was made no further back than
applicability o f liberal democracy have to
class differentiation nor eliminate classes as the late 19th century. T h e few Filipino intel­
defined and suited to the peculiarities and
what the communists are advocating. Inas­ lectuals sojourned in Europe before the
idiosyncracies o f the society's historical
much as the neo-liberals posit that all human Philippine Revolution o f 1 8 9 6 first came to
development and political culture. As revo­
beings are capable o f reason and rational know the great modem ideas in political
lution cannot be imported, ideology cannot
action, the government is duty-bound to thought- concepts o f national self-determi­
be imposed. It has to follow the contours o f
provide assistance only to those citizens who nation, popular sovereignty, representative
the peoples' political life. Otherwise, it will
are willing to develop their potentials. democracy, republicanism, constitutional
not survive and b e c o m e an instrument o f
However, it cannot force anyone to cvail o f government, political rights, and liberty.
oppression rather than liberation.
the government's support if such is not being
Although these concepts and ideas were T h e wheels o f history cannot be turned
sought. Any attempt to help a citizen who
not exclusively European, the "ilustrados" back. Liberal democracy in the Philippines
does not ask for it is a transgression to indi­
happened to know them in their European has been grafted than homegrown. However,
vidual's right, liberty, and freedom. T h e
flavor. In fact, theMalolos Constitution which recent political events and peoples' move­
"social evolution'. Liberal democrats con­
very few Filipinos now have studied, is an ments have indicated that the ideology o f
tend that progress requires social action which
"ilustrado" document and the first republican neo-liberalism seems to be a viable political
must be achieved and earned by individuals
constitution in Southeast Asia. Evidently, thought. Nonetheless, its ultimate success
which m a y well mean using the government.
the American colonization in 1 9 0 0 largely shall be tested on ho w effective the advocates
S i n c e the modem liberals see the State as an
cut o f f the link o f the Filipino intellectual to are in indigenizing and nourishing liberal
instrument for one's attainment o f freedom,
European political thought. democracy in Philippine soi
they likewise perceive that progress and
political change have to be instituted within
the government and under the parameters o f
the State's laws.

They believe that political change has to

be made through peaceful, parliamentary,
ana non-violent means. T h e liberal faith in
reforms is linked with its belief in historical
progress which can be achieved through
positive social action.

Liberal democracy promotes specific

reform programs, whose aggregate sum
equals the modern welfare state. In fact, its
advocacy for positive freedom, social func­
tion of the State and government,
parliamentarism, equality o f opportunity, and
reformism constitute the idea o f a welfare
state within the framework o f liberal ideol­
ogy-

Finally, liberal democrats support the

As a result o f the 4 5 years o f direct
separation o f Church and State and freedom Socialism
American rule in the country, liberal politi­
o f conscience. Its anti-clerical posture is an
cal ideas were implanted to Filipinos' mind
offshootof its individualism which demands
in American fashion. Through the establish­ Socialism is an ideology which evolved
that religion is to be made a "personal" and
ment o f an efficient mass-based school sys­ out o f the perceived failure o f liberalism and
private affair.
tem where English became the only medium its attendant economic system - capitalism,
Apart from the various differences in o f instruction, Filipinos learned more o f to provide the "true" freedom, democracy,
philosophy and ideals between classical American history, culture, heroes, and sys­ and rights to the individual. T h e ideology
liberalism and modem liberalism, the latter tem o f government than its own. Moreover, believes that the undue emphasis given by
was able to preserve many aspects o f the the country's political and governmental liberalism to the individual has induced o n e ' s
former: individualism, parliamentarism, institutions and structures until the present selfishness, in total disregard o f the welfare
reformism, and separation o f State and time were and are shaped from American and interest o f others. This unbridled self­
Church. However, one significant difference political tradition. Thus, the meaning o f lib­ ishness exacerbated the inequalities among
is that liberal democracy was able to make erty, freedom, and rights were understood by individuals who were never b o m equal by
liberalism and democracy inseparable and the Filipinos in the American c o n t e x t virtue o f talent wealth, and capacity.
 POLITICAL

