Pastoral Care

COMMUNAL PASTORAL
COUNSELLING: CULTURALLY GIFTED

CARE-GIVING IN TIMES OF FAMILY
PAIN—A VHAVENDA PERSPECTIVE
BY
DEMBE REUBEN PHASWANA
Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree

of
DOCTOR OF THEOLOGY
in the subject
PRACTICAL THEOLOGY
at the
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA
PROMOTER: DR. M E HESTENES
NOVEMBER 2008
………………
a
DECLARATION
I Dembe Reuben Phaswana,
student number: 0421 588 – 5
declare that
COMMUNAL PASTORAL COUNSELLING:

CULTURALLY GIFTED CARE-GIVING IN TIMES OF
FAMILY PAIN—A VHAVENDA PERSPECTIVE
is my own work and that all other sources that I have used or quoted have
been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references.
__________________________
_____________________
DR PHASWANA _____________ DATE ______________
b
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis is the illustration of communal endeavour. Without the communal
involvement I wouldn’t have started and submitted this thesis.
I thank God All Mighty, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. He is big, and I
am small. It reminds me of a trip of an elephant and mouse crossing the
bridge. After crossing the bridge the mouse commented, “Did you hear how
we shake that bridge?” The elephant agreed that they did shake the bridge,
while the real shaking was done by the elephant. In this project God is the one
that did the real shaking. “Soli Deo Gloria!”
My thanks go to my promoter Dr. M.E. Hestenes. He gave me encouragement
from the first day. As I keep on writing and rewriting he was reading and
rereading with encouraging comments.
The UNISA Library staff members were too kind for me. I was far from the
library but I could find the books I need. I thank them.
I thank the Reformed church Fundudzi for the Family Enrichment
Conferences (FEC). They taught me to minister communal care. They also
welcomed my application to study. Reformed church Nzhelele also
understood and accepted that I am in a study programme. Reformed church
Tshiawelo hosted me when I was on study leave. I thank families of Tseisi M.
Simon, Rev. Ramantswana Hulisani, Rev. Rabali Thiofhi and Heidelberg
Theological Seminary students.
I acknowledge the encouragement which fellow ministers in the reformed
synod Soutpansberg made. The late Reverends Netshitangani ET and Mugeri
MS encouraged me many times to study.
c
My family sacrificed for this study as they suffered pain of my absence due to
this study. Some did not understand why I am doing this at this age. I want to
thank my wife Mukondeleli for the wonderful contribution she made for this
study to be a success. I thank my children for giving their whole life for this
study. They are: Unarine, Pfulufhedziso, Muhuliseni, Ampfarisaho. I say, “A ni
ntshileli, Vhakwevho!” This is your sweat!
d
ABSTRACT
The thesis argues that there is a need for Christian communal pastoral care and
counselling practice beyond the individualistic Western pastoral care and counselling
practices. The communal pastoral care model advocated by the author uses culturally
gifted care-givers who follow spontaneous caring models.
Several of the major books concerning communal pastoral care and counselling were
reviewed. The author concludes that the church has been impoverished by ignoring
the cultural gifts of the majority of members and the mutual communal care of the
community.
Pain and its healing in this thesis are understood in a culturally sensitive manner.
Pastoral care must be done in context, in this case in the Vhavenda context. Hence the
thesis looks systematically at the way in which the Vhavenda understand and heal
pain from their cosmological perspective.
The thesis engages in empirical research among the Vhavenda people using
qualitative interview. The author selected five small communities to test for their
understanding of pain and healing. He developed his own interview schedule. Themes
encountered in interpreting the research results include pain as part of life.
The thesis develops two sub-models of a Vhavenda-Christian culturally gifted model
of communal care arguing the need of their incorporation into Christian communal
care. They are “Kha ri vangulane” model which pictures pain as a thorn which
people help to remove from a person; and the “khoro” or “dzulo” gathering which is
family or community care-giving. A case study has illustrated how they are used.
Finally, the author argues that the Bible is full of communal pictures which resonate
well with the African people. Hence it is fairly easy to correlate the Vhavenda sense
of community with the body of Christ model of Christian community as found in the
Bible. The conclusion is that members of the Christian community need to
e
reincorporate their culturally gifted care resources and integrate them with the biblical
care.
KEY WORDS AND PHRASES
Communal pastoral care and counselling, culturally gifted care-giving, Vhavenda cosmology,
Vhavenda communal care giving, Vhavenda family care giving, pastoral model, cultural gathering,
pain, suffering, Christian communal pastoral care, healing
f
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE ....................................................................... ...................... a
DECLARATION …………………… ....................................................... b
AKNOWLEDGEMENT ………………. .................................................. c
ABSTRACT …. ........................................................................................... e
KEY WORDS ...............................................................................................f
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................ i
CHAPTER 1 ............................................................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 ORIENTATION …………………………………………………… 1
1.1.1 Africans are people in real pain …………………………………… 1
1.1.2 Communal actions can heal pain …………………………………… 3
1.1.3 God’s care is omnipresent in communal care ………………………….… 5
1.2 THE RESEARCH PROBLEM …………………………………… 7
1.3 PRACTICAL THEOLOGY, MUTUAL / COMMUNAL CARE AND
EMPIRICAL METHOD …………………………………………… 8
1.3.1 Practical Theology …………………………………………………… 8
i
1.3.2 Theory and praxis complements each other ……………………………. 9
1.3.3 The correlation model ………………………………................... 11
1.4 COMMUNAL CARE AS MUTUAL CARE, PASTORAL CARE AND,
COUSELLING AND PASTORAL THERAPY …………………... 13
1.5 CULTURAL MATERIALS AS EXTRA-BIBLICAL MATERIALS IN
COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE …………………………………… 18
1.5.1 Culture as an extra-biblical material in pastoral care ……..………...… 19
1.5.2 The Reformed tradition and culture ……………………………….… 21
1.6 PRACTICAL THEOLOGY AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO EMPIRICAL
METHOD ………………………………………………………… 26
1.7 COMMENTS OF THE SAMPLE POPULATION TO BE
INTERVIEWED ……………………………………………………… 27
1.8 THE DEFINITION OF KEY CONCEPTS…………………………. 28
1.9 CHAPTER HEADINGS FOR THE FUTURE CHAPTERS ….…… 29
ii
CHAPTER 2 ………………………………………………………………. 31
COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 INTRODUCTION ……………………………………...... 31
2.2 WESTERN LITERATURE …………………………………………… 34
2.2.1 “A Caring Church: A Guide for Lay Pastoral Care”………………….… 34
2.2.1.1 Lay pastoral care and counselling is imperative …………………...…… 35
2.2.1.2 Community involvement in care is pastoral care …………..…………... 37
2.2.1.3 Training of lay pastoral care-givers ………………..…………………… 38
2.2.1.4 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………… 40
2.2.2 “The Pastoral Care in Context: An Introduction to Pastoral Care” …..... 40
2.2.2.1 The times and things are changing ………………………….…………. 40
2.2.2.2 Three supplementing paradigms in pastoral care ………………………. 43
2.2.2.3 The communal contextual paradigm in pastoral theology ……………... 44
2.2.2.4 Conclusion ……………………………………………..………….……. 45
2.3 AFRICAN LITERATURE ………………………….………………….. 46
2.3.1 Orientation …………………………………………………………..….. 46
2.3.2 “Pastoral Care to the Sick in Africa” ………………………….…..…… 47
2.3.2.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………..... 47
2.3.2.2 Jesus Christ as the first ancestor ……………………………………….. 48
2.3.2.3 African culture and pastoral care ………………………………………. 49
2.3.2.4 A Christian diviner …….…………………………………..…..……….. 50
2.3.2.5 Christian African pastoral care and counselling …………….………… 52
iii
2.3.2.6 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………… 54
2.3.3 “Pastoral Counselling In Inter-Cultural Perspective” …………………... 55
2.3.3.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………….…. 55
2.3.3.2 There has been pastoral counselling in other cultures ………………….. 55
2.3.3.3 Human life: Ghanaian and traditional Christianity dialogue ………..…. 58
2.3.3.4 Conclusion ………………………………………………………...……. 60
2.3.4 “Pastoral Counselling in South Africa with Special Reference to the Zulu” 61
2.3.4.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………….…… 61
2.3.4.2 Pastoral care and counselling should be contextualised …………..…… 61
2.3.4.3 Pastoral care and counselling is holistic …………………………….…. 62
2.3.4.4 Pastoral care and counselling can be enriched by looking at how communities
care for themselves …………………….………………………….…… 62
2.3.4.5 Conclusion …………………………………………………………….. 64
2.3.5 “Community Healing and the Role of Pastoral Care of the Ill and Suffering in
Africa” …………………………………………………………………… 65
2.3.5.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………… 65
2.3.5.2 Pastoral Communal Care versus African Communal Care ……………... 65
2.3.5.3 Pastoral Healing, Community and African Community and Christian Faith
Community ……………………………………………………………….. 66
2.3.5.4 Evaluation ………………………………………………………………… 67
2.3.5.5 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………….. 69
2.4 EVALUATION OF THE LITERATURE REVIEW .……………….…. 69
2.4.1 Evaluation of the Western books review …….……….………………… 70
2.4.2 Evaluation of the African books review …….…………………………... 72
iv
2.5 CONCLUSION……………………………………………………….……. 75
CHAPTER 3 ............................................................................................. 77
PAIN: A PHYSICAL, PYSCHOLOGICAL, SOCIAL AND
THEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
3.1 INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………….……. 77
3.2 DEFINITIONS OF PAIN ………………………………………………….. 78
3.3 AN EXPLORATION OF PAIN …………………………………………… 79
3.3.1 An exploration of pain: A physical perspective …………………….….. 80
3.3.2 An exploration of pain: A psychological perspective ………………….. 81
3.3.3 An exploration of pain: A sociological perspective ………………......... 84
3.4 BIBLICAL AND THEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES OF PAIN ………... 85
3.4.1 Pain in the Old Testament and Judaism ……………………………..… 86
3.4.1.1 Pain in the book of Job ……………………………………………..…. 88
3.4.1.2 Praise and lament in the book of Psalms …………………………...… 92
3.4.2 Pain in the New Testament ……………………………………..……. 94
3.4.2.1 Pain and suffering in Jesus’ life and death ………………………..….. 94
v
3.4.2.2 Pain in the book of 1 Peter ……………………………………..…..… 96
3.5 HEALING OF PAIN ………………………………………………..…… 97
3.6 THE MEANING OF PAIN AND SUFFERING ……………………….. 99
3.6.1 Introduction …………………………………………………..………. 99
3.6.2 The meaning of suffering ………………………………………..…… 100
3.6.3 Where is God while people are in pain? …………………………..… 102
3.6.4 Is suffering the will of God? ………………………………………... 103
3.6.4.1 The inclusive argument …………………………….………............. 103
3.6.4.2 The exclusive argument ……..………………………………….…… 107
3.6.4.3 The balance of inclusive and exclusive arguments …….………….... 109
3.6.5 Does God still love people in pain? ………………………………..… 111
3.6.6 God is the source of both joy and pain ……………………………….. 112
3.6.7 Pain as an instrument of blessings ………………………………...... 112
3.7 CONCLUSION …………………………………………………………. 113
CHAPTER 4 ............................................................................................................115
VHAVENDA COSMOLOGY AND COMMUNAL CARE
4.1 INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………….…….. 115
4.2 A VHAVENDA COSMOLOGY AND PAIN ……………………………….. 116
4.2.1 Worldview and cosmology: Beliefs have consequences……………..…… 116
vi
4.2.2 Some important features and functions of the worldview ………………… 117
4.2.3 Cosmology is life among the Vhavenda …………………………….……. 119
4.3 GOD IN VHAVENDA COSMOLOGY ………………………………….….. 120
4.3.1 God exists …………………………………………………………..……. 120
4.3.2 Raluvhimba, a supreme creator ………………………………………….. 120
4.3.3 Nwali the God of the Vhavenda …………………………………………. 123
4.3.4 Midzimu cult ……………………………………………….……………. 124
4.3.5 The spirit world ………………………………………………………….. 125
4.3.6 Zwidudwane (Dissociated spirits) ………………………………….……. 125
4.3.7 God is communal ……………………………………………………….. 126
4.4 THE VHAVENDA COMMUNALISM ………………………………...…… 127
4.5 THE VHAVENDA FAMILY ……………………………………………….. 129
4.6 THE COMMUNAL CONCEPT OF A PERSON ………………..………… 135
4.7 RECONSIDERING RELIGION AND SECURITY OF COMMUNAL-FAMILY
LIFE …………………………………………………………………………. 137
4.8 CONCLUDING REMARKS ……………………………………….……….. 139
vii
CHAPTER 5 ..............................................................................................................141
TOWRDS A TRADITIONAL VHAVENDA UNDERSTANDING OF
PAIN AND CARE
5.1 INTRODUCTION ………………………………………………….…… 141
5.2 BORN TO SUFFER: VHAVENDA’S EXPRESSION OF PAIN ………. 141
5.3 PAIN IS BROADER THAN BODILY SUFFERING ……………….…. 147
5.4 MAJOR SOURCES OF PAIN IN THE VHAVENDA WORLDVIEW … 148
5.4.1 Witchcraft ……………………………………………………………….. 149
5.4.2 Ancestor’s spirit can cause pain ………………………………….…….. 151
5.4.3 Communal disorder can cause pain …………………..………….……... 152
5.5 DEATH AS PART OF PAIN IN VHAVENDA CULTURE ………….. 152
5.6 MEDICINE AND HEALING PAIN AMONG THE VHAVENDA ..….. 154
5.6.1 The medico-magician herbalist ……………………………………….….. 155
5.6.2 Divination ………………………………………………………….…….. 155
5.6.3 Medicine and magic …………………………………………...…………. 156
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5.7 VHAVENDA COMMUNAL CARE …………………………………….. 158
5.7.1 Communal cultures are about caring ………………………….………….. 158
5.7.2 Care among the Vhavenda is holistic ………………………..............…… 159
5.7.3 Care in Vhavenda culture is cultural gifted ………………………...…….. 163
5.7.3.1 Mutual care ………………………………………………..………….. 163
5.7.3.2 Unity in community …………………………………………………... 164
5.8 CONCLUSION ……………………………………………………..……. 165
CHAPTER 6 .......................................................................................... 166
QUALITATIVE EMPERICAL RESEARCH ON PAIN IN
VHAVENDA COMMUNITY
6.1 INTRODUCTION ………………………………………………………. 166
6.2 QULITQTIVE EMPIRICAL RESEARCH ……………………………… 166
6.2.1 What is qualitative research and how does it differ from quantitative
research? ……………………………………………………..………..… 166
6.2.1.1 Characteristics of qualitative research …………………………….… 167
6.2.1.2 The participant’s perspective and interpretation…………..………… 167
6.2.1.3 The descriptive nature of this method and individual cases ...………. 168
6.2.1.4 The importance of context in which the research is undertaken……… 169
6.2.1.5 Attention to the dynamic nature of life by focusing on processes rather
ix
than single events ………………………………………………….. 170
6.2.1.6 The flexible and open approach: the hallmark of qualitative
approach ……………………………………………………………… 170
6.2.1.7 Quantification and measurements are minor qualitative approach ..… 171
6.2.2 Why should we use quantitative and qualitative research methods in practical
theology …………………………………………………………………… 172
6.3 STEPS OF PLANNING THE INTERVIEW ……………………………... 174
6.3.1 The pilot interviews ……………………………………………………..… 174
6.3.2 Gathering the data …………………………………………………………. 177
6.3.3 The language of interview ………………………………………………... 178
6.3.4 Interview setting ……………………………………………………….…. 179
6.3.5 Qualitative approach renders a service to participants ……………….…… 179
6.4 REPORT ON PILOT QUALITATIVE RESEARCH ………………….… 180
6.4.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………. 180
6.4.2 The interview questionnaire ……………………………………………... 181
6.4.2.1 Kha ri vangulane (the interviewing guide) …………..……………….. 182
6.4.2.2 Grouping the interview questions …………………………………….. 182
6.5 REPORT ON PILOT INTERVIEW ……………………………………... 185
6.5.1 The personalities and characteristics of the pilot interview participants … 186
6.5.2 The main themes from the pilot interview ……………………………….. 188
6.5.2.1 Pain is real in people’s lives ………………………………………..… 188
6.5.2.2 A desire for healing …………………………………………………… 189
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6.5.3 Changes of questions for the major qualitative interview …………..….…. 189
