Scripture's Doctrine and Theology's Bible
Scripture's Doctrine and Theology's Bible
Scripture's Doctrine and Theology's Bible
Doctrine
and Theology's Bible
Scripture's Doctrine
and Theology's Bible
How the NEW TESTAMENT
Shapes Christian Dogmatics
Edited by
1 The Septuagint and the "Search for the Christian Bible" J. Ross
Wagner 17
Contributors 209
Introduction
MARKUS BOCKMUEHL
Recent years have witnessed the rapid proliferation of biblical scholarship
engaged in what is called theological interpretation. This scholarly movement is
now busy servicing a monograph series, a new journal, a major dictionary, and
two commentary series,' not to mention numerous papers and seminars on the
international conference and lecture circuit. It undoubtedly expresses a
longoverdue reaction against the modernist critical excesses of twentieth-century
professional guilds: poking and dissecting the biblical text on "educational" or
"scientific" pretexts before publishing the carcass of "assured results," Gunther
von Hagens-like, "plastinated" in contrived pseudo-lifelike positions that tended
to bear little demonstrable relation to the human struggles and stories with God
that actually animated these bodies and that alone can account for what they
were and are.
For this publication, the contributions have been grouped into three topical
sections, with the authors' expertise and reflection on the seminar's debate
intended to engage both biblical and dogmatic disciplines.
Part 1, "Scripture's Doctrine," explores the question of how the Bible, and the
New Testament in particular, may be understood to exert pressure on particular
aspects of Christian doctrine and praxis. The contributors approach this problem
from a variety of fresh and unfamiliar angles.
J. Wagner's essay raises the question of how the two-testament nature of the
Bible exercises its influence on Christian doctrine, given that the New Testament
authors, most of the church fathers, and the Eastern churches to this day read the
Greek rather than the Hebrew as the normative Old Testament of their Christian
Bible. As Wagner rightly points out, the implications for Christian theology are
not often taken on board. In dialogue with the work of Brevard Childs, he argues
that the Septuagint highlights for theology the importance of the unfinished
"search" for the Christian Bible, not least because it extends key canonical
trajectories that arise from the final form of the canonical text.
Markus Bockmuehl examines the topical and heavily debated question of the
New Testament foundations of ecclesiology. He takes as his starting point a
debate about the New Testament's vision of the church, held nearly half a
century ago between Ernst Kasemann and Raymond Brown, two giants of
exegetical scholarship. It is soon evident that simple accounts of the church's
unity swiftly run aground, both exegetically and indeed ecclesiologically, on the
diversity of viewpoints represented within the New Testament. Nevertheless, and
for all the hermeneutical potential of a conflictual or polemical reading of the
New Testament's diversity, a certain ecclesial convergence can be shown to
cluster around a number of key convictions, including the apos tolicity (and,
indeed, dominical sanction) of the church and its incorporation into the biblical
story of Israel.
Walter Moberly, an Old Testament scholar, intriguingly takes as his focus the
doctrinal application of the Fourth Gospel's emphasis on the exclusiveness of
Christ to a contested topic in the contemporary church: the problem of interfaith
dialogue, especially that between Jews and Christians. Calling into question
casual assumptions about worship of "the same God" along with convenient
evasions of the theological force of John 14:6 (and related passages), he
demonstrates that exegetical attention to the place of this text in the Gospel
compels a doctrinal appreciation for the "definitive content" of Jesus' self-giving
love for others. At the same time, that content holds in tension both the particular
and the universal; it is a mystery that always surpasses its particular (ecclesial)
manifestations, being best captured in the historic trinitarian and incarnational
doctrines. As such, it demands both doctrinal conviction and epistemological
humility in interfaith dialogue.
Finally, taking the writings of the apostle Paul as his cue, N. T. Wright brings
to bear his twin roles as bishop and scholar to ask how the biblical text can be
encountered as challenging and life-giving word, addressing us and contributing
to the formulation of creedal faith. It does so, he argues, above all in its narrative
function, so that doctrine, as specially exemplified in the creeds, is best
understood as "portable story"-not as an abstract checklist but as expressive of
the narrative of the New Testament as a whole, indeed of the overall story of
Israel. The place where Scripture most properly functions in that way is the
worshiping congregation's central participation in the Eucharist; and it is this
latter "portable story" that ought to shape not just academic debate but also the
contemporary expressions of the church's corporate life.
Part 2 turns from the analysis of the Bible's own doctrine-evoking witness to a
critical reflection on how some of the most influential theologians of the last
hundred years have been shaped and engaged by what they encountered in the
New Testament.
John Webster's chapter provides a powerful expose of one of the most fruitful
and prolific theological writers of our own day. Rowan Williams (b. 1950) is not
only Anglicanism's most senior bishop but also one of the English-speaking
world's most influential theologians. Revelation, for him, is the community's
temporal transfiguration through the appropriation of the infinitely resourceful
Christ, whose relation with the Father reaches out to us in human time. Scripture
serves as a sign of this new, living postresurrection relationship, spelling out
imaginative patterns of Jesus as both alive to God and present with us. These
"fugal" patterns of theology appear, however, on a wider, aggressively political
canvas of conflict, suppression, and exclusion in which Scripturealong with its
authors and readers-is complicit. Although sympathetic to these concerns,
Webster asks if Williams's account in the end underplays the possibilities of
divine intentionality behind the canon, of attending to the perfection of the
ascended Jesus in the exercise of his royal and prophetic offices, and of the
Christian specificity of scriptural interpretation.
After three chapters on the New Testament's authority for theologies in the
Protestant tradition, Benedict Viviano offers a fourth on the normativity of
Scripture and tradition in the last century of Roman Catholic theology.
Beginning with M.-J. Lagrange's pioneering work in the face of Pope Pius X's
resistance, Viviano traces the Catholic recovery of literary and historical
sensitivity to the biblical text in the 1943 encyclical Divino Afflante Spiritu to its
reception in subsequent debate about the relationship between Scripture and
tradition. Particular reference is made here to the controversy surrounding the
dogma of the assumption of Mary and to the work of J. R. Geiselmann. The
Second Vatican Council's landmark statement Dei Verbum issued significant
clarifications about the relationship of Scripture and tradition, biblical inerrancy
in matters of salvation, and the reliability of the Gospels. Viviano concludes his
survey with considerations of the Pontifical Biblical Commission's recent work
and of the profound impact of the revised liturgical lectionary.
Part 3 moves from analysis to the more synthetic question of how in practice
we are to envisage the New Testament's normative function for Christian
theology and ethics.
Oliver O'Donovan turns next to the timely but ticklish question of Scripture's
authority in moral theology. Scripture is divinely set apart (hence "sanctified," in
John Webster's usage) for its task as an integral part of God's selfattestation in
the election of Israel and redemption of the world, the parts to be understood in
relation both to the particularity and to the whole. Yet in contrast to Karl Earth's
notion of the immediacy of the divine command, O'Donovan recognizes the need
for biblical categories and analogies in order to be able to understand our own
practical situation vis-a-vis the scriptural command, which by itself may often be
quite bare. Thoughtful and faithful obedience, therefore, will express the mind-
renewing "rational worship" of Romans 12:2.
Our volume concludes, as the St. Andrews seminar series did, with a
wideranging and synthetic statement from Kevin J. Vanhoozer. Whereas C. H.
Dodd recognized in the sermons of the book of Acts an apostolic kerygma
shared with Paul and the Gospels, Vanhoozer employs the wider-ranging and
more inclusive term of the New Testament's apostolic discourse. Biblical and
dogmatic theology are here engaged neither as separate enterprises nor on a one-
way conveyor belt but rather in a pas de deux that has both parties alternately
leading and following in a common engagement with the human and the divine
discourse. The church-building task of understanding the normativity of this
apostolic discourse is to engage the many diverse parts of a whole, like the
rooms in the heavenly mansion.
As editors and contributors alike, we are only too aware that what we offer
here is eclectic, partial, and limited. It is an album of views through the shared
window around which we happen to have gathered in our 2007 seminar-a
window, one might say using a familiar St. Andrews image, with a view on the
grippingly evocative ruins of a once-cherished cathedral. If that image appears in
some circles as emblematic of much of the church's life in the contemporary
West,2 it arguably also captures something of the state of biblical studies and
dogmatics today. There are, of course, signs of renewed activity, perhaps even of
new life, not least in the "theological interpretation" enterprises cited above. But
there also remains a powerful impression of theological subdisciplines fractured
in their internal discourse and fraught in their intellectual relations with each
other.'
If, then, our shared window shows diverse views of a ruined cathedral, it
offers at the same time signs of promise, not only in being shared between us but
also in revealing certain common impulses of investigation. These include,
above all, the sense of growing urgency for each of our subdisciplines to account
for its work in heedfulness of the concerns and questions of the other. To be
intellectually and theologically viable, the "portability" of doctrines, creeds, and
practices will necessarily be a function of their rootedness in the concrete
particularity of the scriptural texts. More simply put, to the extent that
theologians are not answerable to a biblical account of doctrine, their work is no
longer based on Christianity's historic creeds and confessions. But conversely, no
exegetical or historical engagement with that biblical address can do justice even
to itself, let alone to the object of those texts, without a conscious recognition of
how the critical analysis of any one part relates to the equally concrete reality of
the whole. Similarly, the very methods and strategies of the biblical scholar's
questioning inevitably presuppose a more self-involving and theologically vested
set of aims and categories than most critics are generally prepared to
acknowledge.
The way forward, we are united in believing, lies in the critical rediscovery of
an old friendship: the ecclesial pas de deux of exegesis with theology, of
Scripture with the Christian tradition of confession and discipleship. It is that
critical task which the following chapters seek, severally and as a whole, both to
commend and to exemplify.
In preparing this book for the press, I have benefited greatly from the
unwavering support of my fellow editor and the contributors. Others who made
this book better than it could otherwise have been include enthusiastic seminar
participants and postgraduate respondents to each of our speakers; my doctoral
student David Lincicum generously and astutely assisted the task of editorial
proofreading. To them all, and to the visionary Jim Kinney and his colleagues at
Baker Academic, heartfelt thanks are due.
PART 1
Scripture's Doctrine
1
The Septuagint and the "Search for
the Christian Bible"
J. Ross WAGNER
IN MEMORIAM BREVARD CHILDS 1923-2007)
Any attempt to elucidate how the two Testaments of the Christian Bible,
individually and together, testify to the redeeming work of the Triune God must
sooner or later address the question of the authority of the Septuagint as a
witness to the biblical text and thus as a resource for doing Christian theology.'
The question persists because, as Brevard Childs has observed, "the exact nature
of the Christian Bible both in respect to its scope and text remains undecided up
to this day."2 Consequently, though it is often ignored, the complex problem of
the Septuagint as Christian Scripture cannot simply be sidestepped by Christian
theology. As Childs demonstrates through a masterful survey of the history of
interpretation of Isaiah, a characteristic feature of the church's theological
reading of Scripture in every age has been thoughtful engagement with the
hermeneutical problem posed by the diverse transmission of the two-testament
biblical canon, "a struggle for understanding" that wrestles vigorously with "the
textual tension between the Hebrew and Greek."3 This "search for the Christian
Bible" is, he argues, "constitutive for Christian faith" and, as such, "constitutive
of the theological task."4 That so few biblical scholars and theologians in our
period of church history actually grapple with the question of the Septuagint has
less to do with ignorance of the hermeneutical problem, I would venture, than
with the fact that few of us are trained for a serious engagement with these
Greek texts. As Hans Hubner wryly observes, the translation of the Seventy has
become for most Western Christians a "book with seven seals."'
Following Childs, I propose locating the question of the authority of the
Septuagint in Christian theology squarely in the context of the search for the
Christian Bible. As the church seeks rightly to hear and obediently to conform its
life to God's salvific address spoken through the two-testament Christian Bible,
how are we to grapple with what Childs has described as "the textual tension
between the Hebrew and the Greek"?6
In taking up this question, we must first of all clear away some misconceptions
and lay the groundwork for the constructive proposal that will follow.
Christopher Seitz rightly observes that the problem of the Septuagint has at times
been framed in quite simplistic and misleading terms, as if the church stood
between a supposedly monolithic "Greek Bible" and a similarly petrified
"Hebrew Bible" and had to choose one to the exclusion of the other.' The reality,
as scholars representing a variety of viewpoints have increasingly recognized, is
far more complex:
Moreover, in this bright post-Hengel epoch one can no longer posit a clear and
strict separation between "Judaism" and "Hellenism," or between Palestine and
the Diaspora, or between Hebrew/Aramaic-speaking and Greekspeaking
Judaisms (or Christianities, for that matter) Where the Septuagint does offer
evidence of interpretive traditions that go beyond what is found in the Masoretic
Text, in some cases these traditions find clear parallels in other Jewish texts
written in Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek.26 Even at a point where the influence of
the Septuagint on the development of Hellenistic Judaism appears to be both
unmistakable and of great significance for early Christian theology-the rendering
of the Tetragrammaton by the Greek word xuptoc-the Septuagint depends on and
remains connected to Hebrew/Aramaic-speaking Jewish tradition.21
This is not to downplay the significance of the Septuagint for the development
of Hellenistic Jewish thought. Neither would I wish to deny the importance of
the translation of Israel's Scriptures into Greek for the spread of Judaism among
pagan sympathizers and proselytes,28 nor to maintain that the reception of these
Greek Scriptures by the early church had only a negligible influence on the
development of early Christian practice and belie It is necessary, however, to
insist that the historical picture is far more complex than is often recognized in
debates over "the Hebrew" versus "the Greek" text and canon. One cannot neatly
separate Greek-speaking Judaism from other Hebrew/Aramaic-speaking
Judaisms of the Hellenistic period. It is dangerously reductionistic thinking to
imagine that the early church faced a clear and decisive choice between the
supposed universalism of a Hellenistic-Jewish "Septuagint piety" and the alleged
narrow particularism of a (Pharisaic-rabbinic) Judaism rooted in the Hebrew
Bible.3o
4. Finally, regarding the tension between a wider "Septuagint canon" and the
narrower canon of the Masoretic Text, it is crucial to emphasize that although the
outer limits of the canon remain somewhat nebulous in the early Christian
period, the New Testament authors appeal through their citations and retellings
of the biblical narratives to a core set of Scriptures that includes a majority of the
books of the present Hebrew canon. If Enoch is invoked as Scripture (Jude 14),
it is the only example of a book outside the Hebrew canon being cited as such in
the New Testament. The numerous New Testament echoes (varying widely in
volume) of books such as Wisdom of Solomon or Sirach certainly are significant
for understanding the development of New Testament theology, but they
function on a different level, rhetorically and theologically, from that of the
explicit citations. Similarly, although the church has never come to a consensus
on the precise limits of the canon, there remains an undeniable core that
decisively shapes the contours of mainstream Christian practice and belief.
Despite their often sharp disagreements concerning the shape and function of the
canon, both Brevard Childs and James Barr agree that this canonical core has
been far more determinative of orthodox Christian faith and life than any of the
writings lying close to the periphery of the tradition.31
The Place of the Septuagint in the Search for the Christian Bible
Recalling Childs's observation that "the exact nature of the Christian Bible both
in respect to its scope and text remains undecided to this day,"32 we return to the
question with which we began: How, in the theological task of wrestling with
Scripture in all its complexity-in our "search for the Christian Bible"-are we to
hear the Septuagint as Christian Scripture?
As I read Childs, it seems clear that the theological task that he describes as
"the search for the Christian Bible" requires full consideration of the Septuagint
as part of the "complete canon of the Christian church," even though it may be
thought in some respects to lie at "the outer parameters of tradition."" But how is
this to be carried out in practice? Childs sketches a model of theological
interpretation comprising three discrete stages: (1) discerning the witness of the
Old Testament itself; (2) examining the New Testament in its own integrity as a
witness that largely transforms the Old Testament; (3) "hearing the whole of
Christian Scripture in light of the full reality of God in Jesus Christ."41 Due to
its considerable influence on the New Testament, the Septuagint obviously
requires careful attention in the second stage of Childs's program. But in the
context of the search for the Christian Bible (not simply New Testament), the
Septuagint is also pertinent to the first task of discerning the witness of the Old
Testament itself. It figures as well in the final step of Childs's program, in which
the interpreter seeks to hear the Old Testament and the New Testament in concert
as distinct, and yet complementary, witnesses. We will consider each of these
stages briefly.
But the Septuagint is also relevant to the search for the final form of a biblical
book in those cases where the Greek translators themselves extend theological
trajectories that are inscribed in the final form of the Hebrew text. One thinks of,
for example, Joachim Schaper's identification (following William Horbury) of a
robust "messianic intertextuality" in Old Greek Isaiah or his arguments
concerning the heightening of eschatological and messianic expectations in the
Old Greek Psalter.45 Apart from the obvious relevance of the Septuagint shape
of these books for the question of the reception of the Old Testament in the New,
Childs's notion of the search for the Christian Bible requires that one consider
the claims of the Greek version in determining the canonical form of a book in
the context of the church's Bible. The greater part of this task remains to be
done. Recent attention to the formation of the book of Psalms, for example, has
stimulated fruitful reflection on the theological significance of the shape of the
Masoretic Text Psalter. However, the question of the shape of the Septuagint
Psalter and the "pressure" exerted by its final form on the contours of the biblical
witness46 has not yet been adequately addressed in the search for the canonical
shape of the Christian Psalter.47 Although it is by no means clear that one will
always, or ever, decide in favor of the Septuagint form as the truest
representative of the witness of the Old Testament to the Triune God, it belongs
to the church's theological task to struggle with the question.
2. For the theological task of hearing the New Testament witness, especially to
the extent that it is appropriate to characterize that witness as "a transformed Old
Testament,"48 the relevance of the Septuagint hardly requires further comment.
It should be emphasized, however, that the influence of the Septuagint extends
beyond explicit citations to more allusive modes of inter textuality.41 In
addition, the language of the Septuagint (whether the Septuagint is the source of
new senses for particular Greek words or a witness to usages already current in
Hellenistic Jewish communities) 50 has shaped, in varying degrees, the language
of the New Testament writers. Though investigation of linguistic influence calls
for considerable methodological sophistication, such research is essential to the
task of delineating the full extent to which the Old Testament is taken up and
transformed in the New Testament.51 Tuning our ears to the rhythms and
cadences of the Septuagint is a necessary exercise in gaining the reader
competence that the New Testament expects of its implied audience.52
3. When one finally takes up the challenge of the synthetic task, that of
hearing the witness of the Old and New Testaments together "in the light of the
full reality of God in Jesus Christ" through a process of figural reading,53 the
Septuagint once again deserves serious attention. Certainly in the history of the
church's wrestling with the scriptural text, the Septuagint has played an
important role in such figural interpretation of the Old Testament, and this
history ought to shape the contemporary church's readings in significant ways.54
And, to the extent that our theological task is not simply to reproduce the
interpretations of the past but rather to listen attentively to the divine speech
addressed to us here and now through the text of Scripture, we ourselves will
have to grapple anew with the Septuagint as a resource for discerning the
witness of the two-testament Christian Bible to the Triune Gods=
The concept of sanctification is crucial for any account of the Christian Bible
that takes seriously both its normative role as Holy Scripture and the
complexities of its text and canon, including the tensions between its Greek and
Hebrew forms. As Webster explains,
The Spirit's relation to the text broadens out into the Spirit's activity in the
life of the people of God which forms the environment within which the text
takes shape and serves the divine self-presence. Sanctification can thus
properly be extended to the processes of the production of the text-not
simply authorship (as, so often, in older theories of inspiration) but also the
complex histories of pre-literary and literary tradition, redaction and
compilation. It will, likewise, be extended to the post-history of the text,
most particularly to canonisation (understood as the church's Spirit-
produced acknowledgement of the testimony of Scripture) and to
interpretation (understood as Spirit-illumined repentant and faithful
attention to the presence of God).6-1
2
Is There a New Testament Doctrine of
the Church?
MARKUS BOCKMUEHL
"The Church" is once again a lively and contested topic for theological
discussion, and in biblical studies there is today plenty of talk about "ecclesial
readings" of the Bible, about "interpreting communities," and simply about "the
church."' But it is not always easy to know what this church is about, whether it
has any concrete visible form or substance, what notion it conveys of historic
continuity, of unity and diversity, inside and outside, whether it has identifiable
forms of worship and orders of ministry or not. It sometimes seems a case of
L'eglise, c'est moi-the church is anyone who shares sensible views and practices
like mine. That should not perhaps surprise us, but it is an important caveat when
we consider a range of topics from "ecclesial interpretation" to New Testament
views of the church.
A few sobering years into the twenty-first century it seems that our
postmodern tribalism favors a more hard-nosed approach, both within and
between the mainline denominations and also along the classic ecumenical fault
lines of East and West, Protestant and Catholic. There are advocates of
denominational retrenchment on the one hand, and on the other hand those who
are keen to reconfigure received theology or ethics in the service of diverse
cultural interest groups.
Now the church is once again racked by division. Cardinal Walter Kasper
referred not long ago to the disillusionment and stagnation of the current
"ecumenical winter." Speaking to the Church of England's House of Bishops in
2006, he warned that certain decisions under consideration "would lead not only
to a short-lived cold, but to a serious and long-lasting chill."2 The Anglican
communion has been staring into the abyss of schism as a result of events that
have fractured internal fellowship and temporarily shut down high-level
dialogue with Roman Catholic and Orthodox churches, and also with Muslim
groups. Seemingly subsidiary themes about church order, discipline, and pastoral
structure are widely experienced as church-dividing, even where other,
apparently more central theological convictions may sometimes still be held in
common.
But why is this? Is it perhaps the case that the substance of seemingly shared
beliefs in fact evaporates on closer semantic scrutiny? If so, that in turn makes
the disputes about the apparently peripheral suddenly stand out like tips of an
iceberg of fundamental hermeneutical proportions. Vatican II and subsequent
documents like the Catholic Catechism spoke movingly and perhaps
optimistically about "separated churches and communities." But did that
language assume the rudiments of a shared historic orthodox faith to be beyond
all the mainstream denominations? Precisely that question is now in serious
doubt. A few years ago the so-called Princeton Proposal for Christian Unity
implied in part that conventional ecumenism no longer works because today the
majority of the world's theologically engaged churches have in certain
fundamentals more in common with each other than with the official structures
of what was once called mainline Protestantism, structures to which some of
them may continue officially to belong.'
Kasemann
Only in the post-Pauline period, Kasemann argued, did a form of church order
emerge out of the need to combat what he calls "enthusiasm," and for this the
church reverted to Jewish-Christian forms of government for its own
development of a monarchical episcopate. Kasemann claimed that in the world
of the postPauline epistles ecclesiology virtually displaces eschatology and
becomes largely independent of Christology. Before long arises the claim of one
holy and apostolic church that embodies the continuity of salvation history-the
beginning of what German scholars in Kasemann's day still liked to call "early
catholicism."
Kasemann conceded that certain details of his survey might be debatable. But
his overall conclusion was that the determining feature of the New Testament
doctrine of the church is precisely its intense historical and social particularity
and relativity, so that no uniform view of the church emerges. His relativism is
not radical to the point of welcoming any and all diversity: at some level the
question of Christian unity does remain for him "identical with the question of
Christian truth."'
Then as now, "God's Spirit hovers over the waters of a chaos. "10
Finally, however, Kasemann did note the paradox that despite the messy and
contradictory phenomena, somehow early Christianity did proclaim "the one
Church, not in the sense of a theory of organic development but in the name of
the reality and the truth of the Holy Spirit."" His answer to that paradox was that
the unity of the church has no visible reality but can be apprehended only by the
eye of faith and as a reality that is yet to take hold in the world to come. The
church as such has no substance at all; it is first and foremost an eschatological
vision, above all a vision of Christology. Christology must increase, and
ecclesiology must decrease: the Word of Christ must be given free access to
facilitate for each individual Christian immediate access to Christ's presence-
that, and that alone, must be the concern and the limit of any and all tradition and
ministry within the church. Christ himself alone is the unity of his church.
Brown
Next up was Raymond E. Brown. He was then barely thirty-five years old; his
subsequent major Johannine tomes were as yet a mere twinkle in his eye, not to
mention his work on the birth and passion narratives or a host of other topics.
Brown responded more overtly to Kasemann's tour de force, not always
explicitly or point by point, but nonetheless unmistakably. (He may also have
known an earlier published lecture that Kasemann had given in 1951.) Brown
began by addressing three fundamental areas of disagreement:
1. Rather than reading the Gospels in isolation from the historical Jesus,
appreciative interpretation of all the stages of tradition would lead one to
"respect both the theological nature of the Gospels and the stages of their
composition without needlessly undermining their value as witnesses to
Jesus of Nazareth." This matters for ecclesiology as for other issues.
After thus putting a stretch of clear blue water between his own stance and that
of Kasemann, Brown proceeded to affirm one of the main points of Kasemann's
presentation: the New Testament documents offer no picture of linear progress
toward a uniform position on the church. There most certainly is huge diversity
and development, by no means always in an orderly manner. Yet that there are
limits to this diversity is easily seen in the fact that the church was never broad
enough to include either Ebionite or Marcionite excesses. The facts can be
understood only dialectically: there are different theologies present in the New
Testament, and yet their authors also show a clear consciousness of belonging to
the one Christian church, and their different ecclesiologies affirm certain features
strongly held in common.
Assessment
There is no doubt that biblical scholarship and ecumenical debate have moved
on a long way since that evening in Montreal over forty-five years ago. Many of
these judgments would be formulated rather differently now, while others have
largely disappeared. And yet both of these sharply contrasting New Testament
positions retain a powerful use as points of reference for contemporary ecclesial
concerns, from postmodern ideological criticism to the emergent church, from
catholic to Pentecostal megachurch ecclesiology, from liberal to communitarian
readings of social order. It does seem to me that the fundamental hermeneutical
postures of the two papers still have their respective sympathizers even today,"
and this makes them useful discussion starters for the diverse spread of opinion
represented in any contemporary audience. Here I will offer comments on the
positive contributions of both lines of thought before going on to propose some
possible avenues for discussion.
In Montreal the question was more specifically about the unity of the church
rather than the canon, but the same hermeneutic prevailed. To our present
question, "Does the New Testament have a doctrine of the church?" Kasemann's
answer is also an emphatic no, and on much the same grounds: the divisions of
the church reflect the New Testament's own inner contradictions about what the
church is or should be. It is worth pondering that the claim here goes beyond the
assertion of irreducible plurality, which was the subject of various other
ecumenical studies around the time of Kasemann's presentation.19 For
Kasemann, a unity of the New Testament's conceptions of the church is not
merely refracted through the "interrelation" of their plurality (as Paul Minear put
it), but wholly impossible except in relation to the future kingdom of God. So we
cannot really develop a New Testament ecclesiology at all.
He was content to declare himself unable to hear the voice of the one Christ in
the multiple New Testament sources and explicitly uninterested in the slightest
whether the church's two thousand years of experience might suggest a different
vieww Contrary to Kung's concern for das Ganze, Kasemann reverted to the
doctrine of justification as the only principle that ensures the earnest but slippery
Lutheran canon criticism of "what promotes Christ" (was Christum treibet).;0 In
the end, Kasemann acknowledges that the Christian canon bears for him, as for
Marcion, the superscript "To the Unknown God.";'
Raymond Brown, for his part, developed his own thought on these matters
further after his initial paper in Montreal; he wrote considerably more on the
same topic in his own subsequent scholarship. His book The Churches the
Apostles Left Behind (1984), for example, filled out much of the evidence for
his position and made it a good deal more nuanced. Although in that book he
cites neither his own earlier essay nor any of Kasemann's work, his conclusion
remains compatible with what he said in Montreal: no one author gives us the
New Testament doctrine of the church, and there is no consistent or uniform
doctrine of the church that emerges even from the second-generation writings;
indeed, aside from complementary strengths, it is remarkably easy to point out
"glaring shortcomings" in each of the available ecclesiological perspectives
taken in isolation. In a sense, he retraces his steps in greater detail to cover much
of the New Testament evidence that Kasemann had used to bait the defenders of
ecclesiological coherence in the canon. The key emphases that Brown here
highlights are concerns for
For today, Brown asserts, this New Testament diversity on ecclesiology makes it
very problematic for any one church to claim absolute faithfulness to Scripture:
New Testament ecclesiology makes us aware "that there are other ways of being
faithful to which we do not do justice"; in that sense, "every Christian
community ... is neglecting part of the NT witness."36 Nevertheless, Brown
explicitly retains the conviction that "most of the NT was written before the
major breaks in koinonia detectable in the second century, and so NT diversity
cannot be used to justify Christian division today."37 This continues explicitly to
contradict Kasemann's fundamental thesis.
Here, however, I want to suggest three ways of bringing this debate into
sharper focus for this volume's reflection on the doctrinal normativity of what, in
chapter 12 below, Kevin Vanhoozer terms "the apostolic discourse and its
developments." All three of my suggestions express concerns that have risen to
much greater awareness in theological debate over the past half-century, even if
all remain contested in biblical and theological scholarship and in the churches
too. They appear here in no particular order of importance (though moving
perhaps from least to most contested).
