Abstract July-Sep 2016
Abstract July-Sep 2016
Abstract July-Sep 2016
T.N. DHAR
For decades, the North-East has been a blackhole for business and enterprise. The sustained
conflict, geographical isolation, militarisation and migration have led to a drying up of
investments, and the lack of economic and social development in the region. This is despite
the richness of natural resources in the region, presenting a huge opportunity for investment,
and the growth of enterprise in the region. The government will have to facilitate an
ecosystem where business practices can occur smoothly and without hassle. Despite several
attempts by the government to enhance local development, the current strategy has led to a
distribution-oriented, politically-led economic process and not the efficiency-led process
envisioned. This has resulted in natural resources and savings moving away from the region
to other high productivity regions. By bringing all the stakeholders together and evolving a
comprehensive road map for development, the North-East can become a new hub for social
enterprise in the country.
ANITA BAGAI
India’s North-East has been in the throes of conflicts that are myriad and multiple in
nature—between the state and the social groups, among different ethnic groups as well as
between the Union and the state governments. The region is in a state of uneasy quiet
punctuated by sporadic disturbances. One of the critical reasons is disruption of governance.
Clearly the institutions of governance have failed to provide socio-economic and political
opportunities to its people thereby accentuating the problem of political alienation and
conflict. The article attempts to look into the roots of the growing problems of governability;
analyses the discourses of governance initiatives by the various governments; their failure to
negotiate the embedded ideas of community; and concludes by establishing that peace and
stability can be brought only by restoring governance and a liberal sharing of space and
rights.
NEW PUBLIC GOVERNANCE AND THE NORTH- EASTERN REGION OF INDIA
SACHIN CHOWDHRY
The North-Eastern Region (NER) of India, which consists of eight states, has received focused
attention of the Union Government since the 1970s when the North-Eastern Council (NEC)
was established under an Act of 1971 of Parliament of India. The persistent backwardness of
the region elicited further response from the Union Government in the form of the
establishment of Ministry of Development of North-Eastern Region (DoNER). Policy
pronouncements like Non-Lapsable Central Pool of Resources (NLCPR) and amendment in
the NEC Act tried to address the problems from time to time. This article tries to find the
reasons for not so effective intervention of the state and assesses the scope of New Public
Governance approach in the NER and the road ahead for speedy development of the region
in the national interest, especially
This article gives an overview of North-East as a region in India. It is divided into three
segments. The first section gives a brief overview of state formation, autonomous district
councils, and conflict in North- East India. The second section deals with economic
dimensions such as policy frameworks, development indicators, and natural resources
management. The final section maps the recent connectivity projects and calls for greater
interaction between North-East India and its eastern neighbours.
This article attempts to bridge the missing link in state’s narrative and intercultural dialogue
in North-East India which has for long been informed respectively by the “law and order”
approach and monological discourse. It does this by revisiting the tradition of knowing a
complex and diverse region, and by unravelling the post-colonial anxieties not only of the
Indian state-nation but also that of the diverse tribal communities in the region in grappling
with ethnonational diversities. It problematises the monological discourse and “law and
order” approach of the Indian state-nation building project and invokes the imperative of
recognising the multicultural overtones of ethno-nationalist manoeuvres especially that of
the Nagas and the Zo. The article also examines the challenges and opportunities opened up
by India’s Look East Policy and addresses evolving issues like double citizenship and trans-
national citizenship.
DANNY L. WANKHAR
The results of the Socio-Economic & Caste Census (SECC) 2011 pointed out that the rural
households in the North-Eastern Region (NER) of the country constituted more than 85 per
cent of the total households and 72 per cent of them derived their income from cultivation
and from working as casual manual labourers, while 59 per cent were landless (even though
variation existed among states). Large plots of land remain un-irrigated (60 per cent), while
only 23 per cent of the land have assured irrigation for two crops with hardly any
mechanised farming being practiced, resulting in low productivity and hence low income.
