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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
ISSN 2232-7541
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
CIP Cataloguing in Publication Data available from National and University Library of Bosnia
and Herzegovina
ISSN 2232-7541
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
CONTENTS
PREFACE ................................................................................................................................7
A WORD FROM THE REDACTOR ............................................................................................ 11
THE CONCEPT OF RECONCILIATION IN THE TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE PROCESS MEANING AND
CONSEQUENCES.................................................................................................................... 15
By Dennis Michels
TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AS A CONSTITUTIONAL INSTRUMENT IN INTERNATIONAL LAW ....... 27
By Aydin Atilgan
CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES ............................................ 41
By Miloš Bogičević
THE STRUCTURAL LIMITATIONS OF THE EU TO ENGAGE IN TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE............ 51
By Osiris Hoepel
TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE – A SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON THE
SEJDIC AND FINCI CASE ....................................................................................................... 61
By Adela Kabrtova
TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND DEMOCRATISATION: THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN
EXPERIENCE AFTER 1989 – WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO POLAND .................................... 73
By Tomasz Lachowski
WEARING TOTALITARIAN SYMBOLS: FREEDOM OR RESTRICTION OF EXPRESSION / CASE
STUDY BASED ON ATTILA VAJNAI‟S CASE ............................................................................. 85
By Csuka Márta
JOINT CRIMINAL ENTERPRISE AS THE TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE MECHANISM ....................... 93
By Aleksandra Djordjevic
REFUGEES WITHIN TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: THE FORGOTTEN ACTORS? ........................... 101
By Claire Schaepelynck
EVALUATING A DEMAND FOR INCLUSIONARY GOVERNANCE IN POST-CONFLICT SITUATIONS
........................................................................................................................................... 109
By Marjolein Schaap
PARTICIPATION MECHANISMS AT THE LOCAL LEVEL IN KOSOVO: IMPACT ON ROMA, ASHKALI
AND EGYPTIANS .................................................................................................................. 123
By Claire Fernandez
DISCUSSING THE POTENTIAL ROLE OF TRUTH COMMISSIONS IN ASSESSING REPARATIONS
FOR WAR-AFFECTED CHILDREN.......................................................................................... 133
By Francesca Capone
TRUTH, RECONCILIATION AND INDIGENOUS RIGHTS IN PERU: THE CASE OF THE TRUTH AND
RECONCILIATION COMMISSION........................................................................................... 147
By Diana-Cosmina Trifu
THE RIGHT TO “GENETIC TRUTH” OF CHILDREN BORN OF WAR A PARTICULAR FOCUS ON
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ................................................................................................ 159
By Alice Margaria
PROVISION OF A CHILD‟S RIGHT TO HEALTHCARE IN THE TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE CONTEXT
OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ........................................................................................... 173
By Leila Mignonne Stehlik-Barry
PETTY CORRUPTION AS A DISCRIMINATING EXPERIENCE – THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND
HERZEGOVINA .................................................................................................................... 183
By Ardian Adžanela
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PREFACE
One of the main challenges of societies in transition is the establishment of a new
social and political order based on the respect for human rights and rule of law
principles. In post-conflict or post-authoritarian societies this also involves dealing
with the memory of the recent past and restoring justice to those affected by it. As
these processes are lengthy and complex, involving the young and educating new
elites to take over these processes is a key concern.
The International Sarajevo Summer School deals precisely with some of these
challenges, with a clear focus on bringing human rights to fore of transitional
justice policies and that is precisely why the Rule of Law Program of the Konrad-
Adenauer Stiftung is supporting the implementation of such a project. As Konrad-
Adenauer-Stiftung we support dealing and reconciling with the past through law
and legal norms while respecting the limitations that the rule of law imposes.
Coping with the past is a precondition in order for former totalitarian and
authoritarian regimes to successfully transform into sustainable democracies and
constitutional states.
Human rights and transitional justice are inseparable concepts. Two world wars
with the loss of millions of lives, one of them tragically linked to the city of Sarajevo,
have not created an international consensus that conflicts, whether they are
ideological, ethnic, religious or economic, must be settled by peaceful means. A
devastating conflict marked the recent history of Europe, reminding Europeans that
more emphasis must be put on preserving democratic values and preventing
anything like this from happening again. Alone in Bosnia according to the
International War Criminals Tribunal 104,731 men, women and children lost their
lives during the war between 1992 and 1995. The siege of Sarajevo, lasting from
the 5th of April 1992 until the 29th of February 1996 was the longest siege of a
capital city in the history of modern warfare. It is estimated that more than 10,000
people were killed, among them over 1,500 children. Am additional 56,000 people
were wounded, including 15,000 children.
Thus Sarajevo – a city which breathes both the spirit of its cruel past and that of
tolerance – became a natural choice for our partner PRAVNIK and we as a location
for our International Summer School which celebrated its 5th anniversary in 2011.
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It brings together law students from South East Europe, other European countries
and the US with experienced professionals to study, analyze and discuss crucial
aspects of human rights and transitional justice. All the participants have
outstanding qualities and the potential to be the future elite of their respective
countries. It is our sincere wish to support and encourage them to promote reforms
and changes in transitional countries towards sustainable rule-of-law governance.
I was impressed by the seriousness with which the students participated in the
Summer School and the high quality of their work, which reflects in the articles put
together in the journal at hand. May this publication serve as a source of
inspiration for academics, law practitioners, politicians and other opinion-makers,
may it contribute to the further strengthening of peace, democracy, the rule of law
and the respect for human rights in all countries and particularly in South East
Europe. I wish to express my profound appreciation and gratitude to the editors
and the authors of this valuable collection of essays and I wish this publication
every possible success.
Thorsten Geissler
Director of the Rule of Law Program South East Europe of the Konrad-Adenauer-
Stiftung
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PREFACE
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The International Summer School of Sarajevo (ISSS) celebrated its fifth anniversary
this year. Established in 2006, the ISSS gathered numerous graduate and post-
graduate students from the whole world, but particularly from the South-East
Europe, interested in transitional justice and human rights in the previous years.
More than 150 young scholars and experienced practitioners have had the
opportunity to participate in discussions on different areas of human rights,
transitional justice and the struggle against impunity in post-conflict and post-
authoritarian societies.
ISSS is organised in Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the city that
became one of the symbols of immense suffering during the armed conflicts in
former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, which caused the deaths and the disappearances of
more than 130,000 people in the whole region. Since the end of the conflicts,
countries established in the territory of former Yugoslavia have remained burdened
by challenging questions on how to deal with the past abuses that were committed:
how to prosecute and deal with those responsible for war crimes, how to break the
denial of facts about atrocities, how to achieve acknowledgment in order to begin
the process of reconciliation, and what are the sufficient measures to repair
suffering of the victims? The region of the former Yugoslavia is not the only region
that faces these difficult challenges; countries around the world agonise over the
possible answers to these questions. Chile is still thinking about its difficult past
under Pinochet. Brasil just established the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
with the aim of investigating crimes committed during military rule from 1946-
1988. South Africa‘s most prominent human rights activists are again opening
discussions on the implementation of recommendations by the country‘s TRC.
Cambodians are watching former Paul Pot‘s associates facing trials at the court.
Many countries around the world attempt to find unique ways to respond to their
challenges from the past, to build new democracies and societies differing from a
previous period by establishing the rule of law, implementing different mechanisms
of transitional justice and creating a future free of armed conflicts and the
reoccurrence of atrocities. The discussions on how to legally respond to crimes and
atrocities, which measures to undertake in order to achieve acknowledgment for
those that suffered, and how to establish accountable institutions that would
guarantee non-repetition of crimes are the main topics within the ISSS forum.
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There are several common conclusions that can be drawn from this year‘s
publication. Firstly, there is almost a unanimous understanding by all the authors
of the reshaped nature of the transitional process based on their analysis of specific
cases. Transitional justice mechanisms are not in conflict with each other, but are
complementary. The dilemmas on the dominance of one or the other transitional
justice mechanism has been shaping the nature of transitional justice for decades.
However, since transitional justice is now perceived not only as the process of
choice, but also as the process of necessity, there are no more questions about the
choice of which transitional justice mechanism shall be implemented. The
perception is clear: in post-conflict society you cannot sacrifice or exchange justice
for truth or apology to victims and acknowledgment of their suffering in the past for
democracy in the future.
Another common ground for authors of the essays is that transitional justice is no
longer perceived as the ―lesser form‖ of justice. The essays focused on international
law. While pointing out the necessity for criminal justice and respect for the norms
of international human rights law established over the years, they did, however,
understand that the implementation of these post-conflict or post-authoritarian
societies are not supposed to be focused only on past, but must present significant
grounds for the future. Without these, not only would it be impossible to combat
denial about past crimes and properly deal with the legacy of past abuses, but also
societies would face enormous obstacles in building sustainable democracies.
The most important feature of this publication are its authors. Most of them came
from a post-conflict or post-authoritarian society. However, all of them showed great
awareness for past injustices that were once part of their societies. Their personal
involvement and interest in transitional justice and international law combined with
their academic backgrounds are what makes this publication outstanding. Their
passion for human rights, the principles of democracy and respect for the rule of
law, combined with their fresh perspectives are what makes their contribution to
the global discussions on transitional justice extraordinary.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
THE CONCEPT OF
RECONCILIATION IN THE
TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE
PROCESS - MEANING AND
CONSEQUENCES
By Dennis Michels *
ABSTRACT
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insightful for scholars with a legal punishment for past perpetrators was
background, as I am writing from a social complemented with the idea of creating
science perspective. lasting peace. This was closely connected
to the idea of TJ as a long-term project,
2. ENTRANCE AND USAGE OF since justice in the long run meant
RECONCILIATION IN TRANSITIONAL nothing other than sustainable peace. For
JUSTICE the concept of TJ, this meant a shift to
measures aiming not only at retributive
2.1. CONCEPTUAL SHIFTS OF justice, i.e. legal punishment for crimes,
TANSITIONAL JUSTICE but also at restorative justice, i.e.
TJ experienced two conceptual shifts. The reconciliation. All in all, the concept
first one was the uncoupling of the became more holistic, using a
concept from the narrow time-frame of its combination of various instruments, and
application. This was related to the including the social reintegration of former
increasing role of international law. There perpetrators.10
are several practical developments I want to come back to the initially stated
reflecting the expansion of law in definition of TJ that reveals several flaws
international relations after the end of the in light of these conceptual shifts.
cold war. To name some, there are Following Roht-Arriaza, it becomes clear
humanitarian interventions as expression that the fixed time-frame, as it has been
of the expanding human rights regime, stated by Teitel (―a period of political
the emergence of the ―Responsibility to change‖), can in reality cover a long period
Protect‖ (RtoP) as an expression of the of time.11 TJ is a long-time project. This
altered role of state sovereignty (now being idea is connected to the notion that
held accountable for the treatment of its reconciliation is part of TJ, and can
citizens), or the establishment of the sometimes be an almost never-ending
International Criminal Court (ICC) as an process because of its very nature as a
expression of the desire to have a ―social reconstruction‖ process that ―may
permanent institution that deals with happen in bouts or waves, as new
cases of genocide, war crimes, or crimes generations come of age, and as the
against humanity.7 The stronger role of international context changes‖.12
the rule of law in international affairs Furthermore, it has become common to
shaped the concept of TJ decisively.8 The speak of ―post-conflict justice‖, replacing
emergence of a desire to deal with past the term ―transitional‖ with ―post-conflict‖,
atrocities on the international level led to which clearly shows the shift away from
a conceptual shift from the narrow context the narrow time-frame.13
of a transitional situation to the Moreover, Teitel‘s notion that TJ is
perception of TJ as a general method of ―characterised by a juridical answer‖14 has
dealing with the past, even when the been criticised. For instance, Naomi Roht-
transition had happened a long time ago.9 Arriaza notes that by concentrating on
The second conceptual shift is related to legal aspects of justice, other aspects like
the ―why‖ and ―how‖ of TJ, i.e. which goal ―education, culture and […] distributional
is pursued by dealing with the past, and justice‖ are omitted.15 Agreeing with this
what measures are suitable to reach that opinion, Susanne Buckley-Zistel states
goal. Especially since the second phase of that ―social, economic, and political
the genealogy of TJ, when Truth and justice are of equal importance to legal
Reconciliation Commissions were justice, but are not covered by
introduced as practical measure of TJ, the
formerly legally framed goal was 10 ibid.
broadened. The original goal of 11 Roht-Arriaza, Naomi, “The New Landscape of Transitional
Justice”, Transitional Justice in the Twenty-First Century. Beyond
Truth versus Justice (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 1-17, p. 1.
12 ibid., pp. 12-13.
7 Bercovitch and Jackson, Conflict Resolution, p. 152. 13 ibid., p. 1.
8 Teitel, “Contemporary Transitional Justice”, p. 841. 14 Teitel, “Transitional Justice Genealogy”, p. 69.
9 Engert and Jetschke, “Transitional Justice 2.0”, p. 21. 15 Roht-Arriaza, “Landscape Transitional Justice”, p. 1.
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conventional concepts and procedures of of trust in the rule of law, especially equal
jurisdiction‖.16 Different forms of justice treatment before the law. The citizens can
can be included in TJ. Coming back to the reconcile when they notice that
development of TJ over time, the shift perpetrators are being punished – now
from retributive justice as primary and in the future.19
objective of TJ in the aftermath of World Social scientists and psychologists often
War II to restorative justice as speak of reconciliation from an individual
complementary goal describes the or society perspective, meaning either a
theoretical development in the most useful reintegration of perpetrators into a
way for my concern.17 Including economic community or reconciliation between two
or political justice could bring the concept individuals or two former conflicting
closer to projects of institutional reform. I groups.20 Hamber and Kelly note that ―the
do not want to dismiss these ideas, but I term has evolved from the individual to
will not deal with them at this point, as I the political and policy arenas‖21. Huyse
will concentrate on the narrower definition adds that reconciliation takes place
of TJ that is concerned with how to deal through three consecutive steps: replacing
with past repressive regimes on a society fear by non-violent coexistence, building
level. confidence, and developing a sense of
empathy towards others.22 I will elaborate
2.2. RECONCILIATION IN on reconciliation as the rebuilding of
CONTEMPORARY TRANSITIONAL relationships in the next chapter.
JUSTICE-LITERATURE Judith Renner notes that most often
As the definition of Ruti Teitel suggests, reconciliation is mentioned in the context
TJ is often presented from a legal of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions,
perspective, focussing on tribunals and which are presented as being a producer
prosecution as the main measures to of reconciliation by practitioners as well as
provide justice in a post-conflict situation. by the scientific discourse. Often the
By introducing her genealogy of TJ, I South African TRC is used as the only
showed how this perception was empirical example, and the once created
complemented by initiatives of truth- image of ―reconciliation through truth‖ is
finding, aiming at reconciliation. However, reproduced again and again without any
when it comes to the practical measures further comparative research or
of TJ, reconciliation is often described theoretical conceptualising. Despite its
from particular perspectives, depending positive connotation, the concept of
on the academic background of the reconciliation lacks a clear definition.
author. Instead, its necessity is stated referring to
Sometimes it is incorporated as a the possible contributions of TRCs only.23
secondary goal of tribunals, as a by- In my opinion, both problems (on the one
product of retributive justice. It frequently hand, not recognising the importance of
seems to be framed by legal scholars in reconciliation and, on the other hand,
this way. For instance, Teitel notices that using it as an empty concept without
the ICTY‘s ―project of reconciliation
remains largely aspirational‖, and after
19 Hamber, Brandon and Gráinne Kelly, “Beyond Coexistence:
stating that it produced a ―nationalist Towards a Working Definition of Reconciliation”,
backlash‖, i.e. the contrary effect from the Reconciliation(s). Transitional Justice in Post-conflict Societies
one it should have produced by aiming at (Montreal 2009), pp. 286-310, p. 288.
20 Hamber and Kelly, “Beyond Coexistence”, p. 286.
reconciliation, she dismisses the topic.18 It 21 Hamber and Kelly, “Beyond Coexistence”, p. 290.
seems that from her perspective, 22 Huyse, Luc, “The Process of Reconciliation”, David
reconciliation can be provided by state Bloomfield, Teresa Barnes and Luc Huyse, Reconciliation After
institutions through the reestablishment Violent Conflict. A Handbook (Stockholm, 2003), pp. 19-33, pp.
19-21.
23 Renner, Judith, “‟Versöhnung‟ als leerer Signifikant im Kontext
politischer Transitionen: eine diskurstheoretische
16 Buckley-Zistel, “Transitional Justice”, p. 13. Konzeptualisierung”, Die Friedens-Warte. Journal of International
17 Engert and Jetschke, “Transitional Justice 2.0”, p. 21. Peace and Organization 86 (2011), No. 1-2, pp. 245-270, (own
18 Teitel, “Contemporary Transitional Justice”, pp. 858-859. translation, D.M.).
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reflecting its mechanism and causalities) society needs its own strategy of how to
exist because of a lack of a clear reconcile successfully.
definition. In the next chapter I will explain and
I do not refrain from the notion that define the concept of reconciliation. I will
framing TJ as a holistic approach, then apply the concept to the practical
including prosecutions, truth-seeking, measures of TJ, which have been used so
reparations, and other measures at the far, to find out to what extent they
same time, is necessary in order to build respond to the demand of reconciliation,
sustainable peace.24 Furthermore, I agree and I will finish with a conclusion.
with Anja Jetschke regarding her opinion
that retributive justice, i.e. punishment for 3. RECONCILIATION: WHAT DOES IT
perpetrators of past crimes, is morally REALLY MEAN?
acceptable, and has a psychological effect 3.1. DEFINITION
on victims and perpetrators.25 Diana
Orentlicher also argues that punishment As the famous practitioner and scholar of
deters future repression and inoculates conflict resolution John Paul Lederach
―the public against future temptation to be states, reconciliation aims at addressing
complicit in state-sponsored violence‖26. the root causes of a conflict. Furthermore,
However, I want to make a contribution to it takes place on a societal level. What
the debate on how to perceive TJ by matters most regarding the settlement of
highlighting reconciliation as a decisive conflicts are the ―human dimensions‖, i.e.
factor within TJ that has an additional the core idea of reconciliation is to restore
value beyond prosecutions, especially on a relationships between victims and
society level. Orentlicher largely engages perpetrators. Conflicts between societal
the issue of justice from a state versus groups (no matter if they are interstate or
individual (or community) perspective, intrastate) often have long-standing
which can almost be called typical for historical roots, and animosity, fear, and
legal scholars. I agree with her regarding prejudices about the other societal groups
her argument that the failure to prosecute are locked deeply in the minds of the
those most responsible risks undermining people. By signing a peace agreement and
the authority of law.27 However, she omits ending the conflict on the official,
issues of restorative justice on a purely diplomatic level, these underlying factors
society level. By overlooking the do not disappear. Therefore, the most
importance of reconciliation, the whole important point to make is that conflict,
process of TJ can be spoiled, and conflict as well as reconciliation, is to a large
can break out again. All attempts at extent about subjective perceptions
retributive justice can fail when a society among different groups of people.
falls back into violent conflict, and more Moreover, it is because of this notion that
atrocities are being committed. a step into the direction of ―the relational
Furthermore, connecting reconciliation aspects of reconciliation‖ and, more
with TRCs only, without understanding specifically the rebuilding of relationships,
what it is, and how it works, can be is necessary in order to achieve
dangerous, too, as every transitional reconciliation.28
People like Lederach, who have worked
practically in the field of reconciliation,
came to the conclusion that there is
24 van Zyl, Paul, “Promoting Transitional Justice in Post-Conflict
Societies”, Security Governance in Post-Conflict Peace-Building,
something needed beyond the negotiation
(Wien/Genf, 2005), pp. 210-230, p. 226. of interests to make peace last. Sometimes
25 Jetschke, Anja, “Der Kaiser hat ja keine Kleider an! – creative and innovative measures are
Strafverfolgung durch hybride Tribunale”, Die Friedens-Warte. needed to reach the goal of change in
Journal of International Peace and Organisation 86 (2011), No. 1-2,
pp. 101-130, 106 (own translation, D.M.). people‘s minds about their former enemy.
26 Orentlicher, Diane F, “Settling Accounts: The Duty To
Prosecute Human Rights Violations of a Prior Regime”, The Yale
Law Journal 100 (1991), No. 8, pp. 2537-2615, 2542. 28 Lederach, John Paul, Building Peace. Sustainable Reconciliation
27 Orentlicher, “The Duty to Prosecute”, p. 2542. in Divided Societies (Washington DC, 1997), pp. 23-24.
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perspective of the future. Especially on the which approaches the presented measure
person-to-person level, reconciliation can takes (I) to bring former enemies
help to create social bonds that build the together/in contact with each other, and
basis for sustainable peace. Last, but not (II) to deal with the past and to build a
least, small projects can make a common future, as these are the criteria
difference. Especially measures including for a measure having a reconciliatory
little material value can be efficient effect. The third criterion mentioned by
because they avoid the perception of Lederach, innovation, cannot be assessed
buying forgiveness by focussing on the by looking at the standard measures
symbolical interaction. because it has to be understood as a
Gerbert aims at the same concept of creative modification of these standard
reconciliation as Lederach. Accordingly, measures, in order to work around the
one can summarise that reconciliation is a unique problems every transition faces.
process aiming at the creation of peace by
(re)building relationships between victims 3.2.1. NON- RECONCILIATORY
and perpetrators of a former conflict, and MEASURES
acknowledging past crimes as well as Amnesia
envisioning and working towards a At one end of the spectrum as to how to
common future by using creative deal with perpetrators and victims there is
measures that integrate seemingly the possibility of choosing a ―fresh start‖,
contradictory requirements of building i.e. not to deal with the past at all.
peace. I will now assess the practical Sometimes transitional states choose
measures often taken in connection with amnesia to make a peaceful transition
TJ, and their potential of fostering or possible, i.e. drawing a line of neglect
spoiling the process of reconciliation. between the past and the future. Often
Spain is mentioned as an example of
3.2. APPLICATION TO PRACTICAL imposed amnesia. After the end of the
MEASURES Franco dictatorship in 1976 the Spanish
In TJ there is a continuum of possibilities state moved to democracy without dealing
as to how to deal with past conflicts or with the past in order not to risk any
repressive regimes. At one end of this disturbance of their transition process.
continuum, there would be a transition to Not until 2000 did the claim of victims to
a different political system without any deal with the past become loud enough to
further action regarding past crimes. At overcome the amnesia.35 Amnesia
the other end, there would be the constitutes a status of non-justice, and it
establishment of a war crime tribunal that is highly doubtful if this can be called TJ
engages in prosecution and punishment of at all. Amnesia solely serves the interests
war criminals or violators of human of the perpetrators because there is no
rights.34 attempt to punish them, and victims are
In the following abstracts I will elaborate left alone with their pain and loss. In this
on both extreme cases of the continuum, case there is neither any action directed at
and show how they are related to the past abuses, nor any action directed at
establishing of reconciliation. I will argue the future relationship of perpetrators and
that both extreme ends of the continuum victims. The only imaginable advantage for
are inappropriate to improve reconciliation the victims is the transition to a peaceful
between perpetrators and victims because regime itself. However, there is no attempt
they follow the narrow interest of one of to bring former enemies together, or work
the groups, respectively. I will then towards acknowledgement of the past. The
present some other measures of TJ that common vision of the future is the only
put a focus on reconciliation. In my
analysis of each practical measure of TJ I 35 Schlee, Beatrice, “Die Konsequenzen jahrzehntelanger
will put a special focus on the question of Amnes(t)iepolitik in Spanien. Das Fallbeispiel der Kleinstadt Llanes
(Asturien)”, Die Friedens-Warte. Journal of International Peace
and Organisation 86 (2011), No. 1-2, pp. 45-71, 45 (own
34 Engert and Jetschke, “Transitional Justice 2.0”, pp. 27-28. translation, D.M.).
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of the old regime because they have not All in all, the most critical aspect of
been part of the truth-finding process.43 tribunals is their coercive character.
Jetschke adds that tribunals do not fulfil Without voluntariness no reconciliation is
their aspiration of ending a culture of possible. Looking at Lederach‘s criteria for
impunity because they are influenced by reconciliation, one can see that even if
specific power relations. Their creation is tribunals deal with the past by creating a
dependent on a powerful position of specific version of ―truth‖ and create a
former victims, and their record shows a possible vision for the future by removing
notion of revenge by limiting the spoilers of peace, the missing part is the
investigation period to a period in which area for social dialogue of victims and
crimes can be assigned clearly to the now perpetrators. Tribunals separate them
inferior party of conflict and, by limiting from each other and create a feeling of
the indictments to former high-ranking antagonism instead of bringing them
officials who are now without any political together, creating a shared vision of living
power. The result is justice limited to a together peacefully in the future. As
small group of people, leaving out the already mentioned, the ICTY is one
majority of perpetrators, specifically those example of failing to provide reconciliation
who are part of the politically powerful and, creating a nationalist backlash
group in the period the tribunal is instead.47
created.44 Jetschke concludes that
tribunals do not have any reconciliatory 3.2.2. RECONCILIATORY MEASURES
effect. By going even further, she states
that tribunals can be called a form of Reparations
victor‘s justice, which can be especially Providing reparations to victims directly
dangerous for the reconciliation process aims at the relationship between
when there is no measure to engage the perpetrators and victims. The provision of
past crimes of the victors of the former a material compensation is an effort by
conflict (e.g. a truth commission) at the the perpetrators for the victims that can
same time.45 help to improve their relationship.
To conclude this, one can say that However, there are several important
although tribunals may create a general aspects that have to be taken into account
sense of the benefits of the rule of law, if reparations are to be effective
which has a positive psychological effect concerning the process of reconciliation.
for many and. even more important, First and foremost, it has to be recognised
creates a culture of justice based on that there is no price for the pain and loss
human rights, there is always the danger the victims of conflicts or repressive
of excluding some of the former regimes have experienced. In this sense, it
perpetrators and latently creating the is crucial to interpret reparations as
basis for new conflicts – especially in the symbolic acts by which the perpetrator
immediate aftermath of a transition. accepts his/her guilt and accountability
The feeling of injustice among groups of for past crimes. Directly related to this is
society can become even more severe if the precondition of voluntariness. Forced
external actors (e.g. after a military reparations are ineffective for the process
intervention) run or support the tribunal, of reconciliation as the perpetrator can
and a feeling of conspiracy against some provide a material good without any
can emerge. Therefore, it is crucial that feeling of guilt. Hence, it is important that
tribunals are viewed as being legitimate by the perpetrator make a credible
a careful choice of their composition, and expression of the acceptance of his/her
a fair, inclusive, and communicative way guilt in order to give reparations a
of working.46 reconciliatory effect, and underline their
symbolical meanings. Reparations are
43 ibid., p. 30. directed at the past in the sense that they
44 Jetschke, “Hybride Tribunale”, pp. 104-105.
45 ibid., pp. 125-126.