On the church's continuity with Israel and the God of Israel, subsequent
developments in theology have identified here a far more pressing question than
even Brown acknowledged. This is not just a matter of style or of interfaith
diplomacy; it cuts to the heart of what it means to have faith in Jesus as the
Messiah of the God of Israel.38
It is worth underlining the simple point that as soon as the New Testament
writers used the word ekklesia as a collective term in the singular, they were
making a profound typological point about the community of Jews and gentiles,
gathered around Israel's Christ, as identified with the Chosen People whom God
has redeemed and commissioned for his salvation of the world. As William
Horbury put it in a study of the Septuagintal connections, "To a great extent ... ,
NT conceptions of the Church were ready-made before the apostles preached;
and this is true not only of the imagery most readily applicable to the pre-
existent or ideal Church, but also of descriptions of the empirical assembly.""
It is of course true that claims to be the people of God are in some texts
asserted polemically, as against persecutors or other detractors of this faith in the
God of Israel. There are difficult passages on this subject in the Fourth Gospel
and other New Testament books; and similar polemics are also familiar between
other first-century Jewish groups. But for all their undoubtedly problematic and
volatile language of supersession, no New Testament texts apply Old Testament
Israel language to the church in exclusion of Judaism per se, just as no
authentically apostolic Christian group in the New Testament excommunicates
any other such group from the Israel of God. We can put this point more
strongly: for the New Testament authors, it is preposterous to think of the New
Covenant people of the God of Israel in terms other than those of the one Chosen
People, however fractured its relationship may be with the unfaithful within
Israel.
My second comment relates quite closely to the question about Israel and the
church in relation to the Messiah of Israel. It seems to me that we should not lose
sight of the significance of what appears for Brown under the heading of
"apostolicity"; Kasemann considers it briefly under the rubric of "witness." The
point here is fairly simple: despite claims to the contrary, from the earliest to the
latest writings of the New Testament and into the second century there is a
consistent sense that the Christian gospel is not reinvented ad hoc but rather
consists of the message of Jesus as entrusted to individual and often named
apostolic witnesses. Subsequent generations acknowledge themselves to be
dependent on those witnesses, whether in Ephesians, in Hebrews, in 2 Peter, or
in the Gospel of John. Although the ecclesial phenomena vary enormously, this
apostolicity of the church, whether derived from a single founding figure or
multiple figures, is not relativized by new revelations that some (like the later
Montanists or gnostics) may claim.
My third comment is in some ways just a teaser. It may sound innocuous and
self-evident, but within New Testament scholarship it is perhaps the most
controversial of all. Writers from the early twentieth-century French modernist
Alfred Loisy (1857-1940) via Kasemann to the present day go out of their way
to say that Jesus founded no church and intended no identifiable community.
This is continually reaffirmed in various New Testament publications. As Loisy
famously put it, "Jesus foretold the kingdom of God, and it was the church that
came."45 And even in a book published in 2006 James Dunn continues to insist,
"There was no community as such functioning alongside or around Jesus."46
We can say with some confidence that Jesus' calling and commissioning of
groups such as the Twelve and the Seventy was deliberately symbolic of an
eschatological renewal of Sinaitic Israel gathered around twelve tribal princes
and seventy elders-what Stephen in Acts 7 calls "the ekklesia in the wilderness"
(Acts 7:38).
All four Gospels affirm that Jesus singled out twelve men as an inner core of
the larger group of disciples, although relatively less is made of this in John.
New Testament scholarship generally regards their appointment as authentic, and
their symbolism too is not in serious doubt.47 In its biblical and Jewish setting
this eschatological institution of the Twelve conveys a theocentric and
specifically messianic reconstitution of the entire biblical Israel under the
leadership of tribal judges and their king. This restoration of biblical Israel's
twelve tribes was a message deeply rooted in the Old Testament and of some
continuing interest in the early church, even after the demise of the Twelve. It
would be salutary for contemporary ecclesiologies to be more attentive to the
principle, evident in Acts and the Epistles as much as in the Gospels, that the
church's apostolic form is a function of its apostolic mission .41
For Jesus, this was the hoped-for outcome of his mission on the Father's
behalf, which would culminate in the Son of Man's messianic rule as Israel's
king. In Jesus' case, his vision of the kingdom of God was characterized by an
eschatological mission to gather in the leaderless "lost sheep" of the house of
Israel (e.g., Mark 6:34; Matt. 9:36; 10:6; 15:24).49 He summoned his disciples
as well to his mission of good news to the poor, the blind, the deaf, the lame, and
the lepers, who were to be initiated into the kingdom by washing away their sins
in a baptism of repentance. This kingdom of the lost sheep of Israel is the one
that Jesus would rule and whose tribes the Twelve would judge. His own
innocent suffering and death were in some way instrumental to the realization of
this vision; and although the New Testament writers do not offer a coherent
statement about how or why this should be so, the Synoptics and Paul agree that
Jesus expressed his own account of the mat ter by instituting a eucharistic meal
that became the focus of their corporate remembrance and worship.
3
Johannine Christology and Jewish-
Christian Dialogue
R. W. L. MOBERLY
One of the contemporary growth areas of theology is interfaith dialogue.
Although our particular focus here is Jewish-Christian dialogue, we should
remember that this is situated within a wider context, not least dialogue also with
Islam in encounters of the "three Abrahamic faiths."
This wider context is, of course, complex. For example, how far is dialogue a
response to secularizing pressures, which perhaps lead to a desire to find
common ground at the expense of traditional theological understandings? That
is, is dialogue yet another nail in the coffin of theology, where theology must
yield to ethical priorities, nonspecific spirituality, and an outlook of genial
bonhomie in place of odium theologicum?' Alternatively, could the secular izing
pressures lead to a refreshed understanding of traditional resources, especially
Scripture, in which one is forced to relinquish the luxury of historic cultural
prejudices and polemics in favor of a more searching engagement with the real
subject matter of faith? To be sure, there could be no simple answers to such
questions, and one can readily find examples of both trends. But we should at
least note that our specific concern, the interface between doctrine and Scripture
in relation to Jewish-Christian dialogue, is subject to many more influences than
can be considered in this short essay.
This is a difficult text to handle well. Mainly this is because too many
interpreters tend to take it as a freestanding axiom, in relative isolation from its
Johannine frame of reference, and assume that it means (as I have heard not a
few preachers say) "Nobody can know God apart from faith in Jesus Christ." My
approach is to consider what the words do, and do not, mean within their
Johannine context.
First, however, I want briefly to note two examples of how some interpreters
can feel obliged to adopt an approach that is in essence a means of
circumventing what the text appears to be saying.
Although the argument of this passage is implicit rather than explicit, its clear
tenor is strongly resistant to finding continuing theological significance in John
14:6. On the one hand, Jesus did not say these words, and they misrepresent the
message that he did bring. On the other hand, the traditional understanding of the
incarnation being "re-examined" appears to mean that such a traditional
understanding is now to be considered deficient rather than in need of faithful
fresh rearticulation. In other words-to put somewhat crudely what Braybrooke
implies more delicately-the Fourth Gospel represents a historic Christian
mistake. It is an early misrepresentation of Jesus, and modern critical scholarship
has enabled us to recognize this. Thereby a major obstacle from the path of
interfaith dialogue is removed; critical history trumps classic theology.','
I will not discuss Braybrooke in detail but rather will simply observe that if
Braybrooke were consistent, he would apply the same treatment to the Shema
(Deut. 6:4-9). For the critical scholarship that shows that Jesus did not utter the
words ascribed to him in the Fourth Gospel equally shows that Moses did not
utter the words ascribed to him in Deuteronomy; nor can we suppose that the
Shema accurately represents the message of "the historical Moses," because
nothing confident can be said about "the historical Moses." Yet Braybrooke is
warmly affirmative toward Judaism and nowhere even hints that perhaps Jews
should abandon their historic core affirmation on the grounds of modern
historical-critical scholarship. Yet if the fact that Moses most likely did not
formulate the Shema is of little real significance for the Shema as constitutive of
Jewish understanding and practice, why should not the same be the case if the
wording of John 14:6 represents John's construal of Jesus? The really important
question is not "Who formulated this wording?" but rather "Is it true?" and
historical-critical analysis can be only one factor among many in any serious
attempt to answer the latter question.
We come now to a brief outline of what John 14:6 does, and does not, mean
within the context of John's Gospel.14
2. Whatever the precise relationship between way, truth, and life," it is clear
that the leading idea is of Jesus as the way. For Jesus has just spoken of "going"
(John 14:2, 3, 4, 5) and "way" (John 14:4, 5), and he next speaks of "going" to
the Father. So the concern is that of knowing how to make a particular journey, a
journey to God the Father. Since Jesus goes on to speak of knowing and seeing
himself as tantamount to knowing and seeing the Father (John 14:7, 9), a major
point of Jesus' words in John 14:6 is that the journey and the destination are, in
some sense, identical-not identical in every way (as though there were no
distinction between Father and Son), but identical in the sense that the nature of
the journeying is entirely of a piece with the nature of the destination.16 The
response of faith to Jesus the Son," which enables access to God the Father, also
constitutes the substance of the relationship with God the Father that is thereby
enabled.
3. The latter part of John 14:6, "No one comes to the Father except through
me," is surely to be seen as restating negatively what the first part states
positively, "I am the way, the truth, and the life," without making a further point
about exclusivity. For if the way that Jesus constitutes is appropriately
designated also by terms such as "truth" and "life," then that surely designates
this particular way as incomparable and definitive. Or, in the language used
elsewhere in the Gospel, John 14:6b reminds us that Jesus is not just "Son"
(huios) but rather "only Son" (monogenes huios);18 in the famous words, "God
so loved the world that he gave his only Son, so that all who believe in him
should not perish but have eternal life" (John 3:16; cf. 1:14, 18; 3:18). In other
words, it is because Jesus is the only Son that he is the only way to the Father.
4. The reason why faith in Jesus as Son enables, indeed constitutes, access to
God as Father is given consistently elsewhere in the Gospel. In the language of
John 5:19-24, it is because of the complete harmony of action between Father
and Son, such that the Son only does what he sees the Father doing, and the
Father therefore entrusts his authority and responsibility to the Son. 'N Or, in the
words of the prologue, Jesus is the logos, who is so intimate with God that "all
things were made through him" and he is the one who has made known the
unseen God (John 1:3, 18). The logic, therefore, of "No one comes to the Father
except through me" is that Jesus the Son is so intimate with God the Father that
God is definitively represented by Jesus, and so one need not go elsewhere.
5. Despite the generalizing form of the wording "No one comes. . . ," the
prime sense in context is that Jesus is telling his disciples about the nature of
their journey in faith; that is, "None of you can come to the Father unless....1120
The generalizing form is indeed significant because it specifies that what applies
to the disciples applies to others also. Nonetheless, it is important to see that the
concern of the text is not an abstract axiom about people of other faiths but
rather a drawing out of the wider significance of Jesus' words to his first
disciples-what applies to the disciples applies to others also.
In short, therefore, the concern of John 14:6 is to show that Jesus' going to the
Father via the cross is a way of self-giving love whose content becomes
definitive for others also to come to, and to know, God as Father.
Three brief comments. First, the coming of Jesus poses an intrinsic challenge
for people that can no more be evaded or ignored than can those who inhabit
dark places ignore a torch thrust into their midst; some kind of response, of
turning toward or turning away, must be made. Second, the challenge posed by
Jesus is intrinsically moral, to embrace good rather than evil. Third, it is possible
in some sense to "do the truth" before coming to the light rather than solely as a
consequence of such coming. The issue at stake is not predestination, still less
some notion that humans can perform good deeds independently of grace (so
that grace might appear to be, as it were, an optional extra).'-' Rather, the point is
that however great the darkness within the world, there may he human
dispositions and practices that are intrinsically open and attuned to that light
which is embodied in Jesus, even if they are not consciously so conceived. A
believing response to Jesus should affirm antecedent, as well as enable
subsequent, truthful living, even though, of course, explicit recognition of Jesus
will give a more specific context and shape hereafter to that which is affirmed.
The other passage to consider is the trial before Pilate, especially John 18:33-
37, where there is a reconstrual of the meaning of Jesus as "king" (basileus) that
is comparable to the Synoptic account of Caesarea Philippi, where the term
"messiah/christ" (christos) as applied to Jesus also receives fundamental
reconstrual.
There is an obvious similarity between John 3:19-21 and John 18:33-37. The
clearest verbal resonance is the common use of "truth": those who do the truth
come to the light, just as those who are of the truth listen to Jesus' voice. Thus,
correspondingly, one should understand the light shining in the darkness as
having the same dynamics as Jesus' bearing witness to the truth. In Jesus, people
are confronted by a reality, a truth that compels a response toward or away from
that reality-the reality of God.
At this point the Jews who want Jesus crucified play their trump card. They in
effect threaten Pilate by reminding him that to release a would-be king within the
Roman Empire would diminish his credentials as "Caesar's friend"; it would be
an act of disloyalty that they would be sure to let Caesar know about. So Pilate's
own future is now involved. This leads to the dramatic climax, at the seat of
judgment. Pilate initially presents the charge brought against Jesus, as "king," as
ridiculous: how could this tortured object of mockery pose any threat? When
they bay for him to be taken away and crucified, Pilate tries one last time, only
to be confronted by the chief priests' definitive declaration of loyalty to Caesar,
with its tacit reminder that Pilate would be disloyal should he release Jesus. And
so Pilate capitulates and hands Jesus over for execution. All that is left then is a
little spat with the chief priests over the wording on Jesus' cross.
We surely see here that Pilate initially tries, in his own way, to "do the truth"
and "come to the light." But when it becomes potentially too costly for him to
act upon his conviction that Jesus is innocent, self-interest prevails, and he
capitulates; in Johannine terms, he withdraws into the darkness "because his
deeds are evil." Pilate's drama is played out not in declarations of faith in Jesus
or gross moral dereliction but rather in terms of mundane pressures where doing
what is right is set over against self-interest; this is what Jesus as God's light and
truth can represent.
There is less subtlety in the portrayal of those who call for Jesus' execution,
who are depicted either generically as "the Jews" (John 18:31, 38; 19:7, 12, 14)
or as "the chief priests" (John 19:6, 15); the picture is that of the religious leaders
inciting a larger crowd. By this stage they consistently bay for Jesus' death, and
their baying culminates in apostasy when the proclamation "We have no king but
Caesar" not only puts pressure on Pilate but also in effect renounces God's
covenant lordship over Israel. In John's portrayal, a baying mob is not only
entirely blind to what is before their eyes-Jesus the king (messiah)-hut also is
willing to renounce its most basic allegiance in order to get its way. For in
wanting the death of one who speaks the truth, their words and deeds are not "of
God" but rather "of the devil" (John 8:40, 44). Their "deeds are evil" because
their intentions and speech are murderous.
First, one will misunderstand Johannine Christology if one fails to see how
John formulates paradoxical tensions as constitutive of that Christology. There is
at least a double dynamic that must be held in place.
On the one hand, there is the tension of the particular and the universal. It is
the particular figure of Jesus who embodies the universal truth of the one Creator
God; the only Son reveals the God who is Father and enables coming to him. In
a rather important sense, the "sectarian" reading of John (noted above) risks
obscuring what is perhaps one of the most significant dimensions in John's
whole portrayal: in coming to faith in Jesus, people are not, indeed cannot be,
opting for something sectarian, for they are rather coming to realize the true
nature of their being;22 if they come to faith in the one who is the logos,
"through whom all things were made," it cannot but follow that this faith enables
the recognition and appropriation of reality as it is meant to be.
On the other hand, there is the tension of the ontological and the existential.
The given, ontological reality of God the Father made known in and through the
Son entails a constant, though unpredictable, existential challenge to creation to
listen to the one who bears witness to the truth, to come toward the light that is
thrust into dark places. Life is seen to be constituted by a struggle between light
and darkness, in which the light is constantly challenging people to choose light
rather than darkness-a challenge realized in the responsiveness of mind and
heart, of conscience and action.
Second, it follows from this that although the truth of God in Jesus is entrusted
to the church, enabling the church as it follows Jesus to bear witness to truth and
to be a light in darkness ("As the Father sent me, so I send you" says the risen
Jesus [John 20:21] ), the truth is always greater than its particular embodiments.
There are various ways in which one can try to articulate this: it is less that the
church possesses the truth than that the truth constitutes the church; it is not that
God is on our side but rather that we may be on God's side; even when one
believes that Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God, and so one knows the truth,
the reality is more than words alone can capture, the words are easily
misunderstood, the reality is easily misrepresented.23
John's prime depiction of these dynamics, and the gap that may open up
between profession and practice, is in terms of Jesus' Jewish contemporaries. Yet
to generalize and abstract this depiction, as though Jews intrinsically have a
problem because they do not believe in Jesus, while Christians are fine because
they do believe in Jesus, would be to misrepresent John's portrayal. For the
dynamics that are intrinsic to the recognition of God in Jesus entail listening to
the truth and coming to the light. If the Pharisees could know that God had
spoken to Moses and yet use this to close down rather than open up engagement
with the implications of Jesus' actions,24 Christians are no less liable to know
that God is revealed in Jesus and yet use that to close down rather than open up
engagement with the continuing shining of light in the darkness and the bearing
of witness to the truth. If Jews can be "of [ek] the devil" (John 8:44) because
they want to resist, indeed put to death, one who bears witness to the truth (and
so the nature of their present reality is "evil"), if their eyes can be closed to the
reality of their king because they are too preoccupied with baying for the one
who speaks and embodies an uncomfortable truth to be put to death, then,
mutatis mutandis, the same can characterize Christians, who can equally be "of
the devil" and effectively apostatize through manipulative and brutal actions
performed in the name of Jesus. The Crusades and the Inquisition are no more
than notorious examples of a faithlessness that operates constantly, albeit usually
in less conspicuous ways.
Finally, three brief comments about our overall concern, the interface between
Scripture and doctrine.
Second, John's narrative illuminates how Christian doctrinal belief about Jesus
should, and should not, be used. Johannine Christology surely is better captured
by the historic doctrines of trinity and incarnation than by any other known
formulations, for thus we maintain the emphasis that the reality and the mystery
of God are definitively known and encountered in the particular person of Jesus.
The not uncommon strategy of interfaith dialogue to set aside this belief is well
intended, but surely it results from a failure of comprehension. Or, to put it
differently, it turns the second-rate into the normative. For when Christianity
becomes simply one religion alongside others, it has failed to recognize its true
vocation, which is not to add to the world's religious diversity but rather to bear
witness to the truth of what it means to have life in all its fullness in God's world.
Or, as Paul Griffiths puts it when commenting on the Johannine promise that the
Spirit will lead Christ's followers into "the entire truth" (John 16:13),
Note the future tense. This future reference is an essential point: the Holy
Spirit has not yet taught the Church everything; and, it ought to be added,
what the Holy Spirit has taught has not yet been fully comprehended by the
church.27
This learning and comprehending involves a total way of being in the world,
with openness and responsiveness to all those who speak the truth. Christ is the
norm by which we seek here and now to discern right human responsiveness to
the reality of God, wherever it is found; and this is a reality that involves
learning and surprises for all.
4
Reading Paul, Thinking Scripture
N. T. WRIGHT
Scripture, Doctrine, and Life: The Puzzle of Perception
Not everybody sees things that way. For some, Scripture itself, except for
highly select verses and passages, has become as dry and dusty as dogma itself.
It is full of problems and puzzles, alternative readings and private theories of
interpretation, and seems to them like a black hole that can suck down all the
energy of otherwise good Christian people (exegetes and preachers) and give
nothing much back in return. For them, what matters is invoking the Spirit,
worshiping for longer and longer, extended prayer and praise meetings, telling
others how wonderful it is to have a living relationship with Jesus. Such people
assume (since the background of their tradition is broadly evangelical) that
Scripture remains in some sense normative, but how it exercises that normativity,
or how it "exercises" anything at all, or engages with their life and faith remains
unclear.
The third category completes the circle. There are some for whom the books
of devotion appear stale, but for whom, as C. S. Lewis once put it, the heart
sings unbidden when working through a book of dogmatic theology with pipe in
teeth and pencil in hand. For such people, as well, the endless and increasingly
labyrinthine productions of the Great Exegetical Factory, especially the older
Germans on the one hand and the newer Americans on the other, leave them
cold. The lexicographical, historical, sociological, and rhetorical mountains of
secular exegesis all move, and every so often there emerges a ridiculous mouse
that squeaks some vaguely religious version of a currently popular self-help
slogan. Meanwhile, the real mountains-the enormous, looming questions of God
and the world, of church and society, of Jesus then and now, of death and
resurrection-remain unaddressed. Sa- lieri, in Peter Shaffer's Amadeus, looks at
Mozart's operas and declares that Mozart has taken ordinary people-barbers,
servant girls, footmen-and made them gods and heroes. He himself, however,
has written operas about gods and heroes, and he has made them ordinary. A
similar verdict awaits the contemporary "secular" exegete who dares to look into
the mirror.
"Does it have to be this way?" asks not only the theologian but also the bishop.
Where are the so-called ordinary people in all of this? Is there a better way not
only of understanding the relationship between Scripture and doctrine but also of
allowing either or both to bear fruit in the postmodern church and world?
To say that I want to begin to address this with some remarks about Scripture
and narrative may provoke a sigh from at least some dogmaticians: "That is so
last century, so postliberal. They are even giving it up at Yale now. Can any good
thing come out of narrative?" Well, as a reader of Scripture, I perceive that the
canon as it stands not only is irreducibly narrative in form, enclosing within that,
of course, any number of other genres, but also displays an extraordinary,
because unintentional to every single individual writer and redactor involved,
overall storyline of astonishing power and consistency. You could say, of course,
that this is all due to those who chose the books and shaped the canon, but if you
look at the ones they left out, you would have to say either that even if you put
them all in, you would still have the same narrative or that if you put some of
them in (the gnostic Gospels, for instance), you would precisely deconstruct
what would still be a huge, powerful narrative and offer instead a very different
one from which, ultimately, you would have to exclude more or less everything
else that is there. The gnostic Gospels, if made canonical, would eventually act
like the baby cuckoo in the nest, kicking out all the native chicks, but if the
chicks got together where they had landed on the ground, they would still have a
massive family likeness. You cannot, in the end, take the anticanonical rhetoric
of much contemporary writing to its logical conclusion without ending up
having the canon again, only now as the alternative narrative. No: what we have,
from Genesis to Revelation, is a massive narrative structure in which, though
Paul, the evangelists, and John of Patmos are, of course, extremely well aware of
the earlier parts, no single author saw the whole or knew about all its other parts.
It is as though engineers from different workshops were invited to produce bits
and pieces of cantilevers which ended up, when put together without the
different workshops knowing of it, producing the Forth Bridge. And the case I
have made elsewhere, to bring this into sharp focus, is that Paul was aware of
enough of this large story at least to add his own bit and point to the completion,
even though other writers, such as the seer of Revelation, finish the narrative
sequence with a different metaphor: marriage, in Revelation 21, rather than birth,
as in Romans 8. But with Paul, we are "thinking Scripture" all the way, and that
means "thinking narrative."
I am thus taking the phrase "thinking Scripture" in, I think, two ways. First,
that as we read Paul, we should be conscious that he is "thinking Scripture" in
the sense that his mind is full of the great scriptural narrative and the great
scriptural narratives, and that he is conscious of living in the climactic and newly
explosive continuation and implementation of the first and also of living with the
echoes and patterns of the second. But, second, part of the point is that as we
read Paul, we should be conscious not only of "Paul said this, that, or the other"
but also of "How can Paul's saying of this be Scripture for us; how can it, that is,
function as the word that addresses, challenges, sustains us, putting us to death
and bringing us to new life?"
Now of course, within the grand narrative from the first garden to the new city
there are multiple smaller narratives, some of them pulling this way and that
within the larger one, sometimes even seemingly in opposite directions. That is
to be expected, and actually it is only if we shrink the grand narrative from its
full proportions that this becomes a problem. And of course, since the narrative
itself is precisely about God's extraordinary, vibrant, and multifaceted creation,
we find poetry, prophecy, and wisdom firmly embedded, embodying what the
story is saying about creativity and procreativity, about humans bearing God's
image, about God's generous overspilling love, and so on. And within this
narrative, and sometimes within its subgenres, there are statements of
overarching truth or inalienable moral duty: the Ten Commandments come
within the Exodus narrative (and are themselves prefaced by, and sometimes
refer back to, bits of the larger narrative), and huge yet simple statements such as
"Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures" are framed within the
implicit narrative of Paul's ongoing relationship with the feisty and factious
Corinthians. And because I hold, as I always have done, a very high view of
Scripture, not only as dogma but also as method, I find myself bound to ask
whether doctrine, including, be it said, doctrine about Scripture itself, has really
taken on board this element. It is not simply a question of "How can a narrative
be authoritative?" I have written a book about that already.' The question, rather,
is "How can a narrative, or more specifically this narrative, relate to the abstract
questions, cast frequently in nonnarratival mode, that have formed the staple diet
of doctrine and dogma?"
Is this even the right question to be asking? Might it not seem to imply (1) that
it is doctrine that really matters, that will give life and energy and focus to the
church; (2) that Scripture is the authority for our doctrine, since that is itself a
foundational doctrine, but (3) that Scripture as we find it seems singularly
unsuited for the purpose (as Winston Churchill said about a golf club in relation
to the task of conveying a ball into a small and distant hole)? And, granted that
modern and often postmodern exegesis has left Scripture in bits all over the
floor, each labeled "early Q" or "deutero-Paul" or "Hellenistic moral topos" or
whatever-as though that settled anything-will it help (and if so, how?) to draw
attention to Scripture's most prominent characteristic, or will this too collapse
into another pile of mere narrative theories, with actantial analyses like the spars
of the skeleton ship in The Rime of the Ancient Mariner, giving the initial
appearance of being seaworthy but actually carrying only Death and Life-in-
Death?
This model suggests a to-and-fro between Scripture and doctrine that goes
something like the following. It may be very important for the internal life of the
church, or for the church's witness to the world, that we address a question about
the meaning of Jesus' death that has come up at some point in debate. How are
we going to do it? It is hard, each time you want even to refer to Jesus' death
itself, to quote even a few verses from Mark 15, Matthew 27, Luke 23, or John
19. If, each time I wanted to refer in a discussion to the archbishop of
Canterbury, I had to spell out the complete biography of that great and good man
as set out in Who's Who, the discussion would get impossibly clogged up. The
title-the phrase "archbishop of Canterbury"-is a portable version of this,
implying it all without telling the full story; but at any point it might be
important that people were aware that this title refers to someone who was born
in Wales, to someone who once held a chair at Oxford, to someone who has
written a book on the resurrection, and so on. The narrative is implicitly carried
within the title; at any point, you can reach in and get the hit of the story you
need. Thus, in the same way, and thinking about Paul and the cross, it is quite
cumbersome, each time you want to refer to the atonement, to have to say
something like "Paul's teaching that `Christ died for our sins according to the
scriptures."' So we bundle all of this, and the much fuller statements as well, up
into a suitcase labeled "atonement," which we can carry on and off the trains and
buses of our various arguments and discussions, and which really does perform a
vital function in enabling discourse to proceed. However, when we get to the
other end, we need to unpack it all again, so that what we are left with is not a
single word-"atonement" or "reconciliation" or Versohnung or whatever it might
be-but rather the whole story: John 18-19 as it stands, Romans 3, Galatians 3, 2
Corinthians 5, and so on. Such passages, I suggest, are the ground-level reality.
The word "atonement" itself and its near equivalents, and the various theories
about atonement, are of service only insofar as they enable us to bundle up the
passion narratives and the key New Testament witnesses to the meaning of the
cross, not in order to muzzle them or only to "live out of a suitcase," snatching
an item here and there but keeping everything else crumpled up and invisible
inside the zipped-up leather dogma, but rather to bring them out again and live
off them, live with them, put them on and wear them, line them up and use them.
At this point, already, I must introduce a further element. The conviction has
been growing in me that when Jesus wanted to explain to his followers what he
thought would be the meaning of his death, he did not give them a theory; he
gave them a meal. And the meal itself, by being a Passover-mealwith-a-
difference, already indicates a massive and complex implied narrative: a story
about a long history reaching a new, shocking, and decisive fulfillment; a story
about slavery and freedom, about Israel and the pagans, about God fulfilling his
promises, about covenant renewal and forgiveness of sins. And this encoded
story, this meal-as-narrative, works by doing it. Breaking the bread and drinking
from the cup are not about something else, unless that something else is simply
called "Jesus." Rather, we might better say that theories about atonement are, at
their very best, abstractions from the Eucharist, which is itself the grid of
interpretation that we have been given-by Jesus himself!for Jesus' death. This
makes life much more complicated, of course, since we have suddenly
introduced a third and disturbing element into the "Scripture and doctrine"
debate, but at least in the case of the atonement, we have, I think, no choice.
I will come back to this presently, because it might be that the atonement is, in
this respect and perhaps in others, something of a special case. But first I want to
state the obvious and then develop it a little. The idea that doctrines are portable
stories is, of course, already present in the classic statements of Christian
doctrines, the great early creeds. They are not simply checklists that could in
principle be presented in any order at all. They consciously tell the story-
precisely the scriptural story!-from creation to new creation, focusing
particularly, of course, on Jesus and summing up what Scripture says about him
in a powerful, brief narrative (a process that we can already see happening
within the New Testament itself). When the larger story needs to be put within a
particular discourse, for argumentative, didactic, rhetorical, or whatever other
purpose, it makes sense, and is not inimical to its own character, to telescope it
together and allow it, suitably bagged up, to take its place in that new context-
just as long as we realize that it will collect mildew if we leave it in its bag
forever.