Thus, there is no incentive for investments in land-related activity. Hence, three-fourth of the
rural households are below the poverty line with monthly income of the highest earning
members is below Rs. 5000 per month (Rs. 166.67 per day). Keeping in mind that only 2.52
per cent of the rural population in the NER are graduates or have higher level of education or
skills, the rural folks would find it difficult to get employment in high paid jobs in urban areas
of the states / region. Thus, there is a need to review/evaluate the various rural development
programmes and, if need be, to redefine their objectives for a more result-oriented outcome
with defined milestones and timelines. Targeting the landless rural households—with the
objective to improve their economic conditions—should be at the top of the agenda for
development policy.
DEMOCRATIC DECENTRALISATION AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NORTH-EAST INDIA
AHMAD SHAMSHAD
The North-East is situated in a geographically vulnerable zone. A major risk associated with
this unique geo-political location is that of cross-border human trafficking. Adding to the
vulnerability are factors of unemployment, gender-violence, armed conflicts, and oppressive
social structures. It is connected with rest of India by a narrow 27km-wide strip of land,
called the 'chicken neck', in West Bengal through which natural and finished products such
as oil, gas and tea go to rest of India and consumer goods, food and other items come in.
Given the geographic remoteness, it is not surprising that people feel alienated and distant
from rest of the country. There are special laws, constitutional provisions such as the Sixth
Schedule and Article 371, which seek to protect the traditions, lands and rights of various hill
communities. The sustained conflict, geographical isolation, militarisation, infiltration and
migration have led to a drying up of investments, and the lack of economic and social
development in the region. However, democratic decentralisation, peoples' participation in
developmental activities and North-East-centric government policies have helped in bridging
the gap and bringing the region into mainstream.
GADADHARA MOHAPATRA
The North-Eastern Region (NER) of India is endowed with huge untapped natural resources
and is recognised as the eastern gateway for the country’s ‘Look /Act East Policy’. However,
the region has experienced a number of conflicts based on ethnicity. It is also witnessing a
series of insurgencies and is alienated from the economic resurgence that the rest of the
country is experiencing. Studies on North-East India largely reflect on the nature of ethnic
tensions and conflicts in the region, most of them being empirical, historical and descriptive
in nature. The limitations of historical, cultural and political explanations, compel one to look
into the political economy of the region to seek answers for the persistence of growth of
ethnic movements in the region after Independence. The crisis of India’s North-East has
largely centred on the questions of identity, governance and development. Economy and
governance rather than ethnicity should be the basis for future policy in the region. This
article seeks to analyse the socio-political roots of ethnic conflicts and development
dynamics there. It resituates the theoretical debate on identity, tribe and ethnicity within this
context. The article provides a comprehensive understanding of the concept of ethnicity and
patterns of ethnic conflict in the context of North-East India. Further, it presents case studies
of ethnic conflict dynamics in the less studied but important states of Manipur and Tripura in
North-East India.
The Government of India has embarked on an ambitious plan to construct strategic roads in
border areas on the Bangladesh, Bhutan, China and Myanmar border as well as within the
region. This will greatly add to the stock of roads in the NER and serve the needs of the local
population in addition to strategic needs. While substantial investments for roads have
flowed into the region, issues such as road network planning, maintenance, and process
improvement have not received required attention. The emphasis has largely been on
sanctioning new roads, neglecting maintenance of the existing ones, an undesirable
situation further exacerbated by the languid approach often leading to serious time and cost
overruns. The present government is focusing on the governing of road development in
North-Eastern region, for which a number of new projects are being launched independently
and in collaboration with international agencies or foreign countries. The prospect of road
transport in North-East is bright in the near future. Infrastructure deficits in NER will require
committing adequate public funding, particularly on roads. There is an urgent need to
strengthen the governing capacity of the road construction agencies. The Central and state
governments have to focus on the governance of infrastructural development, particularly
roadways in theNorth-Eastern region for which there is need for formulation of effective
policy.
NINGTHOUJAM IRINA
The traditional and modern systems of governance can integrate effectively to serve the
interests of citizens. Besides the participatory model of governance, the communities have
shown the capacity to act as partners in the local development planning. However, the
inroads of neo-liberal state policies fail to give due importance to the community ownership
of local knowledge.