6.5.4 Conclusion ……………………………….…………………………….….. 191
6.6 REPORT ON MAJOR QUALITATIVE RESEARCH …………………... 191
6.6.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………..…… 191
6.6.2 The personalities and the characteristics of the interviewees …………….. 192
6.6.3 Themes that come out from the interview ………………………………… 195
6.6.3.1 Pain is part of life ……………………………………………………... 195
6.6.3.2 Pain occurs beyond people’s control …………………………….…… 197
6.6.3.3 The family support …………………………………………………… 198
6.6.3.4 The neighbour support ….……………………………………………. 199
6.7 CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………....... 200
CHAPTER 7 ........................................................................................... 202
VHAVENDA CHRISTIAN CULTURALLY GIFTED COMMUNAL
AND FAMILY CARE MODELS
7.1 INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………..…… 202
7.2 CHRISTIAN CULTURALLY GIFTED COMMUNAL PASTORAL
CAREGIVERS MODEL ……………………………………………..……. 203
7.2.1 There are always people with gifts of care …………………………….... 205
7.2.2 The communal gifted pastoral care as mutual care ……………………… 206
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7.2.3 Every member of Christian community has special gifts……………….... 209
7.3 “KHORO” OR “DZULO” AS A MODEL OF VHAVENDA CHRISTIAN
COMMUNAL CARE ………………………………………………………... 210
7.3.1 The meaning and purpose of “khoro” or “dzulo” model ……………….... 210
7.3.2 The “khoro” or “dzulo” and the African palaver …………………………. 212
7.3.3 The example of family “dzulo” model of care …………………………… 217
7.4 INDIGENOUS GATHERINGS AND THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO
COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE ……………………………………… 222
7.4.1 Indigenous gatherings can promote the priesthood of Christian community
members ………………………………………………………………… 223
7.4.2 Indigenous gatherings teach embracement and acceptance ……….……. 225
7.4.3 Indigenous gatherings promote inclusiveness …………………............... 227
7.4.4 Indigenous gatherings promote remembrance …………………………… 229
7.5 U VANGULANA (TAKING OFF EACH OTHER’S THORNS) OF CHRISTIAN
COMMUNITY ……………………………………………………………….. 231
7.6 SOME GENERAL IMPLICATIONS OF THESE
MODELS …………………………………………………………………...… 238
7.7 CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………. 240
xii
CHAPTER 8 .......................................................................................... 242
RECOMMENDATIONS
8.1 INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………………. 242
8.2 MODELS OF COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE AND COUNSELLING TO
PEOPLE IN PAIN …………………………………………………………. 242
8.3 ALLIED RESEARCH AND THE NEED FOR MORE RESEARCH ON
VHAVENDA COMMUNAL CARE MODELS …………………………... 243
8.3.1 Pastoral care and counselling is for the whole community ………….…. 244
8.3.2 The culturally gifted people should do to caring and counselling ……... 245
8.3.3 Counselling people who fear ancestral spirits and witchcraft ……….…. 245
8.3.4 "Khoro” or “dzulo”: a model of communal pastoral care……………….. 246
8.3.5 Communal pastoral counselling in indigenous African healers………… 247
8.3.6 Communal pastoral counselling in indigenous initiation schools…….... 247
8.4 CONCLUSION …………………………………………………………........ 248
BIBLIOGRAPHY ……………………………………………………….……… 250
APPENDIXES ………………………………………………………………….. 261
DIAGRAMS
DIAGRAM 1 ………………………………………………………… 18
DIAGRAM 2 …………………………………………………………. 23
xiii
DIAGRAM 3 ………………………………………………………….. 26
DIAGRAM 4 …………………………………………………………… 30
DIAGRAM 5 ……………………………………………………………. 114
DIAGRAM 6 ……………………………………………………………. 126
DIAGRAM 7 ……………………………………………………………. 200
xiv
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 ORIENTATION
1.1.1 Africans are people in real pain
Pain and suffering are daily experiences for most people of Africa. Many Africans
suffer pain through political violence, 1 economic deprivation, communal deterioration
and family breakdown. The rate of unemployment is high; 2 most of those employed
are underpaid; due to poverty there is malnutrition and starvation in many people. 3 In
Africa one meets people who are really sick. African people suffer from malaria, TB
and AIDS. 4 Many African people are victims of a multiplicity of oppressive forces
which lead to great pain, depression, mistrust and lack of hope. 5 This is also
1
Cf. “Violence is the most serious problem in South Africa; in the early 1990s the country was
estimated to be one of the most dangerous in the world. . .” in an article: South African, in Microsoft ®
Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2005 © 1993 – 2004 Microsoft Corporation. Violence is the problem of
Africa. Also cf. Peter Kanyandago, “Violence in Africa: Pastoral Response from a Historical
Perspective,” in “Pastoral Care in African Christianity: Challenging Essays in Pastoral Theology,”
D.W. Waruta and H. W. Kinoti (eds.) (Nairobi: Action Publisher. 1994) 35 – 58.
2
Cf. “Unemployment affects one third of the working population, and among blacks is about 50 per
cent”; in an article: South African, in Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2005 © 1993 – 2004
Microsoft Corporation.
3
Cf. “. . . as 21st century dawned, Africa remained a continent of sharp contrasts and paradoxes.
Democratic oppositions clashed with corruption of authoritarian regimes; poverty and malnutrition,
augmented by natural disasters . . .” in an article: “Africa,” in Ibid.
4
Cf. the rough figures of Africa of 2005: “Approximately 10 per cent of adults on the continent have
HIV/AIDS . . .” in Ibid.
5
Cf. “According to . . . (UNEP), Africa is the only region in the world where poverty is expected to
increase in the 21st century. . .” in Ibid.
1
particularly true of the rural areas, like Vhavenda land in Limpopo Province, where
the author ministers. The poverty is still seen in the appearance of the villages—poor
housing, the roads to the villages, schools in other villages need renovations. People
in rural areas still move to the cities for jobs.
Throughout history, Africans have learned to care for one another in times of pain and
despair. 6 The result is that pain and death, in communal African cultures, are not
individual issues but are family and communal concerns. 7 They affect the whole
family and other families. The whole community feels the pain 8 when an individual is
in pain, and usually shows its care and solidarity through spontaneous communal or
mutual care. 9
Poverty makes death to be a most painful event of life in an individualistic society. 10
When a member of the family dies, it is totally the responsibility of the family to bury
the deceased. Members of the family have to struggle alone to find money for burial.
Funerals are very expensive in the individualistic competitive perspective. Families
often lack the money to bury the family member according to proper customs and
6
Dickson A Mungazi, Gathering under the Mango Tree: Values in Traditional Culture in Africa (New
York/Washington: Peter Lang, 1996) 84.
7
Alta van Dyk, HIV / AIDS Care and Counselling: Multidisciplinary Approach (Cape Town: Pearson
Education, 2001) 227 – 236.
8
In communal funeral programmes, it is a custom that the community leader or the representative gives
words of condolences in the funeral on behalf of the community.
9
Cf. R. Wessmann, The Bavenda of Spelonken (Transvaal) (London: African World, 1908) 79. Note:
Vhavenda have a proverb that tells them to be happy and weep together. Cf. also the mourning period
(tshiila) where no community members is allowed to plough the field, in “Mourning Rite” in P. J
Achtermeier, Harper & Row P., & Society of Biblical Literature. (1985). Harper’s Bible Dictionary,
(San Francisco: Harper & Row).
10
Cf. an article: “Poverty,” in Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2005 © 1993 – 2004 Microsoft
Corporation.
2
rituals. There is not enough money left for the family for living. Illness is particularly
painful because there are so few sophisticated resources available, particularly in the
outlying areas.
Communal life is part of the answer of these and other problems. Without community,
African people cannot survive. 11 The communal lifestyle has helped and is still
helping many Africans to survive. Healing and indigenous communal care are vital to
12
African peoples. The irony is that indigenous institutions like families and
communities that used to combat and heal pain have all but deteriorated to the point
of collapse. 13 This began in the urban areas and continues in the rural areas. 14 What
remains in the indigenous cultural and religious resources that can help to heal
people’s pain? The author is going to engage in this question throughout this thesis.
1.1.2 Communal actions can heal pain
African peoples have always had communal interactions among many other healing
resources which they need to revitalise and rediscover in order to address the depth of
pain in communities and families. In the Apartheid era, African peoples and / or
11
Cf. W.V van Deventer, Poverty and Practical Ministry of Liberation and Development within the
Context of Traditional Venda man (Pietersburg: University of the North, Dissertation, 1989) 75. Cf.
also Mbiti’s expression, “I am because we are”.
12
Cf. South Africans have funeral clubs in townships and villages to help in times of death and funeral.
13
Cf. the neglect of wider Hebrew family in W. A. Elwell, and P. W. “Comfort,” in Family Life and
Relations, in Tyndale Bible Dictionary (Wheaton: Tyndale House Publishers, 2001) 474.
14
Cf. Sarah Getrude Millin, The South Africa (New York: Boni and Liveright Publishers, 1927) 256.
She expressed that the change was slow but sure: “While the white men are discussing with one
another whether they shall or shall not educate the native and civilize him, Nature is laughing at them.
‘You began this business,’ she says. ‘But can’t you see I have taken it out of your hands now? For
better or for worse this thing is going on, and you won’t stop it. You have lost control . . . Soon it will
be no longer a question of finding a native for jobs. It will be a question of finding work for the natives.
They will demand it, and adequate payment for its performance.’”
3
resources were often regarded as being naïve about their own culture to an extent that
some even tried to become as white and Western as possible on the surface leaving
deep feelings of uneasiness at the bottom. 15 They changed their names to Western
names, their clothes to Western clothes and colour by using some creams that made
their skin lighter. Inside, however, they were Africans. The attitude was that, “One of
the most difficult things to do these days is to talk with authority about anything to do
with African culture. Somehow Africans are not expected to have any deep
understanding of their own culture or themselves.” 16 The communal actions were
deprived.
Fortunately this is changing with the arrival of the New Democratic South Africa.
However, the Western worldview has deeply taken root in African worldview. It is
replacing the communal perspective.
This thesis wants to build the hope that communal actions can be rediscovered and
heal the communities and the nation. In Africa things are traditionally done
communally and thus care in the African context should be seen as communal
endeavour. The members of community are culturally obligated to care for each other.
They visit the sick people in their communities for the reason that they are part of the
community. Hence they are part of each other.
15
Cf. Bernard Makhosezwe Magubane, The Political Economy of Race and Classs in South Africa
(New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1979) 56. “Missionaries, whether they were aware of
it or not , were used by the colonists to justify their own position and psychologically enslave the
colonized peoples. They condemned African institutions and customs, and taught social norms of
capitalist civilization as if they comprised a universal moral code. They instilled in their converts a
belief in the virtues of work, private and respect for authority, and thus translated African peasant life
in a methodical way of industrial capitalism.”
16
Steve Biko, “Some African Cultural Concepts,” in The African Philosophy Reader P.H. Coetzee and
P.J. Roux, eds. (London and New York: Routledge, 1998) 26.
4
People who graduated and continue to graduate in Western educational institutions
need to reclaim and reassess their African worldview. The re-education in this sense is
that pain should not be understood only from a Western worldview, but it must also
be understood from the African context.
1.1.3 God’s care is omnipresent in communal care
The argument of this thesis is that God’s care can also be actualised in indigenous
African communal care, where the whole community avails its God given talents for a
person as the symbol of the omnipresence of God. This should help to turn away from
the assumptions of many ministry trainings where the Western values and virtues are
considered to be identical with Christian or biblical values and virtues. 17 The known
fact is that, due to equating Western worldviews to Christianity, African cultures have
been studied suspiciously. Each culture is God’s gift to serve the community. De
Cruchy from a historical perspective pointed it out in this way:
“There were indigenous cultures flourishing in what is now South Africa prior to the
arrival of European Christianity, and these, though varied, were inevitably religious in
character. Without romanticising, it remains true that a profound sense of the presence of
God is evident in traditional African culture. Tragically this was not recognised by those
Europeans, whether settlers or missionaries, who first introduced Christianity in the sub-
continent. They regarded the indigenous cultures as devoid of any genuine religious life
and belief in God, considering them too primitive to be taken seriously or so demonic that
they could only be rejected. Contrary to the scripture, according to missionaries God has
18
left himself without a witness in Southern Africa.”
Scripture supports God’s presence in what people do in all cultures. Lartey, a
prominent African practical theologian, arguing from the same conviction, wrote that:
17
Cf. Paul E. Irion, “The Practical Fields and Theological Education,” in The New Shape of Pastoral
Theology: Essays in Honor of Seward Hiltiner, William B. O. Oglesby, Jr. (Nashville and New York:
Abingdon Press, 1986) 41.
18
W. De Cruchy John, Cry Justice (London: Collins Liturgical Publications, 1986) 41.
5
“This is an affirmation of the positive nature of all cultures and traditions and can be said to
spring out of the Christian doctrine of creation with its statement that all creation comes from
God and that God is at work in all history, upholds all the world, cares for all people within it
and is present in all areas of life. There is in the Old Testament a recognition of just men
outside the fold of Israel. Cyrus, for instance, is seen as an instrument of God’s salvation in
Isaiah 44 : 28 - 45 : 7. There seems, also in the prophetic message, to be an indication that
19
other religions can be a proper response (Mal. 1: 11).”
Paul, in Acts 17, presented the gospel using what people have in their cultures, religions,
philosophy and customs. 20 Thus, he affirmed some form of knowledge of God outside the
Christian presentation. 21 It goes without saying that God accepts people as they are with their
ideas, experiences and structures in contrast with doubting or not recognising them. 22
God then is the creator of life and culture. Kalilombe has this to say:
“God has been ever present among his people, just as he has been in all peoples, cultures,
religious tendencies of the world, not just as a condescension, but because this benevolent
presence is in the logic of the cosmic Covenant of creation and re-creation. We must therefore
assume that in all serious efforts of mankind (sic) to make sense of its own life and destiny,
God has been in and with his peoples.” 23
19
Emmanuel Yartekwei Lartey, Pastoral Counselling in Inter-Cultural Perspective (Franfurt am Main.
Bern. New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 1987) 13 - 14.
20
Cf. “During the Greco-Roman period, the Greco-Roman culture was used for the presentation of the
gospel. . . .” in David T. Adamo, Reading and interpreting the Bible in African Indigenous Churches
(Benin City: Justice Jeco Press and Publisher Ltd, 2005) 109.