• This inequality is thus reflected in the birth, race, creed, or sex. These structures the interests of those in need, or op­
entire society. The relations between classes eventually became instruments of the privi­ pressed, or unfortunate, from whatever
tend to be oppressive and exploitative, with leged class to expand and consolidate their cause;
the few privileged classes possessed with powers through exploitation and oppression
3. A belief in equality and the "classless
extreme wealth, power, and opportunities causing untold sufferings to the greater
society", and especially a desire to give
while the vast working masses squalor in number of people in the society.
the worker his "just" rights and a rea­
poverty, powerlessness, and.ignorance.
The socialists believe that a better society sonable status at work:
Moreover, the basic feature of liberalism can be established through the social own­
4. A rejection of competitive antagonism,
and capitalism which is the private owner­ ership of the means of production where the
and an ideal of fraternity and coopera­
ship of the basic means of production (land, State becomes the owner, economic planner,
tion; and
mines, machines, and techniques) and ex­ and distributor of socio-economic benefits.
change (wholesale and retail outlets, trans­ It is argued that this economic system (so­ 5. A protest against the inefficiencies of
portation and communication facilities, fi­ cialism) would prevent the overcon­ capitalism as an economic system, and
nancial institutions, etc.) has resulted in the centration of wealth to individuals, promote notably its tendency to mass unemploy­
overconcentration of wealth and prosperity social equity and fair distribution of public ment
to the "bourgeois class" and deprived the goods, and correct social and economic dis­
"rJoletariai"orworkingclassofitsjustshare parity between therichand poor. In the Philippines, the socialist move­
in the fruits of labour. ment has two major tendencies: One, the
Likewise, socialists advocate the limita­ social democrats or democratic socialists
In this regard, the socialists say that liber­ tion or total abolition of private property. who opt for a peaceful and democratic tran­
alism protected the freedom, liberty, and This is viewed as the source of selfishness sition from capitalism to socialism; and two,
rights of the bourgeoisie and constricted that and greed. The absence of private ownership the revolutionary socialists who believe in
of the toiling masses. They contend that the is envisioned to accelerate the attainment of armed struggle as the primary means in
capitalist economic system engendered the an egalitarian society. This is the stage of seizing political power for the establishment
exploitation of man by man and resulted in society where one becomes totally free. of socialism in the country.
dehumanization and alienation for society.
There is the third group which emerged in
The system, therefore, which places an Under a socialist State, the working class mid-1980s andcallsitselfasthe"independent
individual as its center and disregards the which is the most exploited but most pro­ socilists". This group, for some reasons or
interest of the society in general becomes ductive under capitalism would be the ruling another, thinks that it embodies a different
abhorable. Furthermore, asystem which gives and governing class. This will ensure politi­ strand of socialism compared to the two
primordial value to private accumulation of cal power to the once powerless class and use socialist blocks mentioned. However, a study
capital and maximization of profit and it to strengthen its power base againstpossible of their program and strategy seems to indicate
completely remiss of its social responsibility attempts of the bourgeoisie to redeem the that it is no different form the social demo­
to those who made them rich is detestable. power it lost Moreover, with the workers at crats/democratic socialists. Their interest in
the helm of the State, employment would be disassociating from the latter, perhaps, is a
Socialism becomes attractive to the most guaranteed and just share in the fruits of their reason other than political.
underprivileged masses—the exploited and productive labour will be assured.
oppressed. It feeds on the poverty, misery,
material deprivation, and ignorance of the Socialism as an ideology covers a wide
people. It is an ideology based on emotion range of beliefs. Given the fundamental
. ' ,ilD>mocj|fe
and feeling, nonetheless, intellectually de­ agreements on the imperative of eschewing
fensible, which accounts for its ascension to awaytherootcauseofmultitude'ssuffreing Social democracy or democratic social­
and later fall from power. This also explains by limiting or abolishing private property, ism traces its roots to Karl Marx. Contempo­
the passion with which socialists contend sharp disagreements are no ted on the manner rary social democrats would even label
against each other as one tries to defend the or method that would be most effective in themselves as the "true" Marxists. They are
brand of socialism one believes in. Appar­ bringing about the ideal social system; the the Marx of 1872 speaking before the Dutch
ently, similar passion is exhibited against the extent on the limitation of private property workers on peaceful transition of capitalism
non-socialist world. ownership: the roles, if any, the State and to socialism than the Marx of 1848 pro­
government sould play in the construction claiming the specter of communism is
Socialism departs from the liberal and consolidation of socialism; and the haunting Europe and calls upon the workers
democratic concept of human nature. It views character of the socialist state. of the world to unite and revolt against their
that the most important characteristic of oppressors.
human beings is the individual's natural so­ C.A.R. Crosland (1963:67) stipulates the
ciability. People can Teadily engage in coop­ following principles of socialism, regardless Social democracy, also known as "evolu­
erative social activity only if given a chance. of its variety: tionary socialism", is a late 19th century
However, structures of society—political, ideology which grew out of the conviction
1. A protest against the material poverty
economic, and social institutions, were cre­ that socialism can be achieved through a
and physical squalor which capitalism
ated to respond to the selfish needs and democratic process rather than revolutionary
produced:
demands of individuals who are fortunate to violence. It asserts that capitalism can be
possess political and economic power due to 2. A wider concern for "social welfare" for voted out in the electoral and parliamentary.
system of the capitalist state without resort­ nation of the elite in the political and eco­ cratic socialism. Soc-Dems contend that there
ing to an armed struggle. nomic spheres, the Soc-Dems intend to re­ is a qualitativedifference between these pro­
solve these issues by democratizing the in­ grams.
The thesis on the peaceful transition to
formal and formal structures of economic
socialism is based on the following as­ The social democratic program (mini­
and political power. Economic democracy,
sumptions: (1) the working class would mum) seeks to redistribute political power
in concrete terms, shall be advanced through
eventually constitute the majority of the and economic wealth in the short run. It is in
specific programs and measures like national
voting population; and (2) raising ofpolitical this stage where the roots of Philippine struc­
industrialization, workers' participation in
consciousness of the workers through edu­ tural problems would be eradicated to estab­
policy-making relative to their welfare, and
cational programs would ultimately draw lish the foundation of a democratic socialist
agrarian reform to mention a few (Karaos
them towards the establishment of socialist order. Moreover, social democracy shall
1987:19).
state. provide the venue for massive socialist
On a similar vein, political democracy education, thereby increasing the constitu­
Thus, the sheer number of politically
shall be fought on two major fronts: One, ency for democratic socialism. The political
conscious workers makes socialism an in­
within the formal structure and political and economic models for democratic so­
evitable reality. The indispensability of de­
system of the state—parliamentary process cialism shall likewise be tested and strategic
mocracy in the socialist struggle is the cor­
and participation in a democratic election. alliances among different political forma­
nerstone of social democracy. This makes
Two, outside of the formal structure of State tions shall be strengthened in this stage
the ideology to be known as democratic
power. This shall manifest through the crea­ (CSPPA u. d.).
socialism. Apparently, this distinguishes the
tion of mass-based organizations and institu­
ideology from statist socialism of the
tions among students, youth, women, farm­ On the other hand, democratic socialism
"revolutionary socialist" or communist.
ers, workers, professionals, church workers, (maximum program) is the stage where all
Note that democratic socialism emerged media, minority groups, and others. social relationships and social institutions
in the late 19th century in Europe-at the time are democratized to their fullest. Social
The social democrats envision that peo­
when the Filipinos came to have a direct equality becomes a reality since the root
ples'— and institution-based organizations
contact with the 17th century ideology of cause of inequalities—the deprivation and
are "important venues for political education
neo-liberalism. And it was only in ihe late alienation of labour from ownership and
and practice of (democracy)" (Karaos
1960s that the social democratic movement control of the means of production-would be
1987:19). Through this effort Soc-Dems be­ completely extirpated (social inequality re­
began to take form in the Philippines. The
lieve that the ethic of democracy will be mains under the social democratic stage).
Filipino Social Democratic Movement,
inculcated in the people's consciousness in Democracy, as conceived, is perfected and
popularly known as the Soc-Dem (SD), tries
turn protecting them against abuses that may completed under this stage. Democratic so­
to suit the ideology and strategy to the Fili­
