182

CHAPTER V

THE CHOEAS OP POTTAFI

The Renadu Cholas disappeared from the pol_t±cal

scene "by about the end of the 9th century A.D. B-at we

see different families of Telugu Cholas holding swsy over

some regions in the eastern and northern parts of southern

Andhra in different periods. One of such families was

the Telugu ChSlas of Pottapl. Pottapi is a small place

today in Rajampet taluk of Cuddapah district. Inscriptions

from this region give some useful material regard_ng this

family. An attempt has been made here to reconstruct the

history of this family from the available material.

The term Pottapi Chbla is associated as a "jitle

with many of the chiefs of this family as for example

Madhurantaka Pottapi Chola Ghattiyarasa and Madh lean taka

Pottapi Chola Vimaladitya. They got this title obviously

because of their hailing from Pottapi. A tradition is

■i

recorded in the kaifiyat of Chitvel to the effec- that

Karikala came conquering from the west and annexe* this

country soon after his accession to the throne. le then

 183

cleared the forests and built, among others, a village

called Pottapi in the neighbourhood of Karigiri. In

course of time, Pottapi developed into a principal!ty

and came to be known as Pottapi-nadu.

Both epigraphical and literary sources of early

' and later periods refer to Pottapi. The Madras Museum

_
plates 2 of 971 A.D. point to the camping of Vaidumoa

Bhuvana Trinetra at Pottapi in Pakanadu. The Periva

Puran am of Sekkilar, 3 a contemporary of Chola Kulottunga II

(1113-50 A.D.), mentions Pottapi-nadu. An inscription of
the Chola ruler Rajaraja II at Gundluru^ in Cuddapah

district dated 1167 A.D., records that the Tiruvagattl-

svaramudaiya Kayanar temple at Kundalur was situated in

Pottapi-nadu. Kundalur is identical with G-undluru itself,

the findspot of this inscription. An inscription of

-
Virapratapa Devaraya Maharaya3 of Yijayanagara dated

1413 A.D., records a gift by the residents of five villages

in Pottapi-nadu, namely, Prolinadu, lembaka, Talapika,

langaturu and Opili, to the temple of Chokkanatha-Perianal

on the bank of the Bahunadi (Cheyyeru). All these places

lie in a compact area not far from Pottapi in Rajanrpet

taluk of Cuddapah district.

 184

Robert Sewell6 identifies Pottapi-nidu with the

tract around Srikalahasti in Chittoor district and Pottapi

with Srikalahasti itself. But Hultzsch' identifies

Pottapi with the village of that name near Tanguturi in

Rajampet taluk of Cuddapah district. Potta&§)-nadu sterns to

have included Srikalahasti also as it lay to its immediate

south-east. It is obvious that Pottapi lay on the

northern fringe of Tondaimandalam and that it embraced the

bulk of Chandragiri and Srikalahasti taluks of Chittoor

district, Rajampet taluk of Cuddapah district, and Gudur

and Yenkatagiri taluks of Nellore district.

The History of the Pottapi Cholas

The early history of the Pottapi Cholas is obscure,

and the circumstances leading to their acquisition »f

)
Pottapi are not known. Consequent on their downfall at

the hands of the major powers like the Rashtrakutas and

the minor powers like the Yaidumbas, the Renati Cholas

appear to have sunk into oblivion for a short period.

It is likely that some^members of this family moved

eastwards and finding an opportunity established tnemselves

z
as the rulers of Pottapi-nadu. K.Y.Subrahmanya Aiyar 8
 185

holds that the Pottapi Chola family was a creation of

the Chola king Parantaka I, after whom they styled

themselves as Madhurantaka Pottapi Cholas. Speaking of

Q
these Cholas, S.ICrishnasvami Aiyangar says that they

ruled over Mahara^avadi seven-thousand region extending

from Cuddapah eastwards to take into it the district

called Pottappi-nadu round Srlkalahasti.

