HowChiefs

Come to Power
The Political Economy
in Prehistory

Timothy Earle

Stanford UniversityPress
Stanford, California [997
Stanford Universiry Press, Stanford, California To my research collaborators:
© 1997 by the Board ofTrustees of the Leland
Stanford Junior University
The Hawaiian Social Morphology and Economy Project,
Printed in the United States of America
1971-72 (Marshall Sahlins, director; Eliza Earle)
CIP data appear at the cnd of the book
The Upper Mantaro Archaeological Research Project, '977-89
Stanford University Press publieations are distributed (Terence D'Altroy, Christine Hastorf, and Catherine Scott,
cxclusively by Stanford University Press within the United
codirec1:ors; Cathy Cosún, Melissa Hagstrum, Terry LeVine,
States, Canada, Mexieo, and Central America; theyare
Glenn Russell, Elsie Sandefur)
distributcd exdusívely by Cambridge University Press
throughout the rest of the world,
Proyecto Arqueológico Calchaquí, 1990- (Terence D'Altroy,
Ana María Lorandi, and Veronica Williarns, directors; Eliza-
beth DeMarrais)

The Thy Archaeological Project, 1990- (Jens-Henrik Bech,

Krisúan Krisúansen, Mike Rowlands, and Nick Thorpe, direc-
tors; Joyce and Bob Daniels, Kristina Kelertas, John Steinberg)
 PREFACE

Writing a book is a product of much labor and thought. At the Uni-

versity of Michigan in the early 1970's, my professors Kent Flannery,
Richard Ford, Roy Rappaport, Marshall Sahlins, Eric Wolf, and
Henry Wright taught me to understand the complex interactions
arnong ecology, economy, society, and politics. Archaeology graduate
smdents of that time focused on what was to be labeled "social ar-
chaeology" - how to describe the organization of prehistoric human
groups and how to explain their social evolution. Prime-mover theo-
ries of societal adaptation were attacked, as we grappled with the
variety, complexity, and speciticity of historical sequences trom Oa-
xaca and the Valley of Mexico to Iran, Madagascar, and the Pacitic.
M y tirst academic job was as an assistant professor of anthropology
at the University of California, Los Angeles, where 1 stayed for 22
years. 1 was hired to provide an intellecmal bridge between archaeol-
ogy and sociocultural anthropology. With my training at Michigan,
this breadth carne to me namrally, but my colleagues and graduate
smdents continued my education. M y closest intellecmal alIies were
Alien Johnson and Jim Hill, strong culrural ecologists interested in
understanding how humans make a living successfully in diverse en-
vironments. Colleagues in social anthropology included the senior
academies Hilda Kuper and SalIy Falle MODre and the younger schol-
ars Francesca Bray, N ancy Levine, and Anna Simons; each in rurn
helped me understand how social instimtions were established. A
new assembly of colleagues at Northwestem University now con-
tinnes to educate mc.
But my real education was not in academe. It was in the tields of
archaeology. Here a confusing chaos of human debris documented
viii Preface Preface ix

histories of people and their societies. Archaeological projects are and many changes that improved the book greatly. The final forms for
hard to describe to those who have not been on one. The collabora- many of the iIlustrations were prepared by Mike Gabriel; the first
tive enterprise spans a wide range of activities: mundane duties, from drafrs of these were done by Deborah Erdman.
providing breakfast to handling automobile breakdowns; data collec- From many sources, 1 received financial support for the ficldwork
tion, including logistical planning, excavation, and laboratory anal- and writing. The drafr manuscript was written during the academic
ysis; and extraordinary intellectual constructions, as ideas are put year '994-95 when 1 was on sabbaticalleave from UCLA. The ficld-
forward, debated, discarded, and e!aborated. Coworkers on an ar- work was supported by five National Science Foundation grants: the
chaeological project develop an intimacy and anticipation that is both Hawaiian Social Morphology and Economy Project (GS72871 8XI ) ;
rewarding and demanding. These people's Iives and goals are shared, the Upper Mantaro Archaeological Research Project (BNS 820 3723);
and their ideas me!d and mix so that individual contributions cease to the Proyecto Arqueol6gico Calchaquí (BNS8805471); and the Thy
have meaning. And then we return to our academic worlds and try to Archaeological Project (DBS9207082 and DBS9II6921). Support
sort out what is each of ours, who should publish what, and how the for the fieldwork a1so came from multiple smaller grants and assistance
products of our work together can be divided to build our separate from the Wenner-Gren Foundation, the Fulbright Commission, the
careers. I dedicate this book to my colleagues and graduate students Social Science Research Council, the Bernice P. Bishop Museum, the
on these projects; it is theirs and mine together. Museum for Thy and Westem Hanherred, the Narional Forest and
The actual process of writing is long. The effort to think through N ature Agency of Denmark, the Danish Research Council, UCLA
the complexity ofhuman societies allows the writer to regard complex (Academic Senate, ISOP [Intérnational Studies and Overseas Pro-
re!ationships sequentially, work out ideas, reflect on their merit, and grams], Department of Anthropology, Friends of Archaeology, and
then Iaboriously tic them together. Special thanks go to Elizabeth Archaeology Program), Northwestern University, Columbia Univer-
Bnunfie!, Terence D'A1troy, Elizabeth DeMarrais, Eliza Howe Earle, sity, and the University of Minnesota. I acknowledge their generous
Christine Hastorf, Antonio Gilman, and Patrick Kirch, who he!ped and continuing support.
me develop the book's arguments. They read (sometimes repeatedly) T.E.
earlier versions of this manuscript and pointed out inconsistencies,
gaps, and errors that I, from the inside, could not see. Perhaps the
book is really theirs, but I own the lurking errors.
There must a1ways be the beast, the author. He steals away from
the dinner table, rude!y shuts out the family, and thinks about style
when others need love. My gratitude showers on my family - my
wife, Eliza; my daughters, Caroline and Hester; and my AFS (Ameri-
can Field Service) daughter, Ina Iffandhi. They shared in the field-
work, discussed the results, argued with me about significance, and
then stepped back and allowed the selfishness that writing demands.
Finally 1 thought the manuscript was done, and it was submitred
to the watchful eyes of Stanford University Press. There senior editor
Murie! Bell and associate editor Ellen F. Smith oversaw its review and
production. Lynn Stewart, as copy editor, provided careful reading
 CONTENTS

ONE

IntroducPion: The Nature ofPolitica! Puwer I

TWO

The ÚJng-Term DeveÚJptncnts ofThree Chiefdoms: Denmark,

Hawai'i, and theAndes 17

THREE

Sources ofEconomic Power 67

FOUR

Military Puwer: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force lOS

FIVE
IdeoÚJgy as a Source ofPower l43

SIX
Chiejly Puwer Strategies and the Emergence of Complex Política!
Institutions 193

Bibliography 2IS

Index 241
 TABLES AND FIGURES

TABLES

2.1. Archaeological Sequence for the Mantaro Valley 52

2.2. Estimates of Population Change in the Upper
Mantaro Valley 53
4.1. Distribution of Flint Daggers from the Excava-
tions of the Thy Archaeological Project 127

FIGURES

1. 1. Decreasing Number of Independent World

Polities II

2.1. TheThy Region, Demnark 19

2.2. Pollen Diagrarn, Thy, Demnark 23
2.3. Paríshes ofThy 24
2,4. House 1 at Thy 2758 28
2.5. The Chiefly House 1 (Thy 2999) at the Early
Bronze Age Settlement of Bjerre . 30
2.6. Distribution of Barrows (Maiuly Early Bronze
Age) in Sonderha Parish, Thy 32
2.7. TheIslandofKaua'i 35
2.8. Waimea, Kaua'i, at Time ofFirst Contact 37
2.9. Estimated Population Growth Curve for the
Hawaíian Islands 42
2. !O. Cross-section of the Andes, Showing rlle Vegeta-

tion Zones and Elevations 47

2.11. The Upper Mantaro Valley, Pero 48
 ¡

xiv Tables and Figures Tables and Figures xv

2.12. Wanka II Settlement Pattern for the Upper Man- 5·2. Illustration of a Hawaiian Wicker God; Several
taro Valley 57 Prestige Objects, Including a Kahili; and Close-
2·13· The Large Wanka II Center ofTunánmarca 58 Contact Personal Weapons 173
2.14. View Across the Wanka II Center ofTlmánmarca 59 5·3· A Heiau at Waimea, Kaua'i, at First Contact with
2.15· Examples of Elite and Cornmoner Patio Groups Captain Cook 175
at the Wanka II Tunánmarca 60 5·4· Reconstructed Plan View of a Large Luakini
2.16. Wanka III Settlement Pattern for the Upper Heiau 176
Mantaro ValIey 62 5·5· Estimate of Total Annual Labor Required to
2.17· Tbe Wanka II and III Center of Hatunmarca 63 Build the Heiau of Maui 178
3·1. A Traditional Irrigation System on an Island in 5·6. Modern Irrigation System in Hanapepe ValIey,
the Wainiha Stream 77 Kaua'i, About 1920 181
3·2. Layout of the Historical Settlement and Farming 5·7. Central Ceremonial Plazas at Tunánmarca with
Areas in the Ahupua'a ofWaioli 80 Two Special Rectangular Buildings 185
3+ Three Phases of Development of the Dryland 6.1. Relationships Among the Different Sources of
Fields and TraUs Within the N arrow Ahupua'a Power in Chielly Power Strategies 204
Land of Lapakahi, Hawai'i 88
3·4· Drained Field Complex in the Yanamarca ValIey,
Peru 91
4.1. Early Horizon lconographic
, Representations in
Carved Stone, Showing Decapitated and Disem-
boweled Bodies II2
4.2. Late Neolithic Fiint Dagger, Denmark, and Flint
Dagger Miniature from House 1, Thy 2758 125
4·3· Early Bronze Age (Montelius Ir Period) Chielly
Sword from Thy I28
4.4. Weapons of Close Combat, Contact-Period
Hawai'i 136
4·5· On a Double-Hulled War Canoe, Kalani'opu'u,
Paramount Chief ofHawai'i, Comes ont to Meet
Captain Cook at Kealakekua Bay 137
4·6. Genealogy of the Kaua'i Paramounts Described
in theText 138
5·1. Reconstructed Cutaway of a Megalithic Danish
Passage Grave 161
•

How Chiefs Come to Power

 CHAPTER ONE

Introduction:
The N ature of Polltical Power

Elueidating the evolution of human society challenges anthropolo-

gists and other social scientists. The history of attempted explanation
is long and distinguished, ranging aeross diverse social, politieal, and
economic theories (see, e.g., Harris 1968). To get a sense ofthe range
of explanations, I recommend reading recent syntheses by Johnson
and Earle (1987), Priee andFeinman (1995), and Sanderson (1995).
Theories have often emphasized the intcgrated charaetcr of hnman
societies (i.e., Flannery 1972; Service 1962; Steward 1955), arguing
that leaders emerge to solve problems that allow members of a gronp
to prospero
A reconsideration of social process, however, has focused on hu-
man agency. Brumfiel (1992, 1994) draws attention to the diverse
interests and motivations of humans and the existence of many seg-
ments of society, reHecting gender, age, faction, ethnicity, and e1ass.
Complex societies are not so mnch hierarchieal as thcy are "heter-
archieal" (Ehrenreich, Crumley, and Levy 1995), meaning simply
that segments have separate internal hierarchies that deHect overall
social centrality. New thinking emphasizes how problematic is the
institutionalization ofhuman society. Models focus on the anarchistic
dynamics of human life, but we know that complex human societies
have arisen with strong institutions. How can this happen? In ad-
 2 Introduction: The N ature ofPolitical Power
Introduction: The N ature o/Political Power 3
dressing this question, I foeus on how Ieaders come to hold power hope to show, offers an elementary view of the political process and its
and how that power is institutionalized. place in the evolution of human society.
Following a politieallogic, I believe that the personal benefits of
leadership are sufficient to explain thc quest for prestige and domi-
nance. Not ali individuals may want to dominate, but individuals Some Definitions
who wish prominence exisr within ali human populations. Why?
Many would trace the quest for power to its biological roots in re- Before outlining the dynarnics of the political process, several closely
productive success. Their arguments are simple and compelling, but intersecting concepts need to be defined and brief!y discussed.
well beyond the scope of this book. Following Leaeh (I 9 54 ), I simply Authority is the right and responsibility to lead; such leadership is
assume that sorne individuals within ali societies seek political advan- sanctioned by a group to recognize capabilities or social position.
tage. This assumption is admitredly problematic. We must be careful Accordlng to Weber, authority is a sociological concept whereby obe-
to acknowledge the anthropologist's credo that cultures differ funda- dienee to commands does not require physical coercion. People fol-
mentaliy and musr be understood on their own terms. But within the low a leader willingly because it is the right thing to do, and leaders
diversity of human existence cornmon themes and processes of social are often thought to sustain the smooth operation of a society. In a
life certainly existo Here I hope ro delimit one such arena of cornmon stateless society, authority is charaeteristically based on social statuses
action - the institutionalization of political domination and resis- that mark rights and responsibilities in specific arenas of action-
tanee to it. ritual, social, military, and the like (e.g., Mair 1977). It is "natural"
Although a political motivation to dominate may be widespread, for sorne individuals to aet as leaders, because they hold social posi-
the individnalleader's quest for dominance varies dramaticaliy from tions by genealogieal determination or demonstrated ability. Empha-
one society to another. In sorne cultures, values discourage political sis has shífted in recent literature to concerns with indeterminacies.
striving and serve as strong cultural (ideological) tools opposing the Although a genealogical structure might specity that a person would
politicaliy motivated persono And in most cultures, the struggle for be appropriate as a group's leader, social realities are worked out in a
power is complicated and multidimensíonal. It involves competition complicated political process (Moore 1978). Authority then becomes
arnong different emergent leaders, and it involves resistance (restric- a souree of powcr, contested like ali others, that derives ftom tradi-
tions) to that leadership. tional values and instiultional strucrure. 1 view authority as part of
The point is not that leaders will emerge in ali social contexts. ideology.
Individuals who desire prominence are often unsuccessful for a pleth- Power is measurcd by the mastery that a leader exercises over others
ora of reasons, not the Ieast of which are cultural. I will not atrempt (Mann 1986: 6). Unlike authority, power has at least an implied
to resolve questions of motivational theory - why people do what threat behind it; complianee by cornmon people is unwilling. Consid-
they do; such a goal seems remote to my archaeologist's viewpoint. erations of power are extensive in the social sciences (see Adams
Rather~ 1 concentrate Oil organizational thearies in an attempt to I966; Barnes I988; Bloeh I989; Foucault I970, I980; Giddens I979;
understand how the regional organizations of chiefdoms are created Lenski I966; Mann 1986). As I see it, social power is not a resource; it
anddominated byan emergent elite (cf. Mann 1986: 7). is an unequal relationship arnong people (Giddens I979: 91). Un-
From this point, my investigation is simplified: Mat allows aspir- equal relationships are organized through various media to create
ing leaders to he successful in One situation hutfail utterly in another? This power networks. Mann, for example, characterizes societies as '~con­
book attempts ro answer this straightforward question, which, as I stituted of multiple overlapping and intersecting sociospatial net-
4 Introduction: TheNature ofPoliticalPIJW&r Introduction: The N ature ofPolitical Power 5

works of power" (1986: 1). Theoretidans have enumerated different srant personal dealings. We can imagine that daily interactions be-
sources of power, including social organization, econorny, military tween people have certain roots in our biological heritage; bonds of
might, ideology, and information (Friedman and Rowlands 1977; nurturing, cooperation, and domination are constantly esrablíshed
Mann 1986; Earle 1987, 1994a; Haas, Powrski, and Pozorski 1987). and contested between couples, parents and children, and siblings. In
These are the media from which power is constituted. The signiJicant the everyday intimades of family life are rdations of power, and these
sources of power vary from one society to the next, but multiple rdationsrups are maintained and extended through time to fashion
sources exist in all societies. The political process involves an interplay larger lmits of clan and liueage (Malinowski 1944; Johnson and Earie
between these different sources, and, as I will argue, the specific rus- 1987). Polítical arenas are built in whicb kin relationships, ttans-
torical circumstances stnlcturing access to these saurces determine formed by cultural rules and values, are centtal props.
the long-term success or failure of attempts to centtalize and institu- In traditional societies, since one's position in a social hierarchy
tionallze political hierarchies. determines in large measure one's authority, striving for social po-
Control is the ability to restrain access to the resources that are the sition is critical to the political process. Cultural relationships of
media from which power can be fashioned. These media have funda- kinship determine rights and obligations that represent power over
mental propetties that make them more or less easy to manipulate. people, and political individuals maulpulate these relationsrups (by
UltimateJy the networks of power within a society are useful both to sttategic marriages, adoptions, godfathering, and the like) to central-
compeJ compliance and to resist compliance to a centtal authority. As ize and extend power. For example, among the Trobriand Islanders, a
an example, military might, in the form of the warrior and his sword, husband receives an urigubu payrnent of yams fram his brother-in-
exerts sttong coercive force. But can that power itseJf be controlled, law (Malinowski 1922). On the surface this would appear to be a
restricted by a few for their exclusive use? To the degree that it cannot, simple case of reciprocal excbange as men give to their sisters' hus-
it is also a force of dissolution and anarchy. To understand how the bands and receive from their wives' brothers. However, by securing
sources of power can be used to fashion institutions of governance, it multiple wives, chiefs manipulate the exchanges to amass stoekpiles of
is essential to know how access to the media through which power is yams. Malinowski (1935) describes one powerful chiefwith 80 wives.
instituted can be restrkted. The ultimate nature and effectiveness of Cruefdoms are normally characterized as kin-basedsocieties, mean-
power within a society derive from the ease with which the multiple ing that a person's place in a kinsrup system determines his or her
sources of power can be monopolized. social status and political position. The textbook case is eastern Poly-
nesia (Salllins 1958). An individual's rank is measured by the genea-
logical disrance from a senior line of descent (first son to first son to
Sources ofP01Ver first son). This ranking (from high to low sratus) determines sanc'tity
and rights to polirical office. The rughest-status male (first son by the
Of primary concern to emerging chiefs seeking to conttol social
first wife) should succeed his father to the office of paramount. In this
power is the nature of the power sources that are available. Whether
position, he holds both authority and special access to economic,
chiefly power derives from social relationships, the economy, military
military, and ideological power. Others, ofiesser rank, derive privilege
might, or ideology determines in large measure the scope and stability
from their positions in the cruefly ruerarcby. In Hawai'i, genealogical
of a cbief's political position.
specialists were attached to the paramount, and an individual seeking
Social relationships are one potential source of power. Humans are
political office would come to the genealogists, redte rus kin line, and
social aulmals, building and breaking relationships through their con-
have determined his suitability to receive an office such as ali'i 'ai
6 IntroductWn: The Nature ofPolítical Power Introduction: The N ature ofPolitical Power 7

ahupuaJa, "chief who eats from the cornmunity:' In another example, cess to resources and goods tirat are botir needed and desired for
Friedman and Rowlands (1977) describe how cruefs in a stateless subsistence andsoeiallife. Private property is basic to Marxist theory
society (the tribal organization of prerustoric Europe) built th.eir of capitalist social formations. Under capitalism, common people
prestige by controlling the kinsrup system through acquiring womeu eannot produce goods effectively because they lack tire appropriate
in marriage. A local cruef rose to a position of political authority by technology; tirey must work for tire owners of capital technology,
manipulating the fiow of prestige goods, feasts, and marriages. The who tiren derive a profit at tire same time tirat workers toil for a
system of kinsrup with its political relationships and related rights to subsistence wage. The Marxist solution was revolurionary-to brealc
labor and personal support was thus seen as the fundamental basis of tire economic power of a few by wrencrung ownersrup from tire cap-
cruefiy power strategies. italists and having tire state hold it eentraliy for tire benefit of tire
But kinshipjtself.i§.ªw,ªlUQIJ.I:f~º.tPº~er, By definition, eaeh workers.
person is the center of a kindred network, and eaeh can attempt to In cruefdoms, control over production and exchange of subsis-
build his or her relationsrups byextending claims of kinsrup. IGnsrup tence and wealtir creates tire basis for political power. In Hawai'i,
is thus critieal in less ruerarchical societies partiy because it offers a cornmunity eruefs alioeated to cornmoners their subsistence plots in
strategy available to ali by which to ask for aid; it is a great equalizer. the chief's irrigated farrnlands in return for corvée work on chiefiy
Cruefs are seen as the providers of assistance, moraliy obligated to lands andspecial projects. By owning tire irrigation systems, and tirus
help out those in need (Sahlins I 972 ). If we were looking at the controlling aecess to tire preferred means of subsistenee, chiefs di-
origins of cruefdoms, we might focus on how kinship is manipulated rected a commoner's labor. Where you lived was determined by
by ali to negotiate from emergent leaders a moral right to tire neces- whose land manager "put you to work?' In contrast, in Bronze Age
sities of life. 1 do not stress kinship as a major medium for social Denmark and elsewhere in northern Europe, control over tire special-
power, altirough it is part of a society's tradition of appropriate rela- ist manufacture and the distribution of prestige goods underwrote
tionsrups and the medium through whieh ali, including ehiefs, seek tire emergence of regional elites (Friedman and Rowlands I977).
support. Economic power is based on tire ability to restrict aeeess to key
Part of tire ehanging ideology tirat accompanies social sttatificarion productive resourccs or consumptive goods. Control ayer subsis-
involves tire rupture of kinship between ruler and followers. Ulti- tence resources and technology is a simple, yet effective, source of
mately tire equalizing bonds ofkinship are subjugated to other, more power. Control over exchange permits tire extension of economic
controllable sources of power. The existing social system locates peo- control over broader regions, but exchange networks are inherently
pie in positions of differential advantage. But how are tirose systems decentralized, and tirus a reliance on exehange as a mediurn for social
created, perpetuated, and maintained? Kinship can be coneeived as power is just as likely to undercut central control as to support it. The
part of tire ruling ideology; individuals will strive to manipulate it to real significance of economic power may be that tire material fiows
reap political advantage. We must understand how inequality, evident tirrough tire political economy can be channeled by chiefs to nurture
as inheritance of position and property, is institutionalized, and this and sustain tire alternative power sourees/At tire same time, eco-
leads us to a consideration of tire tirree primary sources of power- nomic power depends on those otirer sources of power - military
economic, military, and ideological. might to defend resourees and ideology to institute rights of unequal
Economic power derives from being able to buy compliance. IE.i" access~-' _,
based on dre simple principie oflIlaterial re",arclsandclepri:lmtion~ M,Ü;ary might derives from coereing compliance. Without tire in-
The human organizations of production and exchange determine ac- stitutionalization of social hierarehies, strong leaders are bullies, forc-
8 Introduction: The N ature ofPolitical Power Introduction: The N ature ofPolitical Power 9

ing compliance by threat and intimidation. Elementary might is right. ologies are part cultures; they are associated with specific social seg-
A key part of the political process is to be able to assert coercive ments that can be thought of as having somewhat distinct patterns of
power. In the Andean case, leaders were successful warriors (cinche- belief, behavior, ritual, and material culture. To the degree that an
kona, sing. cinche) known for personal qualities as feared fighters, ideology, the cultural perspective of a ruling segment, can be imposed
ready to kili and die. Backing up the chief were his warriors, individ- as the set of ordering principIes for the broader society, it facilitates
uals bound by kinship and loyalty to the chief and willing to assert his and legitimizes dominarion. In highland Peru, chiefs were repre-
will. Gllman (I98I) sees politicalleaders as local thugs, creating pro- sented as fierce warriors on whose shoulders rested the defense of
tection schemes of extortion. Political ascendancy is based on coer- the commlmity against aggression. "lbe community's survival was
cive advantage, gained by having special fighting skilis, training, and thought to depend Oil its warriors. The Hawaiian high chiefs were
weaponty (Goody I97I; McNeill I982). gods, distingnished by their brilliant1y colored feather c1oaks, the very
Following on the nineteenth-century work of Spencer, Carneiro c10thes of the gods. When the paramount chief of Hawai'i proceeded
(I970, I977, I98I) has argued for the significance of warfare in the around the island to collect annual payments in the Makahiki cere-
creation and extension of political systems. For him, no one would mony, he was the god Lono, responsible for al! fertility of the lands
willingly submit to the authority of another; physical struggle under- and people.
Jies leadership, and complex political systems are fashioned through Structural Marxists see a complicated causality between material
conquest. 5hlefdolIl~'",,,.s!J.arªcterized by .eodemic'Yarfar~, . and the. conditions, social structure, and ideology. Thus a traditional society
rise.to poweris a1ways implicitlYlIlilitaryat its ro.o.rs (Carnei~o I 98 I ). may use kinship and kingship as ideologies to guarantee social repro-
The paramounrchléfs of Hawai'i rarely died in bed; they were kilied duction (Friedman and Rowlands I977; Godelier 1977; McGuire
in battles of rebellion and conquest or were assassinated by their c10se I992; Meillassoux I98I). A ruling ideology may assert a "natural"
affiIiates. order to the universe snch that specific social, politica!, and ritual ac-
Military might is in fact a highly problematic source of social tions are needed to retain the proper operation of the world. Leaders
power. Warriors are an instrument of fear by which an emerging chief mnst be followed; followers need to be Ied. That is part of a cosmic
asserts politica! domination over a region. But at the same moment order taken iuto the social fabric of daily Iife through myths, legends,
the chief must fear those warriors, whose power and rage can turn on and ceremonies. Ideology serves as the constitution for institutions.
him. Rebellion, betrayal, and intrigue fill the Icelandic sagas, the nar- Information is a basis of power (Barnes I988). Ultimately fol-
ratives of the Hawaiian ruling Iineages, and the accounts of Andean lowers a1ways have the "power" to resist, but Ieaders manipulate in-
lords. While leaders depend on their warriors to extend political formation to make it appear that the ruling elite bave both the right
power, they must a1ways be on the lookour for treachery. Ultimately and the might to hold onto authority. A commonly identified charac-
warrior might is a destabilizing and divisive power in institutions of teristic of 1~~"rsl1~p is the ability.r0 speak; Bi¡; M_e,rLQr.J3jg·VVorncn .
leadership; i!J.s__()llIY. "ff".ct~ve as long as it can be reigned in and are great speakers, c,;nstanrly-cü-;nfuciugtheir·í;;lIowers of the advan- ::.,
_ • __ ~_'_'_' __ " ___ '-_"' __ ~ __ "_
Oi
'..¡/If
--,-,.-.'''-- ,- '""c,_._,_

~'1<'cls.traiel'iically. ..... Vi 01- ~\\.':;,Y:~;\)J- ......... tages and necessity ofConf()rmingand following. Chiefs or their rep- e;,!
ldeology derives from routines of compliance. It establishes an au- resentatives speak out to co~vInce·;lnstñ.1a;-añd thank followers. ~t~d~l0~,­
thority structure and insritutionalizes practices of rule. Ideologies Communication can further be extended and emphasized through
present the code of social order - how social and polirical organiza- ceremonial events asserting leadership rights and the construction of
tions are structured; w~.Lsl'ecific rights and__ obligations existo Ide- monuments that inform the society of a Ieader's abilities to coordinate
.'",--., __ ..
~ ___ '
_.,~' "
._"~.~,,_"., ~ __
~"'O "~'",_,_.
IO Introductifm: The N ature ofPolitical Power I.ooo.ooo,--,--,--,----y----,----,---,--,----,

social labor. To the degree that a social order becomes established,

people need little ongoing persuasion to ensure their cooperation.
Like kinship and military might, ideology by itself is a weak source
of power. Bach individual can believe and promulgate whatever he or 100.000
she sees as fitting and suitable. A culture is inherently fragmented and
fractured, representing the many voices that characterize differences
of age, sex, occupation, localiry, dass, and individualiry (Keesing
I985). Ifwe think of culture as norms and values held in people's """C
heads, it is difficult to understand how culture generally (or ide- ~
10.000
ologies more narrowly) could be broadiy shared or used as an ef- ií
.8
fective source of power. Bach human, sculpted by personal experi- .~
ences and interests, has an individualized realiry concerning what §
ought to be. To mold beliefs and guide social action, ideologies must ]
be manifested in a material form that can be manipulated centrally 1
and experieneed in common by a targeted group. It is this materializa- ••o 1.000

tion that embeds ideology in the economic process of production and ~

gives it a central role in the competition for political power.
•
il
~
•=

Control ofp(JWer Networks

•"
.Q
a lOO
..
Z=
Political power must be inherently problematic, as it is contingent on
multiple factors that can be used against central aurhoriry as well as
being used by it. 1s the evolution of complex, centrally organized
societies a myth? Are attempts to lead, to solidify and hand down
10 -
power, doomed to fail? From a long-term perspective, although polít-
ical centraliry rises and falls, there has been a sustained evolution of
political systems in terms of the seale of population integrated with a
single poliry. In fact, the number of independent polities in me world
has dedined drarnatically over human history as world population has
increased (Fig. 1.I; Carneiro 1977). At me beginning of the Neo- »
lithic, me size of the largest political group was probably in the hun-
8 (:¡
0'"
w w
dreds, and we can estimate that more than IOO,OOO such polities ex-
'"0 CA
o
o
8
u;
8 § '"'CA
8 8 CA
8
isted; now the largest poliry contains more than a billion people, and Date
the United Nations has ouly about 160 sovereign states.
Within the social arena, networks of power overlap and intersect Flifure 1.1. Decrcasing numbcr of independent world polities (Carneiro
1977).
 [2 Introductiun: The N ature ofPolitical Power Introduction: TheNature ofPoliticalPower [3

(Mann 1986). In their quest for ascendancy, or simple survival within thus stabilizes and restricts long-term access to the other media of
a combative political world, aspiring leaders and groups must fashion power.
power from whatever media are at hand. In the competition for posi- The political success of individualleaders in creating,extending,
tion, leaders may be divided institutionally with contrasting power and perpetuating political institutions has been based on limiting
sources and without a central hierarchical structure (Crumley 1987). access to the sources of power by competing individuals and social
In many instances, increasingly unstable political schemes can result groups. Although the potential sources of power have proliferated
from the institutionalization of separate bases of power that only with increased complexity, the scale of political institutions has in-
intersect in limited ways. The evolution of centralized polítical in- creased through an ability to link together the different sources of
stitutions may be more the exception than the rule for the trajectories power and to control them directly and indirectly ¡:hrough control
of social change. Mann (1986) sees the evolutian of strong states in over the political economy. An evident conclusion is that the different
the Middle Bast, for example, as an unusual (if not unique) result of sources of power are fundamentally intertwined and interdependent,
social processes built on cconomic power inherent in irrigation tech- and that they grow from a material base.
nology that bound a desert population to its leaders. Control over the The material process alIows the different sources of power to be
sources of political power is basic to the stable institutionallzation grounded in the economy; control over resources and technology can
and extension of leadership within societies, and this control may be be extended to control human activities generallyandhUfl1an labor
shown to rest ultimately in the material process of an emerging politi- more specifically. Thus, although there are manyr;'útes to social com-
cal economy that finances the development of a11 sources of power plexity and many blind alIeys, the creation of politically expansive and
and thus acts to rein them in centrally. centralized institutions requires that the available sources of power be
Is it passible to speak of the primacy of one saurce of power over rooted in economic control. There is no necessity or inevitability of
another? No saurce can stand alone as the medinm out of which political centralization; as we shall see, Hawaiian chiefs governed
political institutions are fashioned, and each can be of first importance strongly centralized institutions, while Pemvian Wanka chiefdoms
in specific situations. Popes have crowned and destroyed monarchs, remained fragmented.
and vice versa; the word and the sword can both be mighty, as can This book adopts a multilinear evolutionary approach (Steward
economic sway. 1955; Johnson and Barle 1987). The multilinear aspect of this ap-
But the sources of power are not of equal weight in the establish- proach recognizes the different routes ro complexity. Divergent
ment of a stable and centralized political institution. Although alI sources of power exist according ro specific historical conditions, and
sources will likely be manipulated in the quest for authority, pri- these sources can be put together in infinitely variable ways. The
macy rests in material process. The physical essence of the economy nature of the power sources and the ways in which they are structured
makes it the ideal medlum from which to fashion social institutions of then affect the long-term social dynamics of an individual polity. By
large size and temporal continuity. Production and exchange are in- evolutionary I mean that the approach focuses on the dynamics of
herently organizational in their nature; they bind people together in expansion and collapse of institutionalized polities. 1 do not imply
an organic and decisive way. Material things used t(]_ sªtisfy, sym- that social evolution is desirable or inevitable (moving inexorably
bolize, and terrorize take on the force oÍ' social ~~i~tions, but have toward sorne teleological goal). Rather, there are forces of change
a permanence and extension that the relationships themselves lack. that determine (through selection, if you will) the character of po-
The flow of cultural things binds the media of coercion and belief to litical systems. Why is one system "successful" in terms of its ability
the organized relations of the economy. Contral over the economy to expand and continue, while another fails? 1 argue that the deter-
 p

I4 Introduction: The N aPUre ofPolitical Power Introduction: The N ature ofPolítical Power 15

mining factor is the ehief's ability to control and extend access to others resulted in highly fragmented and unstable regions of comperi.
the sources of power. tive polities. Understanding the dynamics of chiefty societies that
encouraged centralizatian, expansioll, and fragmentation offers a
view into the mstorical background of the modern world.
Studying Chiefdoms Three cases are used to develop the arguments in this book - Den-
A chiefdom is a regional polity with instimtional governance ando mark during the Neolithic and Early Bronze Ages (2300-1300 B.e.),
sorne social stratification organizing a population of a few thousand Hawai'i froro early in its settlement to its incorporation in the world
to tens ofthousands ofpeople (Carneiro 1981; Earle 1987). Chief- economy (A.D. 800-1824), and the high Andes ofPeru from the eariy
dorns are intermediate-Ieve! polities, bridging the evolntionary gap Huacrapukio cmefdoms through Inka imperial conquest (A.D. 500-
between smal!, village-based polities and large, bureaucratic states 1534). I have been lucky enough to have conducted extensive field
(Johnson and Earle 1987). Although chiefdoms are highly variable, r~search on eaeh case. These societies were chiefdoms, politie; orga.
characteristically the organization at this scale requires political hier- ruzed In the thousands, or at most tens of thousands, with emergent
archy or an overlapping series of merarchies for coordination and political leaders and sorne measure of stratification. The goal is to
decision making (Johnson 1982); the advantages gained by a few investigate roughly one thousand years of the prehistory from each
within such a hierarehy result in a measure of social stratification case in order to evaluate the long-term evolutionary dynamics of
cmefdoms.
(Sahlins 1958). Archaeologists use the presence and distribution of
monumental constructions and prestige goods to document the evo- These cases illustrate chiefdoms with different bases for social
lution of ehiefty societies (Creamer and Haas 1985; EarIe 1987; power. In fact, the purpose of the analysis is to investigate these
Peebles and Kus '977; Renfrew 1973, 1974). contrasts in terms of how cmefs come to and exercise power. Whyare
Chiefdoms are inherenrly emergent political instimtions, and so different routes to power followed? How do the media of power and
they provide critica! cases bywhieh to understand how leadership was the1r control affect the long-term trajectories of political instimtional
deve!oped and expanded. Chiefs are leaders who hold ollices, and an development? As 1 have already suggested, the specific economic con-
outsider can meaningfully say, ~'Take me to your leader?' These offices ditions of the regions grearly affect the available options. Chiefs use
are characteristica!ly mghly generalized, such that a chief can lead in what they can to gain and retain power over subjects and followers.
affairs of politics, religions, and economics, but frequenrly individuals But there are always unforeseen consequeuces of thdr actious. How
exist who have different power bases that are not consolidated in a emergent chiefs attempt to control power affects the dynamics of the
single ollice. To understand ehiefdoms should thus provide a key to political system. Choice among power networks is opport:lmistic, but
the subsequent development of complexity correlated with the rise of the sources of power vary in the stability that they give to a political
state societies. institution and in the potential spatial extent of the polity that they
It is my contention (Earle 1978) that the fundamental dynamics of can support. The assumption of this smdy is that nmdamental eco-
chlefdoms are essential!y the same as those of states, and that the nomic and historical differences between the cases help us understand
origin of states is to be understood in the emergence and develop- the difference in the power strategies and polítical outcomes.
ment of chiefdoms. The mstory of chiefdorns documents the evolu- Rather than deal with each case separately, 1 present and integrate
tionary trajectories that in sorne simations resulted in the instim- discussion around the different power sources, their relationsmps,
tionalization of broad-scale, politically centralized societies and in and system dynamics. Afrer surnmarizing the individual cases and
 lntroduction: TheNature ofPoliticalPower CHAPTER TWO
I6

their culture histories over a thousand years, 1 consider the sources of

power accessed by chiefs and how these somces were linked together.
The ultimate goal is to determine how chiefs came to power and the
implications that these cantrasting power bases had for the evolution-
ary trajectories of the societies.
The Long-Term Developments of
• Three Chiefdoms: Denmark,
Hawai'i, and the Andes

The long-term dynamics of chiefdoms can be observed archaeologi-

cally and historically on the majar cantinents and oceanic islands
throughout the world (Eade 1987). To study the evolutionary pro-
cesses of these intermediate-leve! societies (neither egalitarian tribes
nor bureaucratic states), 1 have chosen to investigate three sepa-
rate regions- Thy, Denmark (2300-I300 B.C.); Kaua'i, Hawai'i
(A.D. 800-I824); and theMantaro Valley, Peru (A.D. 500-I534). On
the surface, the chiefdoms of these regions have little in common.
They were located on wide!y separated cantinents and isolated is-
lands; they existed at different times; their people had unre!ated cul-
tural histories for tens of thousands of years; no migrations or can-
tacts joined them; their environments were absolute!y different.
In short, the cases chosen for investigation are independent. The
similarities observed are not the result of connTIon histories or similar
environmental adaptations. The simplest explanations, deriving from
such histories or adaptations, are patently wrong heteo Rather, com-
mon political processes in chief!y societies can be observed, and the
distinctive nature of their evolutionary trajectory examined.
The background sketches for the Danish, Hawaiian, and Andean
cases follow the same format to make it possible to compare the
evidence. The cases are fírst described in space, time, and natural
environment. The available archaeological and historical evidence is
I8 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms

summarized to document interrelated patterns of human settlement,

subsistence intensification~ technological change, and environmental
ttansformation. These long-term changes in the environment and
human population were the stage upon which the development and
cycling of chiefdoms were played out.

Thy, Denmark (2300-I300 B.C.)

Denmark is a northern European country, located above 55' notth

latitude. Its territory contains Jurland, a peninsula extending north
from Germany; the large islands of Zealand, Fünen, and Lolland; and
many small islands. The country is almost surrounded by water - to
the west is the N orth Sea, and to the east, the Baltic. Denmark has
always been marginal to the agricultural heardand of central Europe
and the civilized world rimming the Mediterranean Sea. With sl1'<::._
cessfi,¡).Ji,s..l:!i!1J!; communities, its Mesolithie people were.J¡¡¡;.c. (about
35 00 B.C.) to adop~ . ~g¡:!<;!!lture. But fram another perspective, Den-
mark wasa mercmtile and political center of a northern Enropean
world that induded broader Seandinavia, the Baltie states, the Low
Countties, and the British Isles. In early medieval times, urban cen-
terS sprang up, and Viking traders, raiders, colonizers, and con-
querors sailed out fram Denmark to faraway Newfoundland and
Byzantium.
The region chosen for my investigation is Thy, located on the
extreme northwest ofJurland (Fig. 2.1). Thy is a small region, abont
2,100 square kilometers. It is flat and narraw, bordered on thewest by
the N orth Sea and on the east by the Limfjord. The landscape is
genrly ralling (maximum elevation 74 meters) and indudes small
streams, lakes, and bogs. The underlying geologie layers contain
chalk, but the terrain is mosrly late Pleistocene moraine soils, typieally
fertile day with flints and glacial erraties. To the west, ocean snrf and
strong onshore winds erade the land and blow sands iuland. Post-
Figure 2.1. The Thy region, Denmark (John Steinberg).
glacial uplifrs have exposed the former sealloor that now connects
Thy, formerly a separate island, with Vendsyssel to the north. The
soils of the moraines and sealloor are farmed for grain craps, pigs, and
20 The Long-Term DlJIJelopments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term DlJIJeÚJpments ofThree Chiefdoms 21

dairy; along the coast, fisrung still prospers. Small areas ofheath, once They c1eared me benches; bolsters and bedding
more cornmon, have been preserved as open lands. The climate is were spread around ...
moderately cold, with temperature extremes modified by the sur- besides their heads they set their shining
rounding water (average temperature -0.3" e [3I" F] in February, wooden battle shields, and upon the bench
aboye each lord his lofty helmet,
16.2" e [61" F] in July); overall rainfall is also fairly steady (annual
rus coat of mail and mighty spear
precipitation 750 millimeters), highest in the fallo Light snowfall is were in clcar sight. Their custom was
not unusual in wintcr and because there are no large streams or
J to be alert and battle ready
irrigation, surnmer drought can severely diminish harvest. in defending their hornes (Huppé 1987: 67-68)
The Danish case hereconcentrates on the Neolithie-Bronze Age
transition (2300-1300 B.C.). The thousand years of this sequence Because of atracks by the "valorous demon" Grendel, Beowulf carne
took place prior ro any rustorical documents describing Danish so- ro the hall of Hrothgar to aid the besieged king and received golden
ciety. But we may capture sorne sense of the society from analogies to gifrs in compensation. His valorous death in battIe brought honor to
the later Iron Age, when the invaders of the north were described by his name that lived on in Europe's literary history.
literate societies from Britain to the Arab world (Hedeager 1994). Denmark was then organized as competing cruefdoms. The
Their life was also vividIy described in oral rustories of Scandinavia. ~'kings" were weak:~ and their power and authority were based on fcar-

Most farnous is the epic poem Beowulf (Huppé 1987), benchmark of less exploits and great wealth seized from the fallen Roman empire.
Old English literature, wruch was apparentIy composed about the Hedeager (1994) captures the essential "gifr" economy of the early
eighth century A.D., recounting a story set in Denmark during the Vlking penod; chieftains set out on yearly "spring and autumn tours"
sixth cenmry. Sl1bsequent Icelandic literature adds greatIy to our to pillage the south for plunder with wruch to gain personal prestige
sense of late Scandinavian society (e.g., Njal's saga [Magnusson and through glfr exchange and display. Recent books about medieval Ice-
Pálsson 1960]' Egil's saga [Pálsson and Edwards 1976]' and Snorri land describe vividIy how Vilting chieftains settIed the bleak north
Sturlusorrs [1966] description of the poetic myths). Atlantie, built a stratified society, and resisted attempts by Norwegian
The world of this early literature was inhabited by a fiercely proud kings to extend political power over them (Byock 1988; Durren-
people with regional "kings" and their supporting warriors. Gilman berger 1992; Miller 1990). The Scandinavian chieftains were an un-
(1995) describes how Germanic society allowed only small-scale in- ruly horde. Local chieftains might swear loyalty ro a "king;' only to
equalities within a strong cthos of chieftain eql1ality. Order was prob- tum on him as political opportunities changed.
lematic and contingent on military strength that itself was contin- The rustorie accmmts are ouly a drarnatization, representing an
ually contested. The story of Beowulf describes three generations of analogous political situation of the Bronze Age of Denmark. For an
Danish overlords down to Hrothgar. Successf111 in foreign raids, understanding of the changing politieal dynarnics of Thy between
Hrothgar had attracted many supporters and built the great meadhall 2300 and 1300 B.C., we must rely on archaeology. The archaeology of
Heorot. Here he feasted and gave out riches to rus allies and sup- Denmark has One of the longest research traditions in Europe, and
porters, and here his warrior chieftains slept ready to defend their Thy specificaIly has a richly documented archaeological record. Pre-
overlord. historie settlements have been recorded systematically sinee the end of
the nineteenth century, with monument surveys conducted by the
A troop of nobles Danish government (Ebbesen 1985). Especially impressive in Thy
held watch in the hall as had been their wont. are thousands of Neolithic and Bronze Age barrows that are arnong
22 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms T'he Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 23

the best preserved in all Denmark. Metal finds are legally the property 4000 BC 3000BC 2000BC lOOOBC o 1000 AD 1950AD

of the Danish Crown, and over a hundred swords and other bronze
and golden objects from Thy are held in the N ational Museum in
REST
Copeuhagen. Archaeologists from the N ational Musenm have also POLLEN

conducted important excavations in Thy of well-preserved lron Age GRASSLAND

Pollen
FOLLEN
tells (Hatt 1935; Kj",r 1928; Veb",k 1971) and of sites being de-
stroyed by the eroding sea (Liversage and Singh 1985; Liversage
1987). The locá! Thisted Museum has an excellent program of archae- NEOUTlllC

ological work that ineludes the maintenance of regional site files, ex-
Figure 2.2. Pollen diagram, Thy, Denmark (Andersen 1995).
cavation reports, and artifact collections. Under the direction ofJens-
Heurik Bech, the museum has developed a comprehensive program
of rescue excavations of unscheduled barrows and settlement sites Bronze Age burial mounds. The goal has been to extend the existing
being destroyed by plowing, road building, a new gas pipeline, and archaeological knowledge by obtaining a systematic record of settle-
other construction (Bech 1985, 1991, 1993; Bech and Haack Olsen ment distribution and household activities across the landscape of
1985). ("Scheduled" monuments are those listed by the Danish gov- Thy.
ernment for permanent preservation, preeluding most excavations.) To place the period of this study in its broader context, let us first
With this exteusive archaeological base, the Thy Archaeological look at the previous time, when agricultural settlements were estab-
Project (TAP) was established in 1990. The project is an interdis- lished. ~<!Ú)éln the Ne~~, Thy became I'SP1ll3~~9J2u_f\lr!lli!lg
ciplinary, long-term investigation of landscape change and social evo- SO_C}$' characteristic of the Funnel Beaker Culture (3500-2600 B.C.).
lution from the Neolithic to medieval periods. Kristian Kristiansen, During this period, the pollen record (Fig. 2.2) documents a.s()n-
then head of the division of the Danish Ministry of the Environment tiIlllation oLtlie foresto The species in the forest-pollen spectlUll'l
responsible for archaeological site preservation, recruited an interna- changed, suggesting secondary growth following elearance, and
tional archaeological team that ineluded Jens-Henrik Bech (Thisted traces of cereal pollen are recognized. Some locales were apparently
Museum), Mike Rowlands (University College, London), Nick eleared, while others remained forested. Andersen suggests that the
Thorpe (University ofWinchester), and me (UClA, Northwestern subsistence economy was based on extensive "shifring cappice agri-
University). Svend Th. Andersen (1993, 1995) of the Division of culture, in which secondary coppice wooclland [indicated by in-
Geobotany of the Danish Geological Survey conduc1:ed a collabo- creases in hazel, bracken, and mugwort] was used for short-term
rative paleo-pollen study to reconstruct long-term environmental cereal cultivation and subsequently for [animal] grazing" (1993: 91 ) .
change in Thy. From the Hassing Huse Mosebog, he collected a deep By the end of the Funnel Beaker period, the agricultural ecanomy
core and established a regional pollen diagram, and TAP then concen- of Denmark supported a modest population of farmers. The primary
trated archaeological investigations in the catchment region around technological changes were connected to the new agricultural base,
the bog (ten kilometers in diameter; 314 square kilometers). Over ineluding the presence of domesticated animals and cereals, polished
the past three years, the Danish, British, and American tearns have stone axes used for forest elearance, simple plows (ards) , and elabo-
conducted systematic field-walking surveys for settlements in two par- rate ceramic containers. Throughout Deumark, evidence of plowing
ishes (Sonderha and Heltborg) and have excavated five Late Neo- survives under burial mounds (Kristiansen I990). The distribution of
lithic and four Early Bronze Age settlements and seven Neolithic and Funnel Beaker populations is dramatically shown by the megalithic
monumcnts, causewayed enclosures, and long barrows. Settlement
 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Developtnents ofThree Chiefdoms 2S

ture thin-butted axes and the contemporaneous burial monuments. A

local population existed especially along the eastern shores of Thy,
but small residential size and light construction make settlements
N
diffieult to identify. By 2700 B.C. re!ative!y low-density, generalized

1 farming communities had apparently begun to domesticate Thy's

wild landscape and expand their populations, but the density ofburial
monuments is lower than·is typical in other regions ofDenmark, such
as eastern Jutland.
• • Most researchers envision the Funne! Beaker society as bascd on
simple ranking with emergent leadership typical of a Big-Man society
• • (Jensen I982; Kristiansen I984). The 12!6igyiqellc.e¡;:()r_r<l11l<inKis_!Ée.