One of the things that creeds enable Scripture to do, by being thus compressed
into a much, much briefer narrative framework, is to allow the entire story to
function as symbol. It is no accident that symbol was one of the words that the
early Christians used to denote their creeds. The creeds were not simply a list of
things that Christians happened to believe. They were a badge to be worn, a
symbol that, like the scholar's gown that tells you what this person is about,
declares, "This is who we are." That is, of course, why the creeds are recited in
liturgy: not so much to check that everyone present is signed up to them but
rather to draw together, and express corporately, the church's response to the
reading and praying of Scripture in terms of "Yes! As we listen to these texts, we
are renewed as this people, the people who live within this great story, the people
who are identified precisely as people-of-thisstory, rather than as the people of
one of the many other stories that clamor for attention all around." And this, I
think, is the role of doctrine, or one of its crucial and central roles: to ensure that
when people say the creeds, they know what they are talking about and why it
matters, and also to ensure that when some part of the larger story is under attack
or is being distorted, we cannot just come to the rescue and, as it were, put a
finger in the dyke, but rather we can discern why the attack has come at this
moment and at this point and can work to eliminate the weakness that has
allowed it to gain access.
Part of my general point about Paul is precisely that he is constantly doing this
packing and unpacking, compressing and expanding, hinting in one place and
offering a somewhat fuller statement of the same point elsewhere. A good
example of this is in 1 Corinthians 15:56-57, where Paul says (bewilderingly,
since he has not been talking about these things), "The sting of death is sin, and
the power of sin is the law; but thanks be to God, who gives us the victory
through our Lord Jesus Christ." By itself, this is more or less incomprehensible,
since nowhere else in his writings to date has Paul said anything about the law
being "the power of sin." We might just about have inferred it from Galatians 3,
but it would be stronger than anything there. But in Romans 7 Paul explains
precisely this point at much greater length, ending with the same shout of
triumph. In other words, it is not simply the case that Scripture gives
miscellaneous teaching about various topics that the church can codify into
portable statements and then decodify back into Scripture again. We can see the
same process going on within Scripture itself, not least in Paul himself, and not
least at this point, when we are thinking about sin, the law, and the victory of
Christ-in other words, about atonement.
All this leads us to another important general point about the nature of
doctrine, Scripture, and narrative.
It dawns on me, uncomfortably, that it is possible to treat doctrines, not (as the
creeds do) as basically a narrative but simply as a kind of abstract checklist,
dogmas to which one must subscribe but which do not really belong at all within
a story, or, more insidious perhaps still, do belong within a story but within a
story that, because it is not usually seen as such, is quietly doing its powerful
work of reshaping what these admittedly true doctrines will now mean and why.
In other words, simply putting a checkmark beside all twentynine (or however
many) true doctrines is not good enough. It could be that you are like a child
faced with a connect-the-dots puzzle, realizing that you have to link the dots but
not understanding what the numbers are there for. You can indeed draw a picture
in which all the dots are connected, but it may bear little relation to the picture
that was intended. You can, in fact, link all the dots, both in the classic early
creeds and most of the later ones (e.g., the post-Reformation confessions and
articles), and still be many a mile away from affirming what the biblical writers,
all through, were wanting people to affirm. You can connect all the dots and still
produce, shall we say, a thistle instead of a rose. To take a different but related
example: if I come upon the letters "BC" written down somewhere, it is only the
larger context, the larger implicit narrative, that can tell me whether they mean
"Bishop's Council" (in an entry in my calendar), "British Columbia" (in my
cousin's mailing address), "Before Christ" (in a book about ancient history), or
the two musical notes that bear those names (about the conclusion of Sibelius's
seventh symphony). Implicit narrative is all. If you affirm a doctrine but place it
in the wrong implicit narrative, you potentially falsify it as fully and thoroughly
as if you denied it altogether.
This point is not dissimilar to one made by Robert Jenson,'- though I think he
has not done enough to ward off the suspicion that his own proffered solution is
subject to the same critique that he has offered of other theories. Writing about
the doctrine of the atonement, he suggests that what is wrong with the three main
models-Anselm, Abelard, and Christus Victor, to put it bluntly-is that all of them
are placing the death of Jesus within a narrative other than the one that Scripture
itself proposes. Scripture is not talking about the honor or shame of a medieval
nobleman, or about a program to educate people in how to love God, or about
monstrous mythical powers and how they might be defeated. I think, actually,
that Scripture is more obviously talking about the last of those, but that is
another question to which we may return. My difficulty with Jenson (and I
suspect that he is building up to addressing this in a fuller work for which the
2006 article is a brief flyer) is that his alternative narrative, which is about the
relationships between the three persons of the Trinity, while very interesting and
not at all unrelated to the story that Scripture tells, is still not that story itself and
still avoids the really important part of the whole thing, the thing to which the
church has persistently given far too little attention (including, I believe, the
classic creeds themselves): the story of Israel.
It is this story that drives the whole of the New Testament, which is not
surprising, because it is what drove Jesus himself. When Paul says that "the
Messiah died for our sins according to the scriptures," he does not mean that if
we look hard enough, we can find a few helpful proof texts. What he means-and
what we see in the great sermons in Acts, particularly chapters 7 and 13 and the
subsequent summaries of similar material-is that the story of Israel from
Abraham to the Messiah is seen as the plan of the one Creator God to save the
whole world. It is remarkable how difficult it is to get this across to people who
are deeply embedded in a rather different story, one that reads simply "creation,
sin, Jesus, salvation." Interestingly, of course, if you miss the "Israel" stage of
the story, not only do you become a de facto Marcionite, as many, alas, in both
Protestant and Catholic traditions seem to be, but you also leave yourself, most
likely, without an ecclesiology or with having to construct one from scratch far
too late in the narrative. There are, of course, all kinds of clues in the New
Testament to indicate that something is badly wrong here, and the story of
exegesis, not least in the Protestant and evangelical worlds, has sadly included
several quite clever moves for rendering these clues (e.g., Rom. 9-11) irrelevant.
The story of Israel is assumed to be at best exemplary and at worst irrelevant,
except for odd flashes of prophetic inspiration, rather than having anything to do
with the meaning of the story of Jesus himself. And with this all pretense of
actually paying attention to Scripture itself has vanished.
The mention of the "rapture" points to a further example of how not to connect
the dots. For many Christians, the question "Do you believe in the second
coming?" means, quite simply, "Do you believe in the dispensational- ist rapture
doctrine?" and indeed there are some who would love to believe in the genuine
New Testament doctrine of the second coming who feel obliged not to put a
checkmark in the box because they cannot and will not swallow the rapture.
Rapture theology is what you get, in other words, when you take the doctrine
("He will come again with glory to judge the living and the dead, and of his
kingdom there will be no end") and put it, first, within a heaven-and-earth
dualism in which the only point of human existence on earth is to work out how
to leave it with a ticket to the right destination, and, second, within a very
localized nineteenth-century reading of one particular set of texts, especially 1
Thessalonians 4:17, which flesh out, within that larger (wrong) story, what the
"second coming" might look like. Again, there is enormous resistance to any
attempt within these supposedly biblical circles to tell the genuinely biblical
story about heaven and earth, and new heavens and new earth, and about the
good Creator God, who has promised to unite them into one in Christ Jesus
(Eph. 1:10, which itself stands at the heart of a prayer story that is a Christ-and-
Spirit-shaped version of a Jewish creationand-exodus celebration).
Many other examples could be given, but I trust the point is taken. This leads
me to a final observation.
That maybe a false fear, but it should perhaps be named just in case. I will not
attempt to answer it, but, in answer to the former question, it is worth drawing
attention, within the more catholic end of the church, to two phenomena. First,
there is the "Ignatian method" of reading Scripture, normally done individually
and normally for personal devotional engagement and enrichment but sometimes
perhaps in groups and with more wide-ranging results. I am not aware that
people tend to emerge from an Ignatian meditation eager to go and put some
fine-tuning into one or another of the church's doctrines, but perhaps they
should. Second, there is the liturgical reading of Scripture, and particularly of the
Gospel reading, as the climax and focus of Scripture, seen as one mode of the
personal presence of Jesus with the worshiping congregation, symbolized by
making the sign of the cross at the Gospel reading during the Eucharist and at
the "Gospel canticle" in morning and evening prayer. I suspect that this
phenomenon remains inarticulate for most worshipers even in the traditions
where it is the norm, but it is likewise worth drawing out and reflecting upon.
Moreover, I am suggesting that the Eucharist is in fact the primary and indeed
dominical grid for understanding Jesus' death. I recognize that the word
understanding is actually changing in meaning as I say that, so that it is forced to
encompass physical and social actions and realities as well as mental states and
abstract ideas. It is therefore perhaps germane to my more focused question that
we might contemplate the eucharistic reading of Scripture in terms of that
reading being one part of the necessary and formative action within which the
Eucharist means what it means. It thus enables God's people to "understand," in
this deeper sense of being grasped by the reality at every level, who Jesus the
Messiah was and is and what his death really did accomplish.
I know only too well, from both sides of the table, as it were, the frustration felt
by the preacher or dogmatician who is told by the exegete, "The text does not
actually say that." I hope that the dogmatician also recognizes the frustration that
the exegete feels when told, precisely in his or her effort to be obedient to one of
the primary Reformation dogmas, about Scripture itself, "Do not give us that
exegetical mish-mash; we want results, good solid doctrines that we can use and
preach from." (Ernst Kasemann commented on this point in a typical statement
about those who are concerned only with "results" needing to keep their hands
off exegesis, because it has no use for them, nor they for it.' I understand his
point, but I insist that we must keep on trying.)
I return, instead, to the category of narrative. Rather than trying to filter out
the actual arguments that Paul is mounting in order to "get at" the doctrines that,
it is assumed, he is "expounding," I have stressed that we must pay attention to
those larger arguments and to the great story of God, the world, Israel, and Jesus,
giving special attention to the "Israel" dimension, which is regularly screened
out in dogma but is regularly vital for Paul, and within which the cross means for
him what it means for him.
Closer exegetical attention would show that what the tradition has usually
called "the atonement"-that "portable story" within which so much implicit
exegesis and dogma has been baggaged up, sometimes uncomfortably-is not a
suitcase that Paul employs. It is, perhaps, a sub-suitcase, a compartment within
his larger luggage-perhaps something akin to the way Schweitzer saw
justification as a Nebenkrater within the "main crater" of "being in Christ,"
though of course I disagree importantly if obliquely with his particular point. But
it is not the main thing that Paul is talking about.
Where does that leave us in terms of the questions posed earlier on? To begin
with, it means that we must constantly struggle to hear Paul within the world of
his implicit, and often explicit, narratives, especially the great story that starts
with Abraham (itself understood as the new moment within the story that starts
with Adam and, indeed, with creation itself) and continues through Moses to
David and ultimately to the Messiah. Protecting Paul from that story-that is not
too strong a way to put the matter-has been a major preoccupation both of some
academic exegetes who have wanted to locate him solely within a Hellenistic
world and of some dogmaticians and preachers who have wanted to make sure
that he is relevant to, and addresses clearly, the pastoral and evangelistic issues
of which they are aware. But it is precisely at this point, as I have stressed, that
the doctrine of Scripture's own authority presses upon us. By what right do we
take Scripture and find ways to make it talk about the things that we want it to
talk about?
I suggest, in fact, that the key point is to develop more particularly our
reflections on the way in which Scripture is used, heard, and lived with within
the actual life of the actual church. The belittling of Scripture into a short and
puzzling noise that intrudes upon our liturgy here and there is dangerous and
destructive, especially, of course, in churches where there is not even much
strong dogma to take its place. And the use of Scripture as the peg to preach
sermons that the tradition, even the evangelical or Protestant tradition, has
decreed we ought to preach is always in danger of self-delusion. In short, we
have to discern and attempt ways of letting Scripture be heard not only when it
says something that we understand but want to disagree with (that is where "the
authority of Scripture" normally bites), but also when it says something that we
do not understand because we have carefully screened out, or never even
imagined, the narrative world within which it makes sense.
One of the main ways this needs to be done is, of course, through sustained
teaching by preachers and teachers who are themselves soaked in Scripture. Fair
enough. But I do think that our churches and parachurch organizations could and
should do more to help people understand the great narrative of Scripture, by
sustained readings, public and private, by drawing attention to the great narrative
themes and encouraging people to explore them, by discouraging the
nonnarratival or deconstructive songs that have swept in through today's cheerful
and unthinking postmodernity, and by encouraging and creating new words and
music to get the great themes into people's heads and hearts. All these
suggestions remain a great challenge at the level of pastoral and ecclesial
practice. But I think, as well, that at the academic level we need to see far more
open exchange between serious historical exegesis-not done in a corner or by
bracketing out questions of meaning, doctrine, and life but instead engaging with
the realities of which the text speaks-and a dogmatic theology that itself remains
open to being told that it has misread some of its own key texts. This, in other
words, will be a dogmatic theology that itself does not hide in a corner or bracket
out questions of history, text, and original sense.
We are once again at the fault line bequeathed to us by our Western culture,
not just in modernity but going back at least as far as the medieval period; and if
we are ever to have any hope of straddling that crack without falling down into
it, the doctrine called "authority of Scripture" (which declares that Scripture is
the way through which God the Holy Trinity activates, through the Spirit, the
authority that the Father has delegated to the Son) insists that it is by paying
attention to Scripture itself that we will find not only the bridges over the chasm
but also the means to make the earth move once more and bring back together
what should never have been separated in the first place. If reflecting briefly on
Paul's doctrine of reconciliation helps us to glimpse a pathway toward the
reconciliation of two camps within the church that have been circling one
another suspiciously for far too long, and perhaps two personality types that
have projected themselves a little too enthusiastically into that polarization, I
think that Paul himself would heave a sigh of relief and suggest that now,
reunited, it might be time to get on with the task of coherent living and preaching
the gospel.
PART 2
Theology's Bible
5
The Religious Authority of Albert
Schweitzer's Jesus
JAMES CARLETON PAGET
On 15 November 1928 Karl Barth, then professor in systematic theology at the
University of Munster, wrote to Eduard Thurneysen to say that he had met
Albert Schweitzer some eight days before. "I told him [Schweitzer]," Barth
writes, "that his [lecture] was crude works-righteousness and that he was a man
of the eighteenth century, but other than that we got on very well. There's no
point picking a squabble with him ... I have to go to a seminar. I'm speaking
today about the damaging nature of eternal truths."'
Ina somewhat barbed way the letter raises the question of the appropriateness
of discussing Albert Schweitzer in a volume concerned with the question of the
normative role of the New Testament in the discussion and formulation of
Christian doctrine. For there is definitely a sense in which Earth's implied
judgment of Schweitzer as a liberal is right, in particular as this relates to
Schweitzer's view of the role of Christian doctrine in the formulation of the
Christian message.
has gifted to us ... true freedom from dogmas. We do not stand as slaves
under their rule [Herrschaft] ... but as free men we understand and attend to
them. We understand them as something that was necessary; we respect
them as holy vessels in which past generations have housed the water of life
and in which we taste such. But because of their historical nature, they are
not binding norms. We find ourselves in relation to them in the situation of a
nation which has fought itself free of an absolute monarchy and come under
the rule of an ideal monarch. The dogmas stand in place of the monarch. We
bring to them noble respect. But the parliament, which represents us, these
are the ideas and needs of our age. In the political and also in the religious-
spiritual area this is the only solution of the conflict between the old and the
newt
And in another lecture, written four years later, entitled Jesus and Wir,
Schweitzer, more trenchantly, notes that the church has placed a dogma over
Jesus.
As an historian I would certainly say that they [the leaders of the church]
had to do so, that viewed from a historical perspective they could do nothing
else. But as we are here concerned to speak about what is the case, I state
that the churches have encased a vibrant man in a building of dogmas, have
destroyed his simple living humanity, and made him inaccessible to those
who do not stand in the building. It cannot and dare not be said enough:
Jesus belongs as a man to men.3
In none of this does Schweitzer reject the need for Christian doctrines; indeed,
on one occasion he can talk about the need for the church to have what he terms
Ehrfurcht vor der Oberlieferung ("reverence for tradition"), here reflecting what
he says about the noble respect accorded a monarch, and this means the need for
a thoughtful engagement with such traditions, for a need to reexpress them in
terms that take account of the new context to which they are being addressed
(nowhere does he speak of undogmatisches Christentum).4 But there is an easily
located impatience, a sense that, as with a monarch in a parliamentary
democracy, traditional Christian doctrines are almost irrelevant. In this respect, it
is striking that in spite of the implied need for an interaction between religious
tradition and thought, Schweitzer almost never mentions or discusses such
significant Christian doctrinal concepts as the incarnation or the Trinity. It is the
biblical tradition, understood essentially as the New Testament tradition, that
engages Schweitzer in his belief that tradition is best understood without
reference to Christian dogmatic categories. And although he is interested, at least
in broad terms, in how that tradition came to be transformed into ideas
associated with the second century and beyond, he subscribes, at least in a
moderate form, to the view that such transformation led Christians away from
what was central (and by implication, biblical) in their faith.'
So, given all this, why discuss Albert Schweitzer in a volume dedicated to the
place of the New Testament in the formulation of Christian doctrine? First,
Schweitzer could, on one reading, be said to represent one pole of the discussion,
and any serious engagement with this subject needs to be conducted from a
variety of quarters. The liberal tradition's perspective on the development of
Christian doctrine, whether viewed through the eyes of Harnack, Troeltsch,
Schweitzer, or Werner, is a significant part of our theological heritage, even if it
is not in vogue at present. Second, Schweitzer's interaction with that tradition is
singular and striking, and few people in the period out of which he emerged
reflected as fervently, and as problematically, as he did upon the ongoing
significance of Jesus and Paul for the Christian faith and its articulation. Third,
Schweitzer remained fundamentally concerned with the Bible, and in particular
the New Testament, throughout his life, and this in spite of the fact that many of
his later writings are philosophical in orientation.
In this respect we should note that even as late as 1930, well after his career as
a New Testament scholar had ended, he felt the need to finish his work on the
mysticism of the apostle Paul. He felt this need because he was strongly
convinced of the fact that this book, with its focus on a central figure of biblical
history, had something to say that went beyond the confines of its supposed
academic contribution-a point that becomes very clear if one reads the dense,
lapidary, almost sermonic conclusion of that work.' Related to this is the fact that
toward the end of his life, at a very busy time, he began to pen a lengthy book on
the kingdom of God (Reich Gottes and Christentum).7 Schweitzer's
philosophical position is often associated with "reverence for life," but it is
striking that he also saw the need to express similar sentiments in terms of a
straightforwardly biblical metaphor.'
In this context we need to note one final point. There are good grounds for
thinking that Schweitzer's own philosophical enterprise is notably theological;
that is, it cannot be understood if its theological substructure is not
acknowledged.' As Schweitzer was to write to his friend D. E. Rolffs in 1931,10
his philosophy of reverence for life was no more than the outworking of things
he had written in the conclusion of the second edition of his Quest for the
Historical Jesus-a point confirmed in his at first pseudonymously published
Selbstdarstellung of 1926. There he writes, "In the moment when Schweitzer
concluded The Quest his philosophy was already complete."11
Few doubt the central place in Schweitzer's consciousness of the figure of Jesus.
Schweitzer decided to go to West Africa, specifically Lambarene in the Gabon,
under the auspices of the Paris Missionary Society, an organization with strongly
evangelical tendencies. This was a strange decision, one might think, given his
liberal leanings. And yet it was precisely the advertisement in the Society's own
bulletin, with its strong call to serve Jesus, that attracted Schweitzer to it-a point
that he implicitly makes in a letter, dated 9 July 1905, to Alfred Boegner, the
director of the Society: "I have become ever simpler, more and more a child and
I have begun to realize increasingly clearly that the only truth and the only
happiness lie in serving Jesus Christ there where he needs us." Something of this
sense of the calling of Jesus is vividly captured in correspondence with his wife,
Helene Bresslau, from the period 1902-1913.12 In a letter dated 24 December
1904 he tells her that he wants to buy her a Christus-Medaille (a medal on which
was a depiction of Christ's head) like the one that he possesses. "I look at this so
often, this medal," he writes. "It is remarkable to look at a man and to know that
one is his slave."13 In another letter, dated 23 December 1903, he gives us a
sense of the way in which Christ has taken possession of him against his will:
Is it not remarkable that this great figure [Jesus] has suborned us and put us
in chains? Sometimes I think of revolting. Yes, he has given us powers but
he has also taken them from us! He has taken our personality from us; out of
free men he has made us slaves. How many talents has he suffocated-and
look how he has created wretched people, for without him we would have
been glorious characters. That is blasphemy if you want to call it so, but he
is sufficiently great to tolerate it.14
But in what does this commitment rest? Here we must turn to Schweitzer's
scholarly work on Jesus.
Schweitzer's thesis about the motivating forces behind, and the course of,
Jesus' ministry can be found in a variety of works dating back to 1901." The
rudiments of his view can be succinctly summarized. Jesus preaches the arrival
of a coming kingdom in which he will be manifested as the Messiah. He
demands from those who will enter the kingdom an absolute ethic of love as
proof that they belong to God and the Messiah, what Schweitzer controversially
termed an "interim ethic." At a certain point in his ministry, when he believes
that the kingdom is about to come, Jesus sends out his disciples to spread this
news, but when they return, the kingdom has not come. In this moment of crisis
he concludes that the kingdom can come only when he, by suffering and death,
has made atonement for those who have been elected to the kingdom and thus
saved them from having to go through the premessianic tribulation. He goes up
to Jerusalem in the full knowledge that death awaits him. At the final supper he
declares to his disciples that he will not drink again of the fruit of the vine until
he drinks of it again in his father's kingdom. His death on the cross does not
bring about the series of events that he expected, and he dies on the cross with a
cry of despair."
Schweitzer was clear that historical work on Jesus-that is, the work of
Schweitzer and other advocates of "thoroughgoing eschatology"-had delivered a
shattering blow to theology. Jesus, as historically reconstructed, will no longer
be a figure to whom the religion of the present can ascribe its own thoughts and
who can appear sympathetic and universally intelligible to the multitude. The
historical Jesus can only be to our time a stranger and an enigma. The mistake of
previous generations of scholars lay in assuming that Jesus could mean more to
us by entering the world in the form of a man like ourselves, by believing that
history could in some sense contribute to the making of the present. In the first
edition the expression of such views had led Schweitzer to seek to transcend the
claims of the historical Jesus by appealing to the mighty spiritual force streaming
forth from him: it was this fact that could be neither shaken nor confirmed by
any historical discovery. This somewhat problematic statement, which remains
unchanged from the original conclusion in Von Reimarus zu Wrede, is not
developed here. As we will see, Schweitzer prefers to concentrate on the
complex of Jesus' will.
In the same conclusion Schweitzer states, "We thought that we had to lead our
time by a roundabout way through the historical Jesus, as we understood him, in
order to bring it to the Jesus who is a spiritual power in the present. This detour
has now been closed by true history. 1122 Schweitzer asserts that the liberal
presentations of Jesus' life, with their enfeebling tendency to selfprojection, have
succeeded in robbing Jesus of much of his power, precisely because they have
watered down "his imperative world-denying demands on individuals so that he
did not come into conflict with our ethical ideals."23 This leads to a sharply
hermeneutical question: "What does the historical Jesus mean for us when we
dissociate him from all false justification of the past from the present?"24
Schweitzer's response is positive: we are immediately aware that in spite of its
strangeness, Jesus' personality has great significance for us, and it may
profoundly enrich our religion. But in what way? It is here that Schweitzer
introduces the idea of the will.
Individuals within a specific time period can have a real and living
relationship with Jesus only to the extent to which they think ethically and
eschatologically within their own categories and can produce in their own
worldviews the equivalents of those desires and expectations that hold such a
prominent position in his-that is, when they are dominated by ideas that
correspond to those that govern Jesus' conception of the kingdom of God.3o
Such a disposition contrasts sharply with the present state of society, which
"lacks all sense of immediacy and all enthusiasm for the ultimate goals of
mankind and of being," and it is precisely this lack of inner similarity between
Jesus' "ethical enthusiasm and the directness and powerful quality of his way of
thinking" that rendered exegetes of the present age incapable of understanding
him, forcing them to make him a man and theologian modern in every way.31
Schweitzer goes on, perhaps paradoxically, to assert that once we have
connected our will with that of Jesus, his message no longer appears offensive;
in fact, its call for a consummation of the world makes perfect sense. Schweitzer
continues, "We give history its due and liberate ourselves from the thought-
forms which were available to him. But we bow to the powerful will which lies
behind them."32 But after these expostulations that save Jesus for the world
through a kind of metaphysics of the will, Schweitzer maintains, "But, let it be
clear, the idea of the moral consummation of all things and of what we must do
in our time has not come down to us from him through historical revelation. It is
inherent in us and is part of the moral will"; "but," he continues, "because Jesus,
following the great among the prophets, grasped the entire truth and immediacy
of it and imbued it with his will and personality, he can help us to master it and
to become moral forces for our time."33
1. Schweitzer's turn from the liberal view that history was the locus in which
to locate the meaning of Jesus for us now, the place that would allow us in some
particular way direct access to the figure himself, was a gradual one.35 Of
course, Schweitzer is clear that the historical enterprise cannot be avoided (in
this context much of Schweitzer's rhetoric concerning the business of historical
investigation in terms of a Wahrhaftigkeitstat ["act of truthfulness"] reminds us
of the language of the theological liberalism from which he emerged); it is
simply that it cannot energize the present. In all of this Schweitzer is reflective of
a growing conviction within strands of Protestantism that was to reach its zenith,
admittedly from different presuppositions, in the work of Barth and Bultmann.
3. Inspired in part by the involved debate that had taken place at the beginning
of the twentieth century about the existence of Jesus in Geschichte der
LebenJesu-Forschung Schweitzer had reflected more extensively on the question
of the importance of the historical Jesus, what he termed a "philosophico-
religious question," and in a way that revealed tensions in his thinking on the
subject. From what Schweitzer termed "a purely logical point of view," whether
Jesus existed or not remained purely hypothetical. And, according to Schweitzer,
any theology that did not take account of that observation would make itself
unduly dependent on the most incalculable contingencies. "Modern
Christianity," he writes, "must always reckon with the possibility of having to
abandon the historical figure of Jesus. Hence it must not artificially increase his
importance by referring all theological knowledge to him and developing a
christocentric religion: the Lord may always be a mere element in religion, but
should never be considered its foundation. 1141 It was Christian scholars'
fixation with history, over against metaphysics, that had led many of them to
fashion a Jesus who, in Schweitzer's opinion, had more to do with their own
modernizing presuppositions than with the real historical figure. Or put
differently, it was, ironically, the obsession with history that had led scholars,
perhaps unconsciously, to seek to overcome the specificity of Jesus' own
historical circumstances and to paint a picture of him that smoothed the rough
edges of his unacceptable and, in Schweitzer's opinion, eschatological viewpoint.
As he states,
The remarkable thing about the problem which confronts the philosophy of
religion is that all compromises which lie between the two extremes are
basically worthless. We must come to terms with either one or the other.
Religion has to reckon either with an unhistorical Jesus or with a too
historical Jesus. All intermediate solutions can have only an appearance of
plausibility41
It is for this reason that Christianity must take more seriously than it has the
possibility of living without this all-too-historical and contingent Jesus, and that
it must develop a metaphysics-"that is, a basic view of the nature and
significance of being which is entirely independent of history and of knowledge
transmitted from the past, and which can be recreated afresh at every moment
and in every religious subject."42 It is to this section of Geschichte der
LebenJesu-Forschung that Schweitzer alludes when he writes in his conclusion
the words already cited: "But, let it be clear, the idea of the moral consummation
of all things and of what we must do in our time has not come down to us from
him through historical revelation. It is inherent in us and is part of the moral
will." But what is remarkable is that in spite of such utterances, Schweitzer still
maintains that our will can be clarified and enriched by that of Jesus, "for a
living personality means a remarkable enrichment of religion," and so he can,
almost in spite of himself, insist on an ongoing role for Jesus. In this respect, it is
interesting to note that in Geschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung he dismisses the
neoorthodox views of Wobbermin'43 which partly reflected those of Kahler, that
a distinction should be made between the historical Jesus and the historic Christ,
and he is similarly harsh on Bousset and Troeltsch's differently expressed
opinion that there is a need for Jesus to have a symbolic role within
Christianity." This emerges, in my opinion, precisely from the commitment that
Schweitzer has to the person of Jesus and to the sense, however conceived, of
relating to him.45 In this context we should attend not only to the more striking
remarks that Schweitzer made about his own relationship with Jesus, already
referred to, but also to the comment found in his earliest account of the life of
Jesus, Das Messianitdts- and Leidensgeheimnis: Eine Skizze des Lebens Jesu.