Though the inscriptions mention the names of

different Telugu Cholas ruling over Pottapi, it i3 difficult

to construct a genealogy of this family because of the

absence of the details. It is equally difficult tc fix

the chronology either with precision. However, an attempt 10

is made here to give a connected account of the members of

this family on the basis of the available material.

Dasavarma

11
An inscription from Boppudi in Guntur district

dated 1097 A.D., belonging to Nanni Choda mentions an

ancestor of his called Dasavarma as ruling from Pottapi.

This is the earliest reference to any chief ruling from

Pottapi. Further he is stated to be a descendant cf

Karikala Chola. Thus, like the Renadu Cholas, these

 186

Cholas also claim their descent from Earikala Chola. It

is difficult to fix any 'period for this chief, Wo
precise date can he assigned to Dasavarma hut on The
basis of the Boppudi inscription which is dated in 1097 A.D.,
we may place him in early 10th century.

Vankeya Chola

A chief called Vankeya Ch51a associated wi-;h the

charana-saroruha prasasti figures in an inscription at
■* ™ ™ ....
12
Dongalasani in Cuddapah district. The inscription is not
dated hut it is assigned to about the middle of the 10th
century A.D. The inscription states that this chief made a
grant of land to the temple of Kuruvabhattarika in lis 41st
regnal year. On the basis of this it may he presumed that
he ruled for more than 40 years, though, of course, we
cannot fix the chronology of any of these rulers. Enterestin
ly the Boppudi inscription mentions a king called Vsnka as
Dasavarma's son® It is not unlikely that he was the same
as Yankeya Chola mentioned in this inscription.
 187

Balliya Choi a

Balliya Chola is the next chief we come across and

he is mentioned in the Madras Museum plates.13 He is

introduced in this inscription with the prasasti,

charana-saroruha. etc. As his name resembles than of the

Konidena Cholas P.Sreenivasaehari1^ identifies him ’with

Choda Ballayadeva Choda of Konidena, though doubtfully,

who ruled in 1106-1107 A.D. Prom the position of -this

inscription in this set of copperplates and the palaeography,

the Government Epigraphist was inclined to assign 928-938

15
A.D., to him and also treat him as the las-s Renadn chief.

But the inscription neither refers to Renidu nor it the

prasasti in agreement with the one used by the Renadu Cholas.

The places Mandara, Inumbrolu and Paka identified with

Mandaram, Indluru and Lebaka in which a grant of jMdhaya

and other taxes was made to the temple of Trefcesvara are

situated near Pottapi. Further the inscription appears to

belong to a later date.

We come across another chief Balliya Chola f- ahariga

in the inscriptions of Chalukya Vikramaditya 71 as the

latter's subordinate. For example, an inscription each from

 1

188

•• fZ a
Parla in Kumool district and Konakondla ' in Anantapur

district mention a chief of this name with the charana-

saroruha prasasti which is characteristic of the I’oitapi

Cholas. The Konakondla inscription mentions this chief

as ruling over Sindavadi 1000 which was a part of tie

Chalukya empire and covered portions of Anantapur and

Bellary districts. Chalukya Tikramaditya TI was a

prominent ruler and he was in constant conflict with the

imperial Cholas for establishing supremacy over the

Andhra region. In these conflicts it is quite likely

that these Pottapi Cholas sided with Vikramaditya. Perhaps

as a reward for the help he might have been granted the

governorship of Sindavadi. Both these inscription belong

to the 11th century A.D., and the one from Konakondla is

1S
dated 1088 A.D. An inscription from Govindavada in
Anantapur district refers to a battle fought by Ballideva

Chola at Kanneyakallu, which is modern Kanekal in .Bellary

district» probably with Irungola of the Nidugal fsauly. It

is not unlikely that this Ballideva Chola is the sane as the

governor of Sindavadi.

There is one other chief who may be tentativsly

identified with the above Balliya Chola. He is mentioned in

two inscriptions at Nannurupadu 19 in Prakasam district. One

 189

is dated and the other is undated. This chief is called

Jagadobbaganda Ballaya Choda Maharaja and he is associated

with Pakanadu as he is stated to have made a gram; in

conformity with the tradition of this family of chiefs of

the solar race in respect of the temples in Pakanada.