be committed by the State's elites of statist cialism shall be characterized by: political
pinos' political culture. However, a review
socialists. pluralism; institutionalized people's partici­
of their political documents indicates that no
significantdeviation nor enrichmenthas been pation; participatory and self-managed
The Soc-Dems argue that the struggle for economy; socialized market economy; cen­
made from the classical social democratic
democracy is not merely a wrestle for the tral economic planning; worker's control
thought of the 19th' century. The political
equalization ofrightsbetween the "haves" over key areas of the economy; and eradica­
thought has just been rephrased.
and "have nots" but the "equalization of tion of social conflicts as a result of contin­
Soc-Dems trace the roots of the Philippine power". It aims to reduce the inequalities in ued socialist education (CSPPA u.d.).
underdevelopment to the following inter­ power enjoyed by the different classes in a
locking structures: US imperialism, feudal­ society rather than simply the extension of Undoubtedly, doctrines espoused by the
ism, and bureaucrat capitalism (CSPPAu.d.). citizenshiprights.The equalization of power Filipino social democrats-democratic so­
US imperialism is said to be politically and is to be realized when the formal structures of cialists (SD/DS) spring from the late 19th
economically responsible for the country's power in government have been transformed century social democratic ideology, other­
neo-colonial stature. It continually frustrates from elite-to mass-based institutions and wise known as "revisionism" or "evolution­
the people's struggle for sovereignty and alternative centers of power have been cre­ ary socialism". Social democracy became a
independence. On the other hand, the feudal ated outside the state structures. Thus, the distinct ideological system from "revolu­
economic system prevailing in the country­ form of representative democracy is dy­ tionary socialism"which advocated for a
side serves as the economic base of imperi­ namically linked with the organs of direct violent overthrow of the capitalist bourgeois
alism. This system is maintained to provide democracy in workplaces and communities state as the necessary means to pave the way
capitalist countries with cheap agricultural (TolosaJr. 1988:5). towards socialism. Conversely, social de­
products and raw materials as well as a mocracy opted for a peacefulrouteof political
source of low-cost labour. Finally, domestic For the Filipino social democrats, so­ democracy to achieve the ends of socialism.
capitalism with its "internally disarticulated cialism can be achieved through its two-
structure and heavy dependence on foreign pronged program: the minimum or what they The ideology is notably identified with
capital" serves as the economic base of po­ call the "social democratic" stage, and maxi­ Eduard Bernstein and the British Fabian
mum, the stage of "democratic socialism". Society led by George Bernard Shaw, Sidney
litical elites (CSSPA; Karaos 1987:18).
The former is a transition stage to achieve the Webb, and Beatrice Webb. To date, Fabian
Given the structural problems besetting latter. In other words, social democracy is a Society continue to publish ideological tracts
the Philippine society spawned by the domi­ necessary stage to attain the goal of demo­ and is an affiliate of the British Labour Party.
 The Filipino SDs/DSs assert that they do material, moral, and mental level of the more sophisticated working class" capable
not "attempt to appropriate the Revisionist workers to a point where socialism shall of contesting the power of the bourgeoisie in
ideology" of Bernstein nor share the premise become the logical conclusion and inevita­ electoral politics.
of "progressiveness of capitalism" for their ble reality. Thus, revolution is rendered su­
Similarly, the SDs/DSs call for the de­
"gradualism" (gradual approach to social­ perfluous and "dictatorship" of any class
mocratization of society by building "alter­
ism). Their "ideology" is said to be based on becomes unnecessary.
native centers of power" both in the formal
the "different reading of the realities of
Moreover, Bernstein contended that po­ and informal structures of the State is indeed
capitalism in the Philippines (domestic capi­ a re-echo of Karl Kautsky's statement that:
litical and economic reforms are precondi­
talism) and of global monopoly capitalism "modem socialism (is) not merely social
tions of both socialism and working class'
today" and "commitment to the primacy of organization of production, but democratic
emancipation and the struggle for reforms
democracy as the means to socialism" organization of society as well" (1964:6).
must be done in a democratic manner
(Karaos 1987:18-19). (Hagopian 1985:143). Political democracy The democratic organization of the society is
No matter how the SDs/DSs try to dis­ as seen by Bernstein is the antechamber to perceived to be crucial in instilling into the
associate themselves from revisionism in socialism or economic democracy. Likewise, minds of the masses that socialism's time
their effort to project their "ideology" as a the Fabians express that the need for has come thereby can be voted in demo­
political thought based on the Philippine gradualism and the need for democracy are cratically.
"class structure, political culture, and level closely linked in its political approach. Sidney
Webb recognized that: Likewise, the SDs/DSs' vision for the
of economic development" rather than
nationalization of industries and establish­
something borrowed, their minimum and
ment of the State as the central economic
maximum programs glaringly indicate that "Important organic changes can only be
planner, defined in its maximum program,
they are the piety followers and staunch (1) democratic, and thus acceptable to
(democratic socialism), are the same argu­
defenders of revisionism. Practically, noth­ the majority of the people, and prepared
ments of the classical social democrats. The
ing was added nor taken away from the basic for the minds of all; (2) gradual, and thus
latter believe that full social justice would be
principles of the 19th century classical social causing no dislocation, however rapid
realized only in an economy where the gov­
democratic doctrine. In fact, their aversion to may be the rate of progress; (3) not re­
ernment had "nationalized" at least the
welfare state even placed them among the garded as immoral by the mass of the
"commanding heights" of the economy. Ba­
left-wing social democrats of G.D.H. Cole people, and thus not subjectively demor­
sic industry would be owned by the public
and R. H. S. Crossman, thus drawing them alizing to them, and (4) in this country at
sector and the whole economy will be ran in
nearer to the moderate communists in the any rate, constitutional and peaceful" (in
accordance with a central plan of the State.
Philippines. In other words, only affirmations George Shaw ed. u.d.: 51; quoted in
The new economic institutions, further, would
and nothing new were said. Hagopian 1985:147) (underscoring pro­
be supervised by the representatives of the
vided).
In the general sense, Filipino SDs/DSs people. The aforesaid statement obviously,
share the view with Bernstein and Fabians The Fabians' bias for gradualism stems do not run counter to what the Filipino SDs/
on the peaceful transition to socialism. from the British peculiar political culture DSs have pronounced in their maximum
Bernstein rejected the "catastrophic theory", which disdains untested innovations and program.
whereby it was contended that the abstract concepts and theories and the need
"immiscrization"of the working class would to try it out in a certain transitional stage until
precipitate revolutionary action. On the The desistance of the Filipino SDs/DSs
confidence is built up for practical applica­
contrary, he argued that the progress of so­ from advocating a welfare state for the
tion.
cialism does not depend on the "deterioration Philippines is to avoid the danger of being
of social conditions" or misery but on The Fabians and Bemsteins think that the perceived as approximating the ideological
eliminating abuses (Bernstein 1961:213). revisionist transition to socialism is most line of the neo-liberals. They are quite em­
optimistic and democracy is not only valu­ phatic to state that they "do not aspire for the
Bernstein believed that the elimination of able in itself but would hasten the victory of establishment of a welfare state" (Karaos
abuses can be done through massive educa­ socialism. Classical social democracy posits 1987-18). However, this does not make them
tion of the workers on their rights and powers the indispensability of democracy in the distinctive at all. By driving the wedge be­
as well as their future under socialism; or­ struggle for socialism. Democracy is con­ tween neo-liberalism and "Filipino" social
ganization of the workers which will sidered both a means to an end (socialist democracy, the latter linked itself to the
strengthen their ranks to work for political economy) and an end in itself (just political social democratic "left" whose doctrines have
and economic reforms within the parameters order). been personified by G.D.H. Cole and R.H.S.
of the existing state; and use of democratic Crossman-with a hairline difference sepa­
and parliamentary processes where political Clearly, the Filipino SDs/DSs are no rating the leftist social democrat and less
and economic benefits would reach the different from the Bemsteins and the Fabi­ radical communist.
workers in the immediate the tangible ways. ans. In fact, their minimum program seems
to be an exact replica of Bernstein's and
For Bernstein, improvement of the eco­ fabians' thought expressed more than 100 Cole and Crossman advanced- the idea
nomic and political welfare of the workers years back. Their concept of "equalization of that full realization of democracy and other
presupposes a sophisticated, educated, well- power" is nothing but a rephrasing of values of socialism shall be ensured only in
organized, and confident working class. Bernstein's idea of the "rise of mass de­ a largely socialized economic system. Cole
Piecemeal reforms will eventually raise the mocracy" and the "creation of a stronger and pointed out that welfare state is not socialism:
 POLITICAL