46 Engert and Jetschke, “Transitional Justice 2.0”, p. 30. 47 Teitel, “Contemporary Transitional Justice”, pp. 858-859.
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constitute an acceptance of guilt, and a victims. One the one hand, this measure
remembrance of past events, and they are is directed at the past by addressing the
at the same time directed at the events, and finding out what really
improvement of future relations of happened. On the other hand, they can
perpetrators and victims.48 Depending on help to build a positive future relationship
the level of engagement, reparations can between perpetrators and victims by
be provided by a state for a victim or a establishing a dialogue between them. The
group of victims, but also, and more discourse itself is said to have a
importantly for the process of reconciliatory effect. Moreover, truth
reconciliation, directly by a perpetrator for commissions can help build a common
a victim. identity by including different points of
view to commonly experienced events. In
conclusion, this means that the crucial
Apologies mechanisms of truth commissions are to
the same extent the acknowledgement of
Often connected to reparations are
apologies. By apologising for past events, what happened in the past, and the
bringing together of former enemies and
the perpetrator or a representative of a
creation of a dialogue that can lead to
group of perpetrators accepts
his/her/their guilt, and takes the apologies as well.50
responsibility for past atrocities. 4. CONCLUSION
In this article I showed what reconciliation
Apologising aims at the publication of a
means in the TJ process. After having
moral renewal of the perpetrator, which
presented the conceptual shifts within TJ,
makes a change of the relationship to the
I explained the different perspectives that
victims possible. The psychological aspect
often occur regarding the usage of the
of the apology is the reversal of power
reconciliation concept in TJ literature. By
positions between the perpetrator and the
giving an extended definition of
victim. The former takes a position of
inferiority, and gives the latter the reconciliation as a process aimed at the
creation of peace by engaging the relations
opportunity to accept the apology and
between victims and perpetrators of a
forgive the former, or not. Through this
former conflict, and acknowledging past
decision, the victim gains power over the
crimes, as well as envisioning and working
perpetrator that frees him of his former
psychologically inferior role, and makes towards a common future by using
creative measures that integrate
reconciliation more likely because the
perpetrator and the victim can now act at seemingly contradictory requirements of
eye level. However, similar to reparations, building peace, I tried to fill this gap. The
assessment of the practical measures
the apology must occur independently
from external influences. The perpetrator showed how reconciliation is related to
those measures, and can be helpful
has to take the initiative, and apologise
whenever they are used or described in
voluntarily. Moreover, there has to be a
empirical cases. The result was a division
due framework for the apology to give it
credibility.49 into measures that have a rather negative
impact on the reconciliation process, like
Truth commissions
amnesias, amnesties, and the
To generate a common version of the truth
establishment of tribunals, as well as
about past human rights violations or war
measures that bring forward the
crimes, which is supposed to have a
reconciliation process, like reparations,
healing effect on society, truth
apologies, and the establishment of truth
commissions are often established in
commissions. The understanding of the
transitional societies. Truth commissions
mechanism of reconciliation will help
can be characterised as a mediating
frame the theoretical concept of TJ,
instrument between perpetrators and
especially for scholars with a legal
48 Engert and Jetschke, “Transitional Justice 2.0”, pp. 31-32.
49 ibid. 50 Engert and Jetschke, “Transitional Justice 2.0”, pp. 32-33.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
4. CONCLUSION
In this article I showed what reconciliation
means in the TJ process. After having
presented the conceptual shifts within TJ,
I explained the different perspectives that
often occur regarding the usage of the
reconciliation concept in TJ literature. By
giving an extended definition of
reconciliation as a process aimed at the
creation of peace by engaging the relations
between victims and perpetrators of a
former conflict, and acknowledging past
crimes, as well as envisioning and working
towards a common future by using
creative measures that integrate
seemingly contradictory requirements of
building peace, I tried to fill this gap. The
assessment of the practical measures
showed how reconciliation is related to
those measures, and can be helpful
whenever they are used or described in
empirical cases. The result was a division
into measures that have a rather negative
impact on the reconciliation process, like
amnesias, amnesties, and the
establishment of tribunals, as well as
measures that bring forward the
reconciliation process, like reparations,
apologies, and the establishment of truth
commissions. The understanding of the
mechanism of reconciliation will help
frame the theoretical concept of TJ,
especially for scholars with a legal
background. Furthermore, it can be used
as a theoretical basis for further
(comparative) empirical research on the
mechanisms and effects of the different
practical measures of TJ.
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5. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bercovitch, Jacob and Richard Jackson. Conflict Resolution in the Twenty-first
Century. Principles, Methods, and Approaches (Ann Arbor, 2009).
Buckley-Zistel, Susanne. ―Transitional Justice als Weg zu Frieden und Sicherheit.
Möglichkeiten und Grenzen‖, SFG-Governance Working Paper Series, No. 15 (Berlin,
2008).
Engert, Stefan and Anja Jetschke. ―Einleitung: Transitional Justice 2.0 – zur
konzeptionellen Erweiterung eines noch jungen Forschungsprogramms‖, Die
Friedens-Warte. Journal of International Peace and Organisation 86 (2011), No. 1-2,
pp. 15-43.
Gerbert, Konstanty (2010), ―Unsettling Scores. Thinking about violence in Warsaw
and Jablanica‖, IP Global Edition 11 (2010), No. 6, pp. 9-18.
Hamber, Brandon and Gráinne Kelly. ―Beyond Coexistence: Towards a Working
Definition of Reconciliation‖, Reconciliation(s). Transitional Justice in Post-Conflict
Societies (Montreal, 2009), pp. 286-310.
Huyse, Luc. ―The Process of Reconciliation‖, Reconciliation After Violent Conflict. A
Handbook (Stockholm, 2003), pp. 19-33.
Jetschke, Anja. ―Der Kaiser hat ja keine Kleider an! – Strafverfolgung durch hybride
Tribunale‖ ,Die Friedens-Warte. Journal of International Peace and Organisation 86
(2011), No. 1-2, pp. 101-130.
Lederach, John Paul. Building Peace. Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies
(Washington DC, 1997).
Orentlicher, Diane F, ―Settling Accounts: The Duty to Prosecute Human Rights
Violations of a Prior Regime‖. The Yale Law Journal 100 (1991), No. 8, pp. 2537-
2615.
Renner, Judith. ―‘Versöhnung‘ als leerer Signifikant im Kontext politischer
Transitionen: eine diskurstheoretische Konzeptualisierung‖, Die Friedens-Warte.
Journal of International Peace and Organisation 86 (2011), No. 1-2, pp. 245-270.
Roht-Arriaza, Naomi. ―The New Landscape of Transitional Justice‖, Transitional
Justice in the Twenty-First Century. Beyond Truth versus Justice (Cambridge,
2006), pp. 1-17.
Schlee, Beatrice. ―Die Konsequenzen jahrzehntelanger Amnes(t)iepolitik in Spanien.
Das Fallbeispiel der Kleinstadt Llanes (Asturien)‖, Die Friedens-Warte. Journal of
International Peace and Organisation 86 (2011), No. 1-2, 45-71.
Sikkink, Kathryn and Carrie Booth Walling. ―Argentina‘s contribution to global
trends in transitional justice‖, Transitional Justice in the Twenty-First Century.
Beyond Truth versus Justice (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 301-324.
Teitel, Ruti. ―The Law and Politics of Contemporary Transitional Justice‖, Cornell
International Law Journal 38 (2005), pp. 837-862.
Teitel, Ruti, ―Transitional Justice Genealogy‖, Harvard Human Rights Journal 16
(2003), pp. 69-94.
van Zyl, Paul. ―Promoting Transitional Justice in Post-Conflict Societies‖, Security
Governance in Post-Conflict Peace-Building, (Wien/Genf, 2005), pp. 210-230.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AS A
CONSTITUTIONAL INSTRUMENT
IN INTERNATIONAL LAW
By Aydin Atilgan*
ABSTRACT
*Aydin Atilgan holds a BA degree in Law from Ankara University and a MA degree
from Marmara University EU Institute in Istanbul, Turkey. He practised law for
several years and currently is a Ph.D. candidate in Marmara University EU Institute
and a DAAD researcher in the University of Bremen. He is writing his dissertation
on global constitutionalism and its impacts on international legal order.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
The ―last century‖, and in particular, the Yet, it is evident that the changes in the
―last three decades‖ are considerably international legal order, which came up
important in the political history of the in the aftermath of the catastrophes of the
world by virtue of well-known facts which twentieth century, indicate that the
switched political dimensions throughout anarchical structure, which has been
the world. The shift in political used to define international order for a
dimensions, ―transition to democracy‖, long term, has to be left aside, as the
which is described as the core of the international community verified that it
global trend, the ―third wave of does not stand as a battle area in
democratisation‖ in the world in Hobbesian terms. Reserving the mistakes,
Huntington‘s words, brought transition to shortcuts and all challenges, the attempts
democracy to at least 30 countries from a for international organisations, which
non-democratic system between 1974 and basically have been established so as to
1990. It is one of the most important provide ―peace‖ throughout the world,
political facts of the previous century.51 should be read as an indicator of goodwill
Such transitions were not only central to by the international community as well as
the new democratisation process but also the result of conjectural interests and
to savagery and tragic wars. Indeed it is selfish and egoistical stances to reset and
evident that political chaos and atrocity arrange the world order.
were never intrinsic to the twentieth
century, but there was something, which Such a transformation in international
made that period quite different. ―Perhaps law was described as ―from a law of
more unusual than the facts of genocides coordination to a law of cooperation‖ 54
and regimes of torture marking this era is forty years ago and this cooperation has
the invention of new and distinctive legal been more intensified by the time of
forms of response‖.52 That wording progress, which brought a common
obviously indicates a transformation of concept that is shared by many authors,
the basis for justice from national to constitutionalisation of international
transnational. The twentieth century law.55 It is rather an academic artefact
became the point of departure for the but beyond wishful thinking and
quest for justice beyond nation states constitutes a ―legitimate form of
through several experiences. interpretation‖ of the recent developments
Considering the developments in in the international legal order as an
international relations in last a few ―ordinary hermeneutic exercise‖. 56
decades, it seems that the idea of a Constitutionalisation in international law
transformation of the Westphalian is used to indicate the intensity of
international legal order has largely been dependence of states and other actors of
adopted.53 Debates on the definition of international order that goes beyond
international legal order stand as a never- cooperation to describe a third phase in
ending issue among international law the transformation of international law in
scholars and the dimension of such a terms of the description above. This phase
transformation is also highly contested. is about the emergence of a Post-
Westphalian world order where the statist
51 Özbudun, Ergun. “Demokrasiye Geçiş Sürecinde Anayasa approaches to international law lose
Yapımı”, (Ankara: Bilgi Yay., 1993), p. 9. power. As an outcome of globalisation on
52 Minow, Marta. “Between Vengeance and Forgiveness: Facing
governance issues, states must cooperate
History after Genocide and Mass Violence” (Boston, MA; Beacon,
1998) quoted by Richard Falk, “Trends Toward Transnational
Justice: Innovations and Institutions”, draft background paper 54 For Wolfgang Friedmann‟s description, Preuß, Ulrich K.
prepared for UNDP, Human Development Report Office, “Equality of States – Its Meaning in a Constitutionalised Global
Occasional Paper, Background paper for HDR (2002), available at Order”, Chicago Journal of International Law 9 (2008-2009), p. 34.
hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr2002/papers/Falk_2002.pdf, 55 Ibid.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55 (2006), p. 51. However it should be added that such a constitutionalisation
59 Göçer, Mahmut. “Uluslararası Hukuk ve Uluslararası Anayasa process determined by the global constitutionalist works is too far
Kavramı”, AÜSBF Dergisi 57 (2002), p. 2. away from the constitutionalisation of well developed societies,
60 De Wet, Erika. “The International Constitutional Order”, p. 53. Preuß, Ulrich K. “Equality of States” p. 36.
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law having the same character‖. Article Security Council Resolution instead of a
103 of the UN Charter which, includes a treaty of states and amendment of UN
jus cogens rule, should be considered Charter.83
superior to other norms: “In the event of a
conflict between the obligations of the Human rights is considered one of the
Members of the United Nations under the norms of jus cogens. The existence of an
present Charter and their obligations intrinsic relationship between human
under any other international agreement, rights and jus cogens is accepted by a
their obligations under the present broad range of scholars and people
Charter shall prevail.‖ This article, like the
concerned.84 The main norms which are
first and second articles of the Charter,
of jus cogens status, like prohibition of
sets the supremacy of the UN Charter over
genocide, torture, slavery, and racial
other international treaties and thus can
discrimination are also human rights
be considered a substantive constitutional
norms.85 Jus cogens can be seen as an
provision.80 In this respect, the
opus of international legal scholars and
International Court of Justice found the
Security Council decisions superior to judicial bodies beginning in the 1990‘s. 86
Montreal Treaty in the Lockerbie case, on For instance, The Court of First Instance
the grounds that, ―…in accordance with of the EU found itself ―empowered to
Article 103 of the Charter, the obligations check, indirectly, the lawfulness of the
of the Parties in that respect prevail over resolutions of the SC in question with
their obligations under any other regard to jus cogens, understood as a
international agreement, including the body of higher rules of public
international law binding on all subjects
Montreal Convention‖81.
of international law, including the bodies
As conceded by many authors throughout
of the United Nations, and from which no
the world, it is already evident that there
derogation is possible‖. In the Kadi and
is an inclination to give shape to
Yusuf cases the court used jus cogens
international law by international
norms in a constitutional manner and
organisations and by the courts and, legal
thereby proved the existence of jus cogens
provisions with substantive constitutional
norms within an international public legal
characters have been sought to achieve
that. Besides the ICJ, international order.87 On the other hand,
criminal tribunals, such as the implementation of jus cogens norms, to
International Criminal Tribunals of the extent that customary international
Yugoslavia and Rwanda also, in their law rules were incompatible with the
trials, referred to international law beyond human rights norms under the European
Convention of Human Rights, would be
their constructive instruments.82 For
invalid in the case law of the European
example, in the Tadic case, the ICTY
argued power of Security Council under Court of Human Rights.88 International
the ―treaty which serves as a protection of human rights expanded the
constitutional framework‖ for it and thus natural boundaries of international law in
finds it subject to ―certain constitutional the end, but it still does not mean that
limitations‖. While concluding the claims
of the appellant as the, ICTY was not duly 83 ICTY IT-94-1-AR72 Prosecutor v. Dusko Tadic a/k/a “Dule”,
established as it was founded by a 2.10.1995, para. 28.
84 Bianchi, Andrea. “Human Rights and the Magic of Jus Cogens”,
Montreal Convention Arising from the Aerial Incident at 87 Case T – 306/01, Ahmed Ali Yusuf and Al Barakaat
Lockerbie” (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya v. United States of America), International Foundation v. Council of the European Union and
Provisional Measures, Order of 14 April 1992, I.C.J. Reports 1992, Commission of the European Communities, Judgment of the CFI,
para. 42. 21 Sept. 2005; Case T – 315/01, Yassin Abdullah Kadi v. Council
82 Koskenniemi, Martti. “Constitutionalism as Mindset: Reflections of the European Union and Commission of the European
on Kantian Themes About International Law and Globalisation”, Communities, Judgment of the CFI, 21 Sept. 2005, ibid p. 498.
Theoretical Inquiries in Law 8 (2007), p. 20. 88 De Wet, Erika. “The International Constitutional Order”, p. 59.
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Enforcement, Bassiouni, M. Cherif. Vol. 3, 3rd Edition (Leiden: the Prosecution of an Incumbent Head of a Non-State Party by
Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2008), p. 14. The International Criminal Court”, 15 December 2008, available at
91 Ibid., p. 14. http://jake.contemporaryfuture.com/docs/transystemicLaw/Bashi
92 Ibid., p. 15. rsImmunity.pdf, accessed on 12.09.2011 , p. 2.
93 Ibid., p. 16. 97 Ibid., p. 3.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY
IN POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES
By Miloš Bogičević*
ABSTRACT
* Miloń Bogičević holds advanced degrees in both law and political science. After
graduating from the Faculty of Law, University of Novi Sad Serbia he graduated
from University College London (UCL) with a Masters in Human Rights. During his
work in the Office of Human Rights Ombudsman of Vojvodina, Serbia he
investigated human rights abuse cases and represented the office in several
international conferences. As a campaigner with the Balkans Team of Amnesty
International he was involved in a campaign to end forced evictions in Serbia
through, amongst other things, the introduction of legislation putting an end to the
practice. In addition, his work focused on the recognition of the rights of the LGBT
community and war crimes victims within the region. His professional interests
include human rights, international law and conflict resolution.
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Reference source not found. and openly Serbian or Croat people. This leaves no
suggesting secession of the entity Error! space for those who do not wish to identify
Reference source not found.. at all, or to identify exclusively as a
The behaviour of group leaders is not member of one of these groups, or those
independent from institutional design. It who are not a member of any of the three
has been argued that the way institutions (e.g. Roma), which effectively excludes
have been set up by the Belfast those individuals from participating in
agreement133 entrenches and encourages political life134. In Belgium, where a
divisions in Northern Ireland, and that consociational-federal model has been
peacemaking and normalisation efforts by applied, the three major political parties
NGOs are thwarted by the sectarian have all been divided into separate
consociational institutions Error! unilingual parties where each party has
Reference source not found.. Critics candidates only in their part of the state.
point out that power sharing in Northern This is even the case for parties whose
Ireland fortifies divisions and divides that primary ideology is not, or is not expected
society into rigid and lasting ethnic blocks to be, ethnically or linguistically
which produces permanent instability determined (Greens, Socialists). There are
Error! Reference source not found.. no parties in Belgium that appeal to votes
In some cases, even communicating with across the ethno-linguistic cleavage Error!
the other side can be seen as weakness or Reference source not found..
being disloyal to a community. Therefore, Another negative aspect of the
these leaders often mutually avoid each consociational principle is that it negates
other, creating even more division between or underestimates other identities people
them, as they do not explore the have. It places great weight on an identity
possibilities for mutual collaboration. This that is the most important cause of the
then leads to a self-fulfilling prophecy of division in the society, such as ethnic or
consociationalism. Division and conflict religious identity but neglects the variety
creates more instability and weakening of of other identities, which are present in
the state and leaders then use that every person. A person may consider that
weakness of the state as an excuse to ask their identity as a worker, woman,
for more segmental autonomy. For taxpayer, etc. is more important than
example it has been argued that political their ethnic or religious identity. The
elites in Bosnia and Herzegovina consociational model fails to provide space
constantly encourage insecurity, low-level for people to associate on the basis of
conflict and instability in order to remain these other identities. By failing to
in power (Mujkić, 2010, p.69). recognise this and by leaving little space
In addition, consociational democracy for individual autonomy, consociational
clashes with some democratic principles societies perpetuate existing cleavages by
and is, therefore, not democratic enough. institutionalising them at the political
By emphasising the representation of level Error! Reference source not
groups it hinders individual equality. A found.. A significant number of people in
design that is group-oriented has the Bosnia and Herzegovina did not perceive
consequence of forcing people to themselves as solely a member of Bosniak,
participate in society as a representative Serb, or Croat ethnicity before the war.
of a group, rather than an individual. In a
consociational society, its members often
have the group identity imposed on them
134 The applicants are citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina who
claimed that according to the constitutions they could not be
even against their desire. The existence of candidates for the Presidency and the House of Peoples of the
these identities is often made into a legal Parliamentary Assembly since these position are reserved for
requirement. For example, in Bosnia and members of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats (Sejdić and Finci are Roma
and Jewish). The court decided that the applicants‟ continued
Herzegovina, a person can run for the ineligibility to stand for election to the House of Peoples of Bosnia
office as a member of the Bosniak, and Herzegovina breached Article 14 taken in conjunction with
Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 of the European Convention for the
Protection of Human Rights. (European Court of Human Rights;
133 The agreement that created the Northern Ireland Assembly. Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2009.)
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According to the census that took place in constructive building blocks of democracy
1991 around 260,.000 people, Error! Reference source not found..
representing over 5 per cent of the Consociationalism can even create
population declared themselves as conditions that mitigate tensions so that
Yugoslavs, which was not an ethnic cleavages lose their importance136. In
category Error! Reference source not many societies, especially in post-conflict
found.. ones, people do not wish to participate in
However, after the end of the war and the political life only as individuals; they
signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement actually want to be represented as a
(DPA), these identities became so member of a group. In many cases people
important that they now form the take part in a violent conflict so that their
foundation of the political order in the groups would be recognised as separate
country. This ethnic polarisation cannot entities. Those who see themselves as
only be attributed to the consociational belonging to distinctive groups believe
design of the post-war Bosnia and that these groups have collective interests
Herzegovina Error! Reference source not that need to be protected. In addition,
found.. The mere fact that the war had many of them believe that their individual
been waged between members of different interests can only be protected and
ethnic and religious groups and in the advanced through the collective to which
name of ethnicity and religion contributed they belong.
vastly to this ethnic entrenchment. When answering the criticism about
Constituencies in post-conflict societies segmental autonomy as an incentive for
are, as a rule, more likely to vote for a partition of the state, Lijphart argues that
political party with strong nationalistic this does not represent a serious risk and
agenda than a moderate one that seeks that the same objection could be raised
compromise with former enemies Error! regarding other elements of the model
Reference source not found.. In the 15 Error! Reference source not found..
years of existence of post-Dayton Bosnia However, this argument is problematic
and Herzegovina, several developments in because pointing to potential flaws of
political life became apparent. In all of the other components of the model is not a
elections held so far, ethnic political valid defence of the principle.
parties won vast majorities of votes. In the Lijphart offers a more convincing response
most recent elections (2010), political to the threat of secession: If there were a
parties who are not associated with any strong separatist movement in a country,
particular ethnicity won a meagre 1-2 imposition of a unitary state would not be
percent of votes135. enough to prevent it. Moreover, partition
Another important feature of is not always a bad solution. However,
consociational democracies, segmental when segments are geographically mixed
autonomy, has its drawbacks too. this poses serious problems and can lead
Consociationalism can strengthen to relocation of people and other
segmental cleavages, and, in cases of undesirable consequences.
ethno-federalism, it can create parallel
state structures, which in turn can ALTERNATIVES TO
struggle for independence. Advocates of CONSOCIATIONALISM
the consociational approaches, however, If not consociational
argue that this approach deals with autonomy/federalism, what would be the
cleavages by treating them seriously desirable model for organising institutions
Error! Reference source not found.. By in divided societies?
recognising divisions, this approach aims A model that has consociational elements
to turn segmental cleavages into but does not represent ethno-federalism
and leaves space for crosscutting
135 Results are available at the website of the Central Election
Commission of Bosnia and Herzegovina
http://www.izbori.ba/eng/default.asp (last accessed 05 August 136Advocates of consociationalism argue that this was the case in
2011.) the Netherlands and Austria.
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BIBILIOGRAPHY
Andeweg, R. B. (2000). Consociational Democracy. Annual Review of Political
Science, 3(1), 509-536. doi: 10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.509.
Bieber, F. (2005). Partial Implementation, Partial Success: The Case of
Macedonia. Power Sharing New Challenges for Divided Societies (pp. 107-
122). Pluto. Retrieved from http://kar.kent.ac.uk/8333/.
Bolte, P. (2007). Consociational Democracy in Multiethnic Societies (p. 64).
Norderstedt, Germany: GRIN Verlag. Retrieved February 25, 2011, from
http://books.google.com/books?id=jiYTD4xldlcC&pgis=1.
Clancy, M.-alice C. (2010). Peace Without Consensus: Power Sharing Politics
in Northern Ireland (p. 236). Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Retrieved
from http://books.google.com/books?id=4FRZ7tTHPR0C.
Cousens, E. M., & Cater, C. K. (2001). Toward Peace in Bosnia: Implementing
the Dayton Accords. Lynne Rienner.
Deschouwer, K. (2005). The Unintended Consequences of Consociational
Federalism: The Case of Belgium. In I. OʼFlynn & D. Russell (Eds.), Power
Sharing New Challenges for Divided Societies (pp. 92-93). London: Pluto
Press.
Hale, H. E. (2010). Institutional STAND Sources of Ethnofederal State
Survival and Collapse. World Politics, 56(2), 165-193.
Lijphart, A. (1969). Consociational Democracy. World Politics, 21(2), 207-
225. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2009820.
Lijphart, A. (1977). Democracy in Plural Societies (p. 248). London: Yale
University Press.
Mcmahon, P. C., & Western, J. (2009). The Death of Dayton The Death of
Dayton How to Stop Bosnia From Falling Apart. Foreign Affairs, 88(5).
Morrow, D. (2005). Breaking Antagonism? Political Leadership in Divided
Societies. In I. OʼFlynn & D. Russell (Eds.), Power Sharing New Challenges
for Divided Societies (pp. 45-58). Pluto Press.
Mujkić, A. (2010). Pravda i etnofederalizam, Centar za ljudska prava
Univerziteta u Sarajevu
Oberschall, A., & Palmer, L. K. (2005). The Failure of Moderate Politics: The
Case of Northern Ireland. In I. OʼFlynn & D. Russell (Eds.), Power Sharing
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OʼFlynn, I., & Russell, D. (2005). Introduction: New Challenges for Power
Sharing. In I. OʼFlynn & D. Russell (Eds.), Power Sharing New Challenges for
Divided Societies (pp. 1-11). London: Pluto Press.
Reilly, B. (2001). Democracy in Divided Societies: Electoral Engineering for
Conflict Management. Book. Cambridge University Press. Retrieved from
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Tonge, J. (2006). Northern Ireland (p. 271). Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.
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Traynor, I. (2009, May). The US is talking tough in the Balkans, and the
Europeans donʼt like it. Retrieved February 14, 2011, from
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eu.
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Court decisions:
Sejdic and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Application nos. 27996/06 and
34836/06, Council of Europe: European Court of Human Rights, 22
December 2009, available at:
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4b44a28a2.html [accessed 26
February 2011].
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ABSTRACT
* Osiris Hoepel holds Master‘s degrees both in International Law and Political
Science. During his studies, he focused his research on human rights, conflict
resolution and transitional justice. He has worked as an intern for the United
Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (The Hague, The
Netherlands), and as a project assistant for the Human Rights Institute of South
Africa (Johannesburg, South Africa). Osiris is currently working for the Hague
Academy for Local Governance, where he assists in developing training courses for
people involved in local governance.
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aspect to be developed within the different democracy and human rights146. The
policies of the EU.141 Nevertheless, the foreign policy of the EU shows three lines
treaties contain several articles that of actions with regard to transitional
provide a legal framework in which the justice; conducting peace-keeping
concept of transitional justice can be missions, applying the ICTY conditionality
situated. Here are three examples: and funding transitional justice activities.
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have also brought much of the truth Union, and treating Serbia as a ‗special
about the wars to the surface. The case‖160. The same would apply to the
tribunal‘s role in bringing forth case of Croatia. In 2003, Croatia applied
reconciliation can thus not be denied, but for full EU membership, and the country
it should be acknowledged that for was considered to join Bulgaria and
reconciliation to ever occur, merely a Romania in the next wave of enlargement,
judicial intervention is a too limited form scheduled for 2007. However, in 2004, the
of transitional justice to bring forth the EU decided that it would initiate accession
desired effect. negotiations on the condition that Ante
Gotovina, the last remaining Croatian
The prospect of having stronger ties with ICTY indictee, would be arrested and send
the EU was the main factor ensuring the to The Hague for prosecution. This clearly
cooperation of the states established on indicated that the EU was determined to
the territory of former Yugoslavia with the apply strict ICTY conditionality for third
ICTY. Former Chief Prosecutor of the states and, from that moment, the role of
ICTY, Carla del Ponte, stated that, ―90% of Chief Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte would
all indictees brought to justice [before the increase in the EU accession processes, as
ICTY] are a direct result of conditionality her assessment would be essential in
applied by the EU‖.159 Without the ICTY determining a state‘s level of compliance.
conditionality and the international Once it became clear that the Prosecutor
pressure, the reluctance of the states was playing an essential role in the
would not have been overcome, and the accession process to the EU, the
ICTY would have been unable to fulfil its cooperation of the states with the ICTY
mandate. In the earlier days of the ICTY, improved. Nevertheless, governments
full cooperation was demanded by the EU. continued to delay the most sensitive
Nevertheless, after continued resistance aspects of cooperation, particularly the
by the states, and with the EU making arrest of high-ranking fugitives and
dilemmatic political decisions, the demand delivering important files.161 Furthermore,
for full cooperation started to become EU leaders strengthened their ties with
diluted. EU leaders did not show a the Prosecutor in order to anticipate her
consistent commitment to apply strict assessments or even influence them. It
conditionality, as other goals were quickly appeared that EU Member States
sometimes prioritised. An illustrative utilised the ICTY conditionality as a policy
example is the case of Serbia, that tool for political purposes rather than to
continuously failed to fully cooperate with press for justice. When the Prosecutor‘s
the ICTY. The EU responded by assessment could serve their goals, the
compromising and softening the EU leaders would utilise it as a political
requirements. It gradually became more tool for pressure on states. When the
apparent that it was not only Serbia who Prosecutor‘s assessment would not serve
would benefit from closer ties with the EU. their goals, the leaders would either ignore
Serbia‘s accession was in the interest of the assessment or interpret it as they
the EU as well, as it was hoping to anchor desired.162 Without the full support of
the state more firmly on the European the EU leaders, the Prosecutor lost some
path. This ambiguous approach to the of her credibility, and so did the tribunal.
resistance of Serbia was detrimental to the After two years of a higher level of state
credibility of the EU. ―Since Kosovo cooperation with the ICTY, the states
independence in February 2008, the EU started to show reluctance and resistance
has come closer than ever to forgetting towards the Tribunal again. The stance of
that impunity for war crimes and genocide EU Member States diverted from the one
is incompatible with the values of the of the Prosecutor. ―Full cooperation with
159 F. Hartmann, “The ICTY and EU Conditionality”, War 160 Ibid., p. 70.
Crimes, Conditionality and EU Integration in the Western Balkans, 161 Ibid., p. 72.
(2009), p. 69. 162 Ibid., p. 72.
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policies‖168. ―Its aim is to provide support mechanisms for the legal settlement of
for the promotion of democracy and human rights claims and the assertion
human rights in non-EU countries‖.169 and adjudication of property rights,
The Strategy Paper for 2007-2010 of the established in accordance with
EIDHR included five main objectives international human rights and rule of
related to the promotion of democracy and law standards‖.175 As a successor
human rights, and mentions the programme to the Rapid Reaction
importance of transitional justice. Mechanism, the IfS was initiated in 2007
Objective 2 calls for ―strengthening the and recognises the link between peace-
role of civil society in promoting human building, conflict prevention and crisis
rights and democratic reform, in management. During crises, the IfS
facilitating the peaceful conciliation of provides economic and technical support
group interests and in consolidating to partner countries, and during normal
political participation and circumstances, the IfS concentrates on
representation‖.170 The objective cooperation and capacity building in two
continues, articulating that, ―transitional areas: ―To address global and trans-
justice and reconciliation is recognised as regional threats that can unleash another
helping build consensus on disputed or wave of instability; and to improve state
controversial areas of policy in deeply and non-state actors‘ preparedness to
address pre- and post-crisis
divided societies‖.171 In a separate section
situations‖.176 In January 2008,
of the strategy paper, the issue of children
in armed conflict is discussed, and a clear transitional justice supporters and
link is drawn between disarmament, promoters achieved a triumph, when the
demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) Commission decided to establish a
programmes and transitional justice funding facility of €12 million under the
frameworks, such as promoting redress IfS framework for ad-hoc tribunals and
transitional justice initiatives ―to
and social integration.172 For the period
encourage reconciliation and help build
2007-2013 the EIDHR has a budget of sustainable peace in post crisis
€1.104 billion173, of which €208 million situations‖.177 The funding facility enables
has been allocated for projects under the Commission to rapidly mobilise
Objective 2.174 resources to provide financial or technical
assistance for transitional justice projects.
