Feminist criticism:

A criticism advocating equal rights for women in a political, economic, social,

psychological, personal, and aesthetic sense. On the thematic level, the feminist reader
should identify with female characters and their concerns. The object is to provide a
critique of phallocentric assumptions and an analysis of patriarchal visions or ideologies
inscribed in a literature that is male-centered and male-dominated. Such a reader
denounces the outrageously phallic visions of writers such as D. H. Lawrence, Henry
Miller, and Norman Mailer, refusing to accept the cult of masculine virility and superiority
that reduces woman to a sex object, a second sex, a submissive other. As Judith
Fetterley puts it, "Feminist criticism is a political act whose aim is not simply to interpret
the world but to change it by changing the consciousness of those who read and their
relation to what they read. . . [The first act of a feminist critic is] to become a resisting
rather than an assenting reader and, by this refusal to assent, to begin the process of
exorcizing the male mind that has been implanted in us." On the thematic level, then,
the reader rejects stereotypes and examines woman as a theme in literary works.
On the ideological level, the reader seeks to learn not to accept the hegemonic
perspective of the male and refuses to be coopted by a gender-biased criticism. Gender
is largely a cultural construct, as are the stereotypes that go along with it: that the male
is active, dominating, and rational, whereas the female is passive, submissive, and
emotional.
As well, the secondary aim is to dismantle and subvert the logocentric
assumptions of male discourse -- its valorization of being, meaning, truth, reason, and
logic, its metaphysics of presence. It systematically privileges paternal over maternal
power, the intelligible over the sensible. Patriarchal authority demands unity of meaning
and is obsessed with certainty of origin.
Nineteenth Century gender roles:
The nineteenth century was dominated by the idea of "natural" gender
distinctions and by a conception of normative sexuality that was centered largely on the
middle-class family. The middle-class culture that came about in Britain and America as
a result of urbanization, industrialization, and strong economic growth imagined itself as
existing in two complementary but separate spheres: the public and the private. These
spheres were roughly commensurate with the binary gender distinctions discussed
above. The public sphere belonged to men: it was the sphere of business and money-
making, of politics and empire building, of industry and struggle. The private sphere, on
the other hand, was considered to be a feminine preserve: it was the space of the
home and the hearth, of sympathy and nurture, of simple piety and childrearing. Men
obviously crossed into the private sphere when they left their business for their homes—
where they were to be "softened" by the gentle ministrations of their dear home angels
—but women had limited access to the public sphere.
This double system underwrote a capitalist economic system—by creating the
home as a sphere of consumption rather than production and by creating the middle-
class wife as a leisured consumer—and it underwrote the middle-class ideal of a
private domestic sphere that was untouched by the ravages of commerce.
 The middle class's claim to cultural authority hinged on their claim to moral
superiority: the middle-classes were represented as being more human and better
feeling (and acting) than their aristocratic counterparts. As Nancy Armstrong has argued
in Desire and Domestic Fiction, much of the transfer of cultural power from the
aristocratic world to the middle-class world happened through cultural imagery—it was
basically a matter of good public relations. Armstrong argues that we cannot undervalue
the work of the novel in providing representations of middle-class life, behavior, and
superior feeling.
A primary figure of the period, one that was supported by the conservative female
domestic novelists, is the "Angel in the House," the perfect self-sacrificing and self-
disciplining domestic housewife, who is implicitly or explicitly contrasted to the demonic
whore-figure.
The domestic ideal came under increasing fire towards the latter half of the
nineteenth century, fueled by a public debate about women's roles that the Victorian's
called "The Woman Question" and by a series of high-profile scandals and court cases.
During the 1860's, laws governing sexuality were being rethought in England due to a
number of factors, which include the following: the 1857 Marital Clauses Act, which
created a secular Divorce Court and made it possible for women to divorce their
husbands, thereby intensifying the commensurate desire to regulate female sexuality;
the growing visibility and economic power of the working classes, aligned throughout
the nineteenth century with unregulated sexual drives; the strange fact of "surplus"
women, which forced women into the workplace and again intensified scrutiny on
women's roles and sexuality; the increasing panic over prostitution, which might have
been the "oldest profession" but gained a new power over the cultural imagination due
to an increase in population and urban poverty (among other things).
In 1885 a new Act was put in place. Described as "An Act to make further
provision for the protection of women and girls, the suppression of brothels, and other
purposes" (and spurred on by the 1885 Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon scandal), the
Criminal Law Amendment Act focused on male sexual treatment of women. It included,
however, a section that for the first time legislated sexual acts that took place
specifically between men. Section 11 reads like this:
Any male person who, in public or private, commits, or is a party to the
commission of, or procures the commission by any male person of, any act of
gross indecency with another male person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and
being convicted thereof shall be liable at the discretion of the court to be
imprisoned for any term not exceeding two years, with or without hard labor.
Notice that the "indecent" acts are left vague, while the sex of the partners (male) is the
only specific point. This makes quite a change from the country's original sodomy law,
which specified the acts but not the actors.
It is necessary to understand this change—from a law regulating specific acts to
one regulating specific actors—within the context of several things: the crisis in gender
(i.e. a perceived crisis in the late-Victorian period about masculinity and a related crisis
regarding femininity, both of which have very clear ties to fears about class and empire);
an increasing hysteria about "public health," brought about, in part, by the fact that the
"public" was growing in ways that seemed unmanageable; and the rise of Victorian
sexology, which reflects the medicalization and psychologization of sex, as well as the
Victorian passion for taxonomy (naming sexual "types").
Also of importance at the end of the nineteenth century is the rise of the New
Woman as a recognizable type. The "New" Woman saw herself as overturning a
number of the stereotypes associated with the "old" Victorian model for femininity: the
New Woman is intellectual (as opposed to emotional); quite public (as opposed to
private and domestic); active (as opposed to passive); and, in most cases, non-
reproductive (as opposed to maternal). She caused a stir not only because she rejected
the traditional female role but also because she seemed to appropriate a male one.
As the previous list illustrates, any discussion of the New Woman lands us immediately
in the Victorian territory of binary gender: it is difficult to think about the "New" female
without thinking about the male. And so it was for the Victorians, who associated the
New Woman with her male counterpart, the Decadent—and, especially, the Decadent
figure that rejected and inverted most (but not all) Victorian codes of masculinity: the
effeminate Dandy. In her influential essay, "The Decadent and the New Woman," Linda
Dowling calls these two figures "the twin apostles of social apocalypse," and this is
largely how the Victorians understood them: the beginning of the end. So it was feared
that the genders were switching places in a way that would imperil the home, the nation,
the empire, and the very race.
The New Woman spelled trouble because she refused to occupy the feminine
position that anchored an entire national ideology. We should recall that an entire
empire and economy (in England) ran on the assumption that the home was the center
of the universe, that the woman was its chief guardian, and that this world must be
financed and shielded by the public world of men. The home, in return, served the
public realm by (re)producing good young Englishmen, by offering a softening
"influence" to the vicious male world of capital, and by providing that vicious world with a
cover story and raison d'être. ("We must do it for the women, because they couldn't
bear it.") When women claimed that they could, indeed, bear it, and were quite willing to
do things for themselves, things began to slip.
By the end of the nineteenth century, then, the domestic ideal so cherished by
the Victorians had begun to unravel. It had never been more than an ideal—it is worth
remembering that prostitution and pornography flourished during the Victorian period—
but its political importance cannot be underestimated. Nineteenth-century views on
"natural" gender and sexuality, with their attendant stereotypes about "proper" gender
roles and "proper" desires, lingered long into the twentieth century and continue,
somewhat fitfully, to inform the world in which we live.

