UNICEF Haiti Orphanage Report English - 2014 PDF
UNICEF Haiti Orphanage Report English - 2014 PDF
UNICEF Haiti Orphanage Report English - 2014 PDF
The authors are grateful to everyone who provided advice and cooperation during the course of
this research, especially the hundreds of children, parents, directors, staff members, and others
who shared their personal experiences and impressions of residential child care facilities in Haiti.
Jean Louis Roosevelt at IBESR provided insightful and steady guidance at every stage of the
project, from the development of the research strategy to the development of the survey
instruments to the completion of the research and analysis. The investigators are also grateful to
Arielle Jeanty Villedrouin, director general of IBESR, for her support and commitment to the
study. Numerous other people at IBESR also provided welcome assistance, including Abraham
Joseph in Nippes, Marie Garlene Dupoux in Grand’Anse, Enel Andre in the South, Jacques Greguy
Regis in the Southeast, Cinedais Jean in the Artibonite, Anostal Justin in the Northwest, Louis-
Mary Petit-Frere in the North, Occean Remy in the Northeast, and Abbe Bernard in the Center
Department. Pierre Ferry of UNICEF provided direction, and helped the research team through
difficult moments with his understanding and guidance. Jules Hans Beauvoir at UNICEF was
instrumental in enriching the methodology. Kristine Peduto, also of UNICEF, made significant
contributions to the questionnaires.
The team also wishes to express its appreciation for the contributions of the members of the
original steering committee, including Tessa Marks of Rescue International for her contributions
to preparing and insights, as well as Islande Georges and Camilla Dogliotti of Terre de l’Homme,
and Claire Perrin Houdon of Handicap International, whose contributions were critical to the
success of the research. The staff of Save the Children, including David Marcelin, Stephen
Vaughan, and deputy director Denise Rocks, also provided their thoughts and reviewed the
questionnaire. Rachel Whetten, Kate Whetten, lead author of “A Comparison of the Wellbeing of
Orphans and Abandoned Children Ages 6-12 in Institutional and Community-Based Care Settings
in 5 Less Wealthy Nations,” and Anna Koons, Karen O’Donnell, Lynne Messer, Kyle Hamilton,
and Amy Hobbie of Duke University reviewed the questionnaire and shared valuable reflections
on residential child care, orphans, and survey methodology.
We also are indebted to journalist Kathryn Joyce, author of “Child Catchers,” and Professor Karen
Rotabi, an expert on international adoption, for invaluable suggestions. Professor Gerald Murray
and Glenn Smucker, anthropologists and authors of numerous articles and reports on Haitian
society in general and children in particular, generously shared their insights in lengthy and
rewarding exchanges. Missionary and filmmaker Corrigan Clay made extensive contributions
during the development of the questionnaires, which were greatly enhanced by his depth of
understanding and patient guidance. Jacob Sangster, director of CorLuv children’s home in
Gonaives, deserves our heartfelt thanks for his insights and inside knowledge, as does former sub-
minister of MSPP Patrick Delorme, who wrote lengthy notes that were included in this report.
Isabel Munroy, a French nurse with 20 years of experience in Haiti, also contributed notes cited in
the report, as did Thor Burnham, PhD in history. Missionairies Gregory and Barbara Van Schoyck
also contributed written commentary. John Bickel, a U.S. missionary and co-director/founder of
God’s Littlest Angels provided invaluable help, as did missionaries Carol Anne and George
Trulelove, who spent 40 years and raised 22 Haitian children as their own. Business woman, school
director and former adoption agent Yoland Mackey also shared insights from her work in the
adoption process. Shasta Grimes and Tamara Palinka provided crucial insights into the
international adoption process in Haiti from the view of prospective parents, and Michelle Reed
of America World Adoption and Debra Parrish of European Adoption Consultants helped explain
the process from the view of adoption agencies.
The Government of Haiti’s Child Welfare Service. l’IBESR (l'Institut Du Bien-Etre Social Et De Rechercches),
was founded in 1958 as part of the Ministry of Work and Social Affairs (Ministère des Affaires Sociales et
du Travail). It has the specific mandate of “responding to the many and varied social afflictions that plague
disadvantaged sectors of the Haitian population” and is especially focused on vulnerable women,
prostitution, unemployed youth, the physically disabled and, most important of all with respect to the
present study, “children in difficult circumstances.”
Any issue, organization, or social situation that touches on the lives of Haitian children is, by implication,
of interest to IBESR. The mandate to oversee the welfare of Haitian children extends to Residential Child
Care Institution (RCCI), the subject of the present study. Within this framework l’IBESR commissioned the
present investigation of Residential Child Care Centers. The objective is to develop profiles of the
institutions with respect to staff and infrastructure, the individuals and organizations that run the
institutions, the families whose children live in the institutions and not least of all, the children themselves.
Review of the Literature
Executive Summary
1) Residential Child Care Institutions (RCCIs) are hospices where children live 24 hours per
day, 7 days per week. They include boarding schools, orphanages for parentless or
abandoned children, group homes for disabled children, therapeutic rehabilitation centers
for addicts and psychologically troubled youth, and detention centers for delinquents. The
definition is sometimes limited to a residence housing 30 or more children.
2) L”IBESR 2012 study of RCCIs in Haiti identified 723 institutions, over 80% of which were
defined as “orphelinats.” The remainder was crèches, institutions specifically for disabled
children, and those identified as serving street children including the recently inaugurated
government’s 400 bed Welcome Center at Delmas 3. We also know that 3 institutions exist
in Haiti specifically for youthful delinquents.
3) To understand RCCIs in Haiti, it helps to know that prior to the 19th century abandoned,
neglected and delinquent children in contemporary developed countries were frequently
apprenticed to craftsmen and wealthier households as domestic servants. Residential Child
Care Centers only became a significant feature of Western society in the 18th and 19th
centuries. They came about as a reaction to an explosion in the number of street children,
a process linked to urbanization and a decline in dependency on labor intensive craft
production and agricultural strategies. i
4) Since WWII, evolving official and scholarly interpretations of the impact of RCCIs on
child growth and developed has been driven by the division of value systems. On the one
side was the educated liberal, largely secular movement. They also were associated with
increasing tolerance of alternative life styles, single motherhood and same sex marriage
and parenthood. On the other side were the conservative social values typical of the
Catholic Church and traditional protestant denominations. The divide between the two
value systems crystalized in the debate over abortion. In the late 1960s and throughout the
1970s a series of laws legalized abortion in most developing countries. In the US Roe vs
Wade decision was a catalyst in bringing them together the formation of organizations such
as the 1976 Moral Majority and the Family Movement. The evangelicals US citizens who
belonged to this movement have been most responsible for the recent emergence tens of
thousands of RCCIs in developing countries, not least of all those in Haiti. The extent of
their power and influence cannot be understated. As a politically active block of voters,
they are credited with the success of the Reagan and Bush presidencies in the United States.
5) In developed countries adoption was a focal point in the ensuing value struggle. Prior to
the legalization of abortion was an era of adoption known as “baby scoop” where “unwed
mothers homes” linked to adoption agencies pressured young mothers to relinquish custody
of their newborns for adoption into “whole families,” most often middle and upper class
Christians. The US, Britain, Spain, Canada, France, Australia and Argentina all had their
own versions of baby scoop eras. It occurred within these countries rather than across
international border and it later became associated with unethical practices of lying to
mothers, closed abortion and falsification of paperwork. With the legalization of abortion,
liberalization of reproductive rights, tolerance of alternative marriage and single
motherhood, open adoption became the norm, women were significantly less inclined to
give up their babies. The era was been remembered as oppressive and government officials
in most of the developed countries were it occurred have recently issued public apologies
for their complicity. But more importantly for the present research is the impact it had on
developing countries and the eventual emergence of RCCIs
6) One consequence of the end of the baby scoop era and open adoption was that domestic
adoption plummeted. There was a corresponding increase in demand for babies from
overseas. Paraguay, Brazil, Guatemala, Nepal, Colombia, Vietnam, Cambodia, and many
former Eastern Block countries all became significant sources of adoptees. With them
came the first widespread appearance of RCCIs in these countries. Although originally
linked to international adoption they would become sustainable orphan tourism and ###
even after international adoption was restricted in these countries.
7) The impact on developing countries of what some have construed as developed world
battle of values systems fought carried to developing world battle field cannot be gainsaid:
The massive emergence of secular NGOs endeavoring to alleviate world poverty, unfair
government practices, abuse, and environmental degradation has been termed the ‘boom
in civil society’ (SustainAbility2003:2), the rise of the “fifth estate” (Eizenstat 2004), a
social change equated in impact with the rise of the nation State (Salamon et al. 2003:6-7).
In the first decade of the millennium there were an estimated 9 million NGO workers and
ten million NGOs annually spending 1.1 trillion dollars. Many are secular. Buried in those
figures are groups like WANGO, The World Association of United Nations Non
Government Organizations, with core of religious leader that tried to present itself to the
United Nations as an umbrella organization for all NGOs, what some scholars interpreted
as an attempt to hijack the international civil sector. Even more importantly for the issue
of adoption and RCCIs is that embedded in organizations such as WANGO were
evangelical alliances such as the 16 million-member Southern Baptist Convention, a US
religious order second in size only to the Catholic Church. In the wake of Roe vs. Wade
they became champions of what Kathyrn Joyce calls the “evangelical contagious call to
adopt,” periodically asking members to “prayerfully consider whether or not God was
calling them to adopt.” There was also the Christian Alliance for Orphans, a pro-adoption
coalition of eighty US-based Christian ministries with 6,300 radio facilities in 164
countries speaking 15 languages, reaching a daily listening audience of 220 million people.
These organizations have, in a very big way, been responsible for such transformations as
the protestant population in Brazil going from 5% protestant in 1970 to 22% in 2010.
Guatemala went from less than 10% to estimates as high as 40% over the same period of time.
With the growth in the number of protestants came the concomitant emergence of
thousands orphanages in impoverished countries such as Guatemala, Ethiopia, and Haiti.
8) It merits emphasizing that prior to the 1980s most developing countries outside of the
Eastern Block had only a few state run institutions, reform schools, boarding schools, and
a smattering of Catholic orphanages. In this way they resembled pre 19th century developed
countries in terms of RCCIs.
9) Similar to the baby scoop era, high profits that came with adoption services were ripe
ingredients for unscrupulous business practices. With even weaker government regulatory
agencies and impoverished officials inclined to accept bribes, it was not long before news
of a rash scandals were coming out of developing countries targeted as hospitable to
international adoption. A minority of adoption agencies and child recruiters participated in
cajoling, tricking, misleading, and outright lying to parents in efforts to gain custody of
their children. Journalists uncovered significant wrongdoing associated with international
adoption. In Guatemala there were credible reports of babies stolen and suspicion that
soldiers even killed parents and sold their babies. In more than one country journalists were
intimidated. With the support of UNICEF and through the Hague Adoption Convention,
over the past decade governments in these countries have imposed tighter controls resulting
in restricted international adoption and a decline in frequency of more outrageous
international adoption scandals.
10) It is at this juncture that we see an evolution in developing world RCCIs. While most
residential care centers appear to have originated in association with adoption, restrictions
on international adoption have been succeeded, not by a reduction in the number of RCCIs
in developing countries, but rather an explosion in number. Cambodia is an example. After
a series of high profile scandals Cambodia restricted international adoption. In 2006 the
US and Britain suspended adoptions from Cambodia. Yet, UNICEF found that that from
2005 and 2010 the country experience a 75 per cent increase in the number of residential
care facilities, (hosting 11,945 children in 2010). The financial basis for the institutions has
been overseas sponsorship humanitarian tourism
11) The ideological rational and substance for donor drives on behalf of both evangelicals,
traditional faith based aid organizations as well as the non-faith based humanitarian sector
is disease, hunger, poverty, illiteracy, and environmental devastation rampant in the
developing world. But the institutionalization of children is more specifically underwritten,
in an ideological sense, by the portrayal of equally rampant child abuse, violence, and
domestic slavery. Captured in slogans such as “143 million,” the conviction widespread
among evangelicals that there are at least 143 million orphans in the world who are
desperately in need of a family, these are misleading and highly questionable figures that
scholars have assailed but that a litany of evangelicals books--out numbering 10 to 1 non-
evangelical literature on orphans—reaffirm. The books peppered with stories of
infanticide, abandonment and neglect among third world mothers. While generally against
the institutionalization of children, child protection agencies such as UNICEF and Save the
Children have lent credibility to the RCCI claims by overemphasizing issues such as child
slavery, and defining “orphans” as children who have lost or been abandoned by only one
parent
12) The best place to begin in understanding the impact of the developed world value
campaigns on people in poor countries—and hence the emergence and role of RCCIs-- is
by understanding that among people dependent on pre-industrial livelihood strategies the
notion of an abandoned child typically does not exist. Parentless or abandoned children are
cared for by kin, friends, or neighbors. Grandparents often assumed the role that middle
class Western kinships and value systems assign exclusively to mother and father. Even
the primacy of the nuclear family is challenged by 4 % of the world’s societies who practice
avunculocality (child residence with mothers-bother). Informal adoption and fosterage
occur in many preindustrial societies at rates exceeding 50% of all children.
13) The value of child labor—what Lindsay argues is criminalized in UN Charters-- is also the
basis for much of the child exchange described above. The importance of child labor in
non-industrial agricultural, pastoral and fishing societies articulates with semi-formal
patron-client relationships in which children is everywhere apparent. They are also
significant currency and link among households that must share labor and seek gender
parity if they are to be productive and their members survive.
14) With modernization, rapid urbanization, and the importance of education as a means of
social mobility, impoverished families use fosterage as a means of extending their own
subsistence oriented networks and allowing children to obtain educations. This was a
prevailing pattern in pre-20th century Europe and the US. Throughout Africa and the
Caribbean impoverished families strategically place their children with better off families.
“Crianza” in Spanish Latin America, “School Children” in the British Caribbean,
“Criacao” in Brazil, and “restavek” in Haiti are all domestic service in exchange for
education. These type of family coping strategies of impoverished families were all
considered highly appropriate to the grandparents and great grandparents of people in the
contemporary developed world. But as anthropologist Leinaweaver (2007:163) noted after
reviewing Peruvian adoption procedures and documents, “adoption lawyers
conscientiously define as inadequate the very kin-building practices that remain essential
for the hard-working migrants I knew.”
15) Anthropologists argue that what often seems to have been overlooked in the heavily class
and culture bound prism through which the governing and international elites view the
coping strategies of the poor is the importance of child labor, sibling and peer care, how
they use child sharing to expand opportunities for the child and for the parents and other
members. Legally codified in procedures for adoptions, some scholars argued, have more
often been mechanisms for silencing and disenfranchising birth mothers and impoverished
foster parents rather than empowering or protecting them. Perhaps more telling of all, is
not recognized by legal authorities in developing countries.
16) Godparentage is an example of the neglect or trivializing of developing world child care
strategies. Child protection agencies and proponents of international adoption alike seldom,
if ever, even mention the institution. Yet, it is taken seriously in Latin America and the
Caribbean. It defines a child’s substitute parent shortly after birth, a type of shadow family
or developing world child care insurance policy, a principal feature of which is to anticipate
the death or hard times parents may encounter.
17) The child protection agencies and developed world evangelicals have also typically
blanked out the role of child agency in so called “trafficking”, with children as young as 7
years of age reporting having actively sought out urban families and moving across
international borders to offer their services in exchange for access to education, language
skills, and more vibrant economies. They have criminalized as traffickers the very people
who take these children in and help them attain better lives.
18) And they have often overlooked the role of people in the developed actively exploiting
opportunity. Regarding adoption, “active agency” manifests itself in various ways. One
way is that, despite the fact that investigations by virtually all the major intelligence has
yielded no substantial, urban myths of organ theft are common in all poor countries where
adoption is prevalent. At times this has been more than a quaint urban myth. In Guatemala
reached is height in the 1990s with attacks on foreigners erroneously suspected of stealing
children, such as environmental consultant June Weinstock who had the misfortune of
being the closest gringo in sight when a Guatemalan peasant family momentarily lost track
of their child. A panic swept through the village and before it was all over a mob of 500
people attacked Weinstock, ripped her clothes off, stoned her unconscious, and then raped
her with a stick. At another level examples abound in newspaper accounts of developing
world parents admitting to have given their children over to adoption agencies to go with
strangers to the US or France but later claiming they had been tricked. Most accounts
explain specifically that they had expected the children to return when they had finished
their education and were legal adults. The agency is evident in the fact that adoption or no
adoption, at 18 the children can decide to do what they want to do. In effect, there is very
good reason to suspect that what the parents are protesting are the advantages they expected
to accrue to them as a result of their children’s migration. In some cases, the parents have
specifically explained to journalists that they expected rewards that were not forthcoming.
Secular child protection agencies have sometimes held such cases up as examples of
misdoing and exploitation on the part of the adoption agencies when clearly what the
parents resent is not the migration of their children but the fact they did not themselves
sufficiently benefit from having strategically relinquished custody of the children.