Another critical EU funding programme The IfS has supported numerous
that supports transitional justice is the transitional justice projects and
Instrument for Stability (IfS), which aims mechanisms, including the ICC, special
to provide technical and financial tribunals and grassroots movement aimed
assistance for ―international criminal at ending impunity.178 In 2007, the
tribunals and ad-hoc national tribunals, Instrument launched the Peace-Building
truth and reconciliation commissions, and Partnership, aimed at supporting NGOs in
―developing early-warning systems,
168 The European Commission (2011a). providing mediation services and
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/what/human-rights/index_en.htm.
(18-11-2011).
169 The European Commission (2011b).
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/finance/eidhr_en.htm. (18- 175 Regulation (EC) No 1717/2006 of the European
11-2011). Parliament and of the Council, Official Journal of the European
170 European Instrument for Democracy and Human Union (2006), art. 3.2d.
Rights (EIDHR), Strategy Paper 2007-2010, DG Relex/B/1 JVK 176 Crossley-Frolick, “The European Union and
70618 (2006), p. 8. Transitional Justice: Human Rights and Post-Conflict
171 Ibid. Reconciliation in Europe and Beyond”, 14.
172 Ibid. 177 Press release RAPID, “European Commission
173 The European Commission (2011b). Supports Additional Assistance for Reconciliation of Societies
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/finance/eidhr_en.htm. (18- Affected by Human Rights Abuses”, IP/08/1057, (2008).
11-2011). 178 Crossley-Frolick, “The European Union and
174 European Instrument for Democracy and Human Transitional Justice: Human Rights and Post-Conflict
Rights (EIDHR), Strategy Paper 2007-2010, p. 13. Reconciliation in Europe and Beyond”, p. 25.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Websites:
The Institute for Energy and Environmental Research (2001).
http://www.ieer.org/latest/oct2quot.html. (18-11-2011).
The European Commission (2011a).
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/what/human-rights/index_en.htm.
(18-11-2011).
The European Commission (2011b).
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/finance/eidhr_en.htm. (18-11-
2011).
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ABSTRACT
180 Sejdic and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Application nos. 27996/06 and 34836/06, Decision of 22 December 2009, ECHR.
181 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 4 November 1950, ETS No. 5, 213 UNTS
222.
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INTRODUCTION why the conception of transitional justice
The Statute of the Council of Europe182 from the International Centre for
(Statute) was adopted in London in 1949 Transitional Justice will be used in this
in the aftermath of the Second World War. essay. This conception was inspired by a
Its raison d‘être was to promote broad 1988 decision of the Inter-American Court
cooperation between its member states of Human Rights in the case of Velásquez
and to prevent the atrocities of the Rodríguez v. Honduras. The court decided
previous wars. As it stands in the that it is necessary for transitional
Statute's preamble, the signatory countries:
countries are: “Reaffirming their devotion 1. To take reasonable steps to
to the spiritual and moral values which are prevent human rights violations;
the common heritage of their peoples and 2. To conduct a serious investigation
the true source of individual freedom, of violations when they occur;
political liberty and the rule of law, 3. To impose suitable sanctions on
principles which form the basis of all those responsible for the
genuine democracy”. violations;
4. To ensure reparation for the
In Article 1a Chapter I of the Statute the victims of the violations.
purpose of the organisation is defined:
“The aim of the Council of Europe is to These four points can be translated into
achieve a greater unity between its four more general methods of transitional
members for the purpose of safeguarding justice:
and realising the ideals and principles 1. To conduct constitutional and
which are their common heritage and other reforms of the legal system;
facilitating their economic and social 2. To set up truth commissions;
progress.” 3. To conduct criminal and other
prosecutions;
That shows that the CoE is an 4. To set up victim reparation
international organisation, which programs.
promotes in its member states commonly
shared values, which are human rights, In this paper I will elaborate mainly on
rule of law and democracy. What does this point one preventing human rights
organisation have in common with violations by conducting constitutional
transitional justice? Transitional justice is and other reforms of the legal system and
a broad term183, which is not easy to partly on points three, sanctions, and
define. Transitional justice helps post-war four, reparations. These points are those
or post-authoritative regimes, which where the CoE can contribute mostly to
massively violated human rights to shift to transitional justice.
a democratic society with a rule of law and
human rights standards. The concepts of Despite the complexity, this means that
transitional justice can be seen from transitional justice and the CoE want to
different perspectives – legal, economic, achieve the same goals, establishing a
political, social or cultural. In any case, system of democracy, human rights and
the country‘s policies on how to achieve rule of law. That is where they both
transitional justice have to be judicialised intersect and that explains why the CoE
in order to bring to an end violence and can be a very useful tool for transitional
consolidate peace. I will concentrate on justice. In this essay I will demonstrate
the legal perspective of transitional how the CoE, its bodies and the ECHR
justice, as I think it is the cornerstone and can contribute to these methods of
the platform for other methods. That is transitional justice ultimately leading to
democracy, human rights and rule of law.
182 5 May 1949, ETS No. 001. CoE‘s mechanisms can especially prevent
183 See: Turgis, N., “What is Transitional Justice?” and stop human rights violations, impose
International Journal of Rule of Law, Transitional Justice and
Human Rights, Vol. 1, December 2010, p. 11-17.
suitable sanctions for those responsible
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
for the violations via the ECHR and to respect some basic principles and to be
ensure reparations for the victims of willing to collaborate with the CoE
violations. This will be demonstrated on towards a common goal. This approach,
the Sejdic and Finci v. Bosnia and that states become members of the CoE
Herzegovina case. I chose this case, as before accepting all the principles, is
BiH is a complex country from the human proven by the number of complaints at
rights perspective. After the fall of the ECHR for violations of the rights of the
Yugoslavia in 1990 and the armed conflict Convention. From the perspective of
of 1992–1995 it started undergoing standard-setting, in my opinion, this
transitional justice processes. At that approach proves to be more effective than
time, the country started to be in the pushing the states to fulfil all the criteria
focus of the CoE, later in 2002 becoming a before applying for membership. The CoE
member of the CoE, which implied works with such mechanisms, such as the
numerous obligations. ECHR, which prove to be effective tools to
make the member states comply with its
MEMBERSHIP IN THE COUNCIL OF standards. The membership in the CoE
EUROPE itself doesn‘t ensure the fulfilment of our
The CoE had to and still has to deal with four transitional justice methods, but it
countries undergoing the process of guarantees the will to work towards
transitional justice. Out of its forty- fulfilling them.
seven184 member states, more than a half
went through a transition of regime after MECHANISMS OF THE COUNCIL OF
1989. The membership in the CoE is EUROPE
voluntary. To become a member, There are different mechanisms in the
conditions of Article 3 Chapter II of the Council of Europe that can help
Statute have to be fulfilled: “Every member transitional justice in its member states. I
of the Council of Europe must accept the will concentrate on the Venice
principles of the rule of law and of the Commission, Committee of Ministers,
enjoyment by all persons within its European Convention on Human Rights
jurisdiction of human rights and and the European Court of Human Rights.
fundamental freedoms, and collaborate I choose these four mechanisms because
sincerely and effectively in the realisation they can best demonstrate how the CoE
of the aim of the Council as specified in could help transitional justice in Bosnia
Chapter I.” That means that to be invited and Herzegovina and also the extent of
to become a member of the CoE, the this essay does not allow elaborating more
candidate states have to accept the on other mechanisms.
principles of the CoE. It goes without
saying that the member states have to THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR
ratify the European Convention on DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE
Human Rights, which enshrines a number COMMISSION)
of fundamental rights and freedoms. The Venice Commission is “the Council of
Furthermore, the member states have to Europe‟s advisory body on constitutional
collaborate to achieve the goals of the matters”.185 It was created in 1990 as the
CoE, democracy, rule of law and human first aid assistance for constitutional
rights. The literal interpretation of this matters in CoE‘s member countries. This
article suggests that the candidates who partial agreement was then enlarged and
want to become members already have to non-members of the CoE can become
accept the principles and they must members (e.g. Tunisia and Mexico in
ensure a certain level of standards. 2010). The Venice Commission is
However when we look at reality, the CoE composed of experts on constitutional
accepts states that have not yet reached
the highest level of standards. It is enough
185
http://www.venice.coe.int/site/main/Presentation_E.
184 As of July 2011. asp. 29 August 2011.
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matters. Its aim is to spread the core Council of Europe‘s policy, programme of
constitutional values of Europe, activities and the budget.
democracy, rule of law and human rights,
while giving advice about constitutional Concerning the CoE‘s policy, the
matters. Committee adopts recommendations,
declarations, decisions and international
It also gives advise about electoral reforms conventions. It is charged with the
and cooperates with constitutional courts, supervision of the execution of judgments
ombudsmen etc. It played a very of the ECHR in the sphere of both
important role in the transitional justice legislation and practice. This task is
process in BiH. The Venice Commission actually the most important challenge
has been closely following the political and facing the protection of human rights in
legal developments in BiH since 1994. Europe. These instruments (except for
Since then, the Commission has drafted conventions) are not binding, but they
more than one hundred reports and have a political impact. They can create
opinions about the situation in BiH.186 political pressure on countries to behave
Moreover, after Bosnia and Herzegovina in a certain way. Concerning the Sejdic
became a member of the Council of and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina case,
Europe in 2002, BiH was, according to an the Committee of Ministers is applying
opinion187 of the Parliamentary Assembly constant pressure on BiH to bring its
of the Council of Europe, obliged to Constitution and certain electoral laws in
―review within one year, with the compliance with the judgment. In March
assistance of the European Commission 2011 the Committee at its 1108th meeting
for Democracy through Law (Venice adopted a decision where they ―noted with
Commission), the electoral legislation in concern that no consensus has been
the light of Council of Europe standards, reached among different political
and to revise it where necessary‖. BiH was stakeholders to bring the country‘s
urged to adopt a new non-discriminatory Constitution and its electoral legislation in
constitution before October 2010 when line with this judgment and the
general elections took place; however, it Convention‖.189
succeeded in adopting only one
amendment188 of the Constitution. THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION ON
Nonetheless, many opinions of the Venice HUMAN RIGHTS
Commission can serve in the future as a The first international convention signed
source for constitutional and other by the member states in the CoE was the
legislative reforms in BiH. European Convention on Human Rights in
1950. Setting up human rights standards,
THE COMMITTEE OF MINISTERS which are a part of a democratic state, is
The Committee of Ministers is the CoE‘s one of the core objectives of transitional
decision-making body. It is made up of the justice. The Convention, which summoned
ministers of foreign affairs of each the most important civil and political
member state but, most commonly, of human rights actors, contributed highly to
their permanent diplomatic identifying these standards. However, to
representatives in Strasbourg. The have these rights on paper is not
Committee of Ministers decides the sustainable if there is no mechanism of
supervision. The ECHR provides a means
of remedy for victims that suffer from
186
http://www.venice.coe.int/site/dynamics/N_Series_ef violations of human right that are
.asp?L=E&S=1. 29 August 2011. protected by the Convention. The ECHR
187 See Opinion 234 (2002) of the Parliamentary Assembly also opens a way for possible legislative or
of the Council of Europe of 22 January 2002, para. 15 (iv) (b)).
188 For more explanation on the failure of the reform see:
Sebastian, S., Leaving Dayton Behind: Constitutional Reform in 189
Bosnia-Herzegovina, available at http://www.coe.int/t/dghl/monitoring/execution/Re
www.fride.org/publication/291/leaving-dayton-behind- ports/pendingCases_en.asp?CaseTitleOrNumber=sejdic&StateCo
constitutional-reform-in-bosnia-and-herzegovina. 29 August 2011. de=&SectionCode=.,14.7.2011.
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quo. As a result, ―Dayton‘s constitutional because the country has made significant
framework failed to redress the causes of progress since the Dayton agreement.
war or to create an efficient state trusted In the partly concurring and partly
by all constituent peoples‖.206 dissenting opinion of the judgment Judge
Mijovic (joined by Judge Hajiyev) raised
Furthermore the Venice Commission says the question of whether Bosnia and
in its opinion: Herzegovina is ready for such changes
―On the contrary, the inclusion of third and argued that that is not the situation.
persons might help to overcome the He asked himself, ―is it up to the
stalemate in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The European Court of Human Rights to
long time that has elapsed since the determine when the time for change has
elaboration of the Dayton Peace Treaty arrived?‖ He suggested that the Court had
proves that the solution found in 1995 does gone too far. Moreover, he cited and
not really help to overcome the problems in identified himself with Judge Feldman of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is not the Bosnia and Herzegovina
proportionate to nullify rights guaranteed in Constitutional Court in his concurring
the Convention in order to preserve a opinion, ―...[I regard] the justification as
constitutional structure that has not helped being temporary rather than permanent,
to acquire the desired results within a ...but the time has not yet arrived when
period of about 13 years”.207 the State will have completed its
The Venice Commission claims that the transition away from the special needs
Constitution failed to redress the ethnic which dictated the unusual architecture
problems in BiH that led to the war and of the state under the Dayton Agreement
therefore there is no sense in preserving and the Constitution of Bosnia and
the discriminatory provisions. Herzegovina‖.209
Lastly, the ECHR argues in paragraph 49 In another dissenting opinion of this
of the Decision that the membership of judgment Judge Bonello argued that the
Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Council of ECHR is not apt to decide when the time
Europe in 2002 and ratification of the is ripe. ―In traumatic revolutionary events,
Convention and Protocols, even Protocol it is not for the Court to establish, by a
12 without reservations, obliged the state process of divination, when the transitional
to meet Council‘s standards. “Likewise, by period is over, or when a state of national
ratifying a Stabilisation and Association emergency is past and everything is now
Agreement with the European Union in business as usual. I doubt that the Court is
2008, the respondent State committed itself better placed than the national authorities
to „amend[ing] electoral legislation to assess the point in time when previous
regarding members of the Bosnia and fractures consolidate, when historical
Herzegovina Presidency and House of resentments quell and when generational
Peoples delegates to ensure full compliance discords harmonise”.
with the European Convention on Human
Rights and the Council of Europe post- CONCLUSION
accession commitments‟ within one to two The Council of Europe has different
years...‖208 mechanisms that can help its member
The most important argument was that states, which are undergoing the
discriminatory provisions could not even transitional justice processes, the first one
be objectively or reasonably justified being membership in the CoE itself. The
Sejdic and Finci v. Bosnia and
Herzegovina case that appeared before
ECHR, however controversial, proves that
206 Sebastian, S. Leaving Dayton Behind: Constitutional
Reform in BiH, p. 16.
207 Opinion no. 483/2008 adopted by the Venice 209 See: Concurring Opinion of Judge Feldman to the
Commission, para. 33. Decision of the Constitutional Court of BiH AP-2678/06, 29
208 http://eudo- September
citizenship.eu/caselawDB/docs/ECHR%20Sejdic%20and%20Fin 2006, http://www.ustavnisud.ba/eng/odluke/povuci_pdf.php?pid
ci%20v.%20Bosnia.pdf, para. 49. =67930,29 August 2011.
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the mechanisms of Council of Europe and changes to which it was obliged by its
the Convention can contribute to targeting membership in the Council of Europe and
human rights violations and finding the Stabilisation and Association
solutions for transitional countries in Agreement with the EU. The ECHR stated
Europe. The Convention and the Protocols that the special circumstances that led to
are the key instruments that were put in the provisions of the Constitution were not
place on the platform of the Council of anymore objectively or reasonably
Europe. Ratifying the Convention and justified, on the contrary these provisions
Protocols helps to establish a certain were endorsing ethnic and political
standard of human rights protection, divisions. Sanctions were imposed on
democracy and rule of law. The ECHR, as Bosnia and Herzegovina to ensure
the supervising body, makes this whole reparations for the victims of the
convention system effective. In the Sejdic violations. The Venice Commission
and Finci case the ECHR identified contributed to making suggestions as to
discriminatory provisions in the how to make the constitution and the
Constitution of BiH and in the electoral legal system comply with human rights,
code that caused human right violations rule of law and democracy standards. The
(violations of the Convention and Committee of Ministers is still applying
Protocols). The responsible party for the political pressure on BiH to comply with
violations was the state of Bosnia and these obligations.
Herzegovina because it was capable of
undertaking constitutional and electoral
This case is controversial and we can a debate on a political level about
disagree with its merits, however, it transitional justice.
cannot be doubted that the Council of However, not even the CoE and the ECHR
Europe is a valuable tool to identify key are almighty; it is up to BiH to make an
issues related to transitional justice, effort and to prove their political will. The
especially preventing and stopping human Sejdic and Finci case is still high on the
rights violations. CoE can, with the help of political agenda of BiH and its execution is
its mechanisms, make suggestions of one of the priorities of the country.
constitutional and other reforms of the Bosnian authorities have set up a task
legal system, impose suitable sanctions force to execute the judgment; however,
for those responsible for violations and no changes were achieved before the
ensure reparations for the victims of October 2010 general elections. Now, as
violations. The CoE and the ECHR can there was no government formed after the
raise awareness about human rights, rule elections on the state level, there are still
of law and democracy issues and can start no results as to amendments of the
constitution and the electoral laws.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Judgments:
Sejdic and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Application nos. 27996/06 and
34836/06, Decision of 22 December 2009, ECHR.
Decision of the Constitutional Court of BiH U 5/04, 27 January 2006.
Decision of the Constitutional Court of BiH U 13/05, 26 June 2006.
Decision of the Constitutional Court of BiH AP-2678/06, 29 September 2006.
Treaties:
European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms, November 4, 1950, ETS No. 5, 213 UNTS 222.
Statute of the Council of Europe, May 5, 1949, ETS No. 001.
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http://www.venice.coe.int/site/main/Presentation_E.asp
http://www.venice.coe.int/site/dynamics/N_Series_ef.asp?L=E&S=1
http://conventions.coe.int/treaty/Commun/ChercheSig.asp?NT=005&CM=&DF=&C
L=ENG
http://www.ustavnisud.ba/eng/odluke/povuci_pdf.php?pid=67930
http://eudo-
citizenship.eu/caselawDB/docs/ECHR%20Sejdic%20and%20Finci%20v.%20Bosnia.
pdf
http://conventions.coe.int/treaty/Commun/ChercheSig.asp?NT=005&CM=&DF=&C
L=ENG
http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/Treaties/Html/194.htm
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
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ABSTRACT
Societies in transition from totalitarian systems to democracy face
the basic need to create a national approach to the repressive
actions of the former regime and its officials, such as human
rights violations and other abuses. One of the main issues is how
to organise transitional justice mechanisms in order to set up the
process of democratisation and build a ―rule of law‖ state.
This paper focuses particularly on the legal dilemmas of the Polish
transition to state based on democratic values and rule of law
principles after 1989. Although Poland has successfully
transformed into a stable European country, a member of the
European Union and other international bodies, we can still
observe tensions within a society built upon the question of
persons (state officials, members of the leading party, members
and agents of the secret police) involved in the actions of the
former regime and their potential legal (criminal) responsibilities.
This paper elaborates on the selected decisions of Polish judicial
bodies with reference to the German and Hungarian experiences
in that field.
* Tomasz Lachowski holds a Master‘s Degree in law. He graduated from the Faculty
of Law and Administration, University of Lodz (Uniwersytet Łódzki) in Poland. He is
a PhD Candidate at the University of Lodz in The Chair of International Public Law
and International Relations (Faculty of Law and Administration). Lachowski is a
member of the editorial board of the "Stosunki Międzynarodowe/International
Relations" Magazine. He is the coordinator of the ―Academia Iuris‖ Foundation
branch in Lodz (Poland) that provides legal aid and services for indigent people.
Lachowski is deeply interested in the aspects of international security, state
sovereignty (mainly the responsibility to protect (R2P) concept), as well as in peace-
building and the state and nation-building process in post-conflict societies.
Currently Lachowski is preparing a PhD thesis on Transitional Justice in
International Law.
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“What is Transitional Justice?”, International Journal of to Spain after transition from the authoritarian system to
International of Rule of Law, Transitional Justice and Human democracy (1975-1982).
Rights, vol. 1, December 2010, 14-15. 215 Most of them were established outside Europe, for example:
212 Report of the Secretary-General, The Rule of Law and Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Haiti, Honduras, Sierra Leone, South
Transitional Justice in Conflict and Post-Conflict Societies, United Africa etc. The most significant attempts to create truth (and
Nations Security Council, UN Doc S/2004/616, 23 August 2004, reconciliation) commissions in Europe come from the former
p. 9, para. 25. Yugoslavia.
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rule of law and as support for the concerning the role of law in society
abovementioned goals of transition. R. during the democratisation of the state.
Teitel argues that transitional criminal Moreover it highlights that, without
measures ―instantiate and reinforce adopting adequate transitional justice
normative change‖, in other words, they mechanisms, society cannot go through
are intended to draw a line between a the hard process of transition that
―liberal and illiberal state‖ or the consequently leads to ongoing social and
―successor and former‖ regime.216 political tensions within the nation and, in
Nevertheless, there is still the risk of addition, undermines the process of
overusing criminal law mechanisms by democratisation.
politicising them in order to fulfil ―the
victors‘ justice‖ principles and, by doing THE POLISH EXPERIENCE: 2007
so, weakening the fragile democracy.217 POLISH SUPREME COURT DECISION
It is worth mentioning only a few On 13 July 2007 the prosecutor of the
European examples in this particular area Institute of National Remembrance 219
such as: Hungarian Volley Cases (Instytut Pamięci Narodowej) submitted an
(possibility of prosecution and application to prosecute a retired judge of
punishment of the persons acting against the Polish Supreme Court for committing
the protesting masses in 1956) and a communist crime against Polish
German trials in relation to the acts of citizens (deprivation of liberty - unlawful
state officials under the former GDR arrest and detention) by infringing their
regime with the most famous being the freedom from retroactive criminal
―Berlin Wall Shooters/Border Guards legislation. The decision was based on the
Case(s) - Mauerschützenprozesse‖, which decrees of Martial Law enacted in 1981.
ended before the European Court of The validity and content of that act will be
Human Rights in 2001. In these cases the presented in this paper. The Supreme
domestic judicial systems treated past Court, finding the application admissible,
abuses by presenting different approaches stated that due to the lack of: (I)
while evaluating the former regimes‘ constitutional provisions of the non-
actions, which will be examined later in retroactivity principle, (II) the mechanisms
this paper. of control of the legality of the statutes
Bearing in mind these facts I will with constitution and international law,
emphasise the legal reasoning of the and (III) the place of international law in
Polish Supreme Court (Sąd Najwyższy) the domestic legal system, domestic
Decision of 20 December 2007218 barring courts were exempted from compliance
the criminal responsibility of a former with the lex retro non agit principle. It is
state official. This particular case was to be emphasised that Poland220, since
rather incidental and remained on the 1977, has been a party to the
margin of public attention. Nevertheless, it
displays the judicial view (with anti-
judicial reasoning) of the pivotal problem 219 The Institute of National Remembrance was established by the
parliament (Sejm) in 1998. The institute was created to preserve the
memory of losses by the Polish nation during World War II and in
216 R. G. Teitel, Transitional Justice, (Oxford: Oxford University the post-war time, and to memorialise the national tradition of
Press, 2001), pp. 66-67. fighting against Nazis and Communists, and the Polish efforts to
217 This argument is commonly used by the supporters of amnesty gain an independent state. The second main obligation of that
programmes mainly in Latin American transitions. Amnesties institution is to fulfil the duty to prosecute crimes against peace,
enabled the start of the process of liberalisation and humanity and war crimes (mainly including Communist and Nazi
democratisation, like in Uruguay or El Salvador. See e.g. L. Huyse, crimes) and the need for compensation for the damages suffered
“Justice after transition: on the choices successor elites make in by people harmed by the repressive actions taken by the state
dealing with past”, Law and Social Inquiry, vol. 20, No 1, winter (directly or indirectly). The mandate of the institute covers all
1995. It should be noted that amnesties are also seen not as an crimes commissioned by state officials against the Polish Nation
instrument of justice, but rather as one, which sacrifices justice in from 17 September 1939 till 31 December 1989. This organisation
order to restore and maintain peace and put an end to the conflict. consists of four departments, one of which is the Special
See: C. T. Call, “Is Transitional Justice Really Just?”, The Brown Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish
Journal of World Affairs, vol. XI, Summer 2004, 103. Nation.
218 Polish Supreme Court, Decision No. I KZP 37/07, 20 220 The official name of the state was Peoples Republic of Poland
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proclaimed Martial Law in Poland221 by common with the principles of the theory of law and legal logic.
224 The printing of (The Official) Journal of Laws started on 17
enacting special decrees.222 This was, in December and was accomplished the day after, however it has to
be mentioned that some courts did not receive (The Official)
Journal of Laws until January 1982.
221 Martial law (1981-1983) is seen by Poles as comparable to the 225 According to article 4 of the ICCPR it is possible to derogate
Hungarian (1956) or Czech (1968 Prague Spring) experiences. this right under special procedure in a time of emergency....
222 Martial Law was proclaimed in response to the huge political Whether situation in Poland met these requirements is beyond the
crisis (officially to maintain peace and security in the country), scope of this paper.
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to prison under Martial Law decree community) and international public law
regulations, which violated the lex retro in general, and coincidentally justifying
non agit principle enshrined in the above the former regime use of the terms and
cited provision of the covenant.226 notions of the democratic, rule of law
As a result two important issues were state. J. Zajadło adds that such reasoning
supposed to be resolved by the 2007 would be (or might have been) accepted in
Polish Supreme Court decision: (I) the the 1980s, but almost 20 years after the
legacy of the adjudication in the analysed fall of the communist regime, it just
period and (II) the adjudication without presented a lack of sensitivity to the
legal ground, whether it constituted a change in the philosophy of the law,
crime committed by the adjudicating especially during transitional period.229 It
judges. was also claimed that the attitude
presented in the decision might have
jeopardised the full implementation of the
THE REASONING OF THE POLISH international legal order into the domestic
SUPREME COURT system.
The court‘s decision, which barred Without going into details of the motives
criminal prosecution of the former of such reasoning, it is perfectly clear that
regime‘s judges, was based on the such decision definitely did not accelerate
following assumptions: the Rechtsstaat-building process. It is
1952 State Constitution did not contain even more perceptible in the context of the
(expressis verbis) a prohibition of the experiences of other Central and East
creation of retroactive provisions; European states, which took different
1952 State Constitution did not include approaches (although not homogeneous)
the mechanisms of control of legality of to cases concerning the tension between
statutes and other acts with domestic and former regime abuses and respect for
international law;227 international human rights law, which is a
As the 1952 Constitution did not core part of the rule of law and the
pronounce on the place of public democratic state.
international law in the Polish legal
system, retroactive penal provisions of the THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN
Martial Law decrees did not infringe upon EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE WITH
the domestic legal system even though CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN THE TIME OF
ICCPR (Article 15 read in conjunction with TRANSITION – SELECTED CASES
Article 4) stated the contrary. In the following section, I will examine the
This reasoning was met with experiences of the two Central and
overwhelming criticism from Polish Eastern European states facing political
scholars.228 It was described as an transformation similar to Poland‘s and its
example of extreme legal positivism, which legal implications, based on an evaluation
puts aside the whole branch of of the former regimes‘ abuses in Hungary
international human rights law (universal and Germany (after reunification). The
and, at the time of the presented events, fulfilment of the idea of criminal justice
generally accepted by the international was confronted in both situations with the
issue of application of international law
(human rights) standards in the trials
226 P. Daranowski, “The Rule of (International) Law in Poland – concerning the recent past.
the Sign of Growing Democracy”, available at
http://www.grocjusz.edu.pl/Materials/pd_chile_eng.pdf
(accessed 25 August 2011). Hungarian VOLLEY CASES
227 The Constitutional Tribunal was established by the statute of
The Hungarian state, after transition from
1985 (as a consequence of the constitutional amendment of 1982)
and enforced on 1 January 1986 approximately four years after the the authoritarian system to democracy,
events took place. faced the legal and political dilemma of
228 See e.g. J. Zajadło, “5 minut antyfilozofii antyprawa – Glosa do
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prosecuting and punishing people can only proceed according to the law in
responsible for the crimes committed force at the time of the commission of the
during the Communist era, especially crime‖. The court identified the principle
during the 1956 revolution. The Volley of the ―security of law‖, which has to be
Cases refer to the crimes committed by seen as ―protection of rights previously
state officials (army) against unarmed, conferred‖ and, in addition, found that
peacefully protesting civilians during the ―unjust outcome of legal relations does not
Hungarian revolution. Criminal justice constitute an argument against the
mechanisms adopted by the Hungarian principle of the security of law‖.
authorities were concerned with the The parliament adopted a new law
possibility of the criminal responsibility of concerning aforementioned matters,
people involved in the alleged breach of which covered and penalised common
Common Article 3 of the Geneva crimes as well as international crimes
Conventions. (war crimes; crimes against humanity).