HIMANSHU ROY
North-East, a byname for eight diverse states of eastern - most part of India is more
integrated today with each other and with 'mainland' India than before. The process had
barely begun during the colonial era, and it was slow. In the Nehruvian years, it improved. In
the past 25 years, it has accelerated. The accommodative space of liberal democracy and of
market facilitated and expedited this process. Globalisation has further accentuated this
internal and external integration which in the Modi era is rapidly moving towards a common
market with Bangladesh, Myanmar and East Asia. In the process of this integration,
however, the old structures of tribal society, economy, customary laws are changing. The
transition and the resultant social tensions led to insurgency and counter-insurgency, and
subsequently to peace accords and creation of new states or subregional autonomous
councils.
MINU JHA
The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958, has consistently remained a
contentious issue earning epithets such as ‘draconian’ and ‘black law’ over the years. The
North-Eastern state of Manipur, in fact, became the first testing ground for the AFSPA and
has remained imposed for decades. Use or rather misuse of repressive laws like these by any
democracy needs serious contemplation. The article in the stated background looks at the
AFSPA through the established democratic notions of upholding the supremacy of the
judiciary and primacy of the rule of law. In doing so, it discusses in detail the various
provisions of the Act and the human rights abuses. In the latter half, it unfolds the role of
civil society, political parties and the judiciary in affirming their demand for the review or
repeal of the Act.
P. C. NAIR
The Inner Line Permit System (ILPS) that is being followed in Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh,
and Mizoram in the North-East is a matter that was not very well known to most citizens of
the country. The issue, however, has come to the forefront with the Meiteis in Manipur today
demanding that this system be followed in Manipur as well for the ‘demographic inversion’
that is taking place in the State, along with the lack of job opportunities to the local youth.
The cases of Sikkim and Tripura are often brought to fore to create paranoia amongst the
masses. Three bills were passed unanimously by the Manipur State Assembly to implement
the ILPS in August 2015. ILPS in the form passed in the bills is widely opposed by the other
two demographic sections of Manipur, the tribal Nagas and Kukis, who in these bills see an
attempt by the Meiteis to usurp their land and further distance them from development.
Besides, there are many other governance issues that the state is faced with.
This article discusses what these three bills are and why there is a state of impasse now. It
also suggests in what way these bills could be reframed to satisfy all stakeholders, besides
also recommending ways by which governance issues can be tackled to ensure economic
prosperity and social upliftment in the State.
KASTURI BHARADWAJ
Assam is a land “inhabited by varied ethnic groups”. Anthropological Survey of India (1985)
identified 115 communities residing in Assam. Hence ethnic discourse of Assam requires
closer examination to see what identities build it and make it immensely overwhelming.
However, it is beyond the scope of this article to consider all these communities and
understand the relationship among all of them. So the present article is confined to exploring
two major ethnic groups in Assam: the Axamiya and the Bodo. The Axamiya even though it is
the most popular ethnic identity among residents of Assam, there is no official definition of
‘Axamiya’. It will therefore be dealt with details here. On the other hand, Bodos are the
largest plain tribe and second largest lingual tribal community of 1,352,771 Bodo-speaking
people (Census 2011). The article tries to understand the complexities of these two major
ethnic identities of Assam and conflicts between them.
Infiltration from Bangladesh has been a major issue of controversy and ethnic conflicts in the
state of Assam. Though a section of intelligentsia has been contesting the premise,
government reports from time to time and studies have confirmed the massive illegal
migration of population from across the international border in Assam. The settlement of
these migrants in different parts of the State which largely have been concentrated along
the border areas has changed the ethno-religious landscape of the region. The native and
indigenous Assamese have a sense of fear that the rising swamp of migrants would not only
dissolve the socio-culture identity of the ethnic Assamese in their own soil but would reduce
their political preponderance in the State in times to come. Since the last four decades they
have been demanding the sending back of illegal immigrants and deregistering their names
from electoral rolls. On the other hand, migrants now with their names on the electoral rolls
have emerged as a numerically significant block to decide the electoral outcomes in several
assembly and parliamentary constituencies. While in the beginning they stayed as backbone
of the electoral strength of the Indian National Congress, gradually they have started flexing
their political muscle in the system. A large chunk of their population gravitated towards the
All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) led by Badrudin Ajmal which aims to polarise them
to their side on religious lines. The article, besides dealing with the issues and debates
pertaining to infiltration, seeks to analyse how it has transformed the electoral politics of the
State in the last few decades. Election results have been taken into account to underscore
the changing electoral dynamics in the State.