"It is at most socialistic—If even that. For Komunista ng Pilipinas. (Communist Party make the history of the PKP in the Philippine
what we have been doing is not to put people of the Philippines). communist movement irrelevant.
on an equal footing, but only to lessen the
The PKP follows the Soviet Communist The CPP with its armed group, the NPA,
extremes of inequality by redistributing
ideological line—Marxism and Leninism. and unarmed alliance of political mass or­
grossly unequal incomes; and even this re­
However, this ideology became less promi­ ganizations, the National Democratic Front
distribution has quite largely taken the form
nent in contemporary political struggle and (NDF) collectively carries the ideology of
of making the poor pay for one another's
marginalized beginning in mid-1950s until Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought
basic needs..." (1971:774).
late 1960s when its key leaders and ideologues (M-L-MZD-T). It tries to blend the funda­
Crossman, on the other hand, states: were cither killed in battles or imprisoned, mental contributions of three major political
while some vacillated and co-opted with the thoughts of communism in its struggle for
"Whatever our intentions, wishes, or in­ government. power in the Philippines. The ideology vir­
dividual capabilities, the nations of the
tually believes in the violent overthrow of
Western world will be unable to strengthen Moreover, the intense ideological strug­
the government through a protracted peoples'
themselves by developing adequatepublic gle within the PKP between the "old guards"
war, drawing support from the masses of
services until the public sector becomes following the Soviet model and the "green
peasants as its motive force and workers as
the dominant sector in our economies. horns" advocating the Chinese model led to
its leading force, and the establishment of a
Only in this way shall we make itpossible the further weakening of the PKP as a
socialist State under a single party system
to work out a true national resources revolutionary party. The inner-party strug­
with the Communist Party as the ruling and
budget, which strikes the proper balance gle reflects the tussle between the Chinese
governing party in the country.
between production and consumption and Soviet Communist Parties led by Mao
goods and ensures the community inter­ and Khruschev respectively in the 1950s. Like the social democrats, the CPP be­
ests are given their priority over individual lieves in transitional stage towards social­
The PKP was then polarized between the
consumption" (1965:110) (underscoring ism. As the former, identified the stage of
Maoist and Khruschivites, with the former
provided). social democracy as a necessary step before
gaining the upperhand. The struggle for su­ achieving democratic socialism, the latter
Finally, the much avowed slogan of the premacy, power, and leadership was indeed contend that ilshould be the stage of"national
Filipino SDs/DSs: "there is no socialism a critical stage in the history of the commu­ democracy".The CPP argues that national
without democracy and there is no democracy nist movement, oftentimes characterized by democracy is not an economic system but a
without socialism" is an obvious rehash of violence and killings between comrades, for political system where the structures and
Kautsky's maxim: "socialism without de­ it will determine the future of communism in institutions of socialism shall be shaped until
mocracy is monstrosity" and a re-wording of the country. such time that the economy and the people
revisionist axiom: "you cannot fully and would be ready for the next higher stage of
On December 26,1968, theMaoist broke
truly have socialism without democracy". society—socialism.
away from the PKP and established the
So what else is new? What is "Filipino" in Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP)
the Filipino Social Democratic Movement? with Amado Guerero (pseudonym of Jose Political documents and progaganda of
'Social Democracy and Democratic Socialism Ma. Sison) as Chairman of its Central Com­ CPP-NPA-NDF have given excessive em­
is one and the same. It is an ideology of the mittee. On March 29, 1969, theNew Peoples' phasis on their national democratic political
late 19th century. The Filipino social Army (NPA) was founded with Kumander line and the national democratic programme
democrats/democratic socialists are nothing Dante (pseudonym of BemabeBuscayno) as of government. The label "nat-dem" has
both revisionists and Fabians. They belong its overall Field Commander. A number of been attributed to anyone who espouses or
to the left-wing of the social democratic young leaders of PKP and red fighters of its are sympathetic with the aforesaid program.
ideological line of Crossman and Cole. army, Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan The socialist orientation and direction of the
(HMB) (People's Liberation Army), joined political program have been downplayed
the CPP and NPA. This greatly decimated either deliberately or unwillingly.
J-A ^evotii|U>nary.SqsIaIism the ranks of the PKP and HMB ideologically
Nonetheless, it seems that highlighting
| or Communism - and militarily.
the national democratic line serves the or­
Revolutionary socialism is the second To date, remnants of PKP and HMB ganizational and political agenda of the
tendency of socialism in the Philippines. It remain but have opted either to join the CPP.Theterm"national democracy" is more
espouses the ideology of Marx ism-Leninism- government or pursue their struggle through acceptable to the Filipinos who have been
Mao Zedong Thought (M-L-MZD-T). This parliamentary means. Their numbers became exposed to the elite-based democracy in the
is the ideological line of the re-established very insignificant and their ideology poses country as well as the growing sentiments for
Communist Party of the Philippines (1968) no threat to the present regime. national identity. Socialism, on the other
in contrast with the Partido Komunista ng hand, is perceived to be less acceptable in a
Pilipinas (PKP) established in 1930 by Evidently, the collapse of the Soviet populace whose revulsion against commu­
Crisanto Evangelista, which merged later Communist Party and other communist States nism remains strong. Therefore, the call for
with the Socialist Party of the Philippines under the influence of Soviet Union have national democracy becomes an effective
(SPP) then headed by Pedro Abad Santos. practically rendered the PKP in near oblivion. propaganda and political tool to "arouse,
The merger resulted in the adoption of a This makes the discussion on PKP's ideol­ organize, and mobilize" the masses against
single revolutionary party—Partido ogy unnecessary. However, this does not the government.