At the beginning of 1990s, the political According to international law,
pressure to establish trials against the international crimes are exempted from
perpetrators from the 1956 events was the statute of limitation (UN 1968
rather high, mainly due to the fact that Convention on the Non-Applicability of
the Hungarian parliament was composed Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and
of mostly right-wing parties. Moreover Crimes Against Humanity233; customary
some of the deputies were anti-communist law) so people responsible for committing
dissidents. As a result, the parliament such crimes could be prosecuted by
adopted a new law lifting the statute of Hungarian judicial authorities. The new
limitations for relevant crimes of murder, statute was referred to the Constitutional
treason and aggravated assault. Under the Court, which reiterated its first
legal regime in force at the time of the judgement, with exception of the
commission of the Volley Acts, the provisions penalising international crimes.
limitation for murder was 20 years, for It has to be mentioned that this
high treason was 15 years and for judgement was not free of controversies
aggravated assault was 8 years. and it opened a serious constitutional
The new statute230 was extremely debate among Hungarian scholars.234 T.
controversial because, by lifting the Hoffmann reminds that Hungarian courts
statute of limitations, it violated a core were seriously divided, mainly with
principle of the rule of law and, in reference to the possible existence of the
particular, of criminal law: nullum crimen non-international armed conflict and the
sine lege and the value of non- applicability of international customary
retroactivity. Immediately after its law to criminal proceedings235 from 23
adoption it was referred by the state October to 4 November 1956, before the
President to the Constitutional Court231, Soviet military intervention took place. So
which found the statute only a few trials preceded236. However,
unconstitutional. 232 The Court stated that those issues are beyond the scope of this
the principle of legality covers every aspect paper.
of criminal liability, for instance, changing
the statute of limitations ex post facto.
Additionally, ―conviction and punishment
233 Hungary is the party to the Convention on the non-applicability
of statutory limitations to war crimes and crimes against humanity
230 Literally the new law made a reference to crimes committed since 1969.
between December 1944 and May 1990, however, it was designed 234 T. Hoffmann, Individual Criminal Responsibility for Crimes
to enable the prosecutions of the 1956 perpetrators. Committed in Non-International Armed Conflicts – the Hungarian
231 The petition was based on questions of whether the analysed Jurisprudence on the 1956 Volley Cases, Criminal Law Between
statute met the requirements of Rechtsstaat: (I) the principle of War and Peace: Justice and Cooperation in Criminal Matters
non-retroactivity; (II) the requirement of predictability; and (III) in International Military Interventions, (Cuenca: Ediciones de la
certainty of law. Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 2009), p. 739.
232 Hungarian Constitutional Court, Decision No. 11/1992, 5 235 See Hoffmann, Individual Criminal Responsibility, pp. 741-753.
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What conclusions can be drawn from this the German Basic Law of the reunited
short summary of the dilemmas of Germany and the former GDR law, arose.
transition in Hungary? It is clear that the Public attention was turned towards
Constitutional Court played a significant several trials for killings on the inter-
role in determining the rule of law in German border – Berlin Wall. Indictments
Hungary and, like M. Mihai writes, were directed at both: German soldiers
―established continuity with the previous (border guards) and state officials
legal system, but discontinuity with the (decision-makers) responsible for shooting
system‘s practices of abusing the law‖.237 and killing at least 130 citizens of GDR
In the view of the court, a rule of law state trying to escape to the western part of
cannot be created by undermining rule of Berlin. Convictions were stated by the
law principles (in the relevant case: regional courts and then confirmed by the
criminal principles and guarantees), Federal Court of Justice. Another judicial
especially in the context of moral purges body, the Federal Constitutional Court,
after political transformation. According to found that these convictions were in
the Hungarian experience, rule of law and compliance with the German Basic
democracy means legal certainty and Law.241 Subsequently, the European
compliance with the international law Court of Human Rights decided that these
rules and standards (with the highest convictions did not violate several
position of the human dignity in the provisions of the European Convention on
hierarchy of fundamental rights and Human Rights (ECHR).242
freedoms238) rather than seeking for The main argument presented by the
substantive justice (victor‘s justice) and defendants concerned the consistency of
evaluation of the former regime. These their conduct within the GDR legal
particular decisions brought ―acclamation system. As a consequence, in their view,
from constitutional lawyers in established convictions were in breach with the
democracies‖239 and formed the strong standards of the non-retroactivity
position of the court in the Hungarian principle (in particular, Article 7 (1) of
legal order.240 ECHR – no punishment without law, and
Article 103 (2) of the Basic Law – ban of
GERMANY: BORDER GUARDS CASES retroactive criminal law) and were against
After the collapse of the GDR and the concept of Rechtsstaat.
the reunification of Germany, a great Under the German Unification Treaty, all
debate about ex post facto prosecutions acts committed by East German citizens
and convictions commenced. This debate within the territory of GDR shall be
was based not only on political dilemmas evaluated with reference to GDR law.243
but also on legal dilemmas of The state security policy embodied in
controversial prosecutions of GDR‘s People‘s Police Act and State
representatives of the former regime. Borders Act (additionally with the
Together with the question of personal instructions and orders policy), justified
responsibility of alleged perpetrators, the use of firearms in case of a threat to
another issue, concerning the questions of the existence of the state and prevailed
legitimacy and the legacy of the previous over the relevant provision of the GDR‘s
legal order and the relationship between Criminal Code (crime of murder) as well as
the general state obligation to protect the
right to life.
237 M. Mihai, Transitional Justice and the Quest for Democracy:
Towards a Political Theory of Democratic Transformation,
(Toronto: University of Toronto, 2010), p. 128.
238 L. Sólyom, “The Role of Constitutional Courts in the Transition to 241German Federal Constitutional Court, Decision of 21 July 1997.
Democracy: With Special Reference to Hungary”, International Sociology, vol. 242 European Court of Human Rights, Case of Strelezt, Kessler
18, No. 1, March 2003, 153. and Krenz v. Germany, 22 March 2001 (app. nos. 34044/96,
239 Mihai, Transitional Justice, p. 133. 35532/97 and 44801/98); K. – H. W. V. Germany, 22 March
240 E. Babus, “The Superego of the Transformation: The First 2001(app. nos. 37201797).
Eight Years of the Constitutional Court”, The Hungarian 243 The law of the Federal Republic of Germany was applicable
Quarterly, vol. XL, No. 153, spring 1999. only if it was more lenient.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
(1946)”, translated by B. Litschewski-Paulson, S. L. Paulson, 251 The Czech Republic is an interesting case because after the
Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, vol. 26, No. 1 (2006), 1-11. adoption of a strong statute declaring the former regime illegal and
246 Teitel, Transitional Justice, p. 16. illegitimate, upheld by the Constitutional Court. It was not
247 The provisions of the GDR‟s law were construed in a “human followed by a large number of criminal prosecutions of former
rights friendly manner”. regime perpetrators.
248 Teitel, Transitional Justice, p. 17. 252 Teitel, Transitional Justice, pp. 19-22.
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BIBILIOGRAPHY
Babus, E. ―The Superego of the Transformation: The First Eight Years of the
Constitutional Court‖, The Hungarian Quarterly, vol. XL, No. 153, spring 1999.
Call, C. T. ―Is transitional justice really just?‖, The Brown Journal of World Affairs,
vol. XI, Summer 2004.
Daranowski, P. ―The Rule of (International) Law in Poland – the Sign of Growing
Democracy‖, available at http://www.grocjusz.edu.pl/Materials/pd_chile_eng.pdf.
Hoffmann, T. Individual Criminal Responsibility for Crimes Committed in Non-
International Armed Conflicts – the Hungarian Jurisprudence on the 1956 Volley
Cases, Criminal Law Between War and Peace: Justice and Cooperation in
Criminal Matters in International Military Interventions, Cuenca: Ediciones de
la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 2009.
Huyse, L. ―Justice after Transition: on the Choices Successor Elites make in Dealing
with Past‖, Law and Social Inquiry, vol. 20, No 1, winter 1995.
Kasapas, G. ―An Introduction to the Concept of Transitional Justice: Western
Balkans and EU Conditionality‖, UNISCI Discussion Papers, No 18, Octubre/October
2008.
International Centre for Transitional Justice, ―What is Transitional Justice?‖,
available at http://ictj.org/sites/default/files/ICTJ-Global-Transitional-Justice-
2009-English.pdf.
Mihai, M. Transitional Justice and the Quest for Democracy: Towards a Political
Theory of Democratic Transformation, Toronto: University of Toronto, 2010.
Radbruch, G. ―Five Minutes of Legal Philosophy (1945)‖, translated by B.
Litschewski-Paulson, S. L. Paulson, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, vol. 26, No. 1
(2006).
Radbruch, G. ―Statutory Lawlessness and Supra-Statutory Law (1946)‖, translated
by B. Litschewski-Paulson, S. L. Paulson, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, vol. 26,
No. 1 (2006).
Rau, M. ―Transitional Justice: The German Experience after 1989‖, Rechtstaat in
Lectures, No. 4, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Bucharest August 2009.
Report of the Secretary-General, The Rule of Law and Transitional Justice in Conflict
and Post-Conflict Societies, United Nations Security Council, UN Doc S/2004/616, 23
August 2004.
Sólyom, L. “The Role of Constitutional Courts in the Transition to Democracy: With
Special Reference to Hungary”, International Sociology, vol. 18, No. 1, March 2003.
Teitel, R. G., Transitional Justice, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Turgis, N. ―What is Transitional Justice?‖, International Journal of International of
Rule of Law, Transitional Justice and Human Rights, vol. 1, December 2010.
Wasiński, M. ―Sprawiedliwość okresu przejściowego (Transitional Justice)‖, Liberte,
No. 27, Czerwiec/June 2011, available at
http://www.liberte.pl/component/content/article/1813.html?ed=31.
Wilke, C. ―Politics of Transitional Justice: German, Hungarian and Czech Decisions
on ex post facto Punishment‖, The Contours of Legitimacy in Central Europe: New
Approaches in Graduate Studies, European Studies Centre, Oxford 2002.
Zajadło, J. ―5 minut antyfilozofii antyprawa – Glosa do Uchwały SN z dnia 20 grudnia
2007 roku‖, available at http://www.rpo.gov.pl/pliki/12100650360.pdf.
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WEARING TOTALITARIAN
SYMBOLS: FREEDOM OR
RESTRICTION OF EXPRESSION /
CASE STUDY BASED ON ATTILA
VAJNAI‟S CASE
By Csuka Márta*
ABSTRACT
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(2) The person, who commits the act to the European Court of Human Rights
defined in subsection (1) for the purposes (ECHR) on 15 May 2006 claiming the
of the dissemination of knowledge, violation of Article 10 of the Conviction
education, science, or art, or with the (freedom of expression)262.
purpose of information about the events of
history or the present time, shall not be The Court ascertained that there has been
punishable. an interference with Mr. Vajnai‘s rights
(3) The provisions of subsections (1) and (2) enshrined in Article 10 § 1 of the
do not extend to the official symbols of Convention. The Court also found that the
states in force. interference was prescribed by Hungarian
domestic law and pursued legitimate aim.
In 2000 the Hungarian Constitutional The Court accepted Hungary‘s arguments
Court analyzed the constitutionality of that former one-party dictatorship caused
section 269/B and that time the Court a lot of suffering to people and symbols
decreed as it follows: ―In Hungary, the like red stars remind them to that time
memories of both ideologies represented creating unkindly feelings. Finally the
by the prohibited symbols are still alive in Court had to decide whether the sanction
the public consciousness and in the against Mr. Vajnai was necessary in a
communities of those who survived democratic society.263
persecution; these things are not According to the Government wearing red
forgotten. [...] The use of such symbols star reminds people of the former ruling
recalls the recent past, together with the Communist regime which neglected even
threats of that time, the inhuman basic human rights and oppressed every
sufferings, the deportations and the civil initiative. Using totalitarian symbols
deadly ideologies.‖261 With its decision the in public related to identification with
Constitutional Court affirmed the ban of ideas of Communism and thus can create
using every type of totalitarian symbols in fear among people. Secondly the
public. At that time many experts Government referred to the margin of
criticized that decision claiming that it appreciation application which allows
undermines the principle of freedom of states to work out their own methods to
expression. handle cases related to former regimes.
Generally it ensures time for states in
According to the relevant section of the transition to apply the international
Criminal Code Mr. Vajnai was convicted of standards. (In a previous similar case
the offence of using totalitarian symbols. Rekvényi v. Hungary ([GC], no. 25390/94,
In spring 2004 he appealed to the §§ 44-50, ECHR 1999-III) the Court
Budapest Regional Court (Fővárosi dismissed the application of a Hungarian
Bíróság) which stayed the previous police officer who imputed the restriction
decision and decided to refer the case to on certain political rights as they are not
the Court of Justice of the European allowed to continue political activity or to
Communities (ECJ). The reason was to join any political party. The Court found
reveal if there is any discrimination on the that the interference fell within the
case that not every member states‘ law national authorities‘ margin of
prohibits the use of totalitarian symbols. appreciation.)
On 6 October 2005 the ECJ declared that
it had no jurisdiction to answer this
question and referred back the case to the
262 Article 10 of the Convention:
“1. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right
Budapest Regional Court which shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart
subsequently upheld the conviction information and ideas without interference by public authority...
against Mr. Vajnai. Thereafter he turned 2. The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and
responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions,
restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary
in a democratic society ... for the prevention of disorder ... [or] ...
261 The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Hungary. Available for the protection of the ... rights of others ...”
at: http://www.mkab.hu/admin/data/file/666_14_2000.pdf. 263 Vajnai v. Hungary (Appl. no. 33629/06) Decision of 8 July
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wants to turn to ECHR again.269 As Mr. belief and the right to live without being
Vajnai states there is a chance in the bothered by the ghosts of past.271
future that anyone who wants to wear the
red star as a symbol of the international Thus on the other hand some experts are
workers‘ movement in public in Hungary arguing to ensure for everybody the whole
risks to be convicted. He also warns that freedom to say, to write, to use what they
later it is possible to proceed ―against a want no matter what others, for instance
lawful political party which is part of the so-called leaders say.272 This kind of
European left-wing party fighting for a thinking is the base of a pluralistic
new, socially fair society.‖ society, the opposite of totalitarian ones
with generally one-party regimes, without
Freedom of expression is equal with the any possibility to be non-conform or to
freedom of using totalitarian symbols? express other points of view. In a
pluralistic society citizens are able to
Via this case we can analyze what sort of express different kind of opinions, even if
impacts has the sole wearing a totalitarian it is completely opposite of the majority‘s
symbol which can be considered as a kind opinion and this makes a society colorful
of non-verbal hate speech. and vibrant. At the same time it provides
facilities to confront ideologies and also
Those who are against it claim that these hurt other people‘s feelings. In such
symbols remind people the past they wish societies‘ political life, left- or right-wing
to forget, an oppressive regime, sufferings parties, greens, religious or secular and
they had to survive, deportations, work extremist parties can appear as well. That
camps, death of family members and is to say, they all have the possibility to
friends. Secondly, in a transitional society, build up a political party and popularize
when democracy is young and vulnerable, their program in order to gain support and
the new democratic order, the program as far as possible to get into the legislation
should be followed by the society is being in a position to make orders.
insecure, wearing totalitarian symbols,
uniforms, marching groups of people Transitional societies and freedom of
create fear easily. People have to learn expression
how to trust in democratic institution, in There is no society where freedom of
authorities, in police forces. Extremist expression is completely ensured and
ideology, be it left-, or right-wing, ruins there is no society without any form of
that trust amongst citizens. Supporters of expression. E. g. the USA is frequently
that kind of theory agree on banning of called the ―land of dreams‖ which
using totalitarian symbols in public theoretically means that everyone is equal
though it is a restriction of freedom of and has the same rights and obeys and
expression which is one of the most thus everyone is able to realize its dreams.
important and basic right that is laid But it does not mean in the same time
down in every international conventions or that everyone has the same chance to use
documents.270 One of the most discussed these rights as well. But of course has
and most sensitive part of expression is more chance if compared to the so-called
the clash of freedom to express someone‘s last dictatorships in the world like North-
Korea, Cuba, Zimbabwe or Belarus. If we
go further it comes that being free and
using rights and freedoms depends more
269 Népszava online, Hungarian gazette. Available at:
http://www.nepszava.hu/articles/article.php?id=442321.
Accessed on: 10 July 2011.
271‟Call for all totalitarian symbols to be banned in EU‟ EU
270 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights Art. 19. Available Observer. Available at:
at: http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/index.shtml#a19. http://euobserver.com/843/18323. Accessed on: 10 July 2011.
Accessed on: 14 November 2011. 272 Available at: http://www.radicalparty.org/en/content/un-
International Covenant on Civil and Political rights Art. 19 and 20. international-experts-condemn-curbs-freedom-expression.
Available at: http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/ccpr.htm. Accessed on: 14 November 2011.
Accessed on: 14 November 2011.
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on the system of society you live in than Even so the Hungarian Criminal Code is
on the existence of the rights and extremely strict and does not allow to
freedoms itself. In theory every country citizens to wear them and it is explained
grants freedom of expression to its citizen. by the brief Fascist and the 40 years
But degree of democracy is showed by the lasting Communist past of the nation. It
fact how citizens are allowed to use this wants to antedate any situations that
right. That distinguishes democracies could help extremist parties to be
from despotic or totalitarian societies. strengthened.
Dictatorship‘s rules ban people to be
themselves, to behave as they could if In 1989 Hungarian transition was
they lived in a democratic state, and to peaceful after a political round-table
say what they want to but could not in where transitional forces get together to
absence of freedom of expression, count down the Soviet past and open the
thought, conscience and religion. country for the market economy, change
Democracy on the other hand allows the socialist one-party regime and build a
people to express their opinion, clash their new western-type democracy. A new
points, use arguments but no violence. constitution was adopted, new directions
And there is only a narrow line between were pointed out, free and transparent
arguing and using force. elections were held and the new
government, elected by citizens of the
Some transitional societies lack the ability independent Republic of Hungary, had
to handle a situation when extremist begun to work.
groups appear and want to get more
influence among citizens in order to work
out their base and propagate their views.
A real fear emerges from being off the rails Conclusion
of democracy, losing independence or even
turns back to previous dictatorships. Central and Eastern Europe made its
Transitional societies have no experience transition in 1989/90 and after more than
of democracy and people have no trust in 20 years these countries had made lots of
what they do not know. In a balanced and changes in their legislation and ensured a
healthy society people are able to decide if wide range of rights that people have not
an ideology is harmful or offending thus owned or owned only in a restricted way
using totalitarian symbols are allowed as before. In spite of that fact there are still
simple symbols of people identifying incompleteness as we can see through the
themselves with a certain political point of studied case. Freedom of expression may
view. clash others right to live in peace. Our
task is to work on to correct these defects.
Hungary and transitional justice Totalitarian symbols can work as certain
In the concrete case of Mr. Vajnai the kind of hate speech that can be punished.
ECHR argued that Hungary is over the But from the studied case we realize that
transitional period having passed almost it cannot be automatic the red star cannot
20 years after transition in 1989 from be banned only because of the fact that is
communism to democracy. There is a was used by communists as well. In some
working market economy; Hungary is a cases it could be even absurd: in 1999 in
member of the North Atlantic Treaty a Hungarian town on the main square
Organization, NATO (1995) and the standing Christmas tree people thought
European Union (2004). At the precise there were red star shaped ornaments.
time there were no real danger to get the Because of people‘s protest the town had
power any far-left forces, democracy and to get down the ornaments. But of course
the rule of law solidified. Wearing a products like Heineken or Converse can
symbol of the International Workers‘ Party be distributed in the country although
at a lawful demonstration is normally a
form of expressing political commitments.
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Bibliography
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ABSTRACT
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not require proof of intent to commit a The wrongs which we seek to condemn
crime on the part of an accused before and punish have been so calculated, so
criminal liability can attach.‖284 However, malignant and so devastating, that
there are many debates that try to civilization cannot tolerate their being
emphasise that JCE is not based on the ignored, because it cannot survive their
customary international law.285 Some of being repeated.286
the critics argue that JCE 3 unnecessarily
broadens the scope of liability and brings The set of principles for the protection and
into it a large number of those that are promotion of human rights through action
considered to be ―guilty by association‖. to combat impunity, updated in 2005,
contain four rights of victims, but they
III. JCE AS A TRANSITIONAL serve the society as a whole as well. They
JUSTICE MECHANISM are: the right to know, the right to justice,
Before the JCE doctrine emerged the only the right to reparation and the right of
way to bringing the perpetrators of mass non-recurrence.
atrocities to account was by either
prosecuting them as the direct THE RIGHT TO JUSTICE
perpetrators who committed the crime, for The joint criminal enterprise doctrine was
having aided and abided the crime, or by created as a tool to bring to justice all
using command responsibility and then those who in some way made it possible
looking into the official chain of command. for the perpetrator physically to carry out
Justice had limited tentacles reaching a criminal act. The criminal justice system
only superiors, helpers and those who could now act by ensuring that those that
actually ―pulled the trigger.‖ All the others are most responsible for serious crimes
who were part of the criminal plan under international law are prosecuted,
remained safe even though they tried and duly punished. An important
contributed. Searching for a legal aspect of this form of liability is that it is a
mechanism that could help render justice higher degree of culpability than aiding
started with the Nuremberg Trials. It is and abetting. It is a form of commission of
there that a legal principle, Nullum crimen, a crime. This was explained in the Tadic
nulla poena sine lege, was broken in order Appeal Judgment, but was also confirmed
to define crimes against humanity. As -and clarified by later jurisprudence in the
Robert Jackson, the Supreme Court Ojdanic287 and Krnjojelac288 cases. The
Justice at the Nuremberg Trials, explained ICTY and other international and hybrid
in his statement: tribunals have tried and convicted a
number of senior political and military
leaders.289
of JCE because “the threshold for attributing liability becomes accepts the Prosecution submission as justified and points out that
even lower than the threshold for holding a person responsible as it has since been upheld in the Ojdanic case. The chamber views
aider and abettor.” For this reason, in the cases where genocide is participation in a joint criminal enterprise as a form of
commited as natural and forseable consequence the person should “commission” under Article 7(1) of the Statute”.
not be held responsible for genocide on the basis of JCE, but 289 See for example the list of all ICTY judgments available at
rather as aider and abettor under Art. 7(1) or as complicity to http://www.icty.org/sections/TheCases/JudgementList (last
genocide under Article 4(3)(e). accessed on November 18th, 2011).
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…following the 25 May 1997 coup, high violations. If we look at the ICTY
ranking AFRC members and the RUF judgements, for example, we can see
leadership agreed to form a joint sections that chronologically and
„government‟ in order to control the territory extensively depict events that lead up to
of Sierra Leone. The Chamber considers the crimes, the crimes themselves, names
that such an objective in and of itself is not of places of capture and detention, places
criminal and therefore does not amount to of murder or torture, and the location of
a common purpose within the meaning of mass graves. Having this official,
the law of joint criminal enterprise judicially approved ―truth‖ published
pursuant to Article 6(1) of the Statute. about what happened can be invaluable
However, where the taking of power and for the victims.
control over State territory is intended to be
implemented through the commission of THE RIGHT TO NON-RECURRENCE
crimes within the Statute, this may amount JCE has a crucial impact on the process
to a common criminal purpose.290 of dismantling institutions — including
state institutions, the armed forces,
Heads of the states do not remain structures of regime police units, media
protected. In the ongoing case against the that served to spread the hate
former president of Liberia, Charles propaganda, and the judiciary — that
Taylor, the indictment holds that the allowed mass atrocities to take place. By
accused is individually criminally putting a flag on those responsible and
responsible if he ―otherwise aided and making official records about what
abetted or which crimes amounted to or happened the potential for a similar
were involved within a common plan, conflict occurring again is reduced.
design or purpose in which the accused
participated, or were a reasonably V. CONCLUSION
foreseeable consequence of such common High ranking politicians and military
plan design or purpose”.291 commanders that had roles and
JCE helps even more by capturing a wider responsibilities in certain large scale
number of those who had important roles crimes can be brought to justice with the
in the large-scale and systematic help of the notion of joint criminal
commission of international crimes. It enterprise. Genocide, crimes against
discloses their true position and humanity, and war crimes are supported
responsibility and results in appropriate and carried out by their system. With the
punishment in view of the impact of their use of the categories — such as common
actions or omissions. plan and common purpose and knew or
should have known — carefully packed
THE RIGHT TO TRUTH into the joint criminal enterprise doctrine,
JCE is based on a common plan or it is possible to make those who had
purpose and, in trying to prove the important roles in those kinds of systems
existence and the content of the plan and responsible before the law. They
the role of those responsible, it puts a knowingly participated in the criminal
bright light on the truth about what endeavour and sometimes even lead it.
happened. It depicts circumstances and The detailed judgements help by hearing
reasons behind the systematic violations all the evidence and setting the official
and tells a story of the perpetration of record of truth about of what happened
those crimes. This inalienable right to while further abuses are prevented by the
know the truth provides a further dismantling of the system that enabled
safeguard against the recurrence of the joint criminal enterprise.
290 Appeals Chamber of the Special Court for Sierra Leone If we look at Security Council Resolution
(“SCSL”) Judgment in the case against Messrs Sesay, Kallon and 808, that established the ICTY, we can
Gbao, para. 484.
291 Prosecution‟s Second Amended Indictment against Charles
find two important statements. The ICTY
Taylor, count 33.
was established to bring to justice the
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Guide through the Hague Tribunal; regulations and practice, OSCE mission in
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Karnavas, Michael G. Joint Criminal Enterprise at the ECCC, A critical analysis of
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Osiel, Mark. The banality of good: aligning incentives against mass atrocity, 105
Colum. L. Rev. 1751 (2005).
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Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), 17 September 2003.
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Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), 28 February 2005.
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AR73.9, International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), 11
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Delalic (Trial Judgement), IT-96-21-T, International Criminal Tribunal for the former
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Judges Order on Joint Criminal Enterprise (JCE) (Case File No: 002/19-09-2007-
ECCC-OCIJ), Pre-Trial Chamber, 20 May 2010.
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Security Council Resolution 955, S/Res/808 (1994).
UN Commission on Human Rights, Updated Set of principles for the protection and
promotion of human rights through action to combat impunity, 8 February 2005.
van Sliedregt, Elies. Joint Criminal Enterprise as a Pathway to Convicting
Individuals for Genocide.
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REFUGEES WITHIN
TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: THE
FORGOTTEN ACTORS?
By Claire Schaepelynck*
ABSTRACT
294 Thomson, Susan and Rosemary Nagy, Law, Power and Justice: What Legalism Fails to Address in the Functioning of Rwanda‟s Gacaca
Courts? International Journal of Transitional Justice Vol. 5, 2011, 11-30. doi:10.1093/ijtj/ijq/024, 2010, Oxford University Press, p. 12.
295 “Society” is understood here as “victims and perpetrators” since in some cases, it concerns the entire country such as in Rwanda.