Interestingly this chief is described as the father of one

Mahamandale svara Ray ana Chdda Maharaja. But we do lot have

any details about the latter.

This Ballaya Choda is to be distinguished from

Balliya Chola of the Madras Museum plates which are

assignable to an earlier period, though it is not possible

to establish any relationship between the two.

Mudigonda Chola Maharaja

Mudigonda Chola Maharaja is the next chief in the

20
line. A damaged epigraph at Tallapaka in Cuddapaft. district

mentions him with the char ana- saroruha prasasti. He bore

the title Kumarankusa. He ruled over Pottapi and made a

gift of land to the west of Paka for the worship of the

deity Mahesvarabhatara of Peddapaka in Pottapi-RenSdu 300.

The reference to Pottapi-Renadu is known for the first

time through this inscription.

 190

We have known the existence of the division of

Pottapi as Pottapi-nadu. We also come across the division

of Renadu as Renadu 7000. But a combined division like

Pottapi-Renadu 300 as we see in this inscription is

somewhat unusual. It might indicate that after the Renadu

line of Cholas disappeared from the scene those of Pottapi

might have considered themselves as the masters of Renadu

also. But the figure 300 suffixed to this division seems

to he a mistake. We have not come across till now any

other such instance.

Bi.l tiena

The next chief we come across is Bijjana. He

appears to have been more prominent among the Pottapi Chola

chiefs. It is however to be noted that this name is

peculiar to the usual Telugu Chola names. This has a

particular Kannada affiliation. We know that the name

Bijjana is very common in Kannada inscriptions of this period.

But the occurrence of the inscriptions of this chief in the

Telugu region and his association with the char ana- saroruha

prasasti make him a Pottapi Chola chief. It is likely that

the growing importance of the Chalukyas of Kalyana in the

region might have forced him to accept the subordination of

 191

the Chalukyas of Kalyana and he hore also a name cuite

common in the Chalukya region. It is interesting to
note that many of the titles were Kannada titles suoh as
Jagadobbaganda (the only master of the world),
G-andaraganda (the master of masters) and Vtrakhani (store­
house of valour). It is worth noting here that Lie
lelugu origin is clearly indicated m his titles Ch5da
21
Bijjana and Teluhgu Bio;)ana.

22
An inscription from Konidena in Erakasam district
tells us that he was in the service of a Ballaha. tn the
context and chronological grounds this Ballaha car he
identified with Ohalukya Vikramaditya VI. further he is
also mentioned in the inscriptions of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI
in Kottapalle ^ and Sangamesvaram ^ in Kurnool district.

- _ 25
In a general way the Nirvaehanottara Rsmaysnam'
of Tikkana Somayaji speaks of his valiant fighting Nith the
enemies on behalf of Ballaha and earned the title
Padumuvvaraganda. In an inscription of Tammu Sidfflbr. from
liruvalangadu^ in North Arcot district dated 1207-08 A.D.,

he is stated to have erected a pillar of victory wi;h a

garuda on its top at a place called Ujyapuri. K.A.
Nilakanta Sastri 27 identifies this place with TJjjmi m
 192

Eudligi taluk of Bellary district in Karnataka St&ts.

But there does not seem to be any valid ground for such

identification,for Bi^jana was neither associated with

this town nor is there any reason to believe that lie

defeated any chiefs of this place. In the period in

question this was one of the religious centres in tie

Chllukya kingdom. In the inscription at Sangamesiaram,

in Kurnool district he is stated to be governing Fame

300, Pedakal 800 and Haravadi 500 with Etagin as capital.

K.A.Kilakanta Sastri identifies Etagin with Yadgir m

28
Raichur district. But there is a place like Yatarallu

in Kurnool district which appears to be the place E^agiri

meant in the record since it is nearer to Pottapi.^e have

an earlier reference to Bijjideva in an inscription of

oq
1077 A.B., from Tudur in Cuddapah district. Here there

is no mention of the overlord. On this basis it is held

that he might have tried to become independent taking

advantage of the confused state of affairs due to tke

continued fights 50 between the Chalukyas and the Ga»las.

