The Image of the Enemy and the

Process of Change

Jerome D. Frank
Professor Emeritus of Psychiatry, Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine,
Baltimore, Maryland. Dr. Frank has been President, Chairman, Director or Fellow
of numerous psychological and psychiatric organizations. He is the author or
coauthor of over 200 papers and five books.

Andrei Y. Melville
Section Head, Institute of USA and Canada Studies, Academy of Sciences of the
USSR. Dr. Melville was awarded the 1981 Gold Medal of the Academy of
Sciences of the USSR for the best work of a young scholar. He is the author or
coauthor of five books and a large number of papers on political consciousness and
problems of war and peace.

“Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that we
have to erect the ramparts of peace” is written in the UNESCO Charter.
Indeed, the relations between states and peoples have been regularly
accompanied by mutual misunderstanding, tension, suspicion, and hostility.
The price that humankind has paid for that has always been high. But
today, in the nuclear era, it has become unacceptable because of the
unprecedented threat of a nuclear doomsday. In the face of this threat, it is
extremely dangerous to exaggerate suspicion. Such an attitude makes
international relations even more unstable; it works against rational and
responsible behavior.
In this circumstance, it is a task of extraordinary importance to let go of
ideological and psychological prejudices and stereotypes. We must work
out realistic perceptions of each other. This is especially important for the
relations of the two greatest nuclear powers – the USSR and the US.

Difficulties in Change
The task of bringing our consciousness to conformity with the radical
changes in the world and achieving new ways of political thinking is highly
complicated and often painful. It demands not only great political courage
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2 / Process of Change

but also certain emotional readiness. It is a task made difficult by many of

our traditions and norms from the past. Difficulties arise not only from the
fact that there are “visible” political and ideological obstacles, but also
“invisible” psychological and emotional barriers. Traditional thinking
naturally attempts to exclude painful and traumatizing new information.
Psychological defenses permit one to operate with familiar and habitual
concepts. They provide protection from rigorous intellectual engagement
with the outstanding reality of the nuclear age: mutual vulnerability.
In the past, major causes of war were efforts of rival tribes or nations to
gain control over tangible resources such as territory, national resources, or
human labor. The two chief rivals on the world scene today - the USSR and
the US - do not covet any tangible resources possessed by the other.
Instead, their conflict, which poses a massive threat to the continuance of
civilization, if not humanity itself, is over which of the two political and
socioeconomic systems will prevail.
In such a conflict, ideological clashes, mutual perceptions, and misper-
ceptions assume much greater importance than disputes over material
assets. Many of these determinants are aspects of what has been termed the
image of the enemy – a phenomenon displayed by almost all antagonistic
groups. (1)

The Image of the Enemy

For humans as for all social creatures, the group, not the individual, is the
unit of survival. Humans can survive only as members of organized groups.
Groups provide protection against hostile environments and external
enemies, and also provide a sense of psychological security. Since the
majority of a group’s members share the same customs and norms, they
can readily understand each other’s behavior, and the group carries the
values that give meaning and significance to their lives. A threat to the
group’s integrity, especially when posed by a group with a different
worldview, strikes at the very basis of its members’ psychological as well
as biological survival.
Many people experience the thought of submission to an alien ideology
and social system as more intolerable than death itself, a major reason for
the escalation of wars. Hence humans share with all social animals the
predisposition to fear and distrust members of groups other than their own.
When two groups compete for the same goal, this distrust often rapidly
escalates into the mutual perception of each other as enemies.