21
Cf. Paul G. Hiebert, Anthropological Insights for Missionaries (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House,
1985) 184. Cf. also “That there exists in the human mind, and indeed by natural instinct, some sense of
Deity . . . since God himself . . . has endued all men with some idea of his Godhead . . .” In John
Calvin, Institute of Christian Religion: Volume Two. Translated by Henry Beveridge, (Grand Rapids:
WM. B. Eerdmans Publishing company, 1983) 43.
22
Peter Kanyandango, “Violence in Africa: Pastoral Response from a Historical Perspective,” in
Pastoral Care in African Christianity: Challenging Essays in Pastoral Theology, ed. D.W. Waruta and
H. W. Kinoti (eds.) (Nairobi: Action Publisher. 1994) 36.
23
In, Emmanuel Yartekwei Lartey, Pastoral Counselling in Inter-Cultural Perspective (Franfurt am Main.
Bern. New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 1987)14.
6
God’s presence does not mean that people can find salvation without Christ. The author of
this thesis holds to a position of religious inclusiveness 24 in the sense that Christ’s saving
power works from within when people accept the gospel. People’s religious reality like the
name and the concept that there is a God should serve as bridges to the “biblical” message—
Jesus Christ is the Saviour. The Word of God is “near” (Romans 10: 6 – 12). 25 Hence the task
of the missionary is not only to let people know the Word but equally important understand
the Word. 26 The culture may be deformed in the sense that it is not worshiping the true
Living God. The gospel should penetrate into the darkness of other religions and reveal the
truth, Jesus Christ. Although people are aware of God’s presence, it does not mean that they
can find salvation without faith in Christ’s death and resurrection. The author believes that
there is a need to grapple with the reality of other religions and cultures. The truth and
wisdom that are found in other cultures and religions is the bridge to the gospel.
1.2 THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
The problem that this research wants to address is the shallowness of Christianity in
Africa. The author’s hunch is that one cause of this shallowness of Christianity in
Africa is due to the foreignness of Christianity planted in Africa. It does not deal with
the African issues, but with Western history and confessions. Hence it does not go
deep to the heart of Africa.
24
C. Nolte-Schamm, “Approaches to inter-religious and cultural dialogue,” Practical Theology in
South Africa, 2005, 20 (2), 89.
25
A study of the word as “ῥημα ” indicates that the message of incarnated and risen Christ is that He
the Lord in all cultures, Jews and Greek (Gentiles). Cf. Wuest, K. S. Wuest's word studies from the
Greek New Testament: For the English reader . Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, 1984.
26
Cf. J.M. Berentsen. Grave and Gospel (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1985) 122.
7
The study will focus on how Christian pastoral care and counselling can incorporate
communal care and counselling to heal pains, 27 without ignoring “the entire realm of
traditionalist assumptions.” 28 It will look at those means used by indigenous
communal communities, culturally gifted, to heal pains as part of God’s given means
of healing pains. Therefore, the research problem of this study is the following: Can
Christian pastoral care and counselling use communal principles in its operation to
heal pains and suffering? More specifically, how can Christian care and counselling
use Vhavenda communal principles to help heal pain and suffering?
The research project will use a practical theological framework and empirical
methodology to explore this problem and focus on a new model for dealing with care
in the Vhavenda community.
1.3 PRACTICAL THEOLOGY, MUTUAL / COMMUNAL
CARE AND EMPIRICAL METHOD
1.3.1 Practical Theology
The practical theologian, Prof van der Ven has observed that:
“Many times the question of the methodology in practical theology is at stake. Some argue
that practical theology has no methodology at all, and even should not have one. Because
practical theology, they say, is not a discipline that makes use of procedures and techniques.
Theology generally refers to truth and not method. Truth transcends method, interrupts and
even negates methods. This especially applies to the truth of God’s revelatory praxis in Jesus,
the Christ, which is mediated by the people’s praxis inside and outside the church in the
context of modern society. This truth does not ask for methodology, but for openness, awe,
wondering, concern, commitment, surrender. From these attitudes, the practical theologian
27
John Patton, Pastoral Care in Context: An Introduction to Pastoral Care (Louisville: Westminister /
John Knox Press, 1993 ) 137 - 184.
28
Klaus Nurnberger, The Living Dead and the Living God: Christ and the ancestors in a Changing
Africa (Pietermaritzburg: Cluster Publications, 2007) 46.
8
does not strive to master God’s revelatory praxis, but to open himself or herself for it, to
approximate to it in a respectful and reverend way.” 29
The two poles of this methodological approach, theory and praxis are interrelated in
practical theology. Theory here is referred to as the teaching or doctrine of the church
and the biblical truth. It can be described in general as a worldview. In this thesis
theory is the biblical concept of communal pastoral care and counselling to people in
pain. It is the formulation and development of systematic ways of communal pastoral
care to people in pain. Praxis refers to what is taking place in practical life, which in
this thesis is the individual in pain and how community heals pain in its communal
mutual care. It is the action of people in their interaction to each other or mutual care.
Mutual care is “the most basic level of care provided when members of faith
community are for each other.” 30 Practical theology is therefore not just praxis, but it
on equal basis formulates methodologies of its praxis.
1.3.2 Theory and praxis complements each other
Theologians usually fall into a trap of choosing between theory and praxis as the
point of departure. The approach emphasises one pole at the expense of the other.
Theologians need to be aware of this danger because theory and praxis complements
each other, they do not oppose each other. “Traditionally, practical theology was seen
as an applied science with no independent field of inquiry; it belonged rather in a
training centre than in university.” 31 It was supposed to focus on caring for people
who are suffering, not on thinking of the ways of caring or building a theology of
29
A. Johannes,Van der Ven, Practical Theology: An Empirical Approach (Kampen: Pharos, 1993)
323.
30
Izle Neethling, The Relevance of Pastoral Counselling in South Africa: With Reference to the South
African Association for Pastoral Work (Pretoria: Unisa M. Th. Dissertation, 2003) 26.
31
A. G. Van Wyk, “From Applied Theology to Practical Theology,” Andrew University Seminary
Studies, Spiring 1995, Vol. 33, No. 1, 92.
9
caring. The implication is that it was not thought that practical theology could do
both—caring and giving a theory of caring. It has been established that practical
theology, pastoral theology, can make a theoretical statement. 32 They are not just
engaged in practical work. They also engage in thinking the principles of caring for
the people in different situations.
Theology is easily reduced to abstract thinking or abstract theory. Uneducated 33
people can be taken out of theological engagement because it is preserved for the few,
the professionals or the trained ministers. 34 If this happens, practical theology can
lose its proper place in Church community involvement. 35 Lack of community
involvement is attested to by the fading away of pastoral care and counselling from a
communal perspective.
There is a tension between Practical Theology as an elite university discipline dealing
primarily with theory and “practical theology” as practised at the grass roots and
hence concerned with praxis. The tension here is that “modern theology as practised
within the walls of the universities has often developed in isolation from the church
32
Cf. Note this debate in, P. Edward, Wimberly, Pastoral Counseling: A Black Point of View
(Nashville: Abingdon, 1982) 77.
33
Uneducated is used in Western view of going to school. There are mental abilities or knowledge
apart from the ones acquired from formal schooling. Cf. Gerard Vincent Grant, The Organization of
Mental Abilities of an African Ethic Group in Cultural Transition (Johannesburg: University of
Witwatersrand, Dissertation 1969)36 - 39.
34
Cf. P. Schaff, & D. S. Schaff, History of the Christian church: Vol. vii Modern Christianity: The
German Reformation (Grand Rapids: WM. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1910) 24.
35
Cf. “Many persons outside the field began to think that pastoral care, while perhaps important for the
day-to-day work of the parish pastor, was not equipped to encounter prophetically the larger public issues
of the day.” V. Charles Gerkin, Widening Horizons by Redefining the Task: Pastoral Care and Practical
Theology (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986) 11.
10
and the Christian community.” 36 There has been a lot of debate on this issue. 37
However the academic and pastor are both using theory and praxis which are
ultimately complementary. Doing theology 38 in a concrete situation does not only
make theology alive and relevant, it also helps one to understand theology better.
Theology is alive and is not in a sociological vacuum, but in the lives of both the
academic and non-academic communities. 39 Practical Theology deals with what
people hold in their faith today. Therefore Practical Theology focuses on the
fundamental problem of theology, which is “the relation and the balance between our
Christian tradition and the modern situation of Christian religious experience.” 40
1.3.3 The correlation model
In addition to the above affirmation of balancing theory and praxis in Practical
Theology, there is another closely related understanding of Practical Theology as a
“correlational” discipline. Stone, 41 a practical theologian who is passionate on
communal pastoral care, suggests a method proposed and used by Tillich that is
36
Pieterse Hennie, “Empirical approach in practical theology: a discussion with J A van der Ven,” R &
T Vol 1 / 1 1994, 78.
37
V. Charles Gerkin, Widening Horizons by Redefining the Task: Pastoral Care and Practical Theology,
(Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986) 11.
38
Cf. “Theology is not a noun; but a verb…it is in discerning the will of God, in the process of
obediently participating in his mission, that we learn to understand that faith makes sense.” H. Jurgens
Hendriks, Studying Congregations in Africa (Willington: Lux Verbi.BM, 2004) 24.
39
Gerkin lamented for the balance of community (context) with the individual and Christian fact or
teaching (cultural values). Cf. Gerkin V. Charles, Prophetic Pastoral Practice: A Christian Vision of Life
Together (Nasshville: Abingdon Press, 1991) 13.
40
Pieterse Hennie, “Empirical approach in practical theology: a discussion with J A van der Ven,” R &
T Vol 1 / 1 1994, 78.
41
Howard W. Stone, Theological Context of Pastoral Caregiving: Word in Deed (New York / London:
The Haworth Pastoral Press, 1996) 64. Stone wrote his book from Theological Context of Pastoral
Caregiving: Word in Deed with a purpose of correlation of pastoral care and theology—the meeting of
the two. Cf. Stone 1996 xi.
11
called a “method of correlation”. Theology is understood as a two-way conversation
between culture or context and Christian fact or Scripture. Stone argues that for
theology to be real to its context, a correlation method needs to be used. He argues,
“Yet, the term correlation remains a handy label for a complex process of comparison
and contrast that takes place in all theological reflection.” 42 He defined the concept of
correlation as follows:
“To correlate, then, is simply to bring two discrete entities into mutual relation with each
other. Correlating theology with the practice of ministry involves allowing the insights of
theological thoughts to impinge upon, interact with, and influence the actual day-to-day tasks
of ministry and vice versa.” 43
Tracy’s model of correlation is in line with Tillich’s—it suggests that “the situation or
context of the interpreter listening to and questioning classic texts” 44 be correlated.
Correlation is done through conversation. Tracy views Practical theology as
correlating in saying that it is, “the mutual critical correlation of the interpreted theory
and praxis of the Christian fact and the interpreted theory and praxis of the
contemporary situation.” 45 The correlation initiative comes from either Christian faith
or current praxis.
The Whiteheads (Evenly and James) revised Tracy’s model of correlation from the
46
two-ways conversation to a three-ways conversation. Personal experience is
42
Howard W. Stone, Theological Context of Pastoral Caregiving: Word in Deed (New York / London:
The Haworth Pastoral Press, 1996) xi.
43
Ibid.
44
In Don Browning, “Methods and Foundations for Pastoral Studies in the University,” in Pastoral
Studies in the University Setting: Perspectives, Methods, and Praxis, ed. A. Visscher (Ottawa:
University of Ottawa Press, 1990) 57.
45
Ibid.
46
Cf. Compare the Whiteheads’ three-ways conversation with Gerkin’s which are, an individual
(“persons as individuals and members of church communities”), Christian fact (“the day-to-day
12
included. Correlation, in the Whiteheads’ view, is the conversation at three levels,
which are, 47 (i) interpretations of contemporary cultural experiences and practices
(culture, context) (ii) interpretations of personal appropriations of that broader
cultural experience and practices (individual, self), and (iii) interpretations of the
meaning and practices of the central Christian witness or fact (confessions,
Scriptures).
By adding these elements the Whiteheads (Evelyn and James) brought the idea that
Practical theology should not ignore some of the insights of psychotherapy and
clinical pastoral training. 48
1.4 COMMUNAL CARE AS MUTUAL CARE,
PASTORAL CARE AND COUSELLING, AND
PASTORAL THERAPY
The author is using the concept communal pastoral care as comparable with what
others, especially European theologians, call “mutual care”. Mutual care from this
understanding of communal care is not a “one-to-one” care, but communal care. From
that background De Jongh van Arkel calls mutual care “the foundation of all care.”49
normative, visionary, and Christians presence and visions”) and the context (“the ordinary practice of
that larger human cultural community in which the context is set”). Gerkin V. Charles, Prophetic
Pastoral Practice: A Christian Vision of Life Together (Nasshville: Abingdon Press, 1991) 13.
47
In Don Browning, “Methods and Foundations for Pastoral Studies in the University,” in Pastoral
Studies in the University Setting: Perspectives, Methods, and Praxis, ed. A. Visscher, (Ottawa:
University of Ottawa Press, 1990) 57.
48
Ibid.
49
J. T. de Jongh van Arkel, “Care,” in Practical Theology: only study guide for PTA 200-W (Pretoria:
University of South Africa, 1985) 75.
13
He goes on to write of Heitink’s view: “In the Christian church mutual care is the
basic form of pastoral care . . . is an essential part of the church.” 50 It simply means
“one cannot speak of a church or congregation in the absence of such care.” 51
He is in line with what Tillich believed about care, as he described care as
“essentially mutual”. 52 It is an informal care in the sense that it “usually takes place
within an informal network of communities—friendship, small prayer groups,

53
telephone conversations and spontaneous reactions to crises.” Its motive is
community because “it emanates from believers’ commitment to one another and is
associated with an acceptance of the community of believers.” 54 Mutual communal
care supplements official pastoral care, which is mostly organised by the church.
De Jongh van Arkel’s conclusion that: “mutual care has been neglected in pastoral
55
theology” is correct. Mutual care has been neglected in the study and practice of
pastoral care. He concluded further that “certain dignitaries are made responsible for
activities that are inseparably part of Christian life.
Thus the caring activity of the church has been left to particular people and is no
longer the responsibility of everybody.” 56 Much of the work in pastoral care focuses
on “pastoral care as a caring action”, which “is part of the official upbuilding and
50
Ibid.
51
Ibid.
52
John Knox Press, 1993) 100.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
J.T. de Jongh van Arkel, “Care,” in Practical Theology: only study guide for PTA 200-W, (Pretoria:
University of South Africa, 1985) 76.
56
Ibid.
14
nurture of the congregation.” 57 This work is done by the ordained minister or
pastor. 58 In other churches pastoral care is left in the hands of the few: elders and
ministers of the Word. The rest of the congregation is the receiver of the care. The
elite forms of care are called pastoral counselling, which is short term counselling,
and pastoral therapy, which is long term therapy, and both these require specialised
training.
The other element that propelled the neglect of mutual care was the change of the
office of minister and the service of care. 59 “The role of clergy has become
increasingly professionalized because of secularisation.” 60 A minister has to specialise
in pastoral counselling, and may be the only one in the congregation who is skilled. In
this specialisation “the emphasis of pastoral work has become too individualistic.” 61 It
is no more the work of every member in the congregation. The emphasis of care also
changed. “In pastoral counselling too great an emphasis has been on structure of the
interview, on the correct responses and setting.” 62 This made it difficult for an
57
Ibid. 112.