19) RCCIs are part and parcel of the international adoption phenomenon. Both are
overwhelmingly associated with developed world evangelicalism, proselytization, and
saving bodies and souls. But unlike adoption, there seems to be less ambiguity among the
poor. They are seen as mechanisms of accessing education, particularly for impoverished
people in rural areas were schools are scarce. They provide an alternative to international
adoption, one where parents can maintain contact with children. And they provide an
alternative to domestic servitude that protection agencies have rallied against.
20) Notwithstanding, most literature put out by secular child protection organizations have
brought with them the developed world perspective of the RCCIs as iniquitous to child
development. The argument rings true as there is clear and unambiguous relationship
between stunted intellectual development and institutionalization of children in the 0 to 3
year age range. The rise of multi-culturalism and tolerance also figure into the anti-RCCI
climate. The evangelical will to convert and assimilate people in the developing world
resembles the massive early to mid 20th century US, Canadian, and Australian aboriginal
boarding school programs that government officials have been recently officially
apologizing for. But there are real advantages to the poor with the new RCCIs and they
appear not to be viewed with the same suspicion as international adoption. In this way the
evangelicals who are on shaky ground when they say, in the context of international
adoption, ‘UNICEF may be not working in the interest of children,’ may indeed have the
support of the poor when it comes to RCCIs
21) Critics of Child Protection agencies point to the fact that while scholars disparage them
for the poor, many developing world elites send their own children to boarding schools and
Residential Treatment Centers. Moreover, in the endeavor to discredit RCCIs UNICEF and
Save the Children frequently conflate the impact residential care has on the 80% of child
residents who are 4 years and older with the impact they have on the 20% who are infants
and toddlers. The distinction in needs between the two age groups is so obvious to make
some observers suspicious of the motivations behind the anti-RCCIs campaigns. If we
eliminate infants and toddlers from the debate, there is evidence that well managed
“orphanages” produce adults significantly more successful in the work place than their
non-orphanage counterparts. This case has been made for both the developed world and
developing countries. Another point is that in both developing and developed countries,
studies consistently find that children prefer RCCIs over foster care. Taking the argument
even further, children in at least one Kenya study RCCIs saw themselves as advantaged vis
a vis their counterparts who remain with biological families.
22) In summarizing what we know from outside of Haiti, several fundamental differences exist
between Residential Care for Lower Class children and families in the developed world
versus those in the developing world:
a) In the developed, world Residential Care centers evolved in situ and were related to
urbanization and the diminishing dependency on labor intensive livelihood strategies.
In the developing world they have largely been imported as a mechanism of evangelical
humanitarianism and proselytization.
b) The movement is almost entirely driven by evangelicals and, to a far lesser extent,
secular humanists from overseas working on behalf of the poor but getting financial
support from sympathetic donors in the developed world.
c) While adoption is often viewed as the driving force behind RCCIs, both are better
understood as part of Christian or monotheistic struggle against evil, in particular
paganism and Satan. Whether Satan exists or not, the battle is very real. It impinges on
the material world in terms of massive exchange of 100s of thousands of Christian
missionaries, 100s of millions of dollars invested in education and infrastructure, not
least of all residential children care centers, as well as visas and university scholarships.
d) In the developed world Residential Child Care centers are often the place of last resort
for parents or state enforced mechanism of rehabilitation (some would say punishment)
for wayward and criminal youth. They are mostly state sponsored institutions where
difficult and austere living conditions prevail; and the most common scenario in recent
decades has been, not parents relinquishing or placing their children in the institutions,
but unrelated state officials intervening and arresting the children or removing them
from dysfunctional homes. In the developing countries the situation is vastly different.
RCCIs are almost entirely sponsored by overseas charities, particularly those
associated with evangelicals. Where and when they function well, even middle class
families my look to them as coveted places of first resort. They represent a gateway to
education, jobs, developed world sponsors, and visas.
23) Haiti exhibits all the features of RCCIs discussed above. There are only three state
sponsored RCCIs vs. an estimated 723 private institutions almost all of which are supported
by US evangelical protestants. Child sponsorship is a major source of funding. There is
also a vibrant industry of “teams”, what some call “orphan tourists,” who come to
participate in construction of schools and residences and to commune with the “orphans.”
The entire endeavor is underwritten by an ideational rationale that a large portion of
children in Haiti suffer extreme abuse, neglect, and exploitation. Child protection agencies
such as UNICEF, PADF, ILO and Save the Children have unwittingly reinforced this image
with what some see as seriously flawed studies placing 15% to 25% of Haitian children in
the category of “child slaves.” The extent of misuse of information to support the industry
came with the 2010 earthquake where original claims of one million orphaned lost and
separated children helped unleash massive donations from the developed world. It was an
image enthusiastically repeated in the press and evangelical media outlets. Ten weeks after
the earthquake UNICEF modified the fervor, but still reported that there may be as many
as 50,000 children still lost and separated from their parents. We now know there may not
have been more than a couple hundred children lost, orphaned or separated as a direct
consequence of the earthquake.
24) As found in other countries, the reality of many children living in RCCIs in Haiti may be
substantially different than that implied by claims of massive suffering and neglect: 80%
have at least one living parent, many are not poor but see it as part of a coping strategy
similar to the motivations for “restavek”; meaning a mechanism of social mobility and
access to education, particularly for rural children, something lent credibility by a report
from French Child Protection agency Terre de l’Homme which found that the number one
reason parents place children in Port-au-Prince RCCIs is “scholarization.”
25) Despite the existence of IBESR (the Haitian State’s Bureau of child welfare) since 1958,
and the presence of UNICEF in Haiti since 1949, and Save the Children since 1976, the
faith based RCCIs have until recently been allowed to function with no monitoring or
regulation. This appears to be in a process of changing. IBESR and UNICEF have recently
been part of pushing through legislation that limits international abortion and are now
turning their attention to RCCIs, hence the 2012 inventory of RCCIs and the present study.
-
Qualitative
During the qualitative phase of the research we contacted a host of experts in the field of
international adoption and Residential Child Care Institutions. The informants included people
involved in Child Protection organizations, significant scholars in the field, including a team of
professors at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina, internationally renowned author and
adoption specialist Karen Rotabi, anthropologists and Haitian specialists Gerald Murray and Glenn
Smucker, as well as missionaries and health-care specialists with decades of experience in Haiti.
Most of the findings from contact with international scholars and specialists are included in the
review of the literature section (below). The present section on Qualitative Research covers the
remainder.
The most important point that comes from the literature review is that overseeing Haiti’s RCCIs
requires IBESR to interact with and manage the often competing interests of a host of actors,
including the owners and managers of the centers, adoption agencies, NGOs, foreign and domestic
religious organizations, and, of course, birth parents and the children themselves. The give-and-
take among these groups is perhaps the most important factor in determining whether RCCIs
safeguard the interests of children as intended. And there is a complex recent history behind the
relationships among these groups and their sometimes incompatible goals.
On January 22, 2010, only 10 days after a powerful earthquake had devastated greater Port-au-
Prince, UNICEF’s Jean Luc Legrand announced at a press conference that, “UNICEF had
documented...15 cases of children disappearing from hospitals and not with their own family at
the time.” Legrand went on to say that,
“it's better for aid workers to help identify and make the effort to locate those kids' relatives
— and place them in temporary foster-style care with network-monitored and supported
families — than to hand them over to orphanages.”
In making this declaration UNICEF had the firm support of the International Red Cross, Save the
Children, World Vision and seemingly much of the Haitian Government. The Statement was made
in the context of a documented history of child sex trafficking and domestic service that many of
the cited institutions as well as journalists have labeled “slavery.” On January 28, 2010, the claim
seemed to be verified when 10 U.S. Baptist missionaries were caught trying to illegally cross the
border into the Dominican Republic with 33 undocumented Haitian children. In the week that
followed, Frantz Thermilus, then-chief of Haiti’s National Judicial Police, announced in a press
conference that,
“There are many so-called orphanages that have opened in the last couple of years that are
not really orphanages at all. They are fronts for criminal organizations that take advantage
of people who are homeless and hungry. And with the earthquake they see an opportunity
to strike in a big way.”
Notable in this respect is that while there has never been any documented evidence of organ
trafficking there is nevertheless widespread suspicion among the Haitian political elite that organ
trafficking occurs and that it is linked to RCCIs. Then-Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive told
CNN reporter Christiane Amanpour, “There is organ trafficking for children and other persons
also, because they need all types of organs.” When the American Baptists were arrested, residential
child care centers in Haiti got a flood of unflattering media attention. In describing the institutions,
the New York Times reported:
“Many are barely habitable, much less licensed. They have no means to provide real
schooling or basic medical care, so children spend their days engaged in mindless activities,
and many die from treatable illnesses.ii
While admitting there are some poorly run and exploitative RCCIs, directors of the institutions —
the most prominent of whom, as seen in the review of the literature, are US Christians with links
to politically powerful evangelical and Catholic institutions – maintained that UNICEF and the
Child Protection agenices were behind the critiques, critiques they saw as unfair. Orphanage owner
Doug Phillips of Rescue Haiti's Children (a project of Vision Forum Ministries), epitomized the
reaction in a February 26th blog post entitled, “Haiti's children held hostage by UNICEF's agenda.”
He accused UNICEF officials of “harassing Christian orphanages”, of making “official visits
without the authority of the Haitian Government,” of “mounting an international publicity
campaign to shut down international adoptions” for which the UNICEF officials “teamed up with
the Hollywood actors.” Perhaps most damning of all, Phillips accused UNICEF of making “the
emotionally charged claim that adoptions lead to child sex-trafficking,” a thought, Phillips says,
“so repugnant that the mere mention of the charge is sometimes enough to shut down debate.”
Yet, “to date, there have been no documented cases of child sex-trafficking connected with
American adoptions.”
The tension exploded into open conflict that played out in major television, internet and newspaper
media. Dixie Bickel, director of the God's Littlest Angels orphanage – which had hosted post-
earthquake news crews from CNN, CBC, and ABC – went on the US television show Larry King
Live and called UNICEF “the only organization that isn't working for the good of the children.”
In the weeks that followed, US Senator Mary Landrieu of Louisiana declared to her fellow
lawmakers on the Senate floor that, “Either UNICEF is going to change or have a very difficult
time getting support from the US Congress.”
None of this is to say that there was not an urgent need to help children after the earthquake. Both
sides were trying to do just that. Reports erupted maintaining that as many as 1 million children
had been left orphaned by the earthquake, with as many as another million separated from their
families. The reports seemed imminentally logical. On January 28, 2010, then-Prime Minister
Max Bellerive and First Lady Elizabeth Preval added their concern as well. The first lady said
that, "The children, unless they get help, they will have lost their childhoods, their innocence. It is
them we must go to first."
However, IBESR should take note that most of these reports were wrong. While there is trafficking
in Haiti, critical analyses have revealed that the numbers are grossly inflated and misunderstood
(Fafo 2002). In the five years leading up to the earthquake, the only international sexual predators
apprehended in Haiti were linked, not to evangelical organizations, but to some of the very
organizations that were sounding the alarm after the earthquake. The year before the earthquake,
soldiers working for the UN had been accused of systematic rape and having sex with young
adolescents girls. And the Catholic Church – which was proposing to airlift tens of thousands of
the children out of Haiti to their Miami Diocese for “safe keeping” – had a string of it's own
embarrassments. In 2007, the Canadian police arrested Canadian Catholic clergy Denis Rochefort
and Armand Huard, the latter once called “a veritable Father Teresa”-- but known to the Haitian
“orphans” he was having sex with as “Papi.” -- In 2009, Catholic priest John Duarte was charged
in the Canada for allegedly having sex with nine Haitian boys he was “helping.” He would plead
guilty to three of the charges. The same year, American Douglas Perlitz was arrested in the US for
abusing 23 boys while he ran a Catholic-funded “street kids” organization in the North of Haiti.
He would subsequently plead guilty as well.
As for the numbers, ten weeks after the earthquake Marie de la Soudiere, the head of UNICEF's
Haitian Children Registry Program, estimated in an interview with CBS’s 60 Minutes that the
number of orphaned, lost or separated children at “upwards of 50,000.” At that time all the children
protection agencies combined had only registered 600 children who were separated from their
families. Of these only 20 had been reunited. Moreover, SOS child protection agency lamented at
the time that, albeit impoverished, most children who were being taken into « orphanages » were
arriving thanks to the active attempts on the part of their parents to exploit the opportunity to get
free food, medical care and education for their children.
UNICEF’s 2010 annual report showed that of 430 “institutions” a total of 4,948 children “orphaned
or separated from their parents” had been registered in the 12 months following the earthquake.
Of that figure, only 1,265 had been reunited with their families. Another 506 of them had nothing
at all to do with the earthquake: they were separated from their parents before January 12, 2010.
Disgusted with similar findings regarding children with parents but kept in RCCIs, and having
nothing to do with the earthquake, French President Nicolas Sarkozy said “yes” when asked about
aiding Haiti’s “orphans,” but he added: “As long as they are true orphans and not children who are
taken away from their families”
In summary, IBESR should recognize that it is the most signficant decision making organization
in the middle of this clash between powerful and determined institutions. On the one hand there
is UNICEF. On the other are the RCCIs and adoption agencies. As will be seen in subsequent
summaries of the survey findings, Haitian families have their own expectations regarding the
centers, as do the children who live in them. Managing this web of relationships deftly, and with
great sensitivity, is critical to ensure that the children are protected.
Institutional Survey
As discussed in ## above, the Institutional Survey drew information from 51 centers. With the exception
of those serving disabled children (4) and those serving street children (6), the centers were randomly
selected from IBESR list of 716 institutions. For logistic and cost constraints, the selection was confined to
six of Haiti’s ten departments: Artibonite, North, North East, North West, West, and Central Plateau. The
target respondent was the director of the institution. In those cases where we were unable to locate the
director on the initial visit, questions were confined to infrastructure and other readily available
information. We subsequently returned and completed dossiers for all but three institutions. Thus the
total sample size was 51 centers; for half of the questions data is available for only 48 institutions.
Profiles of the Children
From Table ##, of the 51 institutions, the average number of children per institution, was fifty-six (56).
Not all children sleep in the institution; some sleep with their own or other families near the facility. The
size of the institutions ranged 11 to 290 children. Boys outnumbered girls with an average of 35 boys to
20 girls per institution. Four institutions were exclusively male and one exclusively for girls. Ages ranged
from several months to 29 years of age. The average age of the youngest child in a given institution was 4
years with range from several months to a minimum age of 7 years. Directors reported an average of 60%
of the children as being full orphans with an average of 4 former child domestic servants per institution.
These were highly questionable figures in view of findings from the child survey where only 3% reported
having been placed in the center because of deceased parents (see ##). Twelve of the institution claimed
to accept HIV positive children and 23 had at least one disabled child. However, with the exception of the
four institutions specifically serving the needs of disabled children, the actual numbers of disabled and
HIV positive children were low: Of the 295 disabled children in the 51 centers visited, 228 were in the four
centers specializing in disabled children. The remaining 47 institutions housing 2,642 children had only 66
with a disability.
Number of girls 20 0 90
Physical 18
HIV positive 11
Blind 10
Other illness 0
Other 0
Child Placement
Table ## presents data on the primary reason directors gave for accepting a child. Forty-one percent of
the directors (20) cited that the children do not have parents (an interesting contrast with the estimation
seen in Table ##, that 60% of the children are full orphans); 29% (14) cited poverty, 13% (6) abandonment
or neglect; only 4% (2) cited handicapped (an interesting contrast in that four of the institutions specialize
in handicapped children); 4% (2) said they primarily accept the children based on IBESR referrals; 8% (2)
street children (an interesting contrast in that 6 were listed in the IBESR directory as specializing in street
child). One director simply said that the parents decide. Secondary reasons for accepting children follow
a similar patter with poverty or 28% (14), neglect (27% or 13), abuse (25% or 12), and absence of parents
(13% or 6) being most commonly cited reasons. These reasons for placement are in notable contrast to
data institutionalized children themselves (see page), where “poverty” and “to go to school” covered 68%
of all reasons given and abandonment, abuse and parental death combined only accounted for 7% of the
explanations that children gave.
Handicapped 1 2%
Street Children 1 2%
De-Institutionalization
Table ## presents reports from directors for first and second most common reasons that children leave
the centers. The three most common reasons, each approximately equal in importance and far more cited
than any other reasons are that parents retrieve the children (20 0f 48, or 14%), they are expelled for bad
behavior (12 of 48 or 25%), and they come of age (12 of 48 or 25%) --which in most, but not all cases
means 18 years of age. The next most common response was that the children do not leave. The same
three responses were almost the second most important reasons given for children leaving, only in a
different order of importance, expelled or bad behavior (15 of 48 or 31%), parents retrieve them (13 of
48 or 23%), come of age (10 of 48 or 21%),
Most common reason children leave the center -- from Institution Survey (N=48)
Visitation Policies
Table ## presents the results for policies the centers have regarding when children are allow to go visit
their families and when family members may come to the center and visit the children. By far the most
common policy was for children to be allowed to visit families during summer vacations, 40% directors
said so (19); 27% directors (13) said that children could return home to visit whenever the family wanted
them to come; 10 directors said the children could never return home, and the remaining responses were
once per week, month, year or in case of emergency. When asked when the families were allowed to visit
the children, the most common response was when the family wants (54%) followed by summer vacation
(15%). The rest of responses were weekends, twice per month, once every two months, once every three
months, once per year. One director said that most of the children in his institution had no family.