• •
' . • monJllllc!1!§..- both megalithic burials and causewayed endosures
c;:;: Chapter 5). The labor involved in passage graves, for example,
• o 5
was considerable, and the guiding hand of leaders in their constmc-
•
· KlLOMETERS
tion seems like!y. Symbolically, burial practice involved the mixing of
bones from multiple interments within a central burial chamber, con-
Megalith structed of large glacial boulders, that could be repeatediy opened.

o Parish with no axes

Apparently, however, only a fraction of the local population was bur-
ied here (Kristiansen I984). This practice may have portrayed a
o Parish with 0,02 ta 0.20 axes per square km
group (as opposed to individualized) identity counecting sorne an-
cestors with continuing cornmunity; access to the monuments sug-
I Parish with 0.21 to 0.60 axes per square km
gests sorne degree of exclusiveness (see Hodder I990).
About 2600 B.C., during the Middle Neolithic, an apparently rapid
I Parish with 0.61 to 2.3 axes per square km and profound economic and political change took place. The Single
Grave Culture settled southwestern Jutland, where Funncl Beaker
Figure 2.3. Parishes ofThy. Shown are the dcnsities of polished Neolithic populations had been almost absent (Glob I944; Kristiansen I989).
axes and the locations of megalithic monuments (both from the Funnel Following at Jeast sorne time of coexistence, perhaps based on sepa-
Beaker Culture) (John Steinberg),
rate adaptations and even symbiosis, the new herders began to move
into other areas of Denmark where Funnel Beaker settlements ex-
evidence is actually minimal; a few large long hou,es have been de- isted. In Thy, the Single Grave population rapidly c1eared the land-
scribed elsewhere in Denmark~ but most areas are without evidence of scape (Fig. 2.2). The speed of the forest clearing and lack of evidence
residences. In Thy, with the exception of one small settlement with of increasing population suggest that the land was cleared to create
twO possible houses, no settlements have been seeure!y identified. pasturage for animal herding. Despite intensive ficld walking in areas
Scattered pits have been recorded by earlier reseue operations, and with Single Grave burial monuments, no settlements have been iden-
one causewayed enclosure has extensive flint waste indicarive of sct- tificd, and only one small house has been found along the eroding
tlement. Figure 2.3 compares the distributions of Funne! Beaker Cul- coast (Liversage 1987). Of course, settlements must have existed, but
26 The Long-TermDevelopments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 27

their small size and perhaps short-term occupation make them archae- of previous habitation and cultivation in the layer upon whicb the
ologically difficult to recognize. A new emphasis on herding may mounds are raised.
actually have lowered regional population. EIsewhere in Denmark, The widespread farming may have been associated with popula-
on the islands and in eastern Jutland, forests were not rapidly eleared, tion growth. As represented in the S0nderhii parish collections, the
and the earlier farming life of the Funnel Beaker Culture apparently disrribution ofLate Neolithic daggers and associated pressure-flaked
continued (Davidsen I978). flints through Thy is mucb broader and denser than that of the diag-
The cultural change represented by these early herders was dra- nostic arrifacts of eadier periods. Especially in S0nderhii parish, TAP
matic. Uulike the Funnel Beaker Culture, whose hurial practice em- field walkers encOlilltered many concenrrations of pressure-flaked
phasized the community, the Single Grave Culture marked individ- lithics that date from the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Ages. A
uals. The low barrows cbaracteristically contained the burial of a simple count of the sites dated to this period shows a peak in nwn-
single male with his battle-ax and beaker or, less commouly, a woman bers; in the eight square kilometers of field survey, 23 definite or
with her long amber necklaces and beaker (Kristianseu I984). Males probable Dagger Period settlements were located (Beeh et al. n.d.).
were distinguished by their warrior status, females by personal deco- Remember that no settlements were identified for the earlier Single
ration. Although the contents of individual barrows differ, the uni- Grave Culture.
form barrow sizes and the fairly standard set of accompanying goods Field-walking snrveys in the S0nderhii uplands, for example, re-
suggest that distinctions in rank were subtle. Ktistiansen (I984) in- vealed three close-Iying Late Neolithic settlements (Thy 2756, 2757,
terprets this culture as a segmentary society, like the pastoralist Nuer, 2758). Thy 2758 was investigatedmost fully. Itis located on the hill of
and he believes that their economies would have been linked through Bjergene in the rolling moraine upland landscape of eastern S0nderhii
a prestige-goods exchange system in which wealth was exchanged parish. The hill, which rises to 56 meters above the surrounding ter-
broadly in an interconnected cultural complex of status rivalry (see rain, is the highest point in the parish. The settlement, identified by
Chapter 5). fairly dense flint-flaking debris, extended along a ridge covering ap-
Subsequently (2300- I700 B.C.), the Late Neolithic Dagger Period proximately 3.5 hectares. The highest density of flint and eeramie
continued many features of the Single Grave Culture while introduc- finds proved to correspond well with the localities of scarrered pit-
ing new Bell Beaker cultural items, ineluding distinctive ceramics and hOllSes positioned along the ridge.
weaponkits (arrowforms, wristguards, andflintdaggers). Northern Three houses were excavated on Thy 2758. As illustrated by
Jutland was a cultural "core:' Its wealth was based on the manufacture House 1 (Fig. 2.4; N45), houses were qulte small, perhaps 13 meters
of local flint daggers and their export ro northern Europe; amber was long and 3.8 meters wide, with rounded ends and an overall roofed
exported even more broadly. Copper axes were imported from Britain area of perhaps 40 square meters. The most rustinctive cbaracteristics
and Ireland (Vandkilde I99I). Denmark appears to have become of the Thy hOllses are their semisubterranean construction, lack of
incorporated within a prestige-goods economy that extended from central support posts, and small wall posts indicating a low wall. The
Britain to the Baltic and down into central Europe (Shennan I986). roof probably came to the ground at the back and ends of the house.
Pollen evidence suggests little change in the landscape, whieh appears These features were reasonable adjusrrnents to the Thy environmeut
ro have remained largely open (Andersen 1995). It may be that cereal at tl,e end of the Neolithie - a lack of good-quality wood for building
farming became increasingly important, however. Most flotation material and the ever-present winds blowing aeross the open land-
samples from this period contain cereal grains (Bech et al. n.d.), scape. The narrow pithouses would have hugged the ground, mini-
and alllater Bronze Age barrows excavated by TAP show a sequence mizing resistance to the winds and the need for large support beams.
28 The Long-Term DeveÚlpments ofThree ChiejiúJms The Long-Tmn Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 29

The settlement evidenee suggests no signiJieant size hierarehy, and

apparently few barrows were built. In Bell Beaker societies generally,
eompetition for status positions is indicated by the eontinuous dis-
tribution of grave goods in eemeteries (Shennan 1986). The primary
evidenee of status rivalry in Thy is the ubiquiry of fiint daggers that
N
copy metal daggers of central Europe and special Bell Beaker ee-

r ramies, apparent symbols of status. A1though these prestige goods

o
were recovered from household fioor and trash deposits in all houses,
the greatest number and highest qualiry of daggers and dagger-form
strike-a-Iights were eoneentrated in one house, perhaps of a distin-
@ Amber guished family-House 1 ofThy 2758. A1though sorne differentia-
© Concentration of cernmic. :::----, 1;==-==-=
@ Fliot dagger tion was marked by the flint daggers, status was evidently not highly
® Ham:mer SEone
®s_ 'J MM *"t5 struetured or eentralized. In Denmark more broacl1y, the soeiery ap-
eD Thick bu{¡ed celt METERS
jlJ
o Rock
Fire-altere(/ rock pears to have remained relatively simple through the end of the Neo-
e Coneentration of oarbon
Jithic. Soeiety was evidently not then organized hierarehically as
ehiefdoms.
During the Early Bronze Age (1700- 1 300 B.c.), the landseape of
Thy and e1sewhere in Denmark was inereasingly cleared, as grasses
dominated the pollen spectrnm. As in the Single Grave Culture, con-
tinued clearanee and the ereation of extensive grasslands was appar-
ently related to an inerease in herding. The pollen diagram from un-
der Bronze Age barrows of Thy demonstrates that areas previously
farmed beeame pastures. Population appears to have been stable or
perhaps even to have declined.
Extensive reseue archaeology has begun to uncover Early Bronze
Age houses, but their oeeurrenee, like that of Dagger Period houses, is
quite loealized. Throughout Denmark, the standard Early Bronze
Figure 2.4. House 1 at Thy 2758. This semisubterranean Late Neolithic Age house consisted of a long, wide building \vith the roof supported
pithouse is characteristic ofThy (Michael Gabriel). by pairs of large posts. In Thy the best evidenee of sueh houses has
been deseribed at Bjerre, a prehistoric Bronze Age settlement loeated
Similar houses have been deseribed e1sewhere in Denmark where on an uplifted seafioor south of the Hanstholm ehalk headiand (Beeh
wood was searee (Tensen 1973); small houses without sunken fioors 1993). The site is loeated on low, fiat terrain that was farmed during
are deseribed in other regions, perhaps where forests provided more the Bronze Age; small clusters of post-frame construetions were built
wood for support posts. on somewhat higher "islands" in the fiat. Most arehaeologieal work at
The social organization of the Thy Dagger Period eontinued a Bjerre was condueted in 1990 by the Thisted Museum as part of a res-
pattem of status rivalry without politieal hierarehy (see Chapter 5). eue operation, and Early Btonze Age residential areas were identified.
 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 31

* One Early Bronze Age house (Thy 2999), identified by explora-

* *
* tory machine serapes of that year, was excavated by TAP in 1993. This
honse proved to be well preserved, having an intaet rulturallayer with
N house floor and external work spaees, many internal pits, and substan-
tial roof-supporting posts and wall posts, often with preserved wood

i belowthe watertable. The house (Fig. 2.5) was 21 meterslong, with

a total roofed area of about 165 square meters. This is the largest Early
Bronze Age house excavated in northwest Jntland, and the ample
interior space was five times that of cramped Late Neolithic pit-
houses. This increased spaee was made possible by the large interior
{',o posts, which supported tie beams that spanned the hOllse and allowed
for a mllch broader strncture.
o
t
Other nearby house locations suggest that following one or two
*
episodes of rebuilding, hOllses were moved to a new spot. Probably
*
*111 only a few families ever lived at Bjerre at any one time. This small
* 111 setrlement was apparently associated with lowland farming and may
well have been the winter residence in a seasonal cycle.
I!'I Grinding/Crushing 5tone At higher elevations, where most barrows were built, evidence for
_ Hammer Stone
o 5 10 house constrnction was more ephemeral, represenring, 1 think, im-
METERS * 1 piece of amber permanent constrnctions in summer pastures (Barle 1994b). The pri-
@ Cache of 69 pieces of amber
mary evidence for setrlement has been the distribution of barrows

Worked
: ~i:~d
.. Cereal
that coneentrate on the lighter soHs of western Jutland and Thy (Kris-
tiansen 1984). The coneentration of 250 barrows in S0nderM parish,
Material
{ n Bone I Antler
+ Bone/Meat
? Designation Uncertain
most of whieh date to the Early Bronze Age, led us to expect many
setrlements. We were disappointed; no Early Bronze Age setrlements
O PostMold were found on survey except in five locations identified from the
• Post Mold with wood
asynunetrieal sielde finds in private colleetions (Bech et al. n.d.). We
@ Cobblestone entrance
expeeted to find Bronze Age setrlements immediately assoeiated with
~ Cooking pit
major barrow groups such as those at Bjergene, but exeavations there
Figure 2.5. The chiefly House 1
(Thy 2999) at the Early Bronze Age revealed only Dagger Period setrlements. Within S0nderha, we have
settlement ofBjerre (Peter Apedo). identified no standard post-constrncted Early Bronze Age houses,
and it may be that the few setrlements that we have found were only
summer residenees. Although existing evidence does not support a
population inerease in Thy, the density of Bronze Age monuments is
remarkable, crearing an apparent anomaly that must be explained.
The social organization of the Early Bronze Age apparently con-
32 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 33

of the central barrow are clustcred II710wer mounds (37.6 barrows

per square kllometer) . No other locale in S0nderhi had such a promi-
nent barrow or such a concentration of other barrows. Within the
parish, an average square kllometer has 11.4 barrows.
Rich Early Bronze Age burials have been excavated from the bar-
rows of Thy (see, e.g., Haack Olsen 1990). Male burials frequently
included beautifully crafted, chiefly swords or simpler ones used for
fighting; status was marked by these weapons and symbols of destruc-
tion (cf. Kristiansen 1982). During the Montelius II Period (1500-
1300 B.e.) throughout Denmark, wealth in the male burials was most
clearly marked by the quality of swords and other metal objects. Until
later in the Bronze Age, female graves included fewer metal items,
such as bronze fibulae for securing clothing (Levy 1982); statns was
not highly differentiated. The Early Bronze Age society of Thy con-
tained a structured ranking of elites.
To surnmarize, hnman acrivities in Thy caused fundarnentallong-
term transformations to the vegetation and subsistence resource of
the region. Forests were cut down and replacee!, first by farmed open-
X More !han
4 meters taH
ings and eventually by extensive grasslands. The pattern of settlement
~ shows swings of increasing population during the agricultural expan-
• Between 1 and
4meters tan
5
"KIlOMETERS sions, followed by stability or decline, as seen especially in Early
Bronze Age. The patterns of population and subsistence, although
Less than 1
O metertall related, do not follow a simple sigmoidal increase and stabilization.
Rather, the long-term cycling .in population appears to reflect the
Figure 2.6. Distribution of barrows (mainly Early Bronze Age) in S0nderha shifting dynarnics of the political economy (see Chapter 3). lnter-
parish, Thy (John Steinberg). estingly, the marked increase in political complexity during the Early
Bronze Age in particular occurred ar a time of population stability or
sisted of ranked chiefdoms in which a few individuals controlled the
decline. The evolution of ranking, at this time at least, was evidently a
most and best statns objccts. Thc landscape was crowded with turf-
political process not resulting directly from changing adaptation to
built barrows, wruch occur at densities among the highest anywhere
environmental conrutions or from population increase.
in Europe. The barrows are clustered on the highest and most visible
locations ofThy, especially near to Lake Ove in the parish of S0nderhi
(Fig. 2.6). Within such a parish, thenumber andsize ofbarrows in the Kaua'i, Hawai'i (A.D. 800-I824)
different locations suggest a hierarcrucal pattern. Visible from the rest
of the parish, the ten-meter-rugh barrow of Bavneh0Y stands p'romi- Seven major islands make up the Hawalian chaln, wruch is located in
nently on a knoll in S0nderhi (see Chapter 5). Witrun one kilometer the north-central Pacific Ocean, just within the tropies, spanning 19"
34 The Long-Term Developments ofTbree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Developments ofTbree Chiefdoms 35

to 22' north latitnde. The Hawaiian Islands are a string of volcanic HANALEI
peaks that erupted as the earth's crust moved westward across a hot
spot. The chain of peaks is more than 5,000 kilometers from any other
major island or land mass.
Each island has a central peak that slopes sharply ro the sea. The
environment is a tropica! paradise with warm weather, heavy rainfall,
and drarnatie scenery. Hillsides bear lush vegetation and tracery wa-
terfalls. Factoring out etrects of the island land masses, expected an-
nua! rainfall is 1,500-2,000 millimeters, with rain falling through the
year but concentrated in the winter months (Thomas 1965: 34). Veg-
LIHUE
etation parterns show marked contrasts between the werter windward
sides of islands and the leeward dry sides. Temperatnres are remark-
ably constant throughout the year at sea leve!, averaging 23-27' e l ••
(74-80' F) with !ittle diurnal variation. o 5 10
KILOMETERS
The island chosen for my primary stndy was Kaua'i, the most west-
N
erly and oldest of the main Hawaiian group (Fig. 2.7). It is only 40
kilometers across, about 1,400 sguare kilometers in land area. The
single central mountain cane tises to 1,548 meters. Known as the
'~Garden Island;' Kaua'i has heavily eroded, volcanic slopes; streams
radiate from the central mountain, cutting deep valleys ro the coast.
Soils are volcanic, with rich alluvial deposits along the valley fioors
O
KAVA'l

LANA! ~
O'AHV

~
1¡)~MAUI
MOLIKAl
I
and at the mouths of the strearns. The steep ropography determines a •
wet-dry contrast in rainfall. As the trade winds hit the northeastern
HAWAI'lV
side of Kaua'i, air is forced upward and cools, producing rain. On the THE HAW AIlAN
lSLANDS
windward side, annual precipitation at the coast is about 1,300 milli-
meters, increasing to 10,000 millimeters at the mountain erest; to
leeward, rainfall decreases to be!ow 500 millimeters annually. Follow- Figure 2.7. The island of Kaua'i (Earle 1978).
ing these sharp gradients, vegetation varies from dense tropical rain
forests to virtual deserts. Wíthin a compact area, soil, water, and vege- the rnling lineages of,tbediffer,enunajor"islauds - Kaua'i, O'ahu,
tation vary drarnatically, and this variation strongly affects agricultnra! Mauí,an<i Hawa¡iT.'Stretching back for twenty generations and more,
productiviry across the island. genealogies were remembered by specialists attached ro the para-
At contact th~ socia! organiz.i!tLQUof the Hawaiian Islands was the mounts. The paramount chief, supposeclly the highest-ranked person-
most complex of any lColynesian chi~fdoIIl~ and probably of any age of the rnling lineage, was the sovereign; in th.".o_'L.'!.<;hi!'f~~g<;!lsa­
chiefaOñís-lffiown e!sewhere in the world. A stl"(?l'g~e,p~r~rt91'existed logical dis!aIlce. from .the paramount detenúined rig;hts to anof,ljc:e.
between the chiefs and their followers. The chiefs were organized into suc~as chiefor ;i;'caivaJleYéoiñ:;':';"nity;In ~ea'¡¡ty rh~c;~petition
 36 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 37

for such positions was intense and highly personal; most chicfs not
only were very closely related to the paramount (within a first-cousin
relationship) but had also frequently fought by his side in wars of
succession and eonquest.
The community chief was the ali'i 'ai ahupua'aw:!:e_~!:!~L~~~_~e
,from _a__Sº,mm\!!liry- A lower-ranked chief could be a member of the
par~ount's retinue, as bis warrior or one of the many attendants
who assisted hlm and carried hls symbols of office, such as his kahili
(flyswatter) and spittoon_ Lower-ranked chiefs also served as man-
agers (konohiki) of a chief's ahupua'a (community), putting com-
moners to work on the chief's lands and on other special projects. The
konobiki aeted as the local chief, organizing the economic activities of
the community. If an irrigation system needed repair, the konohiki, as Figure 2.8. Waimea, Kaua'i, at time of first contact (Cook I784).
representative of the overlord, organized the ~ork project and the
feast to follow. The konohiki also mobilized labor to obtaln the goods fel! flat on their faces, and remained in that humble posture tíll I made
given annually to the paramount when, representing the god Lono, signs to them ro rise. They then brought a great many small pigs and
. he arrived at the community's shrine. gave us without regarding whether they got any thing in retum"
g::, 'C¿~_o!1¡;¡:~_made up most of the Hawaüan population. They (Cook 1967: 269).
lived in their communities, where they subsisted on the agricultural The dispersed settlement at Waimea presented to Cook a dramatic
plots received from their cbiefs; on fis.hfrolll the sea, streams, and the view of Hawaíian life within an indigenous complex chiefdom (Eg.
cruefs' !l0ngs; and on wild foods gathered along' i:Ji."" coast and from 2.8). Small walled house lots were scattered across the valley floor,
inland forests. Deprived of access to the cruefs' memory specialists, and upvalley a major irrigation complex had been constructed for tarO
commoners could not keep genealogies; in faet, it was prohibited cultivatian. Women pounded the tapa cloth, and men warked in the
(taqu)to keep a genealogy that might dem~nsttate;;-commoñers­ fields. The Hawaíians eagerly traded foad, feathers, and sexual service
disti"uétionTK,;.m,;¡c~íi·Í961: 242; Milo 195I:" 60; Sahlins 1971). Trus for novel European goods, especially iron. Explorer, trader, and mis·
--coíitr-;;:s-¡:-¡íikinsrup knowledge emphasized the sharp division be- sionary fol!owed, and they recorded details of the politica! and daily
tween the chiefs and their commoners. The identity and organization life of the turbulent Hawaiian society as itwas incorporated into West-
of the commoners derived from the community where they resided em history and the warld econamy (see Broughton 1804; Campbell
and from the chiefs to whom they owed work. I967 [Í822]; Dixon 1789; Ellis 1963 [1827]; Pottlock 1789; Tumbull
Primary historical sources richly document Hawaiian chiefly so- 1813; Vancouver 1798; Whitman 1813-I5). Butourvisionisnotone-
ciety during the periods just prior to, during, and follow±ng Westem sided. Hawaíian cruefs, taught ro read and write in their native Hawai·
expansion into the north PacifiCo In 1778, the British explorer and ian, recorded oral hisrories of the island polities, their personal remem-
navigator Captain James Cook anchored offWaimea Bay on the south brances and analyses, and marvelously detailed ethno-ethnograprues
coast of Kaua'i. He was greeted with the extreme respeet due a high (Beckwith 1932; I'i 1959; Karnakau 1961, '964, 1976; Malo 1951
chicf or godo "The very instant I leaped ashore, they [the islanders] al! [1898] ). Kamakau described that fateful moment on Kaua'i:
 The Long-Term Developments ofThree ChiefcÚJms The Long-Term Developments ofThree ChiefcÚJms 39

The valley ofWaimea rang with the shouts of the excited peopIe as they saw Mahele, the creation offee-simple (prívate property) land ownershíp
the boat with its masts and its sails shaped like a gigantic sting rayo One askcd throughout the íslands; valleys (former ahupua'a) were deeded to the
another, "1iVhat are those branching things?" and the other answered, "They chíefs and smal! subsistence plots to the commoners. From the begin-
are trees moving abou! on the sea?' Soll another thought, "A double canoe of ning Sahlins (I97I, I992; Kirch 1992) soughtto unite documentaty
the hairless one of Mana!" A certain kahuna named Ku-'ohu dedared, "That
and archaeologícal research. 1 was responsible for reviewing the his-
can be nothing else than the heiau ofLono, the tower ofKe-o-lewa, and the
place of sacrifice at tbe altar?' (196r: 92) torícal records for the Halelea district on the north coast ofKaua'í and
then for condncting an extensive mapping project to docnment the
Captain Cook may have been thought a human manifestation of the extent and technological character of its historie irrigation systems
god Lona, returning to Waimea, a location important in his narrative (Eade I978).
(Sahlins 1985; Valeri 1985), but the militaty uses of the European During the 1970'S and 1980'S, research was augmented by large-
ships and their iron were the magic that the Hawaiians soon sought scale cultural resource management projects to inventoty archae-
for their own political aims. ologícal sites and to excavate those threatened by devel<¡pment. CRM
The subsequent Hawaiian monarchy, crafred through conquest work combined the eadier perspective on setrlement, economy, and
with the aid of Europeans and their militaty technology, was struc- social organization with extensive attempts to date sites and describe
tured on a European model and began elaborate legal record keeping the long-term evolutionaty trajectoty of society (Cordy I981; Hom-
that not only documented the rapid social and economic transforma- mon I986; Kirch 1984, I985a; Dye and Komori 1992). We can now
tion, but also detailed aspects of traditional Hawaiian society as prece- sketch the long-term histoty of the islands' setrlement and develop-
dents for legal actions. ment of the complex society seen at first western contacto
The archaeological record that documents the development of The Hawaiian Islands were first setrled in the centuries afrer
Hawaiian society is as yet not as bonntiful. Initial work inventoried Christ, perhaps aronndA.D. 400. The island environment, as it existed
archaeological sites, many of which were known through historical at first colonization~ was much different from what Cook saw I,400
documentation. Wendell Bennett, laterto gain fame as a SouthAmer- years latero Original!y the islands were forested; stands of ohia and koa
ican archaeologist, began his professional career with a doctoral dis- stretched down to the coast. The species diversity in these forests was,
sertation documenting the sites of Kaua'i (Bennetr 193I). Many of however, fairly impoverished (Kirch 1982a). Since the species that
these were religious shrines (heiau) for which he developed the first colonize an island are limited to those that can reach it, distance from
site typology. During the I950'S, especial!y with the work of Emoty, continentalland masses effectively limits colonization. Moving out
Hawaiian archaeologists established chronologies with many small- eastward into the deep Pacific, the numbers of plant and animal spe-
scale excavations, including work on the Napali coast of Kaua'i. Sys- cies decline. Becanse the Hawaiian Islands, and other Polynesian is-
tematic work on the setrlement patrerns and economy began in the lands in the central and eastern Pacific, were among the most ísolated
1960'S with extensive valley snrveys on O'ahu, Molokai, and Hawai'i land masses in the world, the v~riety of.ei,demic species thatwere
(Green I969, 1980; Kirch and Kelly I975; Rosendahl 1972). useful to humans Was smal!. Except for 'ih~· b~t, no land mammals
Following on this new direction in economic and social archaeol- reached the islands; among birds, several species of duck, geese, ibis,
ogy, my doctoral dissertation analyzed the subsistence and polítical and rail that were endemic to the islands were hnnted for food, .Pe- .
economy of the north coast of Kaua'i at the time ofEuropean contact lagic and inshore fis~he~ ,and,.sea. marnmals werc, however, the most
(Eade 1973). 1 participated in an ethnohistorical project organized abnndant wild food resources.
by Marshall Sahlins (1971, 1992; Linnekin I987) to analyze the Great With both intendCdail¿fUüintended consequences, the colonizing
 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Develupments ofThree Chiefdoms 41

Polynesianstransfo¡-¡;ned _me.original ¡¡¡land _~AYi")_llmet:lts- TIle Poly- contained artificial pond fields for taro, fed by irrigation canals; em-
--nesiancolonists must have understood the relatively impoverished bankments between the fields, planted with coconuts, bananas, and
nature of the environment that they settled, and so they traveled with sugarcane; and larger ponds, used ro raise fish (see Chapter 3). The
the plants and animals needed to establish an economi~TyVlablere­ intensely farmed valleys and grass-covered hills observed by Cook
soúfce,b~s~:One canímagiñe -tli.ecrüwdeaseagülfig cano", !oaaea-- above Waimea were, like most of the island landscape, a cultural
with immigrants; their pigs, dogs, and chickens; cuttings and tubers artifact.
of domesticates such as taro, sweet potato, sugarcane, and bananas; The changing island environment corresponded to a long-term
and a full assortment of seeds, nuts, and cuttings for coconut, candle- increase in people and a sizable final popnlation. 1 imagine an original
nut, medical plants, and fiber plants that wonld be encouraged to go small founding popnlation, perhaps no more than a few hundred,
feral in the newly eolonized islands. Initially the settlers of Polynesian increasing with further immigration and growth to several thousand
islands depended heavily on marine resources (Kirch I984); in Ha- by A.D. 800. Initially settling on the most productive lands, people
lawa, Molokai, an initial protein dependence on fish in the diet gave wonld have occupied all good lands first, sprearung to the drier
way to domestieated pig and dog (Kirch and Kelly I975: 68-69). As leeward shores and interiors somewhat later (Cordy I974). An in-
in the Galapagos Islands, larger endernlc birds, such as the geese, rail, creasing dependence on agricn1ture supported the spread of popnla-
and ibis, were easy game; evolved without the threat of large precla- tion through the islands, and, afrer A.D. I200, rapiruy expanding pop-
tors, they were often flightless and probably did not fear human hunt- ulations required sustained agricn1tural intensification. But what leve! .
ers, who soon killed them off. Other species were driven to extinction did the population of the Hawaiian Islands reach, and when rud it
through enviroumental change (Olson and James I984). Many of the reach that level?
Polynesian islands thus carne to have a "transported envíronment;' Certainly the peak popnlation for the Hawaiian Islands was the
with many economic species introduced by Polynesians to replace a highest for any archipelago in Polynesia, but the final figure is hotly
fragile and Iimited natural resource base (Kirch I982a). disputed (Stannard I989; Nordyke I989). The first rough estima-
Cutting the forests for farming transformed the environment irre- tions by Captain James Cook and his crew members range from
parably;-exacertatIñg'défÓfestatiollanél sol1 erosiono The land-snail 240,000 to 400,000 for all the islands. A carefnl and long-accepted
sequence shows a loss of forests and savanna couple~_.t(?J?\l.t:ning, __,___ _ evaluation of the historical evidenee by Schmitt (I97I) came to a
presumably for agricultural fields (Kireh I98í,1;;--Christensen and lower estimated range of 200,000 to 250,000, which Nordyke (I989:
Kirch I986). On the small island of Kaho'olawe, afrer A.D. I400, a table I) increases somewhat to 3'O,000. Stannard (I989) tops all
movement of settlement inland must have been based on forest cut- modern estimates with 800,000, assuming potential growth rates and
ting for shifting cnltivation; the subsequent retreat of settlement to agricn1tural resourees for the islands. Obviously the question of num-
the coast was then apparently caused by local exhaustion of fragile bers is unresolved, and it probably cannot be resolved with further
soils and erosion (Hommon I986; cf. Spriggs I99I). But the erosion analyses of the hisrorical records and demographic projections. What
of the upland, formerly forest, soils wonld have correspondingly in- is needed is systematic evaluation of the archaeological record.
creased sedimentation on the valley floors and created new farming The dating of settlements and individual houses can start to re-
opportunities (Spriggs I986). solve questions of population size. One way ro quantify popnlation
TIlese new alluvial soils on the valley floors and river mouths were growth is to evaluate the relative frequency of raruocarbon dates for
transformed into irrigated taro fields (AIIen I 99 I ). What had been an archaeological sequence, assuming of course that archaeological
created was a totally artificial and highly productive environment that work has not been unduly direeted toward the sites of particn1ar time
42 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 43

200000 ina! forests were c1eared for agricuItura! fields. But the major re-
constmction of the environment, involving the constrllction of the
160000 artificia! agricultura! environments discussed in Chapter 3, peaked
around A.D. 1500 and continued afterward, when popuIation growth
120000 appears ro have slowed substantialIy (cE. Kirch 1990). Although it is
possible that the decline proposed by Dye and Komori was more of a
80000 concentration of popuI.ation, continued growth is conjectura!. We can
condude that the initia! expanding population caused an intensifica-
40000 tion of agricuIture, but that the post-I500 technologica! transforma-
tion (with the rapid expansion of irrigation) was not driven by popu-
ol_.~~~_
-...;;;;p; ¡
lation growth. Rather, the popuIation concentration in regions with
intensive irrigation draws atrention to quite different dynarnics of the
100 440 780 1120 1460 1800
politica! economy (see Chapter 3).
CALENDAR YEAR During initia! colonization, the semers wouId have carried with
them early archaic, or Proto-Polynesian, principies of rank and leader-
Figure 2.9. Estimated population growth curve for the Hawaiian Islands
(Dye and Komori 1992). ship. Although the operationa! strength of these principies wouId
have been a weak source of power a!one, they wouId have provided
important Iegitimation for authority constmcted subsequently from
periods orloca!ities (Rick 1987). Using this technique to ana!yze 495
the other sources of power.YQ!)1lIe.sian EociaLs=rejLQften de-
age determinations from the Hawaiían Islands (18 of them from
scribedas aconic,,] c1an.~ anonexogamous, ambilatera!, and;a~ked
Kaua'i), Dye and Komori (1992) esmblished a popuIation growth
sociopolitica! or"jSanization .. Ranking is based on the measured dis-
curve (Hg. 2.9). Following a long period of gradua! buildup (A.D.
tance ftom a senior line, whereb)1 the highest-ranked individua! is the
400- I200), the popuIation of the islands grew rapidIy, peaking at
eldest son in the direct line of eldest sons. TheoreticalI)1 eaeh individ-
perhaps 160,000 around A.D. 1500. Then, until Western incorpora-
ua! has a unique rank "precisel)1 in proportion to his distance ftom the
tlon at the end of the eighteenth centJUy, popuIation may have sta-
senior line of descent" (Sahlins 1958: 141). COIutnOO ,tb.t:QllghQlIt,
bilized or declined. These estimations, especialIy the sta!l in growth,
Polynesian languages is the term for chief (*arike, Proto-Polynesian;
are not broadly accepted becanse of potentia! problems in the repre-
ali'i;Hawaiian) :Thé chiefs probahly maintained their distinction as
sentativeness of the radiocarbon samples (Kirch '995, persona! com-
Ieaders in different wa)1s, but minimalI)1 as owners and organizers of
munication). The dated samples may underrepresent late growth in
the seagoing, colonizing canoes.
prime areas, becanse the archaeology that recovered these samples
During the thousand-)1ear sequence considered here, the complex-
was concentrated in margina!locations; the loca!es where large nurn-
ity ofHawaiian politica! organization increased dramaticalI)1. The ora!
bers of Hawaiians lived have been destroyed by modern building.
histories tel! of an expansion of política! power and subsequent politi-
Understanding variable growth and decline across the islands is the
ca! integration. Through conquest and intermarriage, successful para-
chalIenge for future archaeologists (Kirch 1990).
mounts extended the scale of the chiefl)1 polities. Rel)1ing on ora! his-
The genera! growth in popuIation prior to A.D. 1500 can be ac-
tories for the island of Maui, Kolb (1994) describes the progressive
cepted, and it links ro the environmenta! transformation as the orig-
fashioning of more inclusive chiefdoms. By A.D. 800, semement had
44 The Long-Term DIT'elopments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term DIT'elopments ofThree Chiifdoms 45

spread across much of Maui. As reconstructed for Proto-Polynesian classes. The commoners were the rural farmers, fishermen, and craft
cuiture (Kirch and Green 1987: 431), early Hawaiian populations producers. They lived in ahupua'a that extended from the mountains
were probably organized at this time by principies of simple chief- to the sea, often incorporating a river valley. Men toiled in the irri-
doms, in which chiefs led locallandholding deseent groups. During gated or dryland tato fields or netted fish on the inner shore; women
the Formative Period (A.D. 1200-1400), chiefdoms expanded in colleeted a wide range of wild foods and prepared the tapa cloth.
scale, and during the Consolidation Period (A.D. 1400-1500), two Commoner genealogies were short, reaehing back only to the grand-
regional chiefdoms formed on the eastem and western ends of Maui. parents' generation. The basic social unit appears to have been the
Each attempted to expand territory against the other. Similar compet- household, but several households could join together to fonu a co-
ingexisted on the western coast ofHawai'i, where Cordy (1981: 180- operative company along an irrigarion system (Earle 1978: 153).
81) describes archaeologically that a buffer zone without settlement Adoption linked families across generations and within communities.
formed during this phase. Eventually, during the Unification Period Cerrain individuals were "bíg men;' and othcr cornmoners clustered
(A.D. 1500-1650), the islandwide Maui chiefdom was fashioned their households near to the big men's houses (Sahlins 1992: 208),
through suecessful conquest. At the same time, 'Umi conquered the but ranking was informal. The Hawaiian chiefs were, in contrast, a
whole of Hawai'i. The long-term ttend of expansion through con- people apart. The ehids held mana, power that flowed through the
quest continued during the Annexation Period (A.D. 1650-1820) as individuals and demonsttated their feared divine essence. Common-
the island chiefdoms of Maui and Hawai'i fought with eaeh other ers would prostrate themselves or jump overboard to keep below
attempting to fashion interisland polities. With western ships, guns, their ehiefly gods, as was done for Cook when he first set foot on
and special personnel, the young paramount of Hawai'i, Kameha- Kaua'i.
meha, conquered Maui in 1790 in his fust successful campaign to To summarize, the sequenee for the Hawaiian Islands documents a
fashion the Hawaiian state. long-term trend during which the enviroument was transformed into
The emergence of sttatification has been documented archaeolog- a eulture4 world.ownedby a .cl",s~ Qfl}!ljngchiefs: Th;~ se9uence is
ically by a growing differentiation in the amount of labor invested perhaps e~actly what~5yl1;tjra[ e,fplogist,~g~texpecr:i!,cr~""ed po\',-
in burial monuments (Tainter 1973) and in elite house platforms ul~ti(lil densitv resulted.ín agricylturalinten~ific~tion, enviroumental
(Cordy 1981). Priorto A.D. 1400, house platforms were not distine- deiiad~ti(lil, ~4 in<:refl$ing~llie!lY~aAªg~me!1t ofth~ eco!';'i11Y'
tive, but, following this time, a few households were constructed with 111¡; scenarío, however, misses the subrleties of the ev;;iution~ry se-
elaborate terraces and enclosing walls. These striking houses demon- quence. Yes, population did inerease, and the extension of slash-and-
strate an emergent chiefly segment that used group labor to set itself burn practices did alter the environment significantly, but the inten-
aparto During the Consolidation Period on Maui, the construc1:ion of sive irrigation technology and the stratiJied ehiefdoms appear to have
religious monuments (heiau) increased dramatically (Kolb 1994). developed quite rapidiy, rather than growing slowly to meet expand-
The increased control over labor evidenced by the scale of the monu- ing needs for subsistence. And after the rapid construetion of the irri-
ments reflects the institutionallzation and strengthening ofleadership gation complexes, when productive capaeity was greatly expanded,
as the chiefdoms of eastern and western Maui formed. The pattem population may not have continued to grow.
documented in both the archaeological and historical recoI<ls is a long Chapter 3 argues that thelat~inter:sification of the subsistenc.e
and dramatic trend toward increasing scale and institutional strncture ec.~no,py",as tied not to poplllati¿n gro,wth but tointe!'sification of
for the ehiefdoms of the Hawaiian Islands. t;lJ~,po1iticiJIe~c>!,orny. .The dynamics of that economy, involving the
By the time of contact, Hawaiian society was rigidly divided ínto calculated manipularíon of competing ehielly factions, must be un-
- ,,--~.~-,,~,<~--~,,-~ "", ""'~""'__ '~,,"~~., ._ "_ ',~_"_',_,,, .,,' _,,,_o '_~ "".,,,' __ ,~' ~"'_'W_
 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Derelopments ofThree ChiefCÚJms 47

derstood to describe why the chiefdoms of Hawai'i developed their

irrigation-based economy and expanded their polities to incorporate
whole islands,

The Upper Mantaro Valley, Peru (A.D, SOO-IS34)

"
The high PeruvianAndes, home to many chiefdoms and wellspring of
the Inka empire, are jagged mountains edging the Pacific Ocean be-
1
5000 m
tween 5° and 16° south latitude, The collision between the Pacific and
4DOOm
South American plates forced up one of the most imposing mountain
3000 m
ranges of the world, From west to east, over an air distance of less .
2000 m
than 250 kilometers, the peaks rise steeply aboye the ocean beaches to
¡OOOm
towering heights of more than 4's00 meters and then fall precipi- ~.

Om A
tously to the flat expanses of the forested Ama20n (Hg, 2,10), Three
large environmenta! 20nes characterize the Andes - coasta! desert Figure 2.IO. Cross-section of the Andes, showing the vegetation zones and
(chala), sierra (yunga, quechua, suna, puna, and janca), and tropica! devations (D'Altroyr992),
forest lowlands (upper and lower selva), Along the Pacific coast, rain
rarely falls on the barren desert, Green valleys cut through the desert, (Matos and Parsons 1979), The Mantaro region typifies the environ-
channeling water from the rngh mountains to the sea; with many ment of the high Petuvian Andes, The va!ley at Jauja is 3,400 meters
irrigation cana!s, these valleys have become oases for human agricul- aboye sea IeveL Jauja itself is a small city of about 30,000; since colo-
rure and settlement. nia! times, it has been a politica! and market center for the northern
Above the coasta! desert is the centra! sierran 2One, As elevation half of the valley, Smaller towns and villages are scattered through the
mercases, rainfall mercases and tempcratures decline; snovvfall is nor- region, close to their agricultura! fields, Annual precipitation is ap-
ma! in winter aboye 4,000 meters, The intermontane valleys and sur- proximately 600 millimeters at Jauja, falling mainly in the summer
rounding slopes, 3,000-3,800 meters in elevation, provide rich lands (November to March), Droughts are a periodic problem, With irri-
for both rainfall and sorne irrigated farming, Above are expansive gation, the loca! people grow cerea! grains, maize, and potatoes, for
puna grasslands used for pasrure, Standing aboye these rolling lands which the region is famous, It is chilly here, with a mean temperarure
are the glacier-capped peaks of the Andes, Past the mountains, the of approximately 12° e (54° F), Although diurna! mean temperature
vegetation rapidiy elsanges again from a!pine to tropical, as the eleva- changes litrIe through the year, the range is greater in the dty winter
tion drops into the forests of the Amazon basin, In only a few hours' (17' C) than in the wetter summer (13° C) (Hastorf 1993: lO5),
drive, moderu travelers strip from down parkas to T-srnrts in the Frost limits the growing season to the sununer and can destroy the
warrn, humid, tropica! air of the basin, crops at any time,
The regiona! focus of my research has been the upper Mantaro Va!- The surrounding rolling hilis (3,400-3,800 meters) are bare of
ley, located in the sierran 20ne (Fig, 2,Il), The actua! research area is trees, Small streams and springs provide irrigation water, but most
about 1,000 square kilometers, originally surveyed by Jeffrey Parsons lands are watered by spriug rains, Farmers anxiously await these rains
 The liIng-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdnms The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 49

Temperature drops below freezing eaeh night, and a cold drizzle is

frequent in the surnmer. Snow can blanket the upper e1evations, and
permanent glaeiers cover the highest mountains.
The Wanka ehiefdoms in the Mantaro Valley (A.D. 800- 1534), Iike
others in the Andean highiands, were often quite large, but not
strongly institutionalized. An individual ehiefdom might have 10,000
or more people, organized by their leader, the cinche. "Before the
Inkas there was no lord in this land [the Mantaro 1 other than that
eaeh town and the natives of it were lords of what they had and of
theirlands" (Toledo 1940 [1570 l: 22). "Sinee there were wars among
the natives and towns, when there was a valíant man fram among
them called cinchecona meaning (now hefe is this valíant man: thase
who could not [defend themselves 1 took shelter with him ... and
thus they obeyed him and had no other form of govemment" (ibid.:
18). A1though the offiee of cinche was inherited, the holding of the
office was justified by warrior prowess. Eaeh community fought with
its neighbors over land, herds, and women. Stratifieation was Iitrle
El VlIlIeys N
[] Hillsides elaborated.
~ Uplands AroundA.D. 1460, an Inka army invaded the Mantaro Valley (D'A1-
O Puna troy 1992: 79-81). The ehiefiy organization of the Wanka continued,
l. _ but the valley beeame a province of the expanding Inka empire.
o 5
KlLOMETERS The upper Mantaro Valley has a rieh record of historieal aecounts
and archaeologieal research. The primary historieal docurncnts avail-
able inelude journals of the early conquistadors, ehroniele accounts by
Figure 2.IL The upper Mantaro ValJey, Peru (Michael Gabriel). both Spaniards and Inka lords, formal administrative reports, and
caurt cases. The conquistadors' journals, letters, and remembrances
and plant quickly so as to avoid losses inflicted by fall frost and hail. provide firsthand views through European eyes. The earliest docu-
The main crops are eereals and potatoes. The small villages, scatrered ments of Xauxa inelude Ierters from Remando Pizarro, who marched
through the uplands, farm the land cooperatively. As elevation in- through Jauja during his conquest of the Inka empire: "The plaza is
creases, temperatures deercase, the growing season shortens, and ag- large and one-quarter league long ... it is true that there were over
ricultural fidds give way to pasture. The native grasslands cover the one hundred thousand souls [in the plaza l .... This town of Xauxa
rolling valleys and hills between 3,800 and 4,300 meters, and small is very fine and beautiful" (quoted in D'A1troy 1992: I03). Other
fiocks of European sheep and New World camelids (llamas and al- accounts inelude the vivid descriptions by Cieza de León (1984
pacas) graze here. The sheep and alpacas produce wool, and llamas in [1551]), who as a young soldier in the Spanish arrny traveled the
caravans still transport potatoes and other produce to remote valleys. former Inka roads, and chronieles wrirten by government and church
50 The Long-TermDevelopments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms SI

officials (e.g., Cobo 1956 [1653]) and by Inka descendants (e.g., (1989), Hagstrum (1989), Hastorf (1983,1993), LeBlanc (1981),
Guaman Poma 1980 [1614]). Such accounts describe the Inka impe- LeCouut (1987), Lennstrom (1991), Leonard (1984), LeVine
rial system but make only passing reference to the local people. (1979, 1985, 1993), Russell (1988), Sandefur (1988), and Sikkink
More specific and detailed, but necessarily less comprehensive and (1988). A wide range of archaeological evidence is now available on
integrated, are the administrative documents prepared by officials of environmental change, population, subsistence, craft technology, so-
the Spanlsh colonial government. Among the earJiest are two visitas cial and political organization, and culture.
available for the upper Mantaro ValIey (Toledo 1940 [1570]; Vega Prior to extensive human occupation and alterations to the en-
1965 [1582]). Officials asked direct questions oflocalleaders about vironment (after A.D. 200), theupper Mantaro ValIeywas apparently
conrutions prior to and uuder Inka domination; in answer the leaders forested. The vegetation zone was part of the extensive dry lower-
described the Wauka chiefdoms and their incorporation into the Inka montane savanna forest that covered much of the midelevations in the
empire. Several early legal cases also exist, in which Wauka lords central Andes (Tosi 1960: 11). Itwas an open, mixed forest with deer
sought to estabJish claims to land and special privilege (Espinoza and other game. At higher elevations, an the hills aboye the valley, the
1971 [1558-61]). forest would have given way to open grassland puua, grazing lands
The upper Mantaro ValIey is archaeologically the most fulIy docu- for wild camelids, ancestral to the llama and alpacas.
mented region in the Peruvian highlands. Sturues began with work Human settlement dramatically transformed the Mantaro ValIey.
on the ceramic chronology and regional culture history (Flores 1959; Now nearly treeless, the open landscape is intensively cultivated, with
Lumbreras 1957, 1959; Matos 1959, 1966, 1972). In the 1960's, as broad fields in the valleys and on the rolling uplands, and smaller
part of a new interest in settlement patrerns, David Browman (1970 ) tertaced fields on the slopes and ridges. Except for farmyards and
conducted an extensive recounaissance survey and prepared a useful villages, almost every square meter of land below 3,600 meters is
synthesis of the valley's prehistory. Iu 1975 and 1976, Jeffrey Parsons cultivated. At higher elevations, fields are fallowed, and weed-grass
and Ramiro Matos (Matos and Parsons 1979; Parsons and Hastings vegetation intersperses among the crops. Above 3,800 meters the land
1988; Parsons and Matos 1978) directed a comprehensive site survey is primarily "natural" grassland, although human impact isevident
of the valley. from the close cropping by sheep and from evidence of prehistoric
Iu 1977, with the support of Parsons and Matos, Cathy Scott, ridged farming (Matos 1975).
Terry D'A1troy, Chris Hastorf, and I initiated the Upper Mantaro The climate change in prehistory had potentially profound impacts
Archaeological Research Project (UMARP). Until 1988, when the on the human economy. Herbert Wright and Geoffrey Seltzer (Selt-
project was abandoned because of intense insurgency actions by the zer and Hastorf 1990) conducted a study of long-term environmental
Sendero Luminoso and Túpac Amaro, we conducted eight excavation change by mapping and dating the terminal moraines of the Nevada
seasons (Earle et al. 1980, 1987; Hastorf et al. 1989). The sites chosen Huaytapallana ice pack. Following a glacial advance that peaked
for study concentrated on the two hundred years prior to Spanish around A.D. 250 (uucalibrated), the glacier again retreated during
conquest (A.D. 1300-1534) and, to a more limited extent, ou the pre- a warming trend. Modern temperatures were reached by roughly
vious eight hundred years (A.D. 500-1300). Sites excavated ranged A.D. 600, the period when our main sequence begíns. Then, roughly
from the large, late centers to small harnlets with only a few contem- A.D. 1200 to 1500, during Wanka II and III, a glacier advance signaled
paraneous households. The bulk of this research is available in a series a decline in regional temperature of about 0.6' C. Such a cooling
of Ph.D. russertations, M.A. theses, and subsequent publications: would have depressed vegetation communities by approximately 70
Borges (1988), Costin (1986), D'A1troy (1981, 1992), DeMarrais meters in elevatíon. The valley was already marginal for agriculture;
52 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Developments ofThrte Chiefdoms 53

TABLE 2.1 (EIP) (roughly 300 B.e. tOA.D. 200), no settlements have been eon-
Archaeological Sequence for the Mantaro Valley
clusively identified, and population probably remained very low, per-
Chronology Periad Phase Diagnostic types
haps ouly one hundred or so (Table 2.2). Then during Huaerapukio I
A.D.1534
1460 Late Horizon WankaIII Inka and Wanka TI types (A.D. 200-500), population jumped to around 12,000 before stabiliz-
Wankan
Wanka Red, Micaceous se1f slip, ing at around 14,000 in the late phase (A.D. 500-800) of the EIP.
1300 Late Base Roja, Base Clara
Intermediate
The Middle Horizon (MH) (A.D. 800-IOOO), time ofWari impe-
Base Clara rial expansion, is poorly defined in the Mantaro ValIey. Browman
i Micaceous Coarse ware
1000 WankaI Wanka Purple slip (1976) believes that the valley was conquered by Wari, which built
Wanka Purplc on Orange Wariwilka in the south to adminisrer the region. In the northern patt
unslipped
Middle of the valley, however, no Wari imperial settlements have been identi-
Wanka Purple on Light
Horaon
Wank:a Light on Red fied, and the time period is ouly marked by a handful of Wari sherds
800
Huacrapukio Purple on Orangc found on settlement survey and during exeavations (Borges 1988).
Huacrapukio II Huacrapukio types
600 Wanka Purple on Orange slip Sometime during the MH, perhaps related to the collapse of the Wari
500 empire, the cultural inventory ehanged dramatieally. Huaerapukio
Early Huacrapukio Purple an Orange
Intermediate Huacrapukio 1 Huacrapukio types eeramics were replaeed by the new teehnology and style of the Wanka,
Pink Paste ware
20Ü"
and population appears to have remained unehanged.
- Pebble Polished Creme slip? The Late Intermediate Period is subdivided into Wanka I
A.D. Ü"
900 B.C." Formative
Late Formative ,, Cochachongos (A.D. 800-1300) and Wanka II (A.D. 1300-1460). In Wanka I, settle-
EarIy Formative Pirwapukio
i ment numbers remained quite stable within the study region, and
SOURCE: Hastorfetal. I989_
" Estímated date estimated population eontinued at about 14,000. Wanka II then wit-
nessed a dramatic climh in population. At trus time, the size of settle-
the lowering oflife rones would have inereased the risk of erop failure TABLE 2.2
due to frost and deereased suhstantially the total area available for Estimates of Popuústion Change in the Upper
agriculture (Hastorf 1993: 106-8). Mantaro Va/ley
Time penad Population estimates
The arehaeological sequenee available for the Mantaro ValIey is
summarized in Table 2. I. Earlr hunters first settled the valley mar- Formative
Pirwapukio 1000
gins sometime prior to IOOO B.e. (Browman 1970) and most likely Cochachongos 2500
adopted animal herding, as documented in the Junin puna to the north EarIy Intennediate Period
Huacrapukio 1 12,000
(Riek 1980). For the lengthy Formative Period (IOOO-300 B.e.), Huacrapukio II 14,000
population density was low. Settlement survey has identified only a Late Intermediate Periad
Wankal 14,000
few settlements, scattered through the valley. Considering the small WankaIl 61,000
Late Horizon
sizc of these sites and the long time period represented, Formative WankaIlI 36,000
oeeupation may well have been no more than a few hundred people, + 9,000 Inka
living in several villages. NOTE: Population is calculated by estimating the area of oc-
cuparion, thc occupational density, and me percentage occupied at
In the first several hundred years of the Early Intermediate Period any moment (Earle etal. 198]:8-10; Hastorf1993:7r).
S4 The Long-Term Developments o/Three Chie/doms The Long-Term Developments o/Three Chiefdoms ss
ments and their interna! density increased astonishingly. Population Why did density-dependent regulation fail? The key factor explain-
for the northem valley region peaked at 61,000 (D'Altroy 1992: 60). ing continued population growth in Wanka II would appear to be the
During the Late Horiwn (A.D. 1460-1534), when the Inka domi- dynamics of the politica! economy. Intense politica! competítion be-
nated the valley, the population appears to have stabilized or declined, tween loca! chiefdoms may have favored larger families to provide
with a Wanka population estimated at 36,000 and with an additiona! warriors for defense. In traditiona! warfare nothing is more successful
9,000 Inka (D'Altroy 1992: 194). than size. Population appears to have leveled off or declined afrer a
What is to be made of the erratic population patrems docnmented regional peace was establíshed by the conquering Inka (D'Altroy
for the MantarQ Valley? Two cycles of chiefly development appear to 1992: 194). Why did the improved conditions of peace not result in
be represented. First, foilowing a long period of no apparent growth, further popuJation expansion? Perhaps with the reduction of fighting,
population leveIs jnmped during the middle EIP and then appear to the inducement to have more children was relaxed. Alternatively,
have stabilized. A reasonable explanation of the rapid growth would young Wanka couples might have delayed marriage (and childbear-
be the introduction of new crop varieties (potatoes, qulnoa, and spe- ing) as a response to an invasive Inka politica! economy, in which
cia! maizes) that were tolerant of frost and permitred settlement ex- families were the taxed unit. Declining population could have been an
pansion based on a lower-risk and more productive agricultura! base. unintended consequencc of such attempts to resist ta.xation.
The valley forests were probably cleared at this time. The stabilization The dynamic processes in the Mantaro turn our atrention to tlle po-
of population during the late EIP and MH could then have been the lítica! organization of the valley and the long-term cycles of chiefdoms.
result of some upper limit rclated to the productive potential of the To sUl1lffiarize briefly, duríng the long Formative Period and into the
region's agricultura! economy, but glacia! retreat at this time should Early Intermediate Period, sma!l and scatrered settlements would sug-
have created idea! conditions for farming (Seltzer and Hastorf 1990). gest the presence of relatively egalitarian agricultural communities.
The second cycle of population growth and decline commenced Duríng the Huacrapukio Period, simple chiefdoms appear to have
during the Wanka periodo What caused the dramatic population in- developed in the valley. The best evidence for these chiefdoms is the
crease? The subsistence base and its technology appear to have distinctly rank-sized distriburíon of settlements. Around a few larger
changed líttle. Counterintuitively, the dramatic population increase sites clustered smaller sites, forming delinüted regiona! groups. Four
took place despite the significant declíne in productive poteutia! that such groups existed witllin the northetu valley, and each may repre-
would have resulted from the glacia! advance (Hastorf 1993). More- sent a simple chiefdom with perhaps two thousand people. The
over, perhaps because of competitiou over prime land, population largest sites were probably política! centers of small chiefdoms. For
shifted to higher defensive locaríons. This shift at the same time that example, JI 32, on a low hiil above the Mantaro Valley at 3,500 meters,
temperatures declined would have further decreased the agricultura! contains 17.9 hectares, with extensivc architecture remains that couId
productivity of the lands near to settlements. That decrease, coupled have housed perhaps a thousand or more peopJe. Surrounding for-
with the increasing size and aggregation of the popuJation, would tification walls would have been built by communa!labor organized
have placed the subsistence economy under severe stress. This stress by commnnity leaders.
evidently caused high infant mortality rates and low lífe expectancy, as At the end of Huacrapukio, while the Wari state still held domin-
evidenced in the buria! data (Owen and Norconk 1987' 112). Yet as ion ayer regions to the south, the dramatic shift in the artífact inven-
subsistence conditions worsened, population continued to increase, tory was associated with the beginning of the Wanka cultura! tradi-
perhaps even more rapidly than previously. tion. At present, the cause for this. change has not been resolved, but
 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chicfdoms The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chicfdoms 51

such periodic collapses may characterize a general pattern of cycling in

chiefdoms, representing the unstable power base among the Mantaro
chiefs and others around the world (Anderson 1994).
The Wanka society was a wodd of fiercely competing chiefdoms:
similar chiefdoms existed throughout the Andean highlands during
the Late Intermediate Period (Hastorf I993; Hyslop 1977; Krzanow-
ski 1977; Topic and Topie 1987). These chiefdoms were based on
intense warfare and local warrior leaders (see Chapter 4). Populations
were concentrated in a few large settlements "defending the heights"
(Hastorf 1990). Status markers distinguished chiefly rank, but the
elaboration of the display was subtle.
Throughout the highlands, the society was settled in hill forts ar-
ranged in an increasingly marked settlement hierarchy. During Wanka
1 in the Mantaro, the largest settlement covered 8.2 hectares, suggest-
ing a population of eight or nine hundred. Rubble mouuds are com-
mon on sites, and fragmentary structures of round stone hOllses are
arranged in patio groups (Hastorf et al. 1989; Hastorf 1993). At least • Wanka llsite
sorne settlements were fortified by encompassing walls. The larger
Wanka 1 settlements were fairly regularly spaced throughout the val- _ Modern town

ley and may well have been the centers of small chiefdoms. An indi- o! - -,
vidual crnefly polity would have contained three to fivc settlements KILOMETERS

spread aeross a small territory with a population of one to two thou-

sand. These statistics are characteristic of many small-scale agricul- Figure 2.I2. Wanka II settlement pattern for the upper Mantaro Valley.
tural chiefdoms arouud the world. Perhaps a third of a Wanka 1 Shaded line indicares survey region (D'Alrroy I 992) .
crnefdom's population would have been living in the main central
settlement. these groupings (LeBlanc 1981). Analysis of the sites' artifact as-
In Wanka II the scale and complexity of the chiefly polity increased semblages documents that each center and its associated settlements
dramatically. Within the research area, duee chiefdoms have been represented an economic uuit; these units were linked by craft special-
identified, centered on the large settlements of Tuuánmarca (J7; 24- ization and exchange of both lithics and ceramics (Costin 1986; Rus-
hectares), Llamap Shillón (J 109; 31 hectares), and Hatunmarca (J2; sell I988).
74 hectares). These are impressive sites, located on high ridges just As an example, Tunánmarca was an impressive chiefly polity in the
north of the main Mantaro Valley (Fig. 2.12). Many people lived in northern Yanamarca Valley. It was dominated by the town-sized cen-
these settlements (10,600,5,800, and 8,800, respectively), crowded ter, J7 (Fig. 2.13), located defensively high (elevation, 3,850-3,900
within their sturdy forrification walls (D'Altroy 1992: 56-57; Eade et meters) upon a limestone ridge that overlooks the agricultural Yana-
al. 1987' IQ- II). A number of smaller settlements were located near marca Valley. Architectural preservation is excellent, and many of the
each main center, and the styIes of ceramies were distinct between prernstoric structures have standing stone walls up to two meters rngh
 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms 59

Figure2.14. View across the Wanka II centerofTunánmarca (D'Altroy 1992).