(Cont. on page scj

 POLITICAL
(Cont. from page 27 )
There is nothing original about the na­ Ricardo, James and John Stuart Mill, and appealed to Marx: First, history is unity and
tional democratic line. National democracy others; the French Utopian socialist tradition; progress moving in a single process and;
or "New" democracy was the battlecry of and G.W.F. Hegel's philosophy on dialectics. progress is not evolutionary nor moves slowly
Mao Zedong's Communist Party against the but is characterized by conflicts and leaps
From the British political economy, Marx forward (Hagopian 1985:120). Nevertheless,
Kuomintang Army of Chiang-Kai-Shek in
was able to study the elaborate operation of Marx criticized Hegel for being an idealist
the 1920s. Amado Guerero's Philippine
the capitalist economy. He deduced that who believed that mind or spirit was the
Society and Revolution which virtually be­
economic life and economics itself can be essence of reality and considered ideas and
came the "bible" of all nat-dem political
studied "scientifically". Nonetheless, he culture as independent forces of change.
act i v is ts in late 1960s, does not seem to differ
departed from the conclusion of the classical Marx argued that the world, made up of
from Mao's Chinese Society and Revolu­
economists that capitalism reflects the matter and idea is but a reflection of matter
tion. Although there is nothing wrong with
"eternal laws" of human nature. Marx viewed and the human mind is the highest form of
parallel analysis given the same ideological
the capitalist economic "laws" as not abso­ matter.
framework, there can never be identical
lute and subject to change.
analysis of both the Philippine and Chinese
As Marx said:
societies. Differences and idiosyncracies The French socialists influenced Marx'
definitely exist between these societies—in thinking on private property ownership. The "My dialectic method is fundamentally
history, culture, and socio-economic and po­ socialists contended that private ownership not only different from the Hegelian, but
litical systems. of the means of production was an "histori- is its direct opppsite. To Hegel, the process
of thinking, which, under the name of
'the Idea', he even transforms into an
independent subject, is the demiurge
(creator) of the real world, and the real
world is only the external, phenomenal
form of 'the Idea'. With me, on the con­
trary, is the ideal is nothing else than the
material world reflected by the human
mind, and translated into forms of
thought" (in Stalin 1977:5-6).

However, the materialism of Marx is a

derivation from Ludwig Feuerbach sans its
idealistic and religious-ethical contents. Marx
extracted the "inner kernel" of Feuerbach's
materialism and developed it into a scientific-
philosophical theory of materialism (Stalin
1977:6).

The fusion of Hegelian dialectics and

Feuerbach's materialism came to be known
as Marx's dialectical materialism. Stalin
Thav guiding ideology of the CPP-NPA- cally obsolete institution" and the imperative (1977:5) views-this as the world outlook of a
NDF is a transformed ideology. It draws of abolishing private ownership is essential Marxist communist party—the approach,
from Marx's fundamental philosophy of dia­ for the futureof social organization (Hagopian study, and comprehension to the phenomena
lectical historical materialism as applied in 1985:119; Hagopian u.d.: 454). Although of nature is dialectical while the interpreta­
the development of societies and the theory the socialists maintained that absolute equal­ tion and conception of these phenomena is
of economic determinism; Lenin's concept ity, elimination of poverty, and abolition of materialistic (ForfurtherdiScussion see Stalin
of imperialism and ideas on democratic property ownership cannot transpire under 1977).
centralism as the guiding principle in Com­ capitalism, they do not see the need for a
munist party's organization, and; Mao's revolution.
The application of dialectical material­
national democracy and internationalism,
Marx branded the French socialists as ism to the development of history and soci­
voluntarism, and peasant-based but workers
"Utopian" and naive for their failure to grasp ety led Marx to identify five stages: primitive
led protracted peoples' war.
the importance of a revolution in establish­ communal ism or communism; slave system;
The ideology adopts Marx's doctrine, ing a new political and economic order. feudalism; capitalism; and communism with
variously known as "scientific socialism", Contrary to the Utopians, Marx advocated a socialism as a brief transition stage towards
"historical materialism", and "dialectical violent revolution that would lead to the a "classless", stateless" and "propertyless"
materialism". However, the doctrine itself is abolition of private property ownership. society.
<• not a product of pure Marxist thought. It is a
synthesis of the writings of the British political On the other hand, Hegelian dialectics Moreover, the development of society
economy as analyzed by the bourgeois inspired Marx's insight into the process of would be characterized by revolution and
economists such as Adam Smith, David change. Hegel pointed out two things which class struggle. The contradictions in the
 POLITICAL