Table ##: Visitation Policies from Institution Survey (N=48)
When are children allowed to their visit their When are blood relative families are allowed
blood relative families to visit their children
Other 1 2%
Do not know 1 2%
Infrastructure
Sleeping Facilities
The average number of beds was 50, almost identical to the number of children and indicating that most
children have their own bed. The typical institution had 7 rooms; in no case did boys and girls reported
to sleep in the same room together; and although it was not clear what was the institutions age
segregation protocol, in only a few cases were older children reported to sleep in the same room with
younger children.
Recreation
Regarding recreation, 48 of 51 institutions (92%) had some sort of outdoor space (“field”) on the premises
for the children to play; 31 (60%) had a slide. Not listed in table (##) is that the centers tended to have
ample. The smallest institutions had ~516 m2; but 12 had between 1,290 and 100 m2; 38 of the centers
are built on more than 2,000 m2, a respectable amount of land in Haiti. Twenty-five percent (49%) of the
centers reported having some sort of library on the premises. On average an institution had 2.1
televisions, 2.5 radios, and 1.9 vehicle. Only 4 institutions had no television, 7 had no radio, and 11had no
vehicle.
Range
Percentage
Number or
or
Category Measure Variable Average Low High
Table ## presents responses from directors regarding Contingency plans in the case that the institution is
forced to close or loses support. Seventy-one percent of the Center directors said that they would either
call the state, send the children home or they simply did not know what they would do. In short, most
directors appear to have not contingency plans. In short, most appear to have no contingency plan.
Twenty-three percent said they would turn to another center. Asked about what they would do if they
lost assistance, 11 (23%) said they would ask the State for help and 10 (21%), suggesting that these
institutions also lacked a financial contingency plan. Ten of the organizations said they would call a
partner organization, one said he would close the institution and 2 said they did not know.
Table ##: Preparing Children to Leave the Center from Institution Survey (n=48)
Medical Care
In Table ##, it can be seen that fully 48 of the 51 institutions (94%) have a first aid kit on the premises.
Only four of those the surveyors classified as in poor condition. For medical care, 28 (54%) depend on
publics clinics and hospitals; 23 (46%) on private clinics, hospitals or doctors. Twenty (20) of the
institutional directors or sub-directors (39%) reported that the children had undergone a medical
examination within the past 3 months; 17 (34%) reported within the past four to six months; ten (20%)
from seven months to one year past; one institution claimed more than one year past and 3 (6%) admitted
that the children had never been medically examined.
Education
All the centers reported that the children have access to both primary and secondary school education.
Twenty-five of the primary schools were state accredited and 12 of the secondary schools. In section ##,
these figures are emphasized with the finding that only two of 159 children (1.25%) reported not being
enrolled in school. Access to education was, as will be seen in these later sections, also a common reason
for children being in the centers.
Meals
Of the 51 institutions, 44 of the directors or sub-directors interviewed (86%) reported feed three vs. two
meals per day; 69% (35) reported providing meat with the main meal.
Table ##: Medical Care, Education and Meals from Institution Survey (N=51)
Number of Institutions
or Average
Category Variable Count Perc
Primary access to First aid kit present 48 94%
general and emergency First aid kit in poor condition 4 8%
medical care Public Dispensary, or Hospital 28 54%
(N=51) Private Dispensary, Hospital, or doctor 23 46%
1 to 3 months past 20 39%
Last time the children 4 to 6 months past 17 34%
had medical check-up 7 months to 1 year past 10 20%
(N=51) More than 1 year past 1 2%
Never 3 6%
Access to Primary School 51 100%
Access to education Access to Secondary School 51 100%
(N=51) Access to State Accredited Primary School 25 48%
Access to State Accredited Secondary School 12 23%
Institutions feeding 3 meals per day 44 86%
Meals Institutions feeding only 2 meals per day 7 14%
(N=51) Institutions providing Fruit or juice with meals 25 49%
Institutions providing Meat at main meal 35 70%
Punishment and Abuse
When asked what was the worse form of abuse that could occur in the center, 25 of the 48 directors or
sub-directors who responded the question (52%) cited sexual abuse, 8 (17%) cited psychological abuse, 7
(15%) cited violent abuse and 6 (13%) said that there was no ‘worse’ abuse, meaning that all abuse was
bad/ When asked about the last incident of abuse in the center 38 of 48 of those who responded (79%)
said that there had never been a case; another 7 (15%) said they did not know; 2(4%) refused to respond.
Only one respondent said that there had ever been a case of abuse and this had occurred more than 3
years in the past. When asked about punishments, 25 of the 48 respondents (52%) reported that among
the most common forms were restricted playing, 18 (38%) reported kneeling, 10 (21%) reported spanking
the hand, 9 (19%). Other lesser reported forms of punishment including restricting food, spanking on the
backside, work detail and various forms of standing. Four of the respondents said that the children are
not punished. Note that the punishments of choice that directors reported here vary significantly from
those of children, see page ##, 75% of whom reported corporal punishment being most common and only
17% of whom reported restricted playing as among the most common.
Table ##: Foreign Orientation, Assistance, and Sponsorship from Institution Survey (n=48)
Category Responses Countuency Percent
Nation of origin for total US 34 63%
number of foreign Canadian 12 23%
partner organizations French 5 9%
Irish 1 2%
Religious(n=52)
orientation of Protestant 34 71%
principal partner Catholic 8 17%
None 6 12%
Religious(n=48)
orientation of Protestant 31 65%
Center Catholic 10 21%
None 5 10%
(n=48) Other 2 4%
Sponsorship
Of the 18 institutions reporting children on foreign sponsorship, the average number of children who have
sponsors is 40, or 71% of the children. There is at least some reason to be skeptical of the candidacy of
the report. In the Child Survey, 65% of children claim to have one or more foreign friend, 83% of whom
send them gifts (see page ##). Moreover, seen in Table ## below, 45 of 48 institutions (94%) receive
foreign visitors, 42 (92%) have sleeping facilities for them, all 42 of which have received foreign visitors in
the past 6 months. The average number of visitors over this period of time is 92; 98% of them stay for
less than 3 weeks and 47% return for additional visits.. The primary reasons for the visitations is to see
the children (71%) followed by bring money, gifts, or supplies (67%). In comparison to foreign
sponsorship, only 3 organizations (6%) reported having any sponsors who live in Haiti; the average number
of children for these three institutions was 11.
Table ##: Foreign Orientation, Assistance, and Sponsorship from Institution Survey (n=48)
Table ##: IBESR and UNICEF Inspections from Institution Survey (N=48)
Last time an IBESR inspector visited Last time a UNICEF inspector visited
Response Count Percent Response Count Percent
1-3 months 24 50% 1-3 months 7 15%
4-6 months 9 19% 4-6 months 4 8%
7 months -1 years 8 17% 7 months -1 years 6 13%
1 years-2 years 6 13% 1 years-2 years 7 15%
3 years 0 0% 3 years 1 2%
4 Years 0 0% 4 Years 4 8%
5 years 0 0% 5 years 1 2%
Do not know 1 2% Do not know 18 38%
Child Survey
As discussed in the methodology section (pages ##), the Child Survey interviews were conducted with 159
children from 30 randomly selected centers. Teams of two to four surveyors and a team leader visited
each center. In some centers the field coordinator performed a magic show to win the interest of the
children. Children were subsequently invited to draw a picture of where they would like to live. A random
sample of five pictures was selected and the children interviewed using the Child Questionnaire (see
Annex ##). The questionnaire was programmed into a Samsung Galaxy Tablet using ODK Platform
software. A video of “The Three Little Pigs” was spliced in to hold the child’s interest. After every 10 to 15
questions the surveyor shared another stage of the video with the child. The average age of the children
interviewed was 13 years (ages ranged from 7 years old to 20 years old).
Child Placement
In Table ##, it can be seen that on average children arrived in the center at eight years of age and had
spent 5 years there. Thirty-two (20%) of the 159 children interviewed had lived in another center prior to
their arrival. Seventy-one (45%) had two living parents, 124 (78%) had at least one living parent, 8 (5%)
did not know. Fifty-six (46%) of the parents live in rural areas, 37% live in Port-au-Prince or another Haitian
city, 11% live in the Dominican Republic, Canada or the US; the remaining 6% live in Haitian towns in the
provinces. Seventy-one of the children (42%) reported that they were brought to the center by their
mother, father or both; 56 (46%) were accompanied by another close relative; 18 were brought by an
IBESR official, aid worker, religious cleric, or someone from the center; one came on his own volition; and
6 (3%) were too young to remember (the categories of adults who accompanied children to the centers
are not mutually exclusive, and therefore add up to more than 100%).
Table ##: Why Children were Placed in Center from Child Interviews
Responses Count Percent
Destitute 72 45%
To go to School 36 23%
Abandoned or abused 7 4%
Parent or parents died 5 3%
Delinquency 2 1%
For a better life 2 1%
Home destroyed in Earthquake 1 1%
Brother is in center 1 1%
First center closed 1 1%
Foreigner who care for me returned to France 1 1%
I was not happy 1 1%
Mother work in center 1 1%
Father owns center 1 1%
Runaway (elaborate story about not finding his way home) 1 1%
Do not know 27 17%
One-hundred-five of the children (60%) said that they were afraid of no one in the center; 50 (31%) said
they were afraid of the director, a nanny, or the spouse of the director. Of those, 41 (76%) explained that
the adult spanked or beat him or her, 15 (28%) said that the adult scolded harshly, 3 cited sexual
harassment. Although only two children said they were afraid the adult would send them home, notable
is the comment form one child who, when asked to explain what scares her about the director she said,
I'm afraid because the director is always noting everything we do so that he can tell the foreigners
that we have been bad. I'm afraid that he will send me home because things are not good right
now for my family
When we asked who the children were afraid of in general we got almost identical responses (see Table
##).
Table ##: Affinity and Fear of Staff and Others from Child Interviews
Category Responses Count Percent
Mean 2 1%
Rating of adults in Not nice 11 7%
the center (n-159) Nice 80 50%
Very nice 66 42%
No one 105 66%
Director 21 13%
Who the child is Nanny 18 11%
most afraid of in Husband/wife of director 11 7%
the center (n = 159) One of the other children 1 1%
Watchman 1 1%
Other 10 6%
Beats/spanks him/her 41 76%
Speak harshly 15 28%
Why (n=54) Sexually harasses him/her 3 6%
Afraid he will send me home 2 4%
Other (Missing =6) 3 6%
No one 99 62%
Director/supervisor 16 10%
Nanny 9 6%
Mother 6 4%
Father 6 4%
Husband/wife of director 4 3%
Who the child is
One of the other children 2 1%
most afraid of
Parents, Sister, uncle… 3 2%
anywhere (n=159)
Doctor 1 1%
Other staff 3 2%
Directors son, daughter, or mother 3 2%
Police 3 2%
Demons 2 1%
God 2 1%
Punishes him/her 38 63%
Speak harshly 9 15%
Why (n=60) Takes his/her belongings 7 12%
Sexually harasses him/her 4 7%
Other 2 3%
Infrastructure Table ##: Infrastructure from View of Child from Child Interviews
Questions regarding infrastructure reflected (N=159)
those seen in the Institutional survey. One Category Responses Count Percent
hundred fifty-three (96%) of the children Today 153 96%
Last time bathed (n=159)
reported having bathed the day of the Yesterday 6 4%
interview and all children had bathed with Bed 151 95%
the past 24 hours; 151 (95%) slept in a bed; Blanket 2 1%
Bedding (n=159)
131 (82%) slept alone in the bed; and 49 Mat 1 1%
(31%) felt they worked more in the center Other 5 3%
than they had at home. Alone 131 82%
Who child shares bed Other children 24 15%
with (n=159) Nanny 4 3%
Sibling 2 1%
Thinks he/she works more in the center
49 31%
than when at home (n=159)
Recreation
In Table ##, it can be seen that 96% of the 159 children interviewed (all but six) had a favorite activity or
sport, including soccer, jump rope, basketball, and singing and dance; however, only 44 (28%) had played
or performed the activity within the past 24 hours, and for 55 (35%) of the children more than one month
had passed since they engaged in the activity.
Table ##: Children’s Opinions About Family Placement vs. Center from Child Interviews
Category Responses Count Percent
A child who lives with his/her family in the Center 90 57%
countryside vs. one living in the center, who lives Family 53 33%
best Cannot say 16 10%
Center 91 57%
A child who lives with his/her family in a town vs.
Family 52 33%
one living in the center, who lives best
Cannot say 16 10%
Center 65 41%
A child who lives with his/her family in Port-au-
Prince vs. one living in the center, who lives best Family 71 45%
Cannot say 23 14%
A child with no family who lives in a house with a Center 154 97%
family that is not his/hers vs. one living in the Family 3 2%
center, who lives best Cannot say 2 1%
Sad 122 92%
If a child has to leave the center and return home,
Happy 24 18%
should that child be happy or sad
Do not know 13 10%
Table ##: Hunger, Meals and School from Child Interviews (N=159)
Home Center
Categories and Responses Count Percent Count Percent
Never 37 23% 80 50%
Hungry Often 42 26% 4 3%
(N=159) Rarely 17 11% 42 26%
Sometimes 59 37% 33 21%
Average of Meals per day (N=159) 2.1 2.7
School enrollment (n = 155) 118 153
Hunger, Meals and School
Table ## shows that of the 159 children interviewed more children felt hungry at home than at the center.
Forty-two (26%) said they often felt hungry at home, compared to four (3%) at the center. Thirty-seven
(23%) never felt hungry at home; 80 (50%) said they never felt hungry at the center. The average number
of meals per day at home was 2.1 compared to 2.7 meals at the center. Of 155 children, 118 were enrolled
at school when they lived at home, while 153 were in school while living at the center.
Foreigners
As seen is Table ## children were asked about contact with foreigners. Of the 104 (65%) said they had a
foreign friend, 52 (50%) had five or more. Thirty-one (31%) had seen their friend in the month they were
interviewed, 16 (15%) had seen their friend the month before and 46 (44%) had not seen the friend for
two months or longer. Of those with a foreign friend, 86 (83%) said the friend sends gifts and 52 (50%)
said the friend writes them.
Table ##: Adoption, Foster and Restavek from Family Interviews (N=32)
Category Response Freq Perc
Much better to give child to a center 1 3%
What is best Better to give child to a center 24 75%
for a child:
Better to give child to family 1 3%
other family or
center Much better to give child to other family 1 3%
Do not know which one is better 5 16%
Would consider placing child with other Haitian family if they could not get child into center 6 19%
The family put him/her in school 4 13%
The family paid the child 1 3%
Would change
The family put the child in school and paid the child 10 31%
their mind if,
The family took care of the child as if their own 14 44%
Would still agree if they knew they would never see the child again 0 0%
Adoption by Would agree if a foreign family wanted to adopt the child 20 63%
foreigners Would still agree if they knew they would never see the child again 7 22%
Table ## shows reasons why a respondent would or would not allow a foreigner to adopt the child. The
most common theme that emerged for why respondents would agree to adoption by a foreigner was the
idea that it would be in the best interest of the child, that they can take better care of the child and that
the child would have a better future if they were adopted by a foreigner. A common theme for not wanting
a child to be adopted by a foreigner is that they don't know the person. Some respondents were worried
about the child being abused or mistreated after adoption.
Table ##: Reason a Respondent would/would not allow a foreigner to adopt the child from Family Interviews (N=32)
Why Yes Why No
Because he will help me Because I heard they steal children
Because I can’t take of him He will be mistreated after he took him
Foreigners will help him get a better future He would not know his mother
Foreigners will take better care of him I don’t have money to travel to see my child
Haitian and foreigners are different. He will have a better future I don’t know the person
He will help me in the future I don’t know the person
I can’t do anything for her I don’t want to
If I can sit and talk with the foreigner I put him in the center because things were not easy for me
Only if I see him after They sometimes have them do prostitution
Only if the child will keep in touch with me Do not know
The child will visit other countries Many foreigners use children for bad things
They know me as their mother So he won’t forget me
Because I can’t take care of him
He would have a good life
It would be better for him
It would be better for him
It’s a good thing
It's a good thing for the child
This is an aid
When a child is adopted its better for him
Financial support
Respondents were asked if they would keep the child if they were given money to support the child. Nine
(28%) said they would keep the child if given $50 per month in financial help. At $100 per month, the
number who would keep the child rose to 10 (31%). At $200 per month, the number increased further, to
13 (41%). The majority, 19 (61%), said they would still send the child to the center even if offered $200
per month in financial support to keep him or her at home.