(Fig. 2.14). We have mapped the basic layout of the settlement from
aerial photographs aud identified an estimated 3,800 residential struc-
tures within the 24-hectare residential arca. Houses were arranged
around walled patio arcas that appear to have been private spaces for
individual households. A network of irregular pathways connected
the patio groups, and the center of the site was dominated by a double
N
plaza. The Tunánmarca polity incorporated seven additional settle-

I ments; of an estimated total population of 24,000, 44 percent lived

within the center's walls.

1_.
o 50 100
In our excavations we were able to differentiate between elite and
cornmoner residences (DeMarrais 1989; Fig. 2.15). Typically com-
moner households such as 7 = 9 had a single structure and small patio
METERS
area. Their architecture was simpler in terms of labor investment and
finishing of the stonework, and their locarion was more peripheral in
the settlement. In contrast, elite households were larger and con-
Figure 2.f3. The large Wanka II center ofTunárunarca. The patio groups tained multiple houses. Patio group 7 = 2 at Tunánmarca contained
excavated by UMARP are indicated by nwnbcrs (Earle et al. 1987; reprinted sIx struc-nrres, all believed to be residential based on a uniform pat-
courtesy of the Institute of Archaeology, UCLA).
tem of hearths, domestic artifacts, and subfloor burials. The sev-
eral structures in the elite compounds could have housed the chief's
 The Long-Term Developments ofTbree Chiefdoms 6r

extended family, his several wíves, or atrached specialists. The struc-

tures were carefully finished with stone shaping and chinking. They
were found high on the ridge, typically in centrallocations of their
settlements. The distinction between elite and cornmoner housing,
however, should not be overdrawn. The differences were of degree,
not kind. All people lived in similar housing, differing only in size and
finish.
Leaders and followers were also not marked by great difference in
N
other material conditions of life. Although presrige goods, such as

l ••
o
I2 4
metals and elaborate ceramies, were statistically concentrated in the
elite residences they were not restricted to them. Special silver or
l

copper pins (tupu) were found almost exclusively in the elite patio
groups, but orher metals and special cerarrues were found broaclly,
albeit in smaller numbers in commoner households. A Wanka elite
METERS
was apparently not a distinctive elass.
Into Wanka III, subsequent to Inka conquest and political incorpo-
ration, continuity and transformation can be seen in the archaeology.
The basic settlement hierarchy continued (Fig. 2.16), but settlements
were downsized. The great center of Tunánmarca was abandoned
"'" ::'i ~:..-' :"','5;'(:¡'
''--1 '. Q, ::~:-~:. quickly, and the residential area of Hanmmarca shrank in size to 27
" .. -' .... ".'l.. ~" hectares (with an estimated population of 3,300). Most people now
~: _1
lived below 3,650 meters, although sorne special-purpose pastoral and
eL mining setrlements were at higher locations (D'Altroy 1992: fig. 9.2).
The downsizing and resettlement was likely an outcome of pacifica-
tion. The dense population centers of Wanka II were economically
inefficient; with pacification, farmers would have sought residences
eloser to their agricultural fields.
At least two sociopolitical units appear to have continued the pre-
conquest organization ofseparate large chiefdoms. The largest Wanka
Figure 2.IS. Examples of elite and commoner patio groups at the Wanka II III settlements, the new town Marca (28 hectares; 3,300 inhabitants)
Tunánmarca. At the top is a commoner household (7=9), at the bottom an and Hatunmarca, were similar in size, and their ceramics were dís-
elite household (7=2) (Costin and Eade I989). tinct, evidently of different systems of manufacture and distribution
(Costin 1986; D'Altroy and Bishop 1990). The local styles at Marca
continued Tunánmarca patrerns, and it seems that Marca was settled
by the inhabitants ofTunánmarca; Hatunmarca continued to occupy
62 The Long-Term Dr:relopments ofThree Chiefdoms

Elevation in mClers

• Wankalllsites

1 __

o ,
KlLOMETERS
N

Figure 2.r6. Wanka III settlement pattern for the upper Mantaro Valley
(D'Altroy I992 ) , I
íts Wanka II loeation, The 1nka state appears ro have ruled me Man-
taro mrough íts preexísting political organízation of chíefdoms,
o --
lOO
METERS
200

Hatunmarca was a chíefly center, líke Tunánmarca, duríng me

Wanka II períod, and ít contínued íts politícal posítíon under Inka
rule, Hatunmarca was a large settlement, wim a long span of occupa-
tion hístory, The habítation extended for two kilometers along a lime-
stone rídge mat edges me Yanarnarca Valley on me west (Hg, 2,I6),
The settlement covers two broad knolls, separated by a lower saddle Figure 2,17, The Wanka II and III center ofHaturunarca (Earle et al. I980;
reprinted courtesy of the Institute of Archaeology, U erA) .
(Hg, 2,I7). On me top ofme soumern knol!, stratígraphíc excava-
tions have revealed earlíer Huacrapukío 1 and Wanka 1 occupations,
 The Long-Term Drrelopments ofThree Chiefdoms The Long-Term Drrelopments ofThree Chiefdoms 65

but the fu]] extent of the residential settlement dates to the Wanka II regularities exist in the proeess of landscape transformation under
periodo long-term human use. In each case, agricultural use remade the land
On the southern knoll, a central ceremonial precinct contained from forest to fields. New speeies were introduced, and old species
open plazas and special buildings (D'Altroy 1992: fig. 9.4). Although were lost. The landscape beeame a cultural attlfact, able to support
the precinct probably dates from Wanka II times, it was heavily recon- larger populations and a political economy of developing chiefdoms.
strueted during Inka hegemony. Various buildings were constructed What eaused these transformations of the environment?
in the Inka imperial style, including a large rectangular building with Population gE2wth;~-';;;:-~¡;~i~~s-~;;-'s';:-O~~;th:e-t:lí.ousand or so
gable ends and trapezoidal niches. ysarscoveredby ~~'cl,-~~se, population expanded to fill the environ-
Elite compounds at Hatunmarca concentrated on the ridge just ct\,Jl~\·j-'·ffi'ent. With new domesticates and the technology to exploit them,
v
south of the ceremonial precinct. They contained several rectangular humans colonized and transformed these environments to support
Inka-style buildings and large Wanka-style circular buildings. Com- increasingly dense populations. But the growth in population was
moner patio groups) in contrast, were smaller, typically containing neither monotonie nor simply predietable. Abare biological model
ouly one circular building. might predict logistic growth in the numbers of people as environ-
A separate settlement system was related to the Inka state admin- mental resourees and the technology to make them productive were
istration of the Mantaro. Hatun Xauxa was a large planned state cen- depleted and further growth was limited. Although tlús density-
ter, loeated on the main imperial road (D'Altroy 1992). Cieza de dependent model of population growth provides a background for
Lean (1984 [1551 l, pp. 242-43) described a rich temple and palace understanding the long-term dyuamics, much more appears to be
at Xauxa -with 8,000 in service. Other state constructions in the valley happening.
included secondaty way stations along the road, a suspension bridge, Rather than experiencing long and sustained growth, the pop-
and thousands of srorage struetures on the hilis above the center and ulations at these three loeations expanded and declined in erratic
bordering the valley. The Inka invested heavily in the state infrastruc- cycles that were not evidently related to resource conditions. Cer-
ture in the Mantaro as a means of economic and political develop- tainly populations grew initially because new habitat niches were
ment (D'Altroy 1992). made available by colonization and the introduction of agricultural
technologies. But then growth stalled for reasons not clearly related
Looking atthe three cases oflong-term social evolution among chief- ro resouree availability.
doms reveals common themes amid diversity. The cases illustrate al- This stalled growth appears to he linked first and foremost to the
ternative pathways to complexity that intermediate-Ievel societies can nature of the developing political economies, and in tlús regard the
follow. Eaeh society existed under unique environmental and histor- speeific conditions of each case were quite different (see Chapter 3).
ical circumstances, and these conditions profoundiy determined the In Denmark, the stagnant population during the Early Bronze Age
specific developmental trajectories. Are we left with the apparently appears to reflect an increasing foeus on animal herding. But why
obvious conclusion that the uniqueness of each society makes eross- herding? Animal herding lowers the carrying capacity of a region and
cultural comparison in search of general human process futile? I think makes no sense in the logic of the subsistence economy. Its inerease
noto most probably resulted from the use of animals as a source of movable
Enviromnentally the three cases are as different as one can imag- wealth witlún a prestige-goods exchange system (see Chapter 5). In
ine - from the lush tropical islands of Hawai'i, to the barren moun- Hawai'i, existing evidence does not document population inerease
tain valleys of the Andes, to the windblown terrain of Deumark. But afrer A.D. 1400, when the complex chiefdoms were instituted. At the
66 The Long-Term Developments ofThree Chiefdoms CHAPTER THREE

time when the massive new irrigation systems were constructed, pop-
ulation had apparently leveled out. The irrigation systems were ere-
ated not to feed more people, but to mobilize a surplus of subsistence
goods used to finanee tbe eruefdoms' expansions. In tbe Andes, popu-
lation increased rapidly in tbe period of intense warfare among local
chiefdoms, despite tbe mini-ice age and tbe move to higher locations Sources of Economic Power
where frost would have made production inereasingly unstable. But
when tbe region was incorporated into tbe Inka empire, population
stabilized or declined despite tbe pacification that reopened prime
lands to intensive use and tbe construction of new agricultural facili-
ties by tbe state. These ehanges were evidently not new opportunities
for an expanding population; ratber, tbey were used to generate sur-
plus for imperial finanee.
Complex social systems are frequently seen by antbropologists as
managing problems of subsistence and as tbus permitting population The development of politieal systems must be based on an ability to
expansiono But tbe opposite is ttue in tbese tbree cases. For example, lead and to have otbers follow. Leaders who provide rewards are ae-
population increase was not limited by increasing hardship in tbe cepted, but tbose who fail to do so lose autbority. Leadersrup is a1ways
Wanka II chiefdoms of Peru; ratber, under tbe better conditions of problematic; it requires an individual, family, cornmunity, or nation
tbe Inka state, population growtb stabilized. to reUnquish autonomy and transfer loyalties. No individual or group
The tbree cases represent clear variation in tbe development and does tbis joyfully, for it means saerifieing personal or group interests
cycling of ehiefly societies. In eaeh case, tbere were conditions under to a different, larger, or distant body (Carneiro I98I; Johnson and
wruch emerging elites could control the lives of tbeir subjects. The Earle 1987). This ehapter and the next two examine how leadersrup
speeifie opportunities for power and control tben ereated variable can emerge and become institutionalized - how instimtions are ere-
possibilities for investrnent, growtb, stabilization, and collapse. How ated and expand to direct group aetivities toward a broader objeetive.
tbe different sourees of power ereated contrasting dynamies in long- 1 focus on three mainkindsofpower tbat are.used to govern human
term political development is tbe subjeet of tbe following chapters. affairs - e~<'>E()g,!i,,~~ilitary,'lr:!g¡g.SPl?gi~"t_.
Conttol over the economy is a direc't and material power over,tl:Le
~k:::I;;¡¡Y¡ctuars~Tüswii'riThro1\'t1!iñflletoodand
goods neeessary for tbeir survival. I~Y.~ll~~.~~g~ilY.!?::~,::e, and
tbey must~bt~~clothing,~0,::si,::g,<:,,:gS:_~g.'?2g!:2,;;:~ely. Hu-
man, cidit Ín a world of energy flows tbat sustain aIl life;Jnclud-
ing tbeir own. In simplest terms, to understand economie control,
we must understand tbe subsistence economy - how societies are
adapted to tbeir environment; how people malre a living (Johnson
and Earle I987). T!",n iS~y_~~~!ked ifthe '::~~t:s.pt~e~~~!i~te~~,
ee,onomy is sueh tbat it may be controlled and tbat, tbrough its con-
"-_._.•_~_____""",=._,, o,,~~ _ ,~~ _ _ """""";"""'_'-'""'*-""-~ ___ ~~"'"
68 Sources ofEcouomic Power Sources ofEcouomic Power 69

-lIQLmslmanip!1h\tion, the activitíes of a group can be brought under of i;riga,ti9!'_.~s the cause for the development of central leadersrup
a' leader's authority.· ." .. . ....... . and eventual state bureaucracies. Thehydraulic theory of Wittfogel
.... Econolnic power d,m~~~fi:QT~::.'::t;;;:12!~r, keys~etors 9ft;hlt.'~2.11· presents a simple adaptationallinkage- in a dry environment, irriga-
omy. Two types of social theories have been expounded to understand tion technology was a major improvement allowing more areas to be
ilii;~control- voluntarist~ adaptationist theories and coercive, politi- farmed and lowering the risk of drought failure. To expand irrigation
cal theories (Brurofiel and Eade 1987; Haas 1982; Johnson and Earle systems and improve the subsistence base, central management was
1981' Service 1975). Voluntarist, adaptatÚJnist theories follow an an· neeessary. In sorne ways like capital-intensive modern industries, irri-
, _ o~,-·""-,,, ~'" ~-,,- ""---~""""",",,,P'" -, ,,,,
- ,', -"'." ,--,... ..

cient rarionalist traditioñin western thought. SOClafSystems are seen gation technologies require a ruvision of labor. Managers are neces-
as evolving thróugh a process of improvement, the gradual develop- sary at many steps in the production process, including construction
ment of betrer solutions to the problems of existenee and excellence. of the large network of daros, rutches, and terraces; management of
Aceording to such theories, )~i'cdg~hiJ?j!l ..J:¡l.l\!ll!l1 .. sQJ;i<;ty.,ltyol~ the eqnitable distribution of water; reconstruction of the system fol-
to create~J1is¡en}.?91u.rion~ to illdi~i<:lu¡¡j ¡U¡<:l grgllP"pr!)I?,I'T.~,9t . lowing a rusaster such as flooding; and settlement of dispntes arising
survival. from the allocarion of water and the contribution oflabor. Who could
~
. Cdtural ecology is the intellectual tradition in anthropology most provide this management other than a powerfulleader? Cruefs and
closely associated with voluntarist theories (Binford 1968; Service later kings were thought to derive their authority from their filan-
1962, 1975; Steward 1955). In simple terms, cultural artifacts and ~gs;r:i<).LresponsibWties, which created irrigation systems (eventually
knowledge, sociopolitical organizarion, and religions are viewed as large ones) on_whic~the productivi}y.md survival of the local com-
parts of a society's core adaptation to its environment. A specifie forro munities dependeg. . ..... . '.
of polirieal organization, such as a ehiefdom, has been interpreted as a ~--Throngh the 1960'S and 1970'S, processual archaeologists ana-
social teehnology to solve critical problems. Thus the central diree- lyzed long-term cultural ehange as an adaptation to the enYÍronment
rion of a chiefly Ieader could be seen as neeessary for the group's (Binford 1968; Flannery 1972; cf. Kristiansen 1984). Using models
survival. adopted from Service, many researchers argued that redistributional
Service (1962: 144; Fried 1967: 183) d~.cribed chiefdoms as re- economies were managed by chiefs to make effective use of ecologícal
dis¡:;'¡b~ti'anal, s9Sieti~s:.,;:\B populations gre~'andliumansbetaroe" diversity (Cunlíffe 1978; Gibson 1974; Renfrew 1973) and to lessen
setllid ~"~d restricted to smaller territories, local varíation in re- risks of subsistence failure (Peebles and Kus 1977).
sourees led to specializations in locally efficient subsistence and eraft But, starting in the 1970'S, detaíled rustorical and archaeological
activities. In environmentally patchy regions, cororounities shifted sturues questioned the accuracy of the managerial theories for the
from generalized, self-sufficienteeoll9miestoward specialir.ed,..Je- development of centralleadership in cblefdoms and states (Brumfiel
gionallY¡lltégr~t~~s~?n;'~~~:.Ih!'§e"~QnQmi.es.then .reqnired-een: 1980; Earle 1977, 1978; Feinman and Neitzel 1984). Basically it was
tí'almanagement by chiefs to c09~<l!PAt,.the distributionoLspe- argued that in chiefdoms the complexity of trade and irrigation was
cializedpr9dll~t:".Th~chief gathered in the goods prodnced locally by••• not closely correlated with the degree of central leadership and in-
specialized communitiesandredistributed tliem to all cororolllllties. stitutíonal control. The complex chiefdoms of Hawai'i beeame a cen-
The cblef's "üthority derived from his essential position worrunaring tral case for the reanalysis of the economic role of cruefs, and some of
a regiorially íritegrated economic (andpolitical) system. the detaíled reasons for the inadequacy of managerial theories are
A1ternatívely, Wittfogel (1957;d. Earíe 1978: 37-49; Kirch 1994; described later in this chapter.
Service 1962: 150) saw the essential role of chiefs in the management gflfJpi:flfJPol4tiJf!Jl!g¡jJXJg,. .of.sQ\'i¡¡j ~~~I~t!?~1.~~~5'd09!.l..íl..critiqu.eof
 70 Sources ofEconomic PlJWer Sources ofEconomic PlJWer 7I

¡ the~<iap<~at;i~~:s0~?Ii~s,«eII)Pll"size that individlleLsand grQllPs..do f,sg~,l~~::v~~~,,~~i,t;l;.c3:;:'~~,.!~~2::!!:!i,~,ESY9.we is .tl1en u~~dJo.Ilay

lnot give up autonQ.tUy except W,º,I;n compelling power is exerted tQ_ P$:rso~~,t~!;1:~slJ~d .Eo.;J1~~~!'''..'':'l.~.9!:hs:¡;S ~Qrlingf9r; .tl1<:;~",t¡;.QUa
rn
1 ake themsubII)it. Control ov~r the factorsof pr?duction,dimibn< P~~EiIp$.)~e~i~:'.J.Q!.\l\r9Y,wA!lar!~,{2!l.5.;,~.W. Effective staple fl-
ti~n: orconsumption pro\cidesthefueshaúisin for amassingp<;;;;;~,. nance mnst be based on a property system through which staples are
To the'degree that me econoro)' is é;sential to human survival, control rp()pi)):z:~g.il:oP:LCQllilllQg~E~ as ,_"~ent"_, in r~turn for access t¿"~'~-b";i;­
over the economy yie1ds direct control over people's lives. Tbis con' t~~~~';sources. The criticai"p;~bi~~' is ~~ ~~~izc the gr~~s·_'·~s~~
·~.",j'p,""'-'"""'''''''''~~'"'''W"'
trol need not however be all-indusive; it is often selective, based on
" ' '_ ,,,',, <_J~-' '0<' "
plus" (OransI966) from the subsistence economy ihat can be de-
dominating particular parts of the economy.. ployed to support elite projects ranging from ritual occasions to craft
Théroots of these political theories are nourished in the soil activities to a warrior cadre. '!9_ mobilize a surRl~!~f~~_~!lal1ce requires
of historical materialism, built up by Ricardo (1821), Marx (19 67 ir],t.SI!!!!!is,nioD.,. "ud tbe . . proCeá~ __9U.memiti\;;ltiQn.creates conclitions
[18 67]), and the subsequent tradition of scholarship, which is much that ofren allQ~.landtQhe.mor¡;.¡;as.ily..f.9.!!![9~e;L
too rich to be summarized here (McGuire 1992). The basic point is There are a number of strategies for intensifying agricultural pro-
to understand how control over the productive process translates into . duction for social and subsistence goals (Morrison 1994). But these
control over the political economy and resulting dass differentiation. alternative strategies have profoundly different consequences, some
In the CommunistManifesto, Marx and Engels (1965 [1848]) assert foreseen and others unintended. A common strategy involves the
that ownership of capital gave indnstrialists a stranglehold on the po- building of agricultural facilities to retain and guide soil and water for
litical process in modern society. Ownership translated into an ability productive and sustainable farming. These facilities are developed by
to alienate the surplns and use these "proflts" for the owners' beneflt. local farmers to solve specific problems in agricultural production and
Ownership of the industrial technology asserts political domination. by their regional overIords to develop an institutional flnancial base.
But the model developed by Marx and Engels may in fact have In Nigeria, agricultural intensiflcation is correlated with the develop-
general applicability to the emergence of social complexity. The basic ment of "perimetric features" - boundary walls, ditches, enclosures,
principie from which their analysis derives cau, largue, exteud to the and the like - that both increase the land's productiviry and mark the
emergence of leadersbip in "tribal society;' that is, among '!~$_:~~ improved lands as owned by individuals (Stone I994). Intensiflca-
societies and chiefdoms. tion creates a social formatring ofthelandscape (Alder 1990), and the
~
resources demarcated by the constructed facilities can now be owned
and manipulated within the political economy.
Social Power from Economic Control The critical factor appears to be how the development of tech-
n()logicaJIy intensive Jerilling pr(wided th" opportUnliY foro;nttol
The core R~,::~!"g1J9L!h~~~.ps.~g~n~"QL~eI1t!~y <o.rl\aI1ized aI1 d ;<?- ¡'Y~!!Kil1st,itlltion1th,()ugl1al,,?d tenure systém. Locke (I947
ciallystratiflesl59cieties. must.oo .the~d"velopment oí a,politica!eco,l}:.
[I690]) conceivoo natural resources, such~sland, a; given by God to
2'!:i.!9¡¡;¡:-~.s1:_0$_'9:iyiQ~2.g.fJt.$:'X~5.';:,e.::,r;ir;gi!1~titutiQ):¡S (EarIe and all persons alike; then individuals invested their personal labor to
D'Altroy 1989). To understand this process, I have found it useful to
transform the resources, to improve land and make it private prop-
differentiate staple and wealth flnance, two systems based on different
erty. But why does a culturally speciflc concept like "improvement"
mechanisms of economic control.
translate into a more broadly applicable principie for human soci-
Stapie finance involves "obligatory payments in kind to the state ...
eties? Technological improvements of the resource do two things.
as ;;Sfiare'óf~;;;:n;noner'proifuce, 'asaspécifieªI0'Y,9f~sa:pi(j<l,t!<::e
~- "'-'_c"'~~""~""_""'_";'_v.. "., r.?,.",~:_,__",:h"·" - ""-,~,," ,- ,,-- -- - ,,' , ,- -- First, they radically differentiate land in terms of q¡.tality. Speciflc loca-
72 Sources ofEcouomic Power Sources ofEcouomic Power 73

tions that are improved become more productive and desirabie than them; farmers were thus tethered ro their farms and subjected to con-
other iocations in the region. Second, improvements evidently de- trol by the regional elites, who could threaten eviction for nonpay-
limit and mark the resource in ways that can be easily represented ment of tribute in labor and goods. In these circumstances, farmers
and recognized within the culmrallandscape. Improvements sucb as were easily victimized by the "awning" ruling segment, as emerging
walls, terraces, and ditches materialize the division of the landscape chiefdoms focused on the limited and productive irrigated sections.
and form the basis of a culmral system of land ownership (see A mling segment could expropriate rent from farmers "caged" by
Chapter 5). the productive advantages of irrigation (see Mann 1986). By irrigat-
How agriculmral improvements translated into the development ing the deserts, emerging leaders provided rich farmlands in a sterile
of systems of land tenure and polltical domination has been smdied world. Life in the desert derived from the rivers' water, channeled to
best with irrigation systems. By financing the construction of the fieids by the irrigation canals. The construcrion of the irrigation sys-
irrigation canals (and retaining warríors to enforce restricted access; tems provided great opportunities for settlement and farming, but
see Chapter 4), ruling instimtions became the owners of the most the canals were lifelines for the farmers, binding them securely to their
productive lands. "The digging and maintaining of irrigation systems masters. The farmers were caged, unable to survive except by what
are social tasks .... Now control of water puts in society's hands a was offered by ruling instimrions that owned the irrigated lands.
potent force to supplement supernamral sanctions" (Childe 1942: An alternative form of economic control was possible in regions
70). The leaders, by acting as the embodiment of the social group, where. excbange was significant. QQ!Jtl:QJ..2Yf.E,'!P~<;!.\\!!'~~~I?E().d~.~~()~
assert rights over the agriculmral systems and the mlmdane control ~~d di~!~ was smgled out by Childe (1936) as the critical
that they encapsulate. factor for the emergence of urban, state society. Although the market-
Adarns (1966) argues that the irrigation technology of early states based exchange that he envisioned did not exist in known chiefdoms,
was comparatively simple, but it created a productive and delimited . exchange of wealth objects was COrnmon and offered chiefs an alterna-
resource base. In Mesopotarnia, the long-term transformation of the tive Soutce of political power.
landscape limited the areas most productive for human use (Flannery Wealth finance is the use of special objects (primitive valuables
-~~-""'---'-''''''>"'''''''''~'''''''''''-''"'''''' ",."",,.'e,,",,,,",,,,< .,~'H·"", _ _ ,_ ,', ' _ '_", J
P~2~~'2E~~'2~n..sx.,~~2 j li!iJ1(ml¡cáU¡¡¡:~q¡;¡:¡¡;¡¡Q
'o', '_ ,: ',' __