"mode of production" and "relations of pro­ interest rates, capitalist states find it con­ composed of hard-line cadres who can
duction" would precipitate the destruction of venient to dump their surplus products and withstand or are ready to accept therigorsof
the old order and the rise of new forces, capital to less developed countries. These a revolution. Lenin argues that opening a
which in turn will be destroyed by newer countries, in effect become ready markets party to undisciplined and non-ideologue
forces until communism is attained. At this and attractive sites for foreign investments. masses cannot assure victory nor contribute
level, the contradictions in the "mode of In other words, the rural and backward coun­ to the success of revolution.
production" and "relations of production" tries absorb the crisis of capitalism (See
In the attempt to instill "iron discipline"
would cease. There would then be contra­ Lenin 1968). in the Communist Party, Lenin formulated
dictions between man and nature rather than
This situation makes it improbable for its organizational principle: "democratic
man against man.
capitalist countries to collapse and work for centralism". This principle combines
Marx's theory on society's development socialism, contrary to what Marx said. The centralism and democracy in the formulation
complements his doctrine on economic de­ imperativesof asocialistrevolution lie among and implementation of Party rules, directives,
terminism. The doctrine states that a society peasant-based, feudal, and backward coun­ and decisions. In essence, democratic
is defined in accordance with its substructure tries where the link of imperialism is weak­ centralism means democracy under a cen­
(mode of production or economic base) and est. Furthermore, Lenin describes the op­ tralized leadership and centralism based on
superstructure (State/political system, laws, pressed and exploited people of these coun­ democracy.
morals, culture, and religion). The super­ tries as revolutionary, compared to the
The concept operates on two aspects:
structure rests on its substructure and it is the workers in the capitalist countries.
One, the lower organs of the Party elect the
latter which defines the character of the
Lenin's redefinition of the revolutionary members of its higher organs and decisions
former. Any change which occurs in the
role of the peasantry also refocusses the of the latter must be binding and followed by
economic system will definitely affect its
communist strategy in seizingpolitical power. the former; Second, open andfreedebate on
political system. Thus, a move towards a
Given the feudal state of Russia, Lenin saw major policies of the Party are allowed in
better society necessitates an improvement
the significance of mobilizing the peasant Party congresses. However, once a decision
in its economic base and mode ofproduction.
masses against the Czarist regime. This has been made (after a "democratic" dis­
Similarly, political and social ideas, revolutionary strategy enhanced the political cussion on congresses), no one is allowed to
theories, views, and political institutions in role of the rural peasants in the struggle for question the "parly line" nor its authority in
the different periods of society's develop­ power, contrary to Marx's claim that the implementing Party decisions. All Party or­
ment is a reflection of the different material urban industrial wage-earners of the advanced gans must defend and fully execute policies
life conditions of the people. In other words, countries would be the leaders of world and directives of the Party without reserva­
the concrete conditions of the material life of revolution. Nonetheless, it is still Mao who tion, otherwise dissidents will be subjected
society is the determining, force of social can be credited for exalting the peasant class to disciplinary action and rule on insubordi­
, development rather than abstract "principles as the "driving and motive force" of the nation.
of human reason". Marx concludes: revolution, with his classic strategy of "en­
Mao Zedong expounded on the principle
circling the cities through the countrysides".
"It is not the consciousness of men that of democratic centralism by emphasizing
This strategy was likewise adopted by the the role of the group (collective) and Central'
determines their being, but on the con­
CPP. Committee of the communist parly in deci­
trary, their social being that determines
their consciousness". On the spontaneity of proletarian revo­ sionmaking. He states that: "the individual's
lution espoused by Marx, Lenin argued that decision is subject to the collective decision;
Marxism as a political thought is a prod­ the lower organ's decision is subject to those
this cannot be done without a communist
uct of Karl Marx' synthesis of various phi- of the higher organ; and all Party organs arc
party composed of elite, full-time, capable,
- losophies, doctrines, and beliefs. His ab- subject to the decision of the Central Com­
competent, and professional revolutionaries
\ stractions and deductionsfromthese theories mittee". Apparently, the importance of
imbued with a strong commitment to spread
J! and his interpretations of social and political centralism rather than democracy has been
the doctrine ofrevolution, mold the proletariat
1 phenomena formed his beliefs which led to emphasized in the principle of "democratic
into a revolutionary striking force, and lead
his concept of "good society". The Com­ centralism".
the masses of peasants and workers towards
munist Party of the Philippines absorbed the
socialism. Lenin believes that the Commu­
Marxist doctrine as part of its ideology. V.I. Lenin's study on imperialism and the
nist Party must be the "vanguard of the
proletariat", it must be a "conspiratorial" and principle of democratic centralism have
The CPP also adopted Leninism, which
"elite" party of the working class (See Lenin gready influenced the CPP's understanding
i is Marxism after Marx and developed by
1929). of the current problems of the Philippine
L Vladimir Mich Lenin during the stage of
neo-colonialism as well as its conduct on
imperialism. He stated that imperialism was
The establishment of an elite communist policy decisions. In fact Lenin's Imperialism:
thehigheststageof capitalism whichdelayed
party is in contrast to Marx's view of a mass The Highest Stage of Capitalism written
the downfall of a capitalist state by exporting
party which is open to all workers and people before the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 and
its crisis to underdeveloped countries.
who believe in the legitimacy of the commu­ What is to be Done? (1902) are fundamental
Rather than be baffled with the problem nist struggle. From Lenin's perception, it readings of CPP'spolitical activists and cad­
, of i excessive commodity production and would be very difficult for a mass party to res. From the CPP's viewpoint, no substan­
- capital which lead to price-cuts, less profits, win a proletarian revolution. Seizing politi­ tial things have changed in the revolutionary
: low returns on investments, and reduction to cal power requires a highly-disciplined party movementsfromLenin's time to the present
: i
;
i
 1