Table ##: Respondents who would agree to keep the child if someone gave them
the following amounts of support from Family Interviews (N=32)
Category Response Freq Perc
US$50 per month 9 28%
Would agree to keep the
US$100 per month 10 31%
child if received:
US$200 per month 13 41%
Would not agree to keep child at $200 per month 19 61%
The overwhelming majority found the center had greater benefits to offer the child than did the home.
With only one respondent citing affection, the majority cited food, access to good healthcare and
education, and security. Three simply said, “many things.” Some were more specific, saying:
Twenty-seven (84%) of the 32 respondents thought the child had a better future because they were in the
center, and 26 (81%) of the respondents thought the child was more fortunate than children who were
not in centers. Only 12 (38%) respondents said that they thought there was a better place for the child.
Of those, 9 (75% of the sub-group but just 28% of the total number of respondents) said the child would
be better off with them in the family home.
Table ##: Opinion on Quality of the Center from Family Interviews (N=32)
Response Freq Perc
Child eats well in center 29 91%
Child eats better at center than at home 20 63%
Child was often sick when at home 13 41%
sick less often 14 44%
Rating of frequency of illness no difference 14 44%
sick more often 4 13%
School 19 59%
Food 12 38%
treated well/has good life 11 34%
Healthcare 3 9%
Things that respondents like
Security 2 6%
about the center (n=32)
Church 2 6%
contact with foreigners 2 6%
Everything 1 3%
discipline/control 1 3%
Thinks the child has better future because she is he/she is in center 27 84%
Child more fortunate than children not in center 26 81%
Respondents who say they are happy the child is in the center 25 78%
Respondents who said there was nothing they did not like about the center 23 72%
Respondent him or herself would live in center if permitted 10 31%
Respondents who think there is a better place for the child 12 38%
A good Christian family 1 8%
Another country 1 8%
What better place
At home with us 9 75%
With the foreigners he visited 1 8%
As shown in Table ##, when the relatives were asked what children have at home that they do not have
in the center, their typical responses were, “me”, “mother’s affection”, “family’s affection.” Just as many
said nothing.
Table ##: What Children Have in the Center that they do not
have at Home from Family Interviews (N=32)
Response Freq Perc
Nothing 17 52%
My, mother or family's affection 11 33%
Liberty 2 6%
Affection 1 3%
Tolerance 1 3%
Do not know 1 3%
As shown in Table ##, the few respondents who were not happy with the center highlighted specific
problems. Some specific comments illustrated points worthy of consideration. Five respondents said:
We miss him
"A friend has two kids in the orphanage; my brother had a child there who died. I only put him there for
a while. When we asked the pastor for him he said he will give him back when he turns 18".
Table ##: Problems with the Center from Family Interviews (N=32)
Category Response Freq
I want my child to live with me 1
Reasons
respondents Our mother was not supposed to put him there 1
are unhappy The director is not nice to him 1
the child is We did not mean for them to keep her 1
in the We miss her 1
center (n=9)
We miss him 1
Children are not allowed to visit their parents 2
Children prevented from contacting their parents. I want to talk to my child 1
Things that My child doesn’t tell me if anything is wrong 1
respondents
Misses school because of money 1
do not like
about the The children are always dirty 1
center (n=9) The children have too much liberty in the streets 1
The pastor is not nice to my child 1
Cannot answer 1
General population opinion survey
To gauge the attitudes of the general public to the centers, eight surveyors were dispatched to conduct a
general population opinion survey. The total of 614 respondents were selected in urban and rural areas
across the country. Those interviewed were asked questions about their opinions of centers and adoption.
Demographics
Table ## shows the location of respondents’ homes. People from a number of geographical locations were
interviewed and there were equal numbers of respondents from different Haitian cities, various
countryside locations and towns.
Respondents also represented people from differing educational backgrounds and occupational groups.
As shown in the graph below, higher education was low with the majority of respondents having not
completed or gone beyond high school. The most represented occupation within the respondent sample
was a merchant (226 respondents, or 37%). This was followed by farmer and tradesman (Table ##).
Respondent Education Level (N=614)
120%
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
Table ##: Perception on Biggest reason directors start centers: Haitian vs Foreign (N=614)
Foreigners Haitians
Responses Frequency Percent Frequency Percent
To make money off the children 157 26% 233 38%
To help the child 446 73% 370 60%
They don't have orphanages 0 0% 4 1%
Other 11 2% 7 1%
Adoption
Table ## illustrates opinions of adoption. Over half of the respondents (62%) thought said it was best to
place the child in a center instead of placing the child with another family. Nearly all of the respondents
said that they believed most people place their children with other families when they cannot provide for
the child. With regards to adoption, 55% said they would let a Haitian adopt their child but fewer (35%)
said they would allow a foreigner to adopt their child and take them overseas.
Moreover, the children overwhelmingly report preferring the centers. Seventy percent of 155 children say
they do not want to go home; 57% say a child lives better at a center than at home in the countryside or
a small town, and 92% say a child who has to leave a center and return home should feel sad. This is not
to say that all children were happy. Households
A minority (30%) do want to go Centers EMMUS-V 2012
home (usually because they missed Variables (N=51) (N=13181)
their family), and there are Sleeps in bed 95% 58%*
1
disturbing cases where directors of Sleeps in own bed/alone 89% 20%*
the centers are apparently Flush toilette 96% 8%
preventing children and parents Flush toilette or Latrine 100% 56%
from being reunited. There are also Water on premises 100% 7%
centers that seem to excessively Purchase or self-treated water 96% 68%
Electricity 100% 38%
restrict visitation. Nor is
Television in home 92% 29%
everything perfect with the
Radio in home 87% 55%
centers. While most centers
Car or truck 79% 5%
clearly have greater resources and Access to primary school 100% 77%2
are providing for the children Access to secondary school 100% 25%3
better than the average family *FAFO 2002
could, there are areas of neglect,
most notably when children leave the centers. Very few centers have policies of preparing children for
adult life outside of the center. Even fewer follow up with the children providing moral support, guidance
and since of identity and belonging as they begin their lives in the adult world. Moreover, in developing
standards, the fact that most institutions are materially far better off than the average Haitian household
should not limit IBESR in establishing minimum standards for the centers.
Recommendations
Any discussion of residential child-care centers should begin with recognition of the fact that, from the
point of view of most families and children, these institutions are not “orphanages.” They are not places
filled with children who have no family. They are centers where families send children so they will have
access to schooling, health care, nutrition, safe drinking water, and other basic needs their parents and
other relatives are unable to provide at home. They are, in the eyes of most parents and children, boarding
schools with a social services element, and they should be regulated as such. That means that standards
should be met in all of the categories critical to child development – education, health care, nutrition,
access to loved ones and other role models, etc. -- and families should be encouraged and supported
when they decide a child would be better served by returning to the home.
The centers, as well as IBESR and other institutions that exist for the benefit of children, such as UNICEF,
should provide returning reunifying families with some measure of support, which might include, for
example, counseling, training, or short-term tuition help, to help them bring their children home from the
centers. It should also be recognized that some of the children have indeed been orphaned or abandoned,
1
Number of children per centers : 56 average – Number of beds per center : 50 average
2
enfants de 6 à 11 ans
3
enfants de 12 à 17 ans
or come from families that have little hope of ever being able to provide for them. These children should
be provided with additional services to meet their higher level of need.
• Every child living in a center should have his or her own bed
• Water should always be provided on premises; treated drinking water should be available
at all centers
• All centers should be required to offer access to education
• Centers should be required to meet a set of standards for nutrition (meals per day,
servings of meat per week, etc.), health care (minimal frequency of check-ups, etc.), and
other basic needs
• Parents should have a right to see children at least once per week
• Parents should have a right to reunite with children, subject to formal request and
approval process
• A uniform process for reunification of families should be adhered to, with follow up by
social workers, whenever children leave centers to return home
• IBESR should explore a mechanism for encouraging and supporting reunification of
families living in Port-au-Prince, where families are more likely to have access to
schools, water, and other basic needs without resorting to sending children to a center
• Institutions must provide children with preparations specific to living outside of the
institutions on their own
• Children identified as abandoned or truly orphaned (with no immediate or extended
willing and/or able to care for them) should be provided with additional services and
resources deemed appropriate by IBESR (counseling, supplemental nutrition and health
care, remedial education, etc.)
• Abandoned and orphaned children should be receive priority placement on lists of
potential adoptees
• Centers should have verified plan what will be done with the children if the center closes
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HISTOIRE
Ann-Louise Shapiro Housing the Poor of Paris, 1850-1902 Univ of Wisconsin Press, Dec 31,
1984 - Political Science - 224 pages
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Hogarth by Draig Press, London
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Haven 1981)
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Smith Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues Eighth session New York, 18 - 29 May 2009
Prepared for the Secretariat of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
The Foundling Hospital By Rhian Harris Last updated 2012-10-05 BBC
http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/victorians/foundling_01.shtml
ÉVANGÉLIQUES
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Oxford University Press, 2003.
Christian History Magazine Protestantism Explode Interview with Samuel Escobar ISSUE
35 https://www.christianhistoryinstitute.org/magazine/article/protestantism-explodes/
Clifton L. Holland, Director of PROLADES 15 November 2012 The Growth of Protestant
Religions in Mexico and Central America Central America: Protestant Population Growth 1990-
2010 Compared To Poverty Levels In Each Country Produced by
Dow, James W. A paper presented at the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, Annual
Meeting 2003, Sheraton Norfolk Waterside, Norfolk, Virginia, October 23-26, 2003Oakland
[email protected] Draft of Jan. 1, 2005. Quotation permitted
Hofer, Katharina 2003 The Role of Evangelical NGOs in International Development: a
comparative case study of Kenya and Uganda In afrika spectrum 38(3):375-398
PewRearch Relgion and Public Life Project JULY 18, 2013 Brazil’s Changing Religious Landscape
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ADOPTION INTERNATIONALE
Davies, Miranda 2011 Intercountry adoption, children's rights and the politics of rescue. Adoption
& Fostering, , Volume 35, Issue 4, pp. 50 – 62
Dohle, Arun. 2009. Fruits of Ethiopia, Intercountry Adoption: The Rights of the Child, or the
'Harvesting' of Children? ACT published report Commissioned by: Wereldkinderen (N.I.C.W.O.)
Doyle, Joanne. 2010. Misguided Kindness: Making the right decisions for children in emergencies
Report written for Child Protection Technical Adviser, Save the Children UK.
Elliot, Diane Lynn. 2012. The Global Orphan Crisis: Be the Solution, Change Your World Paperback
Publisher: Moody Publishers; New Edition
Encyclopedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society, 2004, Volume 2, pp. 638 - 640
Indian Orphanages. Marilyn Irvin Holt. New in paperback: October 2004
Gibbons, J. L. & Rotabi, K. S., 2012 Best practices in implementing the Hague Convention on
Intercountry Adoption.
Graff, E.J. 2008 "The Lie We Love,"Foreign Policy magazine, Nov./Dec. 2008
Jociles, Maribel. nd. Construcción de los roles paternos en los procesos de adopción internacional:
El papel de las instituciones intermediarias / The Construction of Paternal Roles in International
Adoption Processes: the Role of Intermediary Institutions
Johnny Carr, Laura Captari. 2013. Orphan Justice: How to Care for Orphans Beyond Adopting
Publisher: B&H Books
Johnson, Dana. 2005 International Adoption: What Is Fact, What Is Fiction, and What Is the
Future? The Pediatric Clinics of North America, 2005, Volume 52, Issue 5, pp. 1221 – 1246
Joyce, Kathryn 2013 The Child Catchers: Rescue, Trafficking, and the New Gospel of Adoption
Good intentions?
Judith L. Gibbons (Ed.) and Karen Smith Rotabi (Ed.) 2012. Intercountry Adoption: Policies,
Practices, and Outcomes Publisher: Ashgate Pub Co.
Leventhal, Todd 1994 The Child Organ Trafficking Rumor: A Modern 'Urban Legend' A Report
Submitted To The United Nations Special Rapporteur On The Sale Of Children, Child Prostitution,
And Child Pornography By The United States Information Agency December United States
Information Agency
O'Connor, M.K. & Rotabi, K.S. 2012 Perspectives on child welfare: Ways of understanding roles
and actions of current USA adoption agencies involved in intercountry adoptions. Publisher:
Ashgate Press.
Parker, Roy 2012 International child adoption and national catastrophes Adoption & Fostering, ,
Volume 36, Issue 1, p. 4
Patricia Fronek and Denise Cuthbert 2012 History Repeating . . . Disaster-Related Intercountry
Adoption and the Psychosocial Care of Children Social Policy and Society, 07/2012, Volume 11,
Issue 3, p. 429
Pertman, Adam 2001 Adoption Nation How The Adoption Revolution Is Transforming America
Paperback: Basic Books; First Edition
Peter Selman, “Intercountry Adoption in the New Millennium,”; and “The Movement of Children
for Transnational Adoption: Tables for Paper Presented at The Globalization of Motherhood
Symposium,” Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, 14-16 October 2008
Smith Rotabi, Karen. 2012. Family Group Conferencing as a culturally adaptable intervention:
Reforming intercountry adoption in Guatemala.
_______2011. Force, fraud, and coercion in some Guatemalan adoptions: High-profile abduction
cases challenge the ‘best interests of the child’
_______2011. Intercountry adoption baby boom prompts new US standards: Practice declines in
the context of economic and social realities. Publisher: Immigration Law Association Press.
_______2011. In the era of reform: A review of social work literature on intercountry adoption.
_______Guatemala City: Hunger protests amid allegations of child kidnapping and adoption
fraud.
UN (United Nations) Le Rapport Mondial sur la Violence à l’encontre des enfants a été produit par
le Commissaire de la Commission Inter-Americaine des Droits de l’Homme, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro,
ainsi que le Rapporteur sur les Droits de l’enfant de la même institution, dans son étude sur la
Violence à l’encontre des Enfants au cours de son ancien rôle d’Expert au Secrétariat Général des
Nations Unies. Voir http://www.unicef.org/lac/Informe_Mundial_Sobre_Violencia_1(1).pdf
US Congress. 2010 Fourth Annual Report to Congress on Public Law 109-95, The Assistance for
Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children in Developing Countries Act of 2005 A Whole-of-
Government Approach to Child Welfare and Protection 2005
SCANDALES D'ADOPTION
http://www.brandeis.edu/investigate/index.html
MISCELLANEOUS
Human Rights Watch, Fingers to the Bone: United States Failure to Protect Child Farm Workers 2
(2000)
Charles, Leon Derek and Sian Williams 2006 Early childhood care and education in the Caribbean
(CARICOM states) Background paper prepared for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report
2007 Strong foundations: early childhood care and education
Annexe 1. Centres sélectionnés pour le questionnaire auprès des
enfants
Adresse Type
Nom actuelle d'institution Responsable Téléphone Statut Enquêté
1. La main tabarre 36 A Orphelinat Andre 3427-6861 / De √
tendre imp biata # ismaite 3671-6281 bonne
51 qualité
1-Bonjour/Bonsoir. Nous travaillons pour le compte de l'IBESR. C'est une etude que nous menons
et nous allons partager les informations avec des organismes serieux qui peuvent aider les
enfants. Nous aimerions visiter votre local et aussi vous posez quelques questions. Tout ce que
vous direz restera secret. Nous vous remercions deja si vous etes d'accord, sionon pourriez-vous
nous introduire aupres d'une personne pouvant repondre a nos questions? S'il n'y a personne
nous allons considerer s=cela comme un refus.
2- Enqueteur*
3- Departement de residence du repondant*
4- Quartier ou se trouve le centre*
5- Quel est le nom de l'institution?*
6- Quel est le statut du centre?*
• fonctionne
• n'existe plus
• existe mais il n'y a pas d'enfants
• deplacer
• autre
7- Le repondant veut repondre ou pas?*
• Oui
• Non
INFRASTRUCTURE
REPONDANT
ENFANTS
• Oui
• Non
DISIPLINE
49- Quel genre de punition?*
• a genou
• a genou sur une grage
• corvee
• Interdiction de jouer
• Interdiction de manger
• debout sur un pied
• debout dans un coin
• taper
• donner une fessee
• donner une fessee
• autre genre de fessee
• rien
• ne peut repondre
• autre
NOURRITURE
50- Combien de grosses casseroles y a-t-il a la cuisine?*
51- Combien de casseroles de taille moyenne y a-t-il a la cuisine?*
52- Combien de petites casseroles y a-t-il a la cuisine?*
53- Y a-t-il une reserve de charbon ou de gaz pour la cuisson?*
• Oui
• Non
54- Combien de repas prennent les enfants par jour?*
• un par jour
• 2 par jour
• 3 par jour
55- PAM distribue-t-il de la nourriture?*
• Oui
• Non
DORMIR
• Oui
• Non
TECHNIQUE DE SOIN
64- Combien de personne y a-t-il pour prendre soin des enfants?*PERSONNEL
65- Combien de gardiennes y a-t-il?*
66- Combien d'infirmieres y a-t-il?*
67- Combien de medecin y a-t-il?*
68- Combien de travailleur social y a-t-il?*
69- Combien de cuisiniere y a-t-il?*
70- Combien de menagere y a-t-il?*
71- Combien d'enseignant y a-t-il?*
72- Combien d'autre personne y a-t-il que nous n'avons pas citer?*
73.-Quel est le plus haut nivo atteint par le personnel le plus qualifie du centre?*
74-Quel est le plus haut nivo atteint par le second personnel le plus qualifie du centre?*
75- Y a-t-il du personnel ayant une formation special concernant la gestion des enfants?*
• Oui
• Non
76- Vous parlez au directeur ou a une autre personne pouvant repondre a toutes les autres
questions?