1969). For hunter-gatherer societies, overall oppormnities may have

been low, but productiviry was quite egalltarian - the most produc- comnensate
'--~_""""""~,-",,,¡¡;,~--~",-. neonle w,·t..·- ~,"
,,,,~,,¡,~Ag.~~,,,W..@U imtitntin w:ealth·lncId· ti es di -
tive lands were spread over much of the landscape (perhaps 35 per- verse forms thar range from cbiefly prestige goods (Friedman and
cent). The shift to rainfall agriculmre noticeably decreased this dis- Rowlands 1977) to state market currencies (Brumfiel 1980) ._Q,pJ'<;.t$
tribution of the best lands, lirniting them to those microenvironments '!rL~,:<::alth. in thar"m,y.~ymJ:,,?fi~~yalue in s()Cial n:eanmg.ílJ1dlor,
with higher rainfall. The development of irrigation, however, trans- in exch;¡ng~.·Émerging elites~;';;t~-;;r;~~thfina;,~~by command-
formed the environments such that now only 2 percent of the land ·¡;:;;;:"'¡¡neclli.c aspe.c.
~,_,.::,t; __.',, ___ ._,.:,_,-'","""." ,,", ilt.
'" o. ._·.f..'.1'..." li¡t·e-.c~.0. ·h. '.o. m.'·.·y·.·.·.•·,·. F"'·""any'.P-th'
~~~,,,....,.l?..,\-~, ey
. ¿ 'can ~""'I
••. , .,-Contro

(the best-irrigated portian) was the most productive. With the selec- production by supporti,;g'a.ruch';'d ;pecialists who craft the wealth
tive application of force this land could be controlled by an emerging (Brurnfiel and Earle 19 87), Or ~"X.5~.S'?!}9:'?I.~::-:~,a:;s:~t:>lj!lti~;
central authority. ldatr!Jg.f.\lmP~.w;º¡;.j..(Junker 1990), by owning the means of transport
lo southeastern Spain, prehistoric farmers were bouud to the de- (Arnold 1995), or by dominating trading r,?utes (Sáenz 199 1 ).
veloped facilities On their farms (Gilman 1976, 1981). Although irri- }n ,ch}efdol1ls?,~~?;l~.~~ the mea~s ?fsy"!;b?yú,,g !"~l~¡;iQI1sl)ips,
gation systems and other agriculmral facilities may not have required upon which s?cialrankin¡; ~ests. Sincethe '~ocialstructl!re is . the. mos!
central management, farmers would have been reluctant to abandon i;;;-~Biñiaeteffili;;;;;;:;:'(;[cuÍ~ra1;-¡;oHtk2J.;ánde-;:;~,;mic
~~o_. "., ,_ _
v~ues,
 Sources ofEconomic PlJWer Sources ofEconomic PlJWer 75
74

>yP.sJ;¡l,QJivi,~L",ouoml>,s, define me economy as "institute process" was less intensive and environmentaUy marginal. In me Danish case,
(Polanyi 1957), by whicb mey mean mat t;hs;o,~SlSl'1:L~tI}lC~~,~~~~f~ irrigation and intensive agriculture did not exist; the political econ-
min~s ot;hS!~lWow;hip&andgoals"f,th<:,¡;.<;.q1,l5>'!?JYo Modern structural omy rested on involvement with me prestige-goods exchange that
Marxists contend mat control over me economy is handled through stretched across Europe. In all cases, economic power was in sorne
tradltional rights and obligations of me social structure. Leaders con- senses basic ro me political strategies to amass power, but me success
trol me economy by meir authori'Y over meir kin. According to of these strategies in aUowing chiefs to institutionalize and extend
Friedman and Rowlands, "me structures of reproduc-tion ... domi- their domination proved highly variable.
nate me processes of production and circulation and ... merefore
constitute me sociaUy determined form by whicb populations re-
Kaua'í, Hawaí'í (A.D. 8oo-I824)
produce memselves as economic entities" (1977: 0203). "Reproduc-
tion" in mis context refers to the continual remaking (mamtammg) The Hawaiian case illustrates how irrigation technology served as a
of existing social relationships. Following a structuralist logic, rules source of economic control in me emergence of complex chiefdoms.
must exist that function to replicate me system. Thus me social strue- My doctoral elissertation research (Earle 1978) began byeliscreelit-
ture determines me relationships of production by whicb traelitional ing me managerial theories of Witrfogel and Service, as related to
leaders elirect me labors of meir supporters involving accmnulation of Hawai'i, and went on to emphasize me role of irrigation in me politi-
goods, exchange of women, feasting, and accmnulation of prestige on cal economy mat operated on the western Hawaiian Islands where
a regional basis. irrigation dominated. Ruling chiefs used me staples grown on the
I!!E.g1le.rhílJSQutroLm¡e.ro meideolo~o.Q(AQ.Siil!E:u:'~ing r~sFed On irrigation systems to finance meir political aspirations. Economic
c81.ltrQLSlX"E,t;hS sy!t"mpf.lY~~It;h fin:lilce.We~m fion"'.'ce has a oIll~t'?:: control was based upon ownership of the irrigation systems; land
~dyantage ov~:rstapk ofinance. Its 0 highly valuedobJectsa,:e ~~.s;!¡; plots were aUocated to conunoner farmers in return for their corvée
trmsportedóver 2Órlsidt,~a~I~,~\~¡~E'" .aíidCail De us"dt.S,~~~ l,?~ labor growing foods mat were me currency of me chiefdoms.
dIStance cóntról'over p~ople.The centralizedelistrib1Jtionoí weoalm To summarize briefly me argument documented in my dissertation
aJ¡;;;~~ill'p¡íis'e&"to1JC·aCü¡mulated"Ceiítral1y. But me apparent advan- (Earle 1978), my goal was to evaluate me "prime movers" (irriga-
tages of~ealm finance are quickly offset by its limit<lti811S. Control tion, redistribution, and warfare) then mought to be responsible for
over wealm can be highly problematic; as its value increases, a strong the evolurion of social complexity. Accoreling to the managerial meo-
pressure builds to ~muggk goods outside .;restab!Ished' networks and ries, population growth created problems for hwnan adaptation mat
to produce fakes outside of recognized craft shops. At me same nme, could be solved only (or at least most efficiently) by me central direc-
me value can be destabilized mrough inflation or cultural elisruption .. tion of chiefs and eventuaUy state managers. However, me archae-
While me needs of nutrition in stapk finance are constant, me desires ological and historical evidence from Kaua'i appeared to show mat
ofwealm can be fickle. Butthis is getting ahead of myself; me Danish me managerial theory ofWitrfogel (1957) regareling irrigation and
case wili illustrate me use of wealm. mat of Servíce (1962) regareling redistribution were inadequate to
What me cases show are me eliverse means of economic control explain me evolution of me islands' chiefdoms.
and me elifferent outcomes mat are possible among chiefdoms. The Witrfogel (1957: 239-46) used me Hawaiian chiefdoms to sup-
Hawaüan case illustrates how econornic power emerged with me cre- port his hydraulic hypothesis mat me technological complexi'Y of
ation of irrigation systems owned by me cbiefs. 1 men look at the irrigation technologies caused managerial problems that could only
limitations of economic power in the Andean case, where agriculture
76 Sources ofEconomic Power Sources ofEconomic Pmver 77

be solved by a central administration. He believed tbat tbe develop-

ment of tbe konohiki, tbe chiefs' land managers, was a result of tbe
technical problems ofHawaiian irrigation.
The early western explorers were impressed by tbese prodnctive
and orderly irrigation systems of tbe Hawaiian Islands. The botanist
Archibald Menzies, who travded witb George Vancouver's expedi-
tion to Kaua'i in I792, describes the irrigation systems in the Waimea
VaIley:
TI[] Pond t'ields with intake, imerfield, and exhaust f10w
We walked to the confiuence of these two streams [wruch feed into the lnigation ditch
Waimea River], and found that the aqueduct which watered the whole plan- --lI=::: Cernen! weir
tatiún is brought up with much art and labor along the bottom of the rocks ~ Stream
from the northwest branch, from here we saw it supported in its CQurse _/1_ Headdam
o lOO 200
through a narrow pass by a piece of masonry raised from the side of the river, METERS H House or shack
_________ Comours
upwards of 20 fcet and facing lts bank in so ncat and artful a manner as would
do no discredit to more scicntific builders. Indeed the whole plantation ls laid .. ~ Swamp

out with great neatness and ls intersected by small banks conveying Jittle
streams [irrigation canals] from the aboye aqueduct to Rood distant fields on
each side at pleasure, by which their esculent roots [taro] are brought to such Figure 3.r. A trarutional irrigation system on an island in the Wainiha stream,
petfection, thatthey are the bestof every kind 1 ever saw. (Menzies 1920: 29) Kaua'i, This system was functioning in 1972 (Earle 1978).

The neatuess of tbe irrigation systems appealed to tbe European sense < was a community (ahupna'a) controlled by a high-ranking chief and
of an ordered landscape. his or her manager. As a valley stream approached tbe sea, aIlnvial
The irrigation systems on Kaua'i were, however, quite small in soils had been deposited on islands in tbe stream, on tbe valley floor,
scale and technically simple. The mean size of 44 irrigation systems and on tbe coastal plain. Typically, a percolation dam of loose stream
described in tbe Haldea district in tbe historie period (Earle 1978 ) boulders was tbrown up across tbe stream; water backed up behind
was ouly two hectares; only one system was larger tban five hectares, tbe dam and was diverted into a simple eartb ditch tbat earried the
and sixteen were smaller tban one hectare. The mean number of farm- water a hundred meters or so a10ng tbe edge of tbe valley or down tbe
ers on a system was ouly five, and witb only one exception, eaeh eenter of an island to tbe taro fields. Water was delivered to pond
system was entirely restrieted to a single community's territory. Tradi-< fields (lo'i) eitber directly from tbe central ditch, from a short second-
tional Hawaiian irrigation was evidently small-scale and communiry- ary diteh, or from a higher field. Eaeh field was embanked by a bund, a
based, and it certainly did not require tbe supracommuniry organiza- one-to-two-meter-wide eartben bank tbat impounded water to create
tion envisioned by Witrfogel. tbe artificial pond-field environment. Each field was a separate terrace
Moreover, tbe teehnology of Hawaiian irtigation systems was witb a front retaining wall of beaten eartb or reinforced stone, de-
quite simple (Earle 1978: IlO-13; Spriggs and Kirch 1992). A rypi- pending on tbe steepness of tbe topography. Water was kept flowing
cal system ean be reeonstrncted from a combination of tbe histor- tbrough tbe pond and down tbe stair-stepped terraces, eventually
ical, archaeological, and etbnographic evidence available in tbe early returning to tbe stream. The highly productive taro (Colocasia es-
1970'S on Kaua'i (Fig. 3-I). Historically on Kaua'i, each major valley culenta) was planted in tbe water. Taro is a cultivated aroid, originally
 Sources ofEconomic Power Sources ofEcomJmic Power 79
78

domesticated in southeast Asia. It produces a corm, an enlarged stem ers could expeet a high yield with relatively low risks (Kirch 1994); it
below the surface, which is one of the most productive carbohydrate was a good deal for them. But farmers will not produce a surplus
root crops in the world. Other crops, such as banana, sugarcane, and unless compelled to do so. The logic of the subsistence economy is
sweet potato, grew on the banks that surrounded the pond fields. simply ro produce for the immediate needs of the family and then to
The technology of Hawaiian irrigation was ingenious but elemen- rest (Sahlins 1972). The ability to produce surplus only translates
tal. The primary teehnical principies were that water fiows downhill iuto the mobilization of resources if political controls are in place.
and that it can be contained by beaten earth. No special knowledge or The physical nature of the irrigated fields formed the linchpin oE
large-scale labor was necessary for constrnction of any part of the the Hawaiian polirical economy. The community's konohiki oversaw
system, and the systems conld have been expanded easily over an the construction and maintenance of its irrigation system and by ex-
extended time. A cross-cultural comparison of societies with similar tension other commmllty activities. As part of his management, the
scale and complexity of irrigation m.kes clear that central, chieflJz- konohiki allocated land to individual households, including their
management was unnecessary. After the Great Mabele and up ro the house sites (pahale), individuallo'i on the valley's irrigation systems,
present, irrigation systems of similar complexity have been main- and assoeiated dryland plots (kula). Each man then farmed his lo'i
tained by cooperating farmers (Earle 197 8 ). and kula for his family's subsistence, and in retum he was obligated
But the chiefs' managers did routinely oversee the constrnction and to farm ko'ele land, which produced staples for his chiefly overlords
management of Hawaiian irrigation. Many accounts (Comey 1898 (Fig.302).
[1818]; l'i 1959: 68; Stewart 1830: 142) describe the work crews that This system of laud tenure was not codified in law; it was highly
constrncted the pond fields and prepared them for planting. The flexible, manipulated by ehiefs to generate the surplus used in political
konohiki organized the layout and digging of a ditch, the building of maneuverings. Ultimate "ownership'l rested with the paramount
the pond fields, regular repair, rebuilding following fiooding, and chief, based on his political office. Although this office was, in princi-
preparation for planting. For example, a festive work crew under the pIe, inherited patrilineally by the fírst son of the fírst son (and thus by
direction of their konohiki trod the earthen base of a pond field to the highest-ranked individual in the society), in faet it was most com-
restriet water percolation and prepare the soil for planting: "On the monly seized during wars of suceession and conquest. The para-
day of treading the ldi was filled with water, .nd the owner of the mount then delegated to his closest supporters the rights in a commu-
patch made ready plenty of'food' (poi), pork, and 'fish: It was a great nity. The title of community ehief was a political compensation for
day for men, women, and ehildren ... bedecked with greenery and support and could be rescinded at will by the paramount. The com-
worked with all might" (Kamakau 1976: 34). The irrigation systems munity chief then appointed a konohiki, often to compensate a lower-
were the produet of social labor, people working together in an orga~ ranking chief who had been a warrior supporting the paramount. The
nized social evento But why, given that the irrigation systems were so konohiki allocated the land to commoners, and the staples mobilized
small and technically simple that eaeh farmer could have built his as reut from the cornmoners were the currency of the ehiefdom.
own? During the Great Mabele, when the Hawaiian land-tenure system
Irrigated agricultural produetion was a great opportunity for sur- was transformed to one of private ownership like that in Europe, the
plus that could be used to support the Hawaiian chiefs. Even for details of traditional practice were recorded in legal proceedings
relatively small irrigated fields, the extraordinary productivity of irri- (Earle 1978; Linnekin 1987; Sahlins 1992). Eaeh person came for-
gated taro easily allowed 50 to 70 percent surplus output (Spriggs and ward to describe his or her claim on land and its traditional basis in
Kirch 1992: 161). Once an irrigation system had been built, the farm- hierarchicalland allocation, inherited use rights, and continued use. A
 Sources ofEconomic Power 81

typical c1aim might contain information like that of Koiniho (Land

Commission Award [LCA] 2,927), who lived in Anahulu VaIley,
N O'ahu. He c1aimed seven pieces, the most important including his

i
irrigated pond fields: "To the Land Commission: I, Koiniho, a ka-
maaina [lit., 'child of the land'] , have a claim from ancient [the time
of] Kamehameha. The first [tract] is [in] Lahuimoho, where there
are four mo'o 'aina [sections] with 23 lo; [wet taro fields j. It is sur-
rouuded by the land of Nauwahi, the stream and the cliff, Napuna-
\ wai's land, and my cliffside paper mulberry grove on the north of
\ Lahuimoho" (Sahlins 1992: II; bracketed insertions in original). To
document the claim, a farmer recounted the original assignment,
characteristically by a konohiki to the claimant or his or her ancestor.
The land-use right of commoners descended in the male lineo Prior to
the Mahele, land passed aImost exclusively patrilineally, from father
to son, or paternal grandfather to grandson; women, receiving the
land in the 1840'S when many were dying of introduced diseases, were
but "placeholders on the land" (Linnekin 1987).
This patrilineal inheritance of traditional use rights in land, I argue
(Earle 1978; contra Linnekin 1987), reftects the position of land in
the system of staple finance. Land was given to men because they were

--
the corvée workers on the chiefty ko'ele land and other projects orga-
1 nized by the konohiki. When a female received land, it was quickly
o 100 200 transferred to a male. A common pattem, recorded in the Mahele
METERS
records on Kaua'i, was for a woman to inherit from her dead husband
k Kula
and then to transfer ownership immediately to her new husband. To
O Pabale retain use of the land a widow apparenrly had to remarry so that her

~
,. Ko'ele new husband could provide the labor service. The land-use rights of
the cornmoners rested on this corvée-labor contribution.
Lo'i apana
The Mahele records provide cases in which individuals' claims
~ Ditch
were contested because their use rights had been rescinded by the
konohiki (Eade 1978: 187). The cause for the rescinding was ofren
simple - the inability of an individual to provide labor to the kono-
Figure 3,2. Layout of the historical settlement and farming areas in ~e.
.
hiki. Specific cases of lost land-use rights give such reasons as emigra-
ahupua'a of Waioli. Shown are the house lots (pahale), commoner lITlgatlOn
allotments (lo'i apana) , and chiefly ko'ele (Earle 1978 ). tion, death without a male heir, or even iII health: "Konohiki took
away [tract] numbers 3 and 4 on the grouuds that the claimant was
getring old and his labor on the konohiki days of little worth" (LCA
82 Sources ofEcouomic Power Sources ofEcouomic Power

IO,3' 3). "Lands were given by the konohiki in the days ofKaikeoewa historie subsistenee practices and that areas with dry farming often
[governor of Kaua'i 1825-39] and have been held 'til 1849 when sustained politieal development. On the Big Island, where the largest
elaimant was elected superintendent of schools and beearne freed Hawaiian chiefdoms developed, irrigation was highiy localized and
from the konohiki work. The result was that the konohiki took away comparatively unimportant (see Earle I980: fig. 1). In the Pacme
his lands and gave them to another. Kowelo was left destitute of food" generally, Kirch sees that dryland systems, with limited potential
(LCA II,063). The lesson was elear. A person's farmland, on whieh for involution (internal intensification through capital investrnent),
he and his farnily depended for subsistence, was his oruy as long as he were channeled into political expansiono Therefore, the dryland zones
worked for the konohiki. of the Hawaiian Islands may have been incnbators for conquest
The land-tenure system controlled corrunoner labor and lay at the chiefdoms. Kirch adds a significant dimension to our understanding
base of the system of staple finance. From the chief's ko'ele lands, the of long-term evolutionary dynamics that ereated divergent pathways
corrununity chief received the staples that were used as currency in the founded on different forms of intensmcation. Two contrasting power
politieal economy. The staples supported feasts to compensate work bases are thus recognized - the economy, based on improved agricul-
crews. The staples also supported the speeialists attached to the chiefs, tural facilities that increased political surplus, and the military, an
who ineluded the konohiki, warriors, and craft specialists. Corrunu- expansionist force to seize and channel surplus (see Chapter 4) .
nity labor was also used to raise pigs, maintain fishponds, collect As an example, according to traditional history, Liloa, father of
special products ftom the mountains, and perform many other duties. 'Umi, lived in Waipi'o Valley, and "that was the land on which the
Units of land use, the indiVidual irrigated fields, were the entities of ruling chiefs lived in aneient times" (Karnakau I961: 2). Loeated on
social produetion. By controlling the corrunoners' labor through the rain-drenehed north coast of Hawai'i, Waipi'o is a deep valley
owning their means of livelihood, the chiefs mobilized the resources . where the most extensive prehistoric irrigation systems on the Big
to finance other sourees of power in the complex Hawaiian political Island had been built. But when 'Umi was forced out ofWaipi'o, he
economy (see Chapter 6). The irrigation systems, in particular, pro- retreated to th.e marginal drylaud zone, where he created an intensive
vided the opportunity for control over the corrunoners' subsistence agricultural base to supporr his ambitions (Kirch I994: 26I). Even-
andlabor. tually he was able to conquer the irrigation base of Waipi'o and to
The point, to which I return in Chapter 5, is that the development unite the island ofHawai'i. Kirch (I994) emphasizes that because the
of the irrigation technology was pivotal for an ideology of chief!y rule. great Hawaiian pararnountcy was based in the dryland areas, it re-
The chiefs, as organizers of the social labor responsible for the irriga- quired a political strategy based on military expansiono
tion systems, were the owners. From the cornmoners who lived on But on Hawai'i, at least, and probably elsewhere thtoughout the
the pond fields' harvest derived a steady and predictable supply of Pacific, the intensmcation of dryland farming created agricultural fa-
labor that created the infrastructure and superstructure of the chiefs' cilities that, I would argue, had charaeteristics sinillar to those of
ruling institutions. irrigation. Of course the irrigation systems were inherently more pro-
Kirch (I994) has criticized the position that irrigation and its ductive; once in place, the high yield of the farmers' labor would have
ownership and use in the politieal economy were basie to the evolu- drawn them to the facilities. The dryland fields were more problem-
tion of Hawaiian chiefdom. Throughout the Paemc, political evolu- atic; they were less inherently desirable to the local farmers, but they
tion rests on agricultural intensmcation, but the pathways and pro- placed similar limitations on the options available to those farmers. In
cesses are in fact highiy complicated and not reducible to simple this regard the creation of agricnltural facilities, whether irrigation or
formulations. He emphasizes that a wet-dry contrast existed in pre- the dryland complexes, established a demarcated landscape.
 1

Sources ofEconomic Power 1 Sources ofEconomic Power 85

Stone (1993, 1994) describes how the intensification of dryland several miles aboye us . . . [every spot 1 was with great labor and
agriculture in Africa does not necessarily result in expansionist strat- industry cleared ofloose stones and planted with escuient roots .... In
egies. He contrasts the Kofyar, who invest in agricultural faCllitles, clearing the ground, the stones are heaped up in ridges between the
with the Tiv, who practice extensive farming and are an expanSlOnlst little fields" (1920: 75). These complexes of dryland fields, terraces,
segmentary society. By investing in the dryland agricultural facili- borders, boundaty walls, and trails were, like the irrigation systems,
ties, the Kofyar create a landscape that is improved and demarcated technological improvements to the productive potential of the land-
by physical markers of owned land. 1his situation of cap'tal ,m- scape. Their control of sheet runoff and erosion was essential to allow
provement, with a corresponding manufactured cultural land~cape, shortening of the fallow cycle. At the same time, though this may not
may characterize prehistoric Hawai'i as weU. Agricultural faCllitles, have been intended by their builders, the new physicallandscape was
whether irrigated or dty, were part of the "landesque capital inten- subclivided into specific units of production on which use rights could
sification" (Blaikie and Brookfield 1987; Kirch 1994: 19) thatformed be allocated and monitored.
the economic basis of power across the Hawaiian Islands (see Chap- Kirch (1994) argues convincingly that the dryland field complexes
were much less productive than the irrigated fields. Two very clifferent
ter 5).
The fields of Lapakahi, located on the western N orth Kohala coast dynamics were thus created for the development of chiefdoms: one
(Rosendahl 1972; Kirch 1984, 1985b), illustrate how agricultural in- on the western Hawaiian Islands, where irrigation dominated, and
tensification in dryland areas of Hawai'i created an owned landscape. the other on the eastem islands, where dtyland complexes dominated.
The terrain slopes gently from the Kohala Mountains to the coast, His argument emphasizes a key part of my thesis: the specific nature
unbroken by eroded valleys. The ahupua'a were defined more or less of the chiefdoms' economic base affects profouncliy how they can
arbitrarily as narrow strips (ofren less than two kilometers wide) . control economic resources. But even for the intensified dryland
running from coast to mountains. Trails and stone markers de'.,g- farming areas, the physical nature of the built landscape created the
nated the community territory, and within the community, Hawallan basis for a land-tenure system not unlike that founded on the irriga-
cultivators built extensive fields in a zone of suitable temperature and tion facilities. Whether built clirectly under chiefly supervision or later
rainfaU that lay between 250 and 600 meters aboye sea leve!. Perma- taken over by chiefly overlords, the technology of intensification cre-
nent fields were constrncted with low stone walls that made narrow, ated a sharp separation between improved and unimproved lands (d.
contoured terraces, lessening erosiono The fields were clivided into cliscussion in Chapter 2 of Gihnan 1976, 1981). The facilities them-
sections by a regular partern of trails that were laid out up- and down- selves, with walls and other clivisions, became the ownership markers
slope and were marked by bordering stones. Within the fields were of plots that local farmers would leave reluctantly. (Kirch [1996, per-
smallliving shelters. As Kirch describes, "the field borders and trails sonal communication 1 questions why the farmers of Hawai'i were
break up the agriculturallandscape into a regular grid with inclividual then so willing to leave their farrnlands to accompany the military
field units of rectangular shape" (1984: 182; see Pig. 3·3)· In Stone's invasion of O'ahu in 1804. It may be relevant that the westem islands
(1994) terminology, the "perimetric features" built to intensify dry- which Kamehameha invaded were rich in stream valleys for irrigation,
land production served to mark boundaries of ownership and use. . and that a main activity foUowing conquest was to construct new
Menzies describes the dtyland field system of Kona 111 terms cli- irrigation systems and to give land in compensation to his supporters,
rectly comparable to his earlier descriptions of the irrigation fields: many of whom were from the less productive dtylands.)
"As we advanced beyond the breadfruit plantations, the country be- At contact, the power of Hawaiian chiefs derived from their con-
came more and more fertile, being in a high state of cultivation. For trol over commoner labor, exercised through the system ofland ten-
86 Sources ofEconomic Power Sources ofEronomic Power

ure. As just described, this system to mobilize labor was embodied in ities appears to have been part of the political strategy to increase
tbe facilities of intensive agriculture. The historic sequence illustrates surplus production. It was not a response to population growth.
how tbe emergence of islandwide chiefdoms was tied to tbe inten- During theAunexation Periad (A.D. 1650-1821), the island chief-
sification of tbe subsistence economy tbat formatred tbe landscape. doms were solidly instituted, and island paramounts atrempted by
Early in tbe Hawaiian sequence, during tbe long period of coloniza- conquest warfare to bring multiple island. under tbeir sway. Kaua'i
tion and settlement spread, sorne irrigated taro fields were bullt. Be- paramounts extended control over the smaller island of Ni'ihau, and
cause taro-pond-field agriculture was widespread tbroughout tbe Pa- tbe chiefdoms of Mani and Hawai'i were locked into reciprocal inva-
cific, Hawilian colonists may have carried tbe knowledge of irrigation sions. The coming of the Europeans with tbeir large ships and guns
witb tbem. A1ternatively, irrigation technology could have been de- broke the stalemate and gave Kamehameha, the young paramount of
veloped independently under simHar conditions (Kirch 1984: 17 1 ; Hawai'i, his opportunity to conquer tbe western islands of Maui,
Kirch and Lepofsky 1993). Of six pre-A.D. 800 radiocarbon dates for O'ahu, Molokai, and Lanai; ouly tbe chiefdom of Kaua'i resisted
agriculture in tbe Hawaiian Islands, half were from irrigated fields invasion and retained sorne political autonomy until the death of
(AIlen 1992: 54). During tbe Formative Period (A.D. 1200-1400 ), Kaumuali'i (see Chapter 4) .
when population in tbe islands grew rapidly, oral histories describe an A1though not well documented by radiocarbon, this late, rapid
emerging stratified society (Hornmon 1976). The numbers of radio- political expansion was apparently funded by tbe expanding pro-
carbon dates for irrigation complexes increase, but initially quite ductivity of newly constructed irrigation systems. Following con-
slowly (AIlen 1992). quest of O'ahu, Kamehameha, Iike 'Umi before him, developed tbe
Then, apparently quite rapidly, irrigation systems were built as island's agriculture. Based on tbe ruling ideology, he personally par-
a means to institutionalize tbe financial structure of the new chief- ticipated in consrnICtion: "[Kamehamcha ]Iabored himself with his
doms. During tbe Consolidation and Unification Periods (A.D. 1400- own hands. He worked at tbe fishponds ... aII about O'ahu. He made
16 50 ), tbe building and use of irrigation systems soared, peaking the great taro patches at Waikiki ... and cleared the land at Waikiki,
arouud A.D. 1500 (AIlen 1992: fig. 3). Oral histories describe tbis Honolulu, Kalamanamana ... and aII the other places; and when a11
time as one of fiercely competiug regional chiefdoms tbat periodically tbe lands were under cultivation he cultivated mauka [inland, toward
succeeded in integrating an island. The development of tbe irrigation the mountains] in Nu'uanu" (Kamakau 1961: 192; see also 1'i 1959:
systems was evidently tied to tbe development of tbe system of staple 68). The combined historical and archaeological investigation in tbe
finance (AIlen 1991). The dryland complexes were built during tbe Anahulu Valley on O'ahu demonstrates that tbe primary development
same time. The Lapakahi sequence dowments tbe construction of here, at Ieast in the upper valley section, dates to tbe invasion of
dryland agricultural facilities starting about A.D. 1450, witb inten- Kamehameha. The irrigated taro fields were constructed to support
sification tbereafter. The expansion of botb irrigation and dryland his army, which was 7,000 strong, and to finance his planned invasion
systems seems to fit witb tbe expansion of tbe Hawaiian chiefdoms ofKaua'i (Kirch 1990, 1992).
and tbe demands of tbe political economy. As an important element On Kaua'i tbe major development of irrigation on the fertile
of tbe ruling ideology, tbe famed 'Umi was depicted as a farmer. Witb northern coast was very late, into the historie periad (Athens 1983:
his own hands, "he built sorne large wer taro patches in Waipi'o, and 29). The land records give cases of warriors receiving land around the
farming was done on aII tbe lands. Much of tbis was done in Kona" fishpond of Kanoa in Hanalei, and it appears that this facility was
(Kamakau 1961: 19). The construction oftbe major agricultural facH- newly constructed for them (Barle 1978: 154).
 88 Sourcer ofEconomic Puwer Sources ofEconomic Puwer 89

Phase 1 the beginning of the nineteenth eentury was a means to expand the
staple finance system based on intensive agricultural production. The
conquest then seized irrigation complexes that allowed for lateral
expansion of the finanee base for the new Hawaiían state.

~\ But even as the system of staple finance was being created, it was
already being undermined by new economic relationships that sprang
=----
~¡
¡ from the incorporation of Hawai'i inro the world economy. Oppor-

1----: tunities for foreign exehange undermined control exercised through

subsistenee. The first major economic transformation dated to the

L--f
.
;
.:
Sandalwood Period (1812-30), when the island stands offragrant
wood were cut for expott by foreign traders to China (Sahiins 1992:
l=- f 57-97). The community chiefs, through their konohiki, mobilized
·!~!. labor to cut the wood. The rapacious exploitation of the natural re-
E---.-----i souree rapidly exhausted the available supplíes, on the one hand, and
·:
: :
.:
·· .. diverted labor away from the construction and maintenance of the
: :

~¡
community irrigation systems, on the other. To escape the konohiki's
increasing demands for labor and to take advantage of new oppor-
nmities for escape provided by the expanding commercial economy
Key: .......... Trails in the port city of Honolulu and on the western ships, farmers began
- - Field borders to leave their rural communities. The feudal tethers on labor through
control over staple production were severed, and an exuberant econ-
Figure 3.3. Three phases of deve10pment of the dryland fields and trails within omy of grandeur followed (Sahiins 1992).
the narrow ahupua'a land ofLapakahi, Hawai'i (after Kirch 1984; reprinted
Prior to the islands' ineorporation within the world mercantile
courtesy of Cambridge University Press).
economy, power in the Hawaiían chiefdoms carne to rest firtuly on
the foundation of the intensive irrigation economy. The facilities and
The dryland field complexes on the Big Island ofHawai'i may well
the land-tenure system that they materialized were a consistent and
have been expanded extensively in the early historie periodo Kireh
strong form of economic control upon which other sourees of power
(1984: 182-92) describes how the demands of the polítical economy
could be assembled. Surplus mobilized through the agriculture sys-
caused a rapid expansion and restructuring of the dryland agricultural
tems supported a warrior elite (Chapter 4) and the materialized ide-
systems. The fields of Lapakahi appear to have been continually sub-
ology of chiefly rule (Chapter 5).
divided, suggesting increased investment in soi!- and water-control
facilities (Hg. 3.3). The Lalmilo-Waimea field complex, which in-
cluded both permanent fields and irrigation for intermittent water The Upper Mantaro Valley, Peru (A.D. 500-1534)
¡'i"
flows, was apparently constructed between 1790 and 1794, when Ka-
meharneha was consolídating his regional power base (Reeve 1983). The primary economic explanation for the evolution of complex so-
The large-seale and intensive constructíon of agricultural facilities at eieties in the Andes has been WirtfogePs hydraulic hypothesis. He saw
 90 Sources ofEconomic Puwer

quite correctly mat me potential use of me dry coastal valleys de-

pended on me development of large-scale irrigation systems to make
me deserts bloom. The improved productive facilities of irrigation
would have encouraged me development of centralized political sys-
tems as either meir managers (Witrfogel 1957) or meir owners (as in
me Hawaiian case; Earle 1978).
Regardless of meir potential merit for coastal Pero, me hydraulic
theories have proven less adequate to explain me development of me
chiefdoms and conquest empires in the Andean highlands. Unlike
mose in me coastal valleys, in me highlands irrigation systems were
small-scale; few cornmunities depended on irrigation, and existing
systems could easily have been managed within trarutional cornmu-
nity organizations. Economic control, so important to the Hawaiian
case, appears here to have been rodimentary; here me primary basis of
power for me chiefdoms was warfare (see Chapter 4). These chief- /
doms remalned relatively small and institutionally undeveloped ex- /
/
cept when conquered by the highland empires of the Wari and later
me Inka.
In me upper Mantaro ValIey in Pero, population grew a10ng with
me intensification of production. Forests were cleared away and sorne
permanent agricultural facilities were built. Superficially this process
seems similar to me Hawaíían case, but me high-elevation environ-
ment of me Mantaro ValIey was radically different. Agriculture would
a1ways have been marginal, because me lirults were imposed by tem-
perature, which could not be a1tered substantially. "Landesque capital
intensification" was thus ineffective, and opportunities for economic
control were not created.
In me Mantaro, me history of agriculture and its associated land-
,¡. scape facilities have been the focus of extensive research (Hastorf
1993; Hastorf and Earle 1985; Parsons 1978), and the construction of Figure 3·4· Drained field complex in the Yanamarca Valley, Peru (after Earle
et al. I980; Hastorf and Earle I985; reprinted courtesy of the Institute of
mese facilities appears to correlate wim the polítical evolutíon of me Archaeology, VelA).
valley's chiefdoms. During the Huacrapukio Period (A.D. 200-800)
in the Yanamarca ValIey, increasing population occupied extensive
areas where dry, fallow-cycle farming predominated, and small-scale
chiefdoms deve10ped (see Chapter 2). Local communities may a1so
have constructed 200 hectares of drained fields at mis time (Fig. 3.4;
92 Sources ofEcouomic Power Sources of Economic Power 93

Hastorf and Earle 1985: 572-77). These fields were small, raised development and use of the facilities correlates well with the emer-
planting surfaces surrounded and interconnected by a web of drainage gence of the Tiwanaku state. Stanish (1994) argues that the state
canals that led water off the planting areas roward Lake Tragadero. developed the capital-intensive restructuring of the agriculturalland-
At a very different scale, large complexes of drained fields exísted scape so as to generate surplus to finance its activities, including con-
elsewhere in the Andes. In a region of annual flooding known as the struction of massive ceremonial precincts at the nearby center of
Llanos de Mojos in lowland Bolivia, Denevan (1966) estimates that Tiwanaku.
about 80,000 drained fields covered 6,000 hectares, or 0.1 percent of In the Mantaro Valley, the specific character of the environment
the region's land area. Fields were of several rypes, but they raised the appears not to have offered such opportunities for intensification.
planting surface permanently above flood levels. Extensive artificial The drained -field systems there created small "islands" of permanent,
settlement mounds and interconnectíng causeways were associated highiy productive agricultural fields among extensive areas of dry
with the agricultural complexes and created an artificiallandscape of farming. Although capital improvements like the drained fields could
savanna chiefdoms (Denevan 1966: 133)· quite easily have been constructed by farmers according to their indi-
Extensive areas of raised field álso edged the highiand Lake Tiricaca vidual needs, a drained-field complex becomes a capital improvement
(Erickson 1987; Kolata 1991; Smith, Denevan, andHamilton 1968 ). ro the landscape that offers sorne opportunities for control. Super-
From experimental work, Kolata (1991) argues that the raised fields ficially at Ieast, the drained fields of the Mantaro are similar to those
created highiy productive quinoa and potato farming that sustained that supported the small-scale political economy ofNew Guinean Big
the urban center of the Tiwanaku empire (A.D. 400- 1000). The three Men (Heider 1970), but the specific soil and water conditions of the
highiand valleys at the empire's core contained 19,000 hectares of Mantaro may simply have limited the opportunities for agricultural
raised fields. "The flow of water from natural sources that fed Tiwa- intensification that accompanied the emergence of the southern Ti-
naku raised-fields was enhanced and regulated by massive hydraulic wanaku state.
projects designed by the agroengineers ofTiwanaku" (Kolata 1991: During the Wanka I and II phases (A.D. 800-1460) in the Man-
101 ) . Kolata ( 1991) argues that the subsistence base of the Tiwanaku taro, population again expanded rapidiy. The corresponding out-
state depended upon these technicaily sophisticated, regionally inte- break of hostilities forced populations into Iarge, fortified settlements
grated field systems, designed and overseen by state managers. These located at higher e1evations on hilltops and ridges. Perhaps as a result
systems, in contrast to those in the Mantaro Valley, were apparently of the growth and concentration of Wanka population, or alterna-
constructed as part of state development projects to provide a staple tively at the initiative of their chiefs, sorne significant agricultural
finance base for the state. The intensified, highiy producrive landscape facilities were constructed at this time. Fed by a puna spring, a high-
of agricultural fields would have tethered the farming popularion to . elevation irrigation system (Parsons 1978; Hastorf and Earle 1985:
their land and indirectly to the state. fig. 8) led water through 24 kilometers of branching canals ro irrigate
Dating of the long-term development and use of agricultural sys- about sixty hectares of agriculturalland. In one location, prehisroric
tems has been problematic, hut the distribution of settlements with fields contained elaborate ridges that apparently drained excess mois-
respect to the agricultural facilities has proved a due to their temporal ture and controlled the setrling of cold air and resulting frost (Hastorf
sequence (Stanish 1994). In the Juli-Pomata region along the shores 1983). Extensive ridged fields were also constructed throughout the
of Lake Titicaca, extensive areas of drained fields were constructed. puna of Junin immediately to the north of the Mantaro; these fields
Although the distribution of Middie Formative settlements suggests were associated with the Late Intermediate Period settlements of
that the first use of the fields was as early as 800-200 B.C., the primary puna chiefdoms (Matos 1975).
94 Sources ofEconomic Power Sources ofEconomic Power 9S

The canals of the high-e!evation system carried water along the goods supported the Inka army and compensated people working
base of the mountain ridge upon which stood the main Wanka II loeally for the state.
center of Tunánmarca, and they crossed the territories of several The power to control the subsistenee economy derived from both
smaller settlements that were politically domiuated by the Tunán- an explicit military threat and the system of land tenure. All lands
marca chiefdom. By analogy with present-day irrigation in the Andes belonged to the state by virtue of conquest, and these lands were held
(Mitchell '973, 1991), community labor, organized by leaders, likely by, and finaneed the operation of, the state administration and re-
built and maintained the irrigatíon ditches. Irrigated lands would ligions institutions. The lands, expropriated from the vanquished lo-
have been the community's most productive, and they may have in- cal communities, were returned to them for their subsistence use in
cluded the chief's fields, which were farmed for him by members of compensation for their providing corvée (mit'a) labor to farm state
his community. lands and to carry ont other state projects. The system ofland tenure,
To the degree that a family's participation in the farrning cycle was itself part of the state ideology, was the justification for this economic
necessaty for it to qualify for a land allocation, the management of power. But the state's dependence on mit'a labor must always have
both the labor and the allocation gave some leverage, however weak, been difficult, as subtle resistance to state mobilization would have
to theloealleader. "[The Wanka] neither paid land tax or gave tribute been prevalent.
to any ovedord and reeognízed no ovedord exeept that they gave re- The agriculturallands appear to have been divided into undevel-
speet to the said cinchecona" (Toledo 1940 [1570]: 23, translated oped and developed lands. Most of the highlands were largely un-
by LeVine 1979: 82); "ro these leaders they gave no tribute other developed, without sueh agricultural facilities as irrigation eanals, ter-
than that they respected them and eared for their fields" (Vega 1965 raees, and drainage ditehes. On the expansive uplands surrounding
[1582]: I69, translated by LeVine 1979: 82). The Wanka warrior the valley floor, open fields of potato and quinoa were farmed in
lords were institutionally weak, although they did have rights to their eycles of farmiug and fallow (Hastorf 1993). Presumably before the
eommunity's labor for farming their personal fields. The main point is Inka eonquest, and eertaiuly thereafter, large bloeks of land were held
that the fields were most likely the product of communities working by the ayllu, the ambilateral, endogamous kin groups that were the
to solve their own snbsistence problems; ehiefly control over these basis for highland communities. Any household of an ayllu retained
resources wonld ultimately have resred on militaty force (see Chap- rights ro subsistence land plots, which were assigned annually by the
ter4). community's leaders.
The political economy was fully developed in the Mantaro ouly The Inka empire, however, transformed its economic base with
under 1nka domination, when more extensive agricultural facilities radical new prodnction schemes that developed large agricultural
like those elsewhere in the empire's eore were built (D'Altroy 1992; zones with carefully designed eanals and regular terraees. lbe contrast
D'Altroy and Eade 1985). As in Hawai'i, the politieal economy of the between the rustic terraces of the Andean eommunities and the regu-
empire depended upon staple finanee. Large warehouse complexes, lar and ordered terraee complex built by the Inka testifies to central
located on the hills above the administrative center Hatun Xanxa, planniug and management. In the valleys near the capital of Cuzco,
contained staple goods that induded maíze, other foods, and rough elaborately planned irrigation and terraee complexes transformed the
dothing. "After the Inca conquered them [the Wanka] he com- loeallandseape (Rowe 1946), where estates of the ruling Inka were
manded that they provide him with foodstuffs and dothing in quan- ereated for their personal support. Perhaps the most famous are the
tities which were as great as they were able to produce" (Vega 196 5 beautifully sculpted, large, arching terraees immediately below the
[1582]: 169; translated by LeVine 1979: 50). These bulk subsistence 1nka fortress at Pisac (Donkin 1979: 108-II). State farms to support
 Sources ofEconmnic Power Sources ofEconomic Power 91

the Inka army were a!so developed in places like Cochabamba, where lines almost exclusive!y of rectangular silo buildings. No local habita-
a massive cana! and field complex was constructed on the poorly . tion sites were found near these facilities, and we believe that they
drained valley floor. Produce was stored in large warehouse facilities were probably associated with a state farm located below in the valley.
on the surrounding hills before being transshipped to support Inka The state agricultura! facilities in the Mantaro are not preserved, but
milltary operations (Wachtel 1982; LaLone and LaLone 1987). Here nearby in Tarma, a carefully planned cana! and terrace complex, evi-
lies the basis of strong economic control, toward which the Inka state dently of Inka construction, is still in use adjacent to the ruins of the
was apparently moving. Inka administrative center (Donkin '979: 98-99; LeVine 1985).
The Inka state system of staple finance apparently shifted away To summarize, the margina! conditions of the high Andes limited
from community corvée labor and toward agricultura! managers di- development of major agticultura! facilities in the Mantaro Valley.
rectly attached ro the state (MuITa 1980 [1956]). For these managers The small-sca!e facilities developed as part of agricultura! intensifica-
the Inka state began to rely heavily on interna! colonists (mitmakuna) tion provided sorne basis for chiefly power, but this source of power
who were removed from their local cornmunities and resettled in was diluted by surrounding regions oflow-intensity production. The
"foreign lands" to support state activities. In Cochabamba, state per- added productivity of deve!oped facilities was simply not greatly
sonne! oversaw 14,000 mira laborers who farmed the newly devel- higher than that of other lands, and so farmers were not tied strongly
oped state agricultura! facilities. The deve!opment of these facilities to these facilities. The evolutionary cycling of chiefdoms in the Man-
restructured the landscape so that the agticultura! units would have taro continued for over a thousand years. Eventually it was broken
been easily recognized and monitored to facilitate the centra! manage- not by interna! pracess but through conquest and externa!. restructur-
ment of staple production. ing by the Inka state. The state constructed new agricultura! facilities
In the Mantaro, we suspect that the state built and maintained on a massive sca!e to underwrite its system of staple finance. Such
similar agticultura! facilities (D'Altroy 1992: 172). The typica! patrern· developments increased contral over the production of staples des-
in the valle y was to pair loca! villages with small storage facilities that tined for state finance and effectively brake through the limits im-
consisted of a line or two of circular silos. The villages would have posed by the highiand environment and resistance by loca! overlords
been responsible for filling these units. About 200 hectares of simple to unified controL Financed by the elaborate politica! economy, the
srone-faced terraces were built on the steep slopes aboye the Mantaro imperial armies and ideology of the Inka provided a new institutiona!
Valley (Hastorf and Earle 1985: 580). By association with loca! setrle- fonnation.
ments, these terraces were apparently built during the Late Horizon,
and they may represent loca! intensification for the surplus demanded
by the state. On slopes of fifreen degrees or more, littered with ta!us; Thy, Denmark (2300-IJOO B.e.)
retaining walls demarcated small fields of about 250 square meters
Economically based theories for the evolution of chiefdoms in Den-
each. Each fie!d represented a major capita! improvement and proba-
mark have been difficult to argue convincingly. Working within the
bly was in permanent production with the use of anima! fertilizer.
adaptationist paradigm that was popular in the New Archaeology of
Agricultura! intensification at Late Horizon settlements is a!so docu-
the 1960'S and 1970'S, J0rgen Jensen (1973) argued that the evolution
mented by the high density of agricultura! stone hoes used to work
of more complex socia! and politica! forms was an adaptive response
the soillaboriously (Russell 1988).
ro growing population. But the ecologica! theories do not hold up to
On the ferrile eastern side of the Mantaro, a different pattern is
recent scrutiny (Kristiansen 1984). Population densities were low
seen. A cluster of five large storage complexes contains long, regular
98 Sources ofEconomic Power Sources ofEconomic PlJWer 99

and agricultural facilities were not highly developed. During the Neo- production that limited the power of the Danish chiefs and restricted
lithic and Early Bronze Ages, there is no evidence for intensive farm- the evolution of more complex social forms.
ing. Referencing Kristiansen's (1982) surnmary of Danish prehistory, The thousand-year scope of Danish prehistory encompassed the
Mann argues: "Development was not from egalitarian to ranked to evolution (and devolution) of chiefdoms, and we must understand
stratified societies or from equality to political authority to coercive how even partíal consolidation of power was feasible. In part these
state" (1986: 67). Rather, northern Europe convinced Mann that chiefdoms were based on altemative sources of power, narnely, war-
a simple evolutionary model of expanding power and centraliry is rior might and ideologicallegitimacy (see Chapters 4 and 5). But an
flawed. Population did not grow monotonicaliy, chiefs did not con- emerging political economy also served as a basis, however limited,
solidate broad regional power, and only fragile states evolved late in for the power of the Danish chiefs.
the Iron Age. The pattern was one of stasis, or more precisely of cycles During the Early Neolithic, Fnnnel Beaker society created an agri-
of development and fragmentation. cultural economy most suited tú the heavier clay soils of eastem Jut-
The oral histories, writren down during the medieval period, de- land and Zealand, where forests could regenerate following culti-
scribe a dynarnic yet unstable Germanic world. The economy, based vation. Excavations have unearthed evidence of cereal grains and
on farming and herding, was relatively unproductive, and wealth was polished stone axes used to clear forests; in addition, the pollen dia-
won by raiding the former Roman empire. The seized metal wealth grarn docnments cultivation in a changed forested environment. By
was melted down for objects of display, such as neck and finger rings, the Middie Neolithic in Thy, cultivation practice was shifting coppice
that were given to warriors in return for their military support. agriculture (Andersen 1993: 91). No evidence exists for agricultural
Wealth was a measure of personal valor and connection. It could not improvements beyond the clearance of the forest, but sorne division
be used as investrnent to consolidate economic power. The eventual of the landscape into cornmunity territories is suggested by the burial
rise of states late in the Viking period was based on the development dolmens and passage graves, megalithic stone and earthen monu-
of extensive trade and a true currency to snpport a new urban growth ments that created culturally significant places (see Chapter 5). These
focused on trade (Hedeager 1994). But even then effective control of carefully constructed homes for the group's ancestors literaliy planted
areas like Thy was always difficult, as traders from outside the cities the group history in the landscape, which would have been perma-
refused to be regulated. nently inhabited by their ghosts.
The cycling of political institutions in northern Europe appears to During the Middie Neolithic, after 2600 B.C., the Single Grave
have resulted from conditions that kept economic control decentral- populations created and occupied a new niche in Denmark by clear-
ized and weak. The windblown, cold climates limited the long-term ing the forests permanently for herding. This move toward herding
development of agricultural facilities and prevented construction of would appear to make little sense, uuless the herds were the source of
the social cage fashioned elsewhere from an agricultural infrastruc- a movable wealth tied to the "secondary products revolution" taking
ture. The forests were cut down, and fields and pastures dominated place across Europe (Sherratt 1981). During the third millenninm
the landscape. But without irrigation, drained fields, or other care- B.C., local populations becarne involved in livestock production as
fully measured and divided production units, the landscape of Den- part of an emerging exchange in hides, cheese, and plow animals. This
mark was open and difficult to control directly. Denmark may thus be exchange may be the early stage of a prestige-goods exchange involv-
the exception that proves the rule. Perhaps it was the difficulties of ing the production of wealth used in status competition (Shennan
instituting control based on direct ownership of the means of staple 1986 ).
lOO Sources ofEconomic Power Sources ofEconomic Power IOI

During the Late Neolithic, a growing population may well have lnto the medieval period, cattle were the main source of wealth in
intensified farming; the environment was extensively farmed, as indi: Thy; raised locally on the region's grasslands, animals were moved
cated by the ubiquity of ard marks below Neolithic and Brome Age south along established drove roads to Germany and the Low Couu-
barrows (Thrane 1989) and by cereal grains recovered from our exca- tries. Here they were sold for cash that the lords ofThy were amassing.
vations (Bech et al. n.d.). But no permanent agricultural facilities The primaty advantage of cattle, as opposed to the broader-
have been docmuented. Also, during this period permanent settle- spectrum subsistence base of the Late Neolithic economy, would have
ments were placed prominently on the highest ground. Why would been the ease with which they could have been managed and owned
these settlements have been built on these exposed rulls, where the as currency in the political economy. An animal is a convenient uuit of
winds bite mercilessly? Perhaps their high visibility declared the ter- ownership and production. In herding chiefdoms, the preponderance
ritorial rights of the community over the lands upon wruch the settle- of animals are owned by the local chief, who lends them out to indi-
ments looked. vidual households for their subsistence in return for support. Herd-
Until the end of the Neolitruc period, the leaders ofThy seem to ing economies are thus comparatively easy to control in ane sense;
have been unable to solidify control over populations. Without an each animal, although not highly productive, is, like an individual
intensified agriculture with "landesque capit,u intensification;' only field, naturally defined and cJeady marked as a unit of subsistence
community territories were evident. fu; is discussed in Chapter 5, production and ownership.
wealth was produced and exchanged within a prestige-goods econ- To be an effective SOurce of wealth, the cattle would have been
omy, but there is little evidence that leaders could effectively control traded regionally for the storable wealth of prestige objects. This
these movements of wealth. The prestige-goods exchange and the linkage, however, had existed since eadier times and had not resulted
status rivaJry that it materialized did not create a system of finance that in the development of a centralized economy and political hierarchy.
could easily be controlled. Production of wealth in cattle, amber, and fu; discussed in Chapter 5, during the Neolithic, the sources ofwealth
flint axes was difficult to control centrally and remained in many in northern Europe were alllocal and virtually impossible to control.
hands. Alternative sources would always have existed for flint daggers, amber
What happened in the Early Bronze Age, when the economy was beads, and even cattle.
transformed to support an emergent chiefly organization? Unlike in Cattle, for example, would have been diflicult to control nuless
the Hawaiian case, the possibilities for capital improvement to the their pasturelands were owned. The open pastures were naturally
landscape were quite limited; Denmark's environment is marginal for uubounded, and it must have been diflicult to define their ownersrup
most forms of intensive agriculture. Indeed, population may have and rights of use. fu; l have argued for the time of Stonehenge in
declined and settlement became less permanent. Wessex, highly visible monuments may have served as focal points in
What happened instead was that the export economy was appar- the open landscape to define ownersrup of pasturelands (Earle 1991a;
ently intensified to produce goods for exchange as a means to obtain Renfrew 1973). The burial monuments of the Bronze Age cruefs of
foreign metal wealth. The political economy appears to have ex- Thy may have demonstrated proprietary control by chiefly lineages
panded cattle raising, which could have been done here effectively. over the economic landscape. The barrows, as built elements, could
The pollen diagrams from below the Early Brome Age barrows docu- have functioned rather like property walls, but they would have de-
ment the shift to grasslands presumably used for pasture. Increased fined ownersrup in a focal sense. The cruef's ancestors, interred in the
herding reflected an apparent emphasis on cattle for exchange within mouuds, looked out over their legacy to the living lords of the land.
the political economy. The Old Norse word for wealth (Ji) was cattle. Given the extensive nature of pasturelands, using the burial monu-
 Sources ofEconomic Power 103
102 Sources ofEwnomic Power

ments to mark ownership may have been imprecise, but it was proba- case, the construction of agricultural facilities created a cultural
bly the best means to delimit space and chief!y rights of alIocation.
' landscape that was carefully measured and divided into significant
The funerary barrows of the Bronze Age chiefs were built directly on economic and social units. A leader's ownership of the productive fa-
top of the Late Neolithic settlements and may have functionally re- cilities - the irrigation systems, drainage canals, and terraced fields-
placed them. As argued in Chapte r 5, the system of land tenure be- derived from sponsoring their construction or from seizing them in
carne institutionalized and formalized as a broade r ideology that posi- war. The walls and ditches that expanded and stabilized subsistence
tioned the chiefs at the center of the society and its economy. The farming for commoners also formed the bars of their social cage. &
ownership of pastures by the Danish chiefs would have reinforced an commo ner farmers becarue increasingly depend ent on the improved
emerge nt political econom y based on the maximization of produc- facilities, their freedom to aet becarne constrained by the chief's
tion of cattle, the society's most basic wealth. konohiki, who managed the labor that built the facilities and sup-
ported a chiefly elass.
As 1 discuss in Chapters 4 and 5, the produc tion of movable wealth
in Denma rk was línked to long-distance prestige-goods exchange that Such economic power is highiy variable aecording to environmen-
integrated the peer-políty chiefdoms ofEuro pe (Friedm an and Row- tal, economic, and polítical circumstance. The developed facilities are
lands I977; Renfrew I982). Cattle were movable across considerable effective as the founda tion for economic power to the extent that
distances, and their secondaty products (cheese and hides) were options in the subsistence economy are few, so that productive facili-
highiy valued (Sherra tt I98I). Contro l over the cattle and the pas- ties are "circumscribed" by limited alrernatives (Carneiro 1970; Web-
tures on which they grazed provided a weak and decentralized struc- ster I985). The degree of circumscription reflects both the nature of
ture for the emerging polítical economy. But the essential motive for the environ ment and its development. First, dimate , rainfall, soils,
the intensification of herding was to gain export products by which to
' and topogra phy vary in their potential for capital improvements to
o btain metal swords and other prestige goods. agricultural production. The Hawaiian Islands simply had a greater
Key to the emergenee of chiefdoms in Bronze Age Thy appears to potential for capital-intensive agriculture than did the highland Man-
have been the expanding control, however tenuous, over the produc- taro Valley and norther n Thy. Second, the environmental potenti al
tion and distribu tion of metal wealth, which was the means both was then developed differentially as local populations transformed the
of destruction (military power) and of communication (ideological landscape to meet their daily needs. The forests were deared and
power) . The metal may well have given a criticalleverage to chiefs, agriculture was intensified, but not always with perman ent facilities.
who would have been able to assert control over the wealth by financ- The ruling elite had a vested interest in ereating the facilities to
ing the metalsmiths, with their special and limited knowledge. The: intensify local produc tion that financed ruling institutions and cre-
introdu ction of metal into the prestige-goods exchange of norther n ated the infrastructure for controL On Kaua'í, and to a lesser extent in
Europe alIowed sorne control throug h attached specialists, especially the Mantaro, the lords of the land and its people organized the build-
those involved in sword manufacture. In this way a weak control over ing of agricultural facilities that increased local produc tion and bound
staple produc tion was strengt hened by emphasizing cattle export pro- the producers to this improved infrastructure. In Thy, the shift to
duction, which led to subseq uent control over the manufacture and herding ultimately destabilizedlong-term staple produc tion, but it in-
distribution of import ed metal wealth. creased elite control over long-distance exchange. The elite designed
the polítical economy to finance chiefly institutions. But despite what
By controlling a popula tion's livelihood, leaders can exercise strong were probably similar long-range chiefly goals to strengt hen and ex-
control over labor and lives. As seen most evidently in the Hawaii an tend polítical power, their sueeess at eentralizing power was variable.
I04 Sources ofECfJuomic PrlWer CHAPTER FOUR

Preexisting conditions in the environment and its development deter- .

mined the speed, stability, and eharaeter of politieal development.
In simple terms, the environment and its long-term capital im-
provement created oppornmities for control that directly affected the
tempo and the mode of devdopment in the political economy. On the
Hawaiian Islands, complex cruefdoms emerged relatively rapidly and Military Power:
tested the boundaries of state society prior to European contact and
incorporation. In the Mantaro Valley, the higruand chiefdoms man- The Strategic Use ofNaked Force
aged to integrate large popnlations, only to stagnate and collapse. The
state was established only through imperial conquest. In Thy, chief-
doms were highly fragile and comparativdy low-scale, emerging only
tentativdy and for a short time.
Despite the highly vatying eondltions, the creativity of emerging
leaders is evident in these different lines of devdopment. In all three
cases, the staple economy provided a foundation for development of . The militaty is a segment, group, or institution of warriors or other
the politieal economy. Inadequate Or limited opportunity for control fighting specialists. They conquer, defend, police, and intimidate. In
was simply a challenge as alternative sourees of power were devel- these multiple and overlapping roles, th~j~rhaps the key
oped. The nature of these alternative sourees of power-warfare el~~~,:~~n~ th~,!eati?!:'J!1clX¡:t~!!ti?[1 ()t large:~.S~~J20lit¡~;r¡;;stitu­
and ideology - and their linkage to material conditions will now be tions, sueh as complex ~hi~fcl()ms 'J!1cl,lat,,:, ~~*s. The-;;"iÜtary:¡; the
considered. i~:a1ate me<l1l~ofcr~atingr~gioJ1al cllÍefdomsi:Jyaa~iíi:Iilg (jppos-
il)1LlYI,,¡;~ .<l1ldi(1~()rl'()ratill.g~heir p()pulaee ."'it;hin the new p()lity.
Inasmueh as politica! institutions are inherently competitive, the
chiefdom constantly defends itself against neighbors eager to seize
lands and people. Internally the militaty maintains institutional rda-
tionships of thc cruefdom by policing rnles of hierarchy requiring the
following of commands and the providing of tribute. As a last resort,
il1W.c!ation is a powerful means to ensure compliance: the person
who resists authority is hammered down by the power of the rnling
institutions. Another aspect of intimidation is the fear of atraek that
herds people together under theleaderwho 0ffe~s.th~.ml'.!:.()~etion.
Gilman (I991) describes the evolution of stratified and eentraÍÍ Y·;;;-
ganized society as a proteetion racket. Leaders provide protection
from atrack by social predators( includingth~msdves) in retllJ:í:Ifor
tributaty payoffs, .. .
It seems so simple and demental, a faet leamed in the sehool yard.
All complex societies rely to sorne measure on the militaty to bring
 I06 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force I07

people under tbe ruler's sway and to guarantee compliance witb his or whenever it is for tbe interest of tbe oblíged party to break it. But fear
her orders. The hallmarks of civilízation may be as much tbe conquer- holds by tbe apprehension of punishment, which never leaves men"
ing warrior, tbe armed guard, tbe city wall, tbe wmpping post, tbe (Machiavelli 1963 [1532]: 72-73). Fear makes compliance tbe only
prison, and tbe gallows as tbey are tbe high arts, religious monu- coneeivable option and enables the ruling lord to stand against tbe
ments, and writing. Militaty power has created large políties tbrough forces wismng always ro depose him or her.
conquest and eliminated dissidents ruthlessly. Carneiro (1981) called During tbe late eighteentb and nineteenth centuries, competition
chiefdoms fundamentally warlike, witb leadership vested in tbe war and confliet were sttessed as primary forces in tbe evolution ofhuman
chiefs. Chiefdoms are continually at war, and war is a critical element society. Increasing integration results from "the forces which cause
in chiefly power sttategies. Coercive force is so elemental tbat it is movement towards a common center" (Spencer 1967 [1882]: 249).
sorne wonder tbat high civilizations do not rely on it exclusively as tbe eonquest makes nations, and war necessitates leaders, who becOlne
source of polítical control. But tbey do noto civil autborities. The popularity of tbese tbeories (and tbeir eventual
The antbropologieallíterature on warfare is extensive (Ferguson discredit) reflected tbeir use to justify nineteentb-century western
1988). In this chapter, 1 consider tbe nature and place of military imperial expansion (Rarris 1968: 134).
power in tbe evolution of chiefdoms. 1 consider how warfare can be Among tbe great evolutionists of tbis century, Childe saw tbat
used as a política! tool not only for integration but also for resistanee warfare created empires as "tribute-collecting machines" (1936: 234).
to integration. Inherenrly warfare is límited in its effectiveness as The power of a polítical instimtion rested on tbe gross surplus tbat it
a power fur central controL . Altbough n1Ílít~'l.~?ESS•.~~•.c~a,t:.,3 could alloeate, and warfare played a eritical factor in expanding tbe

l broadly iI1t~g~ated polity,ir..cináSMielI.diss·ob,eJt.by· inttig!lc,.S!l!J,Il.

"and rebellion. The power of force rips at tbe sodal fabrie, tbe institu-
v.'· ,-,',.-, •. '_ -"-"~""""''-"",~f

tions of sodety. To be effective asa Rower()fc~!1tt;llity,coer~ive force

l must itself be co-;:;tr'ülIed, a Q1lñCíilttask tb~t is a<:hieved'bybirÍdi;;i
revenue-producing base of states (Adarns 1966). Warfare captured
new revenue sources tbat were tben used to finanee polítical conttol
tbrough otber means (Spencer 1967 [1882]: 206). Warfare procured
slaves, by whieh a polítical economy could be reconstrueted, inten-
(me Í1illiury wlffi$,CQil'911]IS'jilidldéaloe;ical tetne,rs. .'.' . sified, and tightly controlled. Warfare permitted tbe "great discovery"
that "men as well as animals can be domesticated. Instead of killing a
defeated enemy, he might be enslaved; in return for his lífe he could
Theories ofMilitary Power and Social Evolution be made to work. , .. By early historie times slavery was a foundation
of andent industty and a potent instmmenr for tbe aecumulation of
Machiavelli's (1963 [1532]) The Prince recornmends tbe pragmatic
capital" (Childe 1936: 134). A new "reciprocity" was born.Warfare
use of coercion for polítical action. To govern effectiycly, me.priI)S.~
_"'M_<lJl1=tobringpeople.forcefully witbin a centtally organized
) must follo,,:.~()rp.eb~mles.:,.A!:\!l;¡Y.~i.1P.~_OYS;nyllSllgmgl)(.s.tI.QP,g,. ~!!~c~syst~t;', . '.. . .
- - " J~~e6,.~t:'?.!lJl~!?.ll$;.~l(};~Rt Y8Yt.º:\YQ.forces. ~se fo~ce infr~9:r,e:"tly, During tbe 1960'S and 1970'S, a debate swirled over tbe social ver-
". ut dec,!si\:elyJ:Yhen you inflict pain, do it suddeiífy, ¡¡¡¡ at once, ratber
sus tbe ecologieal causes of war in human society. Deriving from botb
;, tban meting it out siüWI)T'while tbe oppressed can plan reslstance. The
American cultural and British structural tbeories, sorne researchers
, 4e~ of attacIsml!§t b~cqJji..Y.il!.e>i-ªAd tb~ ine'llt"ÉilJ.t:Y_gL4efe.il-t;l,\sur.eg.
// Pow~-feeds on fear: "It is much safer to be feared tban to be loved, (Reider 1970; Koch 1974) argued that cultural values and social
structure best explained war. Cultural ecologists (Brookfield and
when you have to choose between tbe twO .... Love holds by a bond
Brown 1963; Meggitt 1965, 1977; R.al'papbriÍ96 7), in conttast,em-
.• '- . of oblígation wmch, as mankind is bad, is broken on every occasion
·phasized tbe underlyillg~ole of Ropulation growth, which exaCCf"
('¡.
 roS Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military POWN': The Strategic Use ofNaked Force [09

hated intergroup cornpetition over scarce reso"1l:~~s,,:"'l~;tS'~i'1'd.¡t eral formulation, especially his emphasis on the importance of cir-
,::J:' ~~~~~~~~~~~;~t,~&ig~t~,§~~I:S?'~i~'!'lt~~,prgtestj'lHJ:?~' curnscription (Kirch 1988). This vision of chiefdoms as coercive and
fundarnentally wadike contravenes earlier models, broadly accepted
~Trl"ffiS'71íf1,treñtial "The()ty()f the Ori¡¡in ()fthe St~te;' Carneiro by a generation of researchers, of chiefdoms as kin-based societies,
(r.21:\!l)ynilies~ed'~ politic;lÍ ;U;d ~~;;¡';g¡ZaI~p¡;;:oáctit;'~;pl;~ili;; voluntarist, peaceful, and religious (Fried 1967; Webb 1975). But the
evolution of cornplex society. ~!J:h~,::,~!~5~!S'¡!?ecl\Ollvironrn=, question still remains whethN' the waifare of chiefdoms represented the
~..~EgH.~.~,.. P?R.::!~!!()n gro~_~.!:~~S!'~. C?r'lpsti \l,w.,foF..,lilPAted..¡;e,- political failure of chiefs to O1;ganize stable regional systems or a successful
.~~~s:.}:]}~.xs~l!lJjpg"¡!1te¡;group.,,,¿arfarenecessit:ates, strong,~ chiefly tool to construct such systems.
to defend a group's resources against hostile Ileighbors, and a §ociety ~p. ,,,~?cie.!i~s, wit?-0ut an institllPonal_ s1,1p~~str:tIsture, _ vv_;lJffre CUl
wlfIi, stror!g"lllmerrr~('\~~~:¡:;¡¡;;~~p;m:4¡at.~raiíytp·¡;~¡;¡g·P:~ÍYJi!Alit i'lV21v~:ha';;'¡~ andcor:tinuous~onflict( a politica![a!I'.'iÚ(?J:~g)y2l{
andtlie~e';")¡'le~·;;;;d~;dorniniol1. Warfare thus results in the rise conflictsiVlil1111ár~gí()~ (Fdl 1987;J';hnson and Eade 1987). The
~f st~~;; org;;;;¡z'atiO~'Whe¡¡'CJI¿;;;:;'scription has defined limited re- threat of violence, where no political superstructure exists to medi-
sources needed for subsistence and controlled by warrior rnight. ate it, creates opportunity for local leaders to gain strong authority
Webster (1985: 467) ernphasizes the importance of four basic con- through offers of protection. In the interstitial spaces of the modern
ditions for warfare to result in the evolution of political centraliza- Italian state, the Sicilian Mafia offers '~protection" fram violence in
tion: (1) c10se juxtaposition of environmental "rones with rnarkedly return for financial payoffs. In the eastern high1ands of N ew Guinea,
different productive and dernographic potential"; (2) sufficiel1:,:I1- recent subsistence intensification has developed improved facilities,
;:J¡;9nrneI)81ancl tcchn?l?gicalpr?du;:ti"ity JO, produc~ ~ financ~g such as orchards, fenced fields, irrigation ditches, and terracing; war-
"llrply:;; (3) "ío~al variabiliÍy in resources" sufficient ro struChlre an , fare has been intense. "Leaders are warriors, men skilled in fighting
econornic hierarchy; and (4) rapid popularion growth favoriog colo- and renowned for their defense of small polities" (Feil 1987). This
nization. Under all four of these conditions, ecological and derno- pattern, however, contrasts to the western New Guinean highlands,
graphic circumstances create circurnscription through markedly dif in whieh established exchange relationships regulate the intensity and
fN'ent resource productivities; with sorne localities rnuch more desirable frequency of war. Local groups or simple chiefdoms seem able in
than others, people are bound to these lands, which they defend some circumstances to negotiate regional collectivities that regulate
against outsiders. As complex societies emerge, elites use war to seize warfare through a balance of power.
and defend the most productive agriculturallands and facilities. Lead- Gnly with the evolution of complex chiefdoms does the nature of
ers then control these most producrive lands as their basis for political warfare change fundamentally. It then ceases to be an outcome of
power. unregulated competition and becomes a means of conquest. Elites
Extending his ideas to stateless societies, Carneiro (1981) argues organize offensive campaigns to defeat and incorporate villages and
that chiefdoms are warrior societies in which village communities thereby bring their improved land under the ownership of, and the
have been conqnered by a regional authority. Chiefdoms, as he sees it, conquered population into a tributary relationship with, the ruling
are forged only through fiery competition over land. The new con- chief (Earle 1987). Warfare between the Hawaiian chiefdoms, for
sensus among scholars is that warfare characterizes most chiefdoms example, was a means to expand the financial base of eaeh chiefdom
(Feinman and Neitzel 1984). Among the lroquois, as an example, and to defend that base against the predatory intent of competing
intense warfare involved revenge, raiding, trophy taking, prisoner chiefs (Earle 1978). CQgqllest ,,"arfars. s.~~J'sc,ogt:r()1 over the subsis-
torture, and caruribalism (Snow 1994). Many favor Carneiro's gen- tence base in an emergent system of staple finanee.·· oo. ' ••••• "

, ·-'-"-'·-"'-'-'-"'·""_'_'.'."V,_,,"'''''"''"''''_' "'~_"'__ ' '""""","'''.0-'''''\'''''_-,.-'-''''0'"_,,,'',,,,

 IIO Military PiJWer: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military PiJWer: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force III

Another line ofarg':':!)l~!)t.lW)a§.,th~t. :warfan""i.J;¡,¡;hjefdgms.. strat.c," . The Upper Mantaro Valleyy Peru (A.D. soo-rS34)
!its.~".r!1~JEzií:iteÜ"~~'H'..g"Jll."2¡;~PJ;E~S',?s. David Dye (1993)
describes how, among the prehistoric and protohistoric MlSSlsslpplan Peru provides an outstanding case in which to examine rbe role of
chiefdoms, prestigc goods circulated in warfare, in alliances, and in warfare in the evolution of complex societies. The prehistory of
peace negotiations. They became objects of boory in battle, and they coastal societies demonstrated to Carneiro the connection between

~~~;~;~;~~~~~f~~:r~~~~~ro'i;~~a;~;~~~~~;~~~~
conquest warfare and state formation. But in rbe high1ands, warfare
produced a different resulto In the Mantaro Valley, warfare merely
war required restitntion payments for killed kin; when wiuners and resulted'in a political standoffbetween hill-fort chiefdoms. Here both
losers were elear, peace involved established tribute payments in detailed documentary evidence and well-preserved fortified eommu-
wealth. Thus a motivation for, and an effeet of, warfare was the con- nities testify to the limited signHieance of warfare as a political strategy
trol of prestige-goods exchange. for the expansion of chiefdoms.
In the Philippines, chiefdoms transformed the local exploitation of Along theAndean Coast, warfare can explain the evolution of states.
forest products, such as woods and spices, to obtain export goods Carneiro (1970: 735-36) argnes that, in the dry coastal deserts of
used to trade for foreign prestige goods (especially Chinese por- Peru, potential arable lands were limited oases that were natnralll'
celains, silks, and metals) (Junker 1990, 1994). Theseforeign good~ eircumscribed zanes. Farm1ands watered by irrigation ditehes fringed
could thenpellsedaH:~1).1,'l,t!;rialfund of power" i~.f<?I.miI1g~':;e~ the rivers from the Andes through deeply incised vallel's and deserts
elJianc~ and as materialized¡ep~;:;eiitatíoJ.ísóra~(¡ominaut;ide,?logy. to the sea. Beyond the reaeh of rbe irrigation, nothing grew. The
Warfarewas<:riticeliI:rárt~Hip~s to con~rgl a~.sess t?th"f()r.eignlll'tr;. sands, Pacifie waters, and bordering mountains tightiy hemmed in the
itime tradeand itssources9fp(}'Y~.r; individual chiefs sponsored raids economic landseape. As population grew and irrigation systems were
and ;"¡cious '¿';;Ji;~ to cÍisru.pt aud block the trade condueted by their eonstrueted, competition for limited productive lands inereased. Car-
competitors (d. Wells [19801 for Iron Age Europe). Warfare was neiro envisioned this as the archerypal example of how circumscrip-
directed explicitiy at the f10w of the wealth objeets, and it served first tion led to warfare and to the evolution of complex societies.
and foremost to control these symbolieally~harged objects. This goal Extending Carneiro's argnment, Haas (1982; Haas, Pozarski, and
of control over prestige-goods movement lihks to control over ideol- Pozarski 1987) emphasizes the role of warfare in the emergenee of
ogy as a souree of power, political sl'mbolism,and wealth finanee, as state societies on Peru's coast. He argues that an initia! emergence of
discussed in Chapter 5. chiefdoms was based on a combination of economie and ideologieal
Warfareillchiefd=j~";marte111Ptto colltnAby force the sta)?les . power, but that the erystallization of state sociery required the addi-
\.V .<m9. 'YealtJ1 011. which apg¡i~;¡ ~';;:;;;I!'Y i; basecL Ir,i~.tl111s cl?~:~ . tion of military power. His argnment is particularly cogent for the
e
·Xl linkedto the oth<:!"!'92FS~.§. ()fp{).w!'L::;;.aJ9$\~1iS•. 'J;()Il()rp.yand id\;Ql: demonstrated interdependence of the different sourees of power
Q¡¡'¡¡~"[nrii~~:i9ir~"gf.PPw:er,.w~,,,,pfobkmatic. While it may (economic, ideologieal, and m1litary) in the evolution of human so-
serve to create regional tributary relationships between the victors ciery (see Chapter 6) .
and the vanquished, warfare c\g~sI1()tJ1%eS~~tiIY)R~rimti?ll:,!~ea p"g- Although warfare was eritical to state formation along the coast of
litic~ orec()'::?111~~.~l~.;,".!;,<;~.~0If (1982) elarifies the problems faced Peru, its significance in the earlier chiefdoms is uncertain. At the Early
bj7'elHeswlío depend on tribute; when payments are wlthheld, costil' Horizon ceremonial site of Cerro Sechin, iconography portrays de-
and unpredictable punitive missions must be carried out. But the war- eapitated and disemboweled bodies, apparent victims of military vio-
riors are alwal's a threat, whose demands quickiy tnrn ro treachery.
II2 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force IIJ

pears to have been small-scale, probably involving intense confliet

between local groups or chiefdoms. The important point is that bur-
geoning warfare arnong these comparatively simple sodeties corre-
sponded with the collapse of regionally integrated polities and does
not appear to have facilitated political integration.
In the Andean highlands, conditions were apparentiy much less
circumscribed than on the coast, and so one rnight expect a different
role for warfare. Population was relatively low, and arable lands for
the practice of rainfall agriculmre were extensive. In apparent contra-
cliction to Carneiro's hypothesis, although environmental circum-
scription appears to have been less significant in the highiands than on
the coast, warfare was endemic in the highiand, through much of the
prehistorie sequence. In fact, it was virmally the leittnotif of políti-
cal lífe amoug the highiand chiefdoms. Settlements frequentiy sat
perched on knife-edge, defensible ridges and were surrounded by for-
tification walls (Browman 1970; Hastorf 1990, 1993; Hyslop 1977;
Krzanowski 1977; LeBlanc 1981; Parsons and Hastings 1988).
In the Mantaro Valley, the Wanka chiefdoms were continually at
war, but warfare here, and among chiefdoms elsewhere in the Andean
highiands, was of only limited effectiveness in creating larger-scale
polities. It was only for the imperial states of Tiwanaku, Wari, and
Inka that warfare was ultimately successful as a political strategy. Spe-
Figure 4.[. Early Horizon iconographic representations in carved stone, cifically, Carneiro's emphasis on population pressure as the lmderly-
showing decapitated and disemboweled bodies. At Cerro Sechin, Pero ing cause of chiefly warfare and development needs to be reevaluated
(Michael Gabriel). in light of recent evidence.

lence (Fig. 4.1). Shelía Pozorski (1987), however, argues that this
Documentary Evidence ofWaifare in the Mantaro Va/ley
iconography must docurnent a victorious battle when an invading .
polity subjugated the valley during state formation. Whether this In the upper Mantaro Valley, historie sources* vivicliy docu-
monument documents interchiefdom warfare or state-sponsored con- ment warfare before Inka conquest. At this time, the Wanka lived in
quest warfare may rest on questions of definition. Certainly with the crowded hilltop fortresses such as Tunánmarca and Hatunmarca (see
collapse of the Early Horizon states (or complex chiefdoms) warfare *The best early Spanish sources indude the brief initia! observations of Cieza de
became endemie and widespread in the coastal valleys. Warfare at that León (1862 [1550]) and two later visitas (Toledo 1940 [1570]; Vega 1965 [1582]).
time is docurnented by fortified settlements positioned on the ridges These sources weIe originaHy translated and anaIyzed by Terry LeVine (1979), and 1
have relied 00 heI wOIk to provide my Engllsh translatioos. Subsequent U1vlARP
and hills that border the coastal valleys (Daggett 1987; Earle 1972; researchers (D'Altroy 1992: 52-55; Hastorr 1993: 87-100; LeBlanc I98I) have worked
Topic and Topie 1987; WilIey 1953; Wilson 1987). This warfare ap- with the same sources te reconstruct pre-Inka, Wanka sociery and the important role of
II4 Military Pawer: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force IIS