POLITICAL

and his works written less than a century ago could change a person's attitudes, and Another aspect of Mao's populism was
are still relevant. behavior. The doctrine of voluntarism was his lament on the arrogance exhibited by
so important for who Mao at that time was revolutionary cadres towards the masses.
Mao Zedong Thought (MZDT) is another This is apparent in his views on the role of
trying to build a broad coalition and mass-
strand of CPP's ideological framework. The revolutionary artists and writers: ^
based alliances of Chinese nationalists and
CPP considers MZDT as Marxism-Lenin­
revolutionaries to repel the onslaughts of the
ism in the present era. Evidently, the Chinese "...no revolutionary artist or writer can
Japanese Imperial Army which invaded
Cultural Revolution of 1966-69 had a tre­ produce any work of significance unless
China. The Kuomintang Army then under
mendous impact on the local communists. It he has contact with the masses, gives
Chiang-Kai-shek tended to vacillate and
was in the same period when student activ­ expression to their thoughts and feelings,
align itself with the Japanese. Mao expects a
ism in the country reached an unprecedented and becomes their loyal spokesman ...if
fomidable "enemy" to face if the Japanese
height, with hundreds of thousands, pre­ he regards himself as the master of the
and Chinese "counter-revolution aries"joined
dominantly youth and students, participating masses or as an aristocrat.... then he will
forcesagainsttheChineseCommunistParty.
almost daily in school boycotts, barricades, not be needed by the people and his work
Mao's voluntarism was an attempt to break
rallies, demonstrations, and strikes with will have no future" (in Freemantle
the alliance between the Japanese and
Mao'soversized portraits held conspicuously 1963:257).
Chiang's forces and believed in the possibility
by the demonstrators as it was done in China.
of winning over the least of the "counter­ Mao's adherance, to the imperatives of
Likewise, it was during this period when revolutionaries" to the side of the commu­ peasant support in a socialist revolution,
the Kabataang Makabayan (Nationalist nists. He said: nonetheless, does not mean a divergence to
Youth) was founded in 1964 with Jose Ma. Marxist thought on the primacy of the urban-
'To exercise dictatorship over the reac­ based industrial working class' leadership.
Sison as its Chairman. Sison later became
tionary classes does not mean that we Mao commits himself to the leadership of the
the founding chairman of the CPP's central
should totally eliminate all reactionary proletariat in the Communist Party and even
committee in 1968. He was also instrumental
classes but rather we should eliminate advised the peasantry to mold their con­
in building the New Peoples' Army in 1969
the classes to which they belong. We sciousness in line with the proletarian thinking
and the National Democratic Front a few
should use appropriate methods (like through "rectification" campaigns and "self-
years after. In fact, the founding of the CPP
persuasion and re-education) to remould criticisms" that would transform themselves
was made on the birthday of Mao which falls
them and transform them into new men" into "proletarianized peasants".
on December 26. Undeniably, the Mao cult
(inSchram 1974:169).
pervaded the CPP for quite some time.
Another contribution of Mao to the com­
Similarly, voluntarism was used by, Mao
While the CPP believes in Marx's theory munist movement, which the CPP adopted,
during China's socialist reconstruction by
of economic determinism, it also adopts was his view on nationalism and internation­
inviting "reformed class enemies" especially
Mao's doctrine on "voluntarism". alism. While Mao admitted the universal
the intellectuals and bureaucrats to help China
Voluntarism, as the CPP conceives is not a truth" of Marxism and Leninism, he pointed
build its economy within the framework of
rejection of Marx's "determinism" but an out that the specific character of the Chinese
socialism.
application of dialectics in the present-day society and revolution must not be over­
struggle. Voluntarism signifies the prepon­ The CPP-NPA-NDF's strategy in wag­ looked. Mao saw no conflict between the
derance of mind (ideas, theories, and con­ ing its people's war by establishing "rural nationalist revolution of China and Marx's
cepts) in changing one's material being, as bases" where guerilla warfare is conducted idea of proletarian internationalism. For
contrasted with "determinism" which sug­ and land reform is implemented is Mao's Marx, nationalist struggles are irrelevant
gests that physical or material forces govern political strategy in building peasant-based anduruiecessaryasthe"workersofallnations
one's human behavior. centers of power prior to the seizure of State unite" against capitalism and exploiters.
power in the cities. The encirclement of the Marx surmised the differences between na­
Mao states, without attacking Marx's cities through the countryside is the maxim tions would wither out andnationalities would
economic determinism: of Mao's strategy of socialist revolution, melt as the socialist revolution of the work­
which differed from the orthodox commu­ ing class spreads all over the world. However,
"When the superstructure (politics, cul­ nists who clung to the idea of urban-centered Mao remarked that:
ture, and so on) obstructs the develop­ proletarian-based revolution.
ment of the economic base, political and "This patriotism and internationalism are
cultural changes become principal and by no means in conflict, for only China's
The peasant-based, proletarian-led revo­ independence and liberation will make
decisive. Are we going against material­
lution is the foundation of Mao's populism. its possible to participate in the World
ism when we say this? No. The reason is
He considered the peasants as the "driving Communist Movement" (in Wakeman
that while we recognize that in the gen­
force" of the revolution, the motive force in Jr. 1977: 244).
eral development of history the material
the struggle for liberation. The exaltation of
determines the mental and social being
the peasants tended to belittle the wisdom of Furthermore, Mao noted:
determines social consciousness, we
the intellectuals. From Mao's perspective, a
also—and indeed must—recognize the
humble peasant could possess more genuine "... in applying Marxism in China, Chi­
reaction of mental on material things" (in
wisdom and contribute more to society nese communists must fully and properly
WakemanJr. 1973-299).
compared to scholars basking in interna­ unite the universal truth of Marxism with
Mao always felt that "thought reform" tional renown (Hagopian 1985:137). the specific practice of the Chinese

J*
 Revolution... the truth of Marxism must emerged in mid-1960s at the height of stu­ Ostensibly, its concept of democracy is a
be integrated with the characteristics of dent activism, their activities as a political limited one. A type of democracy which
the nation and given definite national organization have been too imperceptible to protects Church moral principles and human
form" (1954:154). warrant attention from political analysts. personality from the possible "tyranny" of
mass democracy. While Christian democ­
E.H.Carr contended that Mao's thought However, after three decades of near racy favours social equality it is against ex­
on nationalism was the third phase of mod­ oblivion, the Christian democrats suddenly treme social levelling. For the Christian
ern nationalism which involved the rose to power as one of the political group­ democrats, democracy requires a solid moral
"socialization of the nation" and the "nation­ ings under the coalition party of the present foundation which is the Catholic religion.
alization of socialism" (in Hagopian u.d.: government. Time will say whether they Therefore, a political regime not based on
464). would be a political force to contend with. Catholicism cannot be considered as demo­
Mao's integration of nationalism within Political scientists arenot in full agreement cratic but still can be called pluralist.
Marx's internationalist political thought on whether Christian democracy can be Social pluralism for the Christian demo­
serves as an inspiration to the CPP's "na­ properly called an ideology, inasmuch as its crats involves two aspects: vertical and hori­
tional democratic" struggle. It adopts Mao's political successes as a party, especially in
zontal. The doctrine of vertical pulralism
dictum: it is nationalist because it is anti- Europe, are attributed more to their "middle-
alludes to the recognition of Protestant and
colonial; it is democratic because it involves of-the-road policies and the-outstanding
other secularists outlooks as essential
the vast majority of the population-the adroitness of their leaders" than it is to any­
requisites of modem culture. While
peasants; it is socialist because it applies thing "Christian" about them (Hagopian
horizontal pluralism maintains that social
Marxism and Leninism, the guiding ideol­ 1985:167). Evidently, the same is true in the
groups—family, local community, and
ogy of the Communist Party. case of the Philippines whereby the NUCD
Church—are the proper foci of political
gained power as a result more of its associa­
The CPP's national democratic political tion and support from the incumbent admin­ thinking or social policy rather than the whole
line is essentially lifted from Mao Zedong istration rather than the strength of its society or the individual. In other words,
Thought on the assumption that the Philip­ ideology which was seldom explained in policies of the State must be tuned towards
pine society, problems and aspirations are political rallies. the promotion of the interest of social
the same as the Chinese'. The local commu­ groupings. This explains the historical
nists identify the three root causes of the Nevertheless, the fact remains that some aversion of the Christian democrats to the
country'sporblemsas: imperialism; domes­ Christian democrats are now holding political legalization of divorce, birth control, or
tic feudalism; and bureaucrat capitalism. power in government. Whether their politi­ abortion and favourable support to policies
These problems are similar lo those identi­ cal thoughts guide them in governance and which encourage the teaching of religion in
fied by Mao. Given the similarity, the CPP policy decisions are something which cannot educational institutions.
argues that the peoples' war strategy which be ascertained as of the moment. But it
The Christian democrats adhere to the
proved successful in China in the 1940s would be noteworthy to understand Christian
principle of the separation of Slate and
would undoubtedly be most effective in democracy as expressed by Christian
Church. They believe that (lie roles performed
seizing political power from the "puppet Democratic parties whose "Christian" marks
by each one in the society arc completely
State". in some policy areas are strong and con­
.distinct, i.e. the State is involved in temporal
spicuous.
The Chinese model for the Philippine issues while the Church is more on the
revolution as seen by the CPP, is as good as Christian democratic doctrines spring spiritual aspect, although there are some
its assumptions. However, if the assump­ from the notion of Natural Law and transi­ where cooperation and complementation be­
tions are incorrect, the entire model col­ tional character of the Roman Catholic comes and feasible like in education and
lapses. If Marxism demands concrete analy­ Church. The former refers to God'sprescribed welfare.
sis of concrete conditions, them the local law that governs the relationship among ra­ However, ihe Christian democrats arc
communists must re-study Philippine reali­ tional beings, known as the universal moral convinced that they perform a superior and
ties rather than be blinded by the fascination code. The latter, on the other hand, relates to higher mission than that of the State. They
of successful revolutions in other countries. the movement taken by the Church in mak­ argue that the Church's mission is measured
ing itself relevant by addressing social against eternity saving and safeguarding
problems of the middle and lower classes of souls, while the Slate's promotion of ihe
society as a result of modernization. common good is limited to the present world,
Christian democracy as an ideology in Christian democrats do not prescribe any i.e. the here and now. In this context, the
the Philippines is at its budding stage. It has particular type of political regime as long as Christian democrats posit that the S late should
not created a dent in the country's political the doctrine of the Catholic Church is main­ provide assistance and institutional recogni­
landscape nor has its presence been felt in tained and its (Church) rights respected. As tion to those religious communities—asso­
political affairs. Except for its participation the Natural Law ordains, neither the Stale ciations, religious or secular, educational,,
in the 1992 national election when it coa­ nor the numerical majority is considered as and scientific organizations—committed to
lesced with the Administration's political the dispenser of morality and justice. Obvi­ social service and public welfare apart from
party, the National Union of Christian ously, Christian democracy rules out a their spiritual endeavors.
Democrats (NUCD) is unheard of. Although regime purely based on classic liberalism The Christian Democratic Movement in
a Christian Democratic Movement once and orthodox Marxism. a predominantly Christian nation like the
(Cont. on page 8 4 J
 Haber, Robert 1969-The End of Ideology as Ideology in Chaim I.
Final Note Waiman (ed.) The End of Ideology Debate. Now York:
(Cont. from page 5 7 ) Simon ft Schuster.
Ideologies perform a critical function in Hagopian, Mark u.d. Regimes, Movements, and Ideologies: A
Comparative Introduction to Political Science
the country's political life. It can make and
Philippine has not been successful enough in unmake regimes and governments. In the
1985-Ideals and Ideologies o f Modem Politics. Longman,
New York and London.
spreading its ideology and polidcal thoughts. Philippines, ideologies remain to be sharp­ Hobhouse, Leonard T. 1964-Liberalism. New York: Oxford Uni­
To date, there seems to be a dearth of its ened and fashioned to the country's needs versity Press