58
Cf. Benner describes “pastoral care as the total range of helping contacts that occur between the
pastor and parishioners, including but not limited to such activities as visiting the sick, attending the
dying, comforting the bereaved, and, in sacramental tradition, administering the sacraments.” Benner
David G., Strategic Pastoral Counselling: A short term structured model (Grand Rapids: Baker Book
House, 1992) 15.
59
Note that Clinebell describes pastoral care and counselling as disciplines that “involve utilization by
persons in ministry of one-to-one or small group relationships to enable healing empowerment and
growth to take place within individuals and their relationships.” Clinebell, Howard John, Basic Types of
Pastoral Care and Counseling: Resources for Ministry of Healing and Growth London: SCM Press
1984), pp. 25 - 26.
60
Theron Bruce Brain Vernet, The Caring Church as a Worshipping Community (Pretoria: Unisa Th.
M Dissertation) 12.
61
Ibid.
62
Ibid.
15
ordinary church member to be a care-giver. The “spontaneity and mutuality and care
for the whole person”, which “embodies ekklesia and koinonia” 63 faded away. The
pre-reformation scenario, 64 where the church members were not the participants of
church ministry, came back in another fashion.
This should not give the impression that concentrating on personal problems in
pastoral care and counselling is unacceptable in communal pastoral care and
counselling. One-to-one care is not to be abandoned. This thesis wants to bring
balance of community and individual to pastoral care and counselling. While the
thesis points to the danger of over-emphasis on the individual in pastoral care, it does
not say that there is no danger in over-emphasis of the community in pastoral care and
counselling. The extreme of each side can be a problem.
The research wants to look at the fading away of mutual care in the community. The
concept of a “caring community” 65 is in line with biblical truth of love and body
model of a church. This means that Christian counselling does not only serve an
individual by an individual but also serves an individual through a community and a
community through a community.
63
Ibid.
64
Note the historical fact in Schaff, P., & Schaff, D. S. History of the Christian church: Vol. vii
Modern Christianity: The German Reformation (Grand Rapids: WM. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, 1910) 24. “The Roman church is an exclusive hierarchy, and assigns to the laity the position
of passive obedience. The bishops are the teaching and ruling church; they alone constitute a council or
synod, and have the exclusive power of legislation and administration. Laymen have no voice in
spiritual matters, they can not even read the Bible without the permission of the priest, who holds the
keys of heaven and hell.”
65
John Knox Press, 1993 ) 5.
16
This idea can be stated clearly today because it is now clear that Western Christianity
is not pure Christianity, as “nowhere do we find absolutely pure Christianity.” 66
Throughout church history “eclectic approaches” were used in one way or another.
The research project will “eclectically” look at the communal gifts to heal pains. The
thrust of the matter is that a community has gifts to heal its members. As the gifts of
the Spirit are bestowed on individuals, they are also bestowed to communities.
Communal communities have strong family ties.
African communal communities help each other in any suffering, but when it comes to
death and grief they excel. There are sayings in some African cultures that express that in
case of death even enemies help each other. In Tshivenda they say: “A dzimana u la
malombe, mukosi a a phalalana,” which means people possessed by the spirit may
withhold food from each other but when there is trouble they help each other.
To summarise, then, this thesis will focus on the whole church community ministry of
mutual care as part of communal care. It approaches Christian pastoral care and
counselling as a ministry of the whole church community which will also involve
conversations with indigenous Vhavenda care-giving.
Mutual care ministry is not the ministry that is centred on one person but on the
community. Pastoral care from mutual and communal perpective is the responsibility
of the whole church, not only the ordained minister or elder. Communal member
thinks of himself or herself in the context of others. The thesis will look at how the
communal care can enrich mutual care in Christian pastoral care and counselling.
66
S.G. Craig, Christianity Rightly So Called (Nutley: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing CO.,
1975) 43.
17
Communal Pastoral Care (African) vs Christian Traditional Pastoral Care
(Western)
Diagram 1: Communal pastoral care and individualistic pastoral care
1.5 CULTURAL MATERIALS AS EXTRA-BIBLICAL
MATERIALS IN COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE
The presupposition of this thesis is that pastoral care will be meaningless if it ignores
the cultural context. Jones and Butman use a concept, “responsible eclecticism.” 67
Though this concept is from psychotherapeutic point of view, it is applicable here.
This will mean that the pastoral counsellors, like psychotherapists, will be “eclectic or
pluralistic in their approach.” It is called responsible because in that process eclectic is
done in such a way that it desires to not contradict the biblical Christian faith apparent
in a community.
67
Stanton L Jones and Richard E. Butman, A Comprehensive Christian Appraisal: Modern Psycho-
therapies (Downer Grove: Inter-Varsity Press, 1991) 379 - 398.
18
Pastoral care and counselling should let the people being served be creative in such a
way that they are able to use things from their culture in a responsible way. This
means that it is not everything that needs to be accepted in a Christianised
community. At the same time, equally, it is not everything from the culture that needs
to be rejected. “Identification and differentiation are given equal weight.” 68 The task
of “responsible eclecticism” is done by the people who are part of the community, not
by foreigners. People inside the culture are able to look at culture “from outside.” 69
Culture here is used in pastoral care and counselling to understand the present setting
so that the work should address the issues of the people. This does not suggest that
culture is equal to the Bible, but it is needed to care and counsel people using it. The
biblical message is able to come down to the people.
1.5.1 Culture as an extra-biblical material in pastoral care
Culture or context is an extra-biblical material that helps in pastoral counselling. 70
Christian pastoral care and counselling must be true and faithful to both the Bible and
context. This is based on the inter-connection of “the knowledge of God and of
ourselves.” 71 This had been true to all church ministries as Luzbetak noted.
“Even centuries before the science of culture was born, the most effective missionaries were
those blessed with a deep appreciation of the diversity of cultures and of the important role
68
George M. Furniss, The Social Context of Pastoral Care: Defining the Life Situation (Louisville:
Westminster John Knox Press, 1994) 48.
69
Cf. Paulo G. Hiebert, Anthropological Insights for Missionaries (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House,
1985) 94.
70
It is necessary to study the culture in which pastoral care is done. Cf. Browning Don, “Methods and
Foundations for Pastoral Studies in the University,” in ed. A. Visscher, Pastoral Studies in the University
Setting: Perspectives, Methods, and Praxis (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1990), p. 51. Note there
should be a systematically studied “a particular religious tradition, particular mode of faith, and a
particular consciousness of God with regard to ‘carrying out practical task’”.
71
John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, Volume One. Translated by Henry Beveridge,
(Grand Rapids: WM. B. Eerdmans Publishing company, 1983), 37 - 39.
19
which cultures play in human behaviour. . . Missionary effectiveness has always gone hand
in hand with immersion in cultures.” 72
What needs to be clear here is that, for people to understand the gospel, it needs to
speak to their context. 73 Luzbetak 74 underlines the “truth” of what this thesis is
attempting to portray, that the Bible and dialogue with the “local cultural context” are
essential and paramount. Groskreutz 75 describes what this thesis calls the Bible as
“the Christian affirmation of fundamental reality and value” and the context is
described as “concern for the wholeness and well-being of persons”.
Taking the Bible and culture seriously, earths the gospel to the people because it
addresses relevant problems people face every day. 76 Earthing the gospel, has to do
with what Paul meant by being “All things to all men” (1 Cor. 9: 22). This is a
challenge in Christian ministry. Luzbetak 77 describes this challenge as a way of
“emptying” oneself.
72
Louis J. Luzbetak, The Church and Cultures: An Applied Anthropology for the Religious Worker
(South Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1977) 3
73
Bob Smith, Basics of Bible Interpretation (Waco: Word Books Publisher, 1978) 25. Note that the
Bible is written in human cultures. “Thus, we must be careful to hear the word in its cultural and
temporal setting: yet its truth transcends all temporal, racial, language, and cultural boundaries.”
74
(South Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1977) 4.
75
Donald, A. Groskreutz, “Modern Pastoral Theology and Christian Tradition,” in The New Shape of
Pastoral Theology: Essays in Honor of Seward Hiltiner, ed. William B Oglesby Jr. (Nashville and
New York: Abingdon Press, 1969) 62.
76
Cf. Note that the legislative power of the Church is based on the Church’s “sociological reality.” In
F. Wendel, Calvin (London and New York: William Collins Sons & Ltd, 1963) 306. Note also the
belief that a church does not exist in a cultural vacuum, cf. John Calvin, (Translated by Henry
Beveridge) Institute of Christian Religion: Volume Two (Grand Rapids: WM. B. Eerdmans Publishing
company, 1983), p. 434.
77
(South Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1977) 8.
20
In writing from a “modern pastoral theology” point of view, Groskreutz identifies
“what makes pastoral theology distinctively and truly modern.” Modern pastoral
theology maintains a healthy balance between the Bible and culture:
“The implication of pastoral concern in accordance with the best information, insights, and
understanding of both needs and available resources for meeting those needs, irrespective
of the specific historical identity of the resource. . . It assumes a dialogical understanding of
interpersonal relationship with freedom and responsibility to explore and clarify issues and
relationships between the ‘secular’ and ‘religious’. It thus posits fundamentally a dialogical
understanding of the relation between faith and culture, and it assumes that the fundamental
intention of all dialogue in pastoral theology is involved in the attainment of clarity,
understanding, and appropriate activity toward the fulfilment of objective implied in the
definition of pastoral theology.” 78
Modern pastoral theology also thus uses other disciplines. 79 The “pluralistic culture
becomes the historical arena in which the theory and practice of pastoral work are
being developed and actualized” 80 The conviction underneath is that God is in
control. He changes evil things to good things for his children.
1.5.2 The Reformed tradition and culture
The author of this thesis has a Reformed background and is particularly concerned
with communal pastoral care and the Reformed understanding of communal cultures
as revealed in the body model of the church. These paragraphs are going to explore
some of the “Reformational” view on culture.
78
Donald, A. Groskreutz, “Modern Pastoral Theology and Christian Tradition,” in The New Shape of
Pastoral Theology: Essays in Honor of Seward Hiltiner, ed. William B Oglesby Jr. (Nashville and
New York: Abingdon Press, 1969) 62.
79
Ibid.
80
Ibid. 63.
21
The origin of culture, in the Reformed tradition, “is the fulfillment of the mandate
given to man (sic), the king of creation, by his (sic) Maker in the Garden of Eden.” 81
The Reformed conviction is that “Had man (sic) remained in paradise, and had there
been no sin, he (sic) would still have had the task of culture.” 82 Culture is not the
result of sin. Herridge is right in saying that “A thoroughly cultured person is one
who is thoroughly matured in every part of his (sic) life, so that he (sic) is able to
fulfil the purpose of his creation.” 83
The divine mandates referred are: Be fruitful, multiply, fill the earth, subdue the
earth, rule over all creatures, keep the garden and dress it (Cf. Gen. 2: 15 and 1: 28).
It is believed that “culture is the execution of this divinely imposed mandate.” 84 This
is because: “In his (sic) cultural task man (sic) is to take the raw materials of this
universe and subdue them, make them serve his (sic) purpose and bring to nobler and
high levels, thus bringing out the possibilities which are hidden in nature.” 85
The raw material, ideas and beliefs are included in culture. Van Til defined culture as:
“any and all human effort and labor upon the cosmos, to unearth its treasures and its
riches and bring them into the service of man (sic) for the enrichment of human
existence unto the glory of God.” 86 The Reformed tradition expresses culture in
positive terms, culture serves God. The goal of culture is: Soli Deo Gloria. Serving
81
Henry H. Meeter, Calvinism: An Interpretation of its Basic Ideas (Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids
International Publications, 1960) 79.
82
Ibid. 80.
83
Ibid. 79
84
Ibid. 80. Cf. Henry R. Van Til, The Calvinist Concept of Culture (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and
Reformed, 1959) 29.
85
Henry H. Meeter, Calvinism: An Interpretation of its Basic Ideas (Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids
International Publications, 1960) 79 – 80.
86
Henry R. Van Til, The Calvinist Concept of Culture (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed,
1959) 29 – 30.
22
God does not oppose serving people in their predicaments. Loving and respecting
other human beings, is the culture born of loving and respecting God the Creator.
This definition of culture includes worldview of human beings. “For by culture we do
not merely understand the historical action of man (sic) and his (sic) moulding power
in subduing the earth and bringing it to the fullest fruition, but culture also comes to
expression in definite patterns of life which portray certain ideals.” 87
The worldview as the vision of a person influences how a person thinks and lives. In
this way a person’s worldview forms his or her culture. A person would not like
culture or anything to go against him or her. The worldview has to change first for
contrary things to be accepted. In other words culture has the elements that support
people’s worldview. It tells them how and what to think and live.
Culture also includes core traits: Values

Feelings
Centre:
Beliefs (Faith
in God)
Diagram 2: Core traits of culture
It is against this background that culture is understood as “the pattern for living used
by a social group to mould its environment so as to achieve the fulfilment of its
dreams.” 88 Hence what culture should achieve is:
“the fulfilment of purposive moulding of nature in execution of the creative will of God. Man
(sic) as cultural creature is an analogue of the great Architect and Artist of the universe. Man
87
Ibid. 30.
88
Rooy Sidney, “Reformed Faith in the Context of other Cultures,” in Christ’s Rule: A Light for Every
Corner: Papers of RES Conferences Harare, Zimbabwe 1988 (Grand Rapids: REC, 1988) 140.
23
(sic) as creature, therefore, is co-worker within bringing creation to its fulfilment. He (sic) is
not, of course, a collaborator, but neither is he (sic) a blood fool. Man (sic) is an instrument
who is conscious of what he (sic) is doing. But due to the fall of man (sic) into sin, he (sic) is
no longer willing to admit the claims of creator or serve God. . . it is because of man’s (sic)
fall that his culture is apostate and in the state of continual crisis. But, culture, as such, is a gift
89
of God to man (sic) as well as an obligation.”
The fall of people into sin does not mean that culture is no more necessary in
people’s lives:
“Sin has not made man’s (sic) cultural task unnecessary or superfluous. Sin never makes
unnecessary God’s demands, nor can it ever thwart God’s purposes. We are just as much in
duty bound to keep God’s laws today as Adam was, even though we cannot keep them
90
because of our enslavement to sin.”
Van Til argues that, “one must not forget that man’s (sic) cultural instinct and
calling can never be divorced from his (sic) covenant relationship to the Creator” 91
This conviction makes the Reformed tradition believe that, because sin cannot
“thwart God’s purposes” in every culture there are good things to cherish. It “stands
in opposition to those who advocated that the African way of life is foolishness
compared to the Western and European way of life.” 92 Meeter argues:
“If, then sin tends to break down culture, must we conclude that no culture is possible in
heathen lands, where the redemptive work of Christ is not found? Not at all. That would be
true if sin were the only force still at work there. For sin would destroy and ruin all. But as we
89
Henry R. Van Til, Van Til, The Calvinist Concept of Culture (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and
Reformed, 1959) 34.
90
Henry H. Meeter, The Basic Ideas of Calvinism (Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids International
Publications, 1960) 85.
91
Henry R. Van Til, Van Til, The Calvinist Concept of Culture (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and
Reformed, 1959) 34.
92
F.W.T. Wirsiy, The Influence of African Traditional Religions on Biblical Christology: An
Evaluation of Emerging Christologies in Sub-Sahara (Dissertation: Westminster Theological
Seminary, 1995) 71
24
learned in our study of common grace, even in pagan lands God still causes forces to work to
93
counteract the destructive force of sin; and brings to pass much cultural good despite sin.”
This Reformed conviction would like the culture to be “in-filled” with the gospel in
such a way that culture serves Christ wherever it is exercised. Cutlure is not viewed
as something against Christ, but as something for Christ.