Mirror Images
The perceptions of the enemy very often tend to mirror each other – that
is, each side attributes the same virtues to itself and the same vices to the
 The Image of the Enemy and the Process of Change / 3

enemy. We could find people on both sides of the East-West conflict

whose images are in many aspects identical, as illustrated by the American
film Rambo and the Soviet film Solitary Mission. In each case, “we” are
trustworthy, peace-loving, honorable, and humanitarian; “they” are
treacherous, warlike, and cruel. In 1942, when Germany and Japan were
enemies of the United States, the first five adjectives used by Americans in
public opinion surveys to describe the enemies included warlike,
treacherous, and cruel. None of these words appeared among the first five
describing the Soviets, who at that time were allies of the United States. In
1966, when the Soviet Union was no longer an ally, among the first five
adjectives describing the Soviets were warlike and treacherous. These
adjectives also were applied to the Chinese, but had disappeared from the
lists of adjectives applied to the Germans and Japanese, who by then were
allies of the United States. (2)

“. . . ‘we’ are trustworthy, peace-loving, honorable, and

humanitarian; ‘they’ are treacherous, warlike, and cruel.”

One should also note that enemy images are not monolithic – there are
variations. For example, it is often said that “the people are good; it is only
the leaders who are evil.” It is much easier to hate a few evil leaders than all
those people. This view may create a false hope that if somehow people
could only get rid of a few evil leaders, then the problem would be solved.
In fact, the problem is much more complex than that. In addition, whether it
is the leaders or the people who are subject to the enemy images, the effects
in either case on perception, feelings, and behavior are similar and the
distinction is largely irrelevant.

Ways of Thinking
A key issue is the degree and type of thinking that has decisive influence
on the formation of the policy of the state. A derogatory political cartoon is
a symptom of an underlying attitude and a statement by a leader of the
country officially endorsing the attitude is even more serious. While the
ripple effects of the latter are greater, in fact, the two are mutually
reinforcing, and one is probably not possible without the other. It is
important for the public to be aware of each, and to be able to distinguish
old thinking from new wherever it is found.
New ways of thinking, new morality, and new psychology lie in a
dimension outside the traditional, accepted opposition between classes and
social systems. The old ways of thinking emphasize divergent and even
contrary social and political content, but new thinking strives for synthesis
4 / Process of Change

on the basis of common values. New thinking enables groups to unite

rather than fight.
The enemy image impedes resolution of group conflicts in several ways.
First, under the influence of mutual enmity, adversaries acquire the evil
characteristics they attribute to each other; that is, the enemy image is a
self-fulfilling prophecy. In combating what each perceives to be the other’s
cruelty and treachery, each may become more cruel and treacherous itself.
This characteristic has its roots in societal evolution; nations that failed to
recognize that their enemies were treacherous and warlike did not survive
long. There was survival value in matching the tactics of the opponent, at
least in the short run.

Disruption of Communication
While the image of the enemy once may have served an evolutionary
purpose, it always has had serious negative effects. Escalation of enemy
images profoundly disrupts communication. It isn’t pleasant to
communicate with persons one dislikes, and, since enemies can be
treacherous, they may use communication for purposes of deception. In
most societies, a common way of punishing children is to refuse to speak to
them, and breaking off communication remains a way of expressing
displeasure among adults. However, disruption of communication between
adversaries reduces the chances of discovering areas of agreement or
common interests.
These enemy images also act like distorting lenses that magnify
confirming information and filter out incompatible information. This, in
turn, increases the likelihood of serious misunderstandings of the enemy’s
intentions. Thus the mass media in both the USSR and the US often play
up incidents which were regarded as manifestations of the other’s treachery
or cruelty and tended to ignore examples of humanitarian or honorable
behavior. Similarly, the same behavior is often seen in the service of good
motives if performed by one side and in the service of bad motives if
performed by the other side. For example, although in wartime both sides
always commit atrocities, the enemy’s atrocities are evidence of his evil
nature, whereas ours are portrayed as regrettable necessities.