"With the aim of the book may they not find fault: to depict the figure of Jesus in
its overwhelming heroic greatness and to impress it upon the modern age and
upon modern theology.... Before this mysterious person, who, in the form of his
time, knew that he was creating upon the foundation of his life and death a moral
world which bears his name, we must be forced to lay our faces in the dust,
without daring even to wish to understand his nature."46
While for other believers ecstatic discourses and convulsive raptures mean
the surest proof of the possession of the spirit, St. Paul turns the doctrine of
the spirit into ethical channels. According to him the spirit which believers
possess is the spirit of Jesus.... This spirit of Jesus is the heavenly life force
which is preparing them for existence in the post-resurrection condition, just
as it effected the resurrection in itself in him. At the same time it is the
power which compels them, through their being different from the world, to
approve themselves as men who have ceased to belong to this world. The
highest proof of the spirit is love.49
In all of this Schweitzer, like Bultmann later, makes much of the fact that Paul is
not dependent upon the earthly Jesus for his teaching but rather is dependent
upon and living in the authority of the spiritually arisen Jesus. "For Christianity,"
writes Schweitzer in the sonorous conclusion of Die Mystik des Apostels Paulus,
Schweitzer continues,
our faith, like that of primitive Christianity, must grasp the appearance and
the dying of Jesus as the beginning of the realization of the kingdom of
God.... To believe in the Gospel of Jesus means for us to let the belief in the
Kingdom of God which he preached become a living reality within the
belief in him and the redemption experienced in him. Paul, in his Christ-
mysticism, was the first to accomplish this: is it reasonable for us to neglect
the gains which he has secured, and attempt to reach the same result in our
own strength and by independent thought?"
Philosophical Postscript
Schweitzer's philosophical work had been a significant presence in his life from
the beginning of his academic career and came to preoccupy him from 1913
onward, but it rarely attracts attention. And yet, I would contend, it remains
relevant to the subject of this volume.54 In this work Schweitzer argues that
human beings should understand themselves as wills-to-live who live in the
midst of life that wills-to-live. Such an affirmation involves identification, a
sense of commonality, with all other wills-to-live conceived as all living
phenomena in the world. Schweitzer moves from this to argue that all is a part of
a cosmic will-to-live, which completes what he terms the mystical element of his
thought. Union with such a will is reached not through contemplation but
through ethical action, expressed as service to life. All of these conclusions are
reached not through contemplation of the world (the world, according to
Schweitzer, manifests itself as a sad and hideous competition between life, as
cruelty and suffering) but rather through apprehension of what Schweitzer holds
to be the will within us, which is ethical in character. But this cannot be seen to
be a self-evident conclusion. Both Schopenhauer and Nietzsche, who in different
ways influenced Schweitzer, had arrived at quite different conclusions based on
their own beliefs about humans as wills-in the case of Schopenhauer it seemed,
in a sense, that life denial was the best option open to a human being, and in the
case of Nietzsche in a grand assertion of the will to power. Schweitzer can arrive
at his conclusion only because he has a sense of God as the will-to-love manifest
in his Son Jesus Christ.55 As Schweitzer was to write in The Mysticism of Paul
the Apostle, "In Jesus Christ God is manifested [offenbart] as Will-to-Love."56
Christ, in Schweitzer's thought, is a transformative moral force, and in some
respects his philosophical contentions can work only if that is the case. In such
instances, writes Barsam, we are reminded of Schopenhauer's image of a
conjurer who pulls out of his hat something that had always been there.57
Conclusions
Karl Barth and Friedrich
Mildenberger
on Scripture in Doctrine
JAN MUIS
Does the New Testament prescribe Christian theology? It seems to me that this
question should be distinguished from the question of whether the New
Testament is normative, because norms and prescriptions are different things. A
norm is a standard to test a doctrine; a prescription is a rule for how to construct
doctrine. The New Testament is normative if doctrine cannot contradict it; it is
prescriptive if doctrine must be derived from it. Doctrine can be derived from the
New Testament in two ways: either its content is taken from the New Testament
as a whole, or both its content and its conceptual form are directly deduced from
specific New Testament statements and key terms.
Could "tbe New Testament" be prescriptive? Not only does the New
Testament contain statements of different kinds, but also there are many
statements with differing content. Where do we have to look for their unity: in
the text of the New Testament itself, in the history behind the text, or in some
other reality beyond the text? And how do the different statements relate to this
unifying factor? Are some statements more closely linked to this factor than
others are? Are they more central and therefore more normative and
prescriptive? Can we classify the texts by the degree to which they are central,
normative, and prescriptive?'
That we need Scripture in order to believe and live as Christians can hardly be
denied, but do we need doctrine at all when we listen to the gospel, when we
pray to God, when we confess the Lord, when we live a Christian life? In a
sense, this is a hypothetical question because the terms of the Nicene Creed,
"God of God, Light of Light," and of the Chalcedonian formula, "truly God,
truly man," are part of the vocabulary of the church. Confessions and doctrines
exist and are used by believers on occasion. So actually there are two questions
here: do we need traditional doctrine(s); do we need new doctrine(s)?
I will discuss the answers to these questions in the work of Karl Barth and
Friedrich Mildenberger. I will analyze their frame of reference before I describe
their view on the relation between Scripture2 and doctrine and the role of
exegesis.
Barth
The Framework
At the same time, Word and revelation are more intrinsically connected than
are Word and Scripture and Word and proclamation. This is because Jesus Christ
is the Word of God in a sense that Scripture and proclamation are not (CD I/1,
304-5).6 He is the eternal Word of John 1:1, the eternal Son of the Father
together with the Holy Spirit. As I have argued elsewhere, Barth interlocks a
Logos model (revelation as incarnation) and a speech model (speech as address)
of the Word of God. "Word of God" has different meanings in both models: the
eternal Son of God and the divine act of speech. Only the Logos model is
worked out in a trinitarian account: God reveals himself in his eternal Son Jesus
Christ to us through the Holy Spirit.'
Barth's answer to the question of how the proclamation of the church can be
tested is surprising: the norm for the proclamation of the church is not Scripture,
not even Jesus Christ as God's self-revelation, but rather the Word of God (CD
1/2, 801), the eternal act of God's speaking, which can never fully be grasped
and contained by the human mind in a timely consciousness (CD I/1, 12-14).
Because the divine speech-act is not directly available as an object of human
experience, the Word of God can only indirectly function as norm. Theologians
can confront the actual proclamation of the church with the Word of God when
they themselves hear the Word of God in Scripture and teach what they hear to
others as a witness (CD 1/2, 814-15). It is the hearing and teaching of the teacher
that points to the Word of God as the norm of proclamation. This act of teaching
that emerges from hearing is what Barth calls "doctrine" (CD 1/2, 853-54).
The Word of God is new each and every time we hear it; therefore, traditional
doctrine cannot be normative for proclamation (CD I/2, 802-5). Hearing requires
the biblical attitude of the witness who hears and speaks. So the Word of God
becomes indirectly available as a norm for doctrine in the form of the biblical
attitude, not in the form of the biblical text as such (CD 1/2, 816-21)! Barth calls
this formal heteronomy. By teaching what they have heard, theologians make
this norm indirectly available as a doctrine. Barth calls this material autonomy.
Both the formal heteronomy and the material autonomy reflect the theonomy of
the Word of God (CD 1/2, 815-16, 857-58). In this way, the transcendent norm
of the divine act of speech becomes indirectly available in human acts of hearing
and speaking.
It is striking that Barth does not speak about material heteronomy. He connects
heteronomy and autonomy analogously to the way he connects authority and
freedom in the church in his concept of obedience (CD 1/2, 781-82); thus, he
associates heteronomy with objectivity, and autonomy with subjectivity. As a
result, the norm for doctrine becomes formal and objective; the content of
doctrine becomes subjective. The reason for this conceptuality is Barth's
distinction between what we think about God (Inhalt) and God himself
(Gegenstand), between our concepts of God and the reality to which they refer.
Barth links material content to subjectivity not to safeguard human autonomy
but rather to safeguard God's transcendence.
God's transcendence does not prevent God from becoming immanent. The
Word of God has become flesh. The eternal Son of God has become a human
being. The divine subject has become a human object of human experience in
space and time. In this way, God has made himself known to us. Because the
God who has revealed himself in Jesus Christ is the creator of heavens and earth,
he exists in a freely chosen relation to his creation. However, he is no part of
creation; his existence does not depend on the existence of creation. Therefore, if
we know God as he is by revelation, we know him as an independent reality.
This knowledge can be expressed in concepts and statements. A doctrine of the
transcendent, eternal creator is possible on the basis of his self-revelation in
creation, in history and time.
Scripture in Doctrine
Although he does not try to infer new doctrine directly from Scripture, Barth
often uses biblical texts to evaluate and reconstruct traditional Reformed
doctrine.9 This reconstructing method can be seen in his treatment of
predestination, based on a detailed exegesis of Romans 9-11, among other texts
(CD 11/2, 195-305); in his view on the relation between creation and covenant
history, based on the separate reading of Genesis 1 and Genesis 2 (CD 111/1, 94-
329); and in his reinterpretation of the doctrine of the divine and human nature in
terms of event and Geschichte on the basis of the narrative of Jesus' life, death,
and resurrection (CD IV/2, 20-154). In the context of the doctrinal topic that he
is working on, Barth selects and orders texts10 and carefully reads them in order
to solve systematic problems. This means that Scripture is much more than a
general presupposition of doctrine; biblical texts offer guidelines and conceptual
tools for the (re) construction of doctrine.
Mildenberger
The Framework
This view implies that the actual speech (parole [de Saussure]) of the Bible
can be used as a language (langue) to describe our life and history in relation to
God (BD I, 212-24). But biblical language cannot be used without understanding
its original historical context. We never apply "the Bible"; we always apply
specific biblical texts from a specific, original context to a specific, actual
context. We might call this recontextualization. Consequently, historical-critical
analysis of the biblical texts is indispensable for their use as Word of God.
Mildenberger's use of the historical-critical method does not presuppose that we
can conceive of God's presence and assistance as part of history understood as a
chronological order of equal, interrelated events. The Christ event is an act of
God, which disrupts any homogeneous conception of time and space (BD I,
222). Therefore, critical reflection about ontological presuppositions is part of
theology.
Simple God-talk is true if it happens that our use of biblical texts really is
about the presence of God in our life and history. This truth is an event, not a
state. This event is performed not by the believer but ultimately by the
inspiration of the Holy Spirit (BD I, 15, 21, 113, 229, 272). The actual
inspiration of the Holy Spirit is as constitutive for simple God-talk as is the
Word of God in Christ. According to Mildenberger, this is not clear enough in
Barth's theory of the three forms of the Word of God (BD I, 117).
There is no objective test to decide whether the application of a text to our life
and history is true.13 The Bible itself cannot be an independent, objective norm,
because what we have is in fact an interpreted Bible (BD I, 266). Although there
is no single independent and accessible criterion, there is the general criterion
that our understanding of a text should be in line with the Bible and the
experiences with single God-talk that have resulted in some basic decisions that
underlie the confessions of the church. For Mildenberger, these basic decisions
are the unity of the Creator and the Redeemer (early church), justification as the
work of God alone (Reformation), and access to God by Christ alone (Barmen
Declaration). These normative factors are interdependent and regulate the
process of understanding in a general way (BD I, 265-71).
Mildenberger does not interlock the notion of Christ as the Word of God with
the notion of Christ as the eternal Logos, which is the eternal Son. In other
words, in his account of the Word of God Mildenberger only uses the speech
model, whereas Barth combines the Logos model and the speech model. There
are two reasons for this. First, the notion of divine self-revelation is not essential
for Mildenberger's view on the Word of God as inspired use of biblical texts.14
Second, Mildenberger does not consider the classical Logos Christology of
Nicea an irreversible doctrine." He is aware that the Logos Christology is rooted
in the Bible and not in Hellenistic philosophy (BD I, 133), but he underscores
the doxological character of John 1. A hymn does not merely describe what is
the case; it anticipates what must and will be eschatologically, and it cannot be
transformed into a metaphysical statement (BD I, 134, 152, 190). Mildenberger
thinks that in the later development of doctrine a change of subject has taken
place: one started claiming that the man Jesus Christ is divine, but one ended in
saying that the divine Logos has assumed human being. The concrete subject of
the first statement has become the abstract predicate of the second, and its
abstract predicate has become the subject of the second. Thus, the focus of
Christology has changed: the Son of God became God the Son (BD II, 386-88;
III, 427). Christology has to focus on the divinity of the man Jesus, not on the
humanity of a transcendent, divine being. That is why Mildenberger develops a
Pneuma Christology instead of a Logos Christology (BD III, 111-91).16
Scripture in Doctrine
But the way we talk about God is always influenced and determined by
traditional doctrine. Traditional doctrine, which gave answers to questions about
faith that emerged in the life of the church, is a sediment of the experiences with
Scripture over time. These past experiences cannot be neglected when we talk
about God in our day. We have to reflect on these experiences and their doctrinal
expressions. Although, as we have seen, Mildenberger considers the basic
decisions of the early church, the Reformation, and the synod of Barmen as
normative, he uses the traditional doctrines of the church primarily as a means to
articulate our questions about the presence of God in our lives. He develops a
complex method to use traditional doctrines as questions for the theological
reading of biblical texts. The questions of traditional doctrinal theologia
concerning God as creator and preserver of world and humankind are answered
by the biblical oikonomia, texts about reconciliation with God by Christ and
communication with God by the Spirit; the questions of traditional doctrinal
oikonomia concerning salvation of humankind and world are answered by the
biblical theologia, texts about humankind and world as true creation of God (BD
I, 243-46).
Discussion
I think that the answers of Barth and Mildenberger are unconvincing and do
not follow from their own premises. Mildenberger accepts traditional doctrine as
answers to questions about faith and as documentation of past experiences with
Scripture, but he does not argue why the tradition of giving doctrinal answers to
questions about faith should stop. If simple God-talk goes on, new questions will
arise and new answers will be needed. Moreover, simple Godtalk itself needs
doctrine in order to make our diverse uses of different texts in different contexts
coherent. It seems to me that Mildenberger's own account of the use of texts in
simple God-talk asks for doctrine. If repeated use of similar biblical texts in
similar situations is successful-that is, if it actually describes the presence of God
in our lives-a pattern emerges. When we try to describe such general patterns, we
develop concepts and relations between them. This is a conceptual account-a
conceptual imagination, if you like-of God in relation with his creatures; that is,
it is doctrine. Mildenberger rightly stresses that God is present and active in
many different ways and situations, but God's agency is characterized by some
general basic relations, implied by his being Father, King, Creator. A conceptual
account of these relations can help regulate and test the application of particular
texts.
This may seem impossible because Barth's unifying and harmonizing reading
of biblical texts as one witness of God's self-revelation in Christ is based on his
concept of revelation in terms of incarnation: Jesus Christ is the eternal Word
who has become flesh, and the eternal Word is the eternal Son. Are Barth's
trinitarian account of God's self-revelation and his identification of Word and
Son biblical? There are reasons for doubt, both with respect to Barth's doctrine
of revelation and with respect to the New Testament. Regarding Barth, Bruce
McCormack has shown that the doctrine of incarnation provided Barth with a
solution to the problem, posed by Kantian philosophy, that we cannot know
God.24 This was not the problem of the authors of the New Testament. Is Barth's
doctrine of incarnation in the framework of his trinitarian doctrine of self-
revelation a speculative new construction foreign to the New Testament? When
Barth developed this doctrine for the first time in his lectures in Gottingen in
1924, he was fully aware that it was a construct.25 But a doctrinal construct that
is not directly inferred from the New Testament does not necessarily contradict
the New Testament. In Munster, a year later, Barth gave an exegetical foundation
for his doctrine of revelation in his lectures on John.21
In the New Testament the identification of Word with Son is found only in
John 1.27 The development that resulted in this identification is quite
complex.28 In the various parts of the New Testament the belief that the
crucified one is risen from the dead is central. Modern Christologies reflect on
the relation between resurrection of the crucified and incarnation. The question
is whether incarnation is a necessary implication of the eschatological exaltation
of Jesus as the Son of God. Some say no,29 but others affirm this,30 arguing that
the historical development of the notion "Son of God" shows an inner logic: the
man who became the Son of God by resurrection must have been the Son of God
from the beginning, and the Son of God from the beginning can be no other than
God the Son.31 Barth does not discuss these issues. It seems that he takes a
particular New Testament doctrine of revelation as a canon in the canon.32
Rowan Williams on Scripture
JOHN WEBSTER
Background
His primary theological commitments were formed early, set out in books such
as The Wound of Knowledge and Resurrection, or in the first published essays
on Lossky and Barth; later work, though it amplifies and extends the scope of his
thinking and brings in new conversation partners, continues the same vision with
consistency. There also is a consistent style: fluent, disarmingly informal at some
points, at others technical and compressed, shuttling between the devotional and
the analytic, composed in long sentences with frequent apposition and benign
catachresis, fugal,' with a rather dense surface, persuading by elaborating upon a
striking insight or by cumulative suggestion rather than by sequence of
demonstration; only sometimes does the writing give way to a tendency to
overload. As with any theological writer of power, the style unfolds from the
matter-in this case, a catholic vision of all things caught up in the creative and
redemptive love of God enacted in Christ and represented in the church.
Setting
"Human beings," Williams writes, "have their identity in history and appropriate
their salvation in history. 112 It is a remark made in passing, but it indicates a
deeply held conviction, one that opens up into a theological account of the nature
of creatures and their relations to God, as well as one that sheds a good deal of
light on some of the intellectual, cultural, and spiritual pathologies that he seeks
to uncover. Contingent temporal processes are fundamental to human creatures;
their identity or substance is not something beneath the surface of historical
transactions but rather is that surface-bodily, linguistic, social, cultural. Human
selfhood is not "a spring of action determined by a pure will or ... a timeless
substance operating by pure reason";; it is, rather, that which is built up over
time. "The self lives and moves in, only in, acts of telling-in the time taken to set
out and articulate a memory, the time that is a kind of representation ... of the
time my material and mental life has taken, the time that has brought me here."4
Creatureliness is thus inseparable from the historical-material processes of
learning and, in a sense, producing one's self; it is a matter of "making one's life,
making one's soul, in a certain fashion, deciding, developing, intending and
desiring, in cooperation, synergeia, with God."' This emphasis on creaturely
contingency as irreducible to some ahistorical essence is ubiquitous in
Williams's work. It is an early conviction: his first hook, The Wound of
Knowledge, writes the history of Christian spirituality from the New Testament
to the Spanish mystics largely around this theme, with, for example, Irenaeus
and the Cappadocians grasping that the locus of God's saving presence is "the
world of historical decision,"6 and Clement or Origen drawing the spiritual life
away from confrontation with "the contingencies of the human situation."' The
same conviction surfaces elsewhere in his writing, not only in theological work
but also in spiritual and political tracts such as The Truce of God or
Resurrection, which frequently return to the theme of human refusal of
contingency and flight into defensiveness.
There are important consequences here for how knowledge, and especially
knowledge of God, is to be conceived. Knowledge is inseparable from the
process of its production or acquisition, because to know is to be engaged in a
set of unfinished practices of coming to see and extend connections rather than
to possess the world through conceptual representations. "We understand by
chains of association, not by the deliverance of a self-standing concept."8
Seeking to know is not the same as seeking resolution, because
that part of the natural world that is the human system of knowing cannot be
spoken of except as a spiral of self-extending symbolic activity; its relation
to its environment is inescapably mobile, time-related. There is no
abstracting from the passage of time some necessary, non-revisable and
exhaustive correlation between an inside and an outside, a set of
determinate, entirely "objective" stimuli and a "correct" reception of and
reaction to them.9
But there is a further consequence here, of some significance for how church,
tradition, and Scripture are understood: we may not separate the person of Jesus
from what Williams calls a "further space of encounter, from the gift of adoption
and participation in divine life that is central to the New Testament and the
patristic tradition."24 If Christology reaches back into the divine infinity, it
equally reaches forward into creaturely time, culture, and society. And Jesus, in
his outreach to us, does not remain a wholly external figure stretching across an
abyss but rather one whose life gives itself to us and enters into us, evoking an
endless set of correspondences in which the pattern of his own relation to the
Father is extended through human time.
This is, perhaps, not very far from those "extension of the incarnation" or totus
Christus ecclesiologies with which Anglicans often flirt and by which they are
sometimes seduced. If Williams resists the blandishments, it is partly because he
stresses, if not the "finished" nature of Christ and his work, then their
strangeness, their over-againstness, which is such that Christ and the church are
not simply two points on a continuum on which he is ecclesially reproduced.
"The union between the Church and Jesus is what gives form and integrity to the
history of an empirically human community, so that this human community
makes present and effective the action of Jesus";25 yet all this is possible only
on the basis of the church's "persistent return to the prior agency of Jesus."26
Only on this basis is it possible to speak of the church in epiphanic terms as "the
place where he is shown."27 But, with these cautions, the ecclesiology can flow,
most of all in relation to catholicity, a mark of the church that for Williams
condenses much of what he wants to say about time and community opened to
the infinity of God by the risen one. A catholic church is
There are Anglican dimensions to this, as can be seen from the elegant set of
lectures and papers recently collected as Anglican Identities, which are a
cumulative apology for "a theologically informed and spiritually sustained
patience."" Williams's chosen Anglicans "know that as Christians they live
among immensities of meaning, live in the wake of a divine action which defies
summary explanation. They take it for granted that the believer is always
learning, moving in and out of speech and silence in a continuous wonder and a
continuous turning inside-out of mind and feeling."" Two chapters on Hooker
are representative, setting him forth as a "contemplative pragmatist," reticent
about "comprehensive formulations,"42 yet sufficiently confident that the
church's shaping of its own life is not independent of a given divine wisdom
focused in the incarnate Word. More than anything, "to know God ... involves
elements of flexibility and corrigibility," not because of some trivial relativism
but rather because "God remains God ... and can only be discerned in the
`following' of the divine action within the mutable world, in a process of
learning, not a moment of transparent vision or of simple submission to a
decree."43 This makes our response to revelation at once unfinished and
political, bound up with a set of lives gathered around a given, though
unfathomable, memory and presence-that of Jesus himself.
We have already the actual and substantive answer to the question of what
God and humanity mean for each other, how God communicates with us
and we with God: Jesus Christ, the incarnation of God's eternal self-sharing
and self-emptying wisdom. But because Jesus is word and image and
mystery, because his truth is inseparable from involvement in the life of
faith, the way we articulate this meaning is always shifting somewhat and
never appears as a total system.44
Christian faith is a set of associations (social, linguistic, cognitive) generated by
and from a particular event of limitless creative power and reach. If Christianity
is thus, what is to be said about the nature and interpretation of Holy Scripture?
Scripture
He illustrates this from the work of the poet and engraver David Jones,
preoccupied with "the showing of the excess that pervades appearances":49 "Art
shows that form is utterly bound to matter, yet also that this matter does not
exhaust the possibility of form."50 This "abundant" character of form in its
necessary relation to matter is, we will see shortly, an important element in
grasping how Scripture operates. For the present, we note that artistic labor,
sign-making, is explicated out of a theology of incarnation and God's
"excessive" presence.
God makes himself other; the world is a world in which things make
themselves or are made other (they are more than they are and give more
than they have); human beings are those creatures who uniquely have the
capacity and responsibility to uncover for one another the nature of the
world in which sameness and otherness constantly flow into each other, and
in which there is no final reading of a "surface.""
Human life, acts, "makings," may become "significant form "1-12 ultimately
because of "the Word become sign."53
But what of Scripture? How is the Bible an instance of the way in which
signmaking is "caught up in God's own will, God's own `longing,' to share divine
truth"?55 We are to "read" the world and the cultural activities and products by
which we make sense of the world as signs in which God extends toward us:
"Everything in creation is a divine outreaching to us. To know something is to
become alert to God's outreach in it."56 Scripture, read in the light of Jesus' risen
presence, which is the supreme divinely given sign that orders all others, has its
significance as a sign within the history of the revisioning of the world that
Jesus' incarnation, death, and, above all, resurrection bring about. The Bible is to
be approached "as if it were ... held open before us by the living Christ."57 More
closely: "The resurrection ... is to do with the creation of the new humanity,
where resentment and hostility are `unfrozen,' and with the establishment of
scriptural revelation as a living relationship within the new humanity."58
Scripture is a sign functioning within the new society generated by the
resurrection.
How does this operate in the use of Scripture? Reading Scripture as a sign in
the sphere of reality opened by the resurrection means being alert to significant
patterns, not necessarily on the surface of the text, and not capable of being
isolated apart from acts of interpretation and living in the community that
gathers around Jesus. In the terms indicated earlier, the "form" of Scripture
exceeds its matters; Scripture has a privileged place in a chain of sign-making
that does not terminate with inscripturation or canonization; the boundaries
between the text as sign and the symbolic acts of readers are porous, precisely
because both exist in the sphere of Christ's transformation of all things.
Williams's early work Resurrection offers the fullest working out of these ideas.
The book seeks to show "how, as narratives, these Easter texts present us with a
variety of `significant patterns,' imaginative approaches to the question what it
meant and means to say that Jesus who was deserted and executed is alive to
God and also present with his followers."59 And so, for example, the Gospel
stories of the resurrection are seen as explorations of themes such as "absolution
by God 1161 or "recognizing one's victim as one's hope '1161 to be read through
categories and experiences of oppression, victimization, and exclusion. Scripture
is to be read in light of the way in which, in the economy of God's "outreach,"
"the particularity of Jesus crucified and proclaimed as savior in Jerusalem
becomes a universal symbol, the focus and pivot of a fresh and transforming
interpretation of all human reality."62 This is a loose statement that invites
unfavorable comment; however, what Williams is doing with the biblical
narratives is something rather different from, say, what Schleiermacher does in
the Christmas Eve dialogue: the matter of the text is not so reduced to its form
that it could be translated without residue into a psychology or sociology of
convertedness. The text does indeed signify personal and communal renewal; it
is not an enclave apart from its effective history. But the functioning of the text
as sign is contingent upon the action of God. It is
The concern to prevent closure is never far from Williams's mind, and one real
advantage of an understanding of Scripture as sign is its coherence with a deep
conviction that the life of Jesus risen "is not a life exhausted in any text or
assemblage of texts": "The empty throne, the space between the cherubim, is
filled by identifying Jesus with a dead teacher or a living memory-with a human
construct or the object of human mental activity, rather than with the aniconic
and paradoxical `presence' of the God of the covenant. 1161
This leads to the second, more critical, account of the nature of Scripture. The
making of signs, especially textual signs, is not innocent; it includes a history of
conflict, suppression, or exclusion. Put differently: there is a history of textual
production, from which Scripture is by no means exempt, a history that is
ideologically freighted and of which the text itself offers only an obscure
representation. A rather troubled paper on "Historical Criticism and Sacred Text"
is the sharpest statement of this.65 In it Williams tries to disabuse us of a
common assumption of "the transparency of text to what it represents."66 The
biblical text, far from being a "finished textual synthesis,"67 is a collection of
discrete units that indicate an unresolved intertextual struggle about what the
various texts seek to indicate.
The nature of the biblical text allows us to give due weight to what we
might call a pathos of reading: the new textual movement emerges from the
unmanageable contradictions of available speech in a changing situation;
but it is also an attempt to resolve or remove a contradiction, potentially a
moment of loss, diminution of meaning. We read this composite biblical text
to understand not only the proposed resolutions, but to be aware of what
losses occur as text responds to text.68
What is pressing upon Williams here is not, I suspect, sensibilities about textual
indeterminacy but rather an aggressively political construal of textual activity,
whether of authors or readers, that requires of him the same kind of subversive
interrogation of settled representations of God's presence into which Donald
MacKinnon schooled his listeners. There is no "knowledge without
representation,"75 and so, no text without ideology. If the text is sacred-if there
is, indeed, Holy Scripture-it is only so in spite of itself.
Thus far we have been exploring the nature of Scripture. What of its
interpretation? By now it ought to be clear that, for Williams,
interpretationreading and making sense of a text-is indispensable to the process
of coming to know God through the Bible. Partly this is because texts have their
meaning in "the world of temporal engagement and growth,"76 such that the
reading of them cannot be finished in a comprehensive "totalising
interpretation";77 partly, also, it is because a biblical text is not "simply an
oracle"78 but rather requires appropriation. In Williams's hands, however, this is
not simply a general hermeneutical commitment; it is an extension of
christological and soteriological teaching: Scripture has its place in the divine
economy in which human lives are being drawn into correspondence to Christ,
and so "Scripture is not simply a long record of finished business."79
Two key terms emerge from various writings on these topics: diachronic (or
dramatic) reading and analogy. In line with what is said elsewhere about the
inescapably time-laden character of knowing, diachronic reading takes seriously
the fact that Scripture cannot be taken in all at once; its reading must therefore
involve "a movement in time"" or "a process of learning to perceive."" The
appropriation of the text's meaning cannot be restricted to an isolated present
moment but rather must be seen as part of
This is, of course, close to understandings of the relation between text and
interpretation found in some kinds of reader-response theory or in appeal to
"performance" as a metaphor for reading the Bible;" there is the same resistance
to making the text a determinate communicative act, and the same anxiety about
viewing the text as a closed textual "world" (as Lindbeck or Childs are believed
to do). But, though the warrants for diachronic reading certainly include a
general theory of the provisionality of history and meaning, there is more: the
governing principle is christological and, by derivation, ecclesiological.