“The great Reformed theologians and Churchmen (sic) did not originally set out to enrich
culture. Their work was interpretation and application of the Word of God and leadership in
the life of the church. Yet in performing these functions with integrity and competence, they
94
mightily shaped culture.”
In the Reformed tradition there is belief and awareness that God is alive and is
95
present in any culture as “power, energy, intentionality” make it thrive in any
situation. This belief can make a church community to be other-people-oriented
rather than self-orientated and still remain true to Christ. The church is an
institution that does live for those outside of itself. Hence,
“It is still possible that a Reformed community that lives with integrity in the larger
community will shape the larger community without compromising its own integrity and
without doing injustice to the freedom and conscience of all people. In its best moments the
Reformed community has been willing to depend upon the power of the preached word and
the testimony of the Christian community’s life to create a godly public opinion and shape the
96
future. The opportunity for this witness is open in a free and pluralistic society.”
93
Henry H. Meeter, The Basic Ideas of Calvinism (Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids International
Publications, 1960) 87.
94
John H. Leith, An Introduction to the Reformed Tradition: A Way of Being the Christian Community
(Atlanta : John Knox Press, 1977) 211. Cf. “The Scriptures are the milk for babes in Christ, and strong
food for the men in Christ. Bible study is feeding the people of God.” (Italics mine), by Bernard Ramm
in Bob Smith, Basics of Bible Interpretation (Waco: Word Books Publisher, 1978) 33.
95
Ibid. 214.
96
(Atlanta : John Knox Press, 1977) 219.
25
One should think that the present society needs this Reformational worldview. The
Word witnesses to the situation, on the other hand the situation, makes the Word clear
and specific or contextual. 97 The word of God that ignores the situation is proclaimed
out of context. The context of Hebrew or Jews and Greco-Romans will help a Bible
reader to understand the message of the Bible. The present context will also help the
preacher to let the message if the Bible speaks to people of today
It can be pictured in this diagram as empirical-confessional:
The Word Situation Word in The Word The

is more background in the Word
of God important situation
Empir Empirical-Confessional
Diaconological ical Empirical-Scientific
Diagram 3: The Word of God and the situation
1.6 PRACTICAL THEOLOGY AND ITS
RELATIONSHIP TO EMPIRICAL METHOD
Practical theology is interested in studying the theory and praxis of people in a variety
of settings and contexts. Religious theory and praxis needs to be investigated
scientifically. Many methods from the social sciences can be borrowed to enable the
researcher to aim for depth in his results.
The author planed to have an interview with the people to find out the sense of the
communal pastoral care in people’s lives. Qualitative interviews were conducted for
this research project. These interviews were conducted in Tshivenda and translated
into English. The author conducted the interviews with the people without screening
97
A. G. Van Wyk, “From Applied Theology to Practical Theology,” Andrew University Seminary
Studies, Spiring 1995, Vol. 33, No. 1, 86.
26
people with special pain like sickness, death, social problems and economic
problems. The reason is that the nature of the thesis looks at pain in general but
healed by communal endeavours. The author created an own questionnaire. The
testing of concepts is qualitative.
The author will conduct a pilot study to prove the validity of his questionnaire. He
will then question a limited number of people regarding pain and their support
systems and needs. The empirical section will be illustrative rather than exhaustive.
The author also uses an “anecdotal-illustrative” method when highlighting some
personal observations from his experience of Vhavenda culture and religion. These
observations are meant to enrich the depth of the thesis regarding Vhavenda culture.
1.7 COMMENTS ON THE SAMPLE POPULATION TO
BE INTERVIEWED
The study will be done in an African culture: the culture of the Vhavenda people. The
author grew up and is serving as a pastor in this group of people.
The Vhavenda community is a communal community. They share life, pains and joy
together. The author, therefore, is not an outsider but an insider and intimately
integrated into both the Vhavenda culture and the Christian tradition or the Bible.
Some studies previously done indicate that “among the African people ... pastoral care
and counselling are done mainly by the church as community,” 98 and not by an
individual representing the church community.
98
Howard W. Stone, “Sojourn in South Africa: Pastoral Care as a Community Endeavor,” The Journal
of Pastoral Care, Summer 1996, Vol. 50, No. 2. 210.
27
1.8 THE DEFINITION OF KEY CONCEPTS
Community: Community is a group of people living together as one body or bigger
family. Community is families living together. They are interrelated in one way or
another. Their interrelation helps them to cope with their situation.
Communal pastoral care and counselling: This is an approach of counselling, which
uses community resources to help each other. Care and counselling in this approach is
not the function purely of one person but ideally of community to community.
Culture: The ways and means how people live and / or do things as a group. The ways
and means of living in this instance are mostly done instinctively. There is no formal
council to monitor them.
Family: Family includes all people related by birth, marriage and living together..
Family does is not limited to father, wife and children. It is the extended family that
we are concerned about as a healing institution. Family is one of the elements that
shape community. 99
Pain: Any situation that causes stress and takes away the joy of any person or
community is pain. In pain tears of suffering and sorrow are shared.
Healing: Restoration of total peace and happiness of the body and mind is healing.
The total healing takes into account other factors that disturb peace and happiness in
people’s lives.
99
Cf. Paul G. Heibert, “The Gospel in our Culture: Methods of Social and Cultural Analysis,” in The
Church Between Gospel and Culture: Emerging Mission in North America, ed. George R Hunsberger
and Craig van Gelder (Grad Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996) 140.
28
1.9 CHAPTER HEADINGS FOR THE FUTURE
CHAPTERS
There are another seven chapters, which expand the present chapter.
Chapter 2: Communal Pastoral Care Literature Review: Pastoral books with an
emphasis on communal care will be reviewed.
Chapter 3: Pain: A Physical, Psychological, Social and Theological Analysis: Pain
will be discussed and analysed through these perspectives.
Chapter 4: Vhavenda Cosmology and Communalism: The worldview and cosmology
of the Vhavenda people will be outlined and critiqued.
Chapter 5: Towards a Traditional Vhavenda Understanding of Pain and Care: It
explores features of pain in Vhavenda context.
Chapter 6: Qualitative Research on Pain in the Vhavenda Community: An exploration
of pain in small communities through an interview schedule will be undertaken.
Chapter 7: Vhavenda-Christian Culturally Gifted Communal and Family Care. It
develops the communal models of healing.
Chapter 8: Recommendations. It summarises the communal pastoral care and
counselling models and points out possible future research projects.
29
Pastoral care and counselling INTRODUCTION
can use indigenous communal
1
care and counselling
CHAPTER
Reviews Pastoral books with COMMUNAL
an emphasis on communal BOOKS REVIEW
2
pastoral care
CHAPTER
Pain is discussed / analysed PAIN
from physical, psychological,
3
social and theological
30
CHAPTER
The outline and critique of VHAVENDA
worldview and cosmology of COSMOLOGY &
4
the Vhavenda COMMUNALISM
CHAPTER
Diagram 4: Thesis outline

Exploration of features of pain VHAVENDA
in African / Vhavenda thought VIEW OF PAIN
5
and context AND CARE

CHAPTER
Exploration of pain in small EMPIRICAL

FAMILY PAIN—A VHAVENDA PERSPECTIVE
communities through RESEARCH IN

6
VHAVENDA
COMMUNAL PASTORAL COUNSELLING: CULTURALLY GIFTED CARE
interview reports
CHAPTE
CHAPTER 2
COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE LITERATURE
REVIEW
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The previous chapter declares a conviction that there is a need of developing a theory
or a model using communal pastoral care. The author proceeds in this chapter to show
that need by reviewing selected classic pastoral care literature which cry out for a
balance of individual approaches and communal approaches of healing pain.
Firstly, the author gives an orientation of the kinds of literature to be reviewed and the
reasons for review. Secondly, the author then proceeds to review two classic books
with Western backgrounds and three classic books from African backgrounds. The
author has selected these five books which he regards as classic to give a strong
historical awareness of the communal pastoral care and counselling in the history of
pastoral care and counselling. Thirdly, the author will also review a recent article by
Magezi (2006) dealing with the community healing in African perspective. In
conclusion the author outlines the possibility of pastoral communal care in every
context.
In this thesis, the mutual pastoral care is seen as communal pastoral care. Up to the
present the subject of mutual pastoral care has not been thoroughly researched.
Consequently there are few books and journal articles which focus on this approach.
More spadework is still needed. There are also few articles and books focusing on
African pastoral care and counselling by Africans. Western literature lacks much of
31
the communal pastoral care. The West is rich in psychotherapy counselling but it is
lacking mutual and communal pastoral care.
This review will help people to see how some theologians and members from
Christian communities struggle or succeed in this approach. The author is fully
convinced that there are voices calling for community caring in pastoral ministry. 1
These voices are from all over the world at a time when community has been reduced
to a role of a spectator in pastoral care and counselling.
The principle of this thesis is that the Western and the African worldviews do not
compete each but compliment each other. It should be indicated that, though this
study is about African communal pastoral care, Western literature is also crucial and
thus needs to be reviewed. The West has produced much on theology and pastoral
theology in particular. There are pastoral theologians who are not satisfied with the
dominant Western or individualistic psychotherapeutic pastoral care. This thesis
wants to look at the contributions made by those Western theologians who are critical
of individualism and desire a broader communal pastoral theology.
African literature on this subject is of great interest. The reason this needs to be borne
in mind is that in former years most African theological institutions, if not all, were
established by Western theologians and in the Western fashion with a Western
curriculum and tutored by Western teachers or professors. Hence Christian pastoral
care and counselling from an African perspective was done by people who were
trained in pastoral care and counselling in Western institutions, either in Africa or
1
Cf. a cry of “how can the Christian life be meaningful within my particular socio-cultural-political
context.” In B.J. Van der Walt, The Liberating Massage: A Christian Worldview for Africa
(Potchefstroom: IRS, 1994) 1.
32
abroad. Therefore there is a scarcity of literature on pastoral care and counselling,
from an African perspective. 2
Most of us from Western institutions think in a “white” or rather Western way, though
we are Africans. This is the result of the curriculum and leaders of the institutions
where we were trained. The training directly or indirectly and consciously or
unconsciously neglected the African experiences and cultures. 3 This was due either to
silence, as there was no talk about African experiences and culture in theologising, or
by a lecturer showing how bad or uncivilised the African cultures are and how good
the Western cultures are. 4 The warning of Louw is important, “We must guard against
authoritarian missionary pattern, in which the Western model is regarded as superior
and the African model as inferior. Pastoral care then develops an aloofness which
results in distance.” 5
Today there are many attempts being made to reaffirm the value of African ideas and
experiences. It is, however, not easy to retrieve and accept aspects of the African
indigenous ways of life which have been so negatively portrayed. Thus African
literature will be of advantage to this thesis. It will be of interest to see how some
African theologians, being products of the West, struggle to re-do theology from their
continent, homelands, cultures, contexts, and churches. Much of African pastoral care
2
Vivian V. Msomi, Pastoral Counselling in South with Special Reference to the Zulu (Cape Town:
University of Cape, Dissertation, 1992).
3
Note that there is no neutral education when it comes to worldview because a worldview is usually
held unconsciously. Cf. Albert E. Greene, Reclaiming the Future of Christian Education (Colorado
Springs: Purposeful Design Publications, 2003) 65.
4
I experience this as a student. Some tutors talked about African cultures but failing to reveal the
richness because they did have the experience. Some did talk about it.
5
Daniel J. Louw, Illness as Crisis and Challenge: Guidelines for Pastoral Care (halfway House: Orion
Publishers, 1994) 25.
33
is not yet fully written, but is found in their stories, proverbs, poems, rituals and attire
which require further study.
One interesting issue is that African pastoral care and counselling looks at how
African people, before the adoption of the Western ways of life, cared for each other.
The struggle of caring for each other communally was even experienced daily when
societies were forced into or opted for a Western lifestyle. The result of this struggle
is that many people in Africa, especially those who have accepted a Western lifestyle,
lived or are living in two opposing worlds—African, which is communal, and
Western, which is individualistic. We should also be aware that not everything about
the African practice of care is automatically good and that this will become apparent
during the course of this thesis.
2.2 WESTERN LITERATURE:
2.2.1 “A Caring Church: A Guide for Lay Pastoral Care”
The first book from Western literature to be reviewed is The Caring Church: A Guide
for Lay Pastoral Care, by Howard W. Stone. 6 Though it does not have a communal
worldview as proposed by this thesis, it has the sense of including Christian
community in pastoral care and counselling. It proposes that every Christian has a
positive role to play in pastoral ministry.
The general presupposition of the whole book is that all Christians are in one way or
another involved in pastoral care. Stone’s cry is that Christians were holding back,
leaving the ministers alone in the ministry. Most people today, due to the spirit of
6
Howard W. Stone, The Caring Church: A Guide for Lay Pastoral Care (New York: Happer and Row,
Publishers, 1983).
34
professionalism in pastoral care and counselling, are afraid to commit mistakes. Their
excuse is that they are not trained for that work. The informal training in church
service and serving in committees is not considered sufficient. Thus, they expect those
trained and hired for the ministry, the ministers, to provide the ministry. They can pay
the salary of the ministers.
2.2.1.1 Lay pastoral care and counselling is imperative
There are many family problems in a congregation. It should be clear that because
there are so many, ministers cannot handle them alone efficiently. A “lone ranger” 7
minister will place many people on the waiting list for a long time. It is not healthy for
people to stay with a problem for a long time. It is not healthy for a minister either.
Other members of the congregation are needed for a true healing of these wounds.
The first people to know about the problems of church members are usually fellow
church members. Church members touch the life of a person in pain at an earlier stage
than a minister. They usually think that this needs a minister, and would not attempt
to solve such a problem. They know what is troubling their neighbours but because
they do not know what to do to solve the problem they are “afraid of becoming
involved.” 8
Lay pastoral care is thus imperative. Hence, lay people in the congregation need to be
trained so that they can do this service well. For Stone, when people say they cannot
do pastoral care because they are not trained and that they do not know what to say
when they have visited a person who has a problem, are “not just excuses; they are the
7
Cf. Melvin J. Steinbron, Can the Pastor Do It Alone? A Model of Preparing Lay People for Lay
Pastoring (Ventura: Regal Books, 1987) 19 - 24. Note how Steinbron moved from “lone ranger” to
where he knew he should be equipping lay people for ministry.
8
Howard W. Stone, The Caring Church: A Guide for Lay Pastoral Care (New York: Happer and Row,
35
genuine apprehensions of many lay people.” 9 Though people have that genuine
problem, it does not mean that a minister should care for the whole church alone. It is
clear that no person can do it alone. The answer is training for preparing people for
the service.
The purpose of the book is to find a way to train church members with the
presupposition that every member is called to serve in the spirit to “bear one another’s
burden” (Gal. 6: 2). There is no member who is not called to bear the burden of other
members. Stone does not claim this to be the only way. He wanted others to think of
other ways that can be used to train lay people for pastoral care. Stone identifies some
of the problems in training lay persons for pastoral care. The theological
understanding of lay pastoral care and its training is discussed.
He concludes the foundation of lay pastoral care by saying: “All Christians have two
callings or vocations. The first is to their stations in life; the second is to the universal
priesthood. In these callings they are commissioned to love and serve others.” 10
Training of lay people for pastoral care does not mean that if not formally trained they
cannot do it. To be a Christian is to be a disciple. The informal training is taking place
every day. It is the spirit of specialisation and “professionalisation” that instils
darkness and fear in people’s minds in practising Christian services.