Chapter 2). Any doubt tbat tbis settlement pattern was a response tú leader led because of his military prowess and ability to proteer his
.
intense intergr oup warfare can be quiekly dispelled by reviewing tbe local commu nity agaínst attack.
historieal documents. The position of commu nity leader conld be inherited pattilaterally,
Prior to Inka paeification of tbe region, communities in tbe Man- but all cinehekona had to demon sttate fighting prowess.
taro were "wild," constantly at war witb eaeh otber (Cieza de Le6n be cinche if
When one of the cinchek ona died, they would choose his son to
1984 [1551] ). In interviews witb four e1derly Wanka leaders, Toledo choose
he were brave, but when he proved not to be brave, they would
asked speeifieally about tbe state of war and peaee prior to Inka incor- another. And during the lifetime of a cinche, it is said, when he
had 50ns, he
poration. Uniformly tbe loealleaders deseribed tbe fieree hostilities would send thcm to war with his peopIe, and, if they proved themselves to
be
tbat existed: "One commu nity always fought witb otbers over tbeir brave, the people would ,ay that they [the cinche's sons] would malee good
fields and over tbeir animals and over tbeir women ... and tbey would cmchekona afrer their father, death. (Ibid.: JI)
always ttyto seize tbeland s of tbe otbers" (1940 [1570]: 19). "When
The leaders of tbe Wanka were brave and strong warriors, proven in
a local eommu nity multipl ied to many people, tbey would eventually battle.
fight witb otbers to seize tbeir fields and food and tbeir women"
Did tbese cinchekona, leaders in war, also become leaders in peace,
(ibid.: 28). Vega summarizes tbe state ofwar arnong tbe Wanka as
as Carneiro's tbeory proposes? It appears as if tbeir legitimacy rested
follows: "Before tbe Inka, one [comm unity] would fight witb an-
in large measure on warfare and tbeir role as defenders of tbeir com-
otber to acqnire more lane!, and tbey would not go outside tbe valley
munity and sourees of booty. Thus informants mentio n tbe cinche-
but tbose from one side of tbe river would fight witb tbose aeross tbe
kona's need for war to keep their communities focused on tbe war-
river" (1965 [1582]: 169). The Wanka leaders interviewed by tbe
. riors' leadership. "I have also heard it said arnong tbe elders tbat tbese
Spanish could have been writing a section for Carneiro's papero They
cinchekona always wished to instigate wars arnong tbemselves, be-
speak of a growing popula tion causing resouree pressure tbat neeessi-
cause afterwards there would be fiestas and tbey would aequire in-
tated military action tú seize and defend land, animals, and women
creased respeer, and when tbey conque red sorne villages, tbe women
from otber Wankas.
would come fotth witb pitchers of chicha and otber tbings" (ibid.:
A, if to furtber Carneiro's argument, tbe Wanka informants de-
3l). "[The Wanka] gave [tbeir cinchekona] no tribute nor any tbing
scribed tbeir former leaders as primarily warriors (cinehekona). Que-
otber than when tbey would defeat tbeir enemies, tbey would give
chua cinche (pi. cinchekona) was ttanslated into Spanish as el va-
tbem land" (ibid.: 23). But as discussed below, tbese statements of
liente, tbe "valiant, sttong, powerful" individual. By foornote, tbe
the single, military nature of Wanka leadership appear exaggerated.
cinche of modern Peru is a rutbless antiterrorist militaty operative
One import ant questio n is tbe size of group organized as an inde-
(tbe government's own terroris t).
penden t polity. The basie political unit was tbe local community.
Toledo's informants describe tbe original einchekona as follows:
"Eaeh pueblo governed itself witbou t recognizing tbe style [autbor-
"This one [our leader] is a brave person who can defend lIS from our
ity?] of otber pueblos" (ibid.: 34). "Each pueblo and each honse
enemies; let us obey him" (1940 [1570]: 18). "The only leaders tbey
was indepe ndent as tbey were a community" (ibid.: l8). It would
had were cinchekona whom tbey chose and respeeted because he, as
appear as if tbe political organization was highly fragmentecJ, but
their eaptain, defended tbem against tbeir enemies" (ibid.: 34). A
we know from tbe archaeology tbat settlements could be large and
warrior leadership within it. My brief surnmary draws substantially on
all thdr analy~ tightly packee!, as were Tunánmarca, witb an estimated 8,000- l 3,300
refer.
inhabitants, and Hatunm arca, witb 6,600- l1,100 inhabitants (D'Al-
ses, wruch provide detailed interpretations to which interested readers should
II6 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNakfd Force II7

troy 1992: 57). It has been our interpretation that the town-sized pendent?' But this lie was the ideological and economic truth. The
settlements ofWanka TI were agglomerations of populations brought political superstrucrure of the Wanka rested on military threat and
into close confines by a need for defense (LeBlanc 1981; DeMarrais promise. The institutional elaboration of the Wanka chiefdoms was
I989) . remarkably lmdeveloped and unstable (see Chapter 5).
Beyond these separate local communities, a number of Wanka TI
settlements were politically connected. This regional organization Archaeological Evidence ofWarfare in the Mantaro Valley
is depicted by sorne native testimony recorded in the visitas. "The
pueblos that were very dose to eaeh other allied to fight over land To understand more about warfare and the evolution of chief-
with villages that were farther away" (Toledo I940 [I570 ]: 35)· doms, 1 turn to the archaeological evidence for the Mantara Valley,
"When sorne pueblos díd not want to live in peaee with other pueb- sparming more than a thousand years. 1 overlay knowledge of popula-
los, the cinehekona and their followers would make war, kill them and tion change and the evolutionary trajectory of human society (sum-
take over their land and other times subjugate them and their leaders. marized in Chapter 2) with the archaeological evidence for the inten-
For those who submitted peacefully, they were permitted to remaln sity of warfare. Specifically, 1 want to evaluate, in the context of the
on their lands because they praclaimed that they were willing to be premstoric Mantaro Valley, Carneira's theory that population grawth
vassals" (ibid.: 24) . Thus Carneiro's basic argurnent seems to hold in within circumscribed economic zones caused the escalarian of war-
this regard: warfare created sodally circumscribed graups for defense fare and the elaboration of chiefiy sodeties.
(and offense), and warfare was used to conquer other peoples and In the Mantaro, the most useful archaeological indícators of war-
dominate them politieally. fare are fortified settlements, with such features as surraunding town
To surnmarize the historical evidence, a close relationsmp existed walls, narrow entrance gates, and campact housing; scttlements de-
between warfare and the evolution of late Wanka ehiefdoms. The fensively located on hilltops and ridges and at higher elevations,
following key facts seem dear: Warfare was endemic in the late prehis- where topography is generally easicr to defend; and the presence of
tory of the Mantara Valley. The goals of warfare were economic- weaponry.
seizing land, animals, and women. Leaders wcre warriors, with their During the Formative phases in the Mantara Valley (IOOO-
authoriry legitimized by success in battle. Chiefdoms appear to have 300 B.e.), population densities were low. Initially, during the Piri-
been fairly small spatially, typically focused on a single dominant set- pukio, warfare was apparendy of little importance, as many settle-
dement, but with populations upward of ten thousand. The large size ments were positioned at low e1evations in nondefensive positions.
and regional integration of communities were based on defensive But by the Cochachongos phase, defense was apparendy a consider-
necessities. ation; most settlements (62 percent) were positioned on ridges and
The late Wanka chiefdoms were evidendy based largely on military knolls aboye 3,500 meters. Even at the low population levels then
power - a need for common defense and the subjugation of neigh- existing, warfare was a concern for the local graups prior to the evolu-
bors following negotiated surrender. People entered the larger Wanka tion of chiefdoms.
confederacies through fear and intimidation. The political power of By the Huacrapukio phases (A.D. 200-800), population grew
the Wanka chiefs rested almost exclusively on their military might. As rapidly before leveling off. Simple chiefdoms became the donalnant
expressed by the Wanka informants, pueblos and indíviduals should social organization through the valley. Warfare was prevalent during
have been economically self-sufficient and politieally independent. Huacrapukio 1, as population pressure increased. Settlements, such as
Remember the evident líe, "Each pueblo and each house was inde- J216, were evidendy fortified. Tms central settlement of about four-
lI8 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force II9

teen hectares, with an estimated population of perhaps 700, sat atop a ently predated the organization of small chíefdoms in the valley and
high knoll overlooking the Acolla Valley; steep slopes protected ít contínued thereafter. Then, despite continued high population, for-
from attack on all sídes. Although the settlement was badly destroyed tificaríon and its associated warfare decreased in Huacrapukío n.
by subsequent farming, rubble remaínsfrom three resídential areas Why did more peaceful conditíons come about? Scattered Wari state
on three connected knolls. Líke J216, the majoríty of all Huacrapukío ceramics throughont the central highlands, suggested by sorne as rep-
settlements (59 percent) were síted defensívely, above 3,500 meters. resentíng imperial conquest (Isbell and Schreiber 1978; Browman
Duríng Huacrapukío Ir (A.D. 500-800), despíte continued hígh 1976), date from this periodo Although there is no direct evidence for
population, the ímmedíate threat of warfare apparently subsíded. Set- Wari conquest in the northern Mantaro area (Borges 1988), the em-
tlements in fortified hígh locations were abandoned and relocated to pire may have ímposed a regional peace, such as the one over 700
lower elevaríons. Ouly 25 percent of settlements continned to be years later following Inka conquest. Alternatively, the local chiefdoms
occupíed through both phases. In comparíson with Hnacrapukío 1, may have engíneered a regional peaee through allíances and negotia-
fewer settlements were posiríoned defensively on rídges and knolls tions similar to those described historically for the Big-Man collec-
(40 percent) or at elevations above 3,500 meters (44 percent). J221 rívity in western New Guinea (Johnson and Earle 1987; Feil 1987).
was one of the largest settlements, with an estimated 500 ínhabitants; At the beginníng of the Wanka phases (A.D. 800), popularíon
spread over abont ten hectares, this central settlement sat on a low stabilized (see Chapter 2). Despíte this popularíon stagnaríon, and
knol! from which itcouldnot have been easily defended. Many of the correspondíng unchanged pressure on resources, more warlike condi-
newly founded Huacrapukío II settlements, such as Pancán (JI) and tions returned to the Mantaro. Now 54 percent of settlements were
Tragadero (J4), were constructed flat on the valley floor or on the positíoned defensívely on knolls and rídges, but stíll quite low ín
lower slopes. elevatíon (only 44 percent were above 3,500 meters). The settlements
Duríng both Huacrapukio phases, weapons may have included on the knolls and rídges were probably forrífied, but preservaríon ís
ground dlscoidal "donut" srones (probably mace heads) and a few poor because theír locatíons are under modern agricultural use. The
arrowheads (Hasrorf et al. 1989: 99-102). Characterisrícally the do- reason for the inercase in warfare was evidently not increasing popu-
nut stones were made from narurally smooth and fiat cobbles of fine- latíon and resulting circnmscripríon and competition among commu-
graíned basalt, ground around the edges ro create a circular dísk, and nities. It was apparently the outcome of a collapse in the regional
biconically drílled through the center. The absenee of wear on the organízation that regulated warfare.
edges suggests that they did not serve a utilitarian functíon, such as Subsequently, into Wanka II (A.D. 1300-1460), the patrern of
breaking up earth clods, but the central holes evidenced extensive pol- demographic change and h()stilities neatly fits Carneiro's mode!. Cor-
ish consistent with being hafted. The few dozen arrowheads include a responding to a rapid population increase, the threat of intercom-
variety of triangular and ovoíd forms. Although arrows could have munity warfare escalated dramatically. As descríbed in the hísrorícal
been used for huntíng, wild game remains were so rare in the exca- docnmentation, intraregional warfare raged. The posítioning and
vated Huacrapukío deposíts that hunting could not have been impor- layout of settlements document theír defensive character. Most settle-
tanto The possible weapons of war (the mace and arrowheads) de- ments were posítioned on knolls and ridges (57 percent) and/or
clíned through the Huacrapukío sequence at Paneán (Hastorf et al. above 3,500 meters (60 percent). A dísproportíonate 72 percent of
1989: table 5)· the estimated population líved perched on these heíghts, removed
To snmmarizc, from the Formative Períod and ínto Huacrapu- from productive valley lands. Fortificaríons of the large towns were
kio 1, warfare pattly determined settlement locaríon. Warfare appar- substantial. Surrouncling Tunánmarca (Fig. 2.13) were two fortífica-
120 Military P!JWer: The StraIegic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force 121

tion walls; surrounding Llamap Shillón were five concentric walls. a particular type of chiefdom, what 1 am ealling a hilljort chiefdom, in
Inhabitants built up irregularly shaped limestone blocks into high- which the developmental potential for polítical expansion and institu-
fronted walls that would have stood twO meters tallo Exeept for four tionalization was evidendy limited. This limitation is characteristic of
or five narrow entrance gates and for areas naturally guarded by steep ehiefdoms in whieh the primary basis of power is defensive military
diffs, the defensive walls continuously encirded the towns. These might.
defenses were formidable obstades, reinforcing the natural defensive The characteristics of a hill-fort chiefdom indude:
advantage of site locations. Human work in the walls' eonstruction
was substantial. People were obviously frightened of atrack. Featuresgenerally characteristic of chiefdoms (see Carneiro 1981; Earle
Interestingly, weapons are virtually absent from excavations of the 198 7) :
Wanka sites. The frequency of the donut stones and arrow points 1. Polity with a population in the low thousands (simple chief-

declined markedly thIOUgh the Pancán sequence, especially when dom) to tens of thousands ( complex ehiefdom)
contrasting Huacrapukio and Wanka levels (Hastorf et al. 1989: tahle 2. Regional settlement hierarchy with a center and secondary set-
5). From surface survey, Wanka 1 and II settlements yielded few tlements
weapons. Extensive excavations at Wanka II settlements found only 3· Politically centrallzed and stratified social Structure
the odd donut stone or arrow point, perhaps just curiosities from a 4. Emergent political eeonomy for institutional finanee
bygone age.
The absence of weapons from the Wanka period suggests that the Features unique to hill-jort chiefdoms:
nature of warfare had changed substantially since the Huacrapukio. 5· Heavily fortified settlements
Personal, offensive weapons were largely replaced by defensive facili- 6. ·Preponderance of population in the largest settlement (see
ties and by natural (or minimally modified) stones that conld be Drennan 1987)
hurled down on attackers. The evidence for Wanka n presents an in- 7· Emphasis on military power
structive comparison to the Danish case, in which weaponry was rela- 8. Warfare to defend territory rather than to conqner new revenue
tively common but defensive facilities were nearly absent. Although sources
warfare obviously increased through the Wanka period, investrnent 9. Staple (as opposed to wealth) finance (see Chapter 3)
was apparendy in defensive works rather than in weapons. The im-
plications for political development are profound. The military walls The polítical fragmentation and continual state of war that char-
were highiy visible and emphasized community integrity. The effect acterized Wanka chiefdoms were broken only by imperial con-
was a political standoff between the local hill-fort chiefdoms. quest (D'Altroy 1992; Hastorf 1993). Ont of a world of competing
In terms of Cameiro's theory, the increase in warfare through the chiefdoms, the 1nka exploded to conquer chiefdom after chiefdom
Wanka pedod evidendy caused a rapid increase in the demographic throughout the highiands and eventually to take on and defeat the
size of polities, which grew to sizable chiefdoms of greater than large coastal states of the Andean world. The main point, also made
10,000 people, led by warrior chiefs (cinchekona). But the defensive
by Fried (I967; Haas 1982), is that conquest warfare as a strategy to
nature of the warfare and the resulting inability to gain substantial extend and build polities becarne effective only for states. In faet, the
offensive advantage severely limited the spatial extent of the polities. Inka State may have formed and solidified its regional organization
The chiefdoms were effectively limited to small regions, and conquest around Cuzco well prior to imperial conquest (Bauer 1990 ).
expansion, expected by Cameiro, was cut off. The Wanka case fits into But why were the 1nka armies, the military of the state, so success-
[22 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force [23

fu! when chiefly warriors failed to conquer sizable regions? There was Bronze Age, sorne reflection of what it may have been like can be
no fundamental technological ehange. No special weapons like iron . gained from the analogous warrior society of Beowulf and the later
spikes, guns, or horses were introduced. Those changes were to wait Icelanclic sagas. Warfare was endemic and politically significant.
until the imposition of Spanish rule on the Andean world. "The Inka Hrothgar, king of the Danes, gained his power through success in
military tacties reported in the Spanish sourees were relatively un- raiding and the wealth he amassed.
sophisticated, consisting principally of variations on massed attack
Then Hrothgar gained through hardihood suecess,
with troops, sueh as slingers and archers, who threw proíectiles or through conquest honor so that comrades eagerly hastened to obey
with shock troops who engaged in hand-to-hand combat.... Battles him and until a host of youths
were usually conducted either as melees in the open field or as assaults swelled his might. (Huppé I987: 35)
on hilltop redoubts" (D'Altroy I992: 75). But the Inka conquest did
not result solely from the greater size of their armies. The changes Support was compensated by gifts of many things, but perhaps most
accompanying the rapid Inka expansion rather involved weaving a importandy of the acmal weapons of war.
tapestry of power that united the powers of military, economy, and
Hrothgar gave Beowulf the warbanner
ideology. Warfare became effective as it became supported by a state gold-adorned standard, and sword ofHealfdane,
financial system and instimtionalized by a state ideology. The destruc- rus prized helmet and armor as repayment of victory,
tive power of military might was fashioned into an effective politieal and many roen saw the illustrious sword
source of centralizing power in Peru only when it was harnessed and borne to the hero. (Huppé I987: 62)
controlled through its articulation with the other sources of power
A leader worked to build his wealth and weapons and then to gather
(see Chapter 6) .
around hirn the warriors needed to raid and to defend the meadhall aS
center of power. He gave out the weapons that were used by his
Thy, Denmark (2300-I300 B.C.) warriors, but they might always mm treacherous and carve out their
own place in rustory.
The military as a souree of chiefly power is further elarified in the In Níal's saga, it is elear that little central power existed among the
Danish case. By the Early Bronze Age, the Thy region was organized chieftains ofIceland. A chief was continually in fear of his life, and its
as chiefdoms led by a warrior elite, who were identified in death by fragile guarantee rested on his family, retainers, and personal repnta-
their bronze swords. The nature and implication of warfare in the non as a fearsome warrior and valued friendo The saga is filled with
prehistoric Danish societies present a clifferent trajectory fer chief- vivid descriptions of combat, as a person defended his life against
doms from that described in the Andean case. Demography appears atrack. The famous hero Gunnar died defending his home:
to have exerted little influence on hostilities and corresponcling lead-
ershíp. The eventual outcome, however, was similar. The reliance on Gunnar seized rus halberd two~handed, whirled round on Thorband, drove
warfare as a source of power limited the potential for political expan- the halberd through rum, and hurled rum off the wall. Tborband's brother,
Asbrand, leapt up; Gunnar lunged again Mth the halberd, and Asbrand
sion and incorporation of larger polities. In Denmark, the warrior thrnst his srueld in the way. The halberd went right through the shield and
chiefs were unable to expand their domination over broad regions or betvveen the upper arm and forearm. Gunnar then twisted the halberd so
sizable populations. violently that the shield split and both Asbrand's arm-bones were shattered;
Although no historical sources docnment Danish society of the and he, too, toppled from the wall.
I24 Military Power: Tbe Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force I25

By that time, Gunnar had wounded eight men .nd killed two. Now he
received two wounds himself, but everyone is agreed thar he flinched neithér
at wounds nor death itself, (Magnusson and Pálsson 1960: 170)

And so Gunnar, most mighty of the Icelandic chieftains, died.

To tum to the Danish archaeological record, throughout the pe-
riod, warfare was evidendy a central source of political power and
cruefly identity. The primaryevidence for warfare is the preponderance
of personal weaponry, induding barue-axes, daggers, and swords, as
male burial goods. For over a thousand years (2600- 1300 B.C.), male
sratus was tied to personal weaponry.
Prior to 2600 B.C., the evidence for warfare in Thy is limited. No
special weaponry has been recovered, although arrowheads of trus
period could have served as well to kill people as deer. The seruements
in Thy are genera1ly pooriy defined and appear to have been small
unfortified harulets. Only causewayed endosures were placed on rugh
ground and endosed by banks and ditches. During the Early Neo-
lithic, the causewayed endosures throughout Europe were part of a
restructuring of the symbolic landscape with monumental construc- o 2 4
CENTIMETERS
rions (Thomas 1991; see Chapter 5 below). But they may also have .
been imporrant as refuges or defended seruements. Evidence for war-
fare in Early Neolithic Europe indudes defensive locations of the
endosures and their association with arrowhead concentrations (Bur-
gess, Topping, Mordant, and Maddison 1988; Keeley 1996).
During the Middie Neolithic (approximately 2500 B.C.), when the o 6 12
CENTTh1ETERS
Funnel Beaker Culture (TRB) was supplanted by the Single Grave
Culture (see Chapter 2), a disrinctive cultural change was the intro- FitJure 4.2. Late N eolithic flint dagger, Denmark, and flint dagger miniature
duction ofweaponry to define male status. (Interestingly, barue-axes from House " Thy 2758 (Michael Gabriel).
were found in the megalithlc monuments dating from the very end of
The significance of weapons, both as symbols of status and prob-
the Funnel Beaker Culture, perhaps overlapping with the Single
ably as fighting implements, continued during the Late Neolithic
Grave Culture, aud beautiful amber necklaces of barue-ax-shaped
cultures of Thy. This was the Dagger Periodo Norrhern Judand is
beads were diagnostic of the phase.) At this rime, individuals were
known for the manufacture and exchange of beautifully flaked flint
buried singly or in pairs under earthen barrows. Males were charac-
objects (Fig. 4.2). A typical dagger, knapped from translucent flint,
teristica1ly buried with a ground-stone barue-ax. The new message
was 25 or more cenrimeters long, with a thin blade and a handie
was dear-the status of persons had become individualized and, for
that was probably bound by leather. These daggers were carefully
males, associated with warfare.
knapped, ground, and then pressure-flaked to a form modeled afrer
I26 Military Puwer: The Strategic Use of Naked Force Military Puwer: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force I27

metal daggers used e1sewhere in Europe. The broadly dlstributed Bel! TABLE 4. I
Beaker assemblage includes the daggers, beautiful!y crafted arrow Distribution ofFlint Daggers from the Excavations of
points, and wrist guards - a warrior's personal equipment. Another th, Thy Archaeological Proj'ct
element ofLate Neolithic material cultrue was the miniatrue dagger, Numberof
Site Featurcs daggers
only about six centimeters long. These daggers show the dlstinctive Thy2757 House 1 1
wear patrems of strike-a-lights, used to start fires. The common dis- Other 3
Thy2758 House 1 9
tribution of the daggers and arrowheads suggests that they were func- House2 1
tional weapons, but they probably also served to define male status as House3 1
Other 2
warriors. Thy2922 Other 2
In Thy, Late Neolithic daggers and arrowheads are occasional!y
recovered from burials, but more frequently from field walkiug and
settlement excavations. In the parish of S0nderha, many daggers have from Pero, was weapons, not settlement defense. This suggests a
been recorded in farmers' col!ections, where they tum up yearly after distinetive goal of war, perhaps raiding for wealth and the protection
spring plowing. The distribution of these daggers and their associated of trade routes, rather than in-place battles between competing com-
lithic scarters have helped identify Bel! Beaker phase settlements. munities for control of land.
These settlements were located on the highest prominences in the The weaponry from Denmark at this time included bronze swords,
landscape, perhaps for visibility and defense. Daggers, artowheads, lances, and daggers recovered exclusively from burials. Figure 4.3
and strike-a-lights were recovered from al! Bel! Beaker period settle- illustrates a Montelius II Period chiefly sword from Thy; its exquisite
ments and from the three hOllSes that we excavated at Thy 2758. handle was crafted with lost-wax molding. From the Bronze Age
(Table 4.1). House 1 at Thy 2758, however, contained the most barrow at Egshvile, Thy, a warrior's grave contained a flanged-hilted
weaponry, with nine fragmentary daggers, a beautiful miniature sword and sheath, smal! knife, and various other pieces of bronze
strike-a-light dagger (Fig. 4.2), and two arrow points. Unfinished decoration (Haack Olsen 1990: 143-45). The bronze sword proba-
arrow points !fom House 2 suggest the manufacture of these weap- bly originally lay atrached at his waist. It was a typical fighting sword
ons within the settlement. Evidently, the flint daggers and arrow- of Period III of the Bronze Age. Ideal for close-in combat, it was
heads were common in everyday life, finding their way routinely into original!y abont sixty centimeters long, with the blade about fifty
floor and trash deposits of the houses. The importance and breadth of centimeters long and four centimeters wide at the hilt. The blade was
distribution of the weapons suggest incessant warfare and the need to undecorated; a simple horn grip was riveted to the handle flange.
defend family and persono Status was probably marked by the finely' Such swords were light and wel!-balanced weapons, useful especially
manufactured daggers and strike-a-lights, but quite evidently access for stabbing. In his analysis of Bronze Age swords from Denmark,
to these weapons was not limited. Kristiansen (I982) describes two functional types. Most common
Duting the Early Bronze Age, weaponry continues to be a distinc- were the warrior swords used in combat. Their hilts are fairly simple,
tive eJement of the material culture ofThy, but settlements appear to and their blades show ample evidence of use and sharpening. In con-
have shifted toward lower elevations, such as Bjerre, where the imme- trast, the rarer chiefly swords have elaborated hilts with individu-
diate need for defense must have been less. During this period, and at alized decoration and intricate metal working, and their blades show
earlier Neolithic settlements, fortifications were not presento The pri- little evidence of use. They were primarily symbols of warrior superi-
mary evidence of warfare in Denmark, in contrast to the dramatic case ority and elevated status.
 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force [29

From the barrows of Thy, nineteenth-century excavations recov-

ered more than a hundred swords, now housed in the National Mu-
seum in Copenhagen. Characteristically these swords came from cen-
tral burials of elite males. Only a small percentage of the population
was apparentiy buried in these central graves, and they probably rep-
resented a warrior elite. A double bronze burton from a sword belt
was recovered from the chieftain's house excavated at Bjerre (Thy
Z999); no swords or other weaponry have been recovered from the
residenrial excavations that TAP conducted to fiII in the picture of
Bronze Age society contemporaneous with the barrows.
To und~rstand the nature of the warfare documented in Thy and
elsewhere in Denmark, 1 evaluate the potential role of population in
causíng conflicto Warfare in the Danish case is, contra Cameiro, not
correlated with changing demographic circumstances. The appear-
ance of warfare with the Single Grave Culture corresponds with a
declining population. In fact, the actual evidence of setdements for
the Single Grave Culture is so ephemeral that the population must
have been quite small. Certainly, staple resources would not have
been circumseribed. The increase in population into the Late Neo-
lithic does correlate with an inerease in the abundance of weapons
and a likely inerease in immediate threat, but the actual population
densities must still have been quite low. The introduction of bronze
weaponry and the corresponding creation of chiefdoms during the
Barly Bronze Age does not correspond with population growth (see
Chapterz).
That fortified setdements did not exist in Thy during the Neolithic
and Bronze Ages suggests that warfare did not primarily involve com-
petition between local communities for control over land. Rather the
warfare, documented by personal weaponry, most probably involved
o 5
CENTIMETERS o 5 10 raiding for wealth between individual chieftains. Most important as a
CENTIMETERS
source of wealth would have been catde. Catde continued ro be an
important source of wealth in Thy up into the meclieval period, and it
Figure 4.3. Early Bronze Age (Montelius II period) chicfly sword from Thy is reasonable to assume, based on ethnographic analogy, that catde
(DeMarrais, Castillo, and Earle I996; reprinted courtesy ofUniversity of
raids were the goal of fighting. Warfare thus would have been a politi-
Chicago Press).
ca! strategy to concentrate wealth correlated not with popularíon den-
sity and intergroup competiríon but with tile distribution of catde
I30 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force I3I

and politieal struggles for meir domination. As diseussed in Chap- arehaeological confirmation, is mat me manufacture of me weapons
ters 3 and 5, animal produets were used as primary exports in long: was immediately assoeiated wim ehiefly residenees.
distanee prestige-goods exchange. The shift in weaponry to me more effective metal swords would
During the Early Bronze Age, me prestige goods upon whieh thus have permitred control over erm produetion and mereby over
status rivalry focused eontinued to be weaponry. Following me cul- me means of destruction (Goody 1971; Kristiansen 1987). This
tural transformation during the Middie Neolithie, weapons defined would have extended to control over me warriors armed wim me
male status and determincd personal power. Throughout me Neo- bronze weapons, ro a monopoly over eattle gained in raiding, and
lithie, me weapons were manufactured from locally available stone, thus to dominion over export exehange involving me cattle. Perhaps
and mey could have been made by many who were skilled in stone analogous to me historie Philippine ehiefdoms mat traded wim me
working. These stone weapons would mus have been broadiy aeeessi- Chinese (Junker 1994), a primary goalofwarfarewouldhave been to
ble. As weapons of war were found in all households, aeeess was secure cattle for export and to eliminate competing ehiefly traders.
evidently unrestricted, and mey would have had a strongly equalizing Through warfare the ehiefs of Thy probably sought to monopolize
eharaeter. To me degree mat weapons were widely aeeessible, al! long-distance trade and aeeess to foreign goods.
households could arm memselves for protection from raids and pred- To surnmarize, me primary evidence for warfare in Thy is me pres-
atory overlords. enee of personal weapons of war. Settlements, almough plaeed in
The introduetion of metal weapons ehanged me balance of power visible loeations during me Late Neolimic, were small and wimout
to favor the development of a hierarehieal organization. The metal evidenee of fortifieation. Thtough me time periods under consider-
weapons were evidently more effective, as me lengm and durability of ation, weapons were found in burials, where mey must have served to
the sword were improvements on mose of me dagger. Equally impor-. denote status, but only in me Late N eolimic were mey also found in
tant, me meaning of me sword as an objeet of value was unambigu- settlements. We can imagine a world of intense status rivalry played
ous. Aeeess to bronze swords and daggers could have been more out through military confrontations among mose striving to domi-
easily eontrolled man aeeess to me earlier stone weapons. The metal nate. The chieftains of Thy were militaristie, but me implications of
itself was imported from me south, and long-distanee exchange rela- military force as a souree of politieal power depended fundamentally
tionships through which it must have moved could be restrieted, to on me nature of me warfare, its teehnology, and its relationship to
sorne degree, by emerging leaders. More importantly, 1 would argue, broader economie systems. Warfare alone is an unstable souree of
the actual manufacture of me bronze swords could have been con- power, exeept in situations where me very teehnology of warfare can
trolled through atraehed specialization. be eontrolled and its spoils can be invested effeetively in expandiug
Beeause of me regionalization of sword styles, we know mat most me politieal economy. The Hawaiian Islands illustrate how mis can be
Early Bronze Age swords recovered from Denmark were loeally pro- aecomplished.
dueed. The near invisibility of me mal1ufacturing process archae-
ologieally (Levy 1991) suggests to me mat me loealities of bronze
manufacture in me Early Bronze Age were seant. Beeause metallurgi- Kaua\ HawaFi (800-I824 A.D.)
cal easting teehniques are teehnieally complieated, me number of
Warfare in prehistoric Hawaiian society was a critical means to cen-
highly trained eraftsmen was most eertainly few. A ehief, by bringing
tralize politieal power. 111e paramount chiefs sought to expand the
me eraftsmen under his control, could mus monopolize the produe-
size of meir polities mrough conquest - eliminating potential COm-
tion and availability of me weapons. My expeetation, still awaiting
[32 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force [33

petitor paramounts within the major island cruefdoms, annexing the through the North and South Islands of New Zealand. Suddenly,
smaller, interstitial islands, and going head to head with competing around A.D. 1600, fortified settlements and refuges sprang up in
major island chiefdoms as opportunities for expansion arose. By con- many areas on the North Island (Irwin 1985; Ailen 1994: fig. 4.2). Ir
quering additional territory, the pararnount could expand the finan- would seem that the initial expansion and spread of population had
cial basis ofhis chiefdom. This expansion did not seek land primarily, reached sorne limit at which the best subsistence resources were no
but the improved productive facilities (agricultural fields and fish- longer freely available and intense interchiefdom warfare ensued. Ana-
ponds) and eommoner labor that produeed the "surplus" that fi- lyzing the rustorical evidence, Vayda (1960, 1976) argued that a war
naneed the political economy. Conquest warfare in the Hawaiian Is- proeess existed whereby population expansion within a region exacer-
lands ereated large cbiefdoms, and soon after European contact, the bated intergroup conflicts and evenmally resulted in armed aggression
famous pararnount Kameharneha 1 overwhelmed the other para- aimed at seizing lands and supplanting neighboring populations.
mounts to form the Hawaiian state. The way that Hawaiian ehiefs Chiefs organized warfare and defense within the eommunity.
used warfare for conquest illustrates how it can playa key role in the The Maori and other Pacific societies, such as on the islands of
fashioning of complex polities. Rapa (Kirch 1984: 211-13) and Fiji (Frost 1974; Rechtman 1992),
Although the cruefdoms of preeontact Polynesia varied consider- were hill-fort eruefdoms. In New Zealand, people relied on en-
ably (Sahlins 1958; Goldman 1970; Earle 1978; Kireh 1984), com- trencbed pa, heavily fortified settlement and storage enclosures. Sev-
fion to all was endemic warfare. None were peaceful; in none was eral thousand of these pa were bullt within a few hundred years. Ailen
rule uncontested. Warfare was not, strierly spealting, an outcome of (1994) documents how a number of pa cluster to form a regional
any ecological conditions; it was inherenrly part of the chiefly eulmre. polity, but the scale was limited. The distance from the eenter of one
Toa, warrior, is a root word in the reconstructed Proto-Polynesian cluster to the next within the Hawke's Bay region, for exarnple, was
language dating baek to about 500 B.G., when early Polynesian so- perhaps twenty kilometers or less. A pa typically consisted of a rulltop
ciety first differentiated out of its Lapita progenitor (Kirch 1984: fortress surtounded by multiple embankments. The fortifications
49). provided a seeurely defended place that, prior to the historie intro-
The nature, extent, and ferocity of Polynesian warfare, however, duction of firearms, would have been difticult to breaeh. Within the
varied aecording to economic, demographie, and politieal conditions. walls were sertiements and lines of storage pits for the main agricul-
Perhaps the most drarnatie contrast existed between the more frag- tural produce (sweet potatoes) to be protected from raiders. As in
mented Maori ehiefdoms of N ew Zealand and the centralized and the Andean case, the chiefdoms evidendy developed in response
instimtionally complex ehiefdoms of the Hawaiian Islands (Kireh to intense intergroup 'Yarfare and the need for defense. Although
1984, 1988). Kirch (1988) evaluates Carneiro's theory of warfaré larger eruefdoms did apparendy emerge in particular areas on the
and demographic circumseription with a useful analysis of these two N orth Island, the ability to expand through conquest was limited by
cases. He begins with the logical argument that, at any reasonable the technical cbaracterisries of the warfare and the success of local
growth rate, a colonizing group in a physieally circumscribed land defenses.
mass such as a Polynesian island would expand geometrieally to the On the Hawaiian Islands, the nature of warfare proved to be dif-
limits of its productive resources. Competition for the limited re- ferent. There is virtually no archaeological evidence for warfare in the
sourees would cause intergroup conflict and war. sertiement pattern and artifact inventory. Villages consisted of sepa-
The Maori cruefdoms seem to illustrate this scenario. Initial eoloni- rate houses distributed through a community's land, and they were
zation by A.D. 1000 setofflong-term growth as population spread out not defended by in-place fortification. The only clear archaeologieal
 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military PlJWer: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force 135
I34

indications of warfare are a few concentrations of sling stanes, ~e avenge upon the chiefs of Oahu their slaying of the chicfs and cornmoners of
odd stone club head, and refuges to which a threatened population Maui [and Molokai]. They had taken Ka·hui-a-Kama prisoner to Oahu and
roastedhim in an oven, and theyusedhis skulJ as a filth pot. (Kamakau 1961:
might run. These refuges included walled-up lava tubes, several steep
23 2 )
ridges crosscut with ditches, and ceremonial safe areas (Kirch 1984;
Schoenfelder 1992). The archaeological evidence for warfare here, m Following battle, the defeated warriors were killed and their memo-
contrast to the Maori case, is scant. Yet we know from the historical ries humiliated, as they became common food and utensils for the
documents that warfare was an important part ofHawaiian politics. victors.
Kirch (1988) suggests that long-term population growth on The traditional technology ofHawaiian warfare included weapons
Hawai'i created locally dense populations centered on agricultural of mass atrack and close combat (Buck 1957: 417-64). To be used at
resources. At contact he estimates a population density of 120 per- sorne distance, as the forces closed on each other, were long, one-
sons per square kilometer of arable land. He draws atrention to Car- piece thrusting spears with fiat, carved lancdet blades and shorter
neito's argument, e1aborated by Webster (1985), that resource con- throwing spears with carved barbs. Slings were used to hurl small,
centrations create circumscription. Competitían for the concentrated oblong stones. "Their weapons are Spears or lances, some barbed at
best lands would have been exacerbated by sustained population one end and fiatrened to a point at the other, and a short instrument
growth such that warfare would have been inevitable. something like a dagger about a foot and a half long, sharpened at
Early historical accounts and the traditional histories document one, or both ends and secured to the hand by a string; the use of this
the high frequency and severity of indigenous warfare. Between weapon is to stab in close fighting and seems well adapted for the
A.D. 1400 and 1450, Cordy (1981: 180) describes an uninbabited purpose" (Cook 1967: 282). The close-combat weapons included
buffer zone a10ng the Kohala coast of Hawai'i where fierce fighting these wooden daggers and numerous clubs, typically quite short (less
may have restricted settlement. The traditional histories are filled with than 50 centimeters long); with a suspension cord through the han-
vivid accounts of chiefiy combat, characteristically emphasizing the elle, an enlarged head that could be smooth or rough (a natural root
skill and effectiveness in battle of individual warriors. The accounts or limb enlargement), and sometimes a grooved stone head or rows
describe fighting among district chiefdoms ftom parts of islands and of sharks' teeth (Hg. 4.4). The famous feather cloaks and helmets
the eventual unification of islands under single paramounts. The story worn by chiefs in battle (see Chapter 5) could have functioned to
of 'Umi describes the conquest of the independent districts of the Big some extent as armor; at the same time, they would have drawn
Island of Hawai'i and his creation of the integrated island chiefdom atrention to the chief's exploits during battle and made him a target of
there (Kamakau 1961: 1-21). . atrack.
At succession, warfare between potential heirs was intense, and, The weapons suggest a fairly simple battle strategy. A massing of
just prior to the arrival of the Europeans, wars of conquest were being warriors would first release a barrage of short spears and sling stones;
fought for control of eastern Maui (Kamakau 1961: 78-91). The this would be followed by a meeting of forces with the lances and then
ferocity of these wars is ofren mentioned. by hand-to-hand combat with the short clnbs and daggers. The weap-
ons themselves are egalitarian. A1though they were manufacrured
Pele~io-holani [paramount of Kaua'i and Q'ahu] cherished a feeling of en-
from special hardwood (koa), availability of the wood itself would
mity against the chicfs of Molokai for the death of his daughter ... and at the
battle of Kapu'unonui he slaughtered the chiefs and roasted them in an oven have been difficult to monopolize, and the weapons could easily have
at HakawaiL ... Ka·hekili [paramount of Maui and Molokai] sought to been mannfacrured by almost anyone. Thus the technology was not
 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force 137

Figure 4.5. On a double-hullcd war cance, Kalani'opu'u, paramount chief of

Hawai'i, comes out to meet Captain Cook at Kealakekua Bay (Cook 1784) .

controllable. Only the personal skili and training necessary for ef-
fective hand-to-hand combat (and perhaps the feathered armor)
would have given the chiefs an advantage. I would compare the mili-
tary technology directly to what we saw in Late Neolithic and Barly
Bronze Age Denmark, but the place of warfare in the power strategies
was quite different.
Potentially more significant may have been the role of the canoes.
The HawaÍÍans had a large, double canoe hollowed out from two
large koa tree trunks and lashed together with a platform and saH
(Buck 1957: 268). Originally used to colonize the deep Padfic, at
contact these large canoes were used in marítime battles and to ferry
troops for conquest invasions. Figure 4.5 illustrates the double canoes
that in 1779 transported the feather-cloaked warrior cruefs who came
o !O 20
CENTIMETERS out to greet Captain Cook at Kealakekua Bay, Hawai'i. The picture
shows twenty paddlers and abotlt forty warriors on the platform of
Figure 44. Weapons of close combat, contact-period Hawai'i (Buck 1957; the largest canoe. Peleioholani, paramount of Kaua'i and O'ahu, re-
reprinted courtesy of the Bernice P. Bishop Museum Press, Honolulu).
portedly had a war canoe capable of carrying 160 warriors into battle
(Kamakau 1961: 240).
I38 Military Pmver: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Pmver: The Strategu: Use ofNaked Force I39

@ had ehanged. N ow Kamakahelei, another grandchild of Peleioholani

~' was "Queen of the Islands" (Kaua'i and Ni'ihau), her new husband,
Peleiohol.ni
Ka'eo, a famous Maui chief, was "her generalissimo;' and Keawe, her
®
young son by a former marriage, was "king." Kaneoneo was described
~
as a "usurper."He was on the other side of the island "gathering
forees" but SOon appeared to talk with the Europeans. Evidently a
® l-""-"'..;:,®.,;;:f5$;:ü "pj::-'-;- - fight for sueeessíon was under way.
~ Ita'M Kamakahelei
For whatever reason, Kaneoneo lost bis bid to regain the Kaua'i
Kaneo""" Kah.~jli

;o®r~CC;,
paramountey, and he is next heard from on O'ahu fighting with the
O'ahu forces against a Maui invasíon. He was killed by the Maui
Kaumuali'i Kl:awe forces and could well have been one of those roasted by the Maui
Figure 4.6. Genealogy of rhe Kaua'i paramounts described in the texto On rhe ehiefs revenging bis fathers savagery.
right, arrows show the Hne of succession for Kaua'i (K) andMaui (M) By this time, Ka'eo was referred to as the paramount chief of
paramount chiefs. Peleioholani was paramount ofboth Kaua'i and Q'ahu Kaua'i, probably beeause Kamakaheleí had given birth to his son
(O) (MichaclGabriel). Kaumuali'í, who now would be expeeted to take on the paramount
office. Ka'eo continued as leader of the Kaua'í ebiefdom until 1791,
The historical sourees suggest that war was a dramatic event of when he lefr the island to support the Mauí forees (ruled by his half-
politieal confrontation as potential rulers wrestled for control and by brother Kahekili) against Hawai'í (mled by the young and aggressíve
so doing demonstrated dramatieal!y their rights to positions of domi- Kamehameha). Ka'eo left Kaua'i with his "ehiefs, warriors, and pad-
nation. Wíth the arríval of the Europeans, the Hawaiians immediately dlers, al! well armed with muskets and weapons of al! kinds, and with
adopted western teehnology for warfare, tryíng to get aecess to west- two man-eating dogs" (Kamakau 1961: 159). He Ied a devastating
ern sailing-ships and guns, and to lure European sail makers and gun- raid on the Waipí'o Valley ofHawai'i, where he deseerated the heiau
ners to jump ship and join their invasion forees. The goal of broad- of Liloa, father of 'Umi, and fought an indecisive sea battle against the
seale eonquest was there; the new teehnology offered the means for forces of Kamehameha. Afrer Kahekili's death from old agc in 1794
Kamehameha's eonquest and the subseqnent ereation of the Hawai- Ka'eo beeame paramount of Maui. Apparently homesick for Kaua';
ian state. (or perhaps lmable to consolidate bis rule), he decided to return, but
On Kaua'i, the history of eontaet-period warfare is c1early doeu- bis home-coming trip had to be aborted when "he discovered a con-
mented (Earle 1978: 175-80; Fig. 4.6). As deseribed ín the prevíous spiracy among [sorne of the 1chíefs and eaptains of his tleet to throw
quotation, Peleioholani, paramount ofKaua'i, was a famous conquer- hím overboard in mid-oeean" (Kamakau 1961: 168). Instead he
ing ehief, known for his savagery and effeetiveness. On his death, rule diverted to O'ahu where he ended up battlíng that island's ehiefs,
passed to Kaneoneo, hís grandson by the uníon ofbis son and daugh- whom he probably sought to rule. Despite victories, Ka'eo was final!y
ter. Kaneoneo was deseribed as paramount ehief of Kaua'i when Cap- penned in and killed by an O'ahu force, aided by two visiting British
tain James Cook first landed there in 1778 (Cook 1967), but when sbips (who assísted in exehange for 400 pígs) .
one of Cook's vessels returned the following year, political conditions At the death of Ka'eo, the paramountcy of Kaua'i passed to Ka-
umuali'i, son of Ka'eo and Kamakahelei. A war of successíon soon
I40 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNakedForce 14I

broke out between Kaumuali'i and his older half brother Keawe. In sueeessful in expanding the polities to the brink of statehood. Why
1796, Keawe was in "rebellion" against Kaumuali'i, whom he de~ did the chiefdoms not fragment into the hilHort ehiefdoms seen
feated and kept living dose by, "divested of power" (Broughton among the Maori and the Wanka? Howwere the Hawaiian chiefs ablc
1804). But six years later, Kaumuali'i was again in eharge (Turnbull to institutionalize their positions of domination ayer the many com-
1813: 213). Apparentlywhile on a tour ofthe island, two former aides munities of an island? These questions are explored below.
to Ka'eo stabbed and kilied Keawe (Lahainaluna student eomposition
1885). Kaumuali'i then withstood an attempted invasion ofKaua'i by When ane compares the chiefdoms discussed here, two conclusions
Kamehameha when Kamehameha's eanoes were wreeked in a disas- are immediately evident. First, warfare was eritieal in all three cases;
trous storm. To forestall further invasion attempts, Kaumuali'i ac~ the military was an important souree of politieal power, and the
eepted Kamehameha's sovereignty, but he retained funetionalleader- chiefs were warri;~~-:-Thed;;-che -oftheWañkaruIe(rb;:~ause of war-
ship of the island until his death. rior status. He defended his community and its immediate territory
This complicated stoty makes the simple point that few para- against attaek. The Bronze Age ehieftain of Thy, buried with his
mounts died in bed. To be an aging warrior ehief was rather unusual. sword, similarly had his identity bound to fighting. His military
Portlock described "ane of the greatest warriors:' a clase relative of prowess helped seize eattle and control wealth obtained through
the Kaua'i paramount, as follows: "His body was almost covered with long-distanee exehange. The Hawaiian ehief, too, was esteemed as an
sears, and he was quite a eripple; and to add to his distressing situa- aecomplished fighter. He organized and Ied wars of sueeession that
tion, he had entirely lost one eye" (1789: 177). Only the strong sur- determined who ruled, and he fashioned wars of conquest that ex-
vived, but often in a rather gruesome state. panded the ehiefdorrrs domain.
Warfare was a strategy that determined real politieal relation- Seeond, the natu~e_at1(L~.fI'"g;¡Y.m~slLºL>y.;u:f¡¡¡;'-_lY¡;¡:d¡jgb4c.",ari­
ships in the Hawaiian Islands. Sueeession was won on the battlefield, ~c In the Wanka case, chiefiy rule was effectively Iimited to a small
and rival island paramounts continually confronted eaeh other in bat- region only a few kilometers across. Politics wcre fragmented into
J

tles of conquest. U ntil the introduetion of western weapons, these small hill-fort ehiefdoms, and warfare became foeused on in-place
conquests were effeetive only up to the natural boundaries of the defense that proved insurmountable by avallable military teehnology.
major islands and their immediately neighboring islands. Complete In contrast, the Bronze Age chiefs of Thy relied on no in-place for-
unifieation of the major islands through conquest failed, and the tilieation; rather, they must have met opposing forees on the open
Hawaiian state emerged only when an effective new military teehnol- ficld, where individual skili and personal weapons won the day. But
ogy was introdueed. U ntil then, though bound together through these chiefs apparently had problems institutionalizing power for any
marriage and intrigue, the islands remained divided into separate . Iengrh of time. Only the Hawaiian paramounts effectively used mili-
chiefdoms foeused on the islands of Hawai'i, Maui, O'ahu, and tary might for conquest to fashion the large island ehiefdoms that
Kaua'L verged Oil state sodeties.
The real question is not how warfare aeted to integrate the ehief- A1though warfare was eonstant in the three cases, 1 am reminded of
doms, which it eertainly did through conquest, but how warriors Machiavelli's evaluation of powerful and weak prinees:
could have been controlled if a ehief as powerful as Ka'eo had to
constantly fear being thrown overboard by his "trusted" supporters. Those [powerful princes] are ablc to maintain themselves who, from an
abundance of roen and money, can put a well-appointed army into the field,
Warfare can be seen as a force of dissolution, ripping at the institu-
and meet any one in open battle that may attempt to attack them. And 1
tional fabric of the Hawaiian ehiefdoms. But Hawaiian warfare was
142 Military Power: The Strategic Use ofNaked Force CHAPTER FIVE

esteem those as [weak] having need of the constant support of others who
cannot mcet their enemies in the freld, but are under the necessity of taking
refuge behind walls arrd keeping within them. (1963 [I532): 44-45)

This quotation makes two important points. First, walls are a sign of
political weakness and incapacity. Second, the linkage of warfare to
the political economy is key. The powerful chia(orprrnce) confro1S Ideology as a Source of Power
meI1 aridmoney. TheHriKage
Chapter"
Ór."';ufif"
Sr.......... ..............
tÓic!e¡¡rÓgyl.siIS:¿¡i~Iª..C¡¡¡::C",é

Among the three cases, the goals of warfare were quite different,
and these distinct goals led to alternate power strategies. Among the
Wanka, the primaty goal was defense of the local commlmity and its
tights to land. The nature of Í:his warfare was virtually unchanged
from that of simpler, local .. group-level societies. These systems were
fairly statie. Among the Bronze Age chiefs ofThy, the goal of conflict
was expansionistic, as the chiefs sought to expand their monopoly on Ideology is the portion of cultural meaning that is used strategicaliy to
the political economy by seizing animals and more generally control.. Institute political domination or resistance. Ideology is composed of
ling access to the export economy and the interregional prestige.. "meaningful symbolic phenomena in so far as they serve, in particular
goods exchange system. Control through warfare extended to control socio .. cultural circumstances, to establish and sustain relations of
over the subsistence economy of catrle and the ideology intertwined domination ..... [Symbolic phenomena1are ideological only in so far
with the prestige objects of exchange. But such chiefdoms, dependent as they serve to establish and maintain relations of domination"
on wealth exchange, were inherently unstable and dissolved as they (Thompson 1990: 56-57). But nondominant groups also have inter..
formed. Local chieftains wouid rise to oppose the power of regional ests, and they will develop ideologies of resistance to solidify their
authority and atrempt to co .. opt access to prestige goods. In the com .. position in the social order. Ideology's strategic character distin ..
plex chiefdoms of the Hawaiian Islands, the goal became conquest of guishes it from the broader cuiture . Ideologies are thus worldviews
communities and their productive facilities and commoner popula.. associated with specmc social segments. It is inappropriate, for exam-
tions. Warfare in Hawai'i therefore translated into control over the pie, to think of a Hawaiian ideology; a culing-dass ideology existed
subsistence economy and, by extension, the system of staple finance. . that was in part separate from the broader culture. Muitiple social
Through this liukage, the expansionistic political economy fueled the segments within a society can, and often do, have differentiated ide-
institutionalization of political re!ationships and economic control ologies that serve their interests in opposition to (or at least separate
over the unpredictable powers of war. from) the ideologies of other social segments. Ideology involves
ideas, beliefs, values, truths and lies, doctrines and dogmas. Ide-
ologies may be more or less formalized, codified, and internally con-
slstent, depending on the institutional matrix of their creation and
use . As I will argue here, however, to be used strategically, ideologies
must be made concrete in fonns such as ceremonies, symbols, and
monuments.
144 ldeology as a Source ofPower ldeology as a Source ofPower 145