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who would like to come to their country. on Civil and Political Rights also says in
Indeed, some refugees can be very article 12(4) that, ―no one shall be
reluctant to begin the process of arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter
repatriation because ―the refugee would his own country‖.305
need to forego their anonymity and expose
the fact that they have sought refuge ―The ‗right of return‘ to their home
elsewhere‖.301 Therefore, ―it is important countries became an internationally
that refugees are able to reconstruct their recognised human right that ought to be
identity by assuming different social roles guaranteed. The exercise of this right of
and interacting with community members return was envisaged as the cornerstone
so that they are not seen solely as ex- of the concept of temporary protection‖.306
refugees‖.302 Therefore, I think that the
social approach dimension with the As such, this right is internationally
inclusion of refugees within the society recognised but it remains a passive right
should be primary to the transitional because the main actors are the states.
justice system. The host state wants to enhance the
voluntary or forced return of refugees but,
The legal reasons/grounds to include to do so, the country of origin must have a
the issue of refugees functional judicial system and legal
I would argue that so far, when a guarantees that create the necessary
transitional justice system is set up and conditions for a safe return. The refugee
when the well-founded fear that refugees does not play a role; he or she is a passive
experienced is suppressed, it confers a actor.
particular right to refugees: the right to It would therefore be interesting to give a
return. This right has several legal more important role to refugees, shifting
foundations in international law. Under from a passive right to an active right. It
Article 9 of the Universal Declaration of would also join the argument stated in the
Human Rights, a right of return to one‘s social approach, that giving them social
own country is expressly recognised and roles and interacting with the community
such right is also expressly recognised in allows them to shift away from their solely
Article 13(2) of the same document.303 refugee quality. Indeed, I would argue that
Additionally, in Annex Seven of the transitional justice would win by getting
Dayton Peace Agreement refugees and out of a purely legalist frame and
displaced people ―have a right to freely including several perspectives in order to
return to their homes of origin,‖ and bring back peace and reconciliation.
states have a duty to ―accept the return of If we take the example of Rwanda; it has
such people who have left their territory, been member of the United Nations since
including those who have been accorded 1962. As such, it has to follow the United
temporary protection by third Nations Charter. In Article 8, this charter
countries‖.304 The International Covenant recognises that everyone has a right to an
effective remedy. If I pursue my argument
that refugees are part of the citizens who
301 Harris Rimmer, Susan. Reconceiving Refugees and Internally suffered the most, then they should get
Displaced Persons as Transitional Justice Actors, Centre for
International Governance and Justice Issues Paper n°7, April 2009,
access to this effective remedy and get
Australian National University, p 3. reparations, taking into account that this
302 Annan, Jeannie and Ana Cutter Patel, Critical Issues and
notion is a very problematic one. However,
Lessons in Social Reintegration: Balancing Justice, Psychological
Well Being, and Community Reconciliation, May 200. The official
website of the International DDR Congress, held in Cartagena de http://www.state.gov/www/regions/eur/bosnia/bosagree.html,
Indias, 4, 5 and 6 May 2009. 13 November 2011.
303 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, G.A. Res. 217A, U.N. 305 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 999
GAOR, 3rd Sess., Supp. No. 3, at 71, U.N. Doc. A/810 (1948), U.N.T.S. 171 (1966). Article 12(4).
accessed on 13 November 2011, Article 13(2). Reads as follows: 306 Sopf, Davor. Temporary Protection in Europe After 1990: The
“No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile”, “Right to Remain” of Genuine Convention Refugees, UNHCR
available at http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/., Branch Office, Zagreb, Croatia, Washington University Journal of
304 The Dayton Peace Accord, Nov. 21, 1995, Annex Seven, Law and Policy, Vol.6, 2001.
available at
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I think that the right to an effective Sixty years of such prejudicial fabrications
remedy should be envisaged as an active inflated Tutsi egos inordinately and
right of seeking remedy and therefore crushed Hutu feelings, which coalesced
making the refugees real actors. Giving into an aggressively resentful inferiority
them this opportunity would lead to no complex.‖308
longer differentiating them from other
citizens and, therefore, give them the Another problem is that ―the field of
rights attached to their nationality such transitional justice has historically
as seeking a remedy. Such a possibility excluded issues of economic inequality,
could enhance their will to return. structural violence, redistribution and
development‖.309 The focus of transitional
CREATING A TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE justice is to correct the injustices from the
SYSTEM WHERE REFUGEES HAVE past and it is usually focussed on human
THEIR ROLE TO PLAY rights violations and, when ―it does
Addressing the roots of the problems address economic issues, it focuses on
In the example of Rwanda, what we reparations or compensation for a victim
witnessed is the desire to reconcile divided group defined by the institution‖310.
communities that were devastated by The main problem of not envisaging all the
genocide. The Gacaca system appeared to roots of the problems is that it limits the
be the best example for judging the conflict, the violence, and gross violation
perpetrators (except the perpetrator of of human rights. For instance in Rwanda,
category one) in order to bring back peace the transitional justice system sees the
and lead to reconciliation. However, problem as an ethnicity issue rather than
creating Gacaca has been viewed as ―decades of inequity, unequal land
punishment and not as healing. During distribution and colonial construction‖.311
the instauration of Gacaca courts, the Therefore, if the transitional justice
focus has been on legality.307 system does not have a comprehensive
However, as seen previously, a focus on approach to the roots of the problems and
legality is near-sighted because it does not especially the economic ones, ―it may
address the roots of the problems and the actively contribute to new outbreaks of
comprehensive need of the victims for violence‖.312
truth and reparation. In transitional It is also necessary to take into
justice, there is a real need for a consideration the psychological
comprehensive approach, not only a dimension, the traumas experienced and
remedy. The roots of the problems often the human reactions and hard feeling that
exist in historical, social, economic and could result. What is needed, therefore, in
political reasons and in humanity itself. transitional justice to make people come
For instance, in the Rwanda example, the back and create peace, is a comprehensive
historical roots of the problems have been approach.
left out whereas: The psychological, human dimension
―During their colonial tenure, the ―Some individuals who participate in or
Germans and Belgians ruled Rwanda are exposed to violence may suffer from
indirectly through Tutsi monarchs and psychological disturbances as well as
their chiefs. The colonialists developed the
so-called Hamitic hypothesis or myth,
which held that the Tutsi and everything 308 Berry, John A and Carol Pott Berry. (eds.), A review of
humanly superior in Central Africa came Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism,
Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda, Princeton University
from ancient Egypt or Abyssinia. The Press, 2001. p. 364; Genocide in Rwanda: A Collective Memory.
Europeans regarded Hutu and Twa (about Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1999. p. 201.
3% of the population) as inferior to Tutsi. 309 Zinaida Miller, Effects of Invisibility: In Search of the
2011, 11-30, doi: 10.193/ijtj/ijq024, Oxford University Press, p. 13. 312 Ibid.
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more fundamental identity and spiritual revenge or a well-founded fear. Why would
problems‖.313 Therefore, I argue that this refugees go back to live among their
dimension should be essential when perpetrators? It would be interesting to
constructing a transitional justice system. think of this problem when trying to
As argued previously, refugees managed include refugees and creating the
to flee the country but their trauma conditions for them to come back.
remains. If the goal is to bring back peace,
which cannot be done without including THE PROBLEMATIC RWANDA
the problematic of refugees who are still GRACACA CASE: A TRANSITIONAL
citizens of a wounded country, the JUSTICE SYSTEM CREATING
psychological dimension has to be taken REFUGEES
into account from the beginning. The Gacaca courts were the only
The state should first demonstrate that transitional justice system that actually
the well-founded fear of persecution has tried to prosecute everyone responsible for
disappeared, then that refugees still have or participating in the genocide. It was
enough ties with their country of origin to argued that it is a good system to fight
be willing to come back, construct their impunity especially with the rule of non
lives and participate in the healing bis in idem. However, the problem with the
process. There might be a desire for non bis in idem rule is that there is a risk
revenge and the transitional justice that someone innocent will be prosecuted
system itself may be used as a tool for again by the same people for the same
revenge as it was in the Gacaca process thing. In some cases I have been dealing
where the witnesses are usually the only with, I observed that people, under
grounds to judge people. Refugees want to pressure, threatened to charge someone in
see their perpetrators prosecuted so that front of the Gacaca. The real reason for
they can feel a sense of justice. This leads persecution most of the time is to seek
me to the following thought that material compensation, a house, land. In
transitional justice should not be most of my cases, people flee because they
collective but somehow be individual.314 are forced to lie and cannot get assistance.
Indeed, transitional justice such as the They have no choice but to leave the
ICTY, has to choose who to prosecute. country. My argument would therefore be
Therefore, some will be satisfied that their that this kind of transitional justice
perpetrators being judged and other will system also creates refugees. It does so
not and see the situation as unfair and because, as we have seen, the economic,
this cannot objectively lead to social and historical reasons have never
reconciliation. If there is no possibility of been envisaged.
reconciliation and no suppression of well-
founded fears, which can be subjective The Rwanda system is very particular
fear as accepted in the case law, then the within transitional justice. The supreme
refugees will return. goal was to lead the population to
Moreover, if we take the example of reconciliation. It is a good example, which
Rwanda, it must be recalled that the shows that a comprehensive approach to
population lives together with génocidaires the problem has not been taken into
and victims. Therefore a neighbour can be account. ―Gacaca is part of a state-
the one who killed the entire family of imposed veneer of reconciliation that does
his/her neighbour. From a psychological little to address the social and political
point of view, this dimension will affect the divisions and injustices that underlie
human being and does create a desire for mass atrocity and conflict‖.315 This
transitional justice system skipped the
313 Barsalou, Judy. Trauma and Transitional Justice in Divided
Societies, , Special Report, United States Institute of Peace, April 315 Thomson, Susan and Rosemary Nagy. Law, Power and Justice:
2005. What Legalism Fails to Address in the Functioning of Rwanda‟s
314 Nalepa Monika. Why do They Return? Evaluation the impact of Gacaca Courts? International Journal of Transitional Justice Vol. 5,
ICTY Justice on Reconciliation, Political Science Rice University 2011, 11-30, doi:10.1093/ijtj/ijq/024, 2010, Oxford University
Harvard Academy Scholar, 26 January 2007. Press, p, 12.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
roots of the problems where genocide Refugees are the forgotten actors of the
cannot be understood apart from the transitional justice system. For all the
conditions of structural violence, poverty reasons pre-cited they should be
and social exclusion that characterised integrated in the process of peace and
Rwanda in the 1990s.316 reconciliation and they should be able to
Research done by Susan Thomson and seek proper remedy for the damages they
Rosemary Nagy showed that Rwandan have suffered. It is necessary to have a
citizens were not willing to participate in comprehensive approach to the
the Gacaca process. If the people who transitional system taking into account
stayed were not willing to participate, it is the roots of the problems, which led to
even more problematic and complicated to mass atrocities and the psychological
imagine that refugees would return and dimensions, traumatisms they created.
participate. The Gacaca system remains problematic
In some cases I have been dealing with,317 because of lack of proof, lack of attorneys
the pressure on some witnesses is really and a lack of international standards. It
striking. Since the Gacaca is based on a creates refugees and leads to the opposite
system of truth-telling, I have seen people of the goals of upholding the transitional
being threatened or even beaten up in justice system. In my opinion, the refugee
order to coerce them to admit they issue within transitional justice is an
witnessed others participating in the important one, which has been totally
genocide. They do not have the chance to forgotten and should be seriously
get any protection so the luckiest manage envisaged when building transitional
to escape to other countries and request justice systems. The future will tell us if
asylum. In those cases we can argue that the Gacaca system managed to prevent a
this model of transitional justice is far new conflict but one might fear that the
from being a perfect system. It has been roots of the problems are still underlying.
criticised for lack of protection of
witnesses and the absence of attorneys.
The fact that it creates refugees should be
considered as a very serious and
problematic issue jeopardising the reach
of peace and reconciliation even more. It is
thus creating the opposite of the goals
transitional justice has been set up to
fulfil. I do not have a solution to palliate
those problems, but it has to be recalled
that the Gacaca process should end by
December 2011.318 It will be a new
challenge for Rwandan society and it will
be interesting to observe the
consequences of the end of this
transitional justice system. However, one
might fear that the situation becomes
worse since it never addressed the roots of
the problems.
CONCLUSION
Page 106
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Articles
Triponel Anna. Stephen Pearson, What do you Think Should Happen? Public
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Harris Rimmer, Susan. Reconceiving Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons as
Transitional Justice Actors, Centre for International Governance and Justice Issues
Paper n°7, April 2009, Australian National University p. 3.
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Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. p. 364, Genocide in Rwanda: A
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available at http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/ The Dayton Peace Accord,
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Website
http://cartagenaddr.org/literature_press/ART_21.pdf
http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/volumes/2002/2-1/magnarella2-1.pdf
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proces-gacaca-en-decembre_1525162_3212.html
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
ABSTRACT
An international administration of a territory (ITA) can adopt
decisions in individual situations while a proper legal framework
for regulating transparency, participation in decision-making and
access to justice (i.e. inclusionary governance) is lacking. The type
of public power exercised by ITAs and its impact on the local level
raises serious concerns relating to inclusionary processes in the
decision-making procedures of ITAs. Therefore, the principal
objective of this paper is to critically analyse whether inclusionary
governance can be required from ITAs. In order to do so, the paper
will firstly evaluate ITA mandates for inclusionary governance
provisions. The author asserts that, while power-sharing
arrangements are made between ITAs and local authorities, this
does not necessarily amount to inclusionary governance, as the
inclusion of the individual is the key. Secondly, the paper
discusses the review of international organisations on the
inclusion/exclusion of individuals in decision-making by ITAs.
Lastly, the paper contends that the exclusion of individuals in
decision-making procedures forms a more general problem in
international law; therefore, a concise comparison is made
between the exercise of public power by ITAs and that by
international organisations.
* Marjolein Schaap holds an LL.M. in International and European public law from
Erasmus University Rotterdam, Netherlands, with a thesis on the subject of
―Regulating the powers of the High Representative‖. Presently Marjolein works as a
lecturer in Public International Law at the Erasmus School of Law, Erasmus
University Rotterdam. Her research interests focus on the exercise of public power
by international administrations and international institutions within the context of
conceptualising the rule of law. She is currently in the initial stage of a Ph.D. on
designing inclusionary governance for post-conflict situations by developing a new
model for citizens‘ involvement.
Page 109
Introduction making procedures by ITAs. In order to do
A temporary international administration so, the paper will firstly evaluate ITA
of territory (ITA) by an international mandates for inclusionary governance
organisation or a group of states in post- provisions. Within this assessment the
conflict situations exercises public power role of human rights standards within
extensively. An international ITAs will be taken into account, i.e.
administrator can adopt decisions without whether a claim for inclusionary
engaging in significant consultations with governance can be further substantiated
affected individuals. An administrator can, on the basis of the applicability of human
for example, adjudicate property rights standards to the conduct of ITAs.
disputes,319 operate/reconstruct public Subsequently, how the functioning of ITAs
utilities and dismiss people from public is assessed by international organisations
office.320 Similarly, several international will be examined; in other words, whether
institutions adopt decisions with direct international organisations have identified
impact on individuals while these a lack of inclusionary governance in
individuals are not quite included in the relation to ITAs and whether they warrant
process of decision-making, for instance inclusionary governance by ITAs. Lastly,
the UN Security Council adopting the paper contends that the exclusion of
financial sanctions against individuals. individuals in decision-making procedures
The all-encompassing governance by ITAs forms a more general problem in
and the adoption of decisions in individual international law. Therefore, a concise
situations lead, in particular, to a comparison is made between the exercise
significant constraint of state sovereignty, of public power by ITAs and that by
and directly affect the lives and international organisations.
opportunities of millions of people.321 The
Individual decision-making procedures
exercise of public power in this manner of ITAs
has led various international bodies to An ITA can be defined as the temporary
raise a claim for inclusionary processes governance of a territory in a post-conflict
into the decision-making procedures in situation by an international organisation
individual situations of an ITA.322 or group of states, such as the UNMIK323
Given the impact of the adoption of
in Kosovo, UNTAET324 in East-Timor and
decisions in individual situations by ITAs
and the exclusion of the individuals from OHR325 in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH).
decision-making procedures by ITAs, the ITAs exercise public authority extensively.
principal objective of this paper is to The missions are argued to:
present a critical analysis of the claim for ―…assume all-encompassing authority to
inclusionary processes into decision- exercise public power within a given
territory for a temporary period of time
and…this authority is ultimate in nature:
319 Buyse, A.C. Post-Conflict Housing Restitution. The European Human that is, it supersedes all governing
Rights Perspective, with a Case Study on Bosnia and Herzegovina institutions possibly existing at the local –
(Antwerpen: Intersentia, 2008).
320 Knaus, G. and F. Martin. “Lessons from Bosnia and that is, the national – level‖.326
Herzegovina: Travails from the European Raj” Journal of Democracy
14 (2003) 60–74.
321 Buchanan, A and R.O. Keohane. “The Legitimacy of Global
Initiative, Reshaping international priorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina – community, Bosnia and Herzegovina (OHR). http://www.ohr.int.
Part II International Power in Bosnia (Berlin: European Stability 326 Momirov, A. Accountability of International Territorial Administrations
Initiative 2000). – a Public Law Approach, (Utrecht: Eleven Publishing, 2011). p. 49.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
327 Report of the Panel on United Nationals Peace Operations J.B. Wiener, “Global Governance as Administration: National and
(Brahimi report) UN Doc. A/55/305-S/2000/809. p. 21 August Transnational Approaches to Global Administrative Law”, Law and
2000, available at Contemporary Problems 68:3–4 (2005) 1–14 and B. Kingsbury, N.
http://www.un.org/peace/reports/peace_operations (7 Krisch, and R.B. Stewart, “The Emergence of Global
November 2011), para. II.H. The report questions the urge of the Administrative Law”, IILJ Working Paper 2004/1 (Global
UN to classify the ITAs as peace operations and questions whether Administrative Law Series), available at www.iilj.org. Similarly,
the UN should be engaged with this kind of mission at all. Multilateral Development Banks rely on these three principles for
328 Hey, E. “International Institutions”, The Oxford Handbook of the decision-making procedures. See: e.g. the Operational Policies
International Environmental Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, and Procedures of the World Bank at
2007). 749 at pp. 749–759. http://go.worldbank.org/2G5SSZAET0 (7 November 2011).
329 Ebbesson, J. “Public Participation” in Bodansky, Brunneé and 330 Boyle, K. “Thought, Expressions, Association and Assembly” in
Hey, The Oxford Handbook of International Environmental Law, see D. Moeckli, S. Shah and S. Sikvakumaran, International Human Rights
above n. 10, 681 p. 684. Global Administrative Law has identified Law, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010). p. 268.
these three principles as the core principles of administrative 331 Temperman, J.T. “Public Participation in Times of Privatisation:
decision-making, see B. Kingsbury, N. Krisch, R.B. Stewart and A Human Rights Analysis” Erasmus Law Review 4:2 (2011).
Page 111
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
extent be compensated by broader all the functions that are normally the
protection under the other dimension(s). responsibility of a government‖, which
For instance, a lack of participation in creates a situation in which the
decision-making procedures might be international presence is ―responsible for
compensated by providing more directly managing all aspects of civilian
possibilities of redress. 332 The paper will life while simultaneously working to
mainly focus on the concept of devolve its responsibilities to local
inclusionary governance and, only where authorities‖.335
necessary, will a reference to a specific
dimension will be made.333 The responsibility for ITAs to transfer
power to local authorities lies at the core
Contextualising a claim for of the mandate of the ITAs.336 The long-
inclusionary governance by ITAs term objective of ITAs is to ―do themselves
Practice shows that the regulation and out a job‖ by devolving authority back to
implementation of inclusionary processes the local community.337 This would imply
in decision-making procedures by ITAs close cooperation with the local people. As
remain deficient.334 However, is there a stated by the UN Panel on Peace
sufficient ground to claim for inclusionary Operations, ―effective state-building
governance by ITAs? In order to do so, the requires active engagement with the local
paper will firstly evaluate ITA mandates parties‖.338 In other words, a growing
for inclusionary governance provisions. consensus can be identified with the need
Secondly, the paper discusses the review to strengthen local ownership in the
of international organisations on the process of peace-building.339
inclusion/exclusion of individuals in the
decision-making by ITAs. Lastly, the paper A brief survey of ITA mandates
evaluates whether the exclusion of Within the mandates of ITAs, special
individuals forms a more general problem provisions were adopted in which power
in international law by assessing whether sharing arrangements between the ITA
and to what extent the exercise of public and the local authorities were included.
power by ITAs in individual situations can As early as 1968, the General Assembly
be compared with the exercise of public mandated the Council of Namibia to
power by international institutions. ―administer South West Africa until
independence, with the maximum
EVALUATING ITA MANDATES FOR possible participation of the people of the
INCLUSIONARY PROCESSES Territory‖.340 A further example is the
mandate of the UNMIK in Kosovo. It was
Power-sharing arrangements between mandated to organise and supervise the
local authorities and ITAs: a basis for development of provisional institutions for
inclusionary governance?
According to the handbook on UN 335 United Nations, Handbook on United Nations Multidimensional
Multidimensional Peacekeeping operations Peacekeeping Operations, Department of Peacekeeping Operations,
Peacekeeping Best Practices Unit (December 2003) pp. 2, 35 cited
ITAs were set out to: in Momirov, A. Accountability of International Territorial
―…[administer] a territory for a Administrations, above n. 8, pp. 51–52.
transitional period, thereby carrying out 336 Momirov, A. Accountability of International Territorial
Administrations, above n. 8, p. 153.
337 International Commission on Intervention and State
332 See in this light e.g. the claim for an ombudsman in BiH and Sovereignty (2011), Report: Responsibility to protect (Ottowa:
Kosovo due to limited involvement of citizens, whereas in East- International Development Research Centre), available at
Timor such a claim was never made In UNTAET, citizens were http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/publications
involved, both directly and indirectly, as regulated in the ITA‟s (visited 7 November 2011), para. 5.31.
mandate. 338 Report of the Panel on the United Nations Peace Operations,
333 This paper‟s findings are to be part of a doctoral research UN Doc. A/55/305-S/2000/809, above n. 9, para. 37.
project. For further research results, please contact the author. 339 Report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, The
334 Stahn, C. The Law and Practice of International Territorial Rule of Law and Transitional Justice in Conflict and Post-Conflict
Administration: Versailles to Iraq and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge Societies, UN Doc. S/2004/616, 23 August 2004, para. 17.
University Press, 2008); Momirov, A. Accountability of international 340 Stahn. C. The Law and Practice of International Territorial
territorial administrations, above n. 8. Administration, above n. 18, p. 718; GA Res. 2248 (1968) para. 1(a).
Page 112
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the Criminal Justice System in Kosovo 1999–2005” (2005–2006), 366 Stahn, C. The Law and Practice of International Territorial
available at http://www.eulex- Administration, above n. 18, p. 749. See also the implicit
kosovo.eu/training/material/docs/KR/KR_Material/osce2321.pd acknowledgement by the Secretary-General in The Rule of Law
f (4 November 2011); Momirov, A. Accountability of International and Transitional Justice in Conflict and Post-Conflict Societies,
Territorial Administrations, above n. 8, pp. 115f–128. above n. 23, para. 33.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
2001–2002, 10 July 2002, obtainable from follow “a fair hearing and be based on serious grounds with
www.ombudspersonkosovo.org (5 November 2011) pp. 3 and 7. sufficient proof and the possibility of a legal appeal. The sanction
368 Emphasis added by the author. International Law Association, has to be proportionate to the alleged defence.” Venice
Accountability of International Organisations, Final Report, Berlin Commission OHR, above n. 7, paras 92–97.
Conference 2004, available at http://www.ila-hq.org/, p. 23. 371 Venice Commission OHR, above n. 7, para. 97.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
inclusionary processes in the decision- Council‟s Anti-terrorism Measures: The Quest for Legitimacy and
Cohesion” EJIL 17 (2007), pp 881–919.
making procedures by ITAs. 378 von Bogdandy, A., P. Dann and M. Goldmann, “Developing
Page 117
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International Law: Towards a Legal Framework for Global Governance activities‖,
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Miscellaneous
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PARTICIPATION MECHANISMS
AT THE LOCAL LEVEL IN
KOSOVO: IMPACT ON ROMA,
ASHKALI AND EGYPTIANS
By Claire Fernandez*386
ABSTRACT
386 The views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Council of Europe or th e OSCE.
Page 123
INTRODUCTION assembly members and of communities‘
The effective participation of minorities387 representatives from all communities
in decision-making processes is one of the present in the municipality, are
most important rights enshrined by consultative bodies in charge of making
international human rights standards. recommendations to the municipal
Together with inclusion and consultation, assembly on minorities issues. Some of
it constitutes the basis of minorities‘ these mechanisms, such as Fair Share
peaceful integration. The Lund Financing and the mediation committee
Recommendations for the Effective disappeared after the Declaration of
Participation of National Minorities in Independence in 2008, while the law on
Public Life and the Framework Convention local-self government created new
for the Protection of National Minorities mechanisms. There is now both a deputy
(FCNM) provide core human rights chairperson of the municipal assembly
principles shaping public policies with and a deputy mayor for communities, in
regards to participation of minorities. accordance with a 10 percent of
Minority rights are crucial in Kosovo as communities threshold, which means that
the essence of the 1998/1999 conflict is these mechanisms are mandatory in
inter-ethnic tensions mainly between the municipalities where minority
Serbian and the Albanian communities communities represent at least 10 percent
that came to an end with the withdrawal of the population (according to municipal
of the Serbian army and police in June estimations, mainly based on the 1991
1999. The genesis of minorities‘ census). These two appointed figures are
participatory mechanisms in post-conflict in charge of advising, respectively, the
Kosovo, from the United Nation Mission in chairperson of the municipal assembly
Kosovo (UNMIK) protectorate to the self and the mayor on issues related to all
declared independent state, has been communities.
developed in line with the above- These measures have not been tailored for
mentioned legal instruments and Roma and associated minorities, Ashkali
declarations. As international human and Egyptians.388 Participation measures
rights standards remain rather vague and are rather part of the overall strategy to
cannot be applied as such in national include the Kosovo Serb community. For
legislation, first the UNMIK administration political reasons, negotiations on the
and then Kosovo authorities had to choose status of Kosovo and talks with the EU
concrete mechanisms for implementing have been based on several conditions,
international standards. one being the integration of the Serbian
Concretely, participation of minorities at minority. Both during UNMIK time and
the municipal level has been characterised after the Declaration of Independence,
by specific mechanisms ―imposed‖ by the participation mechanisms at the local
international community upon public level have had a limited impact on Roma,
authorities. UNMIK Regulation 2007/30 Ashkali and Egyptians communities. Even
on the Self-Government of Municipalities in newly created municipalities where
in Kosovo foresaw five mechanisms:
communities‘ committees, mediation
388 These three communities are considered part of the European
committees, an additional deputy “Roma” population. However in Kosovo, Roma, Ashkali and
chairperson of the municipal assembly, a Egyptians identify themselves as persons belonging to three
municipal community office and the Fair distinct communities. Roma have settled in Kosovo since their
Share Financing System – a financial arrival in the mid 14th century. Their mother tongue is Romani,
however most of them are bi- or trilingual and do also speak
measure. Communities and mediation Albanian and Serbian. The Ashkali community is an Albanian-
committees, comprised of both municipal speaking minority community of Muslim faith. Albanian is their
mother tongue and, generally, only the elderly people know
Serbian. They claim to be able to trace their roots back to ancient
387For political reasons (Kosovo Serbs do not consider that they Persia. The Egyptian community speaks Albanian as its first
constitute a minority in Kosovo), minorities in Kosovo are often language and its members are of Muslim faith. In the 1990s the
referred to as “non-majority communities”. In this paper, the terms community started to declare its identity as Kosovo Egyptian and
“minorities”, “minority communities” and “non-majority they regard themselves as a group whose ancestors are originally
communities” will be used to name the same groups. from Egypt.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Kosovo Serbs represent the majority of the pursued other options.‖390 The fact that
population, the ethnic balance has not some Roma participated in Serbian police
been more favourable for smaller operations was clear evidence for Kosovo
minorities‘ participation. Albanians that Roma had chosen the
Based on international inter-governmental other side. ―Albanians regarded these acts
and non-governmental organisations' as further evidence that Roma and other
reports, and on the author‘s field ―Gypsies‖ had allied themselves with the
monitoring experience, the paper outlines enemies of the Albanian nation.‖391 During
the practices regarding the participation of the conflict many entire settlements, such
the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian as Roma Mahalla in Mitrovicë/Mitrovica,
communities at the local level. Starting were destroyed and tens of thousands of
with general obstacles to the participation Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians had to leave
of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians, the Kosovo. Roma, but also Ashkali and
paper further describes the lack of Egyptians, were also deeply isolated after
legitimacy of these mechanisms. Finally, the conflict, because they had been
some concrete problems in the functioning accused of being traitors, pro-Albanian or
of consultative bodies, which have a pro-Serb392.
particular negative effect on Roma, Participation mechanisms were created by
Ashkali and Egyptians, are analysed. UNMIK to answer the international
community‘s will to include Kosovo Serbs,
LONG-TERM EXCLUSION OF ROMA, at least at the local level. Participation of
ASHKALI AND EGYPTIANS FROM Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians has not
KOSOVO PUBLIC LIFE been a priority in Kosovo. The Advisory
The first set of structural reasons that can Committee of the FCNM noted it clearly in
explain the absence of effective its First Opinion on Kosovo in 2005:
participation of the Roma, Ashkali and ―While it is understandable that improving
Egyptians in the local level in Kosovo is relations between the Serbs and
due to the fact that these communities Albanians is largely seen as the greatest
have been excluded from public life since challenge in today‘s Kosovo, there is a risk
before the 1999 conflict. Long-term that the situation of other minority
exclusion from the public sphere is both a communities in Kosovo is not given
cause and a consequence of the obstacle adequate attention.‖393 Roma, Ashkali and
to the enjoyment of their economic and Egyptians have been left out of major
social rights. negotiation processes in Kosovo. First,
During the period of SFR Yugoslavia, they were not part of the negotiation on
special efforts were made by the Kosovo status.394 Unlike Kosovo Serbs,
authorities to promote and protect the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians did not have
human rights of Roma. The situation was a state to back them up in this process
far from perfect, but the ―official histories and the Roma civil society was poorly
included the Romani contribution to the organised. Second, more recently in 2009
partisan struggle during the civil war and 2010, Roma were not consulted in the
Yugoslavs fought under the cover of the implementation of the decentralisation
Second World War, and Romani plan – included in Ahtisaari‘s
newspapers and radio stations flourished, Comprehensive Proposal for the Status
particularly in Serbia, Kosovo and
Macedonia‖.389 These facts can explain a
certain loyalty to Yugoslavia among Roma,
Ashkali and Egyptians, although their 390 Ibid.
attitude towards the regime was complex. 391 Ibid.