Thus “the training of laity in pastoral care method is designed to answer fears, give
skills, heighten awareness of the task and above all instil confidence and conviction
that even the simplest acts of care are commissioned by God.” 11 Christians are trained
9
Ibid, 3.
10
Ibid. 22
11
Ibid.
36
by the Word and examples of other Christians as people. They are called to serve and
are able to serve each other.
What lay people lack primarily, is confidence when they serve other people in real
need. They need to be empowered to serve themselves and others. Hence, Stone says
that the purpose of training is “to answer fears, give skills and methods”. Christians
have the tools. They need to be helped on how they can use them for the benefits of
the kingdom.
2.2.1.2 Community involvement in care is pastoral care
Stone uses training of lay pastoral caregivers to restore what the church has lost in
modernism. He is worried about this loss. He revisits Clebsch and Jaekle’s definition
of pastoral care and the importance of “representative Christian persons”, who are
responsible for pastoral care, as not only referring to ordained ministry. He
emphasised that “pastoral care is a task of the total Christian community—a task of
ministering to one another and reaching out beyond ourselves.”
He made it clear that from the birth of the church, caring has been the task of the
whole community, not of the few:
“Throughout the centuries, as Clebsch and Jaekle suggest, the laity has always been part of
pastoral care ministry. The emphasis upon such ministry and the visibility of such caring have
varied considerably from era to era. In recent decades lay pastoral care appears to have
receded in practice, and when given it is often without the support or encouragement of the
ordained.” 12
Stone knew the time when this valuable asset of pastoral care—community, was
pushed out from operating. “With the advent of specialization in pastoral counseling
has come a growing belief among lay and clergy alike that pastoral care can be
12
Ibid. 4 - 5.
37
performed only by ordained ministers.” He, therefore, argues for its return to the field
in this way:
“If all pastoral care could be summed up as counseling, then I agree. But if we readopt the
traditional, historical tasks of pastoral care—healing, sustaining, guiding, and reconciling—
and if we accept our responsibility to care for others as God has loved us, then the lay person
is not only able but is commissioned to participate.” 13
His argument is that, because pastoral care is not condensed to counselling, the church
needs the whole community in this vital task and that it is the most possible way of
pastoral care. Many people who experience difficulties in their lives and are not
willing to seek help from professional therapy discuss their difficulties with their
friends and other people who are close to them. Ordained ministry cannot do it alone.
It needs the participation and service of the whole Christian community. In everyday
life, people care for each other—even in the most serious catastrophes of life.
2.2.1.3 Training of lay pastoral care-givers
As stated in the purpose of his book, Stone views the training of lay pastors as a gate
to let the whole Christian community get in pastoral care. He put it this way:
“It is crucial to recognise that training lay persons in caring ministry of the church involves far
more than getting a few people to help the minister with visitation. The training creates a place
in the life and ministry of the church for those who, hearing and believing, want to put their
faith into practice in a tangible way. ‘Love one another’ (John 15: 17) becomes something
active.” 14
13
Ibid. 5. Also Cf. E.Y. Lartey, “Some Contextual Implications for Pastoral Counselling In Ghana,” in
Pastoral Care and Counselling in Africa Today, eds. Jean Masamba Ma Mpolo and Diasy Nwachuku
(Frankfurt / New York: Peter Lang, 1991) 35.
14
Howard W. Stone, The Caring Church: A Guide for Lay Pastoral Care (New York: Happer and
Row, Publishers, 1983) 5.
38
Training for lay pastoral caregivers is one of the requirements of the spirit of
modernism. Modernity came with an understanding that a person has to be trained
formally for every work that must be done. This is the spirit of specialisation and
“professionalisation.” Lay pastoral training, as Stone uses it, was to bring back those
spiritual gifts for utilisation in the church and in the lives of Christians in general. His
hope is that they will do it spontaneously once lay pastoral care is back in Christian
community service. This means that people would never be ashamed to share with
other people the little they have. Faith and hope are needed in this operation. By faith
is meant that God is using the weakness for greater things. By hope is meant that the
small gifts when shared by all will be joined and make a whole service for the
kingdom.
Three features of his practical approach are useful to consider at this point. Firstly, the
role of the minister in training: Stone sets up a programme, which a minister should
follow for training lay pastoral workers. A minister, if Stone’s programme is
followed, will spend most of the time with people who will serve others rather than
people who need to be served.
Secondly, the actual training of lay pastors: Stone uses the modern tool of formal
training to bring back ministry to the church community. The modern period is
characterised by formal training as a way to acquire knowledge. 15 Training has been a
way of learning all the time. Before modernity training was more informal than
15
Cf. From medieval period through modernity formal training was the recognised training. “A most
glaring and enduring change in substance (or content) was evident in the 18th century when the agenda
of training in the university shifted towards specialist interests . . . The minister was expected to be
Master of the theological disciplines even when the vast majority of the faithful remained largely
unschooled.” Cole Victor Babajide, Training of the Ministry: A Macro-Curricular Approach
(Bangalore: Theological Book Trust, 2001) 4.
39
formal. People acquired knowledge in life as it was lived. Jesus trained his disciplines
for ministry primarily by activity. 16 He talked to people in their present and walked
with them. It is true that he taught them separately from the crowds, but most of the
time it was in the ministry itself that they learned the ministry.
Thirdly, the spontaneity of pastoral care: Stone takes training as a first step to
community involvement in pastoral care. Christian community learns all the time
about caring for each other as a way of expressing love that God has poured out to his
children through His Spirit. People are being trained daily for service and they should
not wait. Christian service is in actual fact an “in-service training”.
2.2.1.4 Conclusion
Stone cautions modern pastoral theology against emphasising the individual at the
expense of community. He does this from a Western worldview of community, as his
community is the church. It is a valuable contribution to this thesis which concludes
that pastoral care should not ignore community endeavours.
2.2.2 “The Pastoral Care in Context: An Introduction to
Pastoral Care”
The second book from the Western literature, the author would like to review is
Patton’s book, “Pastoral Care in Context: An Introduction to Pastoral Care”.
He extends Stone’s contribution in a number of different ways.
2.2.2.1 The times and things are changing
Patton, looking from the Western worldview, notes that “things have changed in
pastoral care” since he started to work both as a minister and as a professor in pastoral
16
Ibid. 64
40
17
care and counselling. When one reads his books, these changes are clear. He was
moving from an individualistic approach to an approach in which, though an
individual has an important place, the community has an equally positive role in
pastoral care. Pastoral care and counselling is not only a minister’s or counsellor’s
role, but also a community’s role. A community has a ministry to heal its members
and itself. Patton still maintains, though, that a community that has the ability to heal
is the faith community or Christian community—a church.
Patton is right, as he added that people who are involved in pastoral care today are no
longer only “male clergy person of European ancestry working professionally in a
parish or hospital setting” as it was before. 18 He asserts that pastoral care is not the
responsibility of one person like a minister, but in addition to the minister it is the
responsibility of the whole Christian community. According to him every one in a
Christian community or a church is called to care for others as one cares for oneself.
When Patton wrote his book, the position and involvement of women in pastoral
ministry had changed tremendously than when he started his ministry. Apart from the
issue of ordination of women in the office, today women as part of the community are
given a ground for exercising their Spirit-given-gifts in contrast to some years ago.
Women also have a vital place in pastoral care and counselling.
The assumption of his book on pastoral theology that needs to be observed, is that
“. . . it is the caring community, inclusive of both laity and clergy, that provides pastoral care.
The ministry of pastoral care should be understood holistically rather than hierarchically,
following the body image of Paul in 1 Corinthians 12 and Ephesians 4. This means that the
theory, or theology, of pastoral care for the laity and clergy should be the same.” 19
17
John Knox Press, 1993) 3.
18
Ibid.
19
Ibid.
41
This assumption says that it is not only the minister, or only someone in the hierarchy
of the church, who has to do pastoral care and counselling. The whole church, as a
community mutually coming together, is a community caring for each other. Patton
echoes Fenhagen’s argument, “The church is not a community gathered around a
minister, but a . . . community of many ministries . . .” 20
In other words community has the connotation of caring for each other. This idea of
community is clear when Patton says that communal care is care as “remembering.”21
Burck, in this understanding, describes community etymologically and says, “the term
community refers to the obligations, gifts, or services that persons bring to one
another; thus what they have, they have partly ‘in common’”. 22 Here the term
community is described from its function as the interaction of people. The prefix co-
means getting into each other’s life. A contrast term of community is immunity that
implies “not under obligation, exempt”. 23
Communal community, in other words, should have the connotation of service to each
other. Community members interact in serving each other. A community is not
regared as a community, in the communal perspective, if community members do not
serve each other. Community serves like a family—only that community is a broader
extended family. Community touches the individual, though it is not as close as the
family. It concerned about the joy and sorrow of an individual without at considering
the relationships, but only on the basis of being human and sharing life in the same
20
Ibid.
21
Ibid. 15 - 37. Note that Patton provided the whole chapter showing that community being together—
remembering each other.
22
J. R. Burck, “Community, Fellowship, and Care (Christian),” in Dictionary of Pastoral Care and
Counselling, ed. Rodney J. Hunter (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990) 202.
23
Ibid.
42
environment and community. The community’s touch to the individual may not be as
warm as the touch of the family to the individual. The family touch is a closer touch.
Community touches the individual through the family. In the normal society the touch
of the family is warm enough to promote life.
2.2.2.2 Three supplementing paradigms in pastoral care
In this book, Patton addresses the subject of communal pastoral care. He tells his
readers that he builds his paradigms on Hodgson’s (1988: 12) three paradigms of the
Christian theological tradition. 24 (i) The classical paradigm is from the Patristic period
through the Reformation. The emphasis on classic paradigm was on the message of
pastoral care. (ii) The modern paradigm is from early eighteenth century to the late
twentieth century (the eighteenth through the twentieth century is called the
Enlightenment period). Its emphasis was on the person involved in giving and
receiving the message of care. (iii) The post-modern paradigm is from the end of the
twentieth century to this day. The communal contextual paradigm for pastoral care
emerged from the 1960s. It is associated with the new ecumenicity exemplified by
Vatican II. It broadens the clinical pastoral care by reviving the classical contribution
and including the caring community to pastoral care. Its emphasis is to call attention
to contextual factors affecting both the message of care and the persons giving and
receiving care.
Patton maintains that these three paradigms do not negate each other, but rather
complement each other. The church or caring community needs all these paradigms
“to think and to carry out pastoral care of the church at this point in history.” 25
Balance is needed in order to have a healthy pastoral care. Patton comes up with an
24
Ibid, 4.
25
Ibid. 5.
43
eclectic approach by saying that the ministry of pastoral care should annul and
preserve. It should “preserve the most valuable features of the previous paradigms,
but also annul some of them in order to present a view of care that is less hierarchical,
less naively provincial, and less uncritically individualistic . . .” 26 The eclectic
approach in pastoral care applies to the new culture.
2.2.2.3 The communal contextual paradigm in pastoral theology
Patton wants to introduce a new approach in pastoral care. He wants to bring in
community in a new form. It is a concern for a communal context to fit the time. He
thinks that a communal contextual paradigm offers both old and new understanding.
“It is old in that it is based on the biblical tradition’s presentation of God who cares
and who forms those who have been claimed as God’s own into a community
celebrating that care and extending it to others. It is new in that it emphasises the
caring community and the various contexts for caring rather than focussing on
pastoral care as the work of the ordained pastor. In the communal contextual
paradigm, pastoral care is understood to be a ministry of faith community which
reminds members of God’s scattered people that they are remembered.” 27
The three elements: message, person and context are equally important in pastoral
care—they should be used together equally. None of these should be emphasised at
the expense of the other.
The basis of a communal contextual paradigm is that human beings are relational
beings. Total healing should restore the self in relation with the self and others.
Finally, let us look at some important aspects of this theological position from three
points of view.
Firstly there is the relationship with God: This is the most basic of relationships. God
is related to his people and the people of God are related to God. This is clear from a
26
Ibid.
27
Ibid.
44
creation perspective. A human being is not just created but created in the image of
God. God is the Creator and Comforter, he is the Father or Mother, Sister or Brother.
Secondly, pastoral care as hearing: Patton describes the possibility of pastoral care as
based on the fact that “God continues in relationship with creation by hearing us.”
God hears the people he has created. It is comforting to know that God hears us. It is
healing. People need to be heard. Hearing helps to heal.
Thirdly, pastoral care as remembering: In some African cultures when you visit
someone, in the process of greeting you will express that “I remembered you today”
or the person you visited may say that you remembered him or her. People who visit
each other are related in one way or another. Patton used the word remember in this
way—making someone part of you, as he said using Palmer’s words “Remembered
means to re-member. It means to put the body back together. The opposite of
remembers is not to forget, but to dismember.” 28 Thus, to be remembered is to be
made part of the family or community.
2.2.2.4 Conclusion
Patton believes in community pastoral care, a care that includes both the laity and
minister which could be described as a caring community. He wants to move away
from a ministry that had ranks such as lower and higher offices. Lay people should be
competent to care for other people. Ministry, according to Patton, should be
understood “holistically”. Ministry should touch all the aspects of life, not only the
soul. Holistic pastoral care means that pastoral care should not only touch religious
aspects, but must equally touch the social aspects, economic aspects, political aspects
and psychological aspects. Patton’s community is the church community. He does not
28
Ibid. 28.
45
come to a point of looking at non-church community as community that interacts and
serves each other in a pastoral sense.
2.3 AFRICAN LITERATURE
2.3.1 Orientation
African literature on pastoral care and counselling is still in its infancy. In practice it
had been there orally and practised before Christianity came. African people believe
in caring for each other as part of being a person.
Communal pastoral care is expressed in the concept of “Ubuntu” which lingered
among the Africans long ago in African history. “It was an idea that had grown over
centuries without being written down. It was contained in the stories and poems,
recited at the communal celebrations, told by parents to children. It was expressed in
customs and institutions and the whole way of life.” 29 African people lived it in
clearer way than they verbally teach it. Further, “The conception of ‘Ubuntu’ was
developed over many centuries in traditional African culture. This culture was pre-
literate, pre-scientific, and pre-industrial. And the ‘Ubuntu’ was expressed in the
songs and stories, the customs and the institutions of the people.” 30 The teaching and
instruction was done through stories and life. Africans lead by example. The
Vhavenda have the expression that says “Nwana wa mbevha ha hangwi mukwita”,
which can be translated as “The baby mouse does not forget the way of the mouse.”
29
Augustine Schutte, Ubuntu: An Ethic for New South Africa (Pietermaritzburg : Cluster Publications,
2001) 9.
30
Ibid.
46
The understanding of “Ubuntu” underlies much of the material and experience of
African peoples. The books that are to be surveyed here may not touch “Ubuntu”
formally, but they value its existence and role in African community life and care.
2.3.2 “Pastoral Care to the Sick in Africa”
Berinyuu has done some deep reflections regarding African pastoral care and
counselling. His book is titled: “Pastoral Care to the Sick in Africa”. 31
2.3.2.1 Introduction
This book deals with pastoral care to the sick from an African perspective. It
expresses a Ghanaian experience. He puts this clearly when he writes, “The primary
purpose here is a formulation of some valid approaches of Christian pastoral care to
Christians who fall sick” 32 He wrote his book with a view of engaging a dialogue with
African traditional customs in the healing process. The plea is that pastoral care from
a communal perspective needs to be given an ear. This is another valuable
contribution to this plea.