• Oui
• Non
SI NON, ARRÊTER
************
SI OUI, CONTINUER
77- Qui est le proprietaire du batiment?*
• pour le fondateur du centre
• pour l'organisation
• pour le directeur
• pour l'etat
• ne repond pas
• location
• autre
78- Qui a finance la constuction de l'institution?*
• partenaire etranger
• l'etat
• l'eglise
• la communaute
• les fondateurs
• ne sait pas
• autre
79- Qui est le proprietaire du terrain?*
• pour le fondateur du centre
• pour l'organisation
• pour le directeur
• pour l'etat
• ne repond pas
• location
• autre
80- Avez-vous des institutions dans d'autres pays comme partenaires?*
• Oui
• Non
81- Quel organisation est votre plus grand partenaire?*94- A quelle religion adherez-vous?*
• catholique
• adventiste
• protestant
• pencotiste
• aucun
• autre
82- A quelle religion adherez-vous?*
• catholique
• adventiste
• protestant
• pencotiste
• aucun
EDUCATION
ETRANJÈ
86- Combien?*104- Y a-t-il des enfants qui sont sponsorises par des haitiens?*
• Oui
• Non
87- Combien?*106- Eecevez-vous la visite de touriste parfois?*
• Oui
• Non
88- Quel est le principal objectifs de ces visites?*
• former le personnel
• visiter les enfants
• choisir des enfants a adopter
• apporter des choses aux enfants
• visiter l'organisation
• evaluer le travail qui est fait
• Travailler dans l'infrasturcture
• autre
89- Quel pourcentage de ces visiteurs reviennent une seconde fois?*
90- Quel pourcentage de ces visiteurs reviennent une troisieme fois?*
91- Est-ce qu'il y a une enquete pour determiner si ces visiteurs sont des criminels?*
• Oui
• Non
92-A-t-on l'habitude d'adopter des enfants dans le centre?*
• Oui
• Non
93- Connaissesz-vous la "Convention de la Haye sur la Protection des enfants et la coopération
en matière d'Adoption internationale "?*
• Oui
• Non
94- Vous rappelez-vous de la derniere fois qu'une loi concernant l'adoption a ete vote?*
• Oui
• Non
95- Quand les enfants ont-ils le droit de visiter leur parents?*
• quand eux ou leurs familles veulent
• en vacances
• autre
96- Quand les familles ont-elles le droit de visiter les enfant (famiile biologique)?*
o quand eux ou leurs familles veulent
o en vacances
o autre
PRISE EN CHARGE
97- Combien d'enfants compte le centre?*
98- Combien de fille?*
99- Combien de garcon?*132- Avez-vous une liste de tous les enfants du centre?*
• Oui
• Non
100- Avez-vous un dossier de tous les enfants du centre?*
• Oui
• Non
101- Acceptez-vous n'importe quel enfant?*
• Oui
• Non
102- Est-ce vous qui chechez les enfants ou c'est leur parent ou d'autres personnnes qui vous
amenent les enfants?*
• nous partons a leur recherche
• famiile ou d'autres personnes
• la meme
• ne peut repondre
103- Quelle est la premiere condition pour etre admis au centre?*
• hebdomadairement
• tous les mois
• tous les 2 mois
• tous les 3 mois
• tous les 6 mois
• chaque annee
• plus que chaque annee
• jamais
• ne sait pas
• autre
110- Est-il necessaire de fournir une preparation speciale aux enfants qui quittent le centre?*
• Oui
• Non
111- Fournirssez-vous une preparation speciale aux enfants qui quittent le centre?*
• Oui
• Non
• abus sexuel
• abus violence
• abus psychologique
• rien
• autre
118- Quel est la derniere fois vous avez eu a faire face a des abus?*
• abus sexuel
• abus violence
• abus psychologique
• rien
• autre
119- Quand cela s'est passe?*
• cette annee
• l'annee derniere
• il y a 2 ans
• il y a 3 ans
• il y a plus de 3 ans
• ne s'en souvient pas
• ne peut repondre
• ne sait pas
120- Qu'avez-vous fait?*
• appel les casec et les asec
• contacter la police
• contacter l'IBESR
• ne peut repondre
• ne sait pas
• autre
121- Connaissez-vous la loi concernant les punitions affligees aux enfants?*
• Oui
• Non
122- Y a-t-il une recreation pour les enfants tous les jours?*
• Oui
• Non
123- Les enfants ont-ils des devoirs a faire chaque jour?*
• Oui
• Non
124- Connaissez-vous la loi sur le travail des enfants?*
• Oui
• Non
125- Avez-vous jamais entendu parler de la "Declaration des droits des enfants"?*
• Oui
• Non
126- Quelle methode de comptabilite est mise en place?*
• calcul mental
• comptabilite informatise
• comptabilite sur papier
• ne peut repondre
• il n'y en a pas
• autre
127- Avez-vous l'habitude de voyager a l'etranger?*
• Oui
• Non
128- Quelle strategie d'urgence est mise en place en cas de manque d'argent?*
• emprunter de l'argent
• le remplacer par le directeur adjoint
• demander de l'aide a l'etat
• faire appel a une organisation partenaire
• fermer l'institution
• ne sait pas
• autre
• aucun
129- Que feriez-vous avec les enfants si vous deviez fermer le centre?*
• les donner a d'autres institutions
• les renvoyer chez eux
• faire appel a l'etat
• ne sait pas
• autre
130- Par quel moyen recevez-vous des informations du GDH ou de l'IBESR?*
• par mail
• par telephone
• par radio
• journal
• quand il y a une rencontre
• lettre
• autre
131- Le personnel du centre a-t-il recu une formation dans le cadre de ce tarvail?*
• Oui
• Non
• Quelque uns
132- C'est quand la derniere fois que vous avez eu la visite d'un representant de l'IBESR?*
• 1 jour
• 2 jour
• 3 jour
• 1 semaine
• 2 semaine
• 3 mois
• 6 ois
• plus de 6 mois
• ne peut pas repondre
133- C'est quand la derniere fois que vous avez eu la visite d'un representant agree?*
• 1 jour
• 2 jour
• 3 jour
• 1 semaine
• 2 semaine
• 3 mois
• 6 ois
• plus de 6 mois
• ne peut pas repondre
134-C'est quand la derniere fois que vous avez eu la visite d'un inspecteur de l'UNICEF?*
• 1 jour
• 2 jour
• 3 jour
• 1 semaine
• 2 semaine
• 3 mois
• 6 mois
• plus de 6 mois
• ne peut pas repondre
135-C'est quand la derniere fois que vous avez eu la visite d'un inspecteur quelconque d'une
organisation de la protection de l'enfance?*
• 1 jour
• 2 jour
• 3 jour
• 1 semaine
• 2 semaine
• 3 mois
• 6 ois
• plus de 6 mois
• ne peut pas repondre
1- Ankete*
REPONDAN
12- Ki nasyonalitew?*
ayisyen
ameriken
kanadyen
Lot
TIMOUN
20- Konbyen timoun ki domi nan sant lan en tou?*21- Eske gen timoun ki andikape nan sant lan?*
Wi
Non
24- Eske nou akespte ti moun ki gen SIDA/VIH?*
Wi
Non
INFRASTRIKTI
31- Kote nou plis jwenn dlo pou sevis kay la?*
tiyo
nou achte kamyon dlo
nan rivye/sous dlo
lapli
pi
fontenn
lot
37- Konbyen radyo ki genyen?*39- Eske gen yon bibliotek nan sant lan?*
Wi
Non
41- Eske gen balanswa, glisad, espas ki rezeve pou timoun jwe?*
Wi
Non
48- Kod de kondwit ekrit epi byen plase pou tout anpwlaye we l*
Wi
Non
51- Eske gen kote pou resevwa vizite?*
Wi
Non
RESPONSABILITE
60. Eske yo gen resev de chabon oubyen gaz pou kwit manje?*
Wi
Non
ZAFE DOMI: al kanpe nan yon nan chanm kot ti moun yo domi
70- Eske yo dako pou pran foto chanm kot ti moun yo domi*
Wi
Non
72- Eske gen yon granmoun ki domi nan chanm nan lannwit?*
Wi
Non
83-Epi apre moun sa, sak gen plis lekol, ki nivo li fe?*
Menm baga ke anvan
84- Eske gen travaye oubyen reskonsab ki gen fomasyon espesyal nan dirije ti moun?*
Wi
Non
86- W ap pale avek direkte o yo ka jwenn direkte o lot moun pou repon tout res kesyon yo?
Wi
Non
90- Eske nou gen patenarya ak lot enstitisyon nan lot peyi?*
Wi
Non
96- Eske nou gen yon lekol prime ki asosye avek sant la?*
Wi
Non
100- Eske nou gen yon lekol segonde ki asosye avek sant la?*
Wi
Non
102- Eske gen timoun ki gen blan kom sponso ki voye ed bay yo?*
Wi
Non
103- Konbyen?*104- Eske gen timoun ki gen Aysiyen an Ayiti ki sponso yo?*
Wi
Non
105- Konbyen?*106- Eske nou konn resevwa vizite ki sot lot bo?*
Wi
Non
113- Eske gen yon anket ki fet sou vizite sa yo pou evalye si yo gen kriminal ladan?*
Wi
Non
114- Eske yo konn adopte timoun nan sant lan?*
Wi
Non
117- Eske ou konnen "Convention de la Haye sur la Protection des enfants et la coopération en
matière d'Adoption internationale "?*
Wi
Non
119- Eske ou sonje ki le te denye fwa leta pase yon nouvo lwa sou adopsyon?*
Wi
Non
127- Epi ki le fanmi gen dwa vin visite ti moun yo (fanmi natal)?*
Le yo oubyen fanmi vle
Sou vakans
lot
131- Konbyen gason?*132- Eske ou gen yon lis de tout ti moun ki nan sant la?*
Wi
Non
136- Eske ou gen yon dosie sou chak ti moun ki nan sant la?*
Wi
Non
143- Nan lis anba di m ki kondisyon ou plis aksepte timoun nan sant lan?*
parenn yo mouri
fanmi neglije o abandone yo
fanmi ap abize yo
fanmi pa gen mwayen
pou bon edikasyon
pa ka reponn
lot
145- Nan lis anba di m ki dezyem kondisyon ou plis aksepte timoun nan sant lan?*
parenn yo mouri
fanmi neglije o abandone yo
fanmi ap abize yo
fanmi pa gen mwayen
pou bon edikasyon
pa ka reponn
lot
147- Eske ou gen sa ekri yon kote, egkzakteman anba ki kondisyon ou aksepte yon ti moun?*
Wi
Non
151- Pou ki primye pi gwo rezon ti moun yo kon sot nan sant la?*
paren vin gen mwayen
rive nan laj
lot moun pran yo
pa ka reponn
lot
153- Pou ki dezyem pi gwo rezon ti moun yo ka sot nan sant la?*
paren vin gen mwayen
rive nan laj
lot moun pran yo
pa ka reponn
lot
155- Eske ou gen ni ekri yon kote egkzakteman anba ki kondisyon yon ti moun sipoze sot nan sant
la?*
Wi
Non
158- Apre ou pran yon timoun, nan konbyen tan nou konn revize rezon li avek nou?*
chak semenn
chak mwa
chak 2 mwa
chak 3 mwa
chak 6 mwa
chak ane
plis ke chak ane
janme
pa konnen
lot
159 - Eske li nesese pou bay ti moun yon kalite de preparasyon espesyal pou soti nan sant la?*
Wi
Non
160 - Eske nou bay ti moun yon kalite de preparasyon espesyal pou soti nan sant la?*
Wi
Non
169- Nan chak 10 timoun ou genyen konbyen ou ta di gen maman oubyen papa oubyen toude?*
171- Konbyen timoun ki la ki pitit o fanmi youn nan anplwaye yo obyen fanmi direkte o epous
li?*
172- Nan opinyon pa w, ki kalite de abus ki pi grav ki ka fet nan yon sant?*
abi seksyel
abi vyolans
abi sikolajik
anyen
lot
174- E apre sa, , ki kalite de abus ki pi grav ki ka fet nan yon sant?*
abi seksyel
abi vyolans
abi sikolajik
anyen
lot
176- Epi denye fwa nou te gen yon ka de abus nan sant la, ki sa li te ye?*
abi seksyel
abi vyolans
abi sikolajik
anyen
lot
178- Ki le li te ye?*
ane sa
ane pase
2 an pase
3 an pase
plis ke 3 an pase
pa sonje
pa ka reponn
pa konnen
183- Eske ou konnen lwa ki govenen pinisyon ke gran moun ka bay ti moun yo?*
Wi
Non
193- Eske ti moun yo gen yon kalite de devwa yo sipose fe chak jou?*
Wi
Non
195- Eske ou konnen lwa de travay ti moun yo?*
Wi
Non
206- Eske moun kap travay yo resevwa fomasyon espesyal pou travay avek ti moun yo?*
Wi
Non
kek ladan
212-Denye fwa kinpot inspekte de kinpot lot oganis te vizite ou, ki le li te ye?*
1 a 3 mwa
4 a 6 mwa
7 mwa a 1 ane
1 ane a 2 ane
3 ane
4 ane
5 ane
plis ke 5 ane
pa ka reponn
Lot
Satellite
latitude (x.y °)
longitude (x.y °)
Annexe 4. Questionnaire « gens de la rue » (version française)
1- Enqueteur*
2. Departement de residence du repondant*
2.1. Quartier de residence du repondant*2
3.1. Sexe du repondant*
Feminin
Masculin
3.2 Occupation principale du repondant*
4. Niveau d'education*
5. D'apres vous, un orphelinat est-il benefique?*
plus de mal
plus de bien
6. Connaissez-vous des enfants qui sont dans des orphelinats?*
Oui
Non
7. Pensez-vous que la plupart des enfants dans les orphelinats viennent des provinces?*
province
ville
La meme
8- Tenant compte de ces deux raisons, quel serait la premiere raison pour laquelle les gens
envoient des enfants dans des orphelinats?*
plus a l'avantage des enfants
plus pour aider la famille a l'avenir
11. Si une personne a un enfant dont elle ne peut pas en prendre soin et n'a aucune aide pour le
faire, avec qui doit-elle confier cet enfant?*
famille riche haitienne
orphelinat appartenant a des haitiens
orphelinat appartenant a des etrangers
Refuse de repondre
12. Quel est le deux plus grands dangers pour les enfants dans les orphelinats en Haiti? (plusieurs
choix possibles)*
abus sexuel
vol d'organes
manque d'education
ils vendent les enfants
ils maltraitent les enfants
les enfants vivent mal
autre
14. Selon vous, qui possede plus d'orphelinat en Haiti?*
Etranger
Haitien
La meme
15. Quel est la principale raison pour laquelle les etrangers creent des orphelinats?*
pour aider l'enfant
pour gagner de l'argent
autre
16. Quel est la principale raison pour laquelle les haitiens creent des orphelinats?*
pour aider l'enfant
pour gagner de l'argent
Ils n'en font pas
Autre
17. Seriez vous ddu mem avis si on disait "Les orphelinats sont une affaire d'etranger"?*
Oui
Non
18. Seriez-vous pret a laisser un etranger adopter votre enfant et partir pour un autre pays avec?*
Oui
Non
22. Seriez-vous pret a laisser un Haitien adopter votre enfant?*
Oui
Non
28. En general, est-il preferable d'envoyer un enfant chez une personne au lieu de le placer dans
un orphelinat?*
Autre fanille
orphelinat
24.1 SI une famille accepte qu'une autre famille adopte un de ces enfants, penzez-vous que
l'autre famille doit supporter economiquement la famille de l'enfant adopte?*
Oui
Non
29. Quelle est la principale raison pour laquelle une personne accepte de placer son enfant chez
quelqu'un en "restavek"?*
parce qu'ils n'ont pas de moyen
pour aider les enfants a aller a l'ecole
autre
31. Nom du repondant*
31.2 Numero de telephone du repondant*
32. Coordonnees GPS*
latitude (x.y °)
longitude (x.y °)
altitude (m)
accuracy (m)
Annexe 5. Liste des familles sélectionnées pour le questionnaire
auprès des familles
Nom du/des
Nom du Nom des Adresse de parents ou
centre enfants la famille relatifs Téléphone Survey Explanation
Projet Makenson ? Crystinana (ti 48398302 No no answer
Ambrassé
Papillon un Pierre Louis
DESRAVINE BON REPOS Ketya
nana) 34562487 survey Upload
Ambrassé
enfant un Guervara
DAJCORINE
S ? Orelus
FABIENNE 48581814 No
ed wrong
Ambrassé
enfant un Charles