-

But since we know that the slightly later records s»ch as

the one at Sangamesvaram which is dated 1079 A.D., coes

mention Tribhuvanamalla, that is, Chalukya Vikrama3itya VI

as his overlord. The Kottapalle inscription also neant the

same overlord. Since he was a contemporary of

Vikrama&itya VI we might tentatively ascribe him a period of 50 years

between 1075 to 1125 A.D.

Bi.jjana^ Descendants

The Konidena inscription mentioned above gives the following

genealogy from Bijjana to Opili Siddhi II.

Bijjana

(unnamed son)

MallidSva I

Madhurantaka Mallideva II
Pottapi Choda Siddhi

--- 1
1 Tondi Opili Siddhi I Mallideva IV
Pottapi Somesvara Mallideva III (m. Gauri
Srlmahadevi)

Vinnasiddhana Opili Siddhi II

CD
CO
 194

Mallideva I

In one place the inscription states that

Bijjjana’s grandson Mallideva I ruled over the kingdom

from the capital Pottapi.^* This obviously means ttiat

Bi^janafs son did not come to power though we do net know

any reason for this contingency. Probably the premature

death of Bijjana’s son might have resulted in Mallideva Ifs

succession. The same Konidena inscription describes this

Mallideva as the vanquisher of the Pallava chiefs though

it is difficult to establish the identity of -his Pallava

chief. It may be suggested that he might have belaiged to

the contemporary Nolamba Pallava family whieh held sway

over Bellary and Shimoga regions as the subordinates of the

Chalukyas. Since we do not have any dates for this chief

we might tentatively ascribe him the dates between 1125 and

1150 A.D.

Mallideva IY

Though Mallideva I had two sons, it appears as

though both of them did not come to power. This surmise

is possible because Mallideva IV is described as gewrerning

a
 195

the kingdom of his grandfather^ thus indicating h_s

direct succession after Mallideva I. This is further

substantiated by the fact that, while MadhurSitaka

Pottapi Choda Siddhi and Mallideva II are mentioned, only

by name, this Mallideva 17^ is given a series of -itles

indicating thereby that he assumed power whereas the

other two did not. These titles, however, are only

glorificatory and they do not disclose any fact. The

inscription mentions the name of his queen as Gaur'

Srlmahaidevi-We might tentatively ascribe him the dates

between 1150 and 1175 A.T).

Opili Siddhi II

The next chief to come to power is Opili Siddhi II.

The inscription which belongs to him, namely, the Eonidena

•ztt
inscription referred to above,gives him a long row of

titles including Karikalakaferatna and Oravuripuravaradhisvara

indicating his association with the ancient C'aola family.

The titles Jagadobbaganda and Kirtinaravana indicate his

association with the Chalufcyas of Kalyaha. It is

worthwhile noting it at this juncture that major political

changes had taken place in the Deccan by the time apili

 196

Siddhi came to power. The Chalukyas of Kalyana had lost

their hold and the Seunas were slowly rising in tne

northern part of their kingdom. Taking advantage cf this

situation the Kakatiyas claimed independence and acquired

all the areas in the Andhra region belonging to the

erstwhile Chalukya kingdom. Consequently, the Po-stapi

Cholas, who were the subordinates of the Chalukyas of

Kalyana, had accepted the authority of the Kskatiyas. The

present Konidena inscription is a clear proof of -his

situation. Here Opili Siddhi has been clearly stated to

have been the recipient of the orders and the favour of

Ganapati, that is, the. Kakatiya king Ganapati who iraled

between 1199 and 1262 A.D. It is stated in this inscription

that he received the authority over Velanadu 6000 tirough

the grace of Ganapati. This might as well be in reward

to Opili Siddhi*s helping Ganapati in quelling the

disturbances in the country.