―While some took one side or the other 392 Galjus, Orhan. “The Roma of Kosovo: The Forgotten Victims”,
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http://www.unosek.org/unosek/en/statusproposal.html, accessed on the Strategy for the Integration of the Roma, Ashkali and
on 11 September 2011. Egyptian Communities in Kosovo, May 2011, p.7.
Page 126
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Kosovo Serbs, maybe as proof that Kosovo Kosovo in 2009, that Roma, Ashkali and
as a state could be a place of integration Egyptians ―face marginalisation and
for them. discrimination in the areas of education,
These are solutions that can work for social protection, health care and housing.
organised communities, which do have Poverty and unemployment touch them
political parties for example. It is then more profoundly than the rest of society.
clear that a local representative can say Security remains a concern and,
he or she is legitimate when he or she is according to a number of sources,
the head of a local branch of a party. This ethnically-motivated incidents continue to
is the case of the Serbian community, the go unreported‖.406 Roma, Ashkali and
Turkish community and to a certain Egyptians suffer from unemployment and
extent to the Ashkali and Egyptian earn a meagre living with informal
communities. But it is much more difficult employment407. These concerns are shared
for vulnerable communities which do not by the Advisory Committee on the FCNM
have elected representatives and who are who noted that, ―Persons belonging to
divided. these groups are affected to a much
It is also unfair to ask the Roma, who are greater extent by poverty and social
a diverse group, to be united at any price. exclusion than persons belonging to other
There are different opinions, different communities‖.408 As long as their social
political views and different aspirations and economic participation is not
regarding whether or not to collaborate ensured, their participation in public
with Kosovo institutions, as is still the affairs will not be sufficient enough to
case with the Kosovo Serbs. How can one ensure the wellbeing of those communities
(unelected) representative represent a in Kosovo municipalities.
whole community in a village or a town?
Here the system of minority participation
based on personal position shows its
limits. At least, representative collegial
consultative mechanisms should be
preferred to one-person positions and,
selection criteria should be made clearer
at the central level in line with the
Advisory Committee of the FCNM
Commentary on the Effective Participation
of Persons Belonging to National
Minorities in Cultural, Social and
Economic Life and in Public Affairs405. At
the municipal level, it should also be
complemented by outreach activities and
direct consultation with communities.
Finally, the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians
remain in a most vulnerable place in
Kosovo, despite the existing legal and
policy framework. The lack of personal
documents remains an important issue
which impacts on the exercise of
fundamental rights, like the right to vote.
The Council of Europe Commissioner for
Human Rights noticed, after a visit in 406 Report of the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human
Rights, Special Mission to Kosovo, 23 – 27 March 2009,
Strasbourg, 2 July 2009, p. 23.
405 Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the 407 OSCE Mission in Kosovo, “Communities Profiles”, Second
Cultural, Social and Economic Life and in Public Affairs, op. cit., p. Protection of National Minorities, Opinion on the Implementation
29. of the FCNM in Kosovo, op. cit., p. 6.
Page 130
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Opinion on the Implementation of
Report, Second Edition, December
the FCNM in Kosovo (adopted on
2010.
25 November 2005),
ACFC/OP/I(2005)004. OSCE Mission in Kosovo,
Department for Human Rights and
Advisory Committee on the
Communities, Protection and
Framework Convention for the
Promotion of the Rights of
Protection of National Minorities,
Communities in Kosovo: Local
Commentary on the Effective
Level Participation Mechanisms,
Participation of Persons belonging
December 2009.
to National Minorities in Cultural,
Social and Economic Life and in OSCE Mission in Kosovo,
Public Affairs, adopted on 27 Implementation of the Action Plan
February 2008. on the Strategy for the Integration
of the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian
Baldwin, Clive. ―Minority Rights in
Communities in Kosovo, May
Kosovo under International Rule‖,
2011.
Minority Rights Group
International, 2006. Report of the Council of Europe
Commissioner for Human Rights
Cahn, Claude. ―Justice for
Special Mission to Kosovo 23 – 27
Kosovo‖, Roma Rights 3-4 2005,
March 2009, Strasbourg 2 July
European Roma Rights Centre, 31
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European Centre for Minorities
Convention for the Protection of
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Decision-making Processes, Expert
unpublished.
Study Submitted on Request of the
European Centre for Minority
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Relating to the Protection of
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Communities‖, June 2009.
the Council of Europe by the Max-
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Integration In Kosovo: Taking The
Public Law and International Law,
Plunge‖, Europe Report N°200, 12
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Research and Development
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(KIPRED), ―Decentralisation in
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Kosovo I, Municipal Elections and
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the Serb Participation‖, December
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
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ABSTRACT
Truth Commissions (TCs) have often been the subject of studies
focussed on transitional justice, probably because, amongst all the
other possible mechanisms, they seem to best represent the
challenges and the difficulties that a post-conflict state has to deal
with during the transition towards democracy and reconciliation.
Besides their well-known role as truth-finding bodies, TCs can be
instrumental in the drafting of national reparations programmes.
The reports launched in the past years by the six TCs considered
in the present contribution identified children as beneficiaries of
reparative measures, both symbolic and material. Therefore, the
aim of this article is to understand how the issue of reparations
for children has been addressed so far. In particular it will define
the key terms adopted, it will dwell on children‘s right to
participation in all the matters affecting them, including the
activities carried on by the TCs and, of course, it will discuss if
and to what extent children‘s right to reparation has been
recognised and triggered.
*Francesca Capone earned her JD cum laude in International Law at the University
of Naples Federico II, Italy, in 2008. In January 2009 she started her Ph.D. on the
right to reparation for war-affected children, and she has been a visiting scholar at
Tilburg Law School, Leiden University and Max Planck Institute for Comparative
Public Law and International Law. She is currently a Ph.D. candidate in
international human rights law at Sant‘Anna School of Advanced Studies, in Pisa,
Italy and at INTERVICT (International Victimology Institute), in Tilburg, the
Netherlands. Email address [email protected] (SSRN author 1591052)
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Unrepresented Nations and People Organisation (UNPO), 29 South Africa, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Timor-Leste, Guatemala and
September-1 October 2006, The Hague, The Netherlands. Peru, because all of them, adopting different modalities and
http://www.unpo.org/downloads/ProfKnoops.pdf (accessed 18 notwithstanding the limits and the shortcomings, gave space to the
March 2011). complex issue of reparation for war-affected children. This cluster
411 Data available at http://www.amnesty.org/en/international- has been identified by a recent study accomplished by UNICEF
justice/issues/truth-commissions (accessed 18 March 2011). and the International Centre for Transitional Justice.
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did what to whom methodology‟ which is based on multiple data of the UN General Assembly‟s Resolution A/RES/60/147, Basic
sources focussed on each and every victim-survivor story.” Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for
P.Gready, “Telling Truth? The Methodological Challenges of Truth Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and
Commissions”, in Coomans, supra n41 at 15. Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law.
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hypothetical one that would exist if the entirely depend on variable factors, such
gross human rights violations or the as the domestic laws of the different
serious violations of humanitarian law countries. This foments a lack of
had not occurred. The gap between the homogeneity that clearly clashed with the
two is bridged by effective and prompt assumption that reparations have
reparation, although, clearly often the primarily strived to give victims a sense of
restoration of the status quo ante is either recognition in order to help them to face
not sufficient or even not desirable.419 their trauma and overcome it.422As will be
further illustrated in the coming
Definition of victim paragraphs, the identification of the
The notion of reparation is intrinsically victims is one of the most challenging
coupled with the idea of victim.420 The tasks that a TC has to face, especially
definition of victim I refer to is the one when children are involved. Under
contained in paragraph five of the Van international criminal law the crimes
Boven-Bassiouni Basic Principles and committed against children can be divided
Guidelines.421 ―Victims are persons who in three sub-categories: child-specific
individually or collectively suffered harm, crimes, in which children are a material
including physical or mental injury, element of the crime (e.g. forced transfer
emotional suffering, economic loss or of children and imposition of measures
substantial impairment of their intended to prevent births in order to
fundamental rights, through acts or perpetrate genocide, enlistment,
omissions that constitute gross violations conscription and use of children to
of international human rights law, or participate in hostilities); crimes which
serious violations of international target children in the way that they are
humanitarian law. Where appropriate, disproportionally victimised in comparison
and in accordance with domestic law, the to the adult population (e.g. destruction of
term ―victim‖ also includes the immediate schools and hospitals, attacks to
family or dependants of the direct victim humanitarian missions); crimes with
and persons who have suffered harm in particularly serious effects on children,
intervening to assist victims in distress or where children, due to their age and
to prevent victimisation‖. The formulation development, face more difficulties to be
of the final sentence clearly highlights that rehabilitated than the adult-victims (e.g.
there must be a direct causal link between rape and sexual violence).423 If the crimes
the victim and the harm suffered Only that affect children need to be identified
when this link exists does it is prove and require the adoption of specific
before the courts the right to reparation measures, clearly the same should
arises. When, instead, the connection happen with regard to the kind of
requirement is not fully accomplished the reparations designed to overcome their
acquisition of the status of victim will effects. As Mazurana and Carlson pointed
out ―it is not possible to fully repair
children after they have experienced such
419 In developing countries, as it is going to be further discussed in harms. It is not possible to recover the
the course of the thesis, the restoration of the status quo ante is far
from being desirable. In those contexts, in fact, it is very difficult to years of lost education, or the time that
draw a sharp line between development strategies and reparation would have been spent developing
programmes. Please see on this point N. Roht-Arriaza and K. emotional and spiritual ties to family,
Orlovsky, A Complementary Relationship: Reparations and Development,
ICTJ Research Brief, July 2009. friends and communities, as well as the
http://www.ictj.org/static/Publications/Research_Development_ skills to enable children to take pride in
Reparations.pdf (accessed 30 April 2011).
420 On the victim-centred trend adopted by criminal justice, see: D.
Garland, The Culture of Control, Crime and Social Order in Contemporary 422 R. Rubio-Marin, What happened to the Women? (New York:
Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001). International Centre for Transitional Justice 2006), p. 32.
421 The definition of victim contained in the Van-Boven Bassioni 423 C. Chamberlein. Legal Adviser at the International Criminal
Principles is the one entailed in the Declaration of Basic Principles Court. Paper presented at Leiden University on 12 November
of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, adopted by 2010, on the occasion of the seminar on “Children's Rights before
UN General Assembly though the Resolution 40/34 9 of 29 the ICC”, organised within the course on “Children's Rights in
November 1985. International Law”.
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319/RVA.pdf (accessed 10 March 2011). 431 L. Hammad, “Rights in Context: Questioning Universality in the
426 On children's vulnerability in war torn countries please see K. Implementation of Children's Rights using Jordan as a Case
Cheney, De-constructing Childhood Vulnerability, paper series of the Study”, in A. Alen et al., The UN Children's Convention: Theory Meets
Institute of the African Child, Ohio University, December 2010. Practice (Antwerpen: Intersentia, 2007), p. 3.
http://iss.academia.edu/KristenCheney/Papers/366079/Deconstr 432 Children‟s right to reparation is enshrined also in the
ucting_Childhood_Vulnerability, (accessed 20, April, 2011). “Guidelines on Justice Matters involving Child Victims and
427 See for instance the UNICEF's study on Child's Vulnerability in Witnesses of Crime” adopted by the Economic and Social Council
Barbados, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, in its resolution 2005/20 of 22 July 2005, para. 35. “Child victims
http://www.unicef.org/barbados/cao_resources_vulnerability.pdf should, wherever possible, receive reparation in order to achieve
(accessed 2 May 2011). full redress, reintegration and recovery. Procedures for obtaining
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referential provision for the study of the recommended to the Chilean government).
right to reparation linked to children in Also as direct victims children might be
general is Article 39 of the UNCRC. awarded cash, scholarships, access to
According to it ―state parties shall take all health care and reintegration
appropriate measures to promote physical programmes. Symbolic reparations,
and psychological recovery and social instead, may include measures such as
reintegration of a child victim of: any form public apologies, the creation of public
of neglect, exploitation, or abuse; torture memorials and monuments, artwork,
or any other form of cruel, inhuman or learning centres and museums.435 Since
degrading treatment or punishment; or TCs collect important information their
armed conflicts. Such recovery and contributions can be instrumental to the
reintegration shall take place in an construction of a collective memory and, it
environment which fosters the health, can help improving children human rights
self-respect and dignity of the child‖.433 education.436 Both material and symbolic
The article obliges the state parties to take reparations can be provided individually
all the appropriate measures in order to or collectively. For example, in Sierra
promote children‘s ―recovery and Leone in 2009, the government started
reintegration‖ in the aftermath of every individual payments to the most affected
traumatic or harmful event, including victims of the conflict, including
war. As already stressed, truth children.437 The lump-sum liquidated was
commissions, if they are drafting in their the equivalent of less than 100 US dollars,
reports detailed reparation‘s plans, can in contrast with the TC‘s report which
guide the governments throughout the recommended granting life pensions. The
challenging task of putting into practice Guatemalan TC (Historical Clarification
effective and prompt reparative measures Commission), rather than focussing on
able to leave a significant mark on compensation, recommended the
children‘s live. government reform the fiscal sector
according to La Paz agreement and the
Material vs. symbolic reparations National Reparation Plan in order to gain
As already stressed, ―it is important that long-term benefits for the entire
reparations‘ programmes acknowledge 438
population, including children. The
children as rights holders who suffered
specific violations in light of their same collectivistic approach has been
vulnerability‖. In order to do so a TC has shared by the Liberian TC with regards to
to identify the kind of reparative measures reparations. In the final report, in fact, the
which best improve children‘s commission states that, ―reparations
should aim at repairing the consequences
conditions.434 Reparation benefits are
usually distinguished between material
435 See: “Children and Truth Commissions”, UNICEF and
and symbolic. Material reparations International Centre for Transitional Justice, August 2010,
provide a physical benefit or service to http://www.unicef.at/fileadmin/medien/pdf/truth_commissions_
victims. As indirect victims, e.g. affected eng.pdf (accessed 15 July 2011).
436 Ibid. at 52.
by the loss of a relative, children may 437 “Because of the state‟s inability to provide for the needs of all
receive compensation, for example, in the victims, the commission decided to prioritise reparations for
form of a percentage of a deceased certain categories of victims. It used the concept of “vulnerability”
parent‘s pension (as the TC in Chile to do so, judging that amputees, other war wounded, victims of
sexual violence, children and war widows were the victims in most
dire need of urgent care.” J. King, “Gender and Reparations in
Sierra Leone: The Wounds of War Remain Open.” In Rubio-Marin
and enforcing reparation should be readily accessible and child- supra n15 at 5.
sensitive.” 438 “Que el Estado costee, poniendo en marcha la reforma
433 http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/crc.htm (accessed 20 June tributaria globalmente progresiva establecida en los Acuerdos de
2011). Paz, el Programa Nacional de Reparación. Para ese efecto, resulta
434 C. Aptel and V. Ladisch, Trough a New Lens: A Child-Sensitive conveniente una reorientación de los gastos de inversión social y la
Approach to Transitional Justice, ICTJ August 2011, disminución de los gastos militares. Estas acciones han de
http://ictj.org/sites/default/files/ICTJ-Children-Through-New- constituir sus fuentes principales de financiación.” Guatemala:
Lens-Aptel-Ladisch-2011-English.pdf (accessed 5 September Memory of Silence, Final Report of the Commission for Historical
2011). Clarification, Conclusions and Reccomandations, 63.
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held between commission staff and under the age of eighteen.445 This was
victims, perpetrators and witnesses. This meant to protect them, even though it was
moment can be considered as crucial to difficult to forget that children not only
delve into the memory of what happened. were directly engaged in the resistance
The average number of statements and the struggles against the apartheid,
collected by each TC normally goes from but that they have been also a specific
7,000 to 22,000. In order to include target of many of the crimes that
children, most likely already traumatised occurred. Eventually, the TC‘s Human
by the experience of the conflict, it is Rights Violation Committee convened six
necessary to adopt specific measures and special hearings exclusively focussed on
to limit the risk of second victimisation. the experiences of children and young
For example statement takers in charge of people; these took place in Bloemfontein,
collecting children‘s stories need to be Cape Town, Durban, East London,
properly trained and must require the Johannesburg and Pietersburg in May
support of child protection agencies and and June 1997. During the hearings,
NGOs with a specific focus on children. In young people aged from 19 to 24 years old
Sierra Leone a child-friendly statement expressed their views and shared their
taking form was used to guide the stories, whilst children, still not allowed to
interaction between the interviewer and bring their testimonies, were involved in
the child, the same tool was set in Liberia, workshops and in cultural and dramatic
but in the end it wasn‘t adopted due to arts presentations that were undertaken
technical reasons, meaning that the in parallel with the truth telling
statements were provided by more than process.446 The hearings were widely
300 children in 13 districts without attended by children and adolescents.
recurring to ad hoc measures.444 Nevertheless, concerns were raised, in
Children‘s participation in the public particular after the one held in Durban
hearings is even more challenging than due to scant participation of adults. The
including them in the statement taking same lack of involvement has been
process. The testimony, in the first place, discovered in Liberia during the children‘s
can lead to a threat to child‘s safety or to special hearings. On that occasion,
his/her stigmatisation, especially when notwithstanding the great attention given
he/she has been sexually abused. by the national media to the events, a
Therefore, it requires special efforts and representative of the Children‘s
precautions. In some cases children have Parliament publicly underscored the little
been allowed to publicly share their interest that the Liberian society as a
experiences only in thematic hearings whole dedicated to the thematic
held in a child-friendly environment and hearings. 447
without the solemnity and the pressure
that allegedly characterises an official TC‘s
session. In particular, with regards to the
TC established in South Africa, which still 445 P. Pigou, “Children and the South African Truth and
represents a model for the other truth Reconciliation Commission”, in Children and Transitional Justice,
commissions, it is worth to noting that, Parmaar S. Roseman et al., (Cambridge MA: Harvard University
Press, 2009). “Responding to advice from many children‟s rights
after long and deep consultations with activists and professionals, the Commission decided not to take
UNICEF and other child protection statements from children (anyone under the age of eighteen),
agencies, the TC decided not to admit, in which in turn meant that no children‟s testimonies would be
available for the public hearing process. This automatically
the public hearings, testimonies of people removed any immediate need to give special attention to the
difficulties associated with securing children‟s testimony. Under the
circumstances, this may have been unavoidable, but to a certain
444See: Aptel and Ladish supra n31 at 9. “A special children‟s extent it marginalised the direct participation of children and
statement-taking form was prepared, it omitted leading questions, thereby children‟s voices.”
emphasised the need for a child-friendly environment and 446 Ibid. at 142.
psychosocial support, and encouraged considerations of a wider 447 See Aptel and Ladish supra n31 at9. See also T. Sowa “Children
range of violations including social, economic, cultural, as well as and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission,” In
civil and political. However, since its categories did not match the Children and Transitional Justice: Truth-Telling, Accountability
standard form and the data coding system, it was not used.”, p. 16. and Reconciliation, et al. supra n41 at 11.
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Sowa, “Children and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Lessons from South Africa”, in Rubio-Marin, supra n15 at5.
Commission”, in Parmar et al. supra n42 at 12. 452 Ibid. at 67.
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Situation of Children in Colombia and Peru, Innocenti Working Human Rights Violations”, in Rubio-Marin supra n15 at 5.
Paper No. 2010-16. Florence, UNICEF Innocenti Research 458 “A la fecha se ha entregado el aporte económico a unas 40 mil
Centre: 12. personas, de las 69 mil que se tienen registradas. En cuanto a las
454 Laplante and Thaidon supra n45 at13. viviendas, se han adjudicado 888 y esperan entregar unas 3 mil en
455 Please see the final report of the Commission for the Historical el resto de la actual administración.”
Clarification “Guatemala: Memory of Silence” http://noticias.com.gt/nacionales/20101214-programa-nacional-
http://shr.aaas.org/guatemala/ceh/report/english/recs3.html de-resarcimiento-podria-desaparecer-debido-a-poco-presupuesto-
(accessed 30 August 2011). para-el-2011.html (accessed 14 September 2011).
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Rights of the Child), in The International Journal of Children‘s Rights 18(2010): 502-
513.
LeBlanc L.J., The Convention on the Rights of the Child: UN Law Making on Human
Rights, (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995).
Mazurana D. and Carlson K. ―Reparations as a Means for Recognising and
Addressing Crimes and Grave Rights Violations against Girls and Boys During
Situations of Armed Conflicts and Under Authoritarian and Dictatorial Regimes‖, in
R. Rubio-Marin, The Gender of Reparations (Cambridge Ma: Cambridge University
Press, 2009).
Roht-Arriaza N. and Orlovsky K. A Complementary Relationship: Reparations and
Development, ICTJ Research Brief, July 2009.
Rubio-Marin R. What happened to the Women? (New York: International Centre for
Transitional Justice 2006).
Teitel R. G. ―Human Rights in Transition: Transitional Justice Genealogy‖, Harvard
Human Rights Journal, 16(69)(2003): 69-94.
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ABSTRACT
This article presents the case of the Peruvian Truth and
Reconciliation Commission as both a milestone in the
establishment of truth commissions and a representative case
from the point of view of tackling, though indirectly, the Peruvian
indigenous issue. Its proceedings, final report and
recommendations aided in the improvement of indigenous rights
protection. I argue that it was this mechanism that brought
indigenous rights to the public eye, by presenting the violence,
gross human rights violations and political, social and economic
hardship suffered by these forgotten groups. The first part
presents the conflict and the socio-economic context that ignited
the violence, maintaining that it was precisely the marginalisation
of the indigenous groups and ethnic discrimination that bred
violence. The following two sections examine the achievements of
the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, its innovative elements
in regards to prosecutorial action or reparations and its work
towards justice and ethnic reconciliation. The conclusion draws on
the ideas presented and outlines certain arguments in relation to
the Peruvian experience in terms of acknowledging the official
truth and reckoning it with the country‘s indigenous past and,
more generally, to the importance of integrating and addressing
indigenous rights in transitional justice mechanisms.
* Diana Trifu holds a BA in International Relations and European Studies and one
in Foreign Languages and Literatures. Her areas of professional interest include
human rights, conflict and peace studies and nonviolent resistance. She has
interned with the United Nations Information Centre (Romania), the Black Sea
Trust for Regional Cooperation and the Romanian Forum for Refugees and
Migrants. Her interest in these fields has led her to participate in different
international programmes among which the professional seminar ―Power and
Dynamics of Civil Resistance‖, in Portoroz, Slovenia and the International Summer
School Sarajevo 2011.
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“A country that forgets its history is the use of truth commissions by state
condemned to repeat it” actors as a means of deferring judicial
action while giving the population some
Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación sort of closure.
[Truth and Reconciliation Commission], The struggle for recognition of the rights of
Peru indigenous populations is one of history‘s
longest-lasting and most-marginalised
INTRODUCTION justice issues. In the majority of cases,
In the efforts of transitional governments exacerbated discrimination against these
to address such issues as crimes against powerless groups and the extreme poverty
humanity or mass human rights in which they are condemned to live in
violations, truth-seeking and truth-telling has been the root cause of conflicts and
mechanisms have set themselves apart as gross human rights violations.
being more effective, particularly where On this note, truth commissions have
political and judiciary weakness prevails. engaged in confronting legacies of
Truth commissions are recognised for injustice and acknowledging past abuses
bringing truth and the victims of human suffered by indigenous groups. These
rights violations to centre stage, giving commissions have been primarily used
them a voice, and for having an important when the majority of victims of a conflict
contribution to healing and ethnic were indigenous people: this is the case of
reconciliation. the Historical Clarification Commission of
The practice of Latin American truth Guatemala, which worked in Mayan
commissions emerged in the early 1980s communities following three decades of
with the commissions in Bolivia (1982), civil war, during which the indigenous
National Commission for the Investigation group was targeted for genocide by state
of Forced Disappearances, and Argentina military forces. The commission gave
(1983), National Commission for the Mayan survivors a chance to forge a voice
Disappearance of Persons. In both cases, and unity that did not exist before. The
the commissions addressed the need to Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation
discover and document the truth about Commission (hereafter the commission or
forced disappearances and to investigate TRC) played a similar role alongside the
the span of human rights abuses. In this growing importance of indigenous rights:
early stage, truth commissions were its findings and its final recommendations
intended as a preparatory phase that stressed the importance of accepting Peru
would inevitably lead to criminal as a multicultural country and thus
prosecutions, countering impunity being ensuring the respect of the indigenous
one of the most important goals of a truth groups‘ rights.
commission. Michal Ben-Josef Hirsch The Peruvian indigenous population has
argues that the creation of the South faced a structural and historical
African Truth and Reconciliation vulnerability, which translated in extreme
Commission was a milestone in the poverty, discrimination, lack of healthcare
framing of commissions‘ goals: no longer and education institutions, violation of
viewed as mere truth-seeking their cultural, political, social and
mechanisms, they extended their scope to economic rights, environmental
comprise justice, healing, reconciliation destruction and conflict. The importance
and strengthening democratisation, hence of acknowledging the existence of these
providing an alternative to judicial groups and ensuring the respect of their
action463. An argument in this regard is rights is a core value of long-standing
peace and democracy. The commission
concluded in its final report that one of
463 Michal Ben-Josef Hirsch, “Changing the Logic of the main causes of the conflict was the
Appropriateness: The Emergence of the International Norm of
Truth Commissions”. Paper presented at the American Political
Science Association Annual Meeting, (2009), Toronto, pp. 10-11.
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discrimination and lack of basic living Amazonic groups. The final report of the
conditions suffered by the indigenous TRC depicts the context of the conflict as
population, a population that suffered the one of ethnic discrimination, racism of
brunt of the violence. Through its colonial origin and an acute social and
proceedings it also succeeded in raising economic marginalisation, which bred and
the voice of a long silenced community, multiplied violence. The antecedents
hence promoting the indigenous issue to a leading up to the armed conflict consisted
national level. of a weak state presence in the rural areas
In the article, ―Truth Commissions: An of Peru, dominated mainly by the
Uncertain Path?‖, the authors, after Quechua minority.
conducting extensive interviews in five A characteristic trait of the Peruvian state
countries, amongst them Peru, concluded was its frail national integration, as it
that while there was a lot of criticism results from the defragmentation of
directed towards the commissions, the regional spaces and its inability to
general reception was a warm one, the successfully and effectively acknowledge
communities understanding the the ethnic diversity of the country466. The
importance of their work and valuing the disintegrating Andean society saw the
recognition of the official truth. The main rebels‘ discourse of recognition and
criticism was addressed to the state for protagonism as feasible. The communist
failing to implement the recommendations ideology found a multiplying ground in the
and for not contributing to ethnic marginalised societies.
reconciliation464. Clashes arose as a result of the
Joanna Rice believes that in order to resentment of the mestizo groups in the
respect and strengthen indigenous rights, region. The existing socioeconomic and
a country should address human rights political inequalities, their constant
violations while considering the age-old marginalisation provided rationale for
historic injustice to which indigenous violence and interacted with the
groups were subjected465. underlying historical social exclusion and
the resentment of the military towards the
THE CONFLICT IN PERU: THE SETTING indigenous groups. This occurred in the
The Constitution of Peru does not reflect background of constant indigenous rights
the historical and cultural importance of violations.
its indigenous groups or the country‘s The armed conflict initiated as a form of
ethnic diversity. Peruvian legislation does popular war against the government,
not explicitly acknowledge the extent of instigated by the Communist Party,
the country‘s ethnic diversity. Only the Sendero Luminoso [Shining Path], which
Convention 169 of the International began an armed rebellion in 1980. It
Labour Organisation and the UN targeted the social layers that were most
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous prone to a radical rupture with the
Peoples ratified by Peru, enable a principle established order, mainly racially mixed
of recognition and legal protection of the and provincial people, who wanted a voice,
fifty-five indigenous groups. a voice that had been denied to them for
Peru has had age-old discriminatory decades.
practices and chronic inequality directed In 1984, another communist group,
towards the indigenous populations living Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru
in the country: Andean, Afro-Peruvian and (MRTA) [Tupac Amaru Revolutionary
Movement], launched its military
464 Victor Espinoza Cuevas, Maria Luisa Rojas, Paz Baeza, operations. As a desperate
“Comisiones de la verdad ¿Un camino incierto? Estudio counterinsurgency measure, the armed
comparativo de Comisiones de la Verdad en Argentina, Chile, El forces of Peru were given carte blanche in
Salvador, Guatemala y Sudáfrica desde las víctimas y las
organizaciones de derechos humanos”, Study, (2002), CODEPU dealing with the terrorist threat, a step
Chile, APT, Switzerland.