SALOMON Port-à- Marie
BAPTISTE 373778976 No no answer
contact
Projet
enfant Emmauella
NEHEMIE Leogane
Piment Magaret
SERVILIA
(cousin) 31454269
37557796 survey Upload
Projet
Papillon Wideline
Lolo Silo Kajuste 31552595 No
ed Number out
Papillon Joacine 38196328 of service
Projet Jesula Martissant Sivil 28107794 No wrong
Projet
Papillon Labossire
Ermilus Cite Soleil 28107794 No wrong
contact
Projet
Papillon Wood
Nahomie Croix des Guerda Clervil 47231547 survey Upload
contact
Maison
Papillon Auguste
Gerlin Delmas
Bouquets60 Dieula Louis 3619-3677 No
ed no answer
Maison
d'acceuil bon Frantzo
Viviana Cebonet Kafou fey,rue
(belle mere 3719-7952 No wrong
Maison
d'acceuil
berger bon Jean
Charles felix delmas
Charles 33 Jean
Sicot felix 3829-0150 survey Upload
contact
Maison
d'acceuil
berger bon Steevenson
Betina kafou fey Pierre bertha
Fritzner(parrai
prolongee 3468-1823 no
ed Tel no service
d'acceuil
berger bon
Recolte Ardouin
Erica Chery n)
Damercile 3824-4114 survey Upload
berger
Recolte
humanitaire Mahotiere morne a Jean
Chery Marie 3749-6439 survey
ed Upload
VENEZ
humanitaire
/Harvest for Moricette
Rebecca Rivière
bateau,Gres Moricette
Yolene
(manman) 38609550 survey
ed Upload
VENEZ
ENFANTS
/Harvest
humanitesforET Alexandre
Widlens
Sharon carrefour
Froide
sier Legrand
Exanor
(manman) James
(père) 3 944 00 05 survey
ed upload
VENEZ
ENFANTS
VIVEZ MIEUX
humanites ET Elisseau
Legrand PauP
feuilles Dukens 3 347 3783 survey
ed upload
VENEZ
ENFANTS
VIVEZ MIEUX ET Alexandre
Nehemie Rivière Benissaint
Joseph 3 191 survey
ed upload
Foyer
ENFANTS
VIVEZ MIEUX de
ET Carline
Ericson Unknown
Froide Pierre
JanelusDestin
(oncle) 3824-4916
0273 survey
ed upload
Foyer
Notre Dame
VIVEZ MIEUX de Dianetelle
Destin Unknown Fenel Surin 4841-4742 No
ed out of service
Notre
de Dame
Fatima
Foyer de Surin
Selene Unknown Monique 3630-1315 survey upload
de Fatima
Foyer
Notre Damede Guy Claude
Renezil/ Unknown Katiana 4693-8308 survey
ed upload
Trinity
Notre Dame
de Fatima Unknown
Joseph
Jefferson cayes Rice Fritza 338 116 no
ed parents own
Trinity
House
de Fatima Jean
RenzilClarens wolf,
jacmeljacmel Paul Cyprien 3 795 3787
129 survey upload
center
Maison
House Unknown
Cyprien Raymond Charles
Ricardo 3 115 1726 no
ed no answer
Maison
chrétienne Unknown marché
les bains, Duvivier
Roosevelt 3 712 2657 no no answer
Centre
chrétienne
de la Frantzo Kafou
geffrard,
jacmel Cebonet
Harold 3719-7952 no Father
Centre
d'Accueil
de du
nouvelle vie la Jean
Charles felix delmas
fey,rue 33
jacmel Sicot Jean
Charles felix 3829-0150 survey upload
doesn’t if
Centre
d'Accueil
bon Bergerdu
nouvelle vie Steevenson
Betina kafou fey
prolongee Pierre bertha
Fritzner(parrai 3468-1823 no
ed voicemail
child is living
Divine
d'Accueil
bon Bergerdu Marcelin
Ardouin delmas 19 Yolene
n) 38052765 survey upload
in center
Divine
Ministries
bon Berger in Altema
Saintubin Cayes Evelyne
Moncoeur 48326504 survey
ed upload
Divine
Ministries
Hope in
for Linda Mole Jean Daniel
Georges 37057118 no
ed unvailable
Divine
Ministries
Hope
children forin Faustin grand goave junior Faustin 39224168 survey upload
Fondasyon
Ministries
children in
Hope for Georges
Sophie Joseph Sonia 3476-9842 no
ed out of service
Fondasyonfor
Timoun
Hope
children se Josue
Dany Colas Francois 3698-0098
3167-0937 survey upload
Fondasyonse
Timoun
Lespwa
children Adma Adma
Mirlande 3109-8395
3725-9546 no
ed out of service
Timoun
Lespwa se Admasson Lucienne
Lespwa
Nom du/des
Nom du Nom des Adresse de parents ou
centre enfants la famille relatifs Téléphone Survey Explanation
Fondasyon Edwins Elene Pierre 3769-3571 survey upload
Fondasyonse
Timoun Carlos
Petion Mona Orphee 3473-2732 no
ed wrong
Fondasyonse
Timoun
Lespwa Rene
OrpheeLucner Rene Maxo 3481-4487 no no answer
number
Fondasyonse
Timoun
Lespwa Maxi Wilner Rosana Maxi 3453-4117
4613-4811 no voicemail
Fondasyonse
Timoun
Lespwa Cindy Marie Lourde 3726-5037 survey upload
Fondasyonse
Timoun
Lespwa Degramond
Joseph Clermicia
Joseph 3673-6049 survey
ed upload
Maison
Timoun
Lespwa se Plaisimé
Wilbens Bois Verna Plaisimé
Exivil 4 216 survey
ed upload
Maison
Fortune
Lespwa Louis
SophiaMarie Bassin Zim Vital
WilfridTelose
(père) ( 48652040
0583 no
ed voice mail
Mathieu
Fortune
orphanage Pierre
Denise Louis La Pila Delouche
maman) 4 606 survey upload
Mathieu
Vingt-
Haiti huit
orphanage Pierre
Delouche Lajeune Lucien
Clermene Judna ( 3185
5318 no
ed wrong
Haïti
Haiti Mission
Vingt- huit Dany
OlandaJoizil ( Au cap Pierre
maman)Edwige
tuteur) 32946650
8360. no wrong
number
Haïti Mission
Service Bernard
père) PauP Bernard 32292458 Survey upload
number
Haïti Mission
Service Holy Kenley
Vinalda Lajeune, Hilaire
Vercius (père) 33330435 no
ed child of
Haïti Mission
Service Mercier La Pilat
Pignon Mercier
Nerlande ( 37400876 no left
owener
Haïti Mission
Service Antoine
Judes Ranquitte Pierre
Ismalene
maman) Lucknas( 36100180 survey upload
orphanage
Centre
Service de Pierre
Boadley Rte des Rails Pierre
père) Joseline
(maman) 36378553 survey
ed upload
Centre
formation deet Michel
Woodjina
kerven Pont
( Gonaives) Michel
(maman) 36281011 Survey
ed upload
Centre
formation
de nutritionde
et Erius
Valancia Tarasse ( Damis
Quenêpe Schneider Chalicia( 32773415 no
ed wrong
Kay Espwa
formation
de et
nutrition
des enfants Du Frantz
Christela Jean Rabel
Gonaives) Jean
(frère)
maman)Francois 44360606 no voicemail
number
Kay
de
desImdaEspwa
nutrition
enfants Tullien
Jean St Marc Joseph Marc (
Agira ( oncle) 3 688 no voicemail
Centre
de enfantsde
desImda Michel
Sadrack
Monode Mandrin Jean
oncle) Louis 37241128
3205 survey upload
Centre de
Rehabilitatio Cadet
Mona Descahos Pasteur
Fritz ( oncle) 37150747 no
ed voicemail
Centre Vie
Rehabilitatio
n sociale des Primé
Louvens PauP Primé
DieudonneMartha 3 715 1874 survey upload
Marie
n sociale des+
Gonaives Carlens (Chalenord
maman) ( (tante ed
Immaculee
Gonaives
Ecole + ami de la Chantale)
Ecole famille)
Annexe 6. Services d’adoption agréés contactés aux Etats-Unis
38. Orphelinat Delmas 31, Rue Catherine Orphelinat Altenor Carole 3417-6940 /
Fondation Flon # 4 maintenant avant 3708-8439 /
rorm pour les Delmas 31 Rue magloire # 3417-6937 /
enfants 25. 3798-4227
miserables
FREM
39. Collectif des Delmas 18, Rue Gedelene 3667-3245,
enfants Dartiguenave et Candio #8 Henri, Jean 3677-4992
demunis Claude
Tiburon pour Cetoute
la ronde
Nationale
(CEDTRON)
Site Soley 40. Centre Cite Soleil, Village des Pasteur Phele 3654-6581 /
d'accueil pour Rapatries, Fontaine Rte Rolin: 3846-6193
les enfants Neuve, Cite Soleil, Cité soleil,
necessiteux village des rapatries 2eme
boulevard rue jean price
mars.
Kafou 41. Foyer du Bel Paloma Rue la Paix # 9, Orphelinat Laurie Agenor 34-51-98-35 /
Amour 3407-7838 /
3901-2102 /
3791-1843 /
3451-9825
Delmas 76. Faith-Hope- Rue Dalia #4 Delmas Doroty Pearce, Jesula 3529-1962 /36 19-4488 / 3412-
Love Enfant 75 Joseph/ Chery Samuel 5976
Rescue Emile
Tabarre 78. Auberge de Tabarre 48, #39, Rue Jn Baptiste Murielle 3410-5460 / 3534-4113 /
la Fraternite Solidarite 3410-8466 / 3448-8466
Foyer de Sions DEMENAGE a Fontamara 43, Mme Marjorie Mardy, 3720-9869 /3448-9192, 3747-
Rue Village Royale # 10 Pas 3138/ 3720-9869 sion-in-
loin de Royal Haitian [email protected]
Brebis de st. Petionville, Route de Freres - Margareth St. Fleur et 3760-3915 / 3445-6262 / 3713-
Michel de Rue St. Louis Jeanty, Impasse Winer Henrique, 1358 / 3552-2099, 3400-979
L'attalaye st. Cyr #13 apres le pont/ Clairnise or Alberte/
(BRESMA) Delmas 105 rue Caroline Saint Cyr
Rivers of Hope Petionville, Thomassin 32, Rachelle Danache 3402-4067
Impasse Namphy, suivre
route asphaltee a droite
Foyer de la Petionville, Rue Villate #105/ Mme audette Jn 3427-0309 / 3816-9482 / 3807-2525
Nouvelle Vie # 1 Laboule 24 #8 Baptiste/ rose Yva
Samedi
Rose Mina de Petionville, Route Freres, rue Sandra, Rolande, Marie 3445-5913, 3462-4213, 3623-1676,
Diegue St-Louis Jeanty # 11, , pres de Claude, Osvaldo 3797-8592
l'Hopital de la Communaute
Haitienne
Faith-Hope- Rue Dalia #4 Delmas 75 Doroty Pearce, Jesula 3529-1962 /36 19-4488 / 3412-5976
Love Enfant Joseph/ Chery Samuel
Rescue Emile
Boy's Carrefour, Ruelle Khan #10, Gabriel Molien, 3462-7185 / 3405-6865 3894-
Orphanage rue charpentier, mahotiere Massolas Klenor 8438/3689-6866
79
Auberge de la Tabarre 48, #39, Rue Jn Baptiste Murielle 3410-5460 / 3534-4113 / 3410-
Fraternite Solidarite 8466 / 3448-8466
Nom Adresse Actuelle Responsable Téléphone
Kay Tout 2e Maison, Impasse EVENS SAINT LOUIS 3425-6167 / 3403-8556 / 3403-
Timoun Babeu, Bute boyer, Croix 7229 / 3420-5555 / 3734-
des Missions, impasse 9425/3458-9410
balève #3
Lecado Carffour Boileau
Creche Bon Route de Bassin, #9, Gatreau Inelus Luccene, Fleur 3437-6554, 3743-9232
Samaritain des Dieupere
Gonaives
(C.B.S.G)
CANAAN, Les Montrouis, 1ere Section Gladys Mecklembourg, 3667-2864, 3730-6865
precieux bigoux communale St Marc F. Henry R. Gaetjens
du Seigneur
Grace P-de-px, GriGris (Woast Rue Cindy Lachbrook / Past 3745-1834 (numeros sur liste
Children's de la Plaza #3) Ciloes Andy precedente: 3751-6112/ 3423-3077)
Adoption
Home/ Grace
Children
Petit Ange de Breman a l'interieur a gauche Wilbert Placide, 3717-5170, 3824-2689
Jacmel du conseil communautaire Pascaline L. Placide
Foyer Notre Route Nationale #2, Chalon, Sr. Luvia Joseph 3773-0153, 3886-8305, 3407-0303,
Dame du Miragoane 3746-5478
Perpetuel
Secours
Foyer des Petits Leogane, Chatuley Mme Morin B.Sherly 36743306
Demunis
Annexe 9. Meilleures pratiques sur les institutions existantes en Haïti –
IBESR 2012
Avec l'objectif d'inculquer les meilleures pratiques sur les institutions existantes en Haïti IBESR
(2012) a proposé les critères suivants
1) La pratique professionnelle
• Buts et objectifs de l’institution écrits
• Politique de protection de l’enfant, Code de Conduite, écrite, affichée et
connue de tous les employés et enfants
• Politique de protection de l’enfant, Code de Conduite, écrite, affichée et
connue de tous les employés et enfants
• Bonne pratique démontrée en matière de protection des enfants par les
employés
• Processus d’admission et de référence clairs
• Tous les enfants ont un projet de vie individuel
• Tous les placements sont revus régulièrement
• Les soins d’accompagnement existent pendant et après la prise en charge
(suivi)
2) Les soins personnels
• L’alimentation des enfants est adéquate, correctement prépare, nutritive et
saine
• Les enfants ont accès à des soins de santé préventifs et curatifs
• Les jeux et les activités récréatives sont encouragés
• Le droit des enfants à l’intimité des enfants est respecté
• Les enfants reçoivent l’appui nécessaire pour pouvoir faire des choix informés
• Les enfants sont traités avec dignité et respect en tout temps
3) Les employés responsables des soins
• Les relations et les attachements positifs des enfants sont encouragés
• Le sens d’identité des enfants est maintenu
• Les méthodes de contrôle et de sanctions sont définies
• Les enfants sont encouragés à exprimer leurs opinions et leurs idées
• Les enfants ont accès à l’éducation formelle, informelle et professionnelle
selon leurs besoins
• Les besoins spécifiques des bébés et des jeunes enfants sont satisfaits
4) Le personnel responsable de la prise en charge des enfants
• Les procédures de recrutement et de sélection assurent une prise en charge de
qualité et la protection des enfants
• Les employés reçoivent l’appui requis et sont supervisés régulièrement
• Le déploiement du personnel assure une prise en charge de qualité et la
protection des enfants
• La formation et le développement professionnels sont disponibles pour les
employés
5) Les ressources
• Les services sont accessibles et appropriés pour leur objectif
• Le logement des enfants favorise leur santé et leur développement
11) La gestion
• Des dossiers appropriés de programme sont maintenus
• Les dossiers et les détails confidentiels des enfants sont respectés et maintenus
• Les propriétaires et les gestionnaires des programmes de prise en charge sont
imputables et redevables (à l’IBESR)
Annexe 10. Proposition technique
Cette proposition répond à un appel d’offre de l'IBESR relatif à une étude sur les enfants placés
en institution4 en Haïti. En collaboration avec le bureau régional de l'UNICEF pour l'Amérique
Latine et les Caraïbes (TACRO) et avec le soutien de la Commission Interaméricaine des Droits de
l'Homme (CIDH), l’IBESR souhaite conduire une étude de la situation et des conditions des
enfants placés dans ces établissements. Plus précisément, l'étude se concentrera sur les raisons
de l’institutionnalisation de ces enfants, sur le processus de placement dans les institutions, et
sur le type de soutien, de soins, et de protection qu'ils reçoivent dans ces établissements. L'étude
contribuera au développement de politiques et au processus de prise de décisions pour l'État
haïtien, et au-delà, pour l’ensemble des organismes de protection de l'enfance.
L'étude sera divisée en quatre phases : Revue de la littérature, Recherche Qualitative, Étude
Quantitative, Analyse et Élaboration du rapport final. À la fin de chaque étape, le consultant
présentera ses conclusions et plans de recherche pour la phase suivante au Comité Technique
composé de représentants de l’IBESR et de l'UNICEF.
2. Enquête qualitative (6 semaines): Entrevues avec des spécialistes clés dans le domaine de la
protection de l’enfance : responsables et spécialistes du gouvernement, des Nations Unies et
des ONG. La méthodologie employée sera celle d’entretiens directs.