*
For example, the inscription

states that he conquered Kammanadu which must have been

governed by some chiefs.

Opili Siddhi is also described as ruling over the

whole region at the orders of a Dakshina Ohakravartl. This

Dakshina Chakravarti could be none other than the

 197

Kakatiya Ganapati himself who was now the master or the

whole of the Andhradesa. Since we have a date for Opili

Siddhi II as 1224 A.D., in the Konidena inscription we

might presume that he lived between 1175 and 1230 a.D.

The evidences at our disposal indicate that a

number of chiefs claiming to belong to the Pottapi family

had migrated to different regions holding sway over

different areas under the prominent ruling dynasties. The

political conditions in the Deccan also contributed to

such a situation. The most important characteristic of the

political conditions in the Deccan was the continuous fight

between the Chalukyas and the Cholas for establishing their

\

hold in the Andhra region. Right from the middle *f the

11th century A.D., generations of the Chalukya kings

fought endless battles with the generations of the Chola

rulers which ultimately ended in the Chola hold over the

area towards the middle of the 12th century A.D., after the

end of the rule of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI.

Ghatevankakara

In such skirmishes some chiefs sided with one or

 198

the other rivals and tried to consolidate their op­

position. That is how we see a member of the Pottapi

family, namely/ Ghateyankakara figures in as many as
six Kannada and two Tamil inscriptions^*® of Chalukya

Vikramaditya VI and Vikrama Chola and Rajaraja found in

Kurnool, Anantapur, Chittoor and Bellary districts which

were all adjoining the Chalukya main land. This chief

had a pretty long period Id his credit as between 1C 92 and

1156 A.D. He was administering the area spread in Bellary

and Anantapur districts. His inscriptions speak or his

making a number of grants to the temples.

With the end of the rule of Chalukya VikramiLditya

the Chalukya hold on the Andhra region was loosened and

Chola Vikrama Chola strengthened his position there. This

situation must have prompted Ghateyankakara who in also

called Ghattideva to take sides and accept the authority

59
of Vikrama Chola. An inscription from Srlkalahasf;_
belonging to the king Vikrama Chola (1118-1135 AJ) ) refers

to Ghateyankakira as Mahamandalesvara Ghattideva Maharaja

alias Vikramasola Kanupparudaiyar and registers a grant

made by him to the temple of Srikalahasti. Another

inscription from the same place^® belonging to Rajaraja II

(1146-1173 A.D.) also mentions him as Madhurantaka Pottapi

 199

Cholan Ghattiyarasan. As noted above Ghateyankakare had a

pretty long rule and he served the rival dynasties at least

between 1092 and 1156 A.D.

Bettarasa

We oome across another chief Bettarasa who was

almost contemporaneous with Ghateyankakara as a riier of

Pottapi and as a subordinate of Yikrama Chola. He is

mentioned in an inscription at Nandalur^1 in Cuddapah

district dated 1120 A.D., as making grants for the success

of Yikrama Chola. It is indeed difficult to establish the

relationship between Ghateyankakara and Bettarasa.^2

Siddharasa and Yimaladitya

There are two more chiefs Siddharasa and hie son

Yimaladitya who bear the title Madhurantaka Pottapi Chola.

Siddharasa is mentioned in an inscription at Handalur ^

belonging to KulSttunga II (1133-1150 A.D.) as the ruler

of Pottapinadu in 1140-41 A.D., while his son Yimaladitya

figures in four records^ ranging in dates from 11£5 to

1152 A.D. 45 clearly sta'-e that

Two of these inscriptions^-
lie was a subordinate of Yikrama Chola for whose success

he made a grant to the temple. This shows that while

Siddharasa served Kulottunga II, his son YimalSditya

served the Ch6la rulers Yikrama Chola, Kulottunga H and

Rajaraja II also.

This phenomenon of the father and son, Sidlkarasa

and Yimaladitya being in power at the same time is rather

enigmatic and cannot be explained satisfactorily. It may

be suggested that Yimaladitya was pretty grown up and

along with his father he was also talcing part in tte

affairs of,the territory.