Guiding Questions:

 In a general sense, what is the goal of feminist criticism?

 What three crucial strategies do feminist critics use to achieve this goal?
 What questions might a feminist critic ask when reading a text?
 As a feminist critic, what might you look for in Heart of Darkness?
Example Essay: Feminist Criticism

What men have said so far, for the most part, stems from . . . the power relation
between a fantasized obligatory virility meant to invade, to colonize, and the
consequential phantasm of woman as a "dark continent" to penetrate and to pacify.
(Helene Cixous, "The Laugh of the Medusa")
A story about manly adventure narrated and written by a man, “Heart of
Darkness” might seem an unpropitious subject for feminist criticism. As my epigraph
suggests, however, a feminist approach to Conrad's story of colonizing can interrogate
its complex interrelation of patriarchal and imperialist ideologies. By examining the
women in Marlow's narrative, we can identify the patriarchal-imperialist blend that
requires the kinds of women he creates. To do so is to engage in a feminist critique of
ideology, for, as Myra Jehlen puts it, "Feminist thinking is really rethinking, an
examination of the way certain assumptions about women and the female character
enter into the fundamental assumptions that organize all our thinking."
Such rethinking about “Heart of Darkness” reveals the collusion of imperialism
and patriarchy: Marlow's narrative aims too "colonize" and "pacify" both savage
darkness and women. Silencing the native laundress and symbolizing the equally silent
savage woman and the Company women, Marlow protects himself from his experience
of the darkness they stand for. The two speaking women he creates, his aunt and the
Intended, perform a similar function. As we will see later, Marlow, by restricting
unsatisfactory versions of imperialist ideology to them, is able to create his own version,
a belief to keep the darkness at bay.
--From "Too Beautiful Altogether: Patriarchal Ideology in ‘Heart of Darkness’" by
Johanna M. Smith