Dehumanization
As the mutual formation of the image of the enemy develops, the
adversary is progressively dehumanized. Members of hostile groups see
each other as bestial and subhuman on the one hand, and diabolically clever
on the other. In either case, this perception seriously weakens inhibitions
humans may possess against attacking fellow humans. Destroying vermin
or devils becomes a praiseworthy, even holy activity.
 The Image of the Enemy and the Process of Change / 5

All this can progress to the point where the enemy is perceived as
literally demonic, that is, as totally evil. If the enemy is viewed as the
incarnation of evil, then whatever it perceives to be in its interest must by
definition be disadvantageous to us. (“It” is an object; “we” are human.) In
many cases, for example, the mere fact that either of the superpowers
offered a proposal for arms control was sufficient to cause the other to
reject the proposal out of hand. The “zero option” proposal for intermediate
nuclear missiles in Europe is illustrative. Proposed by the US in 1981, it
was at first rejected by the USSR. Later, repackaged, but offered in a
substantially similar form by the USSR, it was at first rejected by the US.

“A universal feature of the enemy image is that the enemy

can be influenced only by force.”

The image of the enemy tends to impoverish each nation’s own self-image
in that each is tempted to define itself primarily as the opposite of its
enemy. That is, the image encourages ideological rigidity and a self-image
that is monolithic, lacking in depth and complexity, and not in keeping with
reality. Therefore, transcending the image of the enemy inevitably requires
rising to a new level of political thinking.

‘Enemy’ as Justification for the Arms Race

Furthermore, because of a human desire for consistency, whatever the
enemy does is used to confirm the correctness of one’s own behavior. A
universal feature of the enemy image is that the enemy can be influenced
only by force. If the enemy resists the effort to apply force, our side must
double its efforts. If, on the other hand, the enemy seeks conciliation or
compromise, this is a sign that force is having an effect. Alternatively, the
enemy’s conciliatory moves are seen as efforts to weaken one’s own
determination. In either case, conciliatory acts become justification to
intensify the pressure. The enemy phenomenon is a powerful driver of the
arms race and, ultimately, towards war.
There is a vicious circle. Arms races are the source of misconceptions
and stereotypes. The atmosphere of militarism and preparation for war is an
ideal medium for the emergence and confirmation of evil images. Further,
in the nuclear age, absolute weapons need absolute enemies. As a result, the
arms race and image of the enemy feed off each other in an upward spiral.
This interconnection means only one thing: Disarmament is impossible
without fundamental changes in the psychology of international relations,
and it is also impossible to get rid of the image of the enemy without
stopping the arms race. That is why relaxation of tension, overcoming the
6 / Process of Change

image of the enemy and hostility, and establishing a basic trust between
countries and nations are tasks as important as disarmament. They are
among the main components for building up a new way of political
thinking. The struggle against the threat of a nuclear holocaust demands a
struggle against the ideology of hostility, demonology, and against the
legitimation of the image of the enemy with the help of the rhetoric of “just
wars.” To win this struggle demands reorientation of the psychology of
international relations itself.

Internal Implications
The image of the enemy is not only very dangerous for the stability and
security of international relations but leads to highly negative consequences
for the domestic life of countries. This happens because the hysteria about
the outer threat is often used as justification for secrecy and suspicion,
covert actions, policies creating “mobilized” societies, artificial national
unity, “witch hunts,” and policies suppressing dissent, all ignoring domestic
problems and distracting attention from them. By projecting the blame for
these on the enemy, each side protects its own self-esteem from the
realization that it has been unable to solve its own problems.

“. . . hysteria about the outer threat is often used as

justification for secrecy and suspicion, covert actions . . .
and policies suppressing dissent. . .”

Changing Images
Meanwhile, a hopeful consideration is that people can change with
remarkable speed from enemies to friends, despite the apparent
intractability of enemy images. This can occur when they decide that
cooperation yields vastly greater benefits to both than antagonism. A most
encouraging recent case in point is the rapid change in American
perceptions of mainland China. According to public polls in the United
States in 1976, three-quarters of the American public saw China as a hostile
power. Only six years later, in 1982, the same percentage saw China as a
friendly power and close ally, even though the Chinese leaders, like the
Soviet ones, remained faithful to communism. (3)
Realistic understanding of the real doubts and problems of the other side
may well be one of the ways to overcome the image of the enemy. Such
understanding doesn’t eliminate the differences or solve problems and
contradictions, but enhances the possibility of finding compromise
solutions. It demands an obligatory condition of maximum possible truth in
 The Image of the Enemy and the Process of Change / 7

depicting the other side and oneself, free access to information, without
distortion or secrecy. For this effort, one needs political courage and
psychological preparedness. This realistic approach is the starting point for
transcending the image of the enemy.