Somesvara and Mallideva

Yimaladitya had two sons, Somesvara and Mallideva.

£6
They are mentioned as such both in the Dongalasani

inscription of 1160 A.D., which is in three versions,

Telugu, Tamil and Kannada and in the Kaifiyat of

Kuruguntapalle The Dongalasani inscription givt s a

detailed account of the two brothers facing tne attack

of Revana Heggade, a general of the Rellore Telugu Chola

chief Hallasiddhi. Actuated by a desire for eonqnest

 201

ITallasiddhi marched against these chiefs and met them at

Dongalasani. In this battle Revana Heggade killed

Somesvara and eleven other princes, defeated Mallidiva,

put to death a thousand soldiers, wounded many and aimself

died in the end. His brother Potana Heggade collected a

large force and won the battle. He then reported tie

success in the battle to his master ITallasiddhi and set

up perpetual lamps at five Mahasthanas, Srisailam,

Tripurahtakam, Siddhavatam, Alampur and Mahesvaram. The

kaifiyat of Kuruguntapalle, however, says that both the

brothers fell in the battle after winning a victory over

the enemy forces. Y. Yasodadevi identifies these

chiefs, Somesvara and Mallideva with the sons of

Madhurantaka Pottapi CholasiddtdY mentioned in the

Konidena inscription referred to above. As the Tamil

version of the Dongalasani inscription clearly mentions

them as the sons of Yimaladitya and as Yimaladitya lid

not call himself as Madhurantaka Pottapi Chodasiddhd

her identification of these chiefs with those mentioned

in the Konidena is not correct, further her account of

these rulers is conflicting and contradictory on na*iy

points. MallidSva had a son called Mallasomesvara.

But nothing is known about him.

 2G2

Talcing into consideration the fact tha~ bo~h of

them are mentioned in the inscription of 1160 A.DJr we

might surmise that both of -them succeeded Yimaladitya

and as per the statement of the Dongalasani inscription

both lost their lives in the Dongalasani battle (1K50 A.D.).

The above is an account of the chiefs figuring

in inscriptions as connected with Pottapi in some form

or the other. These are almost stray names, the

relationship between whom is not always easy to establish

except in cases where the genealogy is given. There are

overlapping dates and there is overlapping in the region

governed by them also. All this shows that a number of

chiefs claiming descent from the same family held sway

here and there under the ruling monarchs. The source

materials, namely, the inscriptions are also bewildering.

Many of them do not contain the dates and many do rot

mention the ruling king either. Yet an attempt is made to

coordinate and corelate this bewildering source materials

and present a cogent account. We come across the names

of many other chiefs to ascribe whom to one or the

other families of the Telugu Chola stock we have emitted

them from our discussion.

 'I

203

REFERENCES

1. V enkatar amanayy a, N., Trilochana Pal lava and

Karikala Chola. pp. 58-69.

2. ARSIE, C.P. 7 of 1935-36.

3. Ibid., for 1894-95, p. 2, para 7.

4. Ibid., No. 620 of 1907.

5. Ibid., No. 606 of 1907.

6. Sewell , Robert, The Historical Inscriptions of

Southern India, pp. 97 and 395. According to

N. Venkatar amanayy a, Pottapi-nadu mentioned

in an inscription at (Chalukya) Bhlmavaram

in Kakinada taluk of East Godavari district

is said to correspond to a portion of East

Godavari district (The Eastern Calukvae of

Vengi, p. 305).

7. El, VII, p. 121, note 5.

8. Kannada Research Lectures. Series No.2 (19^*1),

P. 49.
9. Erishnaevami Aiyangar, S., A History of Tirupati,

I, p. 224.

10. The only other attempt in this direction i» toy

V. Yasodadevi
 204

11. SII* YI, p. 241, No. 651.

12. ARSIE, No. 13 of 1939-40 and El, IXXIII, p. 27.

13. ARSIE. C. P. 6 of 1935-36 and El, XXXIII, Ic. 3.

14. JIH, XV, p. 48.

15. ARSIE, for 1935-36, para 8.

16. , ARIE, No. 239 of:1950-51.