The geographical boundaries of the North-Eastern part of India made it vulnerable target for
the cross-border illegal immigrants. These immigrants are a severe threat upon the
livelihood, environment, and security of the people living in these states. But there is another
part of the picture which has been ignored and requires a sensitive and justified analysis. The
country, surrounded by the India’s North-Eastern front is Bangladesh, which is densely
populated and suffering from poverty, unemployment, and illiteracy. The immigrants from
Bangladesh are unskilled and majority of them are very poor and jobless persons who are
scrapping for livelihood. These immigrants have tendency to increase their population owing
to their religious beliefs and raising their numerical strength. Due to these problems,
immigration and immigrants have always remained as “illegal immigration” and “illegal
immigrants” in Indian context. The present article examines the possibilities whether this
'illegal' word can be made 'legal' through regulatory mechanism in Indian context. These
regulations can check their involvement in the legal works, their day-to-day economic and
political activities and the hurdles which the Indian economy and polity meet to be more
adaptable to these illegal burden of immigrants.
H. SRIKANTH
National borders are to be seen not only as zones of conflicts, but also as realms of
opportunities, growth and cooperation. Of late, Indian government has realised that apart
from securitising the borders and preventing illegal immigration, it is necessary to initiate
developmental activities in border villages and promote border trade with neighbouring
countries. The article focusing on the management of Meghalaya’s border with Bangladesh,
critically analyses different measures initiated to ensure security and development of the
border areas and border people in the state of Meghalaya.
The North-Eastern region of India, has long remained one of the most volatile and sensitive
regions in the country because of the problems of the border management, insurgency,
ethnic conflict, pressure of immigration, underdevelopment, etc. Facing indignation on
various counts, prominently immigration of Muslim settlers from Bangladesh, the Bodos
started an armed struggle, for a separate state in the mid-1980s, which led to ethnic
cleansing of the non-Bodos along the north bank of the Brahmaputra. In 1993, the Bodoland
Autonomous Council (BAC) Accord was signed but Bodoland movement has not been
contained by signing of the Accord. In February 2003, the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC)
came into existence. But the violence, which erupted in 2012 and 2014 between Bodos and
Muslims indicates that Bodo problem still persists in this region and new Accord did not
satisfy non-Bodos in the BTC. The present article is an attempt to understand the ethnic
autonomy movements in the North-East region of India with special reference to the Bodo
problem.
C. LALTHANSANGA
Agriculture in the form of Jhum cultivation is the centre-stage around which the traditional
Mizo society revolves. Traditional values and customs were conceived in the course of their
common endeavour for survival through agriculture. In the pre-colonial days, the village
chief and his council of ‘elders’ were instrumental in discharging a brief form of
administration in the field of agriculture while a vibrant coordinating system was in place on
the lines of the traditional values. The late 19th century saw the formal establishment of
British administration in the Lushai Hills. Agricultural administration and its coordination
were performed by the British Superintendent who functioned with the assistance of his
‘agriculture demonstrators’ and the village chiefs. However, the common feature of
administration in both the pre-colonial and colonial days was that administration was
carried out by a single structure depicting the characteristic of ‘fused society’ as
conceptualised by Riggs.
SURENDRA KUMAR
The lopsided development process in Manipur has led to vast inequalities and under-
development. The process of development planning in the state is adopted without analysing
the suitability, mindset and culture of the people of the area. Hence, there is a need to adopt
a new strategy of development in Manipur. This strategy will aim at satisfying needs and
requirements of the people and attaining sustainable growth in the state. The mindset of the
people needs to be prepared for this approach and people’s cooperation needs to be sought.
Resorting to natural resource systems and improving natural resource management
practices are key to development of the state.