465 Joanna Rice, “Truth Commissions and Indigenous Rights: What
is at Stake?”, discussion available at http://ictj.org/truth- 466Final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of
commissions-and-indigenous-rights-what-stake. Peru, available at http://www.cverdad.org.pe/ifinal/index.php.
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Fujimori (1990-2000), the first two being democratically elected. Sendero Luminoso from their land were peasants and indigenous
Of special note is the fact that the TRC had the task of people of ethnic groups that enjoyed a special relationship with
investigating human rights abuses committed in democratic their land or territories and whose daily life was radically affected as
regimes. a result. A detailed report on internal displacement in Peru during
468 This is the number the Truth and Reconciliation Commission the conflict is available at “Profile of Internal Displacement Peru”,
estimated for the whole twenty-year period. Norwegian Refugee Council/Global IDP Project,
469 Jose Carlos Orihuela. “Post-conflict Economic Policy and http://www.internal-
Horizontal Inequalities in Peru”. Workshop paper, CRISE, displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/839E8F59
Oxford Department of International Development. 686C7B8F802570BA00548F88/$file/Peru+-June+2004.pdf.
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operations was second only to those of the The TRC came under criticism as its
South African Truth and Reconciliation investigations excluded human rights
Commission. It was the first Latin violations which, though not related to the
American Commission to hold public conflict, were nonetheless comprised in
hearings, giving a voice to the victimised the time frame under examination: the
indigenous community. It also involvement of the country in the
distinguished itself from other truth continental Operation Cóndor473 in June
commissions by understanding its 1980, the assassinations of intelligence
mandate as an implication to help officers under the Fujimori dictatorship
advance criminal prosecutions, hence and the forced sterilisation of women in
conducting a visible set of actions that the Andean highlands.
were intended to gain public support for In April 2002 the commission started
future prosecutions. It interpreted it in a organising successful public hearings,
more modern, ambitious and which were meant not only to put victims,
comprehensive way than its predecessors, mainly indigenous, at the centre stage of
trying to implement changes in the social the process and to garner public support
fabric of the community. in favour of prosecutions, but also to allow
The commission‘s objective was to clarify the victimised indigenous communities to
―the process, facts and responsibilities of bring their suffering to the attention of the
the terrorist violence and human rights nation. With the participation of an
violations produced from May 1980 to estimated 9,800 people, the public
November 2000, whether imputable to hearings were particularly powerful for the
terrorist organisations or state agents, as urban population of the country that until
well as proposing initiatives destined to then was incognizant to the span of the
affirm the peace and harmony among atrocities committed in the rural areas of
Peruvians‖472. The aim of clarification Peru. 318 cases of human rights
required the Commission to produce an violations were under analysis in the
interpretation of the historical period and hearings, leading to 431 testimonies474.
analyse the root causes of the conflict. Videotaped statements of former MRTA
Though it was not endowed with and Shining Path‘s members, in prison at
jurisdictional powers, its mandate the time, were of particular importance
established the necessity for investigating and controversy, despite that many of
the political, social, economic and cultural these former members offered apologies to
premises that led to the conflict, for the surviving victims. A public opinion
drawing up proposals for the reparation poll conducted after the conclusion of the
and dignification of survivors and public hearings revealed that 64% of
recommendations for institutional, Peruvians approved the commission‘s
educational and legal reforms. work and 68% thought its findings should
Furthermore, it stated the establishment be pursued by the courts475.
of mechanisms to follow up on all its The final report presents the main author
recommendations. Accordingly, in volume of the crimes and human rights abuses as
VIII of the final report, the CVR included a being Sendero Luminoso, which was
proviso stipulating that it expected responsible for fifty four per cent of the
diligent action from the Prosecutor
General and that, if no such action were
to be taken in the thirty days following the 473 Operación Cóndor was the name given to a continent-wide
presentation of the report, it would ask conspiracy between 1970-1980 implemented by countries in the
Southern Cone (Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and
the Ombudsman‟s office to use its Bolivia) whose main objective was to eradicate alleged subversive
constitutional right of formulating elements or opposition movements against the military regimes.
accusations against the perpetrators of 474 Data taken from “Peru's Truth and Reconciliation Commission:
http://www.mississippitruth.com/documents/PERU.pdf http://www.economist.com/node/1101634.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
OTHER ACTS
Supreme Decree 065-2001-PCM; year of publication 2001, available at
http://www.mississippitruth.com/documents/PERU.pdf, accessed on 15 July 2011.
Plan Nacional de Derechos Humanos, available at
http://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/plan_actions/docs/peru_sp.pdf, accessed
on 10 July 2011.
Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Peru, available at
http://www.cverdad.org.pe/ifinal/index.php, accessed on 10 July 2011.
Convention concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries,
entered into force: 5 September 1991, 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights
of Indigenous Peoples (A/RES/61/295).
WEBSITES
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ABSTRACT
During the armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995),
hundreds of children were born as a consequence of war-related
sexual violence perpetrated by the Serbian militias primarily
against Bosnian Muslim women. Surprisingly, these children were
never acknowledged as victims of human rights abuses in the legal
debate concerning the atrocities committed against women and
culture. The present paper attempts to fill the existing gap by
considering the legal status of this specific category of children
from a human rights perspective, with a particular emphasis on
the impact of war and post-conflict environments on the right of
the child to develop and preserve his or her own identity. In light
of the intricate complexity characterising the situation of children
born of war, categorical positions are not desirable. To the
contrary, the acknowledgement of the competing rights at stake –
the right to know one‘s origins, the best interests of the child and
the mother‘s confidentiality rights – as equally fundamental makes
it possible to achieve a fair equilibrium between the interests of all
parties involved.
* Alice Margaria is currently a Ph.D. candidate at the Law Department of the European University
Institute, Florence. She holds a 5-year law degree summa cum laude from the University of Turin
(2009). She also holds an LL.M. with distinction in Human Rights Law from University College London
(2010) as well as an LL.M. in Comparative, European and International Law from the European
University Institute (2011). Her present research investigates the legal definition of fatherhood
endorsed by human rights law, with a particular focus on the jurisprudence of the European and the
Inter-American Courts of Human Rights. More broadly, she has a strong interest in issues of family
law, gender and children‘s rights. During her internship at UNICEF BiH (Summer 2011), she prepared
the Report on the Status of Implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in BiH.
Her recent publications include ―Who and what is a mother? Maternity, Responsibility and Liberty‖
(co-written with Prof. Michael Freeman), forthcoming in Theoretical Inquiries in Law 13(1) 2012;
Commentary on the decision of the Italian Court of Cassation, 3rd Civil Section, A. v P. and ors, No.
10741/2009 concerning the legal status of the unborn child, International Law in Domestic Courts
available at http://www.oxfordlawreports.com/; "Le Linee guida del Consiglio d'Europa per una
giustizia a misura di bambino" ("The Guidelines of the Council of Europe on child-friendly justice")
Minori Giustizia 2/2011.
For the purposes of this article, I will use the term “children born of war”, as coined by Charli Carpenter et al., to indicate:
483
“…Persons of any age conceived as a result of violent, coercive or exploitative sexual relations in conflict zones.” See C. C arpenter, “Gender,
Ethnicity and Children‟s Human Rights” in C. Carpenter (editor), Born of War: Protecting Children of Sexual Violence Survivors in Conflict Zones
(Kumarian Press, 2007), p. 3.
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Knowledge Gaps”, University of Pittsburgh: Graduate School of Judgment, 22 February 2001, paragraphs 687-745.
Public and International Affairs and the Ford Institute of Human 489 Ibid, paragraph 858. The International Criminal Tribunal for
Security (2005), p. 3. Rwanda („ICTR‟) was more explicit on this point. The ICTR
485 Z. Ismail, “Emerging from the Shadows: Finding a Place for discussed sexual violence in the context of the genocide charges.
Children Born of War”, unpublished MA thesis, European See Prosecutor v. Musema, ICTR Case No. 96-13-A, Trial
University Centre for Peace Studies (Austria) (2008), p. 5 available Judgement, 27 January 2000 (“Musema Trial Judgment”). It held in
online at paragraph 158 that “sexual mutilation, enforced sterilization, forced
http://epu.ac.at/fileadmin/downloads/research/Ismail.pdf., birth control (emphasis added), forced separation of males and
accessed on 1 July 2011. females, and prohibition of marriages” all constitute “measures
486 Several commentators underline that insufficient emphasis has intended to prevent births within the group” in accordance with
been placed on the human rights of children born of wartime rape the Article 2(2)(d) of the ICTR Statute („Genocide‟). 489 In
by legal scholars. See A. Watson, “Children Born of Wartime Rape: paragraph 933, the ICTR concluded that “the acts of rape and
Rights and Representations”, International Feminist Journal of Politics sexual violence were an integral part of the plan conceived to
9(1) (2007), p. 20; C. Carpenter, “Surfacing Children: Limitations destroy the Tutsi group” because “[s]uch acts targeted Tutsi
of Genocidal Rape Discourse”, Human Rights Quarterly 22 (2000), p. women, in particular, and specifically contributed to their
429. destruction and therefore that of the Tutsi group as such”.
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et al., “Affecting the Rules for the Prosecution of Rape and Other 497 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, GA Res.
Gender-Based Violence before the International Criminal Tribunal 44/25, 44 UN GAOR, Supp. (No. 49), at 167, UN Doc. A/44/49,
for the Former Yugoslavia: A Feminist Proposal and Critique”, (1989), reprinted in 28 ILM 1448 (1989); entered into force 2
Hastings Women’s Law Journal 5(2) (1994), p. 194: “…threatening to September 1990. The former Yugoslavia had ratified the CRC on 3
impregnate women with children of another ethnicity and using rape January 1991. Subsequent to dissolution, the Government of
to drive women from their families and communities are measures Bosnia and Herzegovina deposited notification of succession with
intended to prevent births within that group” (emphasis added). the Secretary-General, with effect from 6 March 1992.
494 A. Goldstein, “Recognizing Forced Impregnation as a War 498 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and
Crime Under International Law: A Special Report of the Fundamental Freedoms, ETS 5, 213 UNTS 221; entered into force
International Program”, New York: Center for Reproductive Law 3 September 1953. By joining the Council of Europe in 2002,
and Policy (1993), p. 24. Bosnia and Herzegovina ratified the ECHR and its Protocols.
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Former Yugoslavia”, Human Rights Quarterly 20 (1998), 348. 504 As explained by a number of scholars, children born of war in
Identical figures can be found in C. Carpenter, “Surfacing Children: Bosnia were not allowed to be placed for international adoption
Limitations of Genocidal Rape Discourse”, 465. because they were considered as a powerful means of repopulating
500 General abortion and delivery data are available in T. the country. Furthermore, the ban on adoption by non-nationals
Mazowiecki, “Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the might also stem from the hope that relatives would care for and
Territory of Former Yugoslavia”, Commission of Human Rights raise these children. See P. Weitsman, “The Politics of Identity and
pursuant to Commission resolution 1992/S-1/1 of 14 August Sexual Violence: A Review of Bosnia and Rwanda”, 568; J. Daniel-
1992, E/CN.4/1993/50 10 February 1993, at p. 65. As pointed out Wrabetz, “Children Born of War Rape in Bosnia-Herzegovina and
by Daniel-Wabretz, pregnant women were often segregated and the Convention on the Rights of the Child”, 25; C. Carpenter,
released only after their seventh month of pregnancy, when it was “Surfacing Children: Limitations of Genocidal Rape Discourse”,
no longer possible to obtain an abortion. See J. Daniel-Wrabetz, 467.
“Children Born of War Rape in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the 505 Article 6 CRC establishes that: “1. States Parties recognise that
Convention on the Rights of the Child” in C. Carpenter (editor), every child has the inherent right to life; 2. States Parties shall
Born of War: Protecting Children of Sexual Violence Survivors in Conflict ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and
Zones (Kumarian Press, 2007), p. 23. development of the child.”
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development; 3. States Parties, in accordance with national amended. The reformed provision establishes that if one parent is
conditions and within their means, shall take appropriate measures citizen of BiH, the other one is citizen of a former republic of the
to assist parents and others responsible for the child to implement Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the child was born abroad, the
this right and shall in case of need provide material assistance and latter should acquire BiH citizenship.
support programmes, particularly with regard to nutrition, clothing 512 C. Carpenter, “Surfacing Children: Limitations of Genocidal
and housing; 4. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to Rape Discourse”, 467.
secure the recovery of maintenance for the child from the parents 513 Article 28 establishes that: “1. States Parties recognize the right
or other persons having financial responsibility for the child, both of the child to education, and with a view to achieving this right
within the State Party and from abroad. In particular, where the progressively and on the basis of equal opportunity, they shall, in
person having financial responsibility for the child lives in a State particular: (a) Make primary education compulsory and available
different from that of the child, States Parties shall promote the free to all; (b) Encourage the development of different forms of
accession to international agreements or the conclusion of such secondary education, including general and vocational education,
agreements, as well as the making of other appropriate make them available and accessible to every child, and take
arrangements.” appropriate measures such as the introduction of free education
507 C. Carpenter et al., “Protecting Children Born of sexual and offering financial assistance in case of need; (c) Make higher
Violence and Exploitation in Conflict Zones: Existing Practice and education accessible to all on the basis of capacity by every
Knowledge Gaps”, 4. appropriate means; (d) Make educational and vocational
508 Z. Ismail, “Emerging from the Shadows: Finding a Place for information and guidance available and accessible to all children;
Children Born of War”, 17. (e) Take measures to encourage regular attendance at schools and
509 The impact of war-related sexual violence on the child‟s right to the reduction of drop-out rates; 2. States Parties shall take all
an identity is only briefly mentioned at this stage of the analysis appropriate measures to ensure that school discipline is
because it will be carefully considered in the following sections of administered in a manner consistent with the child's human dignity
the present paper. According to Article 7 CRC, “1. The child shall and in conformity with the present Convention; 3. States Parties
be registered immediately after birth and shall have the right from shall promote and encourage international cooperation in matters
birth to a name, the right to acquire a nationality and. as far as relating to education, in particular with a view to contributing to
possible, the right to know and be cared for by his or her parents; the elimination of ignorance and illiteracy throughout the world
2. States Parties shall ensure the implementation of these rights in and facilitating access to scientific and technical knowledge and
accordance with their national law and their obligations under the modern teaching methods. In this regard, particular account shall
relevant international instruments in this field, in particular where be taken of the needs of developing countries.”
the child would otherwise be stateless.”
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Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNICEF, 2002), pp. 98- Convention on the Rights of the Child, 105.
99. 518 See M. Freeman and A. Margaria, “Who and What is a Mother?
515 According to Article 8 CRC: “1. States Parties undertake to Maternity, Responsibility and Liberty”, forthcoming in Theoretical
respect the right of the child to preserve his or her identity, Inquiries in Law 13(1) (2012).
including nationality, name and family relations as recognized by 519 For a detailed account of this concept, see M. Fineman, The
law without unlawful interference; 2. Where a child is illegally Neutered Mother, the Sexual Family and Other Twentieth Century Tragedies
deprived of some or all of the elements of his or her identity, States (New York, Routledge, 1995).
Parties shall provide appropriate assistance and protection, with a 520 See C. McGlynn, Families and the European Union (Cambridge
view to re-establishing speedily his or her identity.” University Press, 2006), p. 81.
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Court of Human Rights”, European Human Rights Law Review (2008) he/she has no information about the father, he/she will start
(3), p. 337. For an historical overview of the relevant case law of asking questions about his/her background and there is a high
the ECtHR, see R. Blauwhoff, “Tracing Down the Historical possibility that he/she will discover the truth. Similar discoveries
Development of the Legal Concept of the Right to Know One‟s might have serious repercussions on the psychological well-being
Origins. Has „to know or not to know‟ ever been the legal of children. See C. Toomey, “A Cradle of Inhumanity”, Times
question?”, Utrecht Law Review 4(2) (2008), 99-116. Online, 9 November 2003.
524 Odièvre v. France, Decision of 13 February 2003, ECHR 2003-III, 527 J. Daniel-Wrabetz, “Children Born of War Rape in Bosnia-
paragraph 29. Herzegovina and the Convention on the Rights of the Child”, 26.
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imaginable that some of the upon the child‘s right to know his/her
institutionalised children were born as a origins to ensure the protection of other
result of war-related rape, the authorities fundamental values. Similarly, the
responsible for the placement of children absoluteness of the right to know one‘s
without parental care proscribed the origins is expressly denied by the text of
disclosure of confidential information, the ECHR. Article 8 ECHR constructs the
including information concerning the right to respect for private and family life
child‘s origins, to care-workers. However, as capable of restrictions when it clashes
the confidentiality rule, originally with other rights and freedoms.530 The
envisaged to protect these children, might impact of the subjective qualification
reveal itself inappropriate if social introduced by these provisions varies
assistance and counselling facilities are according to the particular circumstances
not promptly offered.528 of each case. Indeed, it is important to
In conclusion, the failure to register all distinguish between different scenarios.
children and the consequential Firstly, the protection of the child‘s right
unavailability of birth records creates to know might be subject to limitations
potential barriers to the protection of the due to the impossibility of identifying
identity rights of children in conflict and his/her parent(s). Similar situations might
post-conflict scenarios. With regard to the certainly occur within the context of
peculiar situation of children born of war children born of war: for instance, the
in the former Yugoslavia, is the denial of mother does not know who the father is,
information concerning one‘s origins in since she was a victim of multiple rapes;
violation of Article 7 CRC or Article 8 or, the war-baby is not registered upon
ECHR? Despite its prima facie birth and he/she is subsequently
obviousness, this question might lead to abandoned. In both cases, the protection
partially indefinite answers stemming of the child‘s right to know is jeopardised
from a more sophisticated analysis of the as a result of an objective unavailability of
legal framework in place. data, rather than to guarantee the
protection of other competing rights. The
THE RIGHT TO „GENETIC TRUTH‟ State‘s margin of intervention is quite
versus THE BEST INTERESTS OF THE limited: legislation must ensure that these
CHILD/ THE MOTHER‟S children are not discriminated against, as
CONFIDENTIALITY RIGHTS required by Article 2 CRC.531
The particular experience of children born Secondly, the decision of the mother not
of war perfectly exemplifies the intricate to identify the father might have concrete
complexity charactering the broader issue repercussions on the protection of the
of whether an individual, pre-eminently a child‘s right to know. The mother‘s
child, has a right to know about his/her reluctance might arise from a basic fear of
origins. The first step in solving this revealing the circumstances of conception,
dilemma consists in acknowledging the especially in cases of incest, rape or
existence of a series of tensions between adultery. Although mothers could,
the human rights of all parties involved.529 potentially, be legally required to identify
These conflicts are principally ascribable the father, it would be problematic to
to the conceptualisation of the rights at
stake as qualified.
In relation to Article 7 CRC, the 530 See Article 8(2) ECHR.
expression ―as far as possible‖ clearly
531 Article 2 CRC provides that: “1. States Parties shall respect and
ensure the rights set forth in the present Convention to each child
paves the way for potential restrictions within their jurisdiction without discrimination of any kind,
irrespective of the child's or his or her parent's or legal guardian's
race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion,
528Ibid, 27. national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other
529 See S. Besson, “Enforcing the Child‟s Right to Know her status; 2. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure
Origins: Contrasting Approaches Under the Convention on the that the child is protected against all forms of discrimination or
Rights of the Child and the European Convention on Human punishment on the basis of the status, activities, expressed
Rights”, International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family 21(2) (2007), opinions, or beliefs of the child's parents, legal guardians, or family
p. 138. members.”
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
placed the conditions for the recognition of a more limited margin also J. Marshall, “A right to personal autonomy at the European
on appreciation in matters regarding the right to know one‟s Court of Human Rights”, 354.
origins. See Jäggi v. Switzerland, Decision of 13 July 2006, paragraph 541 A similar solution is proposed by Thévoz within the context of
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the Hutchinson, 1985); G. Delaisi de Parseval, “Reflexions d‟une
views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the psychanalyste sur la question de l‟anonymat du donneur de sperme
age and maturity of the child; 2. For this purpose, the child shall in dans l‟insémination artificielle (IAD)”, Cahiers médico-sociaux, 37(2)
particular be provided the opportunity to be heard in any judicial (1993), p. 176; M. Ryburn, “Adopted Children's Identity and
and administrative proceedings affecting the child, either directly, Information Needs”, Children and Society, 9(3) (1995), p. 41.
or through a representative or an appropriate body, in a manner 549 R. Blauwhoff, “Tracing down the historical development of the
consistent with the procedural rules of national law.” legal concept of the right to know one‟s origins. Has „to know or
546 This is in line with the interpretation of Article 7 CRC, as not to know‟ ever been the legal question?”, 103.
suggested by UNICEF. See R. Hodgkin and P. Newell, 550 Ibid.
Implementation Handbook for the Convention on the Rights of the Child, 551 P. Weitsman, “The Politics of Identity and Sexual Violence: A
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
MacKinnon, C., Are Women Human? And Other International Dialogues (Harvard
University Press, 2006).
Marshall, J., ―A Right to Personal Autonomy at the European Court of Human
Rights‖, European Human Rights Law Review (2008) (3), pp. 337-356.
Mazowiecki, T., ―Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the Territory of Former
Yugoslavia‖, Commission of Human Rights pursuant to Commission resolution
1992/S-1/1 of 14 August 1992, E/CN.4/1993/50 10 February 1993.
McGlynn, C., Families and the European Union (Cambridge University Press, 2006).
Ronen, Y., ―Redefining the Child‘s Right to Identity‖, International Journal of Law,
Policy and the Family 18(2) (2004), pp. 147-177.
Ryburn, M., ―Adopted Children's Identity and Information Needs‖, Children and
Society, 9(3) (1995), pp. 41-64.
Salzman, T., ―Rape Camps as a Means of Ethnic Cleansing: Religious, Cultural, and
Ethical Responses to Rape Victims in the Former Yugoslavia‖, Human Rights
Quarterly 20 (1998), pp. 348-378.
Thévoz, J. M., ―The Rights of Children to Information Following Assisted Conception‖,
in D. Evans, Conceiving the Embryo: Ethics, Law and Practice of Assisted
Reproduction (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1996), p. 195.
Toomey, C., ―A Cradle of Inhumanity‖, Times Online, 9 November 2003.
Toynbee, P., Lost Children (London: Hutchinson, 1985).
Watson, A., ―Children Born of Wartime Rape: Rights and Representations‖,
International Feminist Journal of Politics 9(1) (2007), pp. 20-34.
Weitsman, P., ―The Politics of Identity and Sexual Violence: A Review of Bosnia and
Rwanda‖, Human Rights Quarterly 30(3) (2008), pp. 561-578.
International Treaties:
European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms, ETS 5, 213 UNTS 221; entered into force 3 September 1953.
Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, UN Doc. A/CONF.183/10, (1998):
entered into force 1 July 2002.
UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, GA Res. 44/25, 44 UN GAOR, Supp. (No.
49), at 167, UN Doc. A/44/49, (1989), reprinted in 28 ILM 1448 (1989); entered into
force 2 September 1990.
Case law:
Jäggi v. Switzerland, Application n. 58757/2000, Decision of 13 July 2006.
Odièvre v. France, Application n. 42326/1998, Decision of 13 February 2003.
Prosecutor v. Kunarac et al, ICTY Case No. IT-96-23-T, Trial Judgment, 22 February
2001.
Prosecutor v. Musema, ICTR Case No. 96-13-A, Trial Judgement, 27 January 2000.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Page 172
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Page 173
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(b) To ensure the provision of necessary International Criminal Tribunal for the
medical assistance and healthcare to all Former Yugoslavia.561 Reparations to
children with emphasis on the development victims have largely concerned the
of primary healthcare.”559 restitution of property rights through the
The above documents are indicators that Commission for Real Property Claims of
humans, those under the age of 18 Displaced Persons and Refugees and
(children) specifically, have a right to national authorities.562 Truth-seeking and
healthcare. Provision of this right takes -telling is a smaller part of BiH‘s
on a special significance in a country that transitional justice process, and its most
not only has a history of conflict, but is prominent example is the Srebrenica
attempting to face its consequences. I turn Commission.563 The focus on retributive
to Bosnia and Herzegovina‘s transitional justice means that the gathering of
justice process, the backdrop against evidence and mounting of cases against
which healthcare and all other facets of alleged violators of human rights law has
life, exists before discussing the caused the events of the war to be
importance of children‘s healthcare to the replayed, categorised, and raised in court
goals of this justice. years after their occurrence. The same is
true, to a lesser extent, for people who lost
THE RIGHT TO CHILDREN‟S property and Srebrenica survivors, as they
HEALTHCARE IN THE TRANSITIONAL tell their stories in the hopes of attaining a
JUSTICE CONTEXT measure of justice. Wartime events are
thus constantly recalled, through trials of
The right to healthcare is particularly alleged perpetrators, national and
important in societies pursuing international news coverage of the justice
transitional justice in an attempt to move process and the war, and by physical
from a past plagued by rights violations to reminders of the violence.
a future in which the rights of all are
respected. The role of children in these Therefore, while the Bosnians who were
societies holds special significance for children during the war are almost all
their future. Transitional justice is a adults (over age 18) now, the country‘s
process by which societies with a history children are affected by the war. The
of human rights abuse undertake various regular evocation of wartime experiences
approaches that use law or legal concepts creates a climate in which children
to achieve a defined set of goals. The aims continuously hear war stories and
of transitional justice may differ by versions of the past that they perceive to
society, but often emphasise (re- be truths. Children absorbing the rhetoric
)establishment of the rule of law, surrounding them, whatever perspective it
institutional reform, accountability for reflects, will grow up shaped by it.
perpetrators, justice and recompense for Furthermore, the alteration of population
victims of violence and crimes, societal distributions by the war has led to
reconciliation and healing, establishment separation between the country‘s three
of a collective memory based on truth- main ethnic groups.564 These cleavages
telling, and lasting peace.560 In Bosnia affect whom a child goes to school with,
and Herzegovina, the process has largely lives near, and plays with, all of which
centred around retributive, or criminal, contribute to the formulation of that
justice, characterised by trials of alleged child‘s identity. Ethnic divisions prevent
perpetrators of rights abuses at the
561 Marta Valiñas and Kris Vanspauwen, “Truth-Seeking after
Violent Conflict: Experiences from South Africa and Bosnia and
559Article 24 of the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights Herzegovina”, Contemporary Justice Review 12 (2009), 275.
of the Child (CRC), GA Res. 44/25, 44 UN GAOR, Supp. (No. 562 Ibid. p. 279.
49), at 167, UN Doc. A/44/49, (1989), entered into force 2 563 Ibid. p. 281.
September 1990. 564Trudy T.M. Mooren, Kaz de Jong, Rolf J. Kleber and Jadranka
560R.G. Teigel, quoted in Patricia Lundy and Mark McGovern, Ruvic, “The Efficacy of a Mental Health Programme in Bosnia and
“Whose Justice? Rethinking Transitional Justice from the Bottom Herzegovina: Impact on Coping and General Health”, Journal of
Up”, Journal of Law and Society 35 (2008), 267. Clinical Psychology 59 (2003), 58.
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children from facing challenges to their ensure access to healthcare for all
conceptions of the past if and until they Bosnians. The consequences of this
come into contact with differing failure are then addressed in the current
narratives. Today‘s children will set the political context.
tone for future debate and dialogue on
Bosnia and Herzegovina‘s past. As they THE CURRENT STATE OF CHILDREN‘S
age, children become agents of tomorrow‘s HEALTHCARE IN BOSNIA AND
actions. Consequently, the identities they HERZEGOVINA
construct now, in the era of transitional
justice, will affect the path the country Key to understanding the state of
takes after that process concludes. children‘s healthcare coverage in Bosnia
and Herzegovina is knowledge of the
Children‘s health is of particular country‘s government. The structure of
importance in a society grappling with a Bosnia‘ power apparatus is characterised
legacy of rights abuse. It is important to by legislative and administrative divisions,
remember that Bosnia‘s children – the current system having been created by
whatever their ethnicity – are the children or after the Dayton Peace Accords; in
of war survivors. Bosnian children must order to facilitate multi –ethnic and –
cope with the effects that war has had on religious government, power is fragmented
their older family members, who may be and multi-layered. The state of Bosnia and
physically disabled or suffer from Herzegovina is composed of two entities,
psychological illnesses stemming from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
wartime experiences. In the provision of (FBiH) and the Republika Srpska (RS), to
health services, the continual, societal which the national constitution delegates
focus on human rights violations may most governmental powers. The Brčko
frame healthcare so that the system is District is another sub-national
designed for the needs of war survivors, administrative unit in the country, which
rather than their progeny. Healthcare is self-governing but under international
should emphasise the best treatment of all supervision.565 At the next level of
citizens at all times. In societies, which administration, the Federation contains
have suffered from rights abuses and are ten cantons whose population is
now dealing with the past through on- comprised mainly of Bosniaks and
going transitional justice mechanisms, Croatians, with Serbians a small minority;
people face certain health needs stemming the RS, meanwhile, has a Serbian
from the continuous presence of the majority population566 and is divided into
conflict period in their lives. This presence sixty-four municipalities.567 Financial
means that the health of children born matters are handled differently within
after the end of the conflict is affected by each entity- the Federation‘s cantons have
it. Doctors, nurses, and therapists taxation and regulatory control over the
working in Bosnia must acknowledge the entity‘s seventy-three municipalities
needs of children who constantly deal with whereas in the RS, an entity-level ministry
the consequences that war has had on regulates and serves as an interlocutor
their parents, older family members, with its sixty-four municipalities.568
neighbours, and themselves. These Healthcare and social services are the
practitioners must acquire or develop the purview of cantons in the Federation and
requisite skills to treat these children. the entity in the Republika Srpska,569 with
How does the government of Bosnia and 565 “The CIA World Factbook: Bosnia and Herzegovina”,
Herzegovina ensure that this right to https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-
healthcare is fulfilled for the children factbook/geos/bk.html.