Specific Requirements for Change

Two essential requirements for progressing to a world beyond war are to
inhibit the formation of the reciprocal images of the enemy by antagonistic
groups, and to inhibit antagonists from resorting to violence as a way of
responding to the fear and frustrations created by images of the enemy.
To consider the second aim first, creating effective means for
determining the outcome of disputes depends on the commitment to
renounce violence in resolving international conflict. This commitment in
turn must begin with the transformation of attitudes and values of
individuals. Specifically, the precepts underlying nonviolent actions
demand that its adherents acknowledge that their opponents share a
common humanity and are activated by motives which in their own eyes
are often regarded as just.
That such a massive inner transformation is somewhat rare, that its
emergence cannot be predicted, and that its successes have usually been
sporadic and temporary must be acknowledged. On the other hand, history
supplies many examples of the enormous power of nonviolent actions, such
as the examples in modern times of Leo Tolstoy, Mohandas Gandhi,
Martin Luther King, and others.

New Technologies
The ability to progress beyond war around the world is greatly facilitated
by new technologies equally as revolutionary as nuclear weapons. These
technologies provide powerful means for heightening awareness of
worldwide threats posed by nuclear weapons, for reducing national
antagonisms, and above all, for fostering cooperation.
At least three new technologies are useful for achieving these ends:
international telecommunication by satellite; international rapid mass travel;
and exploration of outer space. With respect to the first, national leaders
already use the hotline and surveillance satellites to communicate rapidly
and directly without the distorting effects of intermediaries. This may reduce
mutual fears by imposing restraints on secret preparation for hostilities.
Television and radio are by far the most effective means of communicat-
ion ever invented. In contrast to the printed word, they jump the illiteracy
barrier and have immediate and powerful emotional impact. Today,
through television receivers in public places and transistor radios in the
hands of individuals, communication satellites are already capable of
8 / Process of Change

reaching a significant fraction of the world’s population. (4) The possibili-

ties of international satellite communications are limitless for driving home
on a worldwide scale the menace of nuclear weapons and promoting
mutual – and more realistic – appreciation among the world’s people.
Television spacebridges such as those which have several times now
occurred between Moscow and various American cities provide a glimpse
of what the future holds.
Another technical innovation, rapid mass air transportation, can be used
to bring a wide representation from different countries together in face-to-
face interaction with each other. Some such programs are already operative,
especially at the high school level, and they easily could be vastly expanded.
That the official policies of both the US and the USSR now encourage
exchanges of scientists and artists as well as students is heartening.

“The threat of nuclear annihilation should be useful to draw

nations together.”

To be realistic, increased communication, while a prerequisite for increased

mutual understanding, does not automatically have this effect. It sometimes
intensifies mutual hostile stereotypes. At the same time, there is abundant
information confirming that interaction much more often results in mutual
appreciation than hostility and mistrust. (5)

Superordinate Goals
A powerful way of breaking down enmity between groups and
encouraging them to work together is to create goals that can only be
reached by cooperation between them. The power of this approach has
been illustrated by a classic sociological experiment at a boys’ camp in
which the mutual hostility of two rival groups was overcome when they
had to cooperate to achieve goals that both wanted but neither could
achieve alone. (6)
There are similar “superordinate goals” at the international level that
could promote cooperative attitudes among nations and combat hostile
ones. The most obvious one is survival - a goal surely shared by all nations
and one increasingly jeopardized by the nuclear arms race. The threat of
nuclear annihilation should be useful to draw nations together. Unfor-
tunately, in contrast to the boys’ camp, where joint measures for survival
did not weaken either group, international measures for survival in the long
run are perceived as jeopardizing survival in the short run. All nations want
to survive and recognize that nuclear disarmament is necessary to achieve
this goal, but none is willing to risk the radical unilateral measures
necessary to get the disarmament process started.
 The Image of the Enemy and the Process of Change / 9