Ideology is evidently a souree of power. An ideology, as a view of . for me to provide a reasonable surnmary of how the coneept of ideol-
the world, sets forth an understanrung of what is right, what is natu- ogy has developed and entiched our understanding of social proeess.
ral. It contains theories of the world and the place of human society That is a separate book. Rather, 1 point to sorne eritieal foundation
and its segments within it. CharaeteristicaJIy, an ideology is founded stones that Jie at the base of the present argument on the strategie role
on principies of a moral and religious order. Trungs are the way they of ideologieal power.
are beeause of cosmie laws. Humanity is but a part of a universe of Marx (1904) emphasized that the relations of produetion deter-
supernatural, natural, and cultural forees and beings; an ideology is a mine the political arrangement of society. Ideas and prulosophies do
eharter coneerning the nature of the universe and our place wlthin lt. not rule in the last instance; they are mystifieations ro legitimize dom-
AE sueh, ideology a1so sets up institutional parterns of knowledge ination. The objeetive realities of the economy determine the strne-
and meaning on whieh parterns of control are 10gicaJIy constrncted ture and nature of power within society.
and legitimized. In part, ideology is based on knowledge about how Sinee the Second World War, social philosophers have attempted,
power is rustributed and possessed within a society (Barnes 1988). A more or less suecessfully, to bring sentiments and ideas baek inro
monument, for example, contains a simple message abont the central Marxism. Anthropologists like Godelier (1977) identify themselves
control of peop!e's labor in the constrnetion of a eulturallandseape. as Marxists but emphasize notions of strneture and meani.ng akin ro
The real contested and negotiated nature of power can thus be sim- those ofWeber (1930). The Weberian historian Karl Polanyi (1957)
plified and institutionalized through the ereation of an ideology. Al- created "substantivist economics" to stress how the economy was
though other sourees of power exist, it is knowledge of power (and embedded in society. Strnetural Marxists have sinee elaborated on
powerlessness) as presented and experieneed on a daily basis that similar coneeptions that emphasize how speeific dynarnics far ehange
makes it real to peop!e and determines their aenons. Power IS Imked derive from a society's strueture and related values (see Friedrnan and
to the know!edge of power, wrueh must be experiential; in simple Rowlands 1977). But the movement roward an intellectual midrue
terms, power rests on materiali7.ed ideologies. ground has lefr Marxist stanees on eausation somewhat eonfused.
DeMarrais, Castillo, and Earle (1996) argue that ideology be- Marx himself tried to identify his politieal philosophy with a scien-
comes transformed, through proeesses of materiallzarion, from ab- tifie, as opposed to a reJigious, anaIysis of the world arder. Of course,
straet ideas and values into praetiees and products that can be ma- mueh can be made of Marxism as a new religious dogma and of
nipulated by a ruling social segmento For my purposes here, I ~ill science as politieaJIy and rulturaJIy situated. 1 aeeept these points, and
emphasize the working of a ruling ideology and the processes of itS the distinction between scienee and ideology dissolves into a recogni-
materialization and strategie use as a souree of political power. Most tion that the dominant ideology asserts a monopoly o.n trnth. Follow-
important is how the proeess of materialization links ideology con- . ing the lead of Marx, Althusser argues that, in a stratified society, a
cretely and specifieaJIy to the econúmy and military might to effeet ruling ideology leads a society's conseiousness; the state, as an instrn-
social power. ment of the ruling dass, develops a specific Ideological State Appara-
tus (ISA) (1971). The ISA is composed of religious, edueational, and
legal institutions, among others, developed and perpetuated by the
The N ature ofIdeology ruling dass to fashion and maintain domination.
Sinee the nineteenth eentury, the intellectual history of ideology has The ruling-dass ideology consists of the social valnes and beliefs
been rieh and diverse (Thompson 1990), and itwould be impossible that reproduce the material conrutions of life upon wrueh the dass-
stratified poJitieal system rests. The state ereates and supports the
146 Idcology as a Source ofPower Ideology as a Source ofPower 147

institutions that promote the legitimizing worldview of the ruling , The problem in many of the diseussions of ideology is that it is
dass, and these institutions socialize and indoco:rinate individuals coneeived as part of a culture's worldvicw, Culture is thought to be
to participate willingly in a world structured to benefit that dass, held in people's heads and shared by the members of a social group.
Alternative ideologies are, in Althusser's estimation, swamped and This definition of culture as a mental phenomenon is a standby of
suppressed by the strength of the dominant message. The path to anthropological thinking, often repeated in introductory dasses and
power through ideology lies in atrempts by competing groups to texts. An ideology is similarly envisioned as a mental phenomenon
seize the ISA and thus gain effective control over the promulgation of that organizes beliefs, values, ideas, theories, and dogmas about the
knowledge, world and its operation. This mentalist view of ideology and culture
An evident problem with this conception of ideology is that it is, however, fundamentally problematic (DeMarrais, Castillo, and
assumes full domination by the state apparatus of the promulgation Earle 1996). What is culture really? What is its essence? If we think of
of ideas. In modern sOciety, the generation and dissemination of culture as ideas held in people's heads, it is diflieult to understand how
knowledge is never so tighrly controlled or monolithic. Abercrombie, it could ever be shared broadly. People living closely together, as in a
Hill, and Turner (1980) offer a devastating critique of the idea of a family group, may have the intimacy and constant cornmunieation
dominant ruling-dass ideology, Who is it, they ask, who would be- neeessary to share an understanding of the world. But for a social
lieve a ruling dass's ideology? Certainly not the slaves or the working group larger than the family, what mechanisms exist for multiple
dass, These social segmeuts, like others, are composed of intelligent minds to share a cornmon set of ideas? Culture rapidly loses its value
individuals with eyes open to the objective reality of dass domination. as an analytical coneept as societies become larger. Eaeh person has an
It does not take a genius to see how the world works in such circum- individualized reality, seulpted by his or her experiences.
stanees; those who see dominated dasses as subservient dupes of the What is shared must, therefore, be what is experienced in common, and
establishment are trapped by their patronizing tone. The dominated that must lie outside our minds. The external world (not our inner
are wherc they are politically and economically beeause of who holds states) is what social groups share in cornmon. How that external
real power in society, not because of any belief in the inherent legit- world is organized and given meaning must give the important ele-
imacy of their privilege. According to this critique, it is only the ruling ment of sharing to the cultural experienee. How that external world
elite itself that tends to buy into its own ideological statements. is created and controlled provides insight into how ideologies are
Mann (1986) parrly answersthe critique bye111phasizingth."t_a_ formed and provide strategic sources of social power. But this condu-
succ~§sfulide~l~gy offers acornforting worldview that makes life,'s ' sion is getting ahead of my analysis .
. p~in ~érineql;alities more tolerable. "PeopIeárenot manipulated . Culture in American anthropology was originally conceived as a
tllough
, f;;;;ls.A;:,d ideologiesalways do contain legitimization of pri- mental structure of rules and procedures, homologous with language.
vate interests and material domination, they are unlikely to artain a Saussure's distinction between language (as grammar) and speech
hold over peoplc if they are mcrely this. Powerful ideologies are at (as generated behavior) was transferred to the distinction between
least highly plausible in the conditions of the time, and they are gen- culture (as rules) and conduct (as daily practice). Ethnoscience, a
uinely adhered to" (Mann 1986: 23). Whilelegitimizing struetures of major intellectual effort of the I960'S, sought to codify the rules
domination, ideologies must fit the objective reality as expericnced by of groups as to how they saw the world and acted on that cultural
society's members. Thus they must fit with the multiple realities of knowledge. But this hypermentalist view of culture proved unsatis-
participants and give them a sense of interest in the broader society fying because it failed to capture the great diversity of viewpoints
and a willingness to participate in it. and behaviors that were irnmediately evident within human soci-
148 Ideology as a Source ofPower Ideology as a Source ofPower 149

eties. The complexity of mental process was líterally overwhelming, expressed by Giddens (1979), sociallife is a process of"structuration"
and no mechanism could be immediately envisioned for its codifica- by which people are continually working out their lives by acting as
tion and transfer. The essence and processes of cultnrc remained they think is appropriate both eultnrally and strategically. Following
underspecified. Sahlins's "structure ofthe conjuncture" (I985: 152), ceremonies and
Considering ideology as a source of power, Geertz provided the other events are the empirical form of the society's structnre - the
stage for later "practice" theorists (Ormer 1984). Geertz focnsed on moments when past conceptions are realized and transformed by
symbols that were made manifest during public ceremonies. Within a social actors. Cultnre as historical, dynamic, and continually lived, the
society, people cornmunicate symbolic meaning during carefuliy or- view held by practice theorists, is irnmensdy attractive. Culture exists
chestrated public events. Culture thus is not simply a mental state; as a constantly moving objective world, expcrienced as it is created by
rather, it is created and exists through symbolic public ritnals, cere- its rnembers.
monies, performances, and the like. For example, in his bookN¡¡g-ara: The present understanding of ideology can be surnmarized as fol-
the theater-state in nineteenth-century Bali, Geertz (1980) argues that lows: Ideology is a system of beliefs and ideas presented pubticly in cere-
the polity (n¡¡g-ara) was separated from instrumental institntions, manies and other occasians. It is created and manipulated strat¡¡g-ically by
such as managed irrigation systems, and lacked an elaborate bu- social s¡¡g-ments, mast importantly the ruling elite, to establish and maintain
reaucracy of governing officials. The primary activity of the "state;' as positions ofsocial power. In states, ideology, as distinguished from other
represented by one of ten royal houses, was the staging of large and cultnral dements, is not simply generated through human interac-
dramatic public ceremonies whereby the natnre and the meaning of tion; a significant part of a society's worldview is intentionally created
society and its histoty were made public and experienced in common and transformed by a social elite to direct the thoughts and actions of
by participants. People were positioned with respeer to the perfor- subjeer peoples. State institntions, as part of an ideological apparatns,
mances as appropriate to the social order. Structure and meaning seek to develop and perpetnate a charter for the institntional order of
were constantly created through ceremonies that represented - no, society. Such strategic charters are a significant sourcc of social power
were - the history, mythology, and society of the Balinese state. But in state societies.
the reader of N¡¡g-ara is left to wonder how such a system could have The importancc of ideology for understanding chiefiy societies has
gorten started and how it could be maintained. long been recognized. The chiefs were often thought of as priests, and
Starting in the 1970'S, a loosely affiliated group of social phUoso- sorne researchers describe chiefdoms as theocratie societics. Fried
phers, identifYing themselves rather ambiguously with Marx, argued (19 67) attempted to identifY a qualitative divide bctween ranked so-
for the importance of practice (Ormer 1984). Cultural phenomena, . cieties (simple ehiefdoms) based on traditional systems of ranking
for them, are not mies held in people's heads but the daUy actions of and stratified societies (eomplex chiefdoms) based on differential ae-
people habitnated and instruered as they go about their routine Uves. cess to the means of production. In simple chicfdoms ranking was
Bourdieu (1977), for example, conceived the habitus as a house, buUt seen as part of a natnral kinship order, with sorne possessing sacred
by individuals to structure proper activities - personal versus family, powers bascd on their social and historical posirions. Such a system of
public versus private, sacred versus profane. Culture is thus not a divine order and governance, perpetnated by the ruling chiefs, would
mental order, but an amorphous reality lived out within the guiding be an ideological system. Chiefiy lcaders were often viewed as ruling
walls of a manufactured world and imbued with. specific cultural because of a sacred eharter that recognized them as divine or with
meaning. Geertz and Bourdieu have parallel visions in this regard. As structured differenrial access to divine power (Webb 1975). Warfare
ISO ldeology as a Source ofPower Ideology as a Source ofPower ISI

in such a context was seen to be of minar importance; rule was based acted as managers, warriors, and ritual specialists. Much of the com-
on tradition, or a traditional ideology with inherent principIes of petitive arena of chiefdoms involves fights over different sources of
inequality. power and attempts to bring these sources together. Even within a
Adding a dynamic and competitive element, Helms (1979) has specific medium of power, such as ideology, control was often prob-
described the linkage of chieE, to long-distance exchange. She de- lematic and multiple, partially overlapping power strategies were cre-
scribes how Panamanian chiefs competed for access to and control ated. Thus chiefdoms were often characterized by very complicated
over powerful esoteric knowledge embodied in long-distanee trade and fractured institutions of power- heterarchies, as opposed to hi-
items such as the fine lost-wax golden figures traded in from Co- erarchies. The difficulties of a chiefly monopoly on an ideology are
lombia. By competing for control over the foreign exchange, chiefs well illustrated in these cases.
sought ro control (or manipulate) a system of knowledge that im-
bued the chiefs with sacred power. The strategic manipulation and
ereation of the sacred knowledge of course created a system of ideol- IdeologyandMaterialization
ogy supporting ruling chiefs. Rival chiefs sought to seize the objects
Culture as part of an objective reality must exist outside of the collec-
and the power that they conferred.
tive heads of its participants. Although practice theorists suggest a
In a similar vein, Friedman and Rowlands (1977) describe a
means for understanding culture, their work verges on a highly amor-
prestige-goods exchange system that linked together the chiefdoms of
phous notion of culture as habituated action. 1 suggest that most
northern Europe. Prestige goods passed through a decentralized ex-
important to our understanding of culture is the process of material-
change network, apparently focused on ceremonial events at which
ization (DeMarrais, Castillo, and Earle 1996). Pllblic symbols, in
the goods were most probably used, displayed, and gifted. The im-
Geertz's sense, are present in objects and in the built environment.
portant point is that "prestige" was not a simple, abstract notion of
Cultures are continually enacted on a physical srage with the sers and
goodness; it represented the realization of a !cader's personal powers,
props of material culture. Actions and interactions are important, but
as symbolized by possession and gifting of special objects. Control
the physicality of the material world gives a permanence and order to
and manipulation of the exchange events and their ceremonial con-
the world of culture that make up its very essence in power dynamics.
texts embodied a real strategic manipulation of a chiefly ideology in
Materialization is the transformation ofideas, values, stories, myths, and
which objects were important primarily because of their place in a
the like into a physical reality that can take the form of ceremonial events,
world of meaning infused with sacred powers. The elaboration and
symbolic objects, monuments, and writing. Ir is the process by which
maintenance of this ceremonial system, focused on the public sym-
culture is created, codified, and conrained. Ideas and objects unite and
bols encoded in the events and objects, created strong ideological
are inseparable; ideas, unconnected to rhe objective world, have no
support for the emergent chiefly strata.
means of being communicated, experienced, used, and owned. Ideas
What characterizes the use oE ideology among chiefdoms is the
must be materiallzed to become social, to become cultural things. Our
close integration between idea and object and between sacred and
ideas are private and powerful for ourselves, but their marerialization
profane powers. As in other aspects of chiefly society, the degree of
brings them into the public arena.
institutional separatian is minimized. Therefore, it is impossíble to
Marerialization delivers two fundamental properties permitting
speak, for example, of an Ideological Chiefly Apparatus. Chiefs were
culture to be strategically created and manipulated as an ideology: it
not priests; they were generalized leaders, seamlessly combining eco-
creates commOll, shared experience, and it permits control ayer the
nomic, military, and religious power. At different moments, chiefs
 I52 Ideology as a Source ofPower ldeology as a Source ofPower 153

production and use of !he ideology. Comnwn, shared experiences create The materiallzation of ideology suggests how the standard Marxist
and manipulate ideas about "appropriate" values and norms tbrougb analysis of control based on material process extends directiy inro the
public ceremonies !hat become !he social history, structure, and re- world of ideas. The ideas, or more precisely !heir material representa-
ligious dogma for a group. This is what 1 see as essential in !he notion tions, with which they are inextricably intertwined, are produced,
of public symbol (Geertz 1980). Ideas !hemselves are inherently frag- transferred, used, and owned like other cultural things.
mented and fractured, representing !he many voices characterized by To see how the process of materialization works, it is useful to
social and personal differences of age, sex, occupation, locality, elass, consider tbree forms in which ideology can be manifest: public cere-
and individuality (Keesing 1985). To mold individnal beliefs and to monial events, symbolic objects, and culturallandscapes. * Each has
guide social action, ideologies must be manifested in a material form characteristics of ownership, use, transfer, and control, and there are
!hat can be experienced in common by a targeted group. Tbe mate- different opportunities for control of each !hat fundamentally affect
rialization of ideologies provides !he foundations for institutions of its dynamic properties and potential usefulness as a source of political
power, owned and controlled by a mling elite. power.
Control over ideology is necessary ro !he use of culture as a source Public ceremonial events provide cornmOll, shared experiences to a
of power. Ideas are unquestionably powerful. How an individual is group through participation in rituals, feasts, or performances. It is
motivated, how he or she sees !he world, fundamentally determines the public performances at ceremonial occasions that create the sym-
action. That is not debated. The question is ra!her how an individual's bolic nexus for a society (Geertz 1980). Ceremonial events are usually
motivations and worldview can be controlled and directed to work cyclical and repetitive performances of the great mythical and ritual
for !he interests of one segment and potentially against !he individ- narratives of a society. Although examples of unstructured ceremonial
ual's own interests. As already discussed, no!hing is more private or events exist, most ceremonies are strictly prescribed in form, par-
harder ro access !han an individual's personal perspectives. In crude ticiparíon, and sequence. Ceremonial events are probably the most
'¡ terms, ideas !hemselves are cheap. Anyone can !hink whatever he or basic and simple form of materialized ideology, and they have been
:11
she wants, as long as !hat belief does not determine an action !hat wi!h us since the beginning of human ideological behavior.
causes a swifi: punishment. People can develop !heir own ideas about The ability to perform a ritual event may be structurally restricted
!he nature of the universe !hat position !hemselves advantageously. by cultntal determinations of who may participate. Even in small-
Following!hc critique of Abercrombie, Hill, and Turner (1980), it is scale societies, for example, males exclude females or the revcrsc, and
unlikely !hat people will freely adopt ideas !hat enslave !hem. To be the initiated exclude the uniniríated, from certain ceremonies. A scc-
effective as a source of power, ideas must be made real !hrough experi- ond consideration is the cast of hosting the ceremony. Large-scale
ence and controlled tbrough being embedded in !he productive pro- ceremonies require leadership to finance them with resources mobi-
cess. Thus, al!hough public symbols can have multiple meanings for lized from the group. In hosting large-scale feasts, a leader demon-
participants placed differently in !he social hierarchy, control over strates the capacity to marshal quantities of food beyond the reach of
those symbols is manifest and unambiguous ro all. others.
To !he degree !hat ideologies are materialized, they become part of Another way to control ceremonial evcnts is to increase their orga-
the physical world that is constructed by social labor. Thus !he mate-
* A fourth form of materialization is writing (DeMarrais, Castillo, and Earle 1996 ).
rial nature of an ideology, essential for cultntal sharing, offers oppor- Because it is not used in chiefdoms, ir will not be considered here, but the academic
tunities for control identical to that over production of other objects. marta "publish or pcrish" may give sorne idea to its significance.
154 ldeowgy as a Source ofPower ldeowgy as a Source ofPower 155

nizational complexity, that is, the specialized nature and number of dates for symbolie communication among and within social segments
component elements required for their performance. These compo- and between polítical entities, and for personal display of stams or
nents include the required participation of specific individuals, re- affiliation with specme segments of society, whether determined by
lígious specialists who are commonly associated with the ruling elítes. gender, age, funetion, or social position. And kons of publie display
Often a song or specifie part of a ceremony will be the "property" can communicate a standardized message to a large munber of indi-
of an individual (or social persona) who must participare in the eere- viduals simultaneously.
mony. The performance might also require specific skills, such as the Portable symbolic objects enter into the polítieal economy as polít-
execution of lífe-threatening aets that can only be accomplíshed by ical currency mobilized through tribute and prodnced by artisans
trained specialists. The congregation of many participants, whom connected with elites (see Chapter 3). They are exchanged through
only the prestige and power of the group can pull together in such elaborate networks of political power relationships. Such objects sig-
large numbers, is usually another ingredient of rimal events. nify relationships of dependency, affiliation, Or correspondence. They
Public ceremonial events are, however, not an ideal basis for can also be distributed within the segments of a society to create or
power. Investments in ceremonles are necessarily transitory; they are reinforee vertical as well as horizontal relationships and to generate
not capital investrnents líke the constrllction of a ceremonial place or loyalties and consensus among individuals differentially benefiting
the creation of rimal paraphernalia. Events are performed and then from social action. Ceremonial paraphemalia or status symbols can be
are over and done with. They cannot be "owned" or passed on to the paraded as part of ceremonial events, and, because they can eontain
succeeding generations; only the right to perform the eeremony may coded informarían, they can serve as mechanisms for narrative repre-
be owned. Once enaeted, a ceremony is only a memory, qukkly sentations. This narratíve character, common in many complex icono-
forgotren; new capital expendimres will be required for periodk graphic systems and shared by the performance of ceremonial events,
reenacttnent. is one of the ruling elites' most powerful tools to reinforee a message
Ceremonial events can be efficient in the short term, especially aimed at large masses.
if they include dramatic performances combined with coercive ele- Aecess to symbolic objects can be restricted by controlling their
ments, such as human sacrifiee. Their efficacy in the long run depends production or distríbution. In sorne cases, this control can be ex-
on their repetition. Because of their immediacy, however, rimals are ercised through the dependence of production on craft specialists,
among the most valuable strategies to enculturate individuals, such as who can be tethered to elite patrons. In other cases, wealth may be
newly conquered populations. monopolized by control over exchange and raiding that depends on
The other forms of materialization are often linked to the power of complícated technologies, such as oceangoing boats. Symbolic ob-
ceremonies as performance. Speeial objects are the physical mani- jects, unlike events, can be owned, inherited, transferred, and seized,
festations of key publíc symbols, displayed as props in the ceremonial making them ideal signifiers of social position and social relation-
drama. Sacred monumental spaces are constructed as stages. Owner- ships. Symbolic objects can thus accomplish their function even be-
ship of the objeets and the monuments provides means to control the yonddeath.
ceremonles. Pub/k monuments and landscapes serve primarily, but not exclu-
Symbolic objectJ, such as ceremonial paraphernalia and rimal attire, sively, ideological purposes. Some great buildings are constrllcted to
are some of the most effieacious means to materialize ideology. The serve as ceremonial facilities, others as centers of political power, and
portable nature of most symbolíc objects makes them strong candi- sorne as defensive structures. One factor cornmon to aH rnonuments,
156 ldeology as a Source ofPower
ldeology as a Source ofPower 157
however, is their ability to be experienced simultaneously by large
coordination, and finance. They are inherently expensive in terms of a
numbers of individuals. Thomas describes dramatically how the con·
group's resources, requiring many people to work together for long
strllction of monuments transformed Neolithic Britain -tram the "nat-
hours.
ural world" ofhunter-gatherers:
Monumental construction is not found in egalitarian societies.
The monumental landscapes of the Neolithic were qualitatively different
Even the "men's houses" of the Melpa were constructed under the
from the spatial orders wruch preceded and which then succeeded them. By supervision of the dan Big Man, who lived there at the center of the
constructing artificiallandmarks which placed the bones of ancestors or other village (Strathern 1971), and the more elaborate ceremonial pIar-
symbolic media fu spacc~ an attempt was being made to condition the reading forms in Polynesian societies involved the cornmunity and regional
of that space. Howcver~ as with any symbolic system, the cssentialJy arbitrary chiefs. Because of scale, monuments are dearly one of the most re-
nature of this way of attributing meaning to place meant that an endiess series
markable expressions of social power. They are the result of regularly
of alternative readings was always possible. (1991: 52)
mobilized corvée labor and thus are "works in progress:' Inasmuch as
The monuments may embody Sahlins's "strucnrre of the con- there remains a population to be taxed, the monuments will continue
juncture:' They represent history associated wíth a group's ancestors to grow in size or inercase in number.
and many past ceremonial occasions, but this history is reconditioned Not only can monuments be shared simultaneously by numerous
in the present through new ceremonial events that can reinterpret individuals, but, because of their impressive size, they can usually be
their significance for a new social order. While the monuments define experienced from a distance. These facilities are thus ideal to indoctri.
an evident continuity wíth the past, as symbolic systems they offer nate a population and to disseminate propaganda. Moreover, within
considerable leeway for alternative meanings. This point, made by or around monuments large numbers of individuals can congregate
Thomas, about the arbitrary and changing nature of the symbolic to participate in ceremonial events.
world emphasized how weak a source of power ideology must be. Or The monuments themselves are subject to ownership, transfer-
is it? ence, and inheritance (Earle 1991 a), thereby becoming capital invest-
Thomas and other symbolists ruiss an essential point concerning ments of long-term reliability. Among the Mapuche of Chile, the
the distinctive medium of monuments that makes them different building of a culturallandscape with its complicated constructions of
from other symbolic representations and potentially controllable as mounds and ritual fields created the stage for ceremonial cydes that
part of institutional formation and continuity. Monuments convey a were central to the emergence and persistence of a chiefly lineage
simple message of power and wealth (1hgger 1990). This elemental system (Dillehay 1990). Chiefs and their lineages owned the mounds
message comes across regardless of the viewer's language, age, gender, and directed the ceremonies that institutionalized and materialized
or cultural affiliation. their social world.
The constrllction of monuments, such as pyramids or massive cere- The monuments thus serve as the solid foundation upon which
monial mounds, and the rearrangement of the landscape, such as the lasting institutions are constructed. Unlike events, which must be re.
construction of artificial hills or barrows, reqnire considerable labor peated Gil a regular basis, monwnents remain permanent representa-
and resources. In large measure, it is difficult to tell a lie with monu- tions of the idcological system - permanent witnesses to the power of
ments. Yes, a monument will be placed on a hill to make it more the dominant dasses. Monuments often effectively represent power
imposing, but observers learn quickly to discount such tricks, to look even long after a state or social system has disappeared, therefore
behind the facades. Monumental constructions require leadership, derying time and giving the impression of permanence and transcen-
dence. The construction of monuments - and other facilities of daily
1S8 ldeowgy as a Svurce ofPower ldeowgy as a Source ofPawer 1S9

tife, including houses, agricultural fields, trails, rock art, and the revered one, do not grievc; to revenge a friend
like - creates a culturallandscape through which a sociery moves and is better for a man than to mourn much;
works. This culturallandscape is the product of social labor, and its to each must come the dose of rus life
here in this world; for the warrior
meaning and assignment create an objective and experiential realiry
thar work is best that wins judgment
for all.
which will endure after his day is done.
We turn to the cases to see how ideology is an important source of (Huppé 1987: 71 -72)
power among chiefdoms. The physical realiry of materialized ideol-
ogy brings cultural meaning within the arena of the economy and the Dishonor is worse than death because it means loss of respect and the
military such that it can be manipulated strategically. Ideology thus support on which all warriors dependo
becomes the means ro institutionalize and signify domination by In Njal's saga, after his murderous death, "they raised a burial
chiefs, which is inherent in the social process of labor that conducts moundforGunnar" (MagnussonandPálsson 1960: 172). Onenight
ceremonies, crafts symbolic objects, and builds monuments. the mound appeared to open and the moon shone in on Gunnar's
smiling face. He chanted the folIowing:

Thy, Denmark (2300-1300 B.e.) Hogni's generous father [Gunnar1

Rich in daring exploits,
The importance of ideology in Danish prehistory can be introduced Who so lavishly gave battle
by briefly surnmarizing the early Germanic literature for Scandinavia. Distributing wounds gladly,
Claims that in his helmet,
Al; discussed in Chapters 3 and 4, a gift economy and warfare were
Towering like an oak~tree
important sources of power in Denmark. These powers were visu, In the forest of battle,
alized in a dramatic materialized ideology. Most important was mili- He would rather die than yield,
tary might, represented in personal valor. The individual warrior was Much ratherdie than yield. (ibid.: 173)
closely identified with his. weaponry, which sigulfied his personal
strength. Warriors are rypically described with their weapons. In Note the parallel between gift exchange and battle - the way honor
Njal's saga, prior to atracking the great warrior Gunnar, a party of was materialized.
24 hopeful kilIers slept in the woods. "They hung their shields on In a description of a flotilla ofViking longboats, emphasis is placed
branches, tethered their horses, and laid their weapons by their sides" on its leader: "War-shields lined the gunwales, and at the mast of the
(Magnusson and Pálsson 1960: .156). Njal's shepherd, who observed leading ship stood a man with a magnificent head of hair, who wore a
them, "could describe the weapons and clothing of all of them, and silk tunic and a gilded helmet and carried a spear iulaid with gold"
Njal could telI exactlywho each one was" (ibid.: 158). (ibid.: 180). The sagas are filled with such descriptions. Personal
A leader and his warriors were to be feared because of their reputa- clothing and weapons measured the mm, to be feared and respected
tion for exploits and the weapons that figured in those exploits. The because of the stories of valor that the objects signified.
warrior wished to be known for his might so that others would not Such objects could be obtained directly by successful raids, but
atrack. Any attack would be met by a violent defense, and kin and they were frequently received as gifts from elite patrons. Each object
ftiends could be counted on for immediate and devastating revenge. thus told a tale not only of successful prowess but also of specific
Al; he prepared to die fighting, Beowulf spoke:
relationships with powerful overlords. The Geatish warriors, who
came to aid the Danish king, received fine gifts.
 160 ldeology as a Source ofPower ldeology as a Source ofPower 161

Then the great lord gave to each Geat

upon the meadbench who carne with Beowulf
across the sea in tum a sword,
a precious inheritance. (Huppé 1987: 62)

A king's respect and ability to attract followers was created through

gift exchange. In het address to the Danish king, the Scylding lady
spoke: "My royal lord, apportioner of riches / partake of this cup,
gold-giving king" (Huppé 19870 65). Aking gained respect by giving
away riches to his supporters; his followers gained respect through
their identity with him.
The chronological history of Thy illustrates how the chicfs devel-
oped and materialized their hierarchical ideology. A three-period se-
quence continues to be used: the Early Farmers (3500-2600 B.C.), Approximale scale; ¡:::::JIllllIE=:J1IIII1II!
METERS
the Warrior Society (2600-1700 B.C.), and the Early Bronze Age
Chiefdoms (1700-1300 B.C.). Two key transformations are evident. Figure f.I. Reconstructed cutaway of a megalithic Danish passage grave
First was the cultural shift ftom the agricultural communities of the (Kristiansen 1984; reprinted courtcsy of Cambridge University Press).
Early Farmers, which emphasized group identity, to the Warrior So-
ciety, which focused attention on the individual male warrior. Alo Early Farmers ofThy were low-density farmers and herders living
though economicalIy and culturally distinctive, both these societie~ in the original forests of the region. They belonged to the Funnel
were smalI-scale and without strong regional chiefs. Second was the Beaker Culture of the Early Neolithic. Their key cultural theme was
transformation associated with the emergence of regional chiefs dur- the identity of the ancestral (collective) group in the communal
ing the Early Bronze Age. These chiefs were buried with their spe- burials of megalithic monuments and in ceremonial grounds. This
cial swords under earthen mounds that stood prominently in the society was equivalent to a Big-Man collectivity (Kristiansen 1984;
landscape. Johnson and Earle 1987).
The first two cultures both had similar forms of materialization - The megalithic burial mouuds (Fig. 5.1) were among the most
namely~ ceremonies, objects, and monuments whose production impressive monuments of Thy. Building these monnments reqnired
could not be controlled. The warrior ideology became effective in finding large boulders, sometimes weighing upward of twenty tons,
centralizing political power only when it was materialized in publiely dragging them to the construction site, and seemingly miraculously
displayed symbols (bronze weapons and personal jewelry) that were placing them as upright walIs and roofing for a central burial chamber.
manufuctured ftom foreign materials by specialists attached to the The labor involved in the construction of a passage grave, snch as
chiefs. Chiefly swords defined political office, and personal jewelry Lundh0j in Thy, was considerable, estimated at upwards of '5,000
defined high-status women. The construction in the landscape of man-days or sorne Britisb examples (Startin 1982). The central cham-
chiefly burial monuments was also important in iustituting power ber was constructed of boulders with carefulJy laid drywall between
relationships in lineages with inherited offices and in elaiming rights them and a clay cap to make the room waterproof. A passage of
over pastures. megalithic stones led into this chamber, and here lay many burials,
 r62 ldeology as a Source ofPower ldeology as a Source ofPower
with skeletons intermixed afrer their flesh had fallen away. Petro- gests that the axes were significant in both evetyday agriculture and
glyphs sometimes adorned the stone walls, and symbolic objects of fertility rituals.
flint and amber were included with the burials. Megalithic monu- Warrior Sociaies ofThy were made up of low-density herders who
ments were constructed as homes for the dead that could be reopened also engaged in cereal-grain farming. From the paleo-pollen record,
for additional burials and cyclical tituals of corporate identity and the original forests of Thy were cleared at this time and grasslands
separation between the living and their ancestors (Hodder I990; established. The warriors belonged to the Single Grave and Dagger
Thomas I99I). Period Cultures. The key new cultural theme was individual identity.
Causewayed enclosures, a second monumental form of the Early Low burial mounds mark the graves of individual men and women.
Neolithic, were also built at this time in Denmark. One example has Long-distance exchange ties were established between northern Jut-
been excavated in Thy. Spaced fairly regularly througb the landscape, land and western Bell Beaker cultural areas (Jensen I982; Vandkilde
these enclosures were positioned on topographica1ly prominent loca- I99 I ).
tions, and within their territory were several megalithic monuments The Single Grave burial mounds were quite small, about one me-
(Madsen I988). Chains of pit were excavated, and the earth was ter high and perhaps six meters in radius. A mound covered one
thrown up to build a bank that enclosed a sacred or political space up central interment (or sometimes two), laid out in a plank coffin. The
to twenty hectares or more in area. Special deposits of animal bone labor invested in such monuments was modest, ouly a fraction of that
and ceramics were placed in pits that were filled all at once, suggesting in the megalithic mounds. Asequence ofburials might be added, one
a ceremonial evento Human skeletal matetial, such as lines of skulls, on top of another with new mounding, or several mounds might be
documents public ceremonies of death withiu the enclosures. A com- arranged in a lineo Both patterns suggest family lines. The contrast
parison can be drawn to the recent symbolic analysis of the British between the group identity of the Early Farmers and the personal kin
Neolithic monuments (Thomas I99I). line of the warriors probably represents a shift from clan to lineage
Symbolic objects from the Early Farmer period include elaborately organization. From the Single Grave Culture onward, the planting of
decorated ceramics, other decorative objects, and beautifully polished the dead in the soil of Thy must have created a cultural landscape
axes. In front of the entrance facades of the burial monuments are assoeiated with ("owned" by) speeific kin lines, an important basis
found large pots that were probably associated with death ceremonies for chiefly organization.
(Tilley I984). Amber necklace pieces that may have been part of During the later N eolithic, the use of Bell Beaker ceramics and flint
female dress were found within the megalithic chambers. Interest- daggers in Thy suggests the importance of ceremonial events that
ingly, the batrle-ax form of late Funnel Beaker amber beads would connected the local people to populations across Europe (see Shen-
seem to associate female decoration with military might. Although nan I986). These ceramics were of special forms, including large and
these objects were used for personal decoration and display, their small containers. They were stylistically elaborated with detailed geo-
mixing afrer death would appear to deemphasize individuality. mettic incised lines filled with brilliant pigments. A likely use of these
Nothing is more characteristic of the Early Farming Period than vessels would have been for copious consumption of alcohol at cere-
the thin-butred, beautifully polished axes made of special flint from monial occasions. The Bell Beaker phenomenon thus may indicate
local shafr mines. These are working axes, used to clear the forests of the development of linked ceremonial events in a peer-polity interac-
Thy. The axes are frequenrly recovered as isolated finds, but also as tion sphere. Such events would have been both the platform for status
hoards deposited at sacred, wet locations (bogs, streams, springs). rivalry and the arena for establishing regional identities ofleaders as
Their symbolic assoeiation with agricultural cleating and water sug- set apart ideologically from local affiliations. The cultural ties to the
 ldeology as a Source ofPower ldeology as a Source ofPllWer 16S

Bell Beaker tradition probably demonstrate tbe operation of a dy- from field flints. Interestingly, tbe daggers were modeled afrer metal
namie prestige-goods cxcbange network tbat stretcbed aeross western daggers from central Europe, suggesting a broad warrior ideology
Europe. whereby group leadership was assoeiated witb warrior might.
Control over such ceremonial events, however, would have been But tbe actual objeets, manufaetured of locally available material,
tenuous at best, as evident in tbe comparable Moka ceremonies of eould not be monopolized. The overall impression is of a warrior
New Guinea (Stratbern 1971). And tbe events tbemselves would soeiety in which individual status was not highiy differentiated. The
have provided litrle opportunity to enlarge re!ationships or to pass on important point is that symbolie objeets continued to be manufae-
achieved prestige (contra Friedman and Rowlands 1977). tured of local materials, but tbat tbe dominant symbolie reference of
The use of symbolie objects changed from the Funne! Beaker Cul- tbese objeets changed to emphasize male warrior status, first with
ture to the Single Grave and Bell Beaker contexto From tbis period battle-axes and then witb daggers. Beeause it was impractieal to mo-
tbrough tbe Bronze Age, tbe goods accompanying men and women nopolize aeeess to the wealtb, ideologieal power remained diffuse.
were distinctive (Randsborg 1984). For males, burial objects em- Symbolieally, as well as militarily, tbe flint daggers were democratie
phasized individual status and militaty standing; Single Grave men's weapons tbat empowered many and restricted central autbority.
burials were typically marked by a stone battle-ax (or sometimes only Early Bronze Age Chiefdoms of Thy were made up of low-density
flint blades). Women's graves included amber necklaces, ofren witb herders living in an open grassland environment. They belonged to
many hundreds of beads (Becb and Haack Olsen 1985); tbus female tbe Nordic Bronze Age Culture. This was a world of chiefdoms.
status continued to be marked by items of personal decoration. Later Thy is famous for its Bronze Age barrows, tbe construction of
in tbe Neolitbic, Bell Beaker graves are rare for Thy, but elsewhere which transformed tbe landseape. The hilltops were dotred witb clus-
male graves contain beautifully erafted flint daggers. Women's wealtb ters of tbe burial mounds. Typically an individual was interred witbin
seems to have been much less important tban eadier, suggesting an a central cyst made ofglacial bonlders. Then a rounded mound was
emphasis on male warrior status tbat continued into the Early Bronze built up witb turf and edged witb a curb of glacial boulders. Charac-
Age. By tbis time, tbe use of amber for personal display in Denmark teristically a central burial was laid ont before being covered by tbe
had declined markedly, as it now was an important export commodity turf barrow; it was common for additional individuals to be buried
witbin tbe European prestige-goods exchange network (Shennan in tbe same barrow later, and several of tbe monuments tbat we ex-
1982) . cavated showed rebuilding, witb a second construction phase tbat
In TAP settlement excavations, flint daggers and arrow points added a new outer curb and raised tbe monument's original height.
were routinely recovered from all households. The daggers, which In tbe parish of S0nderhii, tbe barrows clustered on tbe higher
were used for display and presumably marked male warrior status in ground, especially above Lake Ove (see Fig. 2.6). Here are the major-
tbe Late Neolitbic, would have been diflicult to control and must ity of aIl barrows in tbe parish, including espeeially tbe larger ones.
have been quite generally available. Also apparently male-associated Some barrows, sueh as tbe distinctive mound of Bavneh0Y in tbis
were fire-making items (Randsborg 1984). Manufactured in Thy location, were over 4 meters hígh and 30 meters in diameter. Clus-
from locally mined flint, tbe daggers and strike-a-lights were earefully tered around such large mounds were lesser anes, often no more than
shaped witb grinding and a finishing flaking to create beautifully one meter high. The evident distinction is tbat sorne monuments
erafted objects. The high leve! of crafrsmanship in tbe finishing flak- required significantly more labor in tbeir manufacture and probably
ing would have restrieted tbe numbers of knappers able to produce indicated tbe burial of paramount chiefs. But overall, tbe labor in-
tbe highest-quallty daggers, but lower-quality ones were also made vested in individual mounds would have been no more tban tbat in
I66 ldeology as a Source ofPower Ideologyas a Source ofPower

the earlier megalithic monuments. A small group, working together, edly by quality. Chiefly stams was inclicated by beautifully crafred
could have produced them without great elfort. swords in the Nordic style (see Fig. 4.3), clistinct from the working
The mounds, however, transformed the landscape into cultural swords of associated warriors. Their styles correspond to parteros of
rones demarcated and probably owned by local chiefs (Earle 1991a). manufacmre and decoration that spread throughout Denmark and
An earlier interpretation of Neolithic monuments emphasized how Germany. Most swords were locally manufacmred, but chiefly swords
the construction of the monuments defined territoríes that were cre- required lost-wax molding, a sophisticated and diflicult production
ated by intergroup competition (Renfrew 1976). 1 would tend tó process. The artisans able tO produce such ítems would have been few,
shift emphasis away from the monuments' role in resource defense, as and their activities could qnite easily have been controlled by the
part of the subsistence economy, and toward the definition of owned chiefs (Kristiansen 1987, 1991).
space, controlled by emerging leaders in the political economy. The Thus the key to understanding chiefly stams in Denmark during
barrows materialized a social hierarchy and the religious sanctity the Early Bronze Age may have been the changing technology of the
by which it was legitimized. In the Neolithic, the countryside was symbolic objects. Wíth a shifr from flínt to bronze, the weapons and
changed from an open rolling grassland to a landscape marked by the symbols of the warrior chiefs became the product of a sophisticated
monuments of dead chiefs. The dead had been planted in the soil, and manufacturing process. The artisans could then be controlled as at-
their places of interment remain marked ro the present day. This tached specialists (BrumJiel and Earle 1987). The absence of man-
socially transformed landscape was no longer a namral world; it was a ufactnring debrís for swords found on Early Bronze Age sites demon-
world owned and controlled by the chiefs, whose right to leadership strates how spatially restrícted theír production must have been.
was rooted in their living dead ancestors. Domination over herding would have given chiefs an export product
The monuments alone, however, were ineffective as a means tQ with which to obtain foreígn metal that could then be transformed
control ideology centrally. Because their scale was modest, burial into the symbolically charged objects that defined rank in the society
mounds CfJuld have been constructed by simpler social groups such as (see Chapter 3). The metal goods provided a means to invest the
those of the Funnel Beaker Culture. In fact the form of materializa- surplus product in a material form that was both controllable by and
tion in the monuments had changed littIe since that time, and the representative of the emerging elites. The chiefs soliclified theír domi-
change, emphasizing the individual rather than the cornmunity, had nation of both subsistence production and exchange through the di-
taken place earlier with the beginnings of the Single Grave Culture. rect supervision of sword production.
What clid change was the technological character of the objects In contrast ro the sword índustry was the manufacture of bronze
used to symbolize inclividual stams. In the Early Bronze Age, objects jewelry. Femal¿ stams continued to be ídentified with jewelry that
of local manufacture alI but ceased to define stams. In TAF excava- signaled personal clistínctiveness and atrractiveness. Duríng the Early
tions, ceramics became simpliiied, with only minimal decorative elab- Bronze Age, particularly Montelius n, the majority of metal finds
oration. No flint daggers or arrowheads were found. Amber, al- were associated with male stams (especially the swords). Fernale sta-
though found on all sites, was in raw form, probably having been ms continued ro be defined by objects used for body decoration, but
collected for exporto The symbolic objects were now almost exclu- these objects were rare during the emergence of chiefly warriors in the
sively of bronze, made from tin and copper, neither of which was Early Bronze Age (Randsborg 1984). Later, however, jewelry became
available in Denmark, and they emphasized male, rather than female, more cornmon (Levy 1982). Decorative bronze brooches were fre-
stams. quently found in the Thy barrows. In contrast to the swords, these
Male chiefs were buried with bronze weapons clilferentiated mark- items were manufacmred primarily by annealing of traded wire or
I68 Ideology as a Source ofPlJWer Ideology as a Source ofplJWer I69

bars. Annealing, as opposed to casting, is technically qnite simple, ogy was important, but the possibility of controlling that message
requiring only heating and harnrnering of the metal. Brooch frag- throllgh speeiflc forms of materialization was essential to the institu-
ments from the settlement at Bjerre demonstrate thatlocal fabrication tionalization of a ranked soeiery in the Early Bronze Age.
of jewelry conld evidently have existed. Control over the materializa-
tion of the ranked ideology wonld have been possible primarily re-
garding the technologicaliy more complex swords. Simpler bronze Kaua'i, Hawai'i (800-I824 A.D.)
working would, like the eadier flint and amber workiugs, have been
Through a materialized ideology, the Hawaiian chiefs created the in-
quite difficult to control.
stitutional arder for their paramountcies. Materialization was accam-
As ranking became increasingly complicated and less hierarchical,
plished throllgh an intersecting set of physical forms - an elaborate
the personal decoration of women became elaborate and more dis-
ceremonlal cycle, symbolic objectS of personal display, monumental
tinctive than male dress. Levy (1996) characterizes this development
temple constructions, and most importantly a cnlturallandscape of
as "heterarchical;' meaning that power relationships were increas-
intensively farmed and physicaliy marked spaces. The religious cos-
ingly overlapping and diffuse. The simple male warrior hierarchy was
mology as practiced ceremonially identifled the ruling chiefs as gods
complicated by mnltiple and overlapping identities of power for both
on earth. Their landscape was marked off into cornmunities for which
roen and women.
they held overarching rights of aliocation. Here 1 document the de-
The symbolic identiflcation with the weapons seems to have been
velopment of the rnling ideology by lookiug at the evidence of its
centraliy important to the emergence of chiefiy warriors in Monte-
materializatian at historical contact and befare. A critica! question is
lins II. It was the introduction of bronze workiug, particnlarly the
how the ideology became linked through its physical forms to the
sophisricated technology required to make swords, that gave chiefs
other sources of power and was used to institutionalize the hierarchi-
the economic control needed to permit the expansion of political
cal basis of the sodery.
centralization seen in the Early Bronze Age. Chiefs probably con-
The chiefs, organized hierarchicalIy into ruling lineages from the
trolled long-distance procurement of metal through elite exchange
different islands, orchestrated an elaborate ceremonial cycle that es-
and aliiances, and controlled the manufacture of wealth objects from
tablished the cosmic order as related to earthIy existence. The political
this metal by patronage. The chiefs conld thus retain exclusive access
and symbolic character of public ritual is laid out elegantly in the work
ro weapons, symbols of military might, and to an ideology of warrior
ofValeri (1985). "Practicaliy every important pragmatic action [was 1
dominarion. The breakdown of their monopoly probably refiected a
assoeiated with and regnlated by a ritual counterpart" (Valeri 1985:
transformation in which muItiple pathways for exchange and decreas-
154). Ritual revolved around significant economic and political ac-
ing metal sllpplies made status distinctions increasingly problematic.
tivities orchestrated by the rnling chiefs; "the aims of ritual action
To surnmarize, the dramatic cultural change assodated with the
[were 1a1ways very mundane;' such that these two separate spheres
Single Grave Cnlture introduced a new ideology that wonld become
were united in chiefiy practice. Speciflcaliy, Valeri argues that a chain
associated with warrior chiefdoms, but chiefdoms did not arise for
of sacriflces constituted the institutional character of the chiefdom
a thollsand years. The messages of personal distinctiveness and lin-
and that these relationships were encoded materially in the hierarchy
eage were in themselves insuffident for the beginnings of chiefdoms.
of religious monuments (heiall) where the sacriflces occurred: "JllSt
Rather, chiefdoms arose only in the Early Bronze Age when the sym-
as the sacriflcer is necessary to the sacrifice because he is in constant
bols of male chiefiy hierarchy were materialized in metal weapons
contact with the god in a permanent manner, so temples and other
of war - swords and daggers. Ultimately, the message of the ideol-
I70 Ideowgy as a Source ofPower ldeologyas a Source ofPower I7I

sacred places are a condition of the efficacy of sacrifice because the warfare was the second (see Chapter 4), and warfare too was inter-
gods are permanently present in them" (1985: 172). Two contrasting meshed with ritual action and sacrifice. In preparation for war, the
ceremonial cycles and ritual monuments went along with the most paramount staged a regular series of ceremonial events, focused on
critical acrions of the chiefs, involving the maintenance of peaceful the luakini heiau. These shrines, belonging to the paramount chiefs,
productivity and the waging of political warfare. were dedicated to their war god Ku. The priest decided whether a
Maintenance of peaceful productivity involved an annual cycle of new heiau must be built or whether a renewing of the existing sbrine
ceremonies aimed at the god Lono, seen especially on the Big Island' was adequate. Important to the crearion of the new shrine was the
of Hawai'i. The basis of the staple economy was the chicfs' agricul- introduction of Ku himself in his statuary. Here lived the god perma-
tural systems, and the agricultural cycle depended on chiefly interven- nently. Valeri (1985: 234-339) describes precisely how the wildness
tion. "Lono is preeminently the god of growth, of horticulture, of of polirical comperition was mastered and institutionalized through
rain (he is associated with the clouds) and presides over the life of the the ceremonies. The culmination of war was the sacrifice of human
people in general. As such he is the nourishing god" (ibid.: 177). victims, the defeated chiefs, to the god and the reestablishment of the
Lono returns yearly with the rains and unites with the earth to pro- ordered political world connecting the paramount to his gods and to
duce the crops of daily and politicallife. His temples are built and his people. Warfare combined the physical force of the military, the
ritual performed by the chiefs "so that the land might live" (Kamakau institutional order of the chiefs, and the legitimizing role of the cere-
1976: 201). The growth of the crops, the falling of the raius, and the monial cycle.
fertility and health of the people were his. Valeri's argument extends Geertz's analysis of political theater. Po-
Ceremonies of Lono were part of the life-giving forces that sus- litical culture, ideology, is staged in the public ceremony of the chief-
tained hmnan existence. Annually, the paramount staged the Maka- . doms. The ritual includes an elaborate retelling of the tales of the
hiki ceremony, which involved an elaborate series of rituals, sacrifices, world, encapsulating the natural order of politicallife. This narrarive
and associated events (Valeri 1985: 200-233). Dramatically the para- contains the proper relationships among people and their gods. But
mount and the main Makahiki god, a representation ofLono, toured the ceremonies are not simply acted narratives. They are sumptuous
Hawai'i along the coastal trail. During this procession, the para- events involving ritual specialists, performers, feasts, elaborate re-
mount was an earthly manifestation of Lono. As the procession ap- gallo, and ceremonial facilities. Putting on these ceremonies was not
proached a community's border, a taboo (kapu) took effect that pro- easy; it could muy be done suceessfully by a great leader.
hibited normal activities, and the local people, organized by their Essential to any eeremony are the symbolic objects belonging to
konohiki, presented the paramount I god with gifts of fish, fmits, and the people who use them in the ritual. These objects encapsulate key
wild products from the cornmunity's territory and labor. Especially elements of meaning and are a dramatic means fer their cemmllllica-
important were items of wealth, which included brilliant feathers, tion. Their possession and display were ways to distinguish the cul-
pigs, and bark cloth. If the gifts were assessed to be adequate, the tural position of patticipants.
procession moved on, the ceremonial kapu was removed from the Duran Bell's (1994) distinction between rights of person and
cornmunity, and life returned to normal. lf not, the community could rights of property in the historyofhuman societies is relevant here. In
be plundered. At one moment, the symbolic nature of earthly pro- precapitalist soeieties, rights were vested in the person and his or her
duction and the institutional order of the political economy came known position within society. In small-scale socieries, individuals are
together. known faee to face. Who a person is and what rights and obligarions
lf agricultural producrion was the first pillar of Hawaiian polirics, he or she holds are negotiated daily. Personal statns is an outcome
 ldeology as a Source ofPower 173
172 ldeology as a Source ofPower

of general understandings based on participation in rontine group

events and rituals visible ro community members. With the evolution
of larger-scale chiefdoms and states, the social and potitical equations
include conflictiug group interests and masses of people such that
some individuals may be unknown to other members of the polity.
Who are these people, and what are their rights within the social
system? The answer is no longer as evident. It must be fOlmd by·
positioning the person within the social structure or, more precisely,
within the social histoty of the polity.
Rights are based on historical sequences of events (including gene-
a1ogies) that extend back over generations. These structures ofhistor-
ical knowledge must be remembered and presented convincingly
(Sahlins 1985). In Out own system, written documentation com-
prises wills and deeds that define rights in propetty and other things.
But in a nonliterate culture, histories were written in different media
that included memoty specialists, such as the genealogical historians
of Hawai'i; the symbolic objects of display; and the landscapes of
Figure f.2. Illustration of a Hawaiian wicker god to the right; several prestige
ritual and evetyday Iife.
objects, induding a kahili; and close~contact personal weapons (Cook
On the Hawaiian Islands, a strong connection existed between .
I784) .
objects, persons, and status. The object and the person were one.
Most important for chiefs were the elaborate feather c1oaks, wom
richness of the god's feather coverings signified the amount of mana
in battle and 'tspecial ceremonial occasions (Barle 1990; Kaeppler
that the god embodied (Valeri 1985: 264). Weber's etching of the
1970). Upon first arrival at Waimea, Kaua'i, Captain Cook and his
paramount of Hawai'i coming out of Kealakekna Bay vividly illus-
crew were impressed by the quality and value of these brilliant red and
ttates the connection between chiefs and gods (see Fig. 4.5). The lead
yellow objects of chiefly adomment (Cook 1967: 280). The c10aks
double-hulled canoe carries Kalani'opu'u and his chiefs, each with his
were made from many thousands ofbird feathers tied c10sely to create
personal feather c10ak and helmet. The following canoe carries their
dramatic fields of contrasting colors in pattems ofbroad crescents and
feathered wicker gods. The ceremonial regalia of the Hawaiian chiefs
other fortns. "The largest c10aks required some half-million feathers,
matched their gods. The c10ak was an ultimate power dress, signity-
and it is no wonder that only the highest chiefs could atrord such
ing the sacred and potent persona of its owner.
magulficence" (Kaeppler 1970: 92). Red, a common color on the
Obviously the c1oak's power made it dangerous. Its manufacture,
c1oaks, was the color of gods throughout Polynesia, and the crescent
presentation, and use were carefully controlled. A c10ak was manufac-
across the back of a c10ak represented a rainbow that overarched a god
tured from feathers plucked from thousands of birds taken by bird
whenonearth (Cummins 1984).
catchers working in the community's upland forest reserves. The col-
The gods that accompanied the paramount to war and special
lected feathers were then given to the god! paramount at the Makahiki
occasions were large wicker constructions, covered with the same
sbrines. The antiquity ofthis practice is docurnented by upland camps,
feathers (Fig. 5.2). Just Iike the c10aks and helmets, the type and
174 IdeoÚJgy as a Source ofPower IdeoÚJgy as a Source ofPower 175

presmuably for bird catchers, that date primarily from A.D. I450 to
1550 (Athens et al. 1991). Apparently thefeather regalia of the god-
cruefs was developed in conjunction with the elaborated ideology, just
at the time when paramounts were fashioning the islandwide cruef-
doms. Early rustoric accounts describe how the feathers were tied
onto the mat by specialists, who were attached to the high chief
(Malo I951 [1898]) and presmnably supported by staples mobilized
through the political economy. The cloaks could be given by the
paramount to his supporting cruefs, and they were removed from him
when he was defeated in batde. Each cloak had a history ofits use and
transfer that encapsulated the place of its wearer in the political history
of the chiefdom.
During the original dealings between western explorers and the
Hawaiians, the paramount chiefs gave many cloaks to the westerners
in ritual of political allíance. At Kealakekua, Cook's lieutenant James
King described how Captain Cook sat in a heiau enclosure to receive
Figure 5.3. A heiau at Waimea, Kaua'i, at first contact with Captain Cook
cloaks from Kalani'opu'u, the paramount ofHawai'i: "The King [Ka-
(Cook 1784).
lani'opu'u] got up & threw in a graceful marmer over the Captain's
Shoulders the Cloak he himself wore, & put a feathered Cap upon his prominence, thus maximizing its dramatic effect while expending the
head, & a very handsome fiy fiap in his hand: besides wruch he laid least possible labor. An individual shrine could have multiple terraces
down at the Captains feet 5 or 6 Cloaks more, aH very beautiful, & to and walls that enclosed sacred spaces. The first heiau seen by Cook's
them of the greatest Value" (Cook 1967: 512). These cloaks were party was a luakini heiau at Waimea, Kaua'i (Fig. 5.3). Illustrated by
given to Captain Cook to recognize him as a high chief, strong ally, Webber were the tower, the lele altar, the pole-shaped main image
and sacred personage. Like land itself, the cloaks were taken in bartle (Valeri 1985: plate 1), and five slab-type temple images with tapa
and given over. to the victorious paramount, who bestowed them streamers (Cox and Davenport 1974: 64). Here resided the physical
politically. Rights within the sodety were made manifest by the giv- manifestations of the gods on earth. Within these sacred spaces were
ing, receiving, and wearing of the cloaks. The chiefiy institutions were also various wooden structures, housing sacred objects such as special
formalized in their symbolic objects. dtums or the bones of god-paramounts, towers shrouded in tapa
The ruling ideology was also more permanently written on the cloth identifying the kapu space, and carved wooden figures that were
landscape by the construction of heiau, trails, walls, and agricultural the gods. The heiau were the homes of the gods and the setting for the
fields. These constructions of sodallahor encapsulated the social rela- sacred ceremonies.
tions of the chiefdom or, more predsely, the historical events that The monmnents were constructedbysociallabor, mobilized and
defined those relations. The Hawaiian Islands have a long history of overse~:;;j?}:a;;,-:'Chi¿S:TheslZe ando éerem()niaI "uSe~-óf theheiau
substantial stone-constructed monmnents, the heiau. A typical heiau vari~d considerably, ranging from small hale mua built by community
consisted of a stone platform that was built on a hill slope or natural groups to the large luakini heiau of Ku built under orders of the
 Ideology as a Source ofPower I77

paramount chief. The layout of a luakini heiau is reconstructed in

Figure 5.4. It was quite large (perhaps 34 by 18 meters) and sur-
rounded by an enclosing wall. Within were the images that housed
the god's manifestation, and here took place the human sacrifice that
ensured success in battle. Mast impressíve were substantial stane
platforms on which the structures stood and the surrounding walls
that separated the sacred spaces fram the everyday world of the
cornmoners.
The heiau were permanent monuments. Hawaiian religious beliefs
conccive divine forces everywhere, living, for example, in the large
boulders strewn through the valleys. But the emcrging chiefs created
culrural homes for their gods, directly associated with (owned by, if

~
Drum House
' you will) the chiefs through their rights over the products of social
labor. A natural and open sacred landscape was progressively trans-
¡mage (;mage formed into a built and owned landscape in which powers were set off
Waiea House Mana House and inherited through contcstcd ruling chiefly lines.