566 Charles Jokay, “Local Government in Bosnia and
under its jurisdiction? An examination of Herzegovina”, Stabilisation of Local Governments (Budapest: Open
the current legislation sheds light on the Society Institute/Local Government Initiative, 2001), p. 94.
procedures in place, and an assessment of 567 Jokay, Charles. “Local Government in Bosnia and Herzegovina”, p.95.
568 Ibid.
its faults shows that current laws fail to 569 Ibid. p. 97.
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the Brčko District mandating its own Srpska576 have enacted legislation on
healthcare laws. This is demonstrated by healthcare and health insurance and the
the scope of the existing legislation on Brčko District has legislation regarding
healthcare, insurance and general social healthcare.577
services. Out of an estimated population
of 3.5 million Bosnians, approximately The Law on Healthcare of the Federation
867,632 are children (composing one- of Bosnia and Herzegovina pertains to the
third of the Republika Srpska570 and two- principles, organisation, and
thirds of the FBiH571); 59% of this implementation of healthcare in the
population does not have health territory, including health education in
insurance.572 This represents a mainstream curriculum.578 Going hand in
substantial obstacle to their ability to hand with the Law on Healthcare is the
access healthcare. FBiH Law on Health Insurance, which
lays out the terms by which citizens pay
Relevant legislation includes laws passed into the social assistance fund at the
at all levels of government that relate to cantonal level. Employed persons and
healthcare and health insurance, since their family members fall into the category
the latter makes possible the former in of those whose insurance is obligatory,
many instances. Domestic laws related to whereas additional and voluntary health
a child‘s right to healthcare include laws insurance recipients include children in
at multiple levels of government. The other categories. These are children
national constitution does not explicitly between 15 and 18 years of age who have
guarantee a right to healthcare, instead not finished primary school or did not find
delegating legislation on the issue to the employment after school and registered
entities and other sub-national units.573 with the unemployment office; infants;
At the national level, steps have been children enrolled in regular primary or
taken to meet the country's obligations secondary schools or in studies at a
that arise from signing the UN Convention university; and children with a permanent
on the Rights of the Child and other residence in BiH who are Bosnian
international documents. With the aims of nationals and who are not covered by an
fulfilling both the UN Millennium employed persons‘ insurance.579 Disabled
Development Goals (BiH signed the United and foster children who are covered under
Nations Millennium Declaration in 2000) obligatory insurance, however, have a
and the rights outlined in the CRC, and in right to healthcare, as do children whose
order to improve the situation of children parents are not insured obligatorily.580
in the country, the national government of Under the Law on Health Insurance of
BiH instituted the Action Plan for Children FBiH, cantonal authorities on social and
of BiH for the Period 2002-2010.574 At the child protection have the obligation to pay
entity level, the Federation of Bosnia and the healthcare fund contributions of
Herzegovina575 and the Republika children who are not insured as family
members of an insured person from birth
to enrolment in elementary (primary)
570 “The NGO complementary report to the state report on the school. The cantonal educational
situation of children in the Bosnia and Herzegovina”, (Bosnia and
Herzegovina, 2004), p.49.
authority is to provide healthcare for
http://www.crin.org/docs/resources/treaties/crc.39/BosniaHerze students enrolled in the mainstream
govina_ngo_report%5B2%5D.pdf. educational system until they reach age
571 Ibid. p. 50.
572 “The NGO complementary report to the state report on the
26 and students pursuing a teaching
situation of children in the Bosnia and Herzegovina”, (Bosnia and
Herzegovina, 2004), p.45. Institution of the BiH Ombudsmen for Human Rights, 2009), pp.
573 Živanović, Miroslav (ed.), Human Rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina 122- 123
2008, p. 571.
574 Article 44 of the National Report, in “Child Rights References 576 Čamo (ed.), Analysis of the harmonisation, pp.123-124.
in the Universal Periodic Review: Bosnia & Herzegovina – 7th 577 Ibid. p. 124.
Session – 2010”. 578 Ibid. p. 122.
575Rusmira Čamo (ed.), Analysis of the harmonisation of the legislation in 579 Čamo (ed.), Analysis of the Harmonisation, p. 122.
BiH with the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Banja Luka: 580 Ibid.
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internship.581 Among persons exempt from children miss out on healthcare that, even
payment into the healthcare fund are though it is their right, may or may not be
children at 15 years old and students up part of domestic legislation.
to 26 who are enrolled in the mainstream
educational system.582 Taken as a whole, DEFICIENCIES IN THE PROVISION OF
these laws theoretically translate to HEALTHCARE FOR CHILDREN IN
universal, cantonal-sponsored healthcare BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
for persons defined as children under the
law, regardless of their parents‘ insurance Many NGOs studying the system have
status. They also link education and found that the existence of these laws is
healthcare, providing an incentive for insufficient in ensuring that children in
children and young adults up to age 26 to BiH have access to healthcare and health
enrol in school and continue their studies. insurance. The current legislation
regarding children's access to healthcare
In the Republika Srpska there exists a and health insurance is wrought with
Law on Healthcare, defining ―healthcare‖ identifiable problems that have
and the functioning of health services recognisable solutions. For example, a
(which is similar to the corresponding law 2009 report from the Ombudsmen
in FBiH).583 The RS Law on Health Institution of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Insurance outlines the duality of compiled in association with Save the
obligatory and additional insurance, the Children Norway, on ―Analysis of the
rights of beneficiaries and the state in Harmonisation of the Legislation in BiH
terms of insurance, and information on with the Convention on the Rights of the
private health insurance. A child's right to Child,‖ acknowledges the complex and
health insurance and the role of the varying administrative procedures one
insured in covering minor family members must often undergo prior to obtaining
is laid out, as it is in Federation law.584 health insurance for a child (such as
The Law on Healthcare of Brčko District producing certificates on school
BiH defines, like both entity laws, the attendance or proof of parental health
organisational and implementation insurance), and declares that such
schema for healthcare in the District. requirements are contrary to the
Healthcare is divided into primary, Convention‘s provisions ensuring
specialist-consultative, and hospital care, healthcare for all children (persons under
with the healthcare of children falling 18 years of age).586 As is explained by the
under the label of primary care. In this Ombudsman,
context, school-age children are evaluated “In BiH one can still encounter a situation
on their abilities to learn and work, with where the child‟s right to healthcare is tied
the aims of improving their health, with the healthcare of one of the parents,
enhancing psycho-physiological abilities, which excludes a great number of children
and promoting adequate nutrition for from the healthcare system. This situation
infants and care for medical conditions, is also very much affected by deadlines
including developmental disorders.585 The based on laws on healthcare, whereby the
RS, in its similarities to the Federation, parents themselves often lose the right to
establishes that a child has a right to healthcare if they miss the deadlines.”587
healthcare and ties healthcare to parental Such restrictions make for an ambiguous
insurance in some cases. As for the Brčko and arbitrary system when it comes to the
District, there is healthcare promotion but provision of healthcare and insurance for
not necessarily established free care for minors, which hampers or eliminates
children. Gaps exist through which access to the right to access healthcare.
This is tied to the wording and
581 Ibid. understanding of the laws in place.
582 Ibid. p. 123.
583 Ibid.
584 Ibid. p. 124. 586Ibid. p. 126.
585Čamo (ed.), Analysis of the harmonisation, p.124. 587 Čamo (ed.), Analysis of the harmonisation, .p.126.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina”. CRC/C/15/Add.260 (21 September 595 Čamo (ed.), Analysis of the Harmonisation, p. 126.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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7th Session – 2010‖,
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Submitted by States Parties under Article 44 of the Convention, Concluding
Observations: Bosnia and Herzegovina‖. CRC/C/15/Add.260 (21 September 2005).
―Report on the status of human rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Analysis for the
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―The CIA World Factbook: Bosnia and Herzegovina‖,
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the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Banja Luka: Institution of the BiH
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Justice from the Bottom Up‖, Journal of Law and Society 35 (2008).
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PETTY CORRUPTION AS A
DISCRIMINATING EXPERIENCE –
THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND
HERZEGOVINA
By Ardian Adžanela*
ABSTRACT
Corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina still significantly affects the
functionality of the state and the quality of the everyday life of its
citizens. When it comes to the everyday life of ordinary citizens, it
is the ―petty/everyday corruption‖ that affects it more directly and
more frequently than the so called ―grand corruption‖, as petty
corruption takes place in everyday interactions between citizens
and the public service sector. The aim of this paper is to point out
the discriminating practices that occur as a consequence of petty
corruption. The recommendation in this paper is that both anti-
corruption and human rights advocates evoke international
human rights instruments to force accountability on the part of
the state or a state/public organ and so create disincentives for
corruption. While this approach is not meant to replace traditional
anti-corruption mechanisms, primarily the criminal law, but only
supplement it. It can give cases prominence; may force a state to
take preventive action, or may deter corrupt officials from
misusing their powers.
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actions unintentionally discriminate against a subordinate group. 599 International Crisis Group, Rule of Law in Public
Institutional discrimination is built into the structure itself. Thus it Administration, Confusion and Discrimination in a Post-
is more covert and more tenacious. It can occur regardless of the Communist Bureaucracy, 1999.
desires or intentions of the people perpetuating it. Much http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/europe/balkans/bosnia-
institutional discrimination results from judgments made on herzegovina/084-rule-of-law-in-public-administration-confusion-
secondary rather than primary characteristics. Race and sex may be and-discrimination-in-a-post-communist-bureaucracy.aspx. 16 July
consciously eliminated as concerns, but criteria such as educational 2011.
background, employment history, supervisory experience, age, 600 International Council on Human Rights Policy and
income, etc, which have been effected by group membership, can Transparency International.
be effective substitutes. Freeman, J., Institutional Discrimination. http://www.ichrp.org/files/reports/40/131_web.pdf, and
http://www.uic.edu/orgs/cwluherstory/jofreeman/womensociety http://www.ichrp.org/files/reports/58/131b_report.pdf. 16 July
/institidiscrim.htm. 16 July 2011. 2011.
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wider terms, whereby corruption is ―an For the purpose of this paper, it is also
impairment of integrity, virtue, or moral necessary to stress that, in reality, the
principle…‖ and more specifically, ―the act of ―reward‖ for those that facilitate both grand
doing something with intent to give some and the petty corruption is not limited to
advantage inconsistent with official duty and payments, but very often involves a wide
the rights of others‖.601 variety of non-financial transactions, the so
called ―favours‖, e.g. nepotism, cronyism, and
Sociologically, corruption is any process in other forms of trading in favours and
which at least two persons act to the influence, a fact grossly overlooked by those
detriment of public interest by means of who reduce the term ―corruption‖ to ―bribery‖
unlawful transactions for the purpose of alone. Hence, the Oxford Unabridged
personal gain. By violating moral and legal Dictionary distinguishes bribery from favour
norms, any such person is violating the by defining corruption as ―pervasion or
foundations of democratic development and destruction of integrity in the discharge of
the rule of law. In the legal sense there is no public duties by bribery or favour‖.605]
single definition of corruption, but a whole
range of criminal acts described as the
―criminal offence of corruption‖.602 In regards
to its scale and nature, corruption is generally CORRUPTION IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR
divided into grand corruption and petty SERVICE DELIVERY OF BOSNIA AND
corruption. Grand corruption refers to the HERZEGOVINA
corruption of more senior officials and The public sector service delivery is
significant amounts of money and involves the largest employer in any country and its
two main activities: bribe payments and the associated job security and accompanying
embezzlement and misappropriation of state benefits are highly coveted. However,
assets.603 Petty corruption, which is resources in this sector in Bosnia and
sometimes referred to as ―routine corruption‖, Herzegovina are scarce and the supply of
is the everyday corruption that takes place at experienced and qualified staff is limited.
the implementation end of politics, where When coupled with woeful under-funding,
public officials meet the public. It is the kind arbitrariness, inertia, and corruption are
of corruption that people can experience in endemic. So too is the arrogance inherited
their frequent encounters with public from officials in the old communist era
administration and services like hospitals, bureaucracy.606 It is in this sector that the
schools, local licensing authorities, police, largest amount of corruption in Bosnia and
taxing authorities and so on.604 It is precisely Herzegovina takes place, the petty corruption,
this kind of corruption that occurs most in particular, where infringements of the
frequently and it is the kind that this paper principles of equality and non-discrimination
will focus on. are most visible. While most reports and
analyses on corruption in BiH focus on grand
corruption and legal/judicial dealing with
corruption, they ignore the fact that in BiH
601 The word “corrupt” etymologically stems from mid 14 th century relatively few people come into contact with
Old French “corropt”- “unhealthy, uncouth” (in reference to judiciary. In contrast, the system of public
language), which in turn stems form Latin “corrumpere”-“to destroy;
spoil”, composed of prefix “com” and “rumpere”-“to break”,
services in BiH sees a constant flow of
Online Etymology Dictionary. individuals through its various layers. It is
http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=corrupt. 16 July
2011. Black‟s Law Dictionary, Eighth Edition, p. 371.
602 Pravni Leksikon, Leksikografski zavod Miroslav Krleža, pp. 623- 605 Civil Society Against Corruption,
624. http://www.againstcorruption.eu/diagnosis-tool. 18 July 2011. In
603 Nicholls, C. QC and T. Daniel, Corruption and Misuse of Public addition to bribery and favouritism/clientelism/connections, some
Office, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006, pp. 2-3. other forms of corruption include embezzlement, trading in
http://www.u4.no/themes/pfm/Revenueissue/revenue1.cfm. 16 influence, and abuse of function or position, illicit enrichment, etc.
July 2011. 606 International Crisis Group, Rule of Law in Public
604 U4, Anti-Corruption Resource Centre: Revenue Administration and Administration, “Confusion and Discrimination in a Post-
Corruption. Communist Bureaucracy,” 1999, p.19.
http://www.u4.no/themes/pfm/Revenueissue/revenue1.cfm. 17 http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/europe/Bosnia%2033
July 2011. .pdf. 16 July 2011.
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there that the vast majority of legal abuses regards to the corruption in educational
occur, as public servants intimidate and institutions, the report of Kahvedņić and Lońić
discriminate ordinary people.607 indicates that the biggest and most important
A large number of households in BiH type of corruption in the educational system
encounter corruption when dealing with the in Bosnia and Herzegovina is payment for
employees of public sector service delivery. passing exams. The students believe that this
Twenty percent of respondents in a World phenomenon is normal, where they openly
Bank survey who received services in health talk about it and pay the professors without
care, education, police, and some other questions. In their survey, Kahvedņić and
institutions paid bribes (money, gifts, or Lońić often encountered students who take
counter-services). These informal payments exams several times before finally passing; an
shrink household budgets, distort the incident often linked to the fact that they do
structure of household budgets and make not have the economical possibility to pay the
budget spending less predictable. 608 professors. This has led to a polarisation
Widespread corruption in public health and where there are rich students and poor
educational services, to name a few, deters students. The rich students pay and pass
the poor from seeking healthcare and exams easily without any adequate
education, and depresses living standards knowledge.611
and opportunities for poorer people in
particular. 609 The employment sector is yet another area
where large quantities of corrupt acts occur
Kahvedņić and Lońić accordingly observe in and create discrimination and inequality on a
their investigative report on corruption in daily basis, as well as violating the right to
BiH, ―The poor have neither money nor employment of the regular, non-bribing or
connections. It is not even granted that when non-privileged citizens. The recruitment
they actually get an appointment that they process is heavily distorted by corruption.
will receive the best or proper help. When This comes as no surprise since a major
there is a distinct line between the poor and problem for citizens in BiH today is finding a
the wealthy, as the case seems to be in BiH, job.612 In dealings with hospitals, schools,
corrupt acts are about to occur in the health police and other basic public services, poor
sector.‖ Furthermore, the background of the citizens tend to suffer more discrimination
patient is often investigated by medical than the rich and they see a larger share of
professionals, and only if it shows that the their resources eaten away. Those with the
patient is coming from a wealthy family or has least influence are left with little recourse
good connections, i.e. he or she is able to pay, against corruption, as mentioned earlier.613
then will they receive proper health care.610In
University of Linkoping, 2010, p. 34. http://liu.diva-
portal.org/smash/get/diva2:309905/FULLTEXT01. 18 July 2011.
607 Ibid., p.1 611 Ibid. pp. 34-35.
608 When asked about the main consequences of corruption, 60 612 95% of survey respondents in the survey conducted by the
percent of respondents in the general public indicated that, “the UNDP in 2009 reported that having štela (a Bosnian colloquial
poor get poorer and the rich get richer.” This perception is word for favouritism/personal connections) is useful for access to
supported by the actual experiences with corruption reported in basic social services, including access to education, employment
the surveys. World Bank, Bosnia and Herzegovina - Diagnostic and healthcare. More than one third of employed respondents said
Surveys of Corruption, 2000. they had found their job through personal connections; UNDP
http://www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/anticorrupt/Bosniantic Bosnia and Herzegovina, Human Development Report 2009; The
orruption.pdf. 17 July 2011. Ties that Bind – Social Capital in BiH, pp. 12-13,
609 Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights, for http://www.undp.ba/index.aspx?PID=36&RID=90. In Bosnia and
example, provides that, “The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms Herzegovina bribes were particularly common in the health sector
set forth in this Convention shall be secured without with surveys of officials and citizens reporting that 75 percent
discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, colour, language, thought bribes were required for obtaining positions and for
religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, promotion, Centre for Global Development, Governance and
association with a national minority, property, birth or other Corruption in Public Health Care Systems p. 20.
status.” http://www.u4.no/pdf/?file=/document/literature/file_WP_78.p
http://www.hrcr.org/docs/Eur_Convention/euroconv4.html. 17 df. 18 July 2011.
July 2011. 613 Article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
610 Kahvedžić, N. and S. Lošić. “Corruption in Bosnia and prohibits discrimination in law or in fact in any field regulated and protected by
Herzegovina-Causes, Consequences and Cures,” Master thesis in public authorities, and its application is not limited to those rights which are
Economics Department of Management and Engineering The provided for in the ICCPR, International Council on Human Rights Policy
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Therefore, in addition to creating a distinction from other human rights, it is likely that
between those who use bribes or connections privileged treatment of the abovementioned
to obtain regular or privileged treatments in kinds could indirectly affect some specific
the public sector service delivery on the one human rights. When for example a person
hand and those who do not on the other, bribes a medical practitioner or provides
petty corruption discriminates against people him/her a counter-favour in exchange for a
with poor economic or social status, which privileged treatment, or even just a regular
represents a violation of the principle of proper treatment that is often made
equality and non-discrimination, the impossible due to unfavourable
fundamental principles of human rights and circumstances in public health institutions617,
affirmed in all the main human rights the regular, non-privileged patients are not
treaties.614 only discriminated against, but their access to
health is severely restricted.618 In such cases,
Article 26 of the International Covenant on when acts of corruption are linked to
Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) prohibits violations of the principle of equality and non-
discrimination in law or in fact in any field discrimination or even some specific human
regulated and protected by public authorities, rights indirectly, evoking international human
and its application is not limited to those rights instruments could act to force
rights, which are provided for in the ICCPR. accountability on the part of the state or a
615 state/public organ and so create disincentives
for corruption. While they do not replace
Simply put, every individual is entitled to be traditional anti-corruption mechanisms,
treated equally by public officials. If a person primarily the criminal law, they can give cases
bribes a public official, that person acquires a prominence; they may force a state to take
privileged status in relation to other similarly preventive action, or they may deter corrupt
placed individuals who have not partaken in officials from misusing their power. They can
bribery. Individuals or groups of people are therefore both raise awareness and have a
left without access to a service because they deterrent effect.619 Human rights obligations
cannot or refuse to pay a bribe or do not on the part of a state that signed human
belong to a given client network. It is precisely rights treaties and conventions apply to all
in this sense that discrimination and branches of government (executive, legislative
inequality are defined in this paper. When a and judicial) at all levels (national, regional
person obtains privileged treatment by means and local). According to human rights
of a bribe no other human right is necessarily jurisprudence, an act, or omission, is
directly affected except the right to equality.616 attributable to the state when committed,
Additionally, while the principles of equality instigated, incited, encouraged or acquiesced
and non-discrimination stand independently
and Transparency International, “Corruption and Human Rights, Making 617 Many medical practitioners that work in public hospitals also
the Connection,” http://www.ichrp.org/files/reports/40/131_web.pdf. 16 have their own medical clinics. Public hospitals are used to pick up
July 2011. clients and send them to their own private clinics, where the
614 UN Charter (Articles 1(3), 13(1)(b), 55(c), and 76); the Universal doctors will be paid for their services. It is not due to the mere fact
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (Articles 2 and 7); the that public hospitals do not have adequate equipment and
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) knowledge to help these patients, but rather an opportunity for
(Articles 2(1) and 26); and the Convention on the Rights of the doctors to extract more money. An additional complication of the
Child (CRC) (Article 2). Sometimes the references to problem is the principal agent problem, where the patients do not
discrimination make clear that prohibition is not limited to the know what kind of treatment they need, making it easier for the
rights set out in the instrument concerned. For example, Article 26 doctors to deceive and extract money; Kahvedžić, N. and S.
of the ICCPR, Article 3 of the ACHPR, Article 24 of the ACHR, Lošić.” Corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina-Causes,
and Protocol No. 12 of the European Convention on Human Consequences and Cures”, Master thesis in Economics
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) establish freestanding Department of Management and Engineering The University of
rights to equality; their application is not confined to the rights Linkoping 2010, p. 34. http://liu.diva-
contained in those Conventions; “International Council on Human portal.org/smash/get/diva2:309905/FULLTEXT01. 18 July 2011.
Rights Policy and Transparency International,” p.34. 618 International Council on Human Rights Policy and
http://www.ichrp.org/files/reports/40/131_web.pdf. 16 July Transparency International, p. 33.
2011. http://www.ichrp.org/files/reports/40/131_web.pdf. 16 July
615 Ibid. 2011.
616 Ibid., p. 1. 619 Ibid. p. 6.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
appointed by political lines. 626 European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document
http://ti-bih.org/en/4279/uprava-agencije-za-prevenciju- Bosnia And Herzegovina 2010 “Progress Report Accompanying
korupcije-imenovana-po-politickoj-liniji-2/. the Communication from the Commission to the European
18 July 2011. Parliament and the Council Enlargement Strategy and Main
625 In this particular context, the anti-discrimination rules and Challenges 2010-2011”, p. 14.
regulation would particularly be applicable to low-income citizens http://www.delbih.ec.europa.eu/files/docs/2010progress2.pdf. 18
as the category most vulnerable to corruption and discrimination. July 2011.
Discrimination in this sense primarily implies a privileged status of 627 International Council on Human Rights Policy and
those who pay bribes, a personal favour or counter-favour, or Transparency International, p. 74.
simply belong to a favoured client-network, as opposed to other http://www.ichrp.org/files/reports/40/131_web.pdf. 16 July
similarly placed individuals who have not partaken in bribery or 2011.
favouritism.
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delivery.628 Public service sector employees as does the absence of a common system of
involved in petty corruption activities are very controlling expenses. Each fund and each
rarely reported or sanctioned by the health centre or institution has its own
institution in which they are employed. One records and there is no exchange of
potential reason for this is the prevalence of information between them. It is, therefore,
the so called exclusive social network culture, impossible to establish where leakages and
where employees and their superiors protect abuse occur.630
each other in instances where one of them
commits a corrupt activity, such as bribery or Under such circumstances, one
favouritism-based forms of petty corruption, commonsensical approach to dealing with
e.g. Illicit Interceding from the Criminal Code this issue on the part of human rights and
of BiH and the like, which are the most anti-corruption agencies would be to create
frequent forms of corruption in everyday life external monitoring bodies (e.g. external
in BiH. 629 audits), independent of any influence of the
monitored institutions, which would receive
Such is the case in the public health sector, complaints directly from citizens.
and this is due to the poor quality of records
and the absence of an internal audit function
within health insurance funds and healthcare CONCLUSION
institutions themselves. This make it Any comparative analysis of all available
impossible for auditors to establish in which reports on corruption in BiH, including the
manner and to what purpose the money, that latest, 2010 European Commission Progress
is being allocated to the 13 health insurance Report and the annual Transparency
funds, 13 Ministries of Health and 264 health International Corruption Perception Indexes
institutions with 36,500 medical and non- for the past few years, still undoubtedly show
medical staff, is actually spent. The system‘s that BiH has made limited progress in
fragmentation hinders the collection of data, tackling corruption, especially everyday or
petty corruption, since the time the anti-
628 The International Crisis Group made a report on the rule of law corruption mechanisms were made available.
in public administration in BiH in 1999, with specific These findings certainly apply to corruption in
recommendations to strengthen the functioning of public services.
By and large these build on already-existing civil service procedures
public sector service delivery. 631
on the books and include: enforcing existing civil service laws, Nevertheless, in terms of instruments
enforcing existing hiring procedures, increasing the degree of available for the protection of human rights as
governmental “user-friendliness,” increasing public access to a mechanism to fight petty corruption, there
records and documents, de-linking the public administration
financing from political party control. International Crisis Group, are both international and domestic human
“Rule of Law in Public Administration, Confusion and rights and anti-corruption instruments
Discrimination in a Post-Communist Bureaucracy”, 1999. available in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/europe/balkans/bosnia-
herzegovina/084-rule-of-law-in-public-administration-confusion- indicated above.
and-discrimination-in-a-post-communist-bureaucracy.aspx. 16 July
2011.
629 In 2010, the Clinical Centre of the University of Sarajevo
In terms of a systematic institutional, non-
reported they received 1673 praises from citizens, 52 complaints individual approach to addressing petty
and one case of bribery reported, but no cases of corruption. corruption as discrimination, one may
Clinical Centre, University of Sarajevo, “Memorandum o saradnji comfortably conclude that the above
CCI – KCUS”, 11 April 2011.
http://www.kcus.ba/index.php?option=com_content&task=view
&id=669. 24 July 2011. These idealistic and unrealistic figures are 630 CMI, Corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2005,
certainly very different from figures and perceptions of corruption http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/?2003=corruption-in-
in the public health sector contained in any and/or all reputable bosnia-and-herzegovina-2005. 17 July 2011.
local and international reports, according to which corruption is 631 European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document
not only present in the public health sector of BiH to a much Bosnia And Herzegovina 2010 “Progress Report Accompanying
greater degree than reported by the Clinical Centre of the Sarajevo the Communication from the Commission to the European
University, but in fact it is one of the greatest obstacles to building Parliament and the Council Enlargement Strategy and Main
good-quality and non-discriminatory public health services. Finally, Challenges 2010-2011”, pp. 14-15.
such reports reveal the strong presence of exclusive social http://www.delbih.ec.europa.eu/files/docs/2010progress2.pdf.
networks/close client networks within the institution; UNDP 18 July 2011. “Transparency International Corruption Perception
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Human Development Report 2009; “The Index” (CPI), 2010.
Ties that Bind – Social capital in BH”, pp. 6, 12-13. http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cp
http://www.undp.ba/index.aspx?PID=36&RID=90 . 18 July 2011. i. 15 July 2011.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RULE OF LAW, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
mentioned ICG recommendations, the corruption tool in the hands of citizens, with
enforcement of the existing civil service laws, the aim of increased transparency of the work
hiring procedures, an increasing the degree of of public organs.633 Finally, the field of
governmental ―user-friendliness,‖ increasing intervention is certainly far wider than
public access to records and documents, de- recommendations in this paper, depending on
linking public administration financing from capacities and the creativity of all those
political party control, still apply, given what genuinely interested in addressing petty
all reports on corruption in BiH show, and the corruption as a form of discrimination and
fact that the ICG made no observation of any potential violation of human rights in
significant progress in rule of law in public everyday life in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
sector service delivery since 1999.
Additionally, this set of recommendations
should certainly be expanded to include a
clause pertaining to the connection between
corruption and human rights violations,
which are visible and felt daily in public
sector service delivery.
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