17. ARSIE, No. 566 of 1915 and SII, H-I, No. ‘57.

18. ARSIE,, No. 462 of 1923.

19. ARIE, No. 222 and 223 of 1949-50.

20. IAP, Cud-I, No. 113.

21. SII, YI, No. 628, lines 61 and 73- This nan®

mentioned in the Chola records of the 11th

centuiy A.D., contains the early reference

to the word Telugu in application to personal

names. A reference in literature is also

noticeable during the same period in the

' Andhra Mahabharaiam of Nannaya Bhatta In

i

one inscription the name occurs as Tilunga

Vidya (El, VII, No. 17, p.121), and *ij;jana

iB indeed a correct form of Vidya. It is

also likely that the original name Bijoa or

Bijjjana is Sanskritised here as Yidya- Such

instances are also not rare.

 205

22. SII, TI, No. 628.

23. ARSIE, No. 678 of 1922.
24. Ibid., No. 430 of 1923.
25. Tikkana Somayaji, Nirvachanbttara Ramavana*a (1916),
p. 4, canto 28.
26. ARSIE, No. 408 of 1896 and El, VII, No. 7, p. 119 ff.
27. Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., The Oolas, p. 388.
28. Ibid., p. 277, n. 56.
29* ARSIE, No. 62 of 1939-40 and part II,para 66.
30. In the inscriptions of Chola Rajadhiraja I
(1018-1054 A.D.) a Telinga Vichehaya is

mentioned as an officer of Chalukya

Some^vara I who took part in the bat ties and

being defeated fled away from the batfie

field. This Vichchaya is identified vith
Bijjana (K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, The Colas,
p. 388). But this BijJjana appears to be
different from Telungu Bijjana described
above.

31. SII, VI, No. 628, lines 73-76.

32. Ibid., lines 76-77.
33. Ibid., lines 98-103.
34. An inscription at Peddacherukuru in Guntur
district mentions seven generations of
 206

chiefs from Choda Balli to Mallideva II.

Ihis Mallideva figures as a contemporary

of Xakatiya Ganapati. He is mentioned in

this epigraph with the char ana-sarorubta

prasasti and as ruling over Pakanadu

21000. He may he a different chief from

Mallideva IV as he is stated to have been

ruling from ICandukuru whereas the latter

from Pottapi (SII, VI, No. 206).

35. SII, VI, No. 628.

36. Ibid., lines 129 to 134.

37. V. lasodadevi states that Opili Siddhi musu have

acknowledged the supremacy of either tae

Chola or the Pahdya. But there is no basis

for this surmise as the Xonidena inscription

clearly mentions that Opili Siddhi

acknowledged Eakatiya Ganapati as his overlord

(JAHRS, XXIII, p. 67).

38. ARSIE, Nos. 515 of 1915, 410 of 1920, 137 ana

155 of 1922, 297 of 1925 and 35 of 19Z7-28,

and ARTE, Nos. 240 of 1950-51 and 287 of

1952-53.
 20 7

39. ARSIE, Ho. 155 of 1922.

40. Ibid., Ho. 137 of 1922.
41. Ibid., Ho. 583 of 1907.
42. Ihe GovernmentEpigraphist suggests that Bettarasa
might be Beta I or Betabhupa, an ancestor of
the Hellore Telugu Cholas. He, however,
expresses doubt as the interval between him
and his grandson Hallasiddha was to© Long
(ARSIE for 1908, part II, page 71, para 78).

43. ARSIE, Ho. 572 of 1907.

44. Ibid., Hos. 579 and 584 of 1907, and 100 and
-
104 of 1922.
45. Ibid., Hos. 579 of 1907 and 100 of 1922.
46. Ibid., Hos. 9-12 of 1939-40.
47. IS, VI , pp. 367-368.
48. JAHHS, XXIII, p. 64.