111
Oven House
As seen on Maui, heiau construction was quite impressive. Kolb
(1991: 160-65) estimates that Pi'ihanahale heiau, probably the
largest monurncnt on the islands, was Qver 4,000 square meters in area
and required 26,000 labor-days for construction during ten separate
occasions. Smaller heiau were quite carnmOD, with at least one heiau,
Entrancel I and ofren two or more, built in caeh ahupua'a. In bis doctoral disser-
Image
tation, Wendell Bennetr (1931) surveyed the heiau of Kaua\ describ-
ing nearly one hundred distribnted in many of the ahupua'a across the
island. In the politically important conununiries were the largest
heiau; the paramount's primary community at Wailua contained six
or more heiau with diffcrent ceremonial associations. The heiau are
Terrace the surviving matcrialized ideology of a complex religious world.
On the island of Maui, the history of monumental construction
.
A pprOXlmate rl==JlII~:JII~.
scale: OL. 5 10 docnments how the organization of labor changed systematically
METERS through time. Excavating eight heiau (of 108 surviving on Maui),
Michael Kolb (1991) docnmented and dated their construcrion
Figure 5.4. Reconstructed plan view of a large luakini hciau (1'i I959;
reprínted courtesy of the Bernice P. Bishop Museum Press, Honolulu).
stages. This permitred him to estimate the total amount and timing of
social labor encased within the monuments through time.
Most dramatically, Kolb (1994: fig. 3) documents distinctive
shifts in the total amount of ceremonial construction by time period
 ldeology as a Source ofPower ldeologyas a Source ofPower I79

10,000 social labor, Hawaiian chiefdoms turned away from monumental

construction (Kolb 1994). That construction, I think, was significant
at the eme1JJence of complex ehiefdoms as a means to institutionalize
power, but afrer materializing the emergent ideology in the monu-
1171
1,000 ¡t, ments the Hawaiian chiefs did not need to continue their construc-
tion o~ such a large scale. The sacred landscape was in place, owned
I ...........
I ........... 412
I ""- 256 by the chiefly overlords. The labor of men and women from the
I '
I
I
commuruties could now be directed toward other sources of power,
I
I
such as cornmunity infrastructure.
I In addition ro houses and field systems, discussed momentarily,
I
I Easl Maui that infrastructure included the walls and trails that physically orga-
I
17.{ nized the social environment of the chiefdom. Kolb's continuingwork
on community labor (Kolb and Snead 1994) focuses on the construc-
10 7
6 tion of an upland cornmunity in Maui's Kula district. Formal trails
WestMaui physically integrated eaeh cornmunity, and a circum-island trail uni-
fied the communities for daily and ritual relationships. The formal
paths and roads of chiefdoms ofren aeted as maps for the social and po-
Fonnation Consolidation Unifica¡ion Annexation litical world materialized in its physical environment (Earle 1991b).
Period Arguably the most important element of the materialization of
ideology on the Hawaiian Islands was the building of the agricultural
Figure ss' Estimate of total annuallabor required to build the heiau ofMaui facilities on whieh the political economy was based. Although usualiy
(Kolb 1994; reprinted eourtesy of University of Chicago Press) .
thought of in utilitarian terms as economic capital, the irtigation sys-
tems fundarnentally altered the landscape and rights within it, vested
(Fig. 5.5). Notably, the total hnman labor per year required to build in its history of use. Omstruction of the agricultural facilities created a
the heiau of Maui did not increase gradually. The first, fairly limited culturallandscape, and the property rights in the lands functioned aS
construction phase (seventeen labor days per year) was documented income supporting the ehiefs in their political endeavors.
for the period A.D. 1200-1400, when the hierarehical chiefdoms of The early western explorers of Hawai'i described the island en-
Maui were beginning to be instituted. Construction then soared up- vironment as including intense farming of the lush valleys. An artifi-
ward to 1,171 labor days per year during the Consolidation Period cial and highly productive landscape contained taro pond fields fed by
(A.D. 1400-1500), when major wars of political competition raged irtigation canals, embankments between the fields planted with co-
for control over the island. Then, in subsequent periods, when the conuts, bananas, and sugarcane; and larger fishponds. This infrastruc-
islandwide chiefdoms were solidified, labor invested in the monu- ture was, of course, a cultural artifaet, ereated during the previous
ments declined substantially to 412 and then to 142 days per year. 1,400 years. The environment was a product of the long history of
Construction phases of the monuments thus peaked early in the social development (see Chapter 2).
formation of the large-scale ehiefdoms. But why? asks Barbara Priee Economic power derived from control over these productive agri-
(1994). Despite increased population and apparently more available cultura! facilities, but tO be effective, that control must have been
180 ldeology as a Source ofPlJWer

embedded in an ideology tbat codified rights of access, allocation, and

use; tbis code was materialized in tbe physicallandscape of Hawai'i.
"In tbe native Hawaiian conception land was inallenable; use right
was acquired through a hierarchy of land-giver / tenant relationships,
from higher ro Iesser cbiefs ro local land supervisors and hence to
commoners" (Linnekiu I987: I5). Land-use rights in subsistence
plots descended tbrough tbe male line, reflecting tbe place that tbe
land held in tbe system of staple finance; land was given to men,
because tbey were tbe corvée workers Oil tbe cbief's land and on
projects organized by tbe konohiki.
The irrigation systems were not an abstract code; essential to tbeir
ideological and economic use was tbeir physical nature. The ditches,
terraces, fields, and walls marked out discrete, yet interdependent,
units. The individuallo'i had been made entities of social production.
The field borders, pounded into place by work teams directed by the
konohiki, delineated tbe ordered segments of subsistence production
tbat SO appealed to the westem explorers (Fig. 5.6) . Rights or respon-
sibilities in an irrigated field were made cleady visible tbrough alloca-
tions of specific plots, tbe water to farm tbem, and tbe labor organized
in tbeir productive cycle. The irrigation systems manifested broad
social relationships, lived daily by all working in tbeir fields (see
Spriggs and Kirch I992).
The importance of tbe physically a1tered landscape to tbe political
economy ofHawai'i can be extended to understand otber facilities on
whicb use rights were strllctured. During tbe Great Mahele, tbe most
important land tracts claimed by tbe commoners of Kaua'i were tbeir
taro fields; 96 percent of all claims included lo'i marked by tbeir em-
bankments and retaining walls (Eade I978). Commoners a1so usually
claimed a house lot (79 percent of claims) and, Iess cornmonly, dry-
land agricultural fields (59 percent of claims). These too were evi-
dently delimited by physical markers. Pahale means literally "fenced
house"; tbe lot was marked by a surrounding stone wall tbat set off a Figure s.6. Modern irrigation system in Hanapepe Valley, Kaua'i, abolit I920.

private space for tbe famiJy. On Kaua'i, tbe knla (dryland fields) were Shown is the constructed landscape of fields as owned and farmed by
in most cases (79 percent of knla claims) directly associated witb tbe Hawaiians (authoes collection; photographer unknown).

marked tracts of pond fields or of tbe house enclosures.

The commoners~ living in the constructed environments, were 8et
182 ldeoÚJgy as a Source ofPower ldeologyas a Source ofPower 183

within the structure of the political economy to wmch they owed the fismng grounds, and the irrigation systems, and to use these the
their labor in return for use of the facilities. But these commoners commoners had to work on the chiefs' ko'e1e and other projects or to
should not be thought of as mindless pawns in the system of expropri- escape into the deep valleys.
ation by the ruling chiefs. Commoners tried to resist the lengthy arms The complex chiefdoms of the Hawaiian Islands were based upon
of their konohiki by escaping the systems that the chiefs created and the foundation of irrigation systems and comparable intensive dry-
owned. Evidently they succeeded at times. The majority of irrigation land complexes (Eade 1994d; Kirch 1994; Rosendahl 1972). The
systems were in the lower valleys at or near the coast, in localities history of these systems ilIustrates the formalization of the economie
easily monitored by the konohiki. But higher up in the valleys, in the ehains of the emerging chiefdoms (see Chaptef2). Prior to A.D. 1400,
narrowest crevices and on side streams, are found minar irrigation rapid population growth and expansion of populations into the inte-
systems as well. In his survey of the archaeological sites on Kaua'i, rior involved forest c1earance and perhaps temporary fencing, but
Bennett (1931: sites 37 and 38) describes irrigated terraces located agricultural facilities were probably quite small. Between A.D. r400
more than fifteen kilometers inland in the very upper reaehes of the and r650, intensification of agriculmre was linked to the expanded
Waimea River canyon. The upper sections of alllarger valleys, and the construction of irrigation systems and field complexes, and, during
small valleys along the Napali coast and elsewhere, were developed the protomstoric period, when monumental construction declined,
for very small irrigation systems, often of only a few hundred square the development of irrigation and other agriculmral facilities con-
meters. The impression is that these irrigation systems, for wmch no tinued to be important. Intensification, caused by growth of popula-
claims were made in the Great Mahele, were developed by individual tion and of the political economy, caused the manufacmre of the
farnilies who may well have lived impoverished lives, but who re- physical landscape of walls and paths that neatly divided units of
mained relatively independent of their ehiefs. subsistence and residence, given by the konohiki in temrn for work
In a ttaditional fo1ktale from Kaua'i, Ko'olau the leper escaped by the community's men and women.
deep into Kalalau Valley on the rugged Napali coast of Kaua'i. Here The evolution of the complex chiefdoms ofHawai'i created island-
he and his band oflepers held off capture by the sheriff and an army of wide and interisland polities with tens of thousands of people brought
haole (Anglo) soldiers. In Jack London's version, Ko'olau laments the together under a sovereign. Such a large politywould have contained
power of the westerners: within it many histories and interests that set people off against each
other. Part of the evolution of these formidable political instimtions
And who are these white men? We know. Wc have it from our fathers and our involved the formalization of tights and obligations. But such rights
fathers' fathers. They carne as lambs, speaking sofciy.... To-day all the islands
could not be simply known and recognized throughout the polity.
are theirs, all the land, all the cattle ~ everything is theirs .... They ... have
forgathered and become great chiefs. Thcy live like kings in houses of many The instimtions must have been materialized and presented in readily
reoms, with multitudes of servants to care for them. They who had nothing recognizable forms that themselves are difficult to fake.
have everythlng, and ifyou, or 1, or any Kanaka be hungry, they sneer and say, Within the culturallandscape, monuments represented the chiefs'
"Well, why don'tyou work? There are the plantations?' (1989 [1912]: 135) divine power and aceess to the high gods of fertility and destruction.
Property rights became formalized, given permanency, in the con-
Ko'olau the leper rebukes the economic domination by western plan-
structed, productivo facilities - the irrigation systems, the fishponds,
tation owners of the nineteenth cenmry, but, perhaps ironically, his
and the fenced house lots. Who a person was, how he supported ms
complaint could also have been voiced by ms ancestors against the
family, and how he sustained his chicfs were written in the landscape
ruling cmefs of the islands. Cmefs had owned all the lands, the pigs,
by the construction of the community's facilities. The symbolic order
184 ldeology as a Source ofplJWer ldeology as a Source ofPower 185

was thus grounded and subsumed within the everyday practice of

ritual and subsisteuce labor iu the monuments and fields of the cbiefs.

The Upper Mantaro Valley) Peru (A.D. 500-1534)

A considerable number of modem ethnographies document the tra-
ditional cosmology of Andean societies. Like aII human societies, they
are deeply involved with complicated systems of beliefs that relate
humans, their cornmunities, and their leaders to a cosmological order
(Bastien 1978; Isbell 1978; Mitchell 1973,1991; Zuidema 1977). A
strong tie exists between land and community. People are bom from
the soil and retum to it at death, after which they belong to the local
mountain deity (wamani) . The community, its history, and its future
are bound to a sense of place. Springs and streams are places where
spirits live and must be venerated. Irrigation systems, in particular,
uulte land, water, and the social labor of the cornmuulty; these agri-
cultural facilities focus ritual as a metaphor that organizes the cornmu-
nity and positions it within the cosmic order. Leaders are certainly N

involved in organizing labor on the symbolically charged irrigation

ceremonies and derive power from their social role.
What is clear from the archaeological record, however, is that the r
cosmology of the Andean world received little dramatic materializa- 50 lOO

tion within Wanka society. Without materialization as dramatic sym-

" METERS

bolic objects or impressive monuments, I would argue that the sys- Figure 5.7. Central ceremonial plazas at Tunánmarca with twu special
tems of cultural meaning could not have been used by leaders with the rectangular buildings (Earle et al. 1987; reprinted courtesy of the Institute of
same eifect as the ideologies of the Hawaiian and Danish chiefdoms. Archaeology, UelA).

The historical documents, surnmarized in Chapter 4, emphasize that

tial space by converging walls and cleared of buildings, focused atren-
the authority of the cinchekona rested on their military role defend-
tion on two small central plazas (0.17 hectare and 0.05 heetare). It
ing the community. Unlike other cbiefdoms, the settlements of the
takes little imagination to coneeive of this as public ceremonial spaee,
Huacrapukio and Wanka periods had no mounds and comparatively
the stage for ritual activities orehestrated by Wanka cbiefs. The small
few public, symbolic objects.
scale and lack of majar monumental constructions are quite evident,
Ceremonial events were certainly of sorne importance to Wanka
however; no mounds dominated the eenters or made visual foei for
chiefs. Most noticeably at the Waulra II center ofTunánmarca (Fig.
the polities, and two associated "public" buildings were modest rec-
5.7), the settlement was divided in half by a transverse section run-
tangular structures (each 38 square meters) that might well have been
ning roughly east-west. Two "avenues;' marked off froro the residen-
elite residences.
186 Ideology as a Source 01Power ldeology as a Source olPower 187

From our analysis ofWanka II elite and commoner patio groups, it for weapons and symbols of destruction and power. In the Andes,
appears as if the elite residential areas were used for ritual oeeasions, metals were associated with the gods. Gold was from the sun god,
probably associated with defining household status (Costin and Earle silver from the moon. Metal was the manifestation on earth of the
1989). By and large, elite patio groups were similar in layout to, and high gods associated with the most basie cosmic forces, and it was
had arehaeological assemblages mueh like those of, commoner house- used for special objeets worn and displayed publidy. Wearing of spe-
holds. But elite household spaees were bigger, and the diet of elites eial dothing with the metal jewelry identified the elites with the cos-
contained special foods, namely maize and eamelid, that were likely mie forees to whieh the leaders held special aceess, but the symbolie
consumed at feasts. Status was also marked by symbolie objects that materializatian was not linked to the war powers. If anything, it was
would have served for display at ritual oeeasions. linked to alternative sourees of power involving females.
Among the local symbolie objects were large jars decorated in a Control over the symbolie objeets was problematic and may have
style caIled Base Roja (Lumbreras 1957). The paste and temper of resulted in a more heterarehical system of power. The day for ee-
Base Roja are distinetive, what we have ealled an Andesite ware (Cos- ramics and the ores for the metals were braadly dlstributed through-
tin 1986). It was apparendy produeed in' the Mantaro Valley to the out the regions in easily mined surfaee deposits. The teehnology of
south of our researeh area near Huaneayo and traded aeross a broad manufacture involved a series of comparativcly simple steps that
region (Earle 1985). These jars were highiy deeorated with modeling would have been broadly known and easily replieated. Regional ex-
and three-color painting. The effort put into their manufacture sug- ehaÍlge, requiring ouly foot travel or llama earavan, would have been
gests that they encoded signifieant cultural meaning with publie sym- quite dispersed through a network of relationships. Control would
bolso The most distinetive jars are large female forms: a modeled faee have been difficult indeed to exercise, and these forms of ideologieal
(with ears) stares out from the faee neck, arms are folded across the materialization would have offered ouly a partial souree of power.
swollen body, and swelling breasts are shown. Wbo is this figure? The most dramatic form of materialization among the Wanka was
Although we do not know speeifieally, the striking image eertaiuly probably the monumental fortifieations for community defense. As
portrayed female power associated with the rituals in whieh the ves- diseussed in Chapter 4, Wanka soeiety was composed of competitive
sels likely served. hill-fort ehiefdoms in which local polities were balkanized into small
The Wanka mammiform jars probably stored chicha, the maize regions defended by impregnable fortifieations. The Iegitimation of
beer served at publie feasts hosted by the loealleaders. These vessels leadership hinged on community defense. The socially construeted
were concentrated in elite residenees; they had to have been proeured town walls defended the commuuity from attaek, eertainly, but they
through regional exehange. One is reminded of the argument pre- would also have formalized to sorne degree the structure of the com-
sented by Helms (1979) that Panamanian ehiefs competed through munity as a social entiry dependent on the cinehekona.
long-distanee exehange relationships for control over special objects The monumental town walls may thus be as much a statement of
associated with the power of esoteric knowledge. ideology, defiuing the group and its eharter for survival, as simply a
Other objeets defining elite status indude metal wealth worn as utilitarían facility. Interesríngly, in Wessex, the investrnent of corpo-
part of personal deeoration. During the Wanka II period, elite house- rate labor in publie constructions shifred dramatieally: in the Age of
holds held larger numbers of metal objeets of display, especially thin Stonehenge, approximately 32,000 labor-days per generation were
silver disks perforated to be seWl1 onto dothing and tupu pins used to dedieated to ceremonial monuments; in the Age of Hill Forts, about
fasten women's shawls. Tbese objects decorated female, and perhaps 21,000 labor-days per generaríon were dedicated to fortifieation walls
male, bodies. In contrast to the Danish case, the metal was not used (Earle 1991a). In England, with the beginning of hill-fort soeiety,
188 ldeoÚJgy as a Source ofPower ldeology as a Source ofPower

ceremonial construction ceased and social labor was rurected to en- Following the expansion of the Inka empire, local ideological sys-
closing walls. It seerns that thc ideological basis for society had been tems were co-opted and transformed to be brought under state con-
transformed from wealth financc, in which control over symbolic trol. Although not the subject of the analysis here, a brief surnmary of
objects was thc key for materialization, to staple finance, in which the transformations can be given (see Costin and Earle I989; Costin,
military power secured rights to carefully defincd lands. WaIls identi- Earle, Owcn, and Russell I989; DeMarrais, Castillo, and Earle 1996).
fied the town, rufferentiating its people from the encmy who lived In Wanka III, under Inka domination, elite status continued to be
outside the walls. Adams (I966) remarks that Middle Eastern city defined by symbolic objccts, namely, ceramics and metal decorative
walls functioned as much to include (to hold a "caged" populace) as items. Distinguishing ceramic objects were now Inka vessels, espe-
to exclude (to defend the populace from attack). Fortification proba- cially the large arybaloid jars used to store chicha. A typical Inka jar
bly served in the Mantaro and elsewhere as materialization of the might be a meter tall, with a distinctive shape, a knob for holding a
ideology of group identity in defense against outside threat. tumpline, and geometric decoration. These jars were stylistically simi-
The irrigation and drained fields of the Andean communities, de- lar throughout the empire, and, in the Mantaro, they largely replaced
scribed in Chapter 3, may a1so have been an impottant elemcnt of the the Base Roja jars in the assernblage of elite households. The metal
social order. As described in modern peasant cornmunities, agricul- decorative objects were more frequently made of copper, now uni-
ture work and especially the annual cleaning of the irrigation ditches formly aIloyed with tin. The basic forms seem largely to have con-
were important ceremonially (Mitchell I99I). The name of the five- tinued, but with the introduction of a few cast forms, like the 11ama-
day, annual irrigation festival (yarqa aspiy) combines a dual meaning headed pin found elsewhere throughont the empire (Costin, Earle,
of "canal cleaning" and "the celebration of the irrigation system" Owen, and Russell I 989 ).
(Mitchell I99I: I44). The change with the Inka invasion was a subtle manipulation of
the indigenous ideology (ibid.). Most important was che selective
The irrigation festival was Qne of Quinua's most beautiful fiestas. During the
replacement of symbolic objects that were locally procured by objects
early moming the wives, daughters, and daughter-in-Iaws of the festival offi-
dals se! out frOID their hornes for the main canal intakes .... They left eady to that the state provided. The Inka ceramics in the Mantaro were quite
prepare meals at assigned places along the systcm. The other celebrants set obviously centrally manufactured under rurect state supervision, as
forth a little later, but still in the dark, under a dry-season sky alive with stars, shown by the standarruzation of forms and decorations both locally
August Perseids occasionaUy streaking across the horizon. They wcre grcctcd and across the empire (Hagstrum I986). For metals, the Inka period
at the main intake at dawn by the smoke of the women's tires blenrung with is referred to as the "tin bronze horiwn" (Lechtman 1977). Through-
morning mists .... Quinuenos had left their competing [modern] music
out the regions of imperial conquest, tin aIloying became standard
behind and lis tened only to the drums and flutes provided by the festival
organizers. (Mitchell 1991: 145) practice. Lechtman (I984) argues that the shifr to tin introduced a
new symbolic referent into the material culture of the Andes. Tin,
The work and ceremonies of the irrigation canals were orchestrated by unlike the ubiquitous copper, was mined in only limited areas of
the local officials, who were the owners of che systems. An irrigation Bolivia and Chile. The use of tin in the metal recipe thus made the
facility became a cornmunal monument and an enactment of the social local metallurgical traditions dependent on the long-rustance trade
order of men and women's work, politicalleadership, and symbolic that took place along the imperial roads, under tight state supervi-
sanctity. But in many localities in the Andean highlands, such as the sion. By changing the objects, the symbolic system used locally to
Mantaro, since most agriculture was not irrigation-based, the agricul- materialize elite ideology became partially co-opted by the state as an
tural facilities were not of central significance as a source of power. extension of its political economy.
190 IdeoÚJgy as a Source ofPower IdeoÚJgy as a Source ofPower 191

More dramatic were the elaborate and justifiably wodd-famous destined to rule; others, conversely, were destined to follow. The
buildiug programs of theInka empire (DeMarrais, Castillo, and Eade Danish cruefs were warriors, whose ancestralliues were of the soil of
I996; Hyslop I984, 1990). Construction involved extensive road sys- Thy. The Hawaiian alí'i were gods responsible for productivity and
tems, peripheral fortifications, storage complexes, agricultural de- warfare; the land and its people were theirs. The Wanka ciuchekona
velopment projects, temples and shriues, and monumental public were military Ieaders defending the community and its lands against
buildings and state administrative facilities. Large plazas with their atrack. But these messages, the meanings of the ideologies, were po-
central ushnu platform mounds were constructed everywhere outside tentially changeable and interpretable by others according to different
of Cuzco. Here on the ushnu stood the lord Inka when he was on interests.
tour, but.with the mound's central place he was present symbolically In the three cases, the use of ideology was inherently problematic.
at all ceremonies. Imperial ceremonies had standard formats within In Denmark, an evident disjuncture existed between materialized ide-
space created to emphasize the uniformity of the state's religious prac- ology and centralized power. The early construction of megalithic
tice and meaning. Reaching out from the admiuistrative centers, the tombs, prior to the elaboration of chiefdoms, represented a sig-
roads bound the different regions of the empire together and re- nificant use of labor to define community, not iudividual status.
minded local populations of the army tbat would march down them When individual status became pronounced, monumental size de-
to suppress rehellion. But literally aboye alI, prominently placed on dined such that the labor required to construct a burial monument
the hills over the Mantaro ValIey, stood the massive storage com- actually decreased. During the Late Neolithic, when the society of
plexes of the Inka, signifying the staple base that financed the empire. Thy was actively iuvolved in an ideology represented iu prestige
The culturallandscape of imperial construction projects, built with goods, no central leadership emerged. The difficulty of controlling
local corvée labor, placed the local population within the state's ideo- the exchange apparently reflected the faet that the prestige objects
logical structure. The roads in particular connected the local society to (amber, battle-axes, and daggers) were manufactured from local ma-
the interregional state symbolically and militarily. Down those roads terials and required ouly basic technologies for their production.
carne the Inka administrators, messengers, and armies. Controlled access to prestige goods became possible only iu the Early
The important role of ideology and its materialization within the Bronze Age, when metal objects became the primaty symbols of rank.
newly iustitutionalized Inka empire stands iu stark contrast to the Then the foreign origin of the material and, more importantly, the
earlier hill-fort chiefdoms of the Mantaro. Among the Wanka, a rul- complicated technology required to produce the objects permitted
ing ideology with its materialization was minimally e1aborated. Mon- sorne measure of control over the symbolic system.
umental construction focused on community defense, carrying the In the Mantaro ValIey, the Wanka chiefs retained power as war
simple legitimation of cinche leadership, and the religious basis of leaders, and this position was materialized in the town walls that
political rule was not evidently dosely controlled. The heterarchical defined community dearly, but Ieadersrup only indirecrly. The syrn-
character of the Mantaro society emphasizes the difficulties of creat- bols of power were weakly liuked to the role of leaders as warriors.
iug a strategic culrure to institutionalize political relationships. The leaders did not hold special metal weapons, for example. In fact,
the distinctive pre-Inka symbols, the marnmiform jars and the silver
The three examples of chiefdoms discussed aboye suggest that ideol- tupus, appear to link as mueh to female powers as to male leadership.
ogy was an important source of power, but one that was difficult to The sourees of power were evidently multifaceted, and leadership was
monopolize. The messages of ideology Iinked the chiefs to positions only wealdy iustiturionalized.
in society that Iegitimized their superordinate positions. They were Only on the Hawaiian Islands was the materialization of the ideol-
 [92 Ideology as a Source 01Power CHAPTER SIX

ogy closely linked to the other bases of power. The rultural and eco-
nomic landscape was transformed to ereate a new physical world in
which the chiefs existed as owners of the productive facilities and the
'earthly manifestations of the gods.hhe materialization of ideology
, transformed the legitimizing beliefs of the ruling elite into concrete,
,~) rultural things that could be controlled through the labor process
i within the local community.\rhe chief's manager thus organized con-
Chiefly Power Strategies and the
struetion projects on the irrigation systems, the community's walls Emergence of Complex Polítical
and paths, and its religious platforms. Ceremonies, conducted within
the monuments, dramatized chiefs' sanctity. The whole landscape and
Institutions
its daily use carne to represent the structured hierarchical relation-
ships of the chiefdom.
The effectiveness of ideology ultimately rests on its relationship ro
the other sources of power. Where multiple sources of power exist
and are not bound together effeetively, ideologies may proliferate, but To buildpolitical institutions, chiefs shape their positions from three
they are unlikely ro offer a means by which a central authority can primaty power media - economy, military, and ideology. In the his-
arise in opposition to competing segments and interests. As argued in rorical and arehaeologieal cases considered here, chiefs used all three
the next ehapter, eaeh souree of power offers quite distinct properties. media to fashion strategic domination. The uses of the alternative
C,¡.. strong central political institution depends less on any one souree of I sources of social power are quite general within ehiefdoms, and these
'l'power than on the interrelationship among the power sources and on
i, its ultimate grounding in the politieal
~ , - ,
economy. ¡ generic sources of power may in faet be universal to the political
process in human society, bur the outcomes are highly variable. While
complex governing institutions of state societies were created in cer~
tain circumstances~ in others power relationsrups remained decentral-
ized, unsrable, and atomistic. What determines the consolidation and
institutionalization of power in sorne circumstances and successful
local resisrance to centralization in others?
The consolidation and institutionalization of power depend on the
systematization of power strategies. Power strategies are the means by
which ruling segments cmnhine the sources 01 social power to pursue their
political goals (DeMarrais, Castillo, and Barle 1996; Mann 1986).
Power strategies vary in terms of whieh sources are pivotal and how
they artirulate with each other. The strategie uses of each power
source depeud on historical cireumstances and immediate political
objeetives. The selecrion of one strategy over alternatives involves
comparing the effectiveness and costs of implementation and the
 [92 ldeology as a Source ofPower CHAPTER SIX

ogy closely linked to the other bases of power. The cultural and eco-
nomic landseape was transformed to ereate a new physical world in
wrueh the chiefs existed as owners of the produetive facilities and the
earthly manifestations of the gods.fThe materialization of ideology
transformed the Iegitimizing beliefs of the ruling elite into concrete,
_) cultural things that could be controlled through the labor proeess
\ within the local community.!rhe chief's manager thus organized eon-
Chiefty Power Strategies and the
struetion projeets on the irrigation systems, the commwlity's walls Emergence of Complex Polltica!
and paths, and its religious platforms. Ceremonies, condncted within
Institutions
the monuments, dranJatized ehiefs' sanetity. The whole landseape and
its daily use canJe to represent the structured ruerarehical relation-
ships of the ehiefdom.
The effeetiveness of ideology u1timately rests on its relationship to
the other sourees of power. Where multipJe sourees of power exist
and are not bound together effeetively, ideologies may proliferate, but To build political institutions, ehiefs shape their positions from three
they are unlikely to offer a means by which a central authority can prinlaty power media - economy, militaty, and ideology. In the his-
arise in opposition to competing segmeuts and interests. As argued in torical and archaeological cases considered here, cruefs used aIl three
the next chapter, eaeh souree of power offers quite distinct properties. media to fashion strategie domination. The uses of the a1ternative
Cf strong central politieal institution depends less on any one souree of sources of social power are quite general within chiefdoms, and these
cy power than on the interrelationship anJong the power sources and on generic sources of power may in faet be universal to the political
!
l/
its u1timate grounding in the political e~onomy.
.
proeess in human society, but the outcomes are highly variable. While
complex governing institutions of state societies were created in cer-
tain círcrunstances, in others power relationships remained decentral-
ized, unstable, and atomistic. What determines the consolidation and
institutionalization of power in sorne circurnstances and successful
local resistance to centralization in others?
The consolidation and institutionalization of power depend on the
systematization of power strategies. Power strategies are the means by
which rulíng segments combine the sources of social power to pursue their
política! goa!s (DeMarrais, Castillo, and Earle 1996; Mann 1986).
Power strategies vary in terms of wruch sources are pivotal and how
they articulate with eaeh other. The strategic uses of eaeh power
source depend on historieal circumstanees and inlmediate politieal
objeetives. The selection of one strategy over a1ternatives involves
comparing the effeetiveness and costs of implementation and the

L
I94 The Emergence of Complex Political Institutions The Eme>;gence of Complex Political Institutions I9S

length of time that each must be snstained. In the cases considered, aeross; this constrained pattern was broken only by the cataclysmie
the primar:; determinant appears to have been the nature of the dereloping invasions by the Inka and, later, Spanish empires.
political economy. The operationalization of one power strategy versus Among the late prehistoric Wanka, the einchekona were warrior
another rested on the ability to intensify and control aspects of the chiefs defending their communities. Warfare was the primary arena
political economy and to use the mobilized surplus to develop ceutral where chiefs rose to power. Arehaeology docurnents nearly contin-
power saurees. uous warfare, in which cornmunity fortifieations offered defenses that
The nature of the power strategies (how finance is handled, the beeame monuments to chielly authority and cornmunity structure.
nature of control, and the potential for institutionalization) has pro- Warfare as a primary souree of social power proved to be limited,
fouud implieations for the long-term proeesses of social evolution however. Although it would seem that conquest warfare wonld pro-
(Earle 1987, 1994a; Johnson and Eade 1987). Alternative power vide an effeetive vehicle for politieal expansion, it did noto Military
strategies are iIIustrated by Pem, Denmark, and the Hawaiian Islands. might in fact proved impossible to control centrally. Eaeh cornmunity
The most important source of power is quite variable among these devdoped its own defenses that were virtually impregnable to attaek.
cases, and these different sources can be seen as possessing quite dís- Power was fragmented, ereating small polities independent of their
similar internal dynamics for change. More important are the varying neighbors, proteeted and incarcerated within their fortifications. War-
ways that these sourees of power link to the other sourees in the fare, although an elemental souree of power polities, proved limited
creation of the power strategies and the implications that the dy- hy its fractured articulation with the other sourees of power.
namies of these linkages have for long-term social evolution. If vari- The secondary souree of power was the economy. The growth of
QUS power strategies have different outcomes, social scientists must local populations corresponded with an intensification of farming.
attempt to identify the conditions eausing one sttategy to be utilized There was certainly no direct correlation between population density
by an emerging elite rather than the alternatives. The distinctive and warfare, but increasing populations, especially during the Wanka
power strategies represent different routes to (and from) social com- period, required intensification that was facHitated by agrieultural
plexity, divergent means to extend or to resist eenttalizing author- improvements. The development of drained fields, terraces, and irri-
ity. These routes are governed by contrasting dynamies resulting in gated lands ereated the facilities that would have been the targets for
changed rates of growth in polity size and stability for hierarchical conquest and the heart of defenses. The cinchekona as war leaders
institutions. could quite easHy have conttoUed aeeess to improved lands; lands
seized in battle were the ehief's to hold or distribute. The members of
a cornmunity were obliged to work the lands of the cinche for his
The Upper Mantaro Valley, Peru (A.D. 500-I534) support. The surpluses from these lands should have provided the
staples to finance an expanding base for the chielly power strategy.
During the thousand years that irnmediately preceded Spanish eon-
But the polities did not expand laterally.
quest, power strategies of the Mantaro Wanka showed a long period
The Mantaro Valley is high, at the very margins of maize and even
of cycling as polities rose and feU. Among these ehiefdoms, militaty
potato farming. Subsequent to the breeding of frost-resistant strains,
might was the primary souree of social power (see Chapter 4), as eco-
maize and potato farming became feasible but were always limited in
nomie and ideologieal powers were more limited or less eentralized.
their potential for intensification and surplus produetion. Irrigation
The Wanka politieal system was comparatively statie, with polities
and terraees inereased produetivity and lowered risks to sorne degree,
constrained to small regions, only perhaps ten to twenty kilometers
but the environmental hazards constrained intensification. The fairly
I96 The Eme'l!ence of Complex Polítical Institutions The Emergence of Complex Political Institutions I97

marginal and extensive subsistence base restricted tbe growtb poten- Inka were able to overcome tbe limitations imposed by the highland
tial in tbe political economy and its use by chiefs to control botb environment by creating a massive staple-iinance economy. The cen-
military and ideological power. tralized regional storage of crops buffered tbe state operation against
A ruling ideology was little elaborated among tbe Wanka. No ma- environmental and polítical disasters tbat would have plagued smaller
jar monuments, temple mounds, or prominent burials existed hefe, chiefdoms. The storehouses of mobilized staples tben allowed tbe
unlike in tbe many cruefdoms tbat created ideological landscapes of Inka to invest heavily in state farms on scales rarely equaled in Peru,
power. Elite status was marked by special ceremonial ceramics as well even in the modern day. The massive reorganized economic base
as by metal and shell objects of personal decoration. But tbe sump- provi'ded tbe reliable financial infrastructure to support adventures of
tuary goods were modest, and tbeir manufacture and clistriburion tbe state military and tbe calendrical cycle of state ceremonies.
would have been clifficult to control given tbe natute of the regional
economy at tbat time in tbe Andes. The ideology was not materialized
in ways tbat allowed control tbrough a linkage witb the political Thy, Denmark (2300-I300 B.e.)
economy. Ratber, etbnographies tell of a natural world inhabited by
During tbe thousand years. tbat spanned tbe Neolithic and Early
powers accessible to cornmunities witbin tbeir daily lives and not
Bronze Ages of nortbwestern Denmark, tbe polities of tbe Thy chief-
contained witbin tbe monuments and objects of tbe cruefs.
tains showed an erratic cycling as tbey rose and quickly collapsed.
Perhaps the simplest and most straightforward message of tbe rul-
Among tbese cruefdoms, a ruling ideology linked elites across broad
ing elite was tbeir legitimacy based on warrior might. Thus tbe monu-
regions of Europe in a prestige-goods exchange and ceremonial dis-
ments of tbe Wanka were tbe community fortifications tbat botb
play of power (see Chapter 5). An export economy and warfare were
defended and bounded tbe group. The communal construction of tbe
firmly linked to tbis ideology, but tbe power strategy proved ulti-
fortifications, organized and overseen by tbe cinchekona, excluded
mately vulnerable.
raiding foes and included loyal community followers.
Among tbe Late N eolitbic and Early Bronze Age societies, leaders
As 1 have argued in Chapter 4, tbe Wanka represent a hill-fort
were marked and legitimized byan elaborate ideology tbat must have
cruefdom. Locally strong community cruefs emerged ro organize de-
served as a basic source of social power. This ideology was mate-
fense of territory. They dominated local politics by control over tbe
rialized in burial monuments, round barrows tbat stood upon tbe
defense of tbe community and tbrough tbe recognition among com-
hills of Thy as elsewhere in Europe. The ruling crueftains constructed
munity members tbat tbeir lives depended on tbis defense. But tbe
a cultutal landscape in which genealogicallines were planted in tbe
deve!opmeut of larger-scale polities tbat centrally integrated broader
soil, creating a right of ownership and allocation of tbe surrounding
regions was truncated by tbe extensive natute of tbe economy and tbe
pastutelands. At tbis time of strongly marked political figures, mainly
problems tbat tbis created for sustained central control.
men were buried in these monuments; later, as a more heterarchí-
The political standoff was "resolved" when tbe Inka imperial ar-
cal society emerged, female burials became more elaborated and
mies defeated tbe clivided local Wanka cruefdoms. The political revo-
male burials became less clifferentiated. In Thy, many of tbese monu-
lution of tbe Inka was based on an original and highly structured
ments were apparently constructed during brief periods, each lasting
political economy (D'Altroy and Earle 1985). Traclitional principies
perhaps only a hundred years - shirtsleeves to shirtsleeves in tbree
of reciprocity and reclistribution were adopted for a massive system of
generations.
staple iinance using local corvée labor to constnlCt new agricultural
Witbin tbe barrows tbat typified the cruefdoms of Montelius II,
facilities witb irrigation, terracing, and drainage. Quite simply, tbe
 198 The Emergence o[ Complex Politica! Institutions The EmC1;gence o[ Complex Politica! Institutions [99

individual males were buried with their swords, daggers, and items of But a herding economy is inherentIy inefficient - rich in the output of
personal display. The types and styles of objects identifying chiefly proteins but poor in that of calories. A subsistence economy based
status were similar across broad regions of Europe and were rein- more on herding would have been more work and would have sus-
forced by the exchange of actual objects and the raw material for their tained a smaller local population. However, livestock, in addition to
manufacture. An international dass ofleaders was created with status calories and protein, provided secondary products in high demand-
and identity derived from external connections and identiJications. milk, cheese, hides, and draft aninlals nsed in plowing (Sherratt
This was the world of intense peer-polity interaction, as described by I98I). The shift to herding may thus have been geared toward pro-
Renfrew (I982). duction of export goods for an international trade. Although the
Chiefly identity and the elite ideology were materialized in objects subsistence economy would have remained in the hands of local pro-
that were moved through prestige-goods exchanges that linked the ducers, the shift to livestock would have made it easier for emergent
mling lines of individuallocalities to the broad dass of chieftains. One chiefs to conttol that sector of the economy. Livestock are more easily
¡
,
can imagine that the wearing of these objects in public ceremonies moved and concentrated within a region than grains are. The con-
during life and at death carried a dear message of the special interna- struction of the barrow monuments throughout the landscape can be
tional connections that identified chiefs as possessing special powers interpreted as a direct means to materialize ownership over the pas-
and positions. The exchange of objects and all events and activities turelands (Earle I 99 I a ). The high lands on which the barrows stood
involved in their production, distribution, and public use were part were especially good pastures, ttansformed in the Bronze Age from
of a political economy based on the distribution of wealth. The farmland into permanent grasslands.
power strategies of chieftains becarne oriented toward controlling the The dose linkage between ideology and the developing interna-
prestige-goods exchange. Tbis was not easy during the Neolithic, tional economy would seem to have provided the basis for a power
with its fairly simple technologies of production and exchange; on the strategy with the potential for growth. But it faltered. Local produc-
edge of the European world, everyone in Neolithic Thy could hold tion of livestock can be controlled over ouly limited areas. The exten-
the objects of status that connected them with international ideolo- sive nature of the grasslands and tIle mobile nature of the animals
gies. The use of bronze for prestige objects changed the status rivalry must have created nightrnarish worries for chiefs. Intensification of
and allowed sorne control over exchanged wealth. Bronze carne from livesrock production dose to the seats of power would have undone
distant places through many hands, and the more far-flung relations itself as the grass pastures were degraded and replaced by heaths. A
of established chiefs would have secured differential access to the herding economy is sttictly limited by its potential for intensification
metal by controlling the export products of cattle. More importantIy, and sustained growrll.
however, control became feasible over the manufacturing process it- Moreover, broad international dynarnics affecting the export econ-
self (Kristiansen I987). The ideology that identiJied chiefs WitI, an in- omy were beyond the control of local cbiefrains. Changes in any of a
ternational dass thus becarne controllable through its materialization. number of factors could have been devastating to the Thy economy. A
Control over prestige goods and the ruling ideology that they changing technology of trade may have reoriented movement toward
materialized was initially financed through the local subsistence econ- eastern Denmark, or livestock products may have been devaluated as
omy. From the Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze Ages, the focus on doth replaced bides,or there may have been a change in the overall
herding apparenrly increased. The soils of Thy were known into the avallability ofbronze that undercut its value in materialization. What-
medieval period as particularly suitable for livestock, and the em- ever the immediate cause, and others are certainly possible, the local
phasis on cattle there would have been sensible given local conditions. lords ofThywould have found themselves dangling on the attenuated
'¡,
'í
í
I
200 The Emergence oJ Complex Political Institutions The Eme>;gence of Complex Political Institutions 20I

string of international prestige-goods exchange. Trade is always a a1ways produeed more food. The common farmers' harder work pro-
risky source of economic power, and leaders depending on it find duced the surplus to support the ruling chiefs.
their positions inherently unstable. The high productivity and substantial investrnent of the agricul-
Thy chieftains a1so depended on military might. As part of their tural facilities held the farmers on their land. Commoners were re!uc-
power strategies geared to controlling the exehange in prestige goods, tant to forgo the advantages of those fields that had been built on the
the lords must have raided eaeh other's encampments for cattle and islands' best soils. In exchange for those advantages, a community's
tried to disrupt eaeh other's trading venrures. But the use of warfare konohiki put his people to work building new irrigation systems,
to extend the economy over any great region was evidently ineffec- farming fields set aside for the chiefs, obtaining feathers for the chiefiy
tive, except perhaps temporarily. Some control could be exercised cloaks, building the temples and roads - generally supplying labor for
over the production and distribution of the btonze swords; atrached diverse initiatives of the chiefs.
specialists would have been the producers of the weapons, as of the The irrigation systems and comparable dryland complexes were
wealth. This control over specialists provided an elite edge over local the physical representation, the very essence, of the ordered political
opposition, but regionally the highJy extensive narure of the economy economy. Use rights in a measured and defined paree! in the taro
would have favored locallords over regional overlords such that the pond fie!ds were exchanged for the labor that produced the surplns to
chiefdoms remained comparatively small in extent. fund the political economy. The origin of the agriculrural systems
becomes a question of great theoretical significance; they were the
ultimate linchpin of the power strategy. The extensive complexes of
Kaua)i, HawaFi (A.D. 800-1824) Hawaiian agriculrure were constructed over a relatively brief periodo
This was not a slow ptocess, gradually solving local problems. It was
The chiefs of Hawai'i were able to craft a remarkably successful power
rapid, a development initiated and overseen by the chiefs and their
strategy founded on a highJy productive agricultural base. Surpluses
konohiki in the system of staple finance that sustained the evolution
in staples, which derived ftom the irrigation systems, supported arti-
ofHawaiian political instirutions.
sans, warriors, and priests attached to the ruling line. Control over the
Although the agriculrural systems were ultimately primary, the
intensive and productive agriculrural economywas the primary source
other saurees of social power were certainly critica! extensions. War~
of power that provided the resources to control the other power
fare was of special significance early on. Throughout Polynesia, chiefs
media. The thonsand-year sequence in Hawai'i wiruessed a sustained
struggled with each other, attempting to extend their communities'
evolutionary development of complex chiefdoms that verged on state
resource base and ultimately their sphere of domination. Warfare
sadeties.
among the Hawaiian chiefs and their polities was a leitrnotif of the
At contact, the Hawaiian a1i'i were owners of major agricultural
oral histories. Pirst district and then islandwide chiefdoms were fash-
facilities that included both irrigation complexes carpeting the valley
ioned through conquest. Warfare was the crucible for regional pol-
fioors and dryland fields that edged up the voleanic slopes. From the
ities, the instrument of political expansiono
improved, highJy productive fields, community farmers harvested
Ideology linked the chiefs with the gods, representing the chiefs
taro and other crops, whieh fed a sizable commoner population and
as fundamental to life (fertility) and death (war) (Valeri 1985).
financed the chiefiy superstructure. The agriculrural systems were, in
Although monwnent construction continued mto the historie time)
Geertz's (1963) term, capable of considerable "involution:' A little
it peaked relatively early in the sequence, roughJy A.D. 1200-1400
more work, perhaps weeding the fields again or reclearing the ditches,
(Kolb 1994). Apparently connected to the expansion of the new pol-
202 The Emergence of Complex Political Institutions The Emergence of Complex Potiticallnstitutions 203

ities through conquest, the construction of the temples forged a new islands ofMaui, Molokai, and O'ahu and to fashion the first Hawaiian
culturallandscape. In the regional chiefdoms, the lands sttucrured by state. But, because the ingredients were already in place, solutions
the chiefs were now owned by them. Monumental construction then enabling conquest were sure to have been developed whether or not
diminished, replaced by elaborated ceremonies on the monumental the European explorers had arrived on the scene.
stages. At this time, the primary effort in constructing the cultural
landscape shifted toward the agricultural systems and hierarchical
land ownership. In the creation of the Hawaiian ehiefdoms, ideology The Nature and Structure ofPower Strategies
institutionalized and sustained a new social arder, but investment in
With power strategies, individuals and social segments strategically
the ideology was periodic and strategic.
use the different sources of power ro domiuate others. As summarized
The power strategy of the Hawaiian chiefdoms carne eventually to
in Chapters 3,4, and 5, the three sources eaeh have different internal
rest firmly on the intensive agricultural facilities. Surplus generated by
dynarnics that are significant for determining their usefulness. ~OSt
the emerging hierarchical sociery and its political economy could be
important for the construction of alternative power strategies are the
directed in a number of ways. Military mlght expanded the polities,
means to control and to dominate through linking the power sources
but that expansion made them difficult to control. A chief away on
together (Fig. 6.1) .
conquest could lose his home base through treachery and rebellion.
The problem of alternative sources of power is simplified by two
Ideology legitimized and instit;utionallzed the new political order, but
variable characteristics of power - the ease of its control and the ways
it could always be reinterpreted and co-opted. More resources in-
it may be extended. The first critical variable appears to be how power
vested in monuments helped create an owned landscape, but ulti-
may be restricted to (C(Jntrolled by) a few hands.
mately the splendor of ceremonial events is inflationary. Splendor
Economic power is the most easily controlled. The essence of the
demands more splendor, higher expenditures that can literally bank-
econorny is its material nature: from "natural" resources, humans
rupt the ehiefly.power strategy. On the Hawaiian Islands, the eco-
labor to produce goods that are exchanged hand to hand. Eaeh step in
nomic base of social power proved significant, because resources in-
the economic process involves transfer and transformation of matter,
vested in the facilities increased the surplus that the chiefs could
and the physical character of the matrer means that it can be concen-
mobilize. The system, during the period under consideration, had
trated and defended against others. To the degree that specific re-
virtually unlimited potential.
sources, technologies, Or objects are needed or desired for subsistence
The initial power strategy emphasizing warfare and ideology was
and social action, control over produetion and exehange yields social
thus transformed with the development of the infrastructure for a
power.
staple finanee system. The potential development in the political
The political economy is inherently growth oriented. Surplus gen-
economy provided the lifeblood for the reconstruL1:ed and centrally
erated through selective control is reinvested to expand the tech-
controlled power strategy seen at contacto The potential fo! sustained
nological base and to further increase surplus. The intensification
growth suggests that Hawaiian chiefdoms would, eventually, have
and reorganization of the economy create conditions making control
reinvented themselves as states. Only relatively small changes in teeh-
feasible - concentrated (circumscribed) resources, major facilities
nique were needed to make conquest warfare feasible and effective.
..c such as irrigation), complicated mannfacturing procedures, and ex-
The Hawaiian chiefs knew what they needed and were quick to recog- ..
change dependent on transport technologies sueh as ships. Localized
nize the strategic use of the western weapons of war. Kameharneha
productive resources, complicated manufacturing procedures, and
aggressively sought new sailing crafts and gunnery to conquer the
204 The Eme1;gence of Complex Political Institutions The Eme'lfence of Complex Political Institutions 205