Modern scientific and technological advances have created potential

international enterprises that would not threaten the security of any nation,
and nations working together on these projects would achieve much greater
rewards than any one nation could attain alone.
At the international level, a spectacular confirmation of this may be the
treaty about demilitarizing the Antarctic, and providing the cooperative
exploration of the Earth’s crust and oceans. (7) This treaty is self-enforcing.
It is to each nation’s interest not to violate it, because the gains from
respecting the treaty’s provisions outweigh the gains that might result from
each nation attempting to militarize its own zone. Other recent examples of
successful international cooperation to achieve superordinate goals are the
cleaning up of the Mediterranean and the worldwide eradication of
smallpox. Superordinate goals that urgently require immediate international
cooperation are checking pollution of the atmosphere and oceans and
halting the ominous destruction of the ozone layer.
Special mention should be made of outer space. While outer space tends
to become a particularly dangerous arena of conflict, it also provides
magnificent opportunities for international cooperation on projects that
require resources that tax the facilities of even the wealthiest of nations,
such as the Apollo-Soyuz space program. Outer space has the additional
advantage of providing a positive outlet for the nobler martial virtues such
as heroism and self-sacrifice.
Since such activities potentially yield enormous benefits to all parties
involved, they can be expected to increase. Since prolonged participation in
international cooperative ventures is incompatible with maintenance of
mutual images of the enemy, these ventures provide the best immediate
hope for freeing nations from the thrall of this image, thereby diminishing
the threat of nuclear holocaust.
In the nuclear age, there must be a guard against old ways of thinking
dominated by the image of the enemy, and a search for new ways of
thinking based on the priorities of shared humanity, beyond class, political,
and ideological differences.

Conclusion
The arms race is not driven by weapons alone. It is also driven by a very
simple psychological phenomenon, the image of the enemy. Weapons of
total destruction would be useless without such images. For such weapons
to have any purpose, there must be people who may be totally destroyed.
Adversaries must be transformed into demons. Once such images have
been created, they, in turn, drive the arms race. People resist giving them
up. There is a desire to see everything in a light which will reinforce the
image. Images foster closed minds and reinforce resistance to change.
10 / Process of Change

But change is possible. It has happened many times in history. Whole

peoples have changed their views of one another. Even between the
superpowers, areas of special accommodation have been achieved,
agreements have been followed. New technologies offer new potentials for
communication. New goals which transcend the narrow national interests
of each will offer a framework for future common actions. In working out
the way to achieve those goals the enemy images can be gradually
lessened, perhaps even dissolved. If humankind is to survive in the nuclear
age, there must be progress in this direction.
References

1. Sam Keen, Faces of the Enemy: Reflections of the Hostile

Imagination (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1986).
2. Gallup Poll: Public Opinion, 1959-1971, Vol. III (New York:
Random House, 1972), p. 2015.
3. Jamie Kalven, “A Talk with Louis Harris,” Bulletin of the Atomic
Scientists, Vol. 38 No. 7 (September 1982), pp. 3-5.
4. I. Ahmad and J. Hasmi, World Peace through Improved Perception
and Understanding. Proceedings of the Thirty-Second Pugwash
Conference on Science and World Affairs. Warsaw, Poland, August 26-31,
1982 (Basingstoke, England: Taylor & Francis, 1982).
5. Herbert C. Kelman, ed., International Behavior. A Socio-
psychological Analysis (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1965).
6. Muzafer Sherif and Carolyn W. Sherif, In Common Predicament:
Social Psychology of Intergroup Conflict and Cooperation (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1966).
7. Deborah Shapley, “Pax Antarctica,” Bulletin of the Atomic
Scientists, Vol. 40 No. 6 (June-July 1984), pp. 30-33.

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