Résultat: mieux comprendre l'histoire des institutions en Haïti, leur relation avec l'adoption
et le parrainage; le système administratif existant pour la gouvernance, la surveillance et la
réglementation, les problèmes perçus et les plans pour l'extension d'un système de suivi et
de responsabilisation.
4
Par institution, on entend l’ensemble des centres prenant en charge l’enfant à temps plein tels que les maisons
d’enfants, les centres de détention, les établissements pour enfants handicapés, etc.
2.1. Le consultant visitera également un échantillon d'au moins 40 institutions (maisons d’enfants,
centres de détention (masculin et féminin) et centres pour enfants souffrant de handicaps) et
conduira des entrevues - avec l'aide d'un guide écrit - avec les directeurs des institutions, les
employés, les voisins et autres membres non-institutionnels de la communauté (maire, prêtre,
nonne, infirmière, médecin). Les entrevues seront suivies par une recherche menée sur internet
afin de vérifier les réponses faisant référence à des organismes extérieurs. Une méthode
d’entrevues directes sera utilisée, avec demande de documentation, suivi de la recherche via
internet, poursuite des contacts avec les représentants pour les institutions étrangères associées.
De manière à obtenir un point de vue comparatif de la part des informateurs dans les
communautés. La sélection des institutions pour l'échantillon qualitatif sera faite par
communauté et en sélectionnant plusieurs institutions situés dans cette même communauté ou
ses environs.
Résultat: comprendre les structures administratives et financières des organisations, leur
conformité avec les lois, leur sources de soutien, leur orientation religieuse, leur
infrastructure, leur lignes directrices et de pratiques pour l'alimentation, les soins,
l’éducation, la discipline, la provision d'activités récréatives pour les enfants et la visite des
familles. Et également essentiel, les avis, les observations et les idées des propriétaires et du
personnel concernant les enfants, leurs familles, et le rôle de l'institution dans leur vie.
2.2.Le consultant organisera des groupes de discussion avec des enfants plus âgés dans chacune
des maisons d’enfants et centres de délinquants. Des entrevues complémentaires seront menées
avec les enfants des rues et les enfants ou adultes ayant été institutionnalisés. La méthodologie
utilisée sera le groupe de discussion avec exercices d’amorce, écriture de lettre confidentielles,
et entretiens informels.
Résultat: bien comprendre les points de vue des enfants, les raisons pour lesquelles ils
pensent que les enfants sont envoyé dans des institutions d’accueils ; qui sont ces enfants ;
pourquoi certains refusent d'y demeurer ; les plaintes et les critiques générales ; les
perceptions sur les structures trouvées la recherche avec les directeurs; ce qu'ils apprécient
dans les institutions et les expériences positives ; leurs recommandations sur la façon de les
améliorer et le rôle qu'ils pensent que l'état devrait jouer.
3.1.Une étude quantitative sera développée en s'appuyant sur les résultats de l'examen de la
littérature et de l’étude qualitative. Les questions spécifiques seront déterminées après les
autres étapes de la recherche et en consultation avec le Comité Technique. Elles incluront le
nombre d’enfants et profils de population (sexe, âge), le type d’infrastructures de l’institution
(bâtiment, lits, salle de bains/latrines, source d'approvisionnement en eau, assainissement,
cuisine et installations de loisirs), la composition administrative (taille du personnel) ; les
services proposés aux enfants (l'éducation, les loisirs et les soins médicaux); l'origine et les
qualifications des propriétaires de maisons d’enfants, leurs orientation face à l'adoption, leur
appartenance religieuse, les alliances intentionnelles internationales, et leur temps de service.
3.2.Un sous-échantillon stratifié des maisons d’enfants sera sélectionné pour une étude plus en
profondeur des enfants : y compris la filiation, le temps passé en institution, les raisons de leurs
institutionnalisation et niveau d'éducation.
3.3.Un autre échantillon aléatoire d’enfants sera sélectionné pour des visites et entretiens avec les
familles.
Sélection de l'échantillon: en fonction de la zone géographique et compte tenu de
l’opposition entre zones urbaines et rurales, un nombre restant à déterminer de maisons
d’enfants seront choisies de façon aléatoire parmi les 725 maisons d’enfants recensées par
l'IBESR. Un nombre supplémentaire de maisons d’enfants non recensées sera lui aussi
déterminé. Le consultant formera ensuite une équipe d’inspecteurs. Utilisant des téléphones
intelligents (tablettes) programmés sur plateforme ODK, l'équipe se rendra dans chacun des
centres sélectionnés et y conduire une analyse sur la base du questionnaire développé en
collaboration avec le Comité Technique.
b. Profils des institutions : profils structures des institutions, type de services et de soutien aux
enfants (graphique et tableau résumé des institutions échantillonnées) ; fonctionnement interne
des institutions et vue sur les enfants des directeurs et du personnel ; profils des enfants, de
leurs origines, état et conditions actuelles; l'exploration des motifs de l’institutionnalisation des
enfants et, très important, le point de vue de l'institution et le point de vue des enfants sur eux-
mêmes, les autres enfants, et l'avenir ; présentation et analyse des bonnes pratiques ; l’analyse
comportera une comparaison des zones rurales et urbaines dès les enfants et une typologie des
institutions.
c. Recommandations
*****
Annexe 11. Contacts pour les entretiens qualitatifs
NOM PRÉNOM POSITION ORGANISATION EMAIL
BEAUVOIR Jules Hans Child protection UNICEF
BERNARD Abbe Regional coordinator, IBESR Bernardo230@yahoo.
Hinche fr
BICKEL John Founder of Haiti RCCI God's Littlest
Angels
BOHAN Coner Educational UHELP Founder [email protected]
specialists
BOURGET Elsa Staff Protection de elsa.bourget@diplom
l'Enfance et atie.gouv.fr
Adoption
Internationale
BROUDIC Caroline Ancienne URD caroline.broudic@wa
Coordinatrice nadoo.fr
BULLOCK Bill Volunteer Free the Kids 918-520-0039
BURNHAM Thor Historian PhD Haiti specialist thor.burnham@gmail
.com
CLAY Corrigan Missionary Apparent Fashion corrigan.clay@google
Filmmaker mail.com
CURTIS Margaret Art teacher, donor [email protected]
DALEXUS Serge Staff International serge.dalexus@rescu
Rescue Comm. e.org,
DEBROUWER Thomas Food Security ACF thomas_debrouwer@
Coordinator hotmail.com
DELORME Patrick Former sub-minister MSPP
DEPREZ Simon Consultant CARE simondeprez@hotma
il.fr
DOGLIOTTI Camilla Staff TDH Italie camilladogliotti@gma
il.com
FERRY Pierre Child protection UNICEF
FORTIN Isabelle Coordinatrice URD [email protected]
GEBRIAN Bette Anthro PhD Founder Haiti bette_haiti@hotmail.
Health com
Foundation
GEORGES Islande Staff TdH islandegeorges.cadet
@tdh.ch
GILREATH Gilreath Donor 828-859-9010
BEHRENDS Behrends
GRIMES Shasta Adoptive parent shastagrimes@yahoo
applicant .com.
GUTTON Caroline Directrice-pays Initiative caroline.gutton@gma
Development il.com
NOM PRÉNOM POSITION ORGANISATION EMAIL
HARBOURY Isabelle Chargée de mission isabelle.haboury@dip
au pôle lomatie.gouv.fr
développement
HAMILTON Kyle Research assistant Duke University Kyle.hamilton@chpir.
org
HOBBIE Amy International sector Duke University [email protected]
program coordinator du
HOUDON Claire Disability Handicap coordo.handicap@ha
Perrin Coordinator International ndicap-international-
haiti.org
JEAN Cinedais Director, Gonaives IBESR
JEAN-LOUIS Roosevelt IBESR
JOYCE Kathryn Journalist Author of Child kathrynajoyce@gmail
Catchers .com
JUSTIN Anostal Staff IBESR
KOONS Anna Project coordinator Duke University [email protected]
LABATTUT Eleonore Service urbanisme & CIAT eleonore.labattut@ci
Habitat at.gouv.ht
MACKEY Yoland Former adoption
agent
MARCELIN David Save the Children
Mon point de vue: La plupart des enfants placés en orphelinat ont une famille proche,
habituellement leurs parents sont vivants, les orphelinats servent d’alternative à une famille
d’accueil informelle ou au placement dans d’autres familles en but de fréquenter l’école, les
résidents d’orphelinat sont généralement plus scolarisés que leurs frères et sœurs vivant avec
leurs parents, l’admission à un orphelinat est communément perçue comme un privilège par la
famille, puisqu’on y voit la promesse d’une éducation et de l’acquisition de compétences de
travail, d’une meilleure alimentation qu’à la maison et d’un avenir plus prometteur. Les enfants
et les employés rencontrés à Fond des Nègres ont indiqué que les enfants disent souvent préférer
vivre à l’orphelinat plutôt qu’à la maison, parce qu’ils y sont mieux nourris et y reçoivent une
éducation. L’orphelinat renvoyait de nombreux enfants à la maison pour la période estivale. Les
enfants revenaient presque invariablement amaigris et revenaient avec plaisir à « l’orphelinat »
en automne. Il s’agit plutôt d’un pensionnat, même si on l’appelle orphelinat.
J’ai demandé à des villageois de m’expliquer le sens du mot créole ofelina et ils l’ont défini comme
un endroit où les parents pauvres envoient leurs enfants pour qu’ils reçoivent de la nourriture et
une éducation. Le mot anglais orphanage n’est pas une bonne traduction. Le concept de boarding
school est à propos, mais sous-entend une institution cossue fréquentée par des familles aisées.
Les revenus sont alors générés auprès des parents. Dans le cas d’un ofelina, ce sont plutôt les
familles des pays riches et les groupes religieux qui sont mis à contribution alors qu’on leur fait
croire que (1) les pensionnaires n’ont pas de parents et que (2) leur argent sera utilisé pour aider
les enfants. Ni l’une, ni l’autre de ces propositions n’est vraie.
Les orphelinats haïtiens que je connais bien ne s’occupent pas nécessairement des enfants en tant
que « résidents à temps plein ». J’ai constaté des cas où un certain « pasteur » qui s’occupait d’un
orphelinat financé par des familles chrétiennes américaines à coup de versements mensuels
prétendait supporter 50 enfants alors que seuls 9 ou 10 enfants fréquentaient l’établissement en
permanence. Quand le groupe de soutien blan (étranger) a annoncé qu’il y aurait une visite sur le
site, il s’est démené pour trouver 40 autres enfants à leur montrer. Un collègue de ma femme Loli
vit à Gainsville en Floride et a hébergé un enfant haïtien qui avait besoin d’une chirurgie très
onéreuse. Ces parents adoptifs bien intentionnés et généreux ont été choqués quand cet
« orphelin » s’est mis à leur parler de ses parents encore vivants. Il leur a aussi dit le plus
innocemment du monde que seuls quelques enfants vivent vraiment à « l’orphelinat » et que le
« pasteur » se démenait à remplir son établissement quand les blancs arrivaient. La mère
adoptive a fondu en larme et l’enfant est de retour chez ses parents en Haïti. Elle tente toujours
de lui venir en aide. En ce sens, je suis mal à l’aise devant le mépris que l’on manifeste souvent
aux familles d’adoption.
Un don mensuel en argent pour un orphelinat en Haïti ou l’adoption d’un enfant haïtien ? Le
« pasteur » pencherait certainement vers le don.
o Une adoption charitable dans une famille ayant déjà des enfants ou une adoption dans une
famille qui n’a pas d’enfant et qui cherche à en avoir ? L’adoption d’enfants haïtiens tombe
sous la première définition. Je constate que la deuxième description concerne surtout des
parents qui se rendent en Chine ou en Russie plutôt qu’en Haïti.
Il serait facile d’y voir du racisme. Je ne suis pas partisan de ce genre d’anthropologie du mépris.
Il existe une criminalisation à saveur ethnocentrique de tous les services de placements d’enfants
antillais de la part de professionnels des « droits de la personne » qui qualifient ces enfants
d’esclaves. Dans le rapport que j’ai publié avec Glenn Smucker, j’ai écrit: « Le terme « esclave »
relève de la métaphore incendiaire et peut servir des fins militantes, mais il n’a pas du tout le sens
qu’on lui donne en Haïti, même lorsqu’on l’utilise en tant qu’épithète. Quand les haïtiens
qualifient un enfant restavèk de ti esklav, ils utilisent ce mot de manière métaphorique, un peu
comme on qualifierait un patron exigeant d’esclavagiste. L’enfant restavèk est un enfant dont on
abuse, mais ce n’est pas un esclave. Le concept de travailleur domestique non rémunéré a une
consonance moins dramatique, mais décrit beaucoup mieux cette réalité. »
Par contre, si vous désirez vous faire un nom en tant que militant pour les droits de la personne,
il vaut bien mieux pour vous de les définir en tant qu’esclaves, plutôt que de s’attarder à des
considérations secondaires, telles que la logique, la perspective ethnographique, ou le bien-être
de l’enfant qui est déplacé.
3. Isabelle Monroy, citoyenne française, infirmière en médecine tropicale. Cumulant plus
de vingt ans de travail dans les provinces d'Haïti.
Tout d'abord, il y a 2 termes qui peuvent mener à une confusion: les crèches et les orphelinats.
D'après ce que j'ai compris ...
L’orphelinat: institut qui recueille des enfants dont les parents sont encore en vie. Ces enfants sont
scolarisés dans cet "orphelinat", y dorment, y vivent. Certains d'entre eux retournent chez leurs
parents pendant les vacances, d'autres non.
Je ne sais pas si ces structures sont payantes pour les parents. Elles sont parfois subventionnées
par des églises, souvent américaines. Mais il n'y a aucun contrôle. J'en ai connu 2 dans la
commune de Bombardopolis : un non accessible en voiture (j'y suis allée à la demande de l'OMS).
Il y avait des enfants malnutris (kwash), je n'ai pas vu un nombre de matelas correspondant au
nombre d'enfants... Dans une autre structure, les enfants se faisaient abuser par les responsables
(filles ou garçons)
Les crèches : reconnues par IBSER. Recueillent les enfants pour adoption internationale. Mais j'ai
rencontré une Française qui m'a raconté que le premier enfant qui lui a été attribué était mort.
Un employé de cette crèche lui a dit que les parents étaient revenus le prendre et que la directrice
avait dit non. Les parents auraient ensuite étouffé l'enfant.
Certaines crèches demandent aux parents adoptants une aide financière à donner à la famille de
l'enfant adopté. Parfois ils obligent les adoptants à rencontrer les familles biologiques.
J'ai connu plusieurs crèches et j'ai été "missionnée" par des parents adoptants pour visiter l'enfant
ou lui apporter un cadeau. Mais certaines crèches refusent les visiteurs (qu'ont-elles à cacher?).
Pour d'autres, il faut un rendez-vous et être très ponctuel. Si on arrive à l'improviste, ou vous
renvoie ou alors comme ça m’est arrivé, on vous fait attendre 3/4 d'heure .... L'enfant est arrivé
talqué, habillé ....
Une adoptante m'a dit qu'elle avait ouvert un placard dans une crèche et qu'elle avait vu,
entassés, tous les vêtements, peluches, etc. envoyés par les familles adoptantes, mais qui
n'avaient jamais été utilisés.
La plupart des crèches n'ont pas de financement pour nourrir correctement les enfants. Ils
mangent des bouillies dès leur plus jeune âge.
J'en ai aussi connu une qui mettait jusqu'à 3 à 4 nourrissons dans des petits lits. Lors des visites
des étrangers, mettaient les enfants en train d'être adoptés dans une autre chambre, plus
"Américaine". Ça fait mieux.
Il est difficile pour un étranger de comprendre comment les enfants sont élevés en Haïti. Compte
tenu du haut taux de mortalité maternel et de l’absence de nombreux pères, les nouveau-nés et
les enfants sont pris en charge et éduqués par de nombreux adultes (et leurs frères et sœurs
ainés).
Un professionnel haïtien, lorsqu’on l’a interrogé en créole, a eu cette réflexion à propos des
orphelinats: « Certains d’entre eux sont surtout des entreprises! C’est un moyen de gagner sa vie.
Les besoins sont là et certains aident les enfants, mais ils gardent une grande part des dons…ils
ne sont pas réglementés ! »
Il ya quelques années, une analyse a été menée par le (gouvernement Haïtien) sur l’état des
orphelinats : salles de bain, modalités d’hébergement, rangement, réfrigération, etc.,... Les
établissements ont reçu une évaluation chiffrée et un laps de temps pour redresser la situation.
Je ne sais pas trop ce qui est advenu de ces efforts et de ce rapport, mais nous entendons dire que
les visites se poursuivent pour vérifier si des améliorations ont été apportées. J’ai même entendu
dire qu’un établissement a été forcé de fermer à Jérémie.
J’ai eu une discussion auprès de Sœur Maryann à la HHF concernant la situation à laquelle nous
faisons face à Jérémie et dans les villages voisins depuis plus de 25 ans.