Its main contribution in African pastoral care is to introduce some of the issues with
which Christians in Africa are still struggling with. He wants to place the issues of
pastoral care from an African perspective in a broader view. In his approach he pays
attention to “the model of dialectic dialogue of Christian theology and psycho-social
and spiritual dimension of the treatment to the sick in African culture”. 33 In this
model of dialectic dialogue he maintains a mutual respect and honesty as he has
promised. In that dialectic dialogue he tries to compare African counselling with
31
Abraham Adu Berinyuu, Pastoral Care to the Sick in Africa: An Approach to Transcultural Pastoral
Theology (New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 1988)
32
Ibid. 2.
33
Ibid.
47
Western counselling. His purpose was to find how European terms and forms of
counselling can be replaced and be used by the Africans. He tries that by looking at
Freudian Psychoanalysis 34 and Frank’s psychotherapy 35.
The other issue Berinyuu introduces is the position of the traditional healer to the
Christian community. There are many questions today about the difference of using
the medicine from the Western trained doctor and traditional doctor or healer. Some
feel that there is no difference because the Western medicine is from the known herbs
or trees, while some feel that there is a big difference because the indigenous healers
claim they have succeeded because they are in touch with the ancestral spirits. In
some African Independent Churches, when one has been praying over a long period
of time with no positive result, it is recommended by the leadership of the church to
visit the traditional healer. 36 During those visits a person is regarded as unclean but
after undergoing all traditional rituals, a purification ritual by the church is done and
that person is allowed in the church again. The understanding is that a traditional
healing is not separated from religion. A healer represents the spirits and gods or
ancestors. A Christian can visit a traditional healer but there are impure elements or
practice. Hence, purification rituals are needed.
2.3.2.2 Jesus Christ as the first ancestor
Many people in Africa practice ancestor worship or veneration as preferred these
days. The question is, “What is the position of ancestors in the Christian community?”
Berinyuu tackles this question. As indicated above, there are some churches and
individual church members that would sympathise with members who visited the
34
Ibid. 52 - 65.
35
Ibid. 69 - 79.
36
Cf. A. J. de Visser, Kyrios and Morena: The Lordship of Christ and African Township Christianity
(Gezina: Victoria Drukkery, 2000) 80 , 127 – 129.
48
traditional healer and are instructed to worship the ancestors, when there are
continuous serious problems like illnesses or deaths. In some instances instructions to
make rituals for the ancestors come from the office of the prophets in the Independent
churches.
Berinyuu argues that the traditional healers are the African psychiatrists. Through
divination a traditional healer can go with a patient to deep issues of the heart, those
hidden in the heart for many years. Traditional healers get into the things that people
are worried about every day like fear of some evil forces like witchcraft or anger of
the ancestors because they are not honoured or venerated properly.
Fear is still a big problem for many Christians in Africa. They are afraid of many
powers around them. Anybody who claims to have power is gladly followed without
question. In his Christology, Berinyuu suggests that “Jesus can be seen in an African
society as ‘a first ancestor’”. 37 Praying to Christ is equated with praying to the first
ancestor, the Creator.
2.3.2.3 African culture and pastoral care
Berinyuu does not believe that African culture can hamper pastoral care operation.
His pastoral assumptions are:
a). God has not left himself / herself without a witness among all peoples of the earth; b). The
Spirit of God is actively present in what all people do to cope in times of crises or in their
understanding of the mysteries of life; and c). These mechanisms of coping and / or of trying
to understand the mysteries of life are worth sharing with the rest of God’s people and must of
necessity be incorporated into the gospel of Jesus Christ and enriching the quality of
relationships among all people”. 38
37
Abraham Adu Brinyuu, Pastoral Care to the Sick in Africa: An Approach to Transcultural Pastoral
Theology (New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 1988) 103.
38
Ibid. 4.
49
He describes the indigenous African worldview as sharing the relationship of a person
to the community. The relationship of a person and community embraces every aspect
of life. In that description Berinyuu dwells “chiefly on the psycho-social or psycho-
cultural and spiritual aspects of African world view and a person”. 39
He sees a close relationship between a Biblical view of a person and the African
worldview (Ghanaian worldview in particular). 40 The same applies to the view of
community—African cultures are close to the Bible. The closeness is primarily in that
a human being is attached to community and is religious. He puts it clearly that Israel
is revealed as a communal nation. It is clear that the individual is an important asset to
the community, not only to himself or herself, because what an individual does,
affects the whole family or community. Thus an individual has a special place in the
eyes of God. Berinyuu concludes:
“Person and community as presented in the New Testament, illustrate that the traditional
Ghanaian view and Christian witness today, generally speaking, are not different from
each other. In the New Testament the early Christian community gathered around the
resurrected Christ. By faith and baptism, they had entered the church of God by
confession of Jesus Christ”. 41
2.3.2.4 A Christian diviner
Berinyuu’s view is that the minister should fill the position of the traditional healer.
Hence, he suggests that a minister, from an African perspective, should be called a
Christian “diviner”—a title of traditional healer. This Christian “diviner” should deal
with the sick taking into account the pre-Christian traditions. He does not want
Christians to operate as if there was nothing in place. Long before a European placed
39
Ibid. 5.
40
Ibid. 22 -23.
41
Ibid. 25.
50
his or her foot in African soil, people were sick and cared for successfully. That needs
to be looked into.
The issue of ancestors should not be hidden in pastoral care to the sick in Africa.
Some people may have the opinion that their sickness is the result of not observing
some traditional ritual. It is in the process of sickness that Christians quietly resort to
the traditional rituals directed to worship the ancestors. Connected to that is the issue
of evil spirits or the work of witchcraft that a patient may think is the cause of the
sickness or a problem. Usually Christian counsellors ignore this element in caring for
the sick.
Thus Berinyuu suggests that the minister’s position should be like that of a traditional
diviner. He suggests that a Christian minister or priest, in Africa, be called a diviner. 42
This is because this powerful figure of the diviner plays a profound role in treating
and caring for the sick in Africa by touching all aspects affecting a patient.
He tells his readers that Bengt Sundkler suggests that the minister be given the
position of a chief in community. 43 He comments that the hierarchy in this position
would be a problem because in some African cultures traditionally there were no
chiefs. The colonial rulers imposed some people on them as chiefs. This makes the
term and position of chief sensitive.
The other suggestion of the name of Christian leader is an “elder”. “Christian
community can be viewed as a new community drawn out of the larger community.
Like the larger community, the new community must have an elder or groups of
elders to whom its members must turn when they are in difficulties. 44 In this way
42
Ibid. 93.
43
Ibid. 2.
44
Ibid. 4.
51
Berinyuu suggests that pastor(s), may be called the elder(s) of the church of new
Christian communities in Africa.
Diviner becomes a favourite name or title for African minister or pastor of the church
in Berinyuu’s argument. His defence of pastoral talk or conversation as divination is
that “Divination is an ancient practice. The culture of the Bible involved a form of
divination. There are several instances in the Bible where divination was used, such as
the casting of lots. In some cases it was used as a way of judging the victim or
innocent”. 45
The difference, between biblical divination and African divination, lies on the
intentions and God’s intervention. African indigenous divination or casting lots may
call upon the spirits of the living dead, while divination or casting lots in Christian
tradition is done calling upon the name of the Lord to find the will of God (Acts 1: 23
– 26). God’s intervention in casting lot in Jonah 1: 7 is clearly seen in the context of
the whole book.
2.3.2.5 Christian African pastoral care and counselling
Berinyuu does not accept that a “Christian theology manufactured in some other
cultural milieu should fit into an African situation”. 46 He is saying that Europe
throughout its history built and developed a theology, which they have tested, as they
read the Bible in their situation, and found it to be true and relevant.
Though some aspects of Western theology may be true to other cultures, it does not
mean that everything from Western theology will fit properly or be relevant to the
new situation if the gospel is spread faithfully and effectively. The reason Western
theology had to fit in Africa is that the situation of evangelisation in Africa, in the first
45
Ibid. 38.
46
Ibid. 91.
52
generation from the West, went hand in hand with emancipation or imposition of
Western ideology through colonial power.
Today one should expect such a Christian theology and pastoral theology in
particular, to be born in Africa. Berinyuu is pointing to this point when he says:
“Christian theology should make its claims to African culture”. 47
Theology, for Berinyuu, should be contextual. This means that it should be relevant to
the context or situation where it is being practiced. “Christian theology is universal
only when it can be particular”. 48 He made an attempt, in this trans-cultural Christian
theology of pastoral care, to incarnate the Word of God in the people of God in
Africa. He goes on and writes that in order to make Christian ministry of healing
relevant, the approach needs to be “unorthodox.” It is in this approach that he is
“presenting Christ in a relevant, contextual and meaningful way to the Christians in
their African situation. It is an attempt to translate the gospel of Jesus Christ into
African languages, thought forms, concepts ad praxis”. 49
Contextualisation of the gospel is important in fleshing out Christ and his ministry in
any context. “For Africans to believe and live with Jesus as Lord, especially in times
of sickness, does not mean they should be turned into Europeans, Asians or
Americans. Instead Jesus comes and enters deeply into the holistic African worldview
and ethos.” 50 Contextualisation of the good news of Jesus Christ attempts to make the
salvation to be “a wholeness of life which includes holistic healing, body, soul and
spirit, social redemption and reconciliation.”
47
Ibid.
48
Ibid. 92.
49
Ibid. 3.
50
Ibid.
53
African pastoral care to the sick is a delicate issue. Berinyuu argues for the African
view of holistic healing. A patient remains a human being all the time of sickness. A
human being in Africa is not separated into parts like soul, body and spirit. A person
is a combination of all parts—they are equally important. Hence a patient is not
properly treated when only the physical ailment is given medicine. The soul should
also be looked at and cared for in order to bring effective healing. African healing is
connected with religion. A healer from an African perspective is a religious person
because he or she has connection with the ancestors or gods. A traditional healer
communicates with his or her ancestors for the cause of sickness and for the right
medication.
Berinyuu suggests that a minister in African context should be called a healer to
connect healing and religion. Africans do not have a division of a priest and a healer
but do distinguish between them. Thus issues like prayer and worship should go hand
in hand with medication.
2.3.2.6 Conclusion
Berinyuu’s book is a ground-breaking book which engages directly with the tensions
and dialogue between Western psychology and medicine, and African psychology and
medicine. It contributes to the African communal pastoral care theme by highlighting
many novel and creative images of Jesus as the first ancestor and the minister as a
African indigenous healer and is embedded in communal concern. Jesus as the first
ancestor should not reduce the deity status of Christ as he has indicated that “I and the
Father are one” (John 10: 30 NIV). This is illustrated in the expression of the Triune
God as God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Spirit. Berinyuu’s main
concern is the import theology that plant European Churches in Africa. These
churches depend on Europe because they were formed from there.
54
2.3.3 “Pastoral Counselling In Inter-Cultural Perspective”
Lartey’s contribution is also a valuable asset to communal pastoral care. In this
section the author would like to review Lartey’s book, “Pastoral Counselling in
Inter-Cultural Perspective.” 51 He is one of the Africans who are not satisfied with
the one-sided emphasis in pastoral theology being a Western individualistic
emphasis. The main thesis of his book is to develop an inter-cultural approach to
pastoral counselling. An inter-cultural approach is an approach that draws
attention to the culture, values, beliefs and views of the people it serves. It is the
opposite of using one culture in all people of the world, the super-culture
mentality. Though Lartey’s main worry is that pastoral counselling should not
ignore other cultures if it has to be done effectively, he also advocates that
pastoral theology should use African psychology in pastoral care and counselling.
2.3.3.2 There has been Pastoral counselling in other Cultures
Pastoral counselling from an inter-cultural perspective proposes that there has

been pastoral counselling in other cultures long before the West invaded them.
This is also true in Africa as Ma Mpolo puts it,
“In the Western sense, pastoral care psychotherapy are relatively new disciplines in
Africa. While both were part of the colonial and missionary medical and theological
heritage, they have aroused the interests of researchers, governments, and church
institutions only within the last twenty years.” 52
Lartey has this to say:

“Pastoral care of course, has a long and important history in the various traditions— a history
which John McNeill traces from Socrates who wished to be . . . (a healer of the soul) right
51
Bern. New York : Verlag Peter Lang, 1987).
52
Ma Mpolo, “African Pastoral Care Movement,” Hunter Rodney J. ed. Dictionary of Pastoral Care.
(Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990) 11.
55
down the ages to Otto Rank’s radical revisions of psychoanalysis to affirm ‘the operation of
spiritual forces.’” 53 .
He goes on to quote Clebsch and Jaekle, commenting on pastoral care in church
history. They write that:
“each specific period reveals one or another function, or mode of performing that function to
have been practised so pervasively or with such fascination that the era may be characterised
by it. In any one era a single pastoral function, healing or sustaining, guiding or reconciling
polarised all the others round itself.” 54
By implication it means that, even in African cultures, in different eras there have
been some practices of some medications or rituals to bring healing or sustaining,
guiding or reconciling to people.
Thus, traditional Christian theology can be engaged in dialogue with African
concepts and symbols of humanity. In the same way Western psychotherapeutic
approaches can have a dialogue with the African psychotherapeutic approaches. 55
The goal of this dialogue is to earth theology. The terms, concepts and practices
that are in the indigenous cultures need to be recognised and be “baptised” in the
Christian community. Theology in this way is rooted in the indigenous soil. The
language used is indigenous. The concept of “baptism” suggests that it needs to be
reinterpreted so that it can be understood in biblical sense. 56
A clear study of African cultures reveals that some concepts and symbols of
Africa, though they may have some elements that seriously honour other gods or
spirits or ancestors, serve the people and in the last analysis honour the Living
53
Ibid. 8.
54
Ibid.
55
Ibid. 10.
56
The biblical sense should not be confused with the Western worldview. The two are not identical at
all.
56
God proclaimed by the Bible. Churches that have let the Christian message talk to
their cultures have identified many rituals and worldviews from their traditional
cultures that they can continue to use to enhance healing in a new Christian
society. African indigenous churches can be cited as an example. 57 Though there
are different views on what they do with the Bible and African cultures, they have
tried to let the Bible speak to their cultures in such a way that they accommodated
the Bible in their cultures and their cultures to the Bible.
Lartey’s thesis tells us that pastoral care and counselling should deal with the
African cultures seriously because practising pastoral care and counselling in
Africa is dealing with African worldview. African cultures and customs are not
just history. They have survived the brutal history of Africa.
“Sociologically and historically speaking, in spite of the colonial experience of

depersonalization and cultural invasion, African cultures have, by and large, preserved
their vitality. This vitality is expressed in the revival of African languages, dances, music
and literature and in Africa’s contribution to human sciences and to the world church.” 58
Lartey’s conviction and approach is in line with the Pan-African conference of
Third World Theologians who met in Accra, Ghana, in December 1977. This
conference concludes by saying:
“We believe that African theology must be understood in the context of African life and
culture and the creative attempt of African peoples to shape a new future that is different from
colonial past and neo-colonial present. The African situation requires a new theological
methodology that is different from the approaches of the dominant theologies of the west.” 59
57
Cf. David T. Adamo, Reading and interpreting the Bible in African Indigenous Churches (Benin
City: Justice Jeco Press and Publisher Ltd, 2005).
58
Bern. New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 1987). 11.
59
Ibid. 13.
57
Lartey’s conviction is that African theology should be looked at from an African
perspective not from a Western perspective. Colonial and neo-colonial eras did not
only colonise the people physically, but also spiritually. Africans worship God in the
Western way—not in an African way. The judgement that discourages the African
way of worship is not based on the Bible but on the Western worldview. The context
in which people want to understand African theology is a Western worldview like
scientific, civilisation, modernism and others.