political documents embodying their analy­ and demands for development. Many of the
Karaos, Ana Marie A. 1987-Tho Viability of Social Democracy as
a Political Ideology in the Philippines. Kasarinlan ( 2 ) ( 3 ) .
sis of the Philippine society, vision for a solutions proposed by various ideologies are Kautsky, Karl 1964-The Dictatorship o f the Proletariat. Ann
better society, programme of government, shaped by the way the national problems are Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
and strategy in achieving its goals. defined or seen. Oftentimes it suits the Lawson, Kay 1989-The Human Polity: An Introduction to Political
Science. Houghton Mufflin Co.
ideologues' interest—legitimizing its own
TheChristiandemocrats' ability to clinch Lenin. Vladimir IDich 1968-lrrrperislism: The Highest State o f
theory. Rather than abstracting theory from
political power in government, however, does Capitalism
1929 What is to be Done? New York: International Publish
realities, most ideologies try to shape reali­
not mean the acceptance of their political BIS.
ties in order to suit their political ideologies.
agenda nor does their continued stay connote Mao-Tse-Tung 1954-OnNew Democracy. In Selected Works (3).
International Publishers.
a presence of mass-following for their ideo­
Morganthau, Heans 1960-Politics Among Nations. 3rd Ed. New
logical line. The election of some Christian York: Alfred A. Knopf.
democrats was not a reuslt of the popularity References Pareto,Vilfredol963- The Mind and Society. Vol. 2 . New York:
or approval of their ideology but of effective Bernstein, Eduard 1961-Evolutionary Socialism. New York: Dover Publications.

use of the flawed Philippine electoral system Schocken Booka. Rodee, Carlton, Totton Anderson, Carl Christol, and Thomas
greene 1983- Introduction to Pulitical Science. McGraw-Hill
to their advantage. CSPPA (Center for Social Policy and Public Affairs)
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u.d.- Analysis of PhDtpfnns Situation, (mimeographed).
Schram, S. 1974-Chaitrman Mao Talks to the People. New York:
u.d.- Conceptual Framework o f the Minimum and Maximum
Apart from the aforecited ideologies, there Programs.
Partthoon Books.
are other political beliefs espoused by vari­ Cole, G.DJI. 1971-Socialism and the Welfare State, in I. Howe
Shaw, George u.d. Fabian Essays in Socialism Garden City, New
York: Dolphin Books.
ous political forces in the country but failed (ed.) Essential W o r k . of Socialism. New York: Bantam
Books. S idorsky, David 1970-The Liberal Tradition in European Thought.
to qualify as an ideology due to inchoate- Crosland, C.A.R. 1963 -The Future of Socialism. New York: New York: Capricorn Books.
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Some political views, in spite of their seeming Crossman, RHS.

Athene u m
1965-The Politics o f Socialism New York: national Publishers, New York.
Tolosa Jr.. Benjamin 1988-The Underpinnings of Pandavan's
acceptance to a relatively significant con­ Dewey, John 1954-The Public and Its Problems. Denver Allan Demo cratic Socialist Ideological and Political Line. May 1 1 .
(mimeographed).
stituency, cannot be analyzed fully because Swallow.
Wakeman Jr., Fiederich 1973-Hislory and Will.Berkeley: Univer­
of insubstantial political documents in cir­ Fmemantle, Anne (ed.) 1963-Talla al the Yenan Forum on An and sity of California Press. 1977-The Patriot, in D. Wilson (ed.)
Literature. Mao Tse-Tung: An Anthology o f His Writings. Mao Tse-Tung in the Scales of History. New York: Cam
culation. New York: Mentor Books. bridge University Press.

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