"Reading Scripture in faith is reading it as moving towards or around a unifying
narrative moment, the story of the work of Jesus; how it does so, how we are to
carry through such a reading in points of detail, is constantly elusive."84
Here the term analogy begins to do its work. The term is partly a way of
pointing out the correspondences between that which is brought to speech in the
text and our own histories. This is what Williams calls analogia duratio- nis, "a
continuity between the time(s) of the text and what we recognize as movement
and production in our own lives."85 But the term also articulates the
correspondences between different readings of the Bible within the conversation
that is the history of the Christian tradition. To speak of analogy is thus to
indicate both the mutually constituting character of Scripture and tradition, and
also the proper unity displayed by the tradition of interpretation in the church,
poised between, on the one hand, a shapeless pluralism and, on the other hand,
closure. To read with the rule of analogy in mind means, therefore, that "we are
not the first or the only readers."86 But it also indicates, more profoundly, a
hermeneutic rooted in what might be called Jesus' catholicity.
Williams is free of the dualism that commonly afflicts accounts of Scripture and
interpretative practice, for the simple reason that he does not think that theology
is forced to choose between divine revelatory causality and materialcultural
processes. Revelation and its scriptural witness do not need to be "supernatural"
in order effectively to communicate the gospel. Williams's theology of Scripture
and his embrace of the contingencies of interpretation in history form part of a
larger theological venture in which the choice between "natural" and
"transcendent" is considered an expression of theological disorder-the fruit of a
half-Christian metaphysic in which God and creatures are centers of will
standing on either side of a gulf. For Williams, taking the Trinity and incarnation
seriously means denying the bifurcation of the spiritual and the historical-
cultural. Further, he suggests that the proper location of Scripture is in the
economy of God's gracious transformation of creatures; Scripture is not artifact
or report or oracle but rather is a text occupying a place in the new relations of
God to creatures and between creatures themselves that are brought about by the
gospel.
Williams is reluctant to say much about God's relation to the processes of text
production or reception. As a rule, God is spoken of as obliquely or indirectly
related to the text that mediates him but in whose production he is not involved
at other than a background level. Classical Protestant theologies talked of God's
relation to textual production through the doctrine of inspiration; Williams shares
the general modern unease with that tract of Christian teaching, though not
because he is an historical naturalist but rather because for him divine causality
is immanent within creaturely production of texts and meaning. Yet sometimes
divine agency is so retired as to be scarcely visible, and the relation of text and
divine communication appears, at the very least, to lack intentionality and at
times to be an arbitrary annexation of one bit of the church's sign-making. If,
however, God's relation to textual production is to be more than one in which
God picks up Christian making of meaning, a treatment of inspiration can
scarcely be avoided. Inspiration, moreover, can be supplemented in a number of
ways. We can articulate scriptural authorship as prophetic and apostolic activity-
that is, as cultural production that originates in divine commissioning and whose
agency is centered in the communicative activity of God, who bends authorial
intentions to serve his own. Or again, we might invoke the notion of the
sanctification of Scripture, not as a natural property of biblical texts but rather as
a relation to God that extends across the entire range of its production,
authorization, and reception."
The creative act of God ... can only be articulated in terms of two quite
irreducible moments: the establishing in the life of Jesus of a unifying point
of reference, and the necessarily unfinished ensemble of human stories
drawn together and given shape in relation to Jesus. This means that the
actual concrete meaning of Logos in the world, the pattern decisively and
transformingly embodied in Jesus, could only be seen and realised through
the entire process of the history to which the event of Jesus gives rise, with
all its fluidity and unpredictability.91
What is curious here is the slenderness of Jesus' agency in the history of his
reception in the church's sign-making and discipleship. He does not seem to be
the agent of the distribution of his benefits; it is as if his energy is dispersed into
the processes of human "making sense" of Jesus. "`The risen Jesus,"' he remarks
at the end of Resurrection, "only has clear content in the relation to the life of
grace as experienced now... Jesus' risenness and our risenness are visible only
obliquely, in relation to each other."92 Part of what is problematic here is a
truncation of the biblical sequence of Jesus' exaltation, ending at resurrection
rather than continuing through to his heavenly session and his exercise of his
royal and prophetic offices. Jesus is resource-representable but not author of
Christian representations, rather only their pattern. Do we not need to say more
than "the Word become sign"?93 Do we not need to say that Scripture requires
us not so much to re-present Jesus under the pressure of his resourcefulness but
simply to attend to him in his perfection?
The coming of the Word in flesh establishes, we might say, the nature of
fleshly being as word, as sign, the all-pervasiveness of "use." That is to say,
we live in a world of restless fluidities of meaning: all terms and all the
objects they name are capable of opening out beyond themselves, coming to
speak of a wider context, and so refusing to stay still under our attempts to
comprehend or systematize or (for these go together) idolize.9s
8
The Normativity of Scripture and
Tradition
in Recent Catholic Theology
BENEDICT THOMAS VIVIANO,
OP
"Is not my word like fire," says the LORD, "and like a hammer that breaks a
rock in pieces?"
Jeremiah 23:29
The topic of this chapter is the normativity of Scripture and tradition in recent
Roman Catholic theology and official documents. We should realize at the outset
that in discussing this topic we are arguably committing a sin. We should rather
be listening to and discussing a passage of Scripture itself. That is why I have
begun with a passage from Jeremiah that asks whether God's word is not more
powerful and interesting than any merely human word. But there is an
undeniable interest in this topic, so I have agreed to address it.
That said, let me begin with my hero, M.-J. Lagrange (1855-1938), founder of
the French biblical and archaeological school in Jerusalem (1890). After being
the "fair-haired boy" of Pope Leo XIII for thirteen years, he fell into disfavor in
1903 and remained so for the rest of his life. (He won posthumous victories in
1943 and 1965.) What had he said to upset church authorities? He began his new
life in the Holy Land by walking around the Sinai desert, Bible in hand. He thus
saw that the Exodus account could not be topographically sound in every detail.
He was also confronted with the first publication of Hammurabi's Babylonian
law code. He felt the need to analyze this code in comparison with the three law
codes in the Pentateuch. Then there was the Gilgamesh flood narrative that
needed to be studied with Genesis 6-10, Noah and the ark. Lagrange popularized
his results in a little book, The Old Testament and Historical Criticism (1903). In
its last chapter he wrote that students of the Bible, especially the Old Testament,
needed to pay attention to the different literary genres used by the biblical
authors. They did not always intend to write history in the sense of nineteenth-
century positivistic historiography. They also wrote what he called primeval
history, not to mention poetry. (In the background of his concerns there also lay
the issue of different sources of the Pentateuch, as synthesized by Julius
Wellhausen.)'
In this fateful year (1903) Leo XIII died, and Pius X was elected pope. Pius
was guided in intellectual matters by several curial cardinals whose diplomatic
goal was the restoration of the papal states to their full extent, in central Italy.
This was no longer a realistic goal, but, in this pursuit, these cardinals (the best
known are Rafael Merry del Val and Pietro Gasparri) felt that they must block all
compromise with the modern world (the world created by the events of 1789).
Because of his thesis on biblical literary genres, Lagrange became a suspected
modernizer. His career in the church was stopped in its upward ascent. He barely
escaped condemnation. He was saved by his own prudence, by his sense of
loyalty to the church, and by a saintly protector, H. Cormier. Lagrange died in
1938, still under a cloud of official suspicion.
By 1935 all the curial cardinals who enforced the rules of this period of
theological suppression were dead. Catholic theology began to emerge from the
cellar (Chenu, Congar, Mersch, Jungmann, Rahner, de Lubac, Danielou,
Bouyer). A group of French Catholic schoolteachers, led by jean Guitton,2
petitioned the elderly pope, Pius XI, that the question of the genre of Genesis 1-3
be reopened. He said that it was a difficult matter. He would leave it for his
successor to tackle. The successor, Pius XII, took up the challenge. In 1943, in
the middle of the war, he commissioned a Dominican, Jacques Voste, who had
studied with Lagrange, and a Jesuit, Augustin Bea, to draft an encyclical letter
that conceded the point about literary genres. The letter was called Divino
Affiante Spiritu (1943). It was a posthumous vindication of Lagrange. His little
book of 1903 was now officially accepted, forty years after it appeared and five
years after Lagrange himself was safely dead. The encyclical said:
35. What is the literal sense of a passage is not always as obvious in the
speeches and writings of the ancient authors of the East, as it is in the works
of our own time. For what they wished to express is not to be determined by
the rules of grammar and philology alone, nor solely by the context; the
interpreter must, as it were, go back wholly in spirit to those remote
centuries of the East and with the aid of history, archaeology, ethnology, and
other sciences, accurately determine what modes of writing, so to speak, the
authors of that ancient period would be likely to use, and in fact did use.
36. For the ancient peoples of the East, in order to express their ideas, did
not always employ those forms or kinds of speech which we use today; but
rather those used by the men of their times and countries. What those
exactly were the commentator cannot determine as it were in advance, but
only after a careful examination of the ancient literature of the East. The
investigation, carried out, on this point, during the past forty or fifty years
with greater care and diligence than ever before, has more clearly shown
what forms of expression were used in those far off times, whether in poetic
description or in the formulation of laws and rules of life or in recording the
facts and events of history. The same inquiry has also shown the special
preeminence of the people of Israel among all the other ancient nations of
the East in their mode of compiling history, both by reason of its antiquity
and by reasons of the faithful record of the events; qualities which may well
be attributed to the gift of divine inspiration and to the peculiar religious
purpose of biblical history
37. Nevertheless no one who has a correct idea of biblical inspiration, will
be surprised to find, even in the Sacred Writers, as in other ancient authors,
certain fixed ways of expounding and narrating, certain definite idioms,
especially of a kind peculiar to the Semitic tongues, so-called
approximations, and certain hyperbolical modes of expression, nay, at times,
even paradoxical, which even help to impress the ideas more deeply on the
mind. For of the modes of expression which, among ancient peoples, and
especially those of the East, human language used to express its thought,
none is excluded from the Sacred Books, provided the way of speaking
adopted in no wise contradicts the holiness and truth of God, as, with his
customary wisdom, the Angelic Doctor already observed in these words: "In
Scripture divine things are presented to us in the manner which is in
common use amongst men." For as the substantial Word of God became like
to men in all things, "except sin," so the words of God, expressed in human
language, are made like to human speech in every respect, except error. In
this consists that "condescension" of the God of providence, which St. John
Chrysostom extolled with the highest praise and repeatedly declared to be
found in the Sacred Books.
38. Hence the Catholic commentator, in order to comply with the present
needs of biblical studies, in explaining the Sacred Scripture and in
demonstrating and proving its immunity from all error, should also make a
prudent use of this means, determine, that is, to what extent the manner of
expression or the literary mode adopted by the sacred writer may lead to a
correct and genuine interpretation; and let him be convinced that this part of
his office cannot he neglected without serious detriment to Catholic
exegesis. Not infrequently to mention only one instance-when some persons
reproachfully charge the Sacred Writers with some historical error or
inaccuracy in the recording of facts, on closer examination it turns out to be
nothing else than those customary modes of expression and narration
peculiar to the ancients, which used to be employed in the mutual dealings
of social life and which in fact were sanctioned by common usage.
39. When then such modes of expression are met within the sacred text,
which, being meant for men, is couched in human language, justice
demands that they be no more taxed with error than when they occur in the
ordinary intercourse of daily life. By this knowledge and exact appreciation
of the modes of speaking and writing in use among the ancients can be
solved many difficulties, which are raised against the veracity and historical
value of the Divine Scriptures, and no less efficaciously does this study
contribute to a fuller and more luminous understanding of the mind of the
Sacred Writer.'
The main point of this text is the nine-times repeated affirmation that the
interpreter must pay attention to the "forms or kinds of speech," the "modes of
expression," used by the ancient biblical writers. This is Lagrange's idea of
literary genres. But there are also some subsidiary points. (1) Six times "the
East" is mentioned, especially in the phrase "going back wholly in spirit." These
themes echo the romantic idea of history-writing that goes back to J. G. Herder,
F. Schlegel, and F. D. Schleiermacher: the Ein fuhlung or feeling oneself into the
past. They also reflect what Edward Said was later to label Orientalism, the idea
that the Near Eastern mind is substantially different from the Western European
mind.' (2) The passage also briefly mentions the genres of poetry, law, and
history (see below). (3) It also says that the commentator cannot determine the
genre "in advance." This is written against the a priori, deductive approach of
systematicians such as Louis Billot who wanted to dispose of biblical criticism
with a few Cartesian logical arguments. (4) At its close the passage alludes to the
theological nerve point: the doctrine that the Bible must be inerrant in all
matters, including scientific ones (see below, on Vatican II). This encyclical, for
all its caution, was a great help to biblical scholars in the Roman Catholic
Church. The issue of inerrancy would only be settled in 1965.
At this point let us pause to reflect for a moment on the fact of multiple genres
in the Bible. For the Old Testament, it is clear that there are five main literary
genres: (1) history and history-like narrative; (2) law; (3) prophecy; (4) wisdom;
(5) praise. Often these genres are present within the same books. The
Pentateuch, for example, contains elements of all five: Moses' story is told; he is
presented as prophet and lawgiver (king), as a wise man or sage, who sings the
praise of God. The danger is that we might privilege one of these genres to the
exclusion of the others. Rather, ideally they should be maintained in a sane
balance, in a mutually corrective dialectical dance. In reality, this is not so easy
to bring off. Past experience has shown some of these errors. (1) In the
nineteenth century, with its historicist positivistic obsessions, orthodox
interpreters often felt that they had to defend the historicity of every detail-for
example, Moses wrote the account of his own death (Deut. 34); Jonah stayed for
days in the belly of the whale. The Bible thus was reduced to history and history
only. (2) In reaction to Pauline Christianity, some forms of Judaism tended to
concentrate on the detailed law of the Bible. (3) By concentrating on the
phenomenon of prophecy, Thomas Aquinas gave the impression that the divine
element in Scripture resided in the prophets (Summa theologica 2-2.171-178).
(4) The Enlightenment reduced the Bible to rational wisdom, common sense,
and natural law; the Jesus Seminar tends to see Jesus as a Cynic sage, without
apocalyptic prophecy. (5) For the devout, the Bible is primarily a book of prayer,
singing the praises of God in Psalms. (For aesthetes, the Bible is of interest as a
series of objets d'art [e.g., parables].) Such selectivity impoverishes us. It
cordons off parts of the biblical tradition for special privilege or for special
neglect and thus prevents readers from receiving the Bible in all its rich variety.'
This selective one-sidedness was provoked by real problems. (1) Once the idea
became fixed in place that because the Bible is the inspired word of God, it must
be free of error in every respect, the mind of the logician could push for wilder
and wilder conclusions, further and further from the intention of the text. As the
apologist labored to keep God free from the taint of evil, the hyperlogician
fought to keep God free from the taint of error. Among the knights of consistent
inerrancy were Louis Billot and James Montgomery. They argued that the honor
of God required verbal inerrancy. (2) How should we understand Genesis 1-11?
As history, as science, as myth, or as primordial history that includes elements of
ancient science and myth? The last of these alternatives was Lagrange's response
to Hermann Gunkel's challenge laid down in his Creation and Chaos in the
Primeval Era and the Eschaton of 1895.6 (3) Another big problem has been the
right relation of Scripture and church tradition. In the wake of the Reformation
criticism with its slogan "Scripture alone!" the Council of Trent responded with a
"both ... and." Divine revelation is to be found both in the Scriptures and in
sacred traditions. This issue became lively in the 1950s after Pope Pius XII made
a dogma of the bodily assumption of Mary into heaven. Oscar Cullmann, the
Alsatian Lutheran, weighed in with an important essay, to which Jean Danielou
responded.' Above all, the publication of the debates behind Trent enabled J. R.
Geiselmann to free the interpretation of Trent from a view consciously rejected
by the council fathers. This view held that revelation was partly (partim)
contained in Scripture and partly (partim) contained in tradition, with the
implication that Scripture itself had been materially insufficient. That meant
there were doctrines to be believed that were necessary for salvation that were
not contained in Scripture. Geiselmann could show that this view had been
considered by Trent (the partims were in a draft) and freely set aside. That is,
there are no partims in the final text of Trent, and the view that Scripture is
materially insufficient was not accepted as a dogma, although it was (and
remains) a tolerated theological opinion. Geiselmann went on to offer his own
proposal as to the right relationship between Scripture and tradition. Here is an
English translation of his conclusions:
How is the relationship between the Holy Scriptures and the unwritten
traditions to be determined? We have, by means of the proof from tradition
that there is a material [i.e., content = inhaltliche] sufficiency of Holy
Scripture as to what concerns faith, and that there is a material insufficiency
as to what concerns mores, consuetudines et leges (morals, customs and
laws) of the church; we have, I say, created the presupposition to be able to
answer the question concerning the relationship between Scripture and
tradition. As a result, it becomes apparent that this relationship cannot be
determined unequivocally.
With respect to faith, the Holy Scripture is materially sufficient [as to its
contents]. But, thereby the Sola-Scriptura principle is not yet expressed. For
the Holy Scripture is, with respect to the canon of the Scriptures, dependent
upon tradition and upon the decision of the Church. For it was the Council
of Trent which first definitively settled the canon of Holy Scripture. And
with respect to the understanding of Holy Scriptures, it needs the clarifying
tradition of the Fathers in matters of faith and morals. Tradition in these
cases exercises the function of traditio interpretativa. Besides, the Holy
Scripture is dependent upon the sensus which the church maintains and has
always maintained, for the explanation of its contents which concern faith
and morals.
Here thus holds true with respect to faith the principle: totum in sacra
scrip- tura et iterum totum in traditione, completely in Scripture and
completely in tradition.
Here holds true with respect to the mores et consuetudines the principle:
partim in sacra scriptura, partim in sine scripto traditionibus, partly in the
Holy Scriptures, partly in tradition.'
The Holy Spirit is not dead in the church or in the world (John 16:12-13).
Besides new problems, new worlds are discovered: America, the Indians, other
planets. This was the occasion for the Mormons to believe there was need of a
further revelation. But the Bible does not contain the answers to every question
or mention all cultures. It is concerned with sin and salvation and ethics. (See
below on the Second Vatican Council.) The Great Church tradition tries to
achieve a synthesis of biblical faith and reason, philosophy and theology, nature
and grace, science and religion. The Bible itself absorbs many ancient cultures
and pagan religions, but the challenges continue, especially with Islam and the
Enlightenment. One could also add an eschatological limitation to the
normativity of Scripture. For, if we believe that Jesus Christ will return in glory
and will reign over the kingdom of God in its fullness on earth (as the Creed
teaches), then it cannot be excluded in principle that, while reigning and judging,
Christ will say something. That something would be new divine revelation from
Christ.
The real breakthrough at the council came in paragraph 11, which limits the
inerrancy of Scripture to matters regarding our salvation; that is, Scripture can
err in all other matters. As a line attributed to Galileo has it, "The Bible teaches
us how to go to heaven, not how the heavens go."
11. Those divinely revealed realities which are contained and presented in
Sacred Scripture have been committed to writing under the inspiration of the
Holy Spirit. For holy mother Church, relying on the belief of the Apostles
(see Jn. 20:31; 2 Tim. 3:16; 2 Pet. 1:19-20, 3:15-16), holds that the books of
both the Old and New Testaments in their entirety, with all their parts, are
sacred and canonical because written under the inspiration of the Holy
Spirit, they have God as their author and have been handed on as such to the
Church herself. In composing the sacred books, God chose men and while
employed by Him they made use of their powers and abilities, so that with
Him acting in them and through them, they, as true authors, consigned to
writing everything and only those things which He wanted.
It took a century to arrive at the crucial phrase "truth ... for the sake of our
salvation." Cardinal Newman had taught that Scripture sometimes made obiter
dicta ("incidental remarks"), without intending to affirm them with full authority.
At the time, this solution was rejected by the pope. In making its restriction, the
council returned to the teaching of Augustine and Thomas. After the council,
some diehards tried to play with the Latin word causa, which can mean either the
noun cause or the preposition for the sake of. This maneuver had to be put down,
and it was.14 This teaching on a qualified inerrancy is important, but it remains
on a very general level of truth. It does not address the issue of conflicting
teachings on salvation within the Bible-for example, Matthew 5:17-20 versus
Galatians 2-3. It is this particular conflict that gave us the Lutheran Reformation.
Nor does it address the issue that faces the exegete every day: how to interpret
the variants in parallel versions of the same incident in the Pentateuch or the
Gospels, or successive rereadings or rewritings of the same tradition within the
Bible.
The third major teaching of the council here concerns the specially qualified
character of the history contained in the four canonical Gospels. It amounts to a
cautious reception of the form criticism of the 1920s as propounded by K. L.
Schmidt, Martin Dibelius, and Rudolf Bultmann. Paragraph 19 reads:
19. Holy Mother Church has firmly and with absolute constancy held, and
continues to hold, that the four Gospels just named, whose historical
character the Church unhesitatingly asserts, faithfully hand on what Jesus
Christ, while living among men, really did and taught for their eternal
salvation until the day He was taken up into heaven (see Acts 1:1). Indeed,
after the Ascension of the Lord the Apostles handed on to their hearers what
He had said and done. This they did with that clearer understanding which
they enjoyed after they had been instructed by the glorious events of Christ's
life and taught by the light of the Spirit of truth. The sacred authors wrote
the four Gospels, selecting some things from the many which had been
handed on by word of mouth or in writing, reducing some of them to a
synthesis, explaining some things in view of the situation of their churches
and preserving the form of proclamation but always in such fashion that
they told us the honest truth about Jesus. For their intention in writing was
that either from their own memory and recollections, or from the witness of
those who themselves "from the beginning were eyewitnesses and ministers
of the Word" we might know "the truth" concerning those matters about
which we have been instructed (see Lk. 1:2-4).
The main points to grasp are that for the council, the four Gospels contain the
tradition about Jesus. The sacred writers wrote with the deeper understanding
that they received after Easter, a particular emphasis (or admission) in John's
Gospel (John 14:26; 16:13); so John is not just a videocassette recording of the
historical Jesus, without theological reflection. The evangelists shaped their
material through selection, condensation, and the style proper to preaching. (This
point is the key concession to form criticism.) Finally, the council shares an
apologetic concern to emphasize that the Gospel writers strove for honesty and
truth (and did not intend to deceive). This paragraph builds on a key document
of the Biblical Commission published only the year before (1964). We will look
at this document a little later.
Three further contributions of the council can now be listed. The first concerns
the issue of the canon within the canon. That is, granted the twentyseven books
that make up the New Testament, are some more important than others? Does
the reader prefer one or two and tend to neglect the others? Does a believing
community do something similar? Among Bible knowers, it is easy to position
someone ideologically by what texts the other person quotes (and, by
implication, neglects). Marcion wanted only an expurgated Luke and Paul in his
canon. Luther cordoned off Hebrews, James, Jude, and Revelation as a ghetto of
the unsound in his Bible. The Tubingen school of F. C. Baur had emphasized the
conflicts within the New Testament canon (James versus Paul, with Luke-Acts
and then John as harmonizers and reconcilers). Ernst Kasemann revived this
model and led to its widespread discussion. The council's paragraph 18 teaches
that the four Gospels enjoy pride of place because of their special witness to
Jesus. After the Gospels come the letters and other writings of the New
Testament (paragraph 20), and the whole Old Testament (paragraphs 14-16).
This prioritizing is visible in the liturgy. The order of reading is Old Testament,
Epistle, Gospel. The Gospel enjoys the climactic final position. Worshipers sit
for the first two readings and stand for the Gospel, which may be accompanied
by candles and incense. The reading of the Gospel is normally reserved for
deacons and priests. It should be noted that the council does not address the issue
of the relative merit of each Gospel in relation to the other three-for example, the
relative ethical poverty of John or its spiritual superiority."
The council also concedes an important point to Karl Barth in paragraph 10.
There we read that the teaching authority of the church (the magisterium) is not
above the Word of God but rather is at its service. I interpret this so: the church,
pope, bishops, clergy, and devout lay readers of Scripture are not simply to sit in
judgment on Scripture; they must not dictate to the Bible what it should or
should not say. Rather, they should humbly submit to the purifying lash of
Scripture, as the great saints and reformers tried to realize (St. Francis of Assisi,
St. Catherine of Siena, more quietly St. Benedict, less successfully Savonarola
and many others). The Scriptures, especially the prophets and Jesus, instead sit
in judgment on the church (and synagogue). The council adds that the church
should listen to the Word carefully and lovingly, preserve the Bible (by
handwritten copies or printed editions of the original texts, by memorization, and
by interpretative study), expound it, and derive its message from it. And here
there emerges an implicit, dangerous, yet inevitable qualification. No one can
prepare a sermon without in some sense sitting in judgment on the biblical text,
at least to select what to emphasize, to decide what it means for this audience at
this time. Thus in reality there is a never-ending dialectic between text and
interpreter, no matter how reverently it is done.
The third lesser point that has emerged in the reception of the conciliar text is
a phrase that occurs in paragraph 12: "Sacred Scripture should be read and
interpreted in the same spirit in which it was written." This apparently harmless
phrase, derived from St. Jerome, has become a major arm in the war chest of the
conservative backlash in the church. It is used as a club with which to beat the
historical critics. It is taken to exclude any reading of the text that is not
immediately devotional and edifying. It implies that the whole Bible must be
taken as "spiritual reading," as if the whole Bible should read like the long
prayer that is the letter to the Ephesians or some of the best loved psalms-for
example, Psalm 23. But even the pearl of the Psalter, Psalm 139, contains
cursing and hatred (vv. 19-22, often omitted in modern usage), as does Psalm
137 (v. 9). To the extent that this view prevails, it means the end of all critical
scholarship within the church. Only the enemies of the faith would enjoy critical
freedom. The church would be left defenseless and uninformed. This is a
poisoned cup. The church is better served by intelligent scholarship, which
presupposes a reasonable academic freedom."
I will mention three of their documents plus one from the Commission for
Dialogue with the Jews. The first dates from 1964. It concerns the nature of the
historical truth of the Gospels.17 The "Instruction" helped prepare for the
reception of form criticism at Vatican II, which we have already examined (Dei
Verbum, paragraph 19). Here it is only necessary to mention its reception of the
form-critical method's idea of the three Sitze im Leben (life settings) of the
Gospel tradition. The instruction refers to these as three tempora traditionis,
times or stages of the tradition: the time of Jesus, the time of the apostles and the
oral transmission in the earliest church, and the time of the writing down of the
Jesus story in the four Gospels by the four evangelists. This was a helpful
developmental clarification.
In 1983 the Commission for Dialogue with the Jews issued an outstanding
document on how to present the New Testament picture of the Jews, especially
the Pharisees, in preaching and catechetics, without historical injustice, without
contempt or hatred, without supersessionism. This last term refers to the idea
that the revelation in the New Testament has simply replaced (superseded) the
revelation in the Old Testament, that the church simply replaces the synagogue,
that the Jews of today have no right to a continuing separate existence, that Jesus
renders Moses superfluous. The document explains that polemics at the time of
writing led Matthew and John to a harsher view of the Pharisees than was
historically justified or than we find appropriate today.18
Into this lively, confusing debate the Biblical Commission entered in 1993
with a greatly appreciated document (130 pages) called The Interpretation of the
Bible in the Church. We cannot enter into much detail here, so a few points must
suffice. First, in reading the text, it is important to have an edition that provides
the address of Pope John Paul II welcoming the document. There he makes a
crucial statement: "Catholic exegesis does not have its own exclusive method of
interpretation, but, starting with the historico-critical basis (freed from its
philosophical presuppositions or those contrary to the truth of our faith), it
makes the most of all the current methods by seeking in each of them the `seeds
of the Word."' This sentence makes three points. (1) The historicalcritical
method is the basic, normal method. Other methods are grafted on to it or
otherwise assimilated to it. (It has been assimilating new methods since the
eighteenth century: text, source, form, redaction criticisms.) (2) The church is
open to new approaches and tests them for what is true and good in them (1
Thess. 5:21). (3) Methods come with philosophies or theologies. We may not
share these-for example, an exclusion a priori of the possibility of miracles; or,
the view that Scripture can never teach anything other than justification by faith
alone.
The document itself then goes on to list, describe, and evaluate methods old
and new, making a distinction between rigorous methods and mere
"approaches." This may be too subtle, or unfair. A planned section on materialist
(Marxist) exegesis was dropped after the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe.
Feminists are warned not to grab for power, but why should they differ from
other groups who do the same? Some scholars felt that the treatment of
fundamentalist exegesis was not well informed." Nevertheless, this first half of
the document can be recommended to the student as a useful guide and survey.
The Biblical Commission fully realized that more work needed to be done.
Their next document was entitled The Jewish People and Their Sacred
Scriptures in the Christian Bible.21 In it the relation between the two Testaments
is illustrated by examining nine themes that link them: creation, anthropology,
the saving God, election, covenant, law, prayer, judgment, the promises to
Abraham about a people and a land. Under this last theme are included the
themes of the kingdom of God and the Messiah. So this document contains a
pocket biblical theology. Besides this, the document powerfully resists all
tendencies to a Marcionite rejection of the Hebrew Scriptures. It also addresses
the problem of some apparently anti-Semitic texts within the New Testament
(e.g., Matt. 23:13-36; 27:25; John 8:44; 1 Thess. 2:14-16). Jewish leaders were
pleased by its affirmation that "the Jewish messianic wait is not in vain."
The Lectionary
More important by far for the daily life of believers and worshipers is the new
liturgical lectionary, the selection of biblical readings for Sundays and weekdays.