Control I of their domain or to murder them. Coercion has a high risk based on

r)1¡
Warfare ( ¡"titulioo 01 ) Ideology the difficulties inherent in controlling the ruthless agents of repres-
' -_ _ _-;;;:_-,--'. I hierarchy --::;;;;::o:-.""-:-----~
Lo. sion. The competitive narure of coercive force is inherently unstable;

Sources of power
~
jT jlt
~I ~
it is based on fear and mistrust, in which personal interests are always
in flux.
Ideological power is the essence of sociallaw. People act in cerrain
The Political Economy
ways because it is proper and necessary. But who is to say what is
proped Who controls the prodllC'tion of culmre? In one sense, cul-
Staples
I Wealth tural rules are inherently highiy personal and fracmred, held in each
individual's head; each person forms a private vision of the world and
his or her place within it. Only through the process of materializa-
tion - the performance and representation of ideology, and public
parricipation by a social group - can culmre be strategically produced
Underlying conditions
and thus controlled and manipulated by centralleaders. The complex-
Natural environment and historical ity and scale of ceremonies limit who can perform them, and the
circumstances of development characteristics of the production and exchange of prestige goods can
limit who accesses the esoteric knowledge embodied in the symbol-
ism of objects.
Figure 6.I. Relationships among the different sources of power in chicfly
The second critical variable of power appears to be how the media of
power strategies (Michael Gabriel) .
power may be used to co-opt and control one another. Each power source is
inherently limited by its capability for being used more intensely.
limited ehannels for distribution offer opporrnnities to direct ac- Continued intensification of the economy sharply increases costs. Ex-
eess to needed and desired things - things with meaning, but things tension of supply lines weakens the military. Intensification of ideol-
nonetheless. ogy]!l_akes it J~dant.audj!lef!'!;.g:iYf. It is possible, however, to
Tbe flow of things through the economy is like an irrigation sys- ~tilize ane power $ource to access the othcrs, and here the interdepen-
temo Tapped from namral flows, the water is diverted through built dence of the three sources is evident.
channels to water fields of choice. To the degrec that the chicf builds Surplus derived from the political econorny is invested in develop-
and controls the flow, he determines what flourishes and what per- ing and controlling military and ideological power. As illustrated
ishes. Chiefly control over critical nodes of distribution in the mate- by the Hawaiian chiefdoms, staples are nsed to supporr specialists,
rial flows of the cconomy translates into control over the many fields who indude land managers, warriors, priests, and craftsmen. Military
of political action. power is developed by nsing surplus to nurrnre warriors, who are
Military power is the essence of coercive force. It is potent and rewarded for their continuing allegiance by income-producing fiefs.
effeetive to fashion large-scale polities, but it is difficult to control. In preparation for the invasion of Kaua'i, Karneharneha pllshed the
The weapon can be a great equalizer, a tool of resistanee as well as of construction of irrigation systems on the newly conquered O'ahu as a
domination. The warriors used by chiefs for political conquest and means to compensate rus warriors. To sorne degree~ warriors may also
consolidation can easily mm treacherously on thcir lords to steal part be controlled throngh access to the weapons of war. In the Hawaiian
 1
206 The Emergence 01 Complex Politica! Institutions The Emergence 01 Complex Politica! Institutions 207

Islands, only the cruefs could aiford the construction of the large Ideological power is used to structure and legitimize omer power
fighting canoes. In Denmark, the complexity of the metallurgy may relationships within society. Ideology constructs principies of author-
have allowed control over the manufacture of swords by atrached ity that establish rights (and obligations) to a structured econamy
specialists. Where sueh controls over the military were infeasible, and militaty order. Rights of land ownership, access, and use are of
the society remained higruy fragmented into local commwlities, each course ultimately structural principles of an ideolagy; they are not
with irs own loaders. inherent in me technolagy itself. The culturallandscape ofHawai'i or
Economic surplus also supports ideological power, that is; the cre- Thy encapsulated the society's history and mus emb~ie!,1 me hier-
ation of a political cnlture. On the Hawaiian Islands, surplus from the archical relatianships among me people. The social groupmd its
fields funded the building of temple monnments, the hosting of re- territory in chiefdoms become conflated, measures, and divided. The
ligious ceremonies, and the maintenance of an atrached priestly hier- namre of rights to resources within a community i8 llot evident; it is a
archy. The critical props of the ceremonies, such as the feathered cultural fact created by social groups to further meir own interests.
power dress of the gods, were produced by the chiefs' own artisans Often ideology emphasizes me legitimacy of me leaders based on
from cornrnWlity tribute colleeted during the Makahiki ceremony. In meir military might and defense of cornrnlmity. The monuments of
the Danish case, eraftsmen, atrached to chieftains, probably fabricared me Wanka were nat temples but me defensive walls of me cornrnu-
the special objects of ceremonial display. These objects signaled an nity, constructed under ehiefiy supervision. The cornrnWlity was de-
international class of people whose identity superseded thar of the fined by its cornrnon actian led by the cinche. AnlOng me chieftains of
local cornrnWlities. The production of sraples and of export goods Thy, the prestige goods marking male elite status were weapons of
funded both development of the military and a ruling ideology. war. Almough it may be debated whether mey could all serve as
Conversely, military power is used to seize and to defend both etfective weapons in conflict, and although sorne, such as me more
economic and ideological power. It is the overt means to extend rhe elaborate chiefly swords, rarely were used, me status referred Wlam-
productive base of the political economy, to monopolize the fiow of biguously to warrior might and prowess. The Hawaiian chiefiy feam-
prestige goods, and to seize the institutions of the ruling ideology. In ered cloaks and he1mets were worn in battle, serving as emblems of
the Hawaiian Islands, the primary goal of conquest warfare was to warrior status and position. To defeat a warrior was to strip h1m of
seize productive resources and popnlations. The Wanka chief de- rus cloak, which was men redistributed by me vietarious paranlOWlt
fended commWlity lands and resources against atrack, and his valor chief to reward his awn warriors and chiefs.
and value were measured by his success in seizing land, animals, and The sources of power are intertwined and interdependent. Perhaps
women. The goal of cruefdoms involved in prestige-goods exchange of greatest importance for the evolution of human political institu-
isto seize wealth and secure trade routes. The warriors of Thy most tions is me way mat chiefs strategically use the different eapabilities of
probably raided for cattle and stores of wealth, and foughr for the the power sources to control me others. By controlling me produc-
exclusive right to trade with external groups for the highly valued rion and distribution of staples and prestige goods, eruefs invest sur-
wealth. Another goal of warfare was often to seize the ideological plus so as to control military might and ideological right. To me
apparatus. To capture the temples of Hawai'i, the burial mounds of degree mat leaders control staple production that supports warriors
Thy, and the walled cities of the Wanka yíelded access to the legit- and priests and control me specialized manufacture of meir weapons
imacy that their institutions supported. The objective of war was thus and symbolic objects, militaty intimidatión and religious sanctity be-
to increase a nuer's effectiveness by seizing the alternative bases of long to me rulers.
power. The material fiows of me politieal eeonomy provide the wire mat
208 1he Emergence of Complex Political InsPitutions The Emergence of Complex Política! Institutions 209

binds the sources of power together. The military is the physica! means and a1ternative individuals who seek to develop separate power strat-
to seize and defend the productive resources of the economy (its fields egies or simply to pul! away from central control (leading to local
and animals) and the symbolic resources of a materialized ideology. groups and independent individuals). To see rhe development of
The ideology in mrn instimtionalizes the order of the economy as complexity in a good (or bad) light is not the purpose of this book.
constimted in ownership rights and social and political hierarchies. Personally, 1 see tremendous losses in centrally directed systems, bm 1
recognize that the evolmion of such systems is a reality of the social
history ofhumanity (Sanderson I995).
Multilinear Evolution ofChiefdoms The primary lesson that can be learned from the historica! cases
analyzed in this book is that there are multiple routes to this complex-
The general political process responsible for social evolution has three
ity, the development of centralized political systems. The power strat-
universal sources of power, rooted in the nature of human existence.
egies adopted by the leaders in these cases varied quite drarnatically,
They are used strategically to direct (and resist) the actions of social
and the character of these strategies determined quite diíferent dy-
groups. The effective political use of social power depends on its
narnics, scope, and scale of development. The three cases may be used
control, and control rests firmly on the nature of the political econ-
emblematically to represent types of chiefdoms that have distinct evo-
omy. The determination of what affects the politica! economy and its
lutionary dynamics and trajectories.
development thus lies at the base of a comprehensive theory of social
Hillfort chiefdoms. Among the Wanka, where agricultural intensifi-
evolution.
cation was limited, social power rested primarily on military might.
To begin, what measures social evolntion? "Complexity" is a prob-
These were hiil-fort chiefdoms, and they experienced long periods of
lematic concept, but 1 wish to emphasize one critically important
political stasis. Individual cornmuulties, with their own cinchekona,
element of complexity, narnely, centrality. Within complex societies,
huddied inside the defensive walls that both defended them rrom
centralized systems are conduits, organized around central nodes,
atrack and incarcerated them within their social group. Population
through which ftow goods, materials, information, decisions, and
was coucentrated in the largest settlements. Such chiefdoms have
power (Earle I994a). The structural relationships enable individuals
little ideological elaboration, with little ceremonial architecmre and
or groups to exert a degree of power from their centralized posi-
few elaborate individual burials.
tions. Atrempts to create and control central systems involve political
Presti!Jegood chiefdoms. Among the Thy chiefdoms, the impover-
competition and the continual making and breaking of instimtional
ished soils supported the development of an export economy that
relations.
connected the region's elite to a broad international exchange. These
What 1 have atrempted to show is that a general theory of social
societies depended on prestige-goods exchange, the wealth of which
evolution can begin with the study of what factors determine the
materialized a ruling ideology and acted as a political currency to
success (or failure) of leaders artempting to centralize and thus con-
finance the leadership. They fit within Renrrew's (I974) model of
trol social systems:1Success to a leader means that he or she concen-
individualizing chiefdoms, in which objects signify personal rank at
trates power and has an effective organization for social action. This
death. Such chiefdoms emphasized individuals and the networks that
success corresponds directly with the failure of individuals to retain
they developed and tried ro controL The objects were the physica!
their independence through resistance.IEach political system repre-
medium of those far-ftung political networks of peer-polity interac-
sents a balance between chiefty strategies that seek to bring the popu-
tions. Prestige-goods chiefdoms were remarkably dynamic - social
lation under the sway of a centralleader (working for good or evil)
hierarcmes were qruckly built and qruckly destroyed (Kristiansen
210 The Eme'lfence O/ OJmplex Politicallnstitutions The Eme'lfence O/ Complex Politicallnstitutwns 2Il

199I). Reliance on international prestige-goods exchange made local and aetion. "Complex" social systems tbus begin to grow in many di-
societies vulnerable to forees beyond tbe influence of local action, and rections, accessing divergent power saurees; more complexity is thus
ehiefdoms rose and fell rapiclly. often less centralized - but ouly witbin limits (see Brumfiel 1995).
Stapte-finance chie/doms. In Hawai'i, chiefs created an intensive pro- Competing social segments try to gain access to and eentralize
duction system relying on irrigation, dryland terraces, and fishponds. power. Under sorne simations, as illustrated by tbe staple-finance
Owned by tbe chiefs, tbese facilities beeame tbe basis of a_:.t:"E~ chiefdoms of Hawai'i and probably otber hydraulic soeieties, tbe
finanee economy in which surplus was mobilizedan.<iil1:v~ted_s1T."-. sourees of power are effectively co-opted by using tbe surplus gener-
teglcany-linll~ea¡¡¡ectágñcú1fiira1deveíop;;;~;;t' and in alternative ated from intensified agriculmre to finance control over warriors and
sótitces óf.p2~<;'r:.l.!t this case; staple"nnaneeClljefdonís'demonstrated poliee, eraft specialists and managers, priests and ceremonies. But if
suStWled development and tbe strengtbening of central instimtional tbe political economy cannor be centrally eontrolled, tbe various
control tbat took tbem to tbe very edge of state society. The construe- sourees of power also are difficult to control, and multieentric so-
tion of a culmrallandseape encapsulates what Renrrew (1974) meant cieties develop. The multiplicity oflines of social evolution should not
by a group-oriented ehiefdom. The monuments stood for the collab- obscure tbe cornmon principies and processes of power polities. At-
orative effort of tbe group organized by its leaders, but tbere was less tempts to extend and resist central power eharacterize social evolu-
emphasis on tbe individual tban on tbe instimtions of power tbar tion, and tbe means to finance political rivalries in social life pro-
were stable and long-Iasting. In tbese simations, individuals came to founclly affeet long-term evolutionary trajectory.
power based on established instimtional sertings.

Different environments, economies, and societies have fundamentally

different evolutionary trajectories. In sorne caseS strong central au-
tborities develop, able ro control effectively tbe multiple sources of
power. In other cases control is weak and centralization remains un"
stabie or little elaborated. These represent different levels of suecess
for tbe leaders see!<ing personal and group power. Conversely, tbey
represent differences in tbe fallure of counterpoising drives to retain
local and personal independence.
The concept of heterarehy (Crumley 1987; Ehrenreich, Crumley,
and Levy 1995) recognizes tbat for many intermediate-Ievel societies,
power is diffuse, not because leaders do not try to centralize tbe
political instimtions, but because tbe different sources of power are
difficult to monopolize and bring togetber. Separate instimtions can
coexist and hold different sources of power in pattly competing ways.
This view parallels Mann's (I986) conception of power as fundamen-
tally interdependent and multicentric. In modern societies, for exam-
pie, tbe powers of ehnrches, states, and businesses are partly set
against eaeh otber and can funetion in distinet spheres of antbority
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In this index an "f" after a number indicates a separate reference 00 the next page, and
an "ff" indicatcs separate references 00 the next tw'o pages. A continuous mscussion
over two or more pages is indicatcd by a span of page numbers, e.g., "57-59:'

Abercrombie, N., 146, 152 Animals, 23, 25, 39f, 48-49, 65, See also
Acolla Valley, 118 Cattlc
Adams, Robert MeC., 72, 188 Annexation Period, 44, 87
Adaptatiorust theory, 68-69, 97 Archaeology, 69; ofDenmark, 21-22;
Africa,84 Dagger Period, 27-28; of HawaHan
Age ofHill Forts, r87 Islands, 38-39; populatian estimates
Agriculturc, 7, 65; in Denmark, 23-24, and, 41-42; ofMantaro Valley, 50-
26,33,99-101,198-99; Hawaiian, SI
40-4I, 43,66, 77-78, 170, 179-80, Armies, see Military; Warfare
181 (fig.), 183, 200-201, 202, 210; Arrowheads, 118,126, 164
i\ndean, 47-48, 51-52,89-93, 95- Asbrand, 123
97, 188, 195-96; technological iro- Authority, 3, 5-6,69,207
provement of, 71-73; role of, 74-75; Axes,24-ff, 124-, 162-63
and palltica! organization, 82-83; AyUu, 95
intensificatioo of, 86-89, 96. See also
Dryland farrning; Herding; Irriga- BaH, 148
rían systems Baltic states, 18, 26
Ahupua)a, 6, 36, 39, 77, 84 Barrows, 21-22, 23, 26-27, 31-33,
Aln, 5-6, 191, 200 100, 167-68, 197-98;andland
Allen,Mark, 133 ownership, 101-2; and cultural land-
Alpacas, 48 scape, 165-66
Althusser, Louis, 145f Base Roja ceramics, 186
Amber, 26, 162 Bavneh0Y, 32, 165
Anahulu Valiey, 81, 87 Bech, Jens-Henrik, 22
Andersen, Svend Th" 22 Beliefs, 149. Su also Ideology
Andes Mountains, 8; environment Bell, Duran, 171 -72
of, 46-48, 66; agriculture in, 74- BeU Beaker culture, 26, 29, 126, 163-64
75; irrigation systems in, 89-93,95- Bennett, Wendel, 38, 177, 182
96; warfare in, IIl-22; ceremonial Beowulf, 20-21, 158-59
construction of, 184-86; symbolic Big-Man society, 9, 25, 45, 93, 119,
objects of, 186-87; fortmed settle· 157,16!
ments of, 187-88; Inka conquestin, Bjergene,27
189-90 Bjerre, 29, 31-33, 126, 129
 Index Index 243

BOgS,22-23 Cochabamba, 96 D'Altroy, Terry, 50 Engels, Friedrich: Communist Man-

Bolivia, 92, 189 Cochachongos phase, 117 Deforestation, 40, 43. See also Porest ifestO,70
Borges, KimberIy, 50 Coercion, 7-8, 106-7, 204-5 clearing England, su British Is!es
Bourdieu, P., 148 Coercive theory, 68, 69-70 Deities, 184. Su also Gods Environment, 72, 108; changes in, 20,
!,..Brítish Isles, 18, 26, 156, 187-88 Colonization, 39-40,43,132-33 DeMarrais, Elizabeth, 50, 144 22; in Denmark, 25, 26-27, 33, 98-
Bronze Age, 7, 102, 141, 160, 191, 197; Commoners: in Hawai'í, 36,45,200; Denevan, Wtlliam M., 92 100; in Hawai'i, 33-34, 39-40,42-
in Denmark, 15, 21-22, 26-27, 29- in Tunánmarca, 59-61; and stap1e fi~ Denmark, 7, 15, 17,65,191; environ- 43; inPeru, 46-49, 51-52, 54; and
33,65,98, roo, 142; archaeologyof, nance, 70-71; and land tenure, 79- ment of, 18,22-23; 1iterature of, 20- social complexity, 64-65; con-
22-23; weaponry of, 126-3 J; sym- El, 82, 180, lE2, 201; control over, 21,159-60; Neolithic in, 23-29; structed, 179f, 182. See also Cultural
bolic objccts of, 166-68 85-86, 89, 103 Bronzc Age in, 29-33; wealth in, landscape
Browman, David, so Cornmunieation,9-10 74f, loo-tal, 102; populationin, Ethnohistory, 3E-39
Brumfiel, Elizabeth, 1 Communist M.anifesw (Marx and En- 97-98,99-100; staple production in, Ethnoscience, 147
Bureaucracy,69 ge1S),70 98-99; warfare ín, 122-31, 142; ma- Europe,18
Burials, 44, 54; in Denmark, 25f, 32- Community,94, 100; in Hawafi, 36, terialization in, 160-69; power strat- Exchange, 7, 12, 26, 83; of prestige
33,124, 127, 129,160-69,197-98; 169; as political unit, 115-16; in egies in, 197-200,206 goods, 75, 130, 150, 191, 199-200,
as land markers, IOI-2 Wanka society, 184, 207. See also Display, 98, 169, 172-74, 186-87 210. See also Trade
AhupuaJa; Settlements Divine, the, 149 Experience, shared, 1 5If. See also Cul-
Camelids, 48 Competition, 107f Donut stones, 118 ture
'> Canoes, fighting, 1 37, 206 Complexity, 64, 208, 210-11 Drained-field systcm, 92f
Capitalism, 7 Confederades, 116 Dryland farming, 82, 88f, 183; and po- Farming, see Agriculture
Cameiro, Robert, 8, 106, 109; "Theory Conflict, 10m. See also Warfare litieal organization, 83-85, 86 Fear, 106-7, 116
afthe Origin of the State;' ro8; 00 Conquest, 109, 119; ín Hawai'i, 44, Dyc, Tom, +2f Feathered doaks, 9, 135, t72, 173-74,
warfare, rIl, II3f, nóf, 132 131-32,138,140,202-3,206; Inka, 207
Castillo, L. r, 144 121-22, 189-90 Early Bronze Age, see Brome Age Fields, 92f. See also Dryland farming; Ir-
Cattle: as wealth, IOO-IOr, 102, 129- Consolidation Period, 44, 86, 178 EarlyFarmers, 160, 161-63 rigation systcms; Lo'i
30 ,13 1,198-99 Control, 4, 187,208; ofideology, 152- Early Horizon, 111-13 Fiji,133
Causewayed endosures, 23, 124, 162 54,206-7; economic, 203-4; mi1i~ EarIy Intermediate Period (EIP), 52- Finanee, 73-74, 122. See also Staple fi-
Centralization: of economy, 68f; of ir- tary, 204-5 53, Hf nance
rigation management, 72-73, 75- Cook, James, 36-37, 38, 41, 137f, 174 Early Neolithic, see Funnel Bcaker Cul- Fish ponds, 41, 179
76; of political power, 131-32 Coopcratives, 78 ture Flints, 27, 164-65. See also Daggers,
Ceramícs, 162f, 186, 189, 191, 196 Copper,26 Ecology, 69. Seealso Culrural ecology; flint
Ccrcmonies, ceremonial cydes, 143, Coppice agriculture, 99 Environment Forestclearing, 25f, 33, 51, 90, 99
148,156,192; publie, 153~55; in Cordy, Ross, 44, 134 Economic power, 6-7 Formative Period, 44, 52, 55, 86, 118
Bell Beaker culture, 163-64; in Corvée labor, SI, 95f, 157, 196 Economy, 144; control over, 12-13, Fortification, 112-14, 117-18, 119-20,
Hawai'i, 169f; in Wanka culture, Cosmology, 184 68-70,203-4,205; political, 45-46; 133,187-88,196
184-85,188 Costin, Cathy, 50 subsistcncc, 67-68, 94-95; and so- Fricd, Morton H., 121, 149
Cerro Sechin, 11 I - 12 Cultural ecology, 68, 107-8 cial ¡x>wer, 70-75, 195; in Dcnmark, Friedman, Jonathon, IS0
Chicha, 186 Culturallandscape, 157-58, 163, 165- 99-100; ideology of, 198-99 Funnel Beaker Culrure, 23--25, 26, 99,
Childe, V. Gordon, 73, lO7 66, 169,172,174-75,183-84,197, Egil's saga, 20 124,161-62,166
Chile, 157, 189 202,207 Egshvile, 127
Cieza de León, Pedro de, 49, 64 Culture, 10, 147-49 ElP, see EarIy Intermediate Period Geats, 159-60
CinchekonaJ cinche, II4-15, 141, 191, Currendes,73 Elites, 64, 73; in Tunánmarca, 59-61; Geertz, Clifford, 171; Negara: The
195,207 Cuzco, 95 in Hawai'i, 103-4; and wartare, 109, Theater-state in Nineteenth-century
Circumscriprion, 108f, 11 7 122,141; and weaponry, 127, 129; BaH, 148
CHmate change, 51-52, 54 Dagger Period, 26-29, 31, 125-26, 163 successíon of, 138-40; objects and, Genealogy, 5-6, 36, 45, I38(fig.), 172
Clothing, I58f Daggers, 135; Bint, 26f, 29, 125-26, 172-74, 186-87, 198; residences for, Gcobotany, 22-23
Clubs, 135. See also Donut stones; I27(fig.), 164-65; as symbolic ob- 185-86 Germanic society, 20, 98, 158-60
Maceheads jccts, 163, 168 Emory, Kenneth, 38 Giddens, Anthony, 149
 Index Index 245

«Gifr" economy, 21 Hill, S., 146, 152 Jewe1ry, 160, 164, 167-68 Labor: controlover, 81, 85-86, 89,
Gilman, Antonio, 105 HilHort chiefdoms, 121, 141, 196, 209 Juli-Pomata region, 92 94ff, 196; and monuments, 156-57,
Godelier, Mauricc, 145 Hill fom, British, 187-88 Junin, 52, 93 175,177-78,179
).Gods, 172-73, 175, 201 Historical materialism, 70 Jutland, 18, 25f, 99 Lalmilo~Waimea fietd complex, 88
Graves, see Burials; Passage graves Honolulu, 87 Lanai,87
Grave goods, 26. See also Burial.s; Pres- Honor, 159 Ka'eo, 139 Land: owncrsrupof, 39, I03, 134, 184,
rige goods Households, 45; Tunánmarca, 59-61 Kahekili, 134-35, 139 202; in Hawaiian Islands, 44, 79, 81-
GreatMahe1e, 38-39, 78f, 81, 180 House platforms, 44 Kaho'0Iawe,40 82,85,134,169,182,201; inMan-
Grende!,21 Hrothgar, 20-21, 123 Ka-hui-aKama,13S taro valley, 54, 94f; agricultura! im-
Group-oriented chiefdom, 210 Huacrapukio Period, 15, 53, 55; settle- Kaikeoewa, 82 provcment and, 72-73; warfare and,
Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe, 50 ment during, 90-92, 184; warfare Kalalau Valley, 182 87, 108f, 114, 116, 134;marking,
Gunnar, 123-24, IS8f during, 117-19, 120 Kalamanamana,87 IO 1-2; use rights, 180, 207
Huancayo, 186 Kalani'opu'u, 137, 173 Landesque capital intensification, 84,
Haas, Jonathan, r 1 1 Hunter-gathcrer societies, 72 Kamakau, 37-38 90
Hagstrum, Melissa, 51 Hunting, 39f Kamakahelei,139 Landscape, 71, I03, 160, 179. Seealso
Halawa,40 Hydraulic theory, 69, 89-90 Kamehameha I, 44, 85, 8]Í, 132,138, Culturallandscape
Hale1ea district, 39, 76 140,202-3,205 Lapakahi, 84, 88
Hanalei,87 Iceland, 8, 20, 123-24 Kamualí'i,87 Late Horizon, 54
Hantsholm, 29 Iconography, 11 I - I2 Kaneoneo, 138f Late Intermediate Period, 53-54, 56,
Hassing Huse Mase bog, 22 Ideas, 149. See also Ideology Kanoa,87 93
Hastorf, Chris, 40, 51 Ideological State Apparatus (ISA), 145 Kapu'unonui, 134 Late Neolithic, see Neolithic Period
Hatunmarca, 56, 61-64, II3-I4, TIS '}Ideology, 74, 104, 149; and power, 8- Kaua'i, 17, 34f, 180, 182,205; James Leach, Edmund, 2
Hatun Xauxa, 64, 94- 10, 143-44; ruling class, 145-46, Cook in, 36-38; archaeology and Leadership, 2, 9,23,67,70,74; power
Hawai'i, Hawaiian Islands, 5-6, 7, 9, 190-91, 196,201 -2; and worldview, etbnohistory of, 38-39; economic of, 3-4; Polyncsian, 43, 132; by war-
13,15,17,33-34, 104, 207,210; 146-47; materialization of, 151, control in, 75-89; elite in, 103-4, riors, 56, II4-15, 141; ideology and,
waáarein,8, 109, 133-41, 142; SO- 155-58,191-92,197; control of, 138(fig.), 172; warfare on, 138-40 190-91; and social cvolution, 208-9
da! organization of, 34-36,44-45, 152-54,205,206-7,208; and econ- Kaumuali'i,139-40 LeBlanc, Catherine, 51
8o( fig.); rustorical documentation omy,198-99 KealakckuaBay, 137, 173f LeCount, Lisa, SI
of, 36-38; archaeology in, 38-39; Indoctrination, 157 Keawe,139-40 Lennstrom, Heidi, 5 r
colonizatian of, 39-40; agricu1ture Informaríon,9-lo King, James, 174 Leonard, Banks, 51
in, 40-41, 82-83, r02-3, 179-80, Inheritance, 81, 134-35 Kinship, 5-6, 36, 74, 95, 149, 163 LeVine, Ten)', 5 I
1St (fig.); population of, 41-43, 65- Inkaempire, 15,46, II3; in Mantaro Kirch, Patrick, 82-83, 84, 132, 134 Levy, Janet, 168
66; political organization of, 43-44, Valley, 49--50, 54f, 64, 66, 90, 94-95, Knowledge, 146 Liloa, 83, 139
74, I31-32; cconomic control in, 196-97; irrigation systems of, 95- Ko'ele land, 8lf Literarure: Scandinavian, 20-21,158-
75-89; hierarchy in, 169-7°; mate~ 97; conquest by, 121-22, 189-90 Kofyar,84 60
rializationin, 171-73, 191-92; Intimidation, 105 Kohala, 84, 134 Llamap Shillón, 56, 120
monuments in, 174-79, 183-84; Iroo Age, 20, 22, 98 Koiniho,81 Llamas, 48
power strategies in, 200-203, 205-6 Iroquois, 108 Kolata, Alan, 92 Llanos de Mojos, 92
Hawke's Bay (New Zealand), 133 Irrigation festival, 188 Kolb, Michael, 43, 177-78, 179 wcke, John, 71
Hedeager, Lotte, 21 Irrigatíon systems, I2, 72; in Hawai'i, Komori, E., 42f LoJi, 41, 77-78, 80(fig.), 179
Heiau, 38, 171; constructionof, 175-79 7,39,40 -41,66,75-79,85,86-88, Kona, 84-85, 86 London, Jack, 182
Helms, Mary, ISO 180, 182f, 200f, 210; in Andes, 47, K!Jnohiki, 36, 103, 180, 182f; role of, 76, Long houses, 24
Helmets, feathered, 172, 207 89-94,95-96,184,188,195; and po- 78f, 81-82, 89, 201 wno,9, 36, 38, 170
Hcltborg, 22 litical organizacton, 68-69, 74, 82, 87 Ko'oalau, 182 Low Countries, 18
Heorot,20 ISA (Ideological State Apparatus), 145 Kowelo,82
Herding, 25, 65, 99f, 198-99 Kristiansen, Kristian, 22, 98, 127 Macehcads, 118
Heterarchy, 1, 151, 168,187,210 Jauja, 47, 49 Ku, 171, 175, 177 Machiavelli, 141; ThePrince, 106
\ Hierarchy, 1, 5, 169-70 Jensen, Jorgen, 97 Kula,79 Mafia, 109
 Index Index 247

Makahiki: ceremonies, 9, 170, 206; 140; raleof, 105-6, 14-t, 204-5; in Pa, 133 Neolitbic Denmark, 27, 97-98; in
shrines, 173 hill-fort chiefdoms, 121,209; control Pahale, 79f, 180 Hawaiian Islands, 41-43,86; in
Mana, 45 and, 205-6, 207. See also Warfare Pancán, 1I8, 120 Mantaro Valley, 52, 53-55, 120-21;
Management, managers, 36; cen~ Military might, 7-8 Paramounrs, 177; role of, 35-36; land impacts of, 65-66,195; and warfare,
tralized, 68f, 72-73; ofirrigation sys- Mit'a,9sf tenure and, 79, 83; warfare and, 131- Il7, 129, 134
teros, 75-76, 92 Moka, 164- 32,137,138-39; succession of, 139- Portlock, N., 140
Mann, Michad, I2, 98, 146, 2IO Molokai, 38,40,87,134,203 40; rituals of, 170-71, 172-74 Power, 3, 156; ínstitutionalization of,
Mantara Valley, 17, 96, I03f, 186; en- Monarchles, 12, 38 Parsons, Jeffrey, 4-6-47, 50 1-2; networb of, 10-14, 15; sources
vironment of, 46-48, SI-52; histor- Montelius II Period, 33, 167, 197-98 Passage graves, 161-62 of, 4-10,16; social, 70-75; mihtary,
ica! accotmts of, +9-50; archacology ~ Monuments, 143, 159,207; burial, 44, Pastureland, 25,100,101-2,199 106, 141
of, 50-51; settlements in, 52-54, 96- 101-102,160-69,190,197; as ideol- Peace,1I9 Power strategies, networks, 10-14, 15,
97; population growth in, 54-55, ogy, 155-58; in Hawai'i, 169-70, Peer-polity interaction, 198, 209 193-94; Mantaro Val!ey, 194-97;
66; political organization in, 55-64; 174-79,183-84 Pe1eioholani, 134, 13 7ff Thy, 197-200; Hawaiian, 200-203;
irrigation systems in, 90-92, 93-94; Morality, 144. Su also Ideology Performance, 154 structure of, 203-8
political economy of, 94-95; warfare MOllllds,56, 190; buríal, 159, 161-69 Perimetric features, 71 Powrski, Shelia, H2
in, 111, II3-22; Inkan impacts an, Multilinear evolution, 13-14 Pero, 9; chicfdoms in, 13, 15, n; en- Practice, 148-49
189f; power straregies in, 194-·97 vironment of, 46-49; historical ac- Prestige goods, 73, no, ISO; economy
Maoó,132-33 Napalicoast, 38, 182 counts of, 49-50; archaeology of, of, 26, 75, 199-200, 209- ro; in Den-
Mapuche, 157 NatíonalMuseum (Denmark), 22 50-51; settlements in, 52-54, 55-64; mark, 98, 102, 129-3°,164, 191, 198
Marca, 61 N atchez, 110 population growth in, 54-55; irriga- Price, Barbara, 178
Marine resources, 40 Necklaces, see Jewelry tion ~')IStems in, 90-93; warfare in, Priests, 149
Marx, Karl, 145; CommunistMnnifesto, Negara: The TheateNtate in Nineteenth- IlI-22 Prince~ The (Machiavelli), 106
70 centur)'Bali (Geertz), 148 Philippines, 1l0, 131 Production, 7, 12,73,90,142,170;
Marxisttbeory, 7, 9, 74, 145, 153 Neolit:hic Period, ro, 156, 197; in Den- Pi'ihanahale heiau, 177 controlover, 142,203,208; and sta-
Matcrialization: and ideology, 144, mark, 15, 20, 21-22, 23-29, 98-100, Pins,61 pIe finance, 70-71, 210; technologi-
151-58, 159, 191-92, 197-98; in 166,191; archaeologyof, 22-23; Piripuk.io phase, 117 cal improvement of, 71-72; state
Denmark, 160-69; in Hawai'i, 169- weaponry of, 124-26; buríal Pisac,9S and, 95-96; in Denmark, 98-99,
84,191-92; mAndes, 187-88 mounds of, 161 -65 Pithouses,27-28 roo, 167; ofweapons, 130-3I; of
Material process, 13 Neolithic-Bronze Age transition, 20 Pizzaro, Hernando, 49 ideology, 151 -52; of syrnbolic ob-
Matos Mendieta, Ramiro, 50 New Archaco!ogy, 97 Plants,39f jects, 155, 206; of prestige goods,
Maui, 35, 140, 179, 203; political orga- NewGuinea, 93,109, II9, 164 Political economy, 70, 99, 142, 155, 191,200
nization on, 4-3-44, 87; warfare on, New Zealand, 132-33 194,203-4,207-8; ofMantaro Vat- Productivity, 72, 108, 170
134-35,139; heíau on, 177-78 Nigeria,7 1 ley, 94-95, 196; and cultural envi- Propaganda, 157
Medieval era, 18 Ni'ihau, 87, 139 ronment, 180, 182; control of, 205-6 Propeny, 7, 39, I54,172, 180, 182,207
Megahthic monuments, 23ff, 124, 161- Njal's saga, 123-24, 158f Political organization: Hawalian,43- Proto-Polynesian culture, 43f, 132
62 Nordyke, Eleanor, 41 44,45-46,86-87; in Mantaro Val- Puna fields, 93
Melpa, 157 North Island (New Zealand), 133 ley, 55-64, 14-1; Pacific, 82-83; and
Men's houses, 157 North Kohala coast, 84 warfare, II6-17 Radiocarbon samples, 4I-42, 86
Menzies, Archibald, 76, 84- Nu'uanu,87 Political process, 3f Raiding, 98, 129
Mesopotamia, 72 Political systems, 67, 68-69 Raised fields, 92
Metal: as symbolic objects, 22, 102, O'ahu, 35, 38, 81, 85,87,135, 139f, Polítical theory, 68, 69-70 Rank,ranking, 43, 74, 149, 168, 191,
186-87,191,206 203 Polítical units, IlS-16 209
MH, see Middle Horizon Objects, see Symbolic objects Polities, rof, 183 >Rapa, 133
Middle East, 12, 88 Office(s), 5-6, 36 Pollen analysis, 22f, 26-27, 100 Realíty, 147, 151
Middle Formative Period, 92-93 Oral history, 98 Polyani, Karl, 145 Rebellion, 8
MiddleHoriwn (MH), 51, 54- Ove, Lake, 165 Polynesia, 5, 39-40, 132-33, 201 Reciprocal exchange, 5, 107
Middle Neolithic,see Neolithic Period Ownersrup, 7, 39, 70, 72, 154, 157, Pond fields, see Ldi Record keeping, 38
Military, 200, 208; in Hawai'i, 85, 87, 182-83,207 Population, population growth, 18; in Redistribution, 68f
248 Indcx Indcx 249

Religion, 144. Su also Ideology Sonderha, 22, 27, 31, 32-33, 165-66 Taxation,55 Upper Mantaro Archaeological Re-
Renfrew, Colin, 198, 209f Songs,l54- Technology, 12, 85; control over, 7, 13; search Project (U1vú\RP), 50
Resources, 13,71-72,156-57 South Island (New Zealand) , IH and resources, 71 -72; of irrigation Urban centers, 18
Ricardo, David, 70 Spain,72-73 systems, 75-79; and warfare, 108, Urigubu,5
Ridged fields, 93 Speaking,9 135,137,140; andsymbolicobjects, Ushnu,190
Rights: of persoos, 171-72; of prop- Spears,135 166-68
crty,172 Spencer, Herberr, 8 Temples, 169~70, 202, 206 Valeri, Valerio, 169, 171
Ritual, 148, 184-86. See also Ccre- Springs, 184- Theater state, 148 Vancouver, George, 76
monies Stanish, Charles, 93 Theories: politica1, 68, 69-70. See also Vayda, Andrew, 133
Rowland~, Mikc, 22, ISO Stannard, David, 41 by typ, Vega, Andrés de, 50, I I4-
Ruling dass ideology, 145-4-6, 201-2 Staple finance, 70-73, 109, 121,210; "Theory of the Origin of the State" Vtkings, 18, 21, 98, 159, Su also Den-
Russell, Glenn, 51 land use and, 81, 92; Inkan, 96, 196- (Carneiro),108 mark
97 Thisted Museum, 22, 29 Visitas, 50
Sacredness,149-50 Staples, 79, 82, 98-99 Thomas, W. L., 156 Voluntarist theory, 68-69
Sacrifice, 159-70, 177 State: and agricultural systems, 92-93, Thorpe, Nick, 22
Sagas, 123 95-97; and rnling dass ideology, Thy, 17, 19(fig.), 104, 14-1, 191, 209- Waikiki,87
Sahlins, Marshall, 38-39, 149, 156 14-5-4-6 10; environment of, 18, 20; archaeol- Waimea, 36, 37-38, 76, 172, 175, 182
Sandalwood Period, 89 Status, 5-6; in Neolithic Denmark, 26, ogy of, 2I-23; Neolithic in, 23-29; Wainiha stream, 77(fig.)
Sandefur, EIsie c., SI 28-29,99, 129-30, 131; weapons BronzeAge in, 29-33, 102; wealth Waioli, 80(fIg.)
Scandinavia, 18, 158-60 and, 124-26, 127-29, 141; objects in, 100-101; warfare in, 122-3I, Waipi'o Valley, 83, 86, 139
Schmitt, Robert, 41 and, 160,164,166-68, 172-74-,207; 142; materialization in, 160-69; Walls, I87-88, 207
Scott, Cathy, 50 personal, 171-72, 198 power strategies of, 197-200 Wamani,184-
Seltzer, Geoffrey, sr Stone, Glenn, 84- Thy Archaeological Project (TAP), Wanka culture, 13, 49ff, 191, 207, 209;
Sendero Luminoso, 50 Stratification, 44-45, 49, 14-5 22-23,26-27,3 1 in Mantaro Valley, 53-56, 93-94;
Service, Elman, 68f, 75 Streams, 184- Tin,189 settlements of, 56-64, 187-88; war-
Settlements: Neolithic Danish, 23-26, Structuration, 149 Titicaca, Lake, 92 fare in, II3-22, 141; ceremony in,
27-28,131; Hawaiian, 37,43-44, Structure of the conjuncture, 149, 156 Tiv,84 184-86; power strategies of, 194--97
134; Mantaro Valley, 52-54, 56-64, Sturluson, Snorri, 20 Tiwanaku, 92f~ 113 Wanka 1 Period, 56, 93, 120
90-92; anJ agrkultural systems, 92- Subsistence: control over, 7, 67-68, 69, Toledo, Francisco de, 114 Wanka II Period, 56-57, 6If, 66, 93,
93,96-97; fortified, 112-14, 1Il- 79,94--95; in Thy, 18,20,198-99; in Towns, walled, 187-88 116, 11 9f; ceremonial organization
18, 119-20, 133, 187-88; defensive, Hawai'i, 40, 45-46; in Mantaro Val~ Trade, 98, IlO, 131, 199-200, Seealso during, 184-86
II5- 16, 126, 195; ritual organizatían ley, 54, 196; staple finance and, 71, Exchange WankaIIIPeriod,61,1 89-90
Of,1 84-85 109 Tragadero, 92, 1 I 8 Warfare, 87, 104, 106, 14-2; powerand,
Sheep,48 Succcssion, 138-40. Su alfo Genealogy Tribal society, 70 8,195; in MantaroValley, 56, I I I -
Shrines, 38, 171, 173~74 Surplus, 71, 79, 202, 206 Tribute, 94, 105, 109f, 206 22; causesof, l07-IO; in Thy, 122-
Sicily, 109 Swords: bronze, 127-29, 130, 14-1; as Trobriand Islanders, 5 31; in Polyne.,>¡a, 132-33; in Hawai-
Sikk:ink, Lynn L., 51 symbols, 160, 167f, 198 Tunánmarca, 56, 94, Il5; layoutof, 57- ian Islands, 133-41, 171, 177, 201-2,
Single Grave Culture, 25~26, 99, 124, Symbolic objects, 154--55, 189, 191, 61,184-85; as fortress, 113-14, 206; and sacred rule, 14-9-50
163,166,168 209; in burial monuments, 162-63, II9-20 Wari, 53, 55, 90, Il3, II9
Slings, 134-f 164,166-68,198; for display, 169, Túpac Amaru, 50 Wariwilka, 53
Social evolution, 208-11 172-74,186-87 Tupu, 61 Warriors, 87, 122, 132, 138-40; leader-
Social organization: Dagger Period, Symbols, 143, 152, 154-55, 160, 169- Turner, B., 146, 152 ship of, 56, 191, 207; Mantaro Val-
28-29; Early Bronze Age, 3J-33; 70. See also Symbolic objects ley, 56, 114-15, 196; in Scandinavia,
Hawaiian, 34-36, 44-4-5; Wanka, UMARP (Upper Mantaro Archae- 158-59, 160; control of, 205-6
59,61-64 TAP, see Thy Archaeological Project ological Research Project), 50 Warrior Societies, 160, 163-65
Sodal process, 1-2 Tarma,97 'Umi, 4-4-, 83, 86, 134- Wealth, 156; in Neolirhic Denmark,
Social rdationships, 4--6 Taro (Colocasia esculenta) , 40-41, 77- Unification Period, 44, 86 26, 98f, 102; as political í.."U1Tency,
Sodal status, see Stams 78,87, J80 United Nations, 10 73-74; cattle as, IOO, 129-30
248 Index Index 249

Rcligion, 144. See also Idcology SQmderha, 22, 27, 31, 32-33, 165-66 Taxation, 55 Upper Mantaro Archaeologica1 Re-
Renfrew, Colin, 198, 209f Songs,l54 Technology, 12, 85; control over, 7, 13; search Project (UMARP), 50
Resources, 13, 71-72,156-57 SouthIsland (NewZealand), 133 and resources, 71 -72; of irrigation Urban centers, 18
Ricardo, David, 70 Spain, 72-73 systems, 75-79; and warfare, 108, Urigubu,5
Ridged fields, 93 Speaking,9 135, 137, 140; and symbolíc objects, Ushnu,190
Rights: of persons, 171-72; of prop- Spears,135 166-68
crty, 172 Spencer, Herbert, 8 Temples, 169-70, 202, 206 Valeri, Valerio, 169, 171
Ritual, 148, 184-86. See also Cere- Spdngs, 184 Theater state, 148 Vancouver, George, 76
monies Stanish, Charles, 93 Theories: political, 68, 69-70, See also Vayda, Andrew, 133
Rowlands, Mike, 22, ISO Stannard, David, 41 by o/Pe Vega, Andrés de, 50, 114
Ruling class ideology, 145-46, 201-2 Staple finance, 70-73, 109, 121,210; "Theory of the Origin of the State" Vikings, 18,21,98,159. Seealso Den·
Russell, Glenn, 51 land use and, 81, 92; Inkan, 96, 196- (Carneiro), ro8 mark
97 Thisted Museum, 22, 29 Visítas,5 0
Sacredness, 14-9-50 Staples, 79, 82, 98-99 Thomas, W L" 156 Voluntarist theory, 68-69
Sacrifice, 159-70, 177 State: and agricultural systems, 92-93, Thorpe, Nid:, 22
Sagas, 123 95-97; and ruling class ideology, Thy, 17, 19(fig.), 104, 141, 191, 209- Waikiki,87
Sahlins, Marshall, 38-39, 149, 156 145-46 10; environment of, 18,20; archaeol- Waimea, 36, 37-38, 76, 172, 175, 182
Sandalwood Period, 89 Status, 5-6; in Neolithic Denmark, 26, ogy of, 21-23; Neolithic in, 23-29; Wainiha stream, 77( fig.)
Sandefur, Elsie e, SI 28-29,99,129-30,131; weapons Brome Age in, 29-33, 102; wealth Waioli,80(fig.)
Scandinavia, 18, 158-60 and, 124-26, 127-29, 141; objects in, 100-101; warfare in, 122-31, Waipi'o Valley, 83, 86,139
Schmitt, Robert, 41 and, 160, 164, 166-68,172-74,207; 14-2; materialization in, 160-69; Walls, 187-88, 207
Scott, Cathy, 50 personal, 171-72, 198 power strategies of, 197-200 Wamani,184
Se1tzer, Geoffrey, 51 Stone, Glenn, 84 Thy Archaeological Project (TAP), Wanka culture, 13, 49ff, 191, 207, 209;
Sendero Luminoso, 50 Stratífication, 44-45, 49, 145 22-23,26-27,31 in Mantaro Valley, 53-56, 93-94;
Service, Elman, 68f, 75 Streams, 184 Tin,189 settlements of, 56-64, 187-88; war-
Settlements: Neolithic Danish, 23-26, Structuration, 149 Titicaca, Lake, 92 fare in, Ir 3-22, 141; ceremony in,
27-28,131; Hawaiian, 37, 43-44, Stmcture of the conjuncturc, 149, 156 Tiv,,84 184-86; power strategies of, 194-97
134; Mantaro Valley, 52-54, 56-64, Sturluson, Snorri, 20 Tiwanakl1, 92f, 113 Wanka I Period, 56, 93, 120
90-92; and agricultura! systems, 92- Subsistence: control over, 7, 67-68, 69, Toledo, Francisco de, 114 WankaIl Period, 56-57, 61f, 66, 93,
93,96-97;forrified, 112-14, 117- 79,94-95; in Thy, 18, 20, 198-99; in Towns, walled, 187-88 116, 119f; ceremonial organizatíon
r8, 119-20, 133, 187-88; defensive, Hawai'i, 40, 45-46; in Mantaro Val~ Trade, 98, 110, J 31, 199-200. See also during, 184-86
115-16, 126, 195; ritual organization ley, 54, 196; staple finance and, 71, Exchange Wanka III Period, 61, 189-90
of,184-85 109 Tragadero, 92, 118 Warfare, 87, 104, 106, 142; power and,
Shecp,48 Succession, 138-40, See alfo Genealogy tribal society, 70 8,195; in Mantaro Valley, 56, I l l -
Shrines, 38, 171, 173-74 Surplus, 71, 79, 202, 206 Tribute, 94, 105, 109f, 206 22; cames of, 107-10; in Thy, 122-
Sicily, 109 Swords: bronze, 127-29, 130, 141; as Trobriand Islanders, 5 31; in Polynesia, 132-33; in Hawai-
Sildcink, Lynn L., 5 I symbols, 160, 167f, 198 Tunánmarca, 56, 94,115; layoutof, 57- ian Islands, 133-41, 171, 177, 201 -2,
Single Grave Culture, 25-26, 99, 124, Symbolic objects, 154-55, 189, 191, 61,184-85; as fortress, II3-14, 206; and sacred rule, 149-50
163,166,168 209; in burial monuments, 162-63, II9-20 "Vari, 53, 55, 90, II3, 1I9
Slings, 134f 164, 166-68, 198; for display, 169, Túpac Amaru, 50 Wariwilka, 53
Social evolution, 208--II 172-74,186-87 Tupu,61 Warriors, 87, 122, 132, 138-40; leader-
Social organization: Dagger Period, Symbols, 14-3, 152, 154-55, 160, 169- Turner, B., 146, 152 shipof, 56,191,207; Mantaro Val-
28-29; EarlyBronzcAge, 31-33; 70, See also Symbolic objects ley, 56, 1I4-15, 196; in Scandinavia,
Hawaiian, 34-36, 44-45; Wanka, UMARP (Upper Mantaro Archae- 158-59, 160; controlof, 205-6
59,61-64 TAP, see Thy Archaeological Project ological Rescarch Project), 50 Warrior Societies, 160, 163-65
Social process, 1-2 Tanna,97 'Umi, 44, 83, 86, 134 Wealth, 156; in Neolithic Demnark,
Social rclationships, 4-6 Taro (Colocasia esculenta), 40-41, 77- Unification Period, 44,86 26, 98f, 102; as political currency,
Sodal status, su Status 78,87,180 UnitedNations,lo 73-74; cattle as, TOO, 129-30
250 lndex

Weapons, 26, 127; in Mantaro Valley, Worldview, 146-47

118, 120;as status symbol, 123, 124- Wright, Hcrbert, 51
25,141,168-69; BronzeAge, 126-
29; production of, 130-31; Xauxa, 49, 64
Hawaiian, 134, 135-37,205-6; sym-
bolism of, 158, 164-65, 166-67 Yams,5
Weber, Max, 3, 145 Yanamarca Valley, 57, 62, 91 (fig.)
Webster, David, IOS, 134 Yarqaaspiy, r88
Wessex,187
Wittfogel, Karl, 68-69, 75-76, 89-90 Zealand,99
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Earle, Timothy K.
How cruefs come to power : the political economy in prehistory I
Tímothy Barle.
p, cm.
Ineludes bibliographical references and index,
ISBN 0-8047-2855-0 (cloth : alk. paper). -
ISBN 0-8047-2856-9 (pb: alk. paper)
r. Cruefdoms. 2. Power (Socialsdences). 3. Balance ofpower.
4. Economics, Prehistoric. 5. Social structlire. l. Titk
GN492·55·E37 I997
303·3-dc20 96-4 1943
elP