Les vrais orphelins: Malheureusement, étant implantés ici depuis si longtemps, nous sommes vite
informés quand deux parents meurent. Le désastre du Neptune en 1993, le SIDA, le choléra et le
séisme de 2010 ont, par exemple, fait de nombreux orphelins. Dans presque tous les cas, des
membres de la famille de ces enfants les prennent en charge. C’est ce que font les Haïtiens. Les
fratries sont parfois séparées, mais tous se retrouvent chez des parents proches ou éloignés. Les
grand-mères deviennent souvent les principales responsables des enfants.
La HHF appuie des centaines de familles de ce genre à Jérémie. Sans exception, elles prennent en
charge des enfants dont les parents directs sont absents, parfois dès la naissance.
Les enfants abandonnés: Les Missionnaires de la Charité de Mère Teresa, l’Hôpital Saint-Antoine,
et même les cliniques de la HHF ont reçu des enfants sans jamais pouvoir savoir d’où ils
proviennent. Il s’agit parfois de nourrissons, parfois de jeunes enfants. Les fonctionnaires des
services sociaux s’en occupent. Ils peuvent être mis en adoption par le bureau des services sociaux
de Jérémie et, dans le cas des Missionnaires de la charité, envoyés à l’établissement de Port-au-
Prince pour y être adoptés.
Les enfants hospitalisés, puis abandonnés : Cela ce produit parfois chez les Missionnaires de la
Charité à Jérémie ainsi que dans l’hôpital du MSPP. Lorsque c’est possible, les religieuses se
rendent au lieu de naissance de l’enfant pour le réunir avec ses parents.
Les foyers d’accueil: Les services sociaux placent parfois des enfants dans des organisations qui
s’en occupent. Il y en a plusieurs à Jérémie. Il y a par exemple l’Orphelinat Yvrose (établissement
haïtien protestant fondé au cours des années 1980) et Notre Dame du Perpétuel Secours
(établissement tenu par une Haïtienne catholique depuis 2006 et opérant une école depuis 1998).
Leur support provient d’amis, de visiteurs et de la diaspora haïtienne. Les soins de santé pour ces
enfants ne sont pas dispensés par le gouvernement haïtien. Les groupes religieux qui appuient ces
institutions déplorent souvent l’état de santé des enfants et le manque flagrant de médicaments
et de vaccins. Les soins offerts sont irréguliers.
Pensionnats: Quand les familles sont incapables de s’en occuper, des enfants sont parfois confiés
au prêtre catholique Andeo de la paroisse. Ils n’opèrent pas d’orphelinat ou de centres de soins.
Il y a huit ans, un prêtre catholique a établi deux centres : un pour les garçons et un autre pour les
filles dans la ville de Jérémie où on les nourri et où ils sont scolarisés quand ils sont assez âgés (les
églises et les chapelles se trouvent en zone rurale.) Le centre que la HHF connaît bien est bien
administré et les enfants y sont bien traités. Ils reçoivent une aide d’une église catholique et
possèdent un magasin et une boulangerie pour générer des revenus dont les enfants profitent.
À la HHF, nous ne comprenons pas pourquoi une clinique gratuite pour les pauvres n’est
fréquentée ni à des fins préventives ni à des fins curatives. La plupart du temps, des travailleurs
des centres font leur propre diagnostic, achètent eux-mêmes des médicaments et traitent eux-
mêmes les enfants. Même quand des organisations missionnaires allouent des fonds aux soins de
santé, ils ne sont pas utilisés.
Nouveaux « orphelinats »: Des parents proches ou éloignés confient des enfants dont ils ne
peuvent plus s’occuper à l’un des « orphelinats » de la ville. Ceux-ci sont gérés par des étrangers.
Les visiteurs croient souvent à tort que les pensionnaires sont orphelins. Des groupes viennent les
visiter pour leur « donner de l’amour » selon eux. L’un d’entre eux a été frappé par le choléra et a
été sommé par le MSPP d’améliorer les mesures d’hygiène.
Pensionnat: Ils hébergent des enfants handicapés qui rentrent chez eux (peut-être) les weekends
et pour les vacances scolaires. L’école St-Vincent et une autre institution à Les Cayes en sont des
exemples. Ils reçoivent également des fonds de groupes missionnaires.
Quant aux plus jeunes, de nombreux Haïtiens recherchent des enfants qui peuvent se rendre utiles
à la maison et préfèrent les prendre en charge à 3 ans, alors qu’ils peuvent encore être « entraînés
à la loyauté ». Nombre d’entre eux ont commenté à Sœur Maryann que les enfants qu’on emmène
chez soi à 5 ou 8 ans sont déjà trop indisciplinés.
Nous avons aussi été témoins de nombreuses adoptions ; c’est un processus qui prend de
nombreuses années. Des familles américaines et européennes ont adopté des enfants atteints
d’handicaps mentaux ou physiques. D’autres ont adopté un ou deux enfants que l’on savait
orphelins. Ces familles affirment unanimement que c’est un processus long et coûteux…mais qu’ils
sont contents de s’occuper de ces enfants.
Orphelinats. Les orphelinats sont évidemment nécessaires. Il vaut mieux pour un enfant d’y vivre
que d’être à la rue. Par contre, il faut mettre un bémol, puisque certains orphelinats sont si
mauvais, qu’il vaudrait mieux être à la rue. Selon nous, l’orphelinat est un dernier recours. Les
enfants dont les parents sont vivants ne devraient pas être dans des orphelinats/foyers de
l’enfance. Si possible, les enfants dont les oncles, tantes ou grands-parents sont vivants devraient
habiter avec eux. Même chez des étrangers, leur sort serait plus enviable. Même s’ils sont traités
comme des citoyens de seconde classe et doivent travailler plus fort que les enfants biologiques,
ils seraient mieux traités qu’en institution. L’image qu’on se fait d’un orphelinat n’a presque rien
à voir avec la réalité haïtienne. Haïti est un endroit où il est difficile de survivre et les enfants qui
sont élevés dans un « très bon orphelinat » n’acquerront que très rarement les aptitudes
nécessaires à leur survie en dehors des murs de l’institution. Un « très mauvais » orphelinat est,
quant à lui, bien pire que la rue.
Nous connaissons des gens qui ont investi 500000$ dans la construction d’un foyer pour 20 filles
à Port-au-Prince. Ils ont mis tous leurs efforts à s’assurer de n’offrir des places qu’à de véritables
orphelines. Jamais personne n’a fondé d’orphelinats avec de meilleures intentions, mais nous
avions des doutes dès le début. Le premier problème est le suivant : plus on s’affaire à bien mener
une institution, plus les parents s’affairent à y faire entrer leurs « orphelins ». D’année en année,
nous avons appris que bien des filles avaient une famille et même des parents. Par contre, notre
plus grande inquiétude était plutôt que nous ne voyions pas comment des filles élevées dans un
milieu aussi « aisé » seraient en mesure de subvenir à leurs propres besoins vers le début de la
vingtaine.
Le principal, c’est que, même s’il s’agissait de la meilleure des institutions, l’orphelinat ne devrait
jamais être un premier recours. Sauf quand on a de bonnes raisons de croire qu’un enfant sera
battu ou abusé sexuellement, le meilleur lieu est toujours le foyer familial.
Il devrait toujours y avoir une supervision rigoureuse de la part de personnes indépendantes qui
n‘ont rien à gagner en maintenant l’institution ouverte.
Présence de figues parentales : des gens très présents qui font office d’autorités parentales.
Il devrait y avoir un couple agissant comme figure parentale pour chaque groupe de 25 enfants
tout au plus.
Tous les enfants devraient être inscrits dans une école sanctionnée par l’État.
L’apprentissage d’un métier devrait être central dans l’éducation des, puisqu’ils ne pourront pas
se tourner vers leurs familles une fois en âge de quitter.
Une planification poussée devrait être consacrée à éviter les contacts sexuels entre les enfants.
Nous sommes conscients que ce dernier point ne fait pas l’unanimité, mais nous croyons que les
enfants devraient connaître Dieu tel qu’il nous est révélé par la bible.
6. Thor Burnham, PhD en histoire. Citoyen canadien. Habite et travaille depuis plus de vingt
ans en Haïti.
Au début de 1996, après avoir travaillé dans le secteur privé en Haïti pendant un an, un ami haïtien
m’a proposé de se joindre à lui pour fonder un orphelinat. Il m’a dit qu’on pouvait gagner
beaucoup d’argent très rapidement. C’était la chose logique à faire. Mon réflexe initial a été un
refus poli, mais je m'en suis rendu compte avec le temps qu’il s’agit plus d’une opportunité
d’affaires que d’une mission altruiste.
Au cours des années subséquentes, peu de choses se sont produites qui auraient pu diminuer mon
scepticisme par rapport aux orphelinats. Ça ne veut pas dire qu’ils ne subviennent pas aux besoins
réels de vraies personnes. Pourtant, mon expérience auprès des Haïtiens en milieu urbain m’a
appris qu’ils entretiennent de profonds liens avec leurs contrées d’origine et l’idée qu’il puisse
exister tant d’enfants sans parent et sans famille étendue me semble très étrange. Les Haïtiens
semblent passés maîtres dans l’art de reconstituer des familles de manière harmonieuse.
Il ne fait aucun doute qu’il y ait de véritables orphelins et des orphelinats crédibles. Par contre,
l’idée qu’il y ait eu plus de 400000 orphelins en Haïti après le séisme de 2010 semble relever
d’autre chose que d’un besoin réel.
Sans se pencher sur les données, on peut affirmer que de nombreux organismes religieux ont pris
à charge des enfants dans le besoin, mais il faut se demander si la demande externe n’a pas
entraîné une montée de l’offre. En d’autres mots, la recherche d’orphelins a fini par causer leur
ubiquité. Étant donné le contexte de pauvreté extrême en Haïti, plusieurs groupes ont profité de
cette hausse de la demande pour manipuler et produire une offre d’enfants à héberger.
Parlons des orphelinats... Laissez-moi penser tout haut. Faisons-le point par point….
* la définition haïtienne d’un orphelin ne ressemble ne rien à celle qu’en ferait un Nord Américain
– de nombreux orphelins ont un, voire deux parents bien vivants.
*C’est précisément pour cette raison que certains orphelinats ne procèdent à aucune adoption.
* les orphelinats, du moins en zone rurale, sont un concept relativement récent en Haïti. Je crois
que si nous remontons 20 ou 25 ans, il y avait très peu de demande pour des orphelinats. Une
combinaison du système maren/paren, d’une idée plus étendue de la famille et de ses supports et
même le système de restavèk permettait de s’occuper relativement bien des enfants que l’on
nomme aujourd’hui orphelins.
* en ce moment, un grand nombre de pasteurs haïtiens se rendent compte que les Nord-
Américains ont un faible pour le soin des orphelins et n’hésitent pas à verser de grandes sommes
d’argent à des orphelinats – sans pour autant leur demander des comptes.
* Cette situation a été créée de toutes pièces par des Nord-Américains et je trouve injuste d’en
jeter le blâme sur les pasteurs haïtiens.
* Nous avons eu vent d’un ou deux orphelinats qui, par le passé (peut-être depuis dix ans),
n’avaient aucun enfant en résidence, jusqu’au jour d’une visite planifiée d’un groupe étasunien
ou canadien. Les visiteurs étaient accueillis dans des dortoirs remplis d’enfants joyeux. Un fois
leur départ, les enfants retourneraient à la maison.
* Certains avocats de Port au Prince font fortune dans l’adoption d’enfants. De grandes sommes
d’argent ont été dépensées par des adoptants potentiels qui sont venus en Haïti de nombreuses
fois dans l’espoir de prendre la garde de leur enfant adoptif, pour apprendre qu’ils avaient omis
de présenter le formulaire 1063 C (ou n’importe quoi d’autre) au Gouvernement haïtien.
* Nous connaissons un orphelinat à Pignon qui est géré par des Étasuniens. Ils s’occupent des
enfants avec amour et compassion dans un environnement qui place les besoins des enfants en
priorité. Un environnement sain, des vêtements adéquats, des soins de santé, beaucoup d’amour,
une bonne scolarisation et de la formation professionnelle pour les plus âgés.
* Nous connaissons un orphelinat en milieu rural qui opère presque sans aucune aide
gouvernementale et dont le directeur et les employés sont haïtiens. Les conditions de vie y sont
spartiates et il est clair que les ressources financières de l’établissement sont à la limite de sa
survie. Pourtant, les enfants y reçoivent au moins un repas complet par jour et plusieurs d’entre
eux peuvent fréquenter l’école. Quand des Américains de passage se font inviter par le directeur
à visiter son établissement, ils sont outrés des conditions de vie des enfants. Par contre, si on
demandait à la communauté locale ce qu’elle en pense, le consensus serait que ces enfants sont
très privilégiés. Les Américains en jugent selon leurs standards aisés et les Haïtiens en jugent selon
des standards haïtiens et les alternatives qui s’offrent à ces enfants…rester avec leurs familles et
risquer de manger beaucoup moins bien, dormir à même le sol et n’avoir que très peu de chances
de fréquenter l’école.
8. Patrick Delorme, MD, MPH, Citoyen haïtien. Ancien sous-ministre haïtien de la santé
(MSPP).
Youn moune pa ka di ke pa gen kek bon bagay ki fet nan kek ophelina an Ayiti pou ede kek timoune
ki vreman pa genyen yon manman ou yon papa ou yon fanmi proch ki te ka okipe yo. Men pou
la majorite de ka, mwen panse ke li ta pi bon si yo ta vle vreman ede, pou yo ta cheche yon fanmi-
y ti moune sa yo pou ta okipe yo. Ti moune sila tap gen selon mwen, yon meye priz an chaj, meye
atansyon, plis lanmou e plis chans pou yon landemen miyo. Sinon, pi fo nan swa dizan ophelina
sa yo se kob yap fe sou tet ti moune sa yo. An kle pou mwen, meye solisyon an se pa ophelina. se
ta plito yon milye familyal kote ti moune nan ta santi li pi ankadre, pi an sekirite'.
On ne peut pas dire qu’il n’existe pas en Haïti d’orphelinat qui fasse du bon travail pour aider des
enfants qui n’ont vraiment ni père, ni mère, ni famille proche qui puisse les prendre en charge.
Mais dans la plupart des cas, je crois que le mieux serait de réunir ces enfants avec des proches
qui peuvent s’en occuper. C’est ainsi, selon moi, qu’ils seront le mieux pris en charge, aimés,
auront plus d’attention et pourront espérer un avenir meilleur. D’autre part la plupart des soi-
disant orphelinats ne font qu’amasser des profits sur le dos des enfants. Pour moi, en tout cas, la
meilleure solution ce n’est pas l’orphelinat, c’est plutôt un milieu familial où l’enfant se sentira
encadré et en sécurité.
NOTES
1) i
However, abandoned, neglected, and delinquent children were sent to domestic
agricultural institutions, rural frontier areas, and colonies where they were absorbed into
the domestic labor pool on family farms and enterprises. Examples include England’s
Children Migration Program, Frances “colonie pénitentiaire agricole. In the United States,
between 1854 and 1929 the Protestant Children’s Aid Society oversaw “orphan trains.” A
separate major trend in Western Childcare is what was happening to the children of those
aboriginal populations that European-model agro-industrial family farms displaced from
colonies and frontier lands. Between the late 1800s up until the 1970s millions of aboriginal
children were taken away from their families and institutionalized in aboriginal “boarding
schools.” The objective was to “civilize” them, typically in the sense that they would
become literate and productive members of the labor force and God fearing Christians. The
process was nothing short of massive in scope. In the United States, for example, at its
height in 1973, the US had 60,000 Native American Children in State sponsored residential
schools, representing 25% of all US Native Americans 7 to 18 years of age. At the same
time, another 25 to 35% of Native American Children were in Indian Orphanages. (As if
that were not enough, the US government had placed yet another 25 to 35 percent in foster
care with mainstream Euroamericans). Similar processes occurred throughout Latin
America, Russia, Asia, Scandinavia, East Africa, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa,
and Canada. Most of Western governments that supported the institutionalization of
aboriginal children have recently issued public apologies.
2) Yet, another parallel development was the institutionalization of child delinquents. Prior to
about the 1850s youthful offenders were imprisoned with adults or sent to “orphanages’
and colonies with abandoned and neglected children. In the late 1900s a shift to age and
sex segregated institutions began. By the 1930s “juvenile reform schools: existed
throughout developed countries. Despite what would later become scholarly view of
RCCIs as detrimental to child development, the growth in RCCIs for juvenile delinquents
has continued until the present such that the US, for example, has at any given time an
average 100,000 youths incarcerated in RCCIs
3) After WWII there was a significant shift in developed world values. With the mechanism
of agriculture, widespread dependence on factory production and the emerging service
sector economy, children were no longer economic assets in terms of labor. New laws
increasingly restricted the use of child labor as well as corporal punishment. Education was
state sponsored and made compulsory. The new developed world value systems where
crystalized in UN 1956 UN Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the
Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, and later in the the 1959
the Declaration of the Rights of the Child were anthropologists such as David Lancy’s
(2007: 280) “tantamount to a condemnation of the child-rearing beliefs and behaviors of
three fourths of the world’s parents.”