By designing a three-year Sunday lectionary, the liturgists ensured that the
people who attended service would be exposed to a wide range of Scripture,
especially the Gospels. Year A focuses on Matthew, Year B on Mark, Year C on
Luke. John is used at Christmas and Eastertide and to fill out Mark's year, since
Mark is so short. Many of the great texts of the Old Testament and the Epistles
are also read to the people. It is a true feast of the Word of God. It also has major
ecumenical implications. Many other Christian denominations have adopted this
Sunday lectionary system to their own use. This means that on most Sundays,
Christians of different denominations hear the same Gospel reading. This already
contributes to a growing unity of Christian life. (The Church of England tried
another system, emphasizing John, for ten years and then abandoned it.) This
lectionary has been criticized by Christian antiSemites for its abundant offering
of the Hebrew Scriptures, but so far this has had little effect. Christian publishers
are learning to market for the Year of Matthew, the Year of Mark, and so on. But
that reflects the real objection to the lectionary: it is not easy to preach well each
Sunday on such a rich variety of texts. It is hard work. That is the challenge in
this blessing.
Conclusion
I have tried to show from official documents and theological construction that
Holy Scripture remains supremely normative for Catholic theology in matters of
faith and morals. One can therefore be a good Roman Catholic and live by a kind
of sola scriptura, but with some qualifications. First, the Bible in question
includes the deuterocanonical books. Second, tradition sometimes provides a
dogmatically binding interpretative norm (e.g., the homoousion in the Nicene
Creed). Third, there remains the freedom and, for those called, the necessity to
interpret the Scriptures in the light of new knowledge (Hammurabi's Code,
evolutionary theory) and new pastoral questions (e.g., nuclear warfare). In this
endless process of reflection on and interpretation and application of Scripture,
the teaching "officers" of the church (theologians, bishops, popes, councils) play
a prominent, at times decisive, but not exclusive role. The Holy Spirit can work
through any of the faithful, not only through the "professionals." Fourth, in
practice a Roman Catholic who wants to remain faithful to divine revelation as
contained in the Scriptures must accept that he or she will be living with
believers for whom scriptural fidelity is not a high priority and who indulge in
unscriptural beliefs and practices. So patience and charity remain necessary also
in this most important area.
Indeed, the word of God is living and active, sharper than any two-edged
sword, piercing until it divides soul from spirit, joints from marrow; it is
able to judge the thoughts and intentions of the heart. And before him no
creature is hidden, but all are naked and laid bare to the eyes of the one to
whom we must all render an account.
PART 3
Scripture and Theology
Can the Truth Be Learned?
Redressing the "Theologistic Fallacy"
in Modern Biblical Scholarship
ALAN J. TORRANCE
It has become commonplace to hear theologians criticized for utilizing biblical
resources with insufficient awareness of the relevant historical-critical debates,
let alone the semantic and socioscientific tools necessary for academic
engagement with the passages concerned. Too frequently such criticisms are
justified. However, a parallel feature of some contemporary biblical scholarship
also warrants comment: the apparent confidence with which the results of such
scholarship can be regarded as constituting warrant for theological (and, indeed,
ethical) claims-claims, that is, relating to the nature and purposes of God.
In every system of morality, which I have hitherto met with, I have always
remark'd, that the author proceeds for some time in the ordinary ways of
reasoning ... when all of a sudden I am surpriz'd to find, that instead of the
usual copulations of propositions, is, and is not, I meet with no proposition
that is not connected with an ought, or an ought not. This change is
imperceptible; but is however, of the last consequence. For as this ought, or
ought not, expresses some new relation or affirmation, 'tis necessary that it
shou'd be observ'd and explain'd; and at the same time that a reason should
be given; for what seems altogether inconceivable, how this new relation
can be a deduction from others, which are entirely different from it.'
With parallel regularity biblical scholars proceed in "ordinary ways of
reasoning" when "all of a sudden" there occurs a change that is "imperceptible"
but also "of the last consequence": the move from talk about god-talk to God-
talk itself, from descriptions of biblical claims and their contexts to prescriptions
as to how we ought to speak about God. In this chapter I wish to consider the
conditions under which biblical and historical scholarship may make the move
from saying "Mark, Luke, or Paul claim P about God" to "We ought (or ought
not) to claim P about God." In short, the question I wish to consider concerns
what are the conditions under which biblical scholarship can or should be
conceived as a theological enterprise? The question at stake concerns the warrant
for moves from the second-order (historical) study of the context of New
Testament god-talk-what we might term "god-talk-talk"-to God-talk per se, that
is, first-order claims about God.
If religious claims made by others (e.g., biblical authors) are to warrant first-
order (contemporary) claims about God, then we are obliged to provide some
account of what validates this move if we are not to commit what we might call
the "theologistic fallacy"-what is, in effect, a form of the naturalistic fallacy.
Clearly, some kind of ontological and epistemological framework must be
assumed (and warranted, indeed) for any such move from indirect to direct
statements about God.
One reason for the widespread failure to appreciate the radical and potentially
fallacious nature of the move from second-order to first-order statements lies
with the ambiguity attaching to the use of the word theological. To say that a
claim is theological can mean two entirely different things. It may mean that the
claim involves reference to the concept "god"-the claim is "theological." It may
also mean, however, that the claim actually refers to "God"-it is "Theological."
In the latter case, "Theological" functions within the context of a "success
grammar" (in Gilbert Ryle's sense2) as a phrase that successfully refers to the
concrete reality of God, where "God" functions as a kind of name and implies a
(successful) demonstrative element.
• Step 1: That god created men and women in his own image is an affirmation
found in the Pentateuch.
• Step 3: That we are created in the image of God is, therefore, a theological
statement that refers to God.
• [Step 3b: Given that the affirmation meets certain important criteriait can be
universally affirmed, it is inclusive of persons, endorses those European
moral/intellectual agendas to which modernity subscribes, is deeply
entrenched in the ecumenical tradition and unfalsifiable by historico-critical
research-there is no sufficient reason to question the success of its reference.
Innocence may, indeed ought to, be assumed.]
Due perhaps to the subliminal impact of this kind of thinking, this text acquired
almost incorrigible creedal status for a recent generation of liberal and
liberationist theologians.' This canon within the canon too easily facilitated the
following:
One question that this raises, of course, is whether there can ever be a
theologically "neutral" option in dealing with such accounts. What should be
clear is that such "neutrality" assumes that God is not, in any sense, an integral
part of the equation. It is to determine in advance that God is not involved in this
history, and that therefore reference to God cannot contribute to an "objective"
account of what happened.
In this light, we can now articulate with greater specificity the issues that our
question requires us to address:
3. How it is that hermeneutical inquiry might take due cognizance of any such
level of perception/meaning, given that, as we will see, theological
perception is bound to a paradigm of a very specific kind if it is to be
veridical.
If the affirmation of theological statements (of the kind described in the two
case studies above) is not to be conceived as merely coincidentally related to the
biblical material but, rather, is and requires to be in "semantic continuity" with it,
then we must be willing and able to provide reasons why semantic continuity
with the writings of biblical material is theologically relevant and, further, how
shared participation in their theologically "veridical" paradigms is possible.
These requirements, it will become clear, suggest that a threedimensional
Horizontverschmelzung becomes the necessary condition of hermeneutical
interpretation.
It was these concerns that Athanasius was addressing when he articulated the
grounds of the patristic conception of the ekkiesiastikon phronema (the "mind of
the church"). Here I am drawing on work by Heron, Florovsky, and T. F.
Torrance.'-' Given, moreover, the concern over recent decades to distinguish
theological from mythological statements-that is, statements that validly refer to
the divine from those that simply project culture-specific, anthropomorphic
categories onto the divine-it is equally pertinent to observe that it was precisely
this distinction (between theologein and mythologein) that stands at the heart of
Athanasius's arguments vis-a-vis the epistemological necessity of the
homoousion. Athanasius's primary concern was to ask about the conditions of
our distinguishing (in the task of interpretation [herme- neuein]) between
mythological projection of human conceptual constructs onto God
(mythopoiesis) and warranted theological affirmation (theologein) that was
true.22
As Athanasius saw with such clarity, the possibility that the New Testament
claims have any objective theological value or warrant whatsoever reposes on an
internally consistent dynamic wherein God discloses himself within the
contingent order as the person of the incarnate Logos becoming, thereby, the
skopos of Scripture and the topos ("place") or reference point for our
understanding God's dealings with humanity. In and through this God gives
himself to be spoken of in and through the one perceived as "Immanuel"God
concretely and specifically (and, one might add, inclusively) present with and for
humanity in space and time. On such an account, through the person of the
Logos our human concepts (noiai) are given to refer to the divine in a manner
that affords genuine cognitive access (kata dianoian2s) to God in and through the
ana-logical event of faith. This contrasts dramatically with the only conceivable
alternative option: theology is mythmaking (mythologein) driven by arbitrary
human opinion (kat' epinoian), which, devoid of reference, is ultimately no more
than the self-deceiving opinions of those who, on their own terms, possess
agnosis. To confuse such mythoplastia with theologein is, again, delusion.
The affirmation of the homoousion of the Son-that is, of the Logos Theou-was
therefore seen to be the conditio sine qua non of theological statement. Contrary
to popular supposition, however, this did not constitute for Athanasius a
sufficient condition for God-talk, theologein. A hermeneutical gap still remains-a
gap between our own alienated minds and the Logos, with whom God is
ontologically identified; between our own confused paradigms and the objective
givenness of God as Word. In the background of Athanasius's thinking here
stood the Pauline insight that human beings are alienated or hostile in their
capacity to think through to the reality of God (echthroi to dianoia), that their
mindset, judgments, or paradigms (phronein) are of the flesh. For Athanasius,
therefore, a transformation of our understanding (noein)-paralleling the New
Testament metanoia of our noein by grace-was necessary for veridical perception
of the Logos. The subjective condition of this was the creative presence of the
Holy Spirit. By the Spirit, what we might refer to in modern parlance as our
"paradigms" are reconciled and transformed such that we are given eyes to see
and ears to hear what we could not otherwise appropriate. For Athanasius,
affirming the homoousion of the Spirit as the subjective condition of theological
reference is the second, necessary condition of theologein-an argument
articulated extensively in his Letters to Serapion.26
Despite the fact that the supporters of Athanasius may have won the day at
Nicea, Hellenic idealism, with its associated chorismoi (gulfs, dualisms), has
continued to mold the hermeneutic agenda right through to modernity. G. E.
Lessing epitomized the suppositions so influential in hermeneutics by integrating
the key principles from two of the giants of European philosophy: (1) the
epistemology of Leibniz, with its sharp distinction between necessary truths of
reason (demonstrable on a priori grounds) and contingent truths (which are
known by sense perception)28-a dichotomy that echoes that between the kosmos
noetos and the kosmos aisthetos; (2) the thesis of Spinoza's Tractatus
Theologico-Politicus, that the truth of a historical narrative, however certain,
cannot give us knowledge of God, the latter being derivable only from general
ideas that are indubitably known.29 Spinoza was, of course, the major influence
on the hermeneutics of D. F. Strauss, ostensibly the founder of myth theory in
New Testament scholarship.
The giant of the nineteenth century who took up the cudgels from Athanasius
and rearticulated the central issues for those seduced by the Enlightenment's
Hellenizing of Christianity was Soren Kierkegaard. He set out to demonstrate the
radical formal incompatibility between a hermeneutic that assumes that we
possess the conditions by which to evaluate New Testament claims and a
hermeneutic framed by the radically different theological horizon of the New
Testament writers that suggests that those "conditions" are given in and through
God's reconciling self-disclosure in Christ. It is to this that we must now turn,
albeit briefly.
What follows from this? As Kierkegaard points out, "Viewed Socratically, any
point of departure in time is eo ipso something accidental, a vanishing point, an
occasion."33 And both the occasion and the teacher (whoever that may be) can
only be incidental and insignificant. 34
The implications of the Socratic for "Bible and theology" are clear. Neither the
Bible, nor its authors and their horizons, nor the person of Christ can have any
particular, let alone decisive, significance for apprehending God or any truth
whatsoever about God or, indeed, about humanity. At best, they possess a
maieutic function serving to prompt and remind us of what we already know 35
When this purpose is served, the means of that prompting or reminding (be it
Jesus Christ or the church or Scripture) must disappear from view and must not
in any sense claim an essentially mediatorial role. To the extent that it is
suggested that there is any necessary or ongoing connection between our being
in relation to the Truth and our being related to Christ or the church, our
relationship to the Truth (to the eternal and to the divine) is necessarily distorted
and eclipsed. The relation of the learner to the eternal, to the divine, is
undermined and obstructed to the extent that the learner fallaciously and
destructively confuses the timeless and the universal with the historical and the
particular. To the extent, moreover, that other texts or persons serve to facilitate
our "remembering" what we already know of the divine, they are equally
significant, whatever form they take. In short, the success or truth of religious
claims is determined by the extent to which they facilitate our own self-
discovery.
Kierkegaard then has the agnostic Climacus consider how the situation must
look if it is to be otherwise. He writes, "If the situation is to be different," and if
the moment in time or the occasion or the teacher by means of which we come to
the truth is not to be of arbitrary or contingent significance, then the only
alternative is that it be of real, and hence, "decisive significance."" If that is to be
the case (and we do not go with the Socratic), then there must be an intrinsic
connection between the occasion or the teacher and the truth or the message,
such that "for no moment will I be able to forget this occasion," because it is
constitutive of the real relation between the self and the eternal.;' If this is the
case, then the moment or occasion or teacher cannot be forgotten and yet the
truth be retained, since the reality of the truth and the occasion or teacher must
be intrinsically and not arbitrarily related.
It was Karl Barth who rearticulated the Athanasian option and the radical
incompatibility of Hellenic idealism with the gospel and the existence of the
church. The idealism that he opposed took the form of the Marburg
neoKantianism in which he was raised (and from which Bultmann's program of
demythologization never departed) and immanentism, in the form of German
Kulturprotestantismus. Only the affirmation of the twofold homoousion obviated
a theological approach to biblical interpretation in which we ceased simply to
reiterate our own prior agendas in a loud voice. The Christian claim that God is
given to be known through the witness of the Bible and that it is thus
theologically relevant lies with the fact that God is not only the revealer but also
the revelation and the "revealedness." God is the incarnate Word and the active
condition of the perception of that revelation.41 This is not, of course, to
question the fact that God is veiled by the human form of his revelation-indeed,
for Barth, God is only revealed to humanity because of this veiling.
In short, if there is to be a Horizontverschmelzung that facilitates God-talk,
then there need to be three horizons, not two. There is the horizon of the people
and culture of the biblical period; then there is our horizon in the twenty-first
century. But there also has to be another human horizon, through which God is
present by the Spirit and which facilitates the transformative integration of these
two horizons-what we might call the "mind of Christ." The New Testament bears
witness to the beginnings of a Horizontverschmelzung in which through the
incarnate Logos (Immanuel), and through the creative, reconciling presence of
the Holy Spirit, a new humanity is created that participates en Christo
constituted as his body and sharing in his mind. Its members are reconstituted
"from above" and have eyes to see and ears to hear what their culture and natural
capacities cannot provide. This is not something that historical inquiry of even
the most sophisticated kind or any hermeneutical methodology could ever
deliver. (That it could is the naive assumption of "methodological naturalism," as
C. S. Evans has argued so effectively.4'-)
Where does this leave us? It presents us with a straight "either ... or ..."-a
choice, that is, between incipient idealism where theological hermeneutics does
not actually perceive the otherness of this text as theologically significant but
simply uses biblical texts to illustrate those prior religious ideas and ethical
principles (or, indeed, the agnosticism) that we already possess. The alternative
is a theological hermeneutic that is grounded in the perception that these texts
witness uniquely to an occasion of decisive significance and where the
conditions of its God-talk are given in and through this occasion. For this tertium
datum, the impetus for God-talk and the control upon it repose in this particular
event, and the condition for the interpreter's perception of this resides in the
reconciling presence of God as the Holy Spirit.
A Question of Paradigms
An implication of what I have said is that the fusion of horizons that alone can
lead to semantic continuity with the writers of the New Testament involves a
divinely conditioned transformation and reconstitution of our interpretive
paradigms. But what is the nature of such a metanoia, and to what extent may it
be regarded as a hermeneutical goal?
The offense to academe that emerges is that if this is the case, then the
perception of its being the case must be irreducibly bound up with the kind of
perception given within the context of such a unique paradigm shift. The
hermeneutical metanoia that, I am arguing, constitutes the condition of a
theological hermeneutics is not an enhancement or perfection of prior, immanent
hermeneutical conditions nor indeed some kind of optional Gestalt switch ;41
rather, it constitutes a unique form of paradigm shift that interprets the old
paradigm as a form of alienation from which one is delivered and where the new
paradigm is given by grace. The "mind" that was in Christ Jesus is manifest in us
by the creative presence of the Spirit such that we are given the eyes to discern
God's presence in otherwise inconceivable ways-rather as if an intellectual
"faculty" were enabled to function anew, as Alvin Plantinga suggests.so
What this means is that there can be no simple appeal to "reason." Reason
cannot be the means by which an old paradigm is abandoned and a new one
adopted, as Murray Rae's interpretation of Kierkegaard makes so clear.51Any
appeal to reason to justify the new paradigm must necessarily take place within
the new paradigm itself. This means that there will inevitably be perceived to be
a degree of circularity in all our thinking. There is a sui generis circularity that
applies specifically within Christian thought and that involves the "intrin- sicity"
to which I referred above: perceiving a revelational event to be what it is can
occur only from within the sphere of that event. This perception, one might say,
is intrinsic to the event of disclosure.
2. Does this mean that the theologian can ignore the diverse forms of academic
scholarship applied to Christian resources as irrelevant to a theological
hermeneutic? Again, the answer is a negative one with one qualification. When
scholarship goes beyond its remit and draws "theological" conclusions from
prior incompatible paradigms such as naturalism or Enlightenment humanism,
then that scholarship must recognize itself for what it is: irreducibly
incompatible with there being any theological insight in the relevant texts. To the
extent that biblical scholars (Christian and non-Christian) are being truly
"scientific" and allowing their conclusions to be conditioned by the objects of
their inquiry, the relationship should be mutually constructive and dialogical.
Such scholarship should serve the integration of the levels of scholarship
intrinsic to the Horizontverschmelzung discussed above. Without scholarship of
this kind, a theological hermeneutic is impossible.56
4. Nevertheless, given these kinds of criticism, may it not be that the idealist
paradigm offers the least academically offensive way forward? The appeal of the
Socratic is substantial: it enables the academic biblical scholar (whether
belonging to a majority group or, indeed, to a marginalized minority) to operate
as a Platonic philosopher-king (to use Richard Rorty's expression) who
confidently "knows what everyone else is really doing whether they know it or
not, because he knows about the ultimate context (the Forms, the Mind,
Language) within which they are doing it."" To such approaches we must
reiterate Karl Barth's "Nein!" and with all the vehemence of his opposition to the
"higher" cultural ideals of the German Christians. Or, with Kierkegaard, "Better
well-hanged than ill-wed"!-58
The question that all biblical scholars have to address is whether they endorse
an immanentist/Socratic approach to the texts as defining the grounds of rational,
academic theology or whether, with Athanasius, they see it as deluded. What
Kierkegaard has served to show is that we look in vain for middle ground.
10
The Moral Authority of Scripture
OLIVER O'DONOVAN
"There is no authority except from God," said the apostle Paul (Rom. 13:1).'
That is to say, nothing can command our free obedience unless God has sent it.
We are, of course, self-moving beings. But we do not have our end in ourselves,
so that the possibility of meaningful self-movement, directed to a purpose fit for
us, depends on God's engagement with us. What we call "authority"-by whatever
medium it comes to us-encounters us from God. And if nothing comes to us in
that way, our freedom remains unrealized, mere undeveloped potential. But there
are many media by which the authority of God may encounter us. Some belong
to the structures of creation. We may become aware of the authority of God
through angels or demons; we may become aware of it through the relations in
which we stand to others-through parents and family, through compatriots,
through teachers. We may become aware of the authority of God through death,
as it says to us in his name, "Return to dust, you children of men!" But authority
mediated in this way does not encounter us directly from God, and that is how
the possibility arises of corrupt "rulers and authorities" of this world, as the New
Testament calls them, which will in the end direct our freedom onto self-
destructive paths. And it is because of that possibility that the gospel instructs us
to look to another authority, that of God's Son, that overrides the voices of the
elements of the world, instructing our freedom to be truly free. So Christian
moral reasoning begins not with the authority of created structures but rather
with the authority of Christ. He is the "Last Adam," the sovereign Lord of
creaturely authorities, appointed to bring them to their goal in the purposes of
God.
Talk about the authority of Scripture has been made horribly difficult by the
Fundamentalist Controversy (or, if you prefer, the Modernist Controversy),
which tortured the church for over a hundred years and is only now fading into
memory. But it is all the more important that we should talk about the authority
of Scripture now, and so, before getting into aspects of the question on which a
moral theologian may shed some special light, I offer a thumbnail dogmatic
sketch.
1. Scripture is set apart from every other literary corpus simply by its function
in the saving purposes of God; it is a literary corpus that is, to use John
Webster's term, "sanctified" to its task.2 But that task is of a piece with the
saving purposes of God to call out Israel and to anoint Christ for the
salvation of the world. The specialness of Scripture belongs to its
connection with Israel and Christ.
3. The authors of the books of Scripture were called to perform human tasks
in God's service, just as Israel was. Their specialness does not consist in
some unique superhuman activity, as though writing a Gospel was different
from writing anything else. They are special because of their place in the
redeeming work of God. Nothing in the humanity of the authors implies an
imperfection in their work; nothing in their election to divine service
authorizes us to attribute to them any other perfection than the one relevant
perfection: God attests himself through them.
4. The faith demanded of the reader of Scripture is faith in the saving work of
God attested there, which is therefore a faith in Scripture too. It implies
willingness to accept the testimony of Scripture without presuming to
improve upon it-by excision, by correction, or by privileging a canon
within the canon-but instead simply seeking to understand it in fidelity and
obedience, without presuppositions or conditions.
6. The church's role in determining the canon was in the first place an act of
recognition, discerning and acknowledging the unity and authority that
belonged to this literature by virtue of its sanctification by God. At the
same time, secondarily, it was, like the framing of the creeds themselves, an
exercise of its authority to teach. The ARCIC report The Gift of Authority
said well, "It was at the same time an act of obedience and authority."3
The church maintains its obedient relation to Holy Scripture by reading it (in
particular as the foundational act of the liturgy) and by expounding it, seeking to
make the sense of the text understood. However, understanding Scripture is not a
goal that can be pursued in isolation from obedience to what is understood.
Here, then, we come to the point at which the interaction of text and moral
judgment must occur. There are two conjoined intellectual tasks, for neither of
which can there be secure rules, two "discernments" that simply have to be made
and that may possibly be made wrongly with serious consequences. There is the
task of discerning what the text means, on the one hand, and there is the task of
discerning ourselves and our position as agents in relation to the text, on the
other hand. The first discernment is of the text; the second discernment is out of
the text, of our situation. In the first discernment the text is before us: we read of
David, of Peter, of Jesus and decide what it is that is said of them. In the second
discernment the text is behind us: we do not read of ourselves in the way we read
of David, Peter, and Jesus. Yet what it says of them sheds light upon us. It
provides us with the categories and analogies that we need for questioning our
position and coming to practical resolutions. The Scripture tells me not to bear
false witness against my neighbor, but whether a particular ambiguous statement
that I have in mind will be false or merely discreet is something that the
Scripture will never tell me; I must judge that for myself under the Holy Spirit's
guidance. Yet everything that the Scripture does tell me about truth and
falsehood will contribute to making that judgment possible.
The most mysterious question that anyone has to face is not "What does
Scripture mean?" but rather "What does the situation that I am facing mean?" If
we have even begun to appreciate the nature of this question, and how easily a
wrong answer may lead us to destruction, we will be on our guard against any
proposal to reverse the sequence of discernments-starting with our own situation
and turning back to Scripture to look for something there to fit it-for that would
presuppose that we already knew the answer. Such proposals are often heard in
theological discussion, sometimes with a liberal slant, sometimes with a
conservative one. Either way, the mistake is to think that there is a concrete
moral truth immediately and categorically known to everyone, a peremptory and
unchallengeable moral certainty, and that we can negotiate the relation of this
certainty to what we find in Scripture. This fails to allow for moral danger. All
our action is exposed to danger: we may act on false assumptions about the facts,
we may misunderstand the situation, we may form an inadequate conception of
the task, we may fail to envisage the good to be pursued, and so on. Nothing
except perpetual vigilance can arm us against such mistakes.
In what follows I am pursuing a disagreement with Karl Barth, who (in many
places, but especially in the memorable 11/2 of Church Dogmatics) undertook to
refound ethics in contradiction to Kantian "universalism," as he understood it, on
the basis of the divine command. The question of what makes the divine
command superior in authority to all other forms of ethical conception was
answered in a number of ways; one recurring answer was that it was "concrete"
and "definite," by which Barth meant something like this: it is focused upon the
immediate situation in which it is given. It concerns, as he liked to say, the hic et
nunc. "We must divest ourselves of the fixed idea that only a universally valid
rule can be a command. We must realize that in reality a rule of this kind is not a
command."4 The Bible, Barth thought, was remarkable for its lack of anything
like a universal rule; it is "replete with ethics," he tells us rather riddlingly,
"except that what is usually understood by `command' and `ethics,' namely
universally valid rules, is not to be found there.... Nothing can be made of these
commands if we try to generalize and transform them into universally valid
principles. Their content is purely concrete and related to this or that particular
man in this or that particular situation."' We may say that for Barth, the divine
command in the Bible is, like the burning bush, a wonder that at certain
unrepeatable points in history has unexpectedly invaded and taken control of the
life of some agent, leaving only the choice to obey or to rebel. Our moral
experience has, in some measure, to be like that historical wonder and related to
it.
Commands are acts, and acts are performed at certain times and in certain
circumstances for certain definite purposes. Divine commands are acts of God,
exerting their claim upon their own historical context primarily, on those to
whom they are directly addressed. But because any act has a certain
intelligibility in its context, and the context of God's acts is his will to bless and
redeem the world, God's commands will always have some implications for
other times and circumstances. The Decalogue was not of interest only to a
barbarous people gathered at the foot of a mountain in Arabia; we have our own
analogous ways of honoring our father and our mother and of not coveting our
neighbor's goods. But in order to judge their bearing on other times and
circumstances, we have to observe their place in their historical context first. If
we say, "That applies to us too," we are already engaged in moral reasoning.
Karl Barth asked us, in order to "assure ourselves of the specific character of
the divine command," to distinguish two facts: "(1) that the divine law in the
Bible is always a concrete command; and (2) that this concrete commanding to
be found in the Bible must be understood as a divine command relevant to
ourselves who are not directly addressed by it."6 What content can Barth give to
that "relevance"? We will see how he tried to answer that question, but first we
must make a distinction that Barth failed to make. The commands in the Bible
do not all display the same kind of concreteness. All emerge from some
particular situation, a moment in narrative history to which they belong;
however, not all are "bare" commands, focused in principle on the immediate hic
et nunc of the situation that they address. There is not only the burning bush to
consider as a model of the divine command; there is also, and surely more
suitable as a paradigm, the command to Adam and Eve in Eden: "You may freely
eat of every tree of the garden, but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil
you shall not eat" (Gen. 2:16). This command is notable for all the features that
Barth found most suspicious: it is formal, doing little more, in effect, than
separating a sphere of permission from a sphere of prohibition; it is universally
and continually valid, not confined to any here and now; and it is given in and
with the order of creation, the world as a human dwelling, represented to us by
the garden.
Some of the commands that we read in the Bible are very "bare" indeed, free
of wider implications and wholly defined by their historical situation, so that
they could never be obeyed more than once, even analogously. "Go into the
village opposite you," Jesus told his disciples, "and immediately you will find an
ass tied, and a colt with her; untie them and bring them to me" (Matt. 21:2). It
might be an edifying liturgical innovation if one Palm Sunday a village
congregation walked across the fields to meet its neighbors and was presented
there with a suitably domesticated horse for the minister to ride back on,
everyone waving palms and singing, "All glory, laud, and honor!" But not on
even the widest construction could this be considered obedience to the command
that Jesus gave his disciples. That command cannot be obeyed now. On the other
hand, there are commands whose content makes it clear that they are meant to be
obeyed whenever they are relevant. Consider the passage in the Sermon on the
Mount where Jesus says, "You have heard that it was said ... but I say to you ...:
Be reconciled to your brother.... If your right hand causes you to sin, cut it off....
Do not swear.... Do not resist one who is evil.... Love your enemies" (Matt. 5:21-
48). These are not at all like "Untie the colt." They claim to direct our action in
kinds of situations that arise occasionally or frequently.
But again these generic commands divide into at least two types: moral rules
and public laws. The moral rules in the Sermon on the Mount are concerned with
dispositional attitudes: conciliatoriness, self-discipline, restraint, forgiveness,
and so on. They are radically and surprisingly expressed, without much interest
in whether we will find them easy to obey or not. They have nothing much to
say to dilemmas of practical casuistry such as "What if my brother refuses to be
reconciled unless I join him in a solemn oath of undying hatred to our enemy?"