JAGADISH K. PATNAIK
This article examines the process of conflict transformation in Mizoram following the signing
of the Peace Accord in 1986. First, the article examines the process of 'Mizoisation', which
was responsible for bringing together all the diverse groups and elements inhabiting the
Lushai hills of the erstwhile Lushai district of the then Assam province. Second, it examines
whether Mizoisation has been complementary to the process of 'Indianisation'. Although the
process of Indianisation started as early as the colonial times, the project of national
integration after Independence faced numerous challenges to the extent of interrogating the
efficacy of the Indian state. Thirdly, the article examines the Mizoisation process by using the
conceptual tool of conflict transformation. Conflict transformation is a process of change in
the relationship and the discourse of conflict into the constructivist domain to redefine issues
of identity and sharing the power structure to the well-being of the community. Fourthly, the
author interprets the process of conflict transformation in the context of the post-Accord
developments in Mizoram. In the concluding section, he argues that the process of
Mizoisation is complementary to the process of Indianisation that was ushered in intensely
since Independence.
LALNEIHZOVI
The system of local governing institutions establishes public authority, which is closer to the
people and involves the local people to solve the local problems. This system implies that the
management of local affairs should be entrusted to the representatives of the people
inhabiting the locality; for they know best the local needs and aspirations. In 1992, keeping
this in view, the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act for urban local governance was voted for
on the floor of Parliament in India. Based on this, the urban affairs have been administered
in all the states except in some parts of North-East India. This article is an attempt to study
the working of urban local governing institutions in India in general and Mizoram in
particular.
LALROPARI RENTHLEI
Environmental protection has now become a global priority. of late, there has been an
awakening in the urgent need of environmental protection owing to the fast changing
climatic condition in Mizoram. Since most of the causes of environmental problems are
largely man-made, the solutions for such problems depend largely upon the firm
commitment of the people and good governance. The prevailing environmental problems in
Mizoram are of varied nature; while the urban population are concerned with vehicular
emission of smoke, the rural population are confronted with the problem of jhuming, i.e. the
slash-and-burn method of cultivation. The organisational set-up and the people,
prerequisites for governance, play an important role in the implementation and realisation
of environmental protection programmes and schemes. This article studies the
environmental concerns in Mizoram and the efforts undertaken in environmental protection.
It also offers suggestions for improving and protecting the environment in the State.
LALCHATUANTHANGI
Under the Sixth Schedule, the Lushai Hills District Council and Pawi-Lakher Regional Council
(PLRC) were created on April 25, 1952, and April 23, 1953, respectively. The Lushai Hill
District (Chieftainship Abolition) Act, 1952, was passed by the Assam Legislative Assembly on
January 1, 1953. According to the Act, all the existing Chiefs as on April 25, 1952, within the
Lushai Hill District were to be abolished. With the formation of the District Council the whole
administrative set-up of the Lushai Hills was changed enabling the people to participate in
the formation of the Government through adult franchise. Chieftainship was replaced by the
Village Councils with much reduced powers. In 2014, the Lushai Hills District (Village
Councils) Amendment Act was passed; this amendment changed the term of the Village
Council member from three years to five years. Moreover, reservation of seats for women in
the Village Council was also enacted by amending the Act. This article, traces the historical
development of women’s participation in politics, especially in Village Councils in Mizoram.
Recent upsurge of Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO) activism in the Northern part of
West Bengal makes a severe blow in the security of that region. For fighting with the
situation, both Central Government and State Government give stress on ‘Development-
Security Nexus’. Different region-specific schemes and extension of benefits under the policy
of protective discrimination for communities has initiated to soothe the economic grievances
of the non-Bengali communities. On the other hand, excessive raids, arrests and ban over
political activities has been limited the scope for politics of separatism. But Rajbanshi-led
KLO insurgency, is a fallout of continuous failure of their non-violent movements in
democratic arena. Rajbanshis are demanding separate territory from 1947. But, due to some
inherent problems of Rajbanshi-led movements – like fragmented ethno-linguistic identity,
overlapping territorial demands and conflict between leadership – they never united on a
single platform. So grievances of common Rajbanshis got marginalised in the majoritarian
democratic politics. This ultimately provoked Rajbanshi youths to insurgency.
In this article, the author tries to discuss three major problems of Rajbanshi-led democratic
movements – viz. confusion over ethnic origin and linguistic status of Rajbanshis,
overlapping territorial demands of statehood, and conflict between leaders. The article ends
up with the information of cross-border activism of KLO and their mode of operation.