Such questions are left, as it were, for later. As a result, these moral rules are
capable of directing our conduct in a wide variety of circumstances and
producing a varied style of performance. By contrast, public laws are designed to
be straightforward and easy to keep with a degree of uniformity in performance.
We have an outstanding example of a legal code in Deuteronomy 14-25. Shaped,
very evidently, out of preexisting legal traditions, it aims to maintain a practical
continuity with these while achieving certain reforming aims. It chooses its
topics apparently randomly, in the light of questions that have come up and legal
rulings that are at hand. It has a lot to say about detailed dilemmas, but
comparatively little (though not nothing) about underlying attitudes. Moral rules
and public laws look different, and they do different jobs. In a very obvious way
moral rules are more "portable," more easily applied to changing situations, than
public laws can be.8 We still have brothers and sisters to be reconciled to, even if
there is no temple to leave our gift in. We would have considerable difficulty in
obeying the Deuteronomic law of slavery, however much we might sympathize
with its intentions.
These two types of generic moral instruction, as they appear in the Bible,
share a common feature: they are framed by a narrative context. The metaphor of
"framing" is, perhaps, misleading. A picture frame is designed to display the
picture, and it can be removed or changed. Narrative, however, is a constituent
element in the text's moral claim on us. The legal code of Deuteronomy 14-25 is
preceded by twelve chapters of mixed narrative and exhortation, explaining how
this law code originated in the birth of the nation and the ministry of Moses, and
why a code originating in Israel's nomadic past should have authority over a
settled agricultural society governed by monarchy and other civil institutions.
This setting is continually relevant for understanding the point of the commands
as they arise. When told that we must leave the gleanings of the grape harvest for
the stranger passing by, we are reminded that God heard our cry when we were
strangers in the land of Egypt (Dent. 24:22). Similarly, the Sermon on the Mount
is situated in Matthew's Gospel as a prelude to the account of the ministry of
Jesus and a climax to the account of his birth and commissioning. And this,
equally, is not irrelevant to those who come to this text for guidance. When we
are told not to resist evil, we are prepared to hear how Jesus refused to enlist the
aid of legions of angels to resist arrest in Gethsemane. The difference in the
content of the two texts corresponds to the difference in the narrative that
supports them: on the one hand, a narrative about the founding of a holy nation;
on the other hand, a narrative about the fulfillment of history and the redemption
of the world. Neither is "timeless" in the sense of being indifferent to historical
context. If we call the Sermon on the Mount "timeless," and contrast it with
Deuteronomy, what we mean is simply what we mean when we speak of Jesus
of Nazareth as the Savior of the world: here is the point at which the particular
history of a nation with which God dealt is taken up into God's all-embracing act
of redemption; here is the event in which we are all directly involved, and here
are the commands that belong to that event. At the center of the biblical message
is an announcement about what God has done in history: "When the time had
fully come, God sent forth his Son" (Gal. 4:4). In that message all the authority
of the biblical texts finds its source. Biblical commands speak with authority to
us because that deed of God in history speaks with authority to us. Let us sum it
up like this: it is not the commands that the Bible contains that we obey; rather, it
is the purposes of God that those commands, set in their context, reveal to us.
The purpose of God is the ultimate reason why anything at all is good or evil to
do. The Bible is authoritative for ethics because it speaks to us of those purposes
and demonstrates them in the acts of God in history.
We have begun from commands simply because they form a kind of limit
case. The question about "implicit" obedience is raised most sharply by them.
But there are other forms of moral instruction in the Scriptures. Moral teaching
is given in exhortation, parables, lists of virtues, and so on. Narrative, command,
prediction, and invocation (i.e., prayer and praise) all teach us how to direct our
ways pleasingly to God. We can learn of the wrong of adultery from the story of
David and Bathsheba, not only from the seventh commandment of the
Decalogue. But of every other type of moral communication the same must be
said as was said about the commands: it claims its authority on the basis of what
God has done.
There are occasions on which nothing but implicit obedience will do. But even
recognizing those occasions depends on the general presumption that we have to
think through what is required of us patiently and reflectively. And when the
church is at sea over how to read the message of the Gospels, only patient
attention to reading, interpretation, and obedient thought will do. A shrill call for
implicit obedience never substitutes for careful exploration of what it is that
must be obeyed. And in that exploration there has to be hermeneutic distance.
What that term refers to is a gap between the reader and the text, a gap that
understanding has to overcome. This distance is often understood as a historical
one, but that particular turn in hermeneutic theory led, in my view, into a blind
alley. There is no reason why I should find the gap any wider in reading Plato
than in reading Emmanuel Levinas. The distance that we have to insist on,
rather, arises from the objective standing of the text, especially any text that
claims to speak to us in the name of God. The distance between the text and
ourselves can never be, and should never be supposed to be, swallowed up by
our understanding of it. Whatever it may be that I have concluded from reading
the Scriptures, that conclusion must be open to fresh interrogation, since the
Scriptures themselves will be its judge. If, after reading the Bible faithfully, I am
confident enough to make some ringing declaration, this does not mean that my
declaration is as good as contained within the Bible. In a faithful dogmatic
formulation there is, of course, a proper authority. There are times and places
where that authority allows for, or requires, a ringing declaration. Yet the
question of whether the dogmatic formulation has in fact faithfully expressed the
Scriptures' emphasis is always worth discussing, even if the outcome of the
discussion is affirmative every time. The question "What does the Bible mean,
and how does it affect us?" can never be out of order in the church, as though the
giving of well-founded answers in the past could make the whole question of
merely antiquarian interest. We must not, then, in the supposed interest of a
"biblical" ethic, try to close down moral issues prescriptively, announcing that
we already know what the Bible teaches and guarding against wrong answers by
forbidding further examination. The church's leading institutions may, of course,
properly resolve that it is inappropriate for them to invest further time and effort
in study of a matter that may be considered closed for all practical purposes. But
what the leading institutions may quite properly resolve not to undertake, the
Spirit in the church may prompt other believers to undertake, for the word
authority means, quite simply, that we have to go on looking back to this source
if we are to keep on the right track.
Why should we find this difficult to accept? The truth is that we resist
admitting indeterminacy in our understanding of the text. Once such an
admission is made, we fear, "anything goes." A host of false prophets will take
advantage of our respectful distance; they will rush forward to wrest Scripture
out of its plain sense, force it into authorizing what cannot be authorized. And of
course in the short run, at least, this fear is likely to prove all too well grounded.
False prophets are, and always will be, legion. We must simply expect to hear
abominations and absurdities put forward in the confident claim that such are
compatible with or authorized by Scripture. To this intense annoyance we, like
generations of faithful believers before us, are called. The question is this: What
sacrifice of our faith would we make if, to avoid the annoyance for ourselves and
the disturbance for the church, we closed down on the reading and interpretation
of Holy Scripture, declared that there was nothing to discuss? To our fears we
have to put the question in return of whether the Spirit of the living God is a
match for the perversity of humankind, whether Jesus' promise about the gates of
hell being unable to prevail is seriously enough meant to be trusted.
Obedience must be thoughtful obedience. This "must" is, in the end, a logical
necessity, not merely an obligation. Moral instruction is directed to what we
"do," but nobody "does" anything without thinking. If obedience is what we are
called to, thought is what we are called to, thought about how we may frame our
action in conformity to the demand. Thoughtful obedience does not exclude
immediate encounter with the commanding God. Moments of fear and trembling
before God will befall us, but these are not an alternative to reflective and
considered thinking, the "rational worship" by which our minds are renewed to
"appreciate distinctions" (Rom. 12:1-2). It is another way of saying that the
obedience required of us is the obedience of faith-no less!
11
The Fourfold Pattern
of Christian Moral Reasoning
according to the New Testament
BERND WANNENWETSCH
The Circular Pattern of Moral Reasoning
The following considerations explore the nature of reflective ethos from within
the scriptural witness of the Christian communities. In highlighting four
practices that I take to be essential for this phenomenon (perceiving, discerning,
judging, and giving of account), I am, however, not suggesting a straightforward
methodology of Christian moral reasoning. Contrasting the purism of neo-
Kantian ethics (and its distillation of ethical thought and practice into ever more
narrow and isolated principles such as the categorical imperative), I wish to draw
attention to a plurality of reflective and deliberative practices that together
constitute what I take to be the circle of reflective ethos as it is suggested by a
conceptually alert reading of the New Testament.
With this attempt, I do not see myself competing in the traditional field of
"New Testament ethics," in either its more historically geared version (ethics in
the New Testament) or its more applied version (ethics of the New Testament). It
is certainly legitimate to read the New Testament in pursuit of its most basic
moral principles, such as "love" or "justice," or, as Richard Hays has suggested,
to read it in pursuit of a series of "focal images," such as cross, community, and
new creation.' Yet my interest in this contribution differs from such attempts in
that I wish to explore the core practices that constitute Christian ethics-the art of
moral reasoning in a theological vein.
To put the same difference in Aristotelian terms: The four core elements that I
suggest (perceiving, discerning, judging, and giving of account) represent
theoretical virtues rather than practical ones, although we must certainly grant
that the programmatic communal nature of these practices in their Christian
version tends to discourage an all-too-strict separation between the two types of
virtues. While these practices, as intellectual activities, do not directly fall under
the rubric of "moral acts," they are directed to such acts in a teleological way.
And the way in which these practices engage the human being as a whole,
embracing all its faculties, suggests another reason for not separating them from
moral action in a categorical way by relegating them to a mere preliminary
status. For this reason, I have chosen to refer to these intellectual virtues as
belonging to the "reflective ethos" of the church in no less a constitutive way
than the disposition to act and concrete ways of acting that characterize this
community.
With these preliminary clarifications done, we can now turn to a more detailed
analysis of the four individual practices and their inner relatedness.
Perception (aesthesis)
Yet, how does the Spirit break through this second skin and help people to
unlearn the schemata of the age? The example that Paul himself gives is related
to the church as body of Christ. What the envisioned transformation is meant to
overcome is "disordered" thinking about the relationship of members to each
other and to the whole body. Through the hyperphronein ("think too highly of
oneself") Paul wants, presumably, to highlight and reject the classical idea of the
political sphere as an arena for the striving for excellence at the cost of others.
From this classical perspective, place and status in society are seen as a "natural
claim" by virtue of heritage or personal achievement. Paul's call to transcend this
pattern of thought recalls Jesus' response to the competition over greatness
between his disciples as recorded in Luke 22:24-27 and parallels.
There, the schema of rule in the secular world ("the rulers of the nations lord it
over them, and those in authority are called benefactors"), in which "natural
authority"-the authority of means-dictates status, is confronted ("but not so with
you") with a new way of understanding and exercising authority: "The greatest
among you must become like the youngest, and the leader like one who serves."
Most significant within the framework of our inquiry is that Jesus' claim "not so
with you" is not in an egalitarian fashion doing away with the notion of authority
and greatness altogether; rather, it aims at a reconceptualization of what it means
to be great: from my striving to excel over others, which aims to let them appear
smaller in my presence, toward a notion of service or ministry that marks out a
greatness that makes others grow rather than diminish in my presence.
So much for the conceptual side of perception-the nous-in its constant need of
renewal in the light of the gospel. Yet there is also a sensory-affective side that
the biblical tradition addresses. For this, we turn to Luke 10 and the parable of
the good Samaritan. This parable demonstrates that sensory perception like
"seeing" does matter morally. Ethics is not about mere acting, acting blindly
perhaps; Christian moral reasoning is geared toward acting with open eyes. At
stake is truthful perception that sees things as they really are instead of seeing
them as we would like them to be and declaring this, and ourselves, "aright." As
with Paul's emphasis on the liberation from the schemata of the age, Christian
moral reasoning cares for sensory perception precisely as it recognizes a human
tendency to deception and self-deception. This is why the prophetic tradition, as
it is reflected in the New Testament, has put great emphasis on the signs of the
messianic age in terms of the recovery of sensory perception: the blind will
regain their eyesight, and the deaf will have their hearing restored. Ephphatha:
open up! (Mark 7:34). Jesus' liberating ministry is one of creating eyes that
really see and ears that really hear and listen.
This becomes evident in the story that Jesus tells of the three men who went
from Jericho to Jerusalem (Luke 10:25-37), all of whom are said to have "seen"
the wounded victim lying there. Yet while the Samaritan has seen a human being
in misery, the other two must have perceived something else: a source of
potential danger-an ambush perhaps-or at least a source of unacceptable delay of
their journey. Their seeing really makes the difference; all parties in the parable
are acting out what they have perceived. When the parable addresses the
perception of the protagonists, the Greek employs a participial construction,
which points us to another essential feature.
Whereas it is said of both the priest and the Levite that "seeing the man, he
passed by [idon antiparelthen]," in the case of the Samaritan, the Greek has
"seeing him, he felt compassion [idon esplanchnisthe] and went to him and
bandaged his wounds" (my translation). The Samaritan's eyes were, so to speak,
connected to his heart, which was "torn open"-"compassion" is perhaps too weak
a translation for what the Greek verb connotes. The Latin translation for
"compassion," misericordia, however, does illuminate the point of the plot well,
as it literally means "to have the heart with the poor."
The language of our narrative seems to employ a different logic that assumes a
transmitter role of the affection within a given simultaneity of perception and
action-impulse. So when our sensual perception is oriented appropriately as a
matter of a "seeing or listening heart," the right action can be expected to "flow"
from it by engaging our mind and will accordingly. At times, "eth ics" as we
know it-the cycle of reflection and deliberation-can in fact even function as a
surrogate for the lack of or deficiency in sensory or affective perception.
We may even find the modern syllogistic account to be part of the story, if we
allow for some imaginative or even slightly speculative interpretation. If we ask
what it might have been that prevented the priest and the Levite from turning to
the victim, we can at least imagine them as caught up in a syllogistic pattern of
thought similar to the modern account. They might actually have reflected about
the situation (and most likely not without moral considerations that for them
perhaps came down to a weighting of competing goods): the congregation in the
temple waiting for them to arrive and celebrate an important feast; the
compulsion that they felt from the Torah to avoid corpse contamination by
approaching or even touching a "half dead" (Luke 10:30), which would render
them unfit for ritual duties;' the weighing-up of the good of the many righteous
members of God's people versus this one man's need; the prudent anticipating of
the likelihood of an ambush or of another helper to arrive soon with more time,
more medical expertise, and so forth. All this is not, of course, to suggest that
our reading of Luke 10 advocates an emotivist ethics in which reflection and
deliberation are outplayed by the overwhelming role of affective perception. We
need to remind ourselves that the emphasis on the latter is to be understood
within the cycle of the four patterns, not outside of it. Within this cycle and its
educative significance, we are to reckon with affective perception that is shaped
by the experiences in the other three practices just as much as it is felt to be
"immediate."
And this is my prayer, that your love may abound more and more in
knowledge [epignosis: insight, cognition] and depth of perception
[aisthesis]. (my translation)
Judgment (diakrinein)
The verb diakrinein literally means "to cut asunder, to lay apart." Judgment lays
a substance matter apart, not only analytically (as in discerning) but also
synthetically. In the process of the laying apart of the different aspects and
components of a situation, a new combination becomes visible: "This, being a
matter of X [analytical], belongs here [synthetical], while that, being a matter of
Y, belongs there." If the will of God is the core object of this inquiry, the
fundamental form that a judgment in Christian moral reasoning assumes will be
"This is a matter in accord with God's will, while that is not (it is against his will,
or perhaps is merely a matter of preference, etc.)."
Liberated Accountability
The justification that arises from God's merciful judgment on sinners liberates
them both to judge boldly and to revise a wrong judgment. The freedom to
venture judgment, as it arises from the iustitia aliena of divine justification,
comes to occupy exactly the location that is otherwise held by the urge to self-
justification. Self-justification is the attempt to absorb and anticipate the
judgment that others (including God) might have on our own deeds by providing
an irresistible justificatory account of "what really happened" in a course of
action and "what it really was about.""
Conclusion
As the individual analysis of the four features will have indicated, each of
them can be appropriately understood only as rooted in or geared toward (one
of) the three theological virtues.
1. The discussion of the significance of perception for the moral life had to be
specified in terms of a sort of agapeic aesthetics: perception rooted in love
(Phil. 1:9).
12
The Apostolic Discourse and Its
Developments
KEVIN J. VANHOOZER
Introduction: A Challenge, Gambit, and Construal
Paul Ricceur pursues first theology without theologians. His gambit involves
sacrificing not a pawn, or a bishop, but the queen of the sciences. He wagers that
he will come to a fuller understanding of the biblical text by attending to the
ways in which its diverse literary forms (the "originary language of faith")
reconfigure existence, and by excluding systematic theologians from the
conversation. Riccur prefers to have the exegete as his dialogue partner because
systematic theologians, in their haste to arrive at the clarity and closedness of
concepts, run roughshod over the textuality of faith's expression.'
A brief statement of my own first theology is now perhaps in order. Once upon
a time, if asked what in the New Testament was authoritative, I would have
replied, "Revelation." (On this point, Thomists, evangelicals, and Barthians all
agree, though they parse "revelation" differently.) Theology's task, I thought,
was the extraction of propositional revelation or truth content from Scripture and
its consequent organization into a consistent conceptual system. Two pictures-
one of Scripture as revelation and one of theology as a two-stage process, from
descriptive exegesis ("what it meant") to normative dogmatics ("what it means")-
held me captive."
There is a more compelling picture. Exegesis and theology are not in a relay
race but rather in a dance: an exegetical-theological two-step in which the
interpreter, like the nimble Mr. Fezziwig, advances and retires, holds hands with
his partner, then "cuts so deftly" that he appears to wink with his legs, making it
impossible to say which partner is leading, biblical studies or systematics.12
The present chapter pursues two primary goals and advances two theses.
The first goal: Clarify the concept of apostolic discourse, especially with
regard to the woefully neglected aspect of its manifold forms ("in some way").
The corresponding thesis: Attending to these literary forms is conducive to
theodramatic understanding. "The very form of the text shapes responses in us
that make it hard to become a mere spectator or a mere moralist. 1114
APOSTOLIC DISCOURSE
The actual authors of the New Testament may not have been eyewitnesses
themselves, yet Richard Bauckham contends that the Gospel texts "are much
closer to the form in which the eyewitnesses told their stories or passed on their
traditions than is commonly envisaged in current scholarship. 1122 He also notes
that in the ancient world, "the historian himself should have been a participant in
the events he narrates."23 From a somewhat different vantage point, Francis
Watson depicts the evangelists as actors whose authorial speech was a kind of
reading (of the Old Testament and, in the case of Matthew and Luke, of Mark)
that improved or "improvised" on what proceeded .21 In various ways, then, we
may say that the apostles participate in the economy of triune communicative
action. Accordingly, I have a slight revision to our definition: apostolic discourse
concerns "something someone says in some way to someone about something
that one saw for oneself or was told by someone else (not least, the Holy Spirit)."
DIVINE DISCOURSE
In churches the world over ministers conclude the weekly reading of the
apostolic discourse by saying, "The word of the Lord." The congregation
responds, "Thanks be to God." These theologically laden utterances call for
deeper reflection than we have space for here. Suffice it to say that the church
has taken the apostolic discourse as authoritative precisely because it
communicates the word of God.
Scripture repeatedly depicts God as speaking, and the creeds confess that the
Spirit of God locutus est per prophetas.21 It is precisely this emphasis on
discourse that saves an author-oriented approach from the sting of Barth's
criticism that the traditional view freezes the Word of God in a text, thereby
caging the "bird in flight" in the prison house of language. Discourse is realized
in the event of speaking and hearing/reading, and God is Lord of both events.
The external testimony of the apostles is fixed; the internal testimony of the
Spirit is free. In brief: we can affirm the Bible as God's speech in a way that
preserves God's sovereign freedom (i.e., the authorial activity of God as
speaking subject), precisely by doing justice to the notion of texts as written
discourse as opposed to texts as simply containers of propositional revelation.
DOMINICAL DISCOURSE
To the extent that apostolic discourse is under the lordship of Christ, we may
go even further and suggest that it includes Christ's kingly and priestly offices as
well, for the word of the Lord not only informs but also rules and mediates. To
repeat: saying something must not be reduced to stating something. On the
contrary, saying is a form of doing, and many things may be done with words.
The "predicate" of discourse thus refers to the various things that authors do as
communicative agents: illocutionary acts.30 The apostolic discourse involves
more, but not less, than propositional proclamation. Authors can say/do more
than one thing at a time: one can bear witness to the Christ and narrate a story
and allude to the Old Testament and encourage someone, all in a single
discourse.
Markus Bockmuehl thus rightly calls for New Testament studies to focus on
the implied or ideal reader, the reader envisaged by the discourse itself, for the
ideal reader is a disciple, one "drawn into an act of reading that involves an
active part on stage."33 This aspect of discourse brings a new figure into the
spotlight of theological interpretation of Scripture: the implied canonical reader.
The person or community to whom the apostolic discourse is ultimately
addressed is one who is able to see Christ in the Old Testament and the church as
the new Israel, thus able faithfully to enact the script.
The referent of apostolic discourse is not simply the world "behind" the New
Testament text but also the world "of" and "in front of" it: what God is doing in
Christ through the Spirit (cf. 2 Cor. 5:19) to restore Israel and to renew creation.
In a word: the apostolic discourse is about the gospel. This gospel centers on
Jesus Christ, though Paul can also identify himself as an apostle "set apart for the
gospel of God" (Rom. 1:1).34 This is the same gospel that is "the power of God"
(Rom. 1:16), the same gospel in which is revealed "the righteousness of God"
(Rom. 1:17). The revelation of God's righteousness is accomplished not in a
statement but rather in an eschatologically freighted theodrama in which God
has to demonstrate that he can remain godly while establishing right relations
with the ungodly (Rom. 3:21-26). To the extent that apostolic discourse is about
"righteousness of God," then, it is not simply theological discourse, but
theodicean discourse.35
Each of my three dialogue partners has, in his own way, prompted me to focus
on this single neglected aspect of discourse.36 Kelsey, for example, proposes
that ultimately it is the patterns (not the content) in Scripture that make it
normative for theology, but he fails adequately to relate these patterns to the
forms of apostolic discourse.37 Instead, he argues that the decision
imaginatively to construe the Bible as having a certain kind of pattern is
determined not by exegesis but rather by something "pre-textual." He thus
overlooks the embedded patterns in Scripture intrinsic to its forms of discourse
and literary genres.
POETIC ANALYSIS
To take the apostolic discourse as normative for theology, one must do more
than read it as direct communication-that is, as a straightforward teaching of
revealed truths. Theologians must do more (but not less!) than "narrow" analysis
that simply distills clear propositions from texts in order to assess their cogency.
This kind of analysis-"the dissection of sentence structures and investigation of
language as the best means of investigating concepts"39-yields only thin textual
descriptions that overlook the cognitive significance of larger forms of discourse,
such as literary genres. The conceptual tools of the AngloAmerican analytic
trade seem better suited to sentence-long discourse than to larger discursive
forms. In this connection, we may note Ben Ollenburger's criticism of Nicholas
Wolterstorff: "Among my puzzlements in reading Divine Discourse is its almost
exclusive attention to sentences."40
How does imaginatively indwelling the discursive forms of the Bible help us
discern the theologically normative from the culturally relative, core beliefs
about God from incidental remnants of obsolete worldviews? It does so by
enabling us to keep our eye on the theodramatic action and on the task of
moving it forward. The historical scenes and the cultural props may vary; not so
what God is doing in Christ to form his church and renew creation. Each form of
apostolic discourse contributes to the church's ability to understand and
participate in this divine missionary work. Some situations call for a rehearsal of
the gospel narrative to remind us who and where we are in the theodrama; others
call for a good dose of apocalyptic, and still others a parabolic wise saying.
David Pao argues that Luke bases his account of the Acts of the Apostles on
the Isaianic "new exodus" motif, and that the "word of the Lord" is the main
actor or central character in the book of Acts.47 Where previous scholarship
focused on the content of the apostolic discourse, Pao examines the "pattern" of
the word's journey from Jerusalem to Rome. The journey is actually a conquest
narrative: despite opposition, the word of the Lord "grew and multiplied" (Acts
12:24), advancing through Samaria to Corinth and Ephesus and beyond .41
There is nothing in Pao's account of the conquest narrative of the word of the
Lord that pertains directly to the process of canonization. Nevertheless, Pao
identifies the goal of the word's journey into the far country as "the construction
of the community of the word."49 It is significant that Acts treats the two
themes-the power of the word and the formation of the community-together. The
word "conquers" only in the sense that, together with the Spirit, it convicts and
persuades hearers/readers of its truth, thereby forming a community of obedient
interpreters. If the event of God's revelation in Jesus includes its own reception,
and if the Spirit who is the Lord of the hearing (Barth) is also the Spirit of Jesus
Christ, then may we not conclude that the prophetic activity of Jesus includes the
reception of the apostolic testimony that he also commissioned? If so, may this
not respond, at least in part, to what Childs names as the most fundamental flaw
in authorial discourse interpretation: "the failure to understand the role of the
church in collecting, shaping and interpreting the Bible, which is the issue of
canon"?50 The process of the church's gradual recognition of certain texts as
apostolic, which from a historical perspective appears both tainted and arbitrary,
makes good theological sense when viewed in christological perspective. The
proper dogmatic location of the canon may well be the prophetic office of Jesus
Christ: "You have heard that it was said.... But I say to you. . ." (Matt. 5:21-44).
POSTCANONICAL DEVELOPMENTS
Robert Gundry, noting the diversity in the New Testament, even in regard to
the way the various evangelists identify Jesus as the Christ, asks whether their
canonization means that they should be synthesized or allowed to stand next to,
or even in tension with, one another." Does the canon call for and enable a
systematizing view of Jesus, or does it delimit a space within which a thousand
(well, at least four or five) Christologies may bloom? Does the canonical form
itself privilege the work of the theologian or of the exegete? For his part, Gundry
calls attention to the occasional nature of the documents and opts for preserving
the canon's biblio-diversity."
"MEET": FITTINGNESS
The apostolic discourse opens up a window onto what we could call "the
strange new ontology" of the Bible: an account not of being-in-general but of
being-in-Christ (2 Cor. 5:17). What is normative for Christian doctrine is not
some scientifically outmoded worldview, but the strange newworld view of the
Bible, rendered in and through a variety of word views (i.e., literary genres).
Historical narrative is fine for describing the past, but we need apocalyptic to
depict the end of history. Scientific discourse is fine (though not exhaustive) for
explaining the causal regularities observed in nature, but we need wisdom
discourse if we are to discern a deeper dimension, the created order, underneath
the surface phenomena. The various forms of apostolic discourse provide
"training in Christianity" (Kierkegaard) by discipling and directing our
imaginations to discern diverse theodramatic patterns, all of which ultimately
originate and end "in Christ."
"RIGHT": RIGHTEOUSNESS
The New Testament is not only profitable but also authoritative for training in
rightness: for speaking, thinking, and acting fittingly with regard to the truth,
goodness, and beauty made known in Jesus Christ." Theological interpretation of
the Bible involves right (i.e., developed apostolic) judgments about rightness
and, ultimately, the righteousness of God. "For in these last days he has spoken
to us by a Son" (Heb. 1:2), the one whose life and work is the very substance of
theodrama, the one who embodies God's right-doing. God's right-doing is the
heart of the gospel, the revelation of God's righteousness (Rom. 1:17) that
climaxes in God's justifying the ungodly by means of Christ's cross.59 God's
right-doing also features prominently in what is perhaps the most controversial
issue in the philosophy of religion, the problem of evil, inasmuch as it forces us
to choose between God's power and his goodness/righteousness.
Does the apostolic discourse of the cross "answer" the problem of evil? The
prior question, of course, is whether one ought to be seeking such answers, or
even whether evil constitutes a "problem" that admits of a solution. According to
Terrence Tilley, "theodicy" is not an apostolic form of discourse but rather a
modern one that warps the way biblical texts are read.60 A theodicy is a
monological, theoretical discourse that does not solve but instead inadvertently
contributes further to the problem of evil by failing to deal with real evils. Its key
declarative assertion-"the World is as well as it could be made by infinite Power
and Goodness"61-cannot be sustained in the face of ongoing sin, suffering, and
evil. Theodicies cross the fine line between uttering true propositions ("You will
get your reward in heaven") and administering verbal opiates.62
Contributors
Markus Bockmuehl is a Fellow of Keble College and professor of biblical and
early Christian studies at the University of Oxford, having previously taught at
the Universities of Cambridge and St. Andrews. Among his books are The
Epistle to the Philippians (Hendrickson, 1998); Jewish Law in Gentile Churches:
Halakhah and the Beginning of Christian Public Ethics (Baker Academic, 2003);
and Seeing the Word: Refocusing New Testament Study (Baker Academic,
2006).
Oliver O'Donovan, FBA, an Anglican priest, was Regius Professor of Moral and
Pastoral Theology and canon of Christ Church at the University of Oxford from
1982 to 2006, and since then he has been professor of Christian ethics and
practical theology at the University of Edinburgh. His writings include
Resurrection and Moral Order: An Outline for Evangelical Ethics (Apollos,
1986; 2nd ed., 1992); The Desire of the Nations: An Outline for Political
Theology (Cambridge University Press, 1996); The Just War Revisited
(Cambridge University Press, 1996); The Ways of Judgment (Eerdmans, 2005);
and From Irenaeus to Grotius: A Sourcebook in Christian Political Thought
(Eerdmans, 1999), co-edited with his wife, Joan Lockwood O'Donovan.
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Scripture Index
Subject Index
1. Studies in Theological Interpretation (Baker Academic, 2006-); Journal of
Theological Interpretation (2007-); Kevin J. Vanhoozer, ed., Dictionary for
Theological Interpretation of the Bible (London: SPK; Grand Rapids: Baker
Academic, 2005); Brazos Theological Commentary on the Bible (Brazos Press,
2005-); The Two Horizons New Testament Commentary (Eerdmans, 2005-).
1. In this essay the term Old Greek is reserved for the putative original
translation of a particular book. The term Septuagint is employed in two ways:
first, to refer to the broad stream of transmission of the Old Greek text, including
efforts to revise the Old Greek to bring it into closer conformity to a Hebrew
exemplar; second, to refer more generally to the books that are eventually
collected (though never in a single standardized form) as the Greek Bible.
11. See, for example, for Paul, Koch 1986; for 1 Peter, Jobes 2006; for
Matthew, Menken 2004.
12. For example, Isa. 6:10 in John 12:39-41; cf. Mark 8:17-21; Rom. 11:7-8.
See the detailed treatment of these texts in Menken 1988; Wagner 2002: 246-51.
13. At the same time, the degree of fluidity in the Greek text should not be
exaggerated. Paul's citations from Psalms, and to a lesser extent those from
Isaiah, attest the continuing survival in the middle of the first century of what is
essentially the Old Greek text of these books. See Silva 2001; on the text of Old
Greek Isaiah in Paul, see Wilk 2006; cf. Wagner 2002: 24n86.
15. The Letter of Aristeas may plausibly be read, at least in part, as a defense
of "the Septuagint" against those revisers who sought to conform the translation
more closely to a protoMasoretic form of the text (Muller 1996: 46-58). Philo's
account of the translation portrays the translators as inspired prophets. On Philo
and on later elaborations of the miraculous nature of the translation, see Muller
1996: 61-64, 68-97.
17. See Hengel 2002: 108 (contra Koch 1986: 81); cf. Wagner 2002: 22n82.
18. "The church fathers presumed the authority of the Septuagint, but they did
not confuse authority with clarity. Some Greek words posed problems, and
recourse to the Hebrew held out hope of shedding light on difficult words"
(O'Keefe and Reno 2005: 50).
19. For example, at Isa. 8:15 Theodoret adduces the readings of Symmachus
and Aquila in order to clarify the meaning of the Septuagint (Theodoret,
Commentary on Isaiah on Isa. 8:15 [= Guinot 1980: 310]).
22. Aejmelaeus 2006b: 23 (my translation); cf. Childs (1979: 664): "When
viewed in the light of the entire canonical process, the formal differences
between the two Bibles text, scope, order appear as minor variations within the
one unified body of sacred tradition."
23. See Bertram 1961. Recent advocates of such a concept include Hans
Hubner (1990: 1.61-62) and, in more nuanced form, Joachim Schaper (2006:
379-80). For objections to Bertram's views, see van der Kooij 1997: 9-10.
26. For example, according to Schaper (2006: 376), the Isaiah Targum often
"makes more explicit" an interpretive tradition "already present in the
Septuagint." Tov (2005: 391, 388) claims that although the Septuagint evinces
"only a thin layer of Jewish exegesis," it "shows more links with rabbinic
interpretations than the other Greek versions."
27. See Hanhart 2002: 7-8. Compare the early use of Aramaic it1C in
devotional address to Jesus (1 Cor. 16:22). See further Fitzmyer 1979.
29. Quite the opposite is the case with regard to, for example, Paul's
appropriation of Isaiah. See Wagner 2002; Wilk 1998.
30. This way of stating the matter is hardly a caricature of the issue as it has
sometimes been framed in the scholarly literature. Dominique Barthelemy
(1978: 138), for example, speaks of the Septuagint as an "attempt to enter into
dialogue with Hellenism" and claims that "the church is the inheritor of the great
openness towards the nations that the Septuagint was" (I owe the reference and
translation to Barr 1999: 577). Such a characterization of the Septuagint requires
considerable nuancing, to say the least. The Greek version of Isaiah, for instance,
often appears far less universalistic in outlook than does its Hebrew counterpart:
"It is often with respect to Hebrew Isaiah's most generous statements to and
about the nations that the [Greek] translator shows a reluctance that at points
comes close to hostility" (Baer 2001: 199). A striking example is the rendering
of Old Greek Isa. 19:24-25. In the Masoretic Text the oracle speaks of God's
redemption of Assyria and Egypt, but the Old Greek restricts the promise of
salvation to the Jewish Diaspora in these lands.
33. Childs 1992: 64-68. Childs bases his argument for the status of the
Septuagint not only on the New Testament use of the Septuagint but also on the
argument from catholicity-that is, the reception of the Septuagint by the most
ancient Christian congregations.
38. Childs 1985: 529 (italics added). The context makes it clear that by
"purity" Childs means "the truest witness to the gospel": "The process of seeking
to discern the truest witness to the gospel from within the church's multiple
traditions functions to remind the interpreter of the canonical corpus that the
element of theological interpretation is not only constitutive of the church's
scriptures in general, but has also entered into the textual dimensions of the
tradition as well" (Childs 1985: 529).
42. Examples from Ulrich 1992 (reprinted in Ulrich 1999: 51-78). Ulrich
(1999:73) emphasizes that in these instances "the creative, secondary editorial
work was already done at the Hebrew (or, for Daniel, Aramaic) level within the
Jewish community." See further Schenker 2003.
46. "When the early church spoke of the coercion or pressure exerted by the
biblical text on the reader, it was a formulation grounded on the conviction that
the written Word possessed a voice constantly empowered by God's Spirit"
(Childs 2004: 296). On the importance of pneumatology for an account of the
"sanctification" of the Septuagint, and thus of its theological authority, see the
concluding section of this essay.
54. How the modern church may critically appropriate the best insights from
its long tradition of theological interpretation is thoughtfully explored in Davis
and Hays 2003.
13. In the postwar period this interpretation was made popular by writers such
as Bo Reicke (1946), Joachim Jeremias (1969: 260-63), and others (see, e.g., the
list in Thiering 1981: 69-70n25), though its cogency was at times overstated.
15. A similar view was taken by Thomas Rausch (1988), who adopted
Brown's criteria but added koininia and tolerance of diversity.
19. See, for example, Patrick Dias's 1965 dissertation, published in the series
Okumenische Forschungen, jointly (!) edited by Hans Kung and Joseph
Ratzinger (Dias 1968; cf. the later work Dias 1974). Compare previously, for
example, Paul Minear (1960: 221-49), who speaks of interrelated "images," and
Rudolf Schnackenburg (1965: 55-117 [German original, 1961]), who
systematizes "theological guiding ideas" and their "basic unity."
20. I commissioned one such collection ten years ago. See Bockmuehl and
Thompson 1997.
24. "The conciliatory and even-minded traits of old age never caught up with
me, because I believe one really ought to get to the bottom of many things, and
there is too much against which, precisely as a Christian and a theologian, one
ought to polemicize" (Kiiscmann 1970: 357 [my translation]; see further pp.
361-62).
25. See, for example, Ulrichs 2001. The German government denied
Kiisemann support, and he was forced to pay a ransom of $22,000 to retrieve her
badly abused body (which was then buried at Tubingen). In 2003 German
prosecutors formally filed an extradition request for those responsible, but the
Argentinian courts refused. See further Malcher 2003.
29. "Frankly, after a lifetime's preoccupation with the detail as well as the
totality of New Testament theology, I am unable to hear the voice of the one
Christ in all the witnesses. Even if the church's experience of two thousand years
were to bear witness to it, that would not distract me in the slightest, nor even
interest me" (Kasemann 1970: 365 [my translation]).
34. A point powerfully stated by loannis Zizioulas (2001: 57, and passim),
who goes on in the same breath to demand theological criteria for distinguishing
between legitimate and illegitimate diversity.
38. See studies such as Kinzer 2005; Lindbeck 2003; Marshall 2001; Soulen
2003 as well as the 2002 Vatican document on the Old Testament as Jewish and
Christian Scripture (Pontifical Biblical Commission 2002).
42. Lindheck 2003: 85, citing Harnack 1908: 2:279-89 and Pelikan 1971: 25-
26.
40. For the construal of Pauline ecclesiology in terms of Israel, see Kraus
1995.
41. Scc further Bockmuehl 2006: 222-23 and n. 65; also Lohfink 1999.
46. Dunn 2006: 115. The quotation continues: "but only larger or smaller
groups of disciples either observing his mission or hindering his mission or
participating in some small way in his mission."
47. See Meier 2001; Horbury 2003: 157-88; Davies and Sanders 1999: 635-
36. For fuller documentation, including positions that dissent from the
consensus, see Bockmuehl 2006: 211-15.
48. And not vice versa. The apostolic form without the apostolic mission
invites death by orthodox sclerosis, while the latter without the former invites
fermentation of a cult.
1. As I write this essay, I have just read Matthew Parris's latest periodic salvo
against religion in The Times (Parris 2007). In response to those who ask why he
continues to "bang on," he says, "An ad hominem response would be to remark
that when the Church had the upper hand it was happy to persecute, imprison or
behead non-believers and fight crusades against other religions.... On the back
foot at last, it discovers (first) a brotherhood between all its sects. Then as the
situation deteriorates Christianity discovers within itself a respect first for
Judaism (suddenly we are all `Judaeo-Christians'), then women with a Christian
vocation, then for divorcees, and finally finds a common purpose with religions
such as Islam, too (the `faith' community). Needs must."
3. The text is available online on the website of The Institute for Christian and
Jewish Studies: www.icjs.org/what/njsp/dabruemet.html.
4. In the wider context there is also the distinguished precedent of Pope John
Paul II, who said, in an address to Muslims on 9 May 1985 as part of a welcome
to a colloquium on "Holiness in Christianity and Islam," "As I have often said in
other meetings with Muslims, Your God and ours is one and the same, and we
are brothers and sisters in the faith of Abraham" (see www .vatican.va/holy
father/john_paul_ii/speeches/1985/may).
6. Levenson 2001: 37. See also, more fully, Levenson 2004, especially pp. 6-
10.
8. www.sternberg-foundation.co.uk/founders-bios.html#braybrooke.
12. Smith 1999: 269. Admittedly, Smith subsequently offers a more positive
construal of Jesus' words; though he does so by appeal to Hebrews 10:20 rather
than to the intrinsic dynamic of Johannine Christology.
14. At my time of writing, Rowan Williams also discusses John 14:6 in his
Larkin Stuart Lecture, "The Bible Today: Reading and Hearing." He observes,
among other things, "The point is that the actual question being asked is not
about the fate of non-Christians; it is about how the disciples are to understand
the death of Jesus as the necessary clearing of the way which they are to walk....
If we ask what the question is that the passage overall poses, or what the change
is that needs to be taking place over the time of the passage's narration, it is
about the move from desolation in the face of the cross (Jesus' cross and the
implicit demand for the disciple to carry the cross also) to confidence that the
process is the work of love coming from and leading to the Father" (Williams
2007).
15. On the possible significance of the repeated definite article, see Motile
1959: 112.
16. As Rudolf Bultmann (1971: 605-6) puts it, Jesus is the access to God not
"in the sense that he mediated the access and then became superfluous," but
rather "he is the way in such a manner as to be at the same time the goal."
17. Throughout John's Gospel "have faith, believe" (pisteuo) is the prime term
of appropriate response to,Jesus and introduces the paragraph on which we are
focusing (John 14:1).
18. For a pithy presentation of the main issues in the debate about the meaning
of monogenes and its relation to monogennetos ("only-begotten"), see Bauer et
al. 1999, s.v. monogenes.
21. I discuss this elsewhere in terms of the principle that "the possibility of
experiencing grace and the possibility of experiencing grace as grace, are not the
same thing" (Moberly 2006: 248); the wording comes from Nicholas Lash in his
construal of Karl Rahner's theology.
23. So too Rowan Williams, in his discussion of John 14:6, observes, "The
text in question indeed states that there is no way to the Father except in virtue of
what Jesus does and suffers; but precisely because that defines the way we must
then follow, it is (to say the least) paradoxical if it is used as a simple self-
affirmation for the exclusive claim of the Christian institution or the Christian
system. There is, in other words, a way of affirming the necessity of Christ's
crucified mediation that has the effect of undermining the very way it is
supposed to operate" (Williams 2007).
24. This is perhaps especially the case in the story of the man born blind (John
9).
25. John does not use the Greek term mysterion. My point here concerns
conceptuality rather than terminology.
1. Wright 2005.
2. Jenson 2006.
4. For a more measured, but brief, discussion of the subject, see Schweitzer
1973: 5.375-77. See also Riissler 1990.
7. Schweitzer 1995.
9. See Barsam 2001 (see now the published version, Barsam 2007, which
appeared too late for consultation here).
17. See especially Schweitzer 1901; 1906 (also the enlarged second edition,
Schweitzer 1913 [ET, Schweitzer 2000]).
21. Quotations are taken from the English translation, Schweitzer 2000.
30. Schweitzer 2000: 483. Note his words from 1903: "The eternal nature of
Jesus cannot be described but can only be conceivable to those who are bound to
him in community" (Schweitzer 2003: 275).
25. Schweitzer 2000: 481.
27. Schweitzer 2000: 481. See also words from 1926 in Schweitzer 2003: 368.
37. "To the question, How can a man be in the world and in God at one and
the same time, we find this answer in the Gospel of Jesus: 'By being and working
in this world as one who is not of the world"' (Schweitzer 1951: 73-74). See
further Frey 1993: 158.
44. On Troeltsch, and the general theological background of the period, see
Claussen 1997.
48. For accounts of Schweitzer's work on Paul, see Matlock 1996; Grasser
2003.
53. On this and the general "Enlightenment" tone of Schweitzer's work, see
Matlock 1996: 58-59.
58. Note this comment by Schweitzer: "All living knowledge of God rests
upon this foundation: that we experience Him in our lives as will-to-love" (1933:
277).
61. Ina sermon dated 22 March 1903 Schweitzer explicitly rejects the idea that
Jesus is simply a moral exemplar: "He wants to be more than an example, he will
be the force [Kraft] which a new world hopes for" (2001: 457).
2. In this essay I will speak of Scripture instead of the New Testament because
both Barth and Mildenberger treat the New Testament not as a separate entity but
rather as part of Scripture.
4. For an analysis of the different uses of the term Gestalt ("form") in Barth's
reflections, see Muis 1999: 138-44.
15. For the term "reversible," see Lindbeck 1984: 85, 87. Mildenberger (BD I,
216) can incidentally call Jesus the Word of God that has become flesh, but this
does not determine his thought.
16. Mildenberger (BD II, 389-91) acknowledges that the Logos Christology of
the early church is a break with Hellenistic metaphysics. Even so, it uses
metaphysical concepts to say who Jesus Christ is for us, and in this way it
remains indebted to the metaphysical tradition and its insoluble problems. In his
view, this is also the case in Barth's Christology.
17. James Dunn (2006: xxxix) says that the diversity in the New Testament
"should be something liberating and exciting, since it undergirds the affirmation
that God continues to speak to the diverse and specific situations of today"
18. Sec Mildenberger's (BD I, 256-57) interaction with Brevard Childs about
Amos's proclamation of divine judgment.
22. Barth 1976a: 429. To be fair, in small print Barth (1976a: 432-35)
discusses carefully the relevant New Testament texts about the kingdom of
Christ and explores the implicit evidence in the New Testament as a whole for
his bold claim.
19. The exalted man Jesus is the center of the New Testament (Dunn 2006:
247, 405-6).
20. I take this term from David Ford (1979: 78), who uses it in a different
context.
31. Dunn (2006: 246) seems to support this argument, but elsewhere (Dunn
1989: 63, 259) he rejects it.
33. Interestingly, there has been a shift in Dunn's view on the relation between
John and Nicea: the importance of incarnation as God's self-revelation has
become more and more clear to him on the basis of the whole of John's Gospel.
Cf. Dunn 2006: 249, 412; 1989: xxvii-xxviii, 261-65.
34. I am grateful to Dr. Gerrit van Ek for his helpful comments on the first
draft of this essay.
8. Williams 2001b: 6.
27. Williams 1982: 63; see also Williams 1995b (essay on Michael Ramsey).
63. Williams 1982: 49. It is worth noting that in setting out this understanding
of Scripture as sign, Williams most commonly speaks of narrative texts,
especially the resurrection narratives, whose indeterminacy and obliqueness
cohere well with his presentation; it is not easy to see how Romans or Hebrews
would fare on this account.
88. Williams's recent Larkin Stuart Lecture "The Bible Today: Reading and
Hearing" gives some space to these matters in speaking of Scripture as the
address of the risen Christ, partly in response to critics who heard earlier
statements as a claim that "we are given only a method of interpretation by the
form of Scripture-a method that, by pointing us to the conflict and tension
between texts simply leaves us with theologically unresolvable debate as a
universal norm for Christian discourse" (Williams 2007).
1. Montagnes 2006.
2. Guitton 1992.
4. This is ill viewed nowadays, but that is not our main concern. On the theme
of condescension (paragraph 37), see Dreyfus 1985. The reference to Thomas
Aquinas, the Angelic Doctor, is found in his commentary on Hebrews, chapter 1,
lectio 4, paragraph 64.
6. ET, Gunkel 2006. Lagrange's answer was accepted in 1948 by the Biblical
Commission.
10. Rahncr and Ratzinger 1966; Ratzinger 1998. On the role of church
authority in interpreting Scripture, see, among recent publications, Gilbert 2002
(he calculates that there are twelve biblical verses whose meaning has been
defined, all done at Trent, all having to do with sacraments); Bieringer 2006.
Istina 51 (2006): 225-330 presents a symposium on Catholic and Orthodox
hermeneutics.
11. Scc Kelly 2006 (first edition, 1950): 213, 238-39, 286, 290, 294; Ayres
2006. See also Torrance in chapter 9 of the present volume.
9. Cougar 1966.
12. Sanders 1972; 1984; 1987; Childs 1992; McDonald and Sanders 2002;
Soding 2006.
15. On this matter, see the chapter on the canon in Viviano 2007: 270-89, and
the literature there cited. See also Lienhard 1995; Neuhaus 1989.
16. See de la Potterie 1988; McGovern 1999; Lowe 2000; Levenson 1993.
18. "Notes on the Correct Way to Present the Jews and Judaism in Preaching
and Catechesis in the Roman Catholic Church" (June 1985); available in English
in Wigoder 1988: 149-59.
2. Words such as win or refute are what Gilbert Ryle refers to as "achievement
words" or "success words" with a success grammar (Ryle 1949: 143). See
"Achievements" in Ryle 1949: 143-47; see also 211-12.
3. This is also the case with conservative evangelicals, but less surprisingly so,
given their commitment to the reliability of Scripture as a whole.
8. Hick 1977. This epitomized the kind of suspicion that has been cast on
those within New Testament circles who seemed to be too well disposed toward
Nicene orthodoxy over the three decades since.
5. Dunn 1989: 9.
6. Dunn 1989: 9.
7. Dunn 1989: 268.
18. The fact that there are "rules of use" is, perhaps, a factor insufficiently
appreciated by Barr, as reflected in his general suspicion of lexicography
19. They are not sufficient conditions per se because scholars who are
maximally accomplished in all the relevant fields may still be unwarranted in
their theological conclusions because they lack a necessary condition, which a
humble reader of Scripture might conceivably possess: whatever is meant by
"eyes to see" or discernment "according to the Spirit," or what is, for
Kierkegaard, the redemption of their reason.
25. This is where human concepts (noiai) are given to penetrate through (dia)
to the reality of God. This contrasts with mere human opinions (epinoiai) about
the divine that characterize the mythological projection or fabrication with which
we are left if the twofold homoousion is no longer to be affirmed.
34. The teacher (or text) who seeks to draw attention to self as important does
not give but rather takes away. The teacher (or text) who places self where the
eternal truths alone should be detracts from the truth. The teacher who is true to
the eternal ideals, therefore, must fade away, become nothing ---a mere
vanishing point or occasion of a relationship that is much greater: the
relationship between the mind and the nonhistorical, nonpersonal, eternal ideas
or ideals that are the true objects of contemplation.
Socrates would therefore draw shapes in the sand in order to aid in the process
of anamnesis. He would then quietly disappear, not wishing to attract attention to
himself in any way.
35. The verb maieuesthai means "to be a midwife"-that is, to facilitate the
birthing of something that is already present (immanent) within one and to which
the midwife in no way adds or contributes.
38. To possess the conditions of the recognition of the truth is, for
Kierkegaard, to possess the truth in embryonic form.
43. Bockmuchl 2006: 24. One would have to look hard to find a more subtle
integration of theological and historical insight than that which Bockmuehl
accomplishes in his essay "Resurrection" in The Cambridge Companion to Jesus
(Bockmuehl 2001: 102-18).
46. Rae 1997: 119. The point is that we should not assume any continuity
between paradigms reposing on Western concepts of (the canons of) reason or
experience or culture and the paradigm that results from the presence of the
Spirit liberating us to discover in the biblical material a witness to the eph'hapax
presence of God with us in the human Jesus. It is for these reasons that the
publication of Barth's Romerbrief (Barth 1922 [ET, Barth 1933]) constituted a
sea change in the context of the Kulturprotestantismus of the time; he was
arguing that Romans was required to be interpreted within a paradigm that was
intrinsically incompatible with the culturally conditioned hermeneutical agendas
of the time.
48. Jungel 1989: 297-98 (cited in Rae 1997: 130). The primary difference is
that the paradigm shifts integral to major scientific advances discussed by Kuhn
are the results of imaginative heuristic leaps. Michael Polanyi describes the
conditions of these as relating to the operations of our tacit dimension whereby
pressure on our subliminal ordering of experiences engenders an unanticipatable
leap. The creativity is ours.
49. That is, where a shape can be glimpsed as a rabbit at one moment and a
duck the next, and where one can direct one's perception of the shape to oscillate
between the two.
50. See Plantinga 2000: 175-76. The obvious question that emerges here is
whether this model allows for verification, falsification, or even adjudication.
Does it not, moreover, preclude the possibility of self-criticism? To express the
concerns more bluntly: it would seem either that this does not amount to a great
deal in practice or that if it does, it appears quasi-gnostic at best and dangerous at
worst.
Being given the "eyes to see" would, on this model, enhance (albeit
incompletely) one's understanding of the nature of the history of Jesus Christ
something that can only play into one's interpretation of every facet of that
history.
55. This participates in the one who, by the Spirit, is the Self-authenticating
Logos the Autologos.
2. Webster 2003.
1. Hays 1996.
2. Hays 1996: 3.
6. Dunn 1988: 2.712. Dunn opts for the passive voice rather than the middle
voice.
8. Alasdair Maclntyre points out that in the classical concept of the practical
syllogism in Aristotle, what results from the appropriate perception of the
highest good and the wise pondering of its realization in a given circumstance
via phronesis is action itself. "There is no logical space for something else to
intervene: a decision, for example" (Maclntyre 1988: 140).
11. On the political significance of this distinction, see my argument about the
"conciliar obligation" of the church to arrive at a consensus in elemental
questions (Wannenwetsch 2004: 298-317).
13. On the distinction between subjective accounts of any human action and
its objective purpose, the actual "object of the act," see Wannenwetsch 1998.
15. See his chapter "The Virtues, Unity of a Human Life and the Concept of a
Tradition" (Maclntyre 1981: 204-25).
17. For a fuller account of the sacraments as a form of action and judgment,
see Wannenwetsch, forthcoming.
1. It should be acknowledged that it is not always easy to judge what counts,
say, as an incidental, nonauthoritative background cultural practice and what
counts as a binding practice for disciples in other cultural contexts. For one
attempt to formulate criteria for distinguishing the authoritative from the
nonauthoritative, see Webb 2001.
2. For example, Warfield construes the Bible as doctrine and thus views its
authority in terms of the propositions conveyed, whereas Bultmann construes the
Bible as myth and authority in terms of the self-understanding of human
existence expressed therein.
7. What I find helpful in Dodd is his deep commitment to treating the New
Testament as history, literature, and theology; his conviction that the beginning
of Christian theology is in the New Testament's use of the Old Testament; his
passion for discerning patterns of ideas and actions alike (cf. Rom. 6:17: `But
thanks be to God, that you ... have become obedient from the heart to the
standard of teaching [typon didaches] to which you were committed"). See
Markus Bockmuehl's related "discussion" with Dodd in Bockmuehl 2006: 27-74.
Bockmuehl is particularly struck by Dodd's silence with regard to the role of the
reader in New Testament interpretation.
10. Kelsey himself thinks that what makes the Bible Christian Scripture
derives not from what it says but rather from what it does; he thinks of biblical
authority in functional terms, as a matter of "shaping Christian identity" Viewing
the New Testament texts as discourse exposes Kelsey's crucial shortcoming here
too: because discourse pertains to what a person does with words, there is no
need to contrast God saying with God doing.
8. So McDonald 1980: 5.
11. For a fuller description and a critique of this hermeneutical two-step, see
Gilbertson 2003: 21-31.
15. I also have two secondary goals: (1) aid and abet theological interpretation
of Scripture by nurturing the emerging discussion between systematic theology
and New Testament studies; (2) respond to my critics (and to confine these
occasional skirmishes to the footnotes).
16. When readers impose their own sense on the New Testament texts, they do
to the apostles what Feuerbach says theologians do to God: project their own
ideas. This way interpretative idolatry lies.
17. The criticism flows in both directions. Carl Henry (1990) attacks Brevard
Childs for having a weak notion of inspired authorship, and Brevard Childs
(2005) attacks Nicholas Wolterstorff for imposing "an imaginative philosophical
construct" (see especially p. 385).
19. I agree with Stephen Chapman that "a canonical account of inspiration
keeps the theological interpretation of Scripture focused where it should be-on
the text" (Chapman 2006: 200), with the proviso that we need to construe the
text as apostolic (and ultimately divine) discourse. Chapman (2006: 186) appeals
to Sandra Schneiders's account of the "ideal meaning" produced by the
interaction between (1) what the text says about something, (2) the genre in
which it is said, and (3) the personal style of the author. This account ascribes
communicative agency to an impersonal text; authors here have only stylistic,
not substantial, significance. Chapman believes that the concept of authorial
discourse cannot by itself do justice to the process of canon formation.
Everything depends on what we mean by "author," however. For my own part, I
understand the author to be the person or persons responsible for the final form
of the text and hence its concomitant illocutions (e.g., meaning), and I
understand inspiration to ascribe authorship to God as well as to the apostles, his
proximate human agents.
20. Jesus was the first "apostle": God the Father sent Jesus, who was the Word,
as his message (Mark 9:37; cf. Heb 3:1); Jesus in turn sends out his apostles with
the message to spread the word (Mark 3:14; cf. 1 Thess. 2:6). See Barnett 1993.
21. Bauckham 2006: 5. See p. 475, where Bauckham cites Coady's landmark
philosophical study of testimony: "When we believe testimony we believe what
is said because we trust the witness" (Coady 1992: 46).
26. "By performing an illocutionary act with the noematic content of the
human discourse, God can say something entirely different" (Childs 2005: 387).
28. "The parallels between the portrayal of Jesus in Luke and the word in Acts
affirm the narrative unity of the two works" (Pao 2002: 253).
29. Cf. Karl Barth's depiction of Jesus as the active agent in our knowledge of
him: "For in this [biblical] attestation He Himself lives.... He Himself lives only
in the form which He has in the picture.... It is the picture which He Himself has
created and impressed upon His witnesses" (CD IV/3).
34. The Pauline letters contain seven references to "gospel of God" and ten to
"gospel of Christ." I take these phrases as objective genitives, indicating the
content of the gospel. However, I am not averse to taking them as subjective
genitives, in which case the emphasis falls on divine authorship.
45. "To authorize a sequence of words as a work is to declare that one wants
one's readers to read it as a totality" (Wolterstorff 2004: 226).
48. Pao employs the term hypostatization of the word to describe the way in
which Luke speaks of it as having power and agency, noting that the word is "the
main actor of the conquest" (Pao 2002: 155).
49. Pao 2002. As the Mosaic law and covenant formed a community, so the
gospel too is a community-forming word.
54. Or, to use Michael Polanyi's terminology: the "focal" point is Christ, but
the canonical forms are enabling "tacit" perspectives.
56. Phrase taken from the 1662 Book of Common Prayer. Compare the
corresponding phrase in the Latin Mass: Dignum et justum est ("It is right and
fitting").
57. What we say and do must also befit the particular situation. The New
Testament remains the norm, but the contemporary context affects how one
stages or performs the apostolic script (see Vanhoozer 2005b: 325).
59. I take the phrase "righteousness of God" as indicating in the first instance
God's own being and action, especially as these pertain to his upholding his
covenant relationship with Israel.
63. As with metaphors that describe the saving significance of Jesus' death,
these larger forms of discourse are ultimately irreducible to theoretical discourse,
even though it is often expedient to provide monological distillations: "We
believe...."
66. In saying this, I take nothing away from the role of baptism and the
Eucharist. These two dominical ordinances are also forms of communicative
action that require the apostolic discourse in order to be intelligible. See
Vanhoozer 2005b: 407-13.