2.3.3.3 Human life: Ghanaian and traditional Christianity dialogue
The concept of human life in Ghanaian views among the Ga is under the Supreme
Being, the Creator, and under the deities, the immortal gods. Human life is above the
animals and plants. “The creative power of the Supreme Being differentiates him (sic)
from all other types of being, the immortality of gods distinguished them from all
forms of created life, the rationality of human beings differentiates them from animals
and plants.” 60 Traditional Christianity deals with the same hierarchy in human life.
God, the Creator, is addressed as the Father; and people are the children of God.
People are also placed in the land to rule over the whole creation—including animals
and plants. The Ga concept of human life does not have every detail like the
traditional Christianity has, but there are some correspondences like human beings are
placed above the animals and plants.
Human beings have a unique dignity, as they are placed above other created beings.
This should serve as the bridge of the biblical concept of Imago Dei in which a human
60
Ibid. 25.
58
being is created as indicated in Genesis 1: 27. The Imago Dei is a symbol of human
dignity in Christian theology. 61
The Ga describes a human being as a compound consisting of three constituents
which are self, soul, and body. 62 These three constituents, though distinguished, are
not separated. The self, soul and body interact with each other. Thus a person is a
whole—the Ga has a holistic understanding of a person. Traditional Christianity also
describes a human being as holistic, but with compound of body and soul as indicated
in creation (Gen. 2: 7). Body and soul are equally important in a way that without one
there is no human being. Lartey’s thesis is broad and expansive and it is important to
understand his comparisons of the Creator God and peoples.
On another level, it is vital to note that serious dialogue between Western
psychotherapy and Ghanaian Christianity can enrich both sides. He gives the example
of holism in Gestalt therapy that can enrich and be enriched by Ghanaian holism. He
has this to say: “Gestalt therapy’s holism is largely acceptable to and reconcilable
with Ghanaian holism. The notions of unity and wholeness within persons,
psychosomatic integrity and the body as the true and visible experiences of life, are
common to both perspectives.” 63
In similar vein he gives another example of dialogue in family therapy with the
Ghanaian concept of family. The central affirmation of family therapy is that human
beings have capacity and need for relationships. 64 Family therapy views relationships
in a broader perspective. Family therapy can be enriched by family relationships
61
Ibid. 59.
62
Ibid. 29.
63
Ibid. 86 - 87.
64
Ibid. 101.
59
further in Africa as well. In Africa, ancestors are recognised as part of the living
community. 65 Ancestors also play a role in pastoral counselling.
Communication is a key to healing pains in all cultures. Other cultures use more
rituals in communication than spoken words. “In Ga and Akan life, drumming and
dancing are important means of communication.”. 66
Lartey discusses the implication of an inter-cultural approach in pastoral counselling
as having three ingredients “which are far-reaching in their effects. The three are
psychology, theology and perhaps the most influential, culture.” 67 Culture is
explained as “the most influential” ingredient of pastoral counselling. Culture is the
praxis in a community. It is the context in which pastoral care is taking place.
Therefore, pastoral counselling should not ignore the context in which it is operating.
Thus, pastoral counselling in an inter-cultural perspective warrants that “the
importance of worldview dialogue in the task of the theologizing in Africa is brought
out in the first part of the work.” 68 The inter-cultural approach to pastoral counselling
implies that pastoral counselling will take the shape of the culture where it is
operating. 69
2.3.3.4 Conclusion
Lartey’s book reveals the cry of recognition of Christian counselling based on
understanding and dialogue with indigenous cultures. He does not believe that
indigenous cultures should be replaced by the Western culture for people to live a
Christian life. It is possible to be an African and live a Christian life. The
65
Ibid. 109.
66
Ibid. 110.
67
Ibid. 181.
68
Ibid. 183.
69
Ibid. 184.
60
contextualisation of the gospel is needed tor this purpose. He provides a useful
comparison and is much in line with the perspective of Berinyuu.
2.3.4 “Pastoral Counselling in South Africa with Special
Reference to the Zulu”
70
Msomi’s contribution in community pastoral care and counselling is valuable for
this thesis. He looks at the Zulu communities. The Zulu people, 71 like the Vhavenda,
use the “-ntu” prefix for a human being. This means that the Zulu people and
Vhavenda are both of the “Bantu” group. They have many things in common with
regard to a person and community. Their communities are communal-oriented. Thus
Msomi’s work supports what this thesis wants to look at and develop.
2.3.4.2 Pastoral care and counselling should be contextualised
Msomi is among African theologians who “have a common passion, arguing for the
rooting of Christianity or contextualisation on African soil”, 72 of theology. He wants
theology done in Africa, Pastoral theology, in particular, is to be understood from an
African perspective. “This concern has to do with a quest for a liberation of the person
himself or herself, as well as passionate zeal that others be liberated in Christ in their
own context, instead of being enslaved in a Christianity that is not their own.” 73
He wants to indicate that there are models of pastoral care and counselling in the Zulu
context or in the culture of the Zulu people. He argues that these models are based on
70
Vivian V. Msomi, Pastoral Counselling in South Africa with Special Reference to the Zulu (Cape
Town: University of Cape, Dissertation, 1992).
71
The author is using the name Zulu for AmaZulu following Msomi’s book.
72
Vivian V. Msomi, Pastoral Counselling in South with Special Reference to the Zulu (Cape Town:
University of Cape, Dissertation, 1992) 12.
73
Ibid.
61
how the Zulu people believe and live—they are based on an African theology. Msomi
says: “African theology brings to the surface ‘bridges’ for pastoral care and
counselling. This label refers to those behaviours which must be attended to carefully
in order to facilitate care; if neglected, caring would be superficial and irrelevant.” 74
2.3.4.3 African pastoral care and counselling is holistic
African theology comprises the whole of life. “Life is not perceived as
compartmentalised in body-mind or religious-secular dichotomy. Life is holistic. The
person is a unit.” 75 Pastoral care and counselling among the Zulus is something one
cannot separate from religion. Religion is like a thread that goes through all spheres of
life knitting or binding them to one whole. Msomi’s work reveals that this is the case
among the Zulu people. Hence, healing in pastoral care and counselling among the
Zulu people, plays a central role. Healing simply means to undo what evil has done.
Evil brings disorder in people’s relationships and environment. Disease means things
are put in disorder. Healing is the restoration of order in all things. Disorder in one
aspect affects other aspects. Life is like a chain. Once one piece of a chain is broken,
the whole chain is infected or affected. The example is that disorder in a person’s
hand affects the whole body and the soul.
2.3.4.4 Pastoral care and counselling can be enriched by looking at how
communities care for themselves
The cry for holistic care and counselling is clearly seen in pastoral care and
counselling as illustrated in the lives of the Zulu people. It does not work to put an
indigenous Zulu person in a narrow worldview. He or she will not feel his or her
concerns covered. A traditional doctor covers many spheres of life. “In traditional
74
Ibid. 220.
75
Ibid. 122.
62
Zulu society, the inyanga fulfils a multi-dimensional role as priest, psychologist,
philosopher and general practitioner; he (sic) practises the art of healing and has all-
encompassing function as an adviser. The Zulu doctor operates in an atmosphere of
active involvement with others. The patient is approached within his (sic) own
cultural milieu.” 76
The other bridge for pastoral care and counselling in an inter-cultural setting is
community and extended family emphasis. Life, for the Africans, is in community.
“African nature cannot take being alive and isolated.” 77 Isolation is equal to death.
Belonging to a community is therapeutic for the Africans. “This is essential because
these patterns of existence are ‘stamped’ in African psyche.” 78
Another bridge for pastoral care and counselling is “the Zulu world-view”. “The
Zulu, for example, have a certain way of interpreting reality and making sense of their
being in the world. This will naturally include their values, ideas and beliefs.” 79
Msomi says that among the Zulu therapy there is an emphasis on group therapy. In
this therapy community plays an important role. For example, “sickness is not only
personal, it can be communal and societal as well.” 80 This goes with the concept of
81
“Ubuntu” because “alienation destroys Ubuntu…” The Zulu traditionally
emphasised relationships in the community, which is an extended family. Thus these
emphases are of great use in maintaining a wholesome life. 82
76
Ibid. 120.
77
Ibid. 121.
78
Ibid.
79
Ibid.
80
Ibid. 223.
81
Ibid.
82
Ibid. 225.
63
Msomi deals with a training of pastoral counsellors in an African context. He also
deals with the development of counselling centres in Africa. He says:
“Among issues raised in some research and pilot projects in pastoral supervision and
counselling in the African context are the following: contextualisation, integration, the
importance of using African language effectively and creativity, the role of traditional religion
in the pastoral ministry, legalistic tendencies in African Christianity, authority, the role of
prayer, the role of pastor, understanding of the healing ministry, confrontation and
supervision, theology of suffering, the wholeness of life and other issues.” 83
2.3.4.5 Conclusion
Msomi argues correctly that there are tools for care-giving in all cultures and also in
the Zulu culture. Culture has provided with these tools naturally. People’s cultures if
looked deeply have “instinctual” pastoral care. Caring for each other is done as part of
living.
Msomi’s argument is for a Christian communal pastoral care. The communal pastoral
care is not only the African term. It is biblical term like bearing each other’s burden
(Galatians 6: 2). The sharing of goods of the Church in Jerusalem is the Christian
communal community that does communal pastoral care and counselling.
Msomi’s approach is Christian and dialogical. Christ remains at the centre of pastoral
care and counselling. It is not only the traditional culture that needs to help people,
but the Bible or Christian tradition has a great role to play. Christianity has lost its
message when trapped into individualistic worldview. The care that is clear in
Christian teaching was reduced into theory. Msomi wants the dialogue with Zulu
culture to enrich the Zulu culture and pastoral care.
83
Ibid. 244.
64
2.3.5 “Community Healing and the Role of Pastoral Care of the Ill
and Suffering in Africa”
Lastly the researcher reviews a recent article, “Community healing and the role of
pastoral care of the ill and suffering in Africa”, by Magezi. 84 Magezi’s article is a new
attempt, comparable with the current researcher’s thesis, to describe and critique, and
also to integrate the African systems of healing with those of the Christian tradition.
While both authors argue about similar issues, such as cosmology, resources of
African communal care and healing, the integration of the Christian faith and African
healing trends, they tend to approach the topic from different angles.
2.3.5.2 Pastoral Communal Care Versus African Communal Care
The researcher of this thesis follows directly from the tradition of Berinyuu, Lartey
and Msomi which contends that the African community is a service provider for a
process of healing and hence that healing, to be holistic, must be facilitated by the
African community and extended family. Further, they argue that African communal
healing can be translated into an effective pastoral healing ministry for the church.
They argue thus for a critical convergence of African healing resources and Christian
healing resources that can aid healing and addressing pain.
Magezi argues against all these opinions and raises a variety of questions about them
from his evangelical point of view. 85 He sharply divides pastoral healing, which he
sees as spiritual and faithful in the Christian sense, from the healing processes of
African communities. He is also concerned that by combining the two views of
communal healing, that they may in fact be competing forces in healing and actually
84
V. Magezi, “Community healing and the role of pastoral care of ill and suffering in Africa,” In die
Scriflig 40 (3) 2006: 505 – 521
85
Ibid. 506 - 507
65
increase the pain. 86 He highlights further that African communal healing has many
negative elements which need to be taken into account. He opposes “romanticised”
African healing processes and argues strongly for healing processes from a Christian
faith perspective. 87
2.3.5.3 Pastoral Healing, African Community and Christian Faith Community
Magezi argues that healing goes back to Jesus ministry and cannot be separated from
the theological understanding of salvation. Pastoral healing is about salvation and
refers to being transformed from a condition of death to life. Soul healing for Magezi
is essential to pastoral healing. 88 The context of pastoral healing is the “koinonia”
which he describes as the community of faith believers. The goal of healing is to
acquire mature faith. 89 The healing process for him is through the “koinonia” to free
people to better worship and serve God and become more like the Lord. 90
Magezi asks how his view of Christian healing differs from that of the African
community? Like the current researcher he stresses how life in traditional situations
was communal and stresses the possibility of generating solutions as found in
community. 91 Magezi then attempts to compare African communal healing versus
pastoral faith communal healing. He clearly sees them as competitive rather than easy
to integrate. He argues that in fact the extended family and community pressure to
conform can work against pastoral or Christian practices of healing. 92 In his opinion
these rituals can be contrary to Christian principles of healing and to biblical teaching.
86
Ibid. 507
87
Ibid.
88
Ibid., 508
89
Ibid., 509
90
Ibid.
91
Ibid., 510 - 513
92
Ibid., 514
66
He argues further that it is necessary for the pastoral counsellor to determine the
positive and negative effects of a person’s community and remember that pastoral
healing is about salvation. 93 He argues that an African person and community should
have a culture or worldview “metanoia” or cultural conversion in order to really be
involved in pastoral and Christian and spiritual healing. 94 African culture then needs
to be transformed in order to receive the benefits of pastoral healing.
His final integration of African communal care and pastoral care of the faith
community asserts that salvation and healing in Africa can use Ubuntu but “The
challenge, however, lies in confronting someone’s worldview in order to conform to
biblical thinking…Should he/she follow the biblical way and go against the
community elders, or should he follow the elders and forsake the Christian faith?” 95
2.3.5.4 Evaluation
The researcher welcomes Magezi’s critical contribution and his desire to clear up and
investigate differences between Christian and spiritual care and healing and African
traditional communal healing. Magezi is arguing firstly for the communal care of the
church community and then looking at aspects of African traditional communal care
which could be integrated. The current researcher argues that African traditional
communal care can should and does enrich Christian communal care in a more equal
manner. The church community in fact is an African church community and not just
a Western community with a few African members, and this needs to be taken clearly
into account by all researchers in this area. Magezi’s article though incisive, does not
appear to stress the African nature of the church enough and the closeness of African
93
Ibid., 15
94
Ibid., 17
95
Ibid., 519 - 520
67
community in general to the church community in particular. The fact that they
culturally overlap all the time does not appear to be taken into account adequately in
his article. It should be said then that there is no church community that starts in a
cultural vacuum. The church operates within a certain environment and culture
whether people are aware or not aware of it. 96 It may be the indigenous culture or the
missionary’s culture that dominates the church. There is no pastoral care without a
cultural orientation. 97
Secondly, Magezi is concerned by the “constructive and destructive role of the
community”. 98 The article focuses on the potential destructive role of the secular
community on the Christian community. As noted above, the two communities often
overlap greatly in Africa. Christianity has not always done the right thing in Africa
nor is it perfect in human form. Conforming to community life occurs in all cultures
including the West. 99 Americans attend church and live in a highly secularised and
material culture. They appear to conform to both and live easily or uneasily within an
integrated American religious culture. Hence both African communal culture and
pastoral communal culture can be detrimental to people’s healing. Abuse is not
limited to African communal care.
96
(Atlanta : John Knox Press, 1977) 211.
97
Note that culture is used here in a positive sense. Cf. Buti Tlhagale, “Culture in Apartheid Society,”
Journal of Theology for Southern Africa. No. 51. June 1985: 29
98
Vhumani Magezi, “Pastoral counseling: towards a diagnostic and interpretational approach in
Africa”, In die Scriflig 41 (4) 2007: 655.
99
Cf. “There is no theological method that excludes risk.” Douglas John Hall, Thinking the Faith:
Christian Theology in a North American Context (Minneapolis : Fortress Press, 1991) 110.
68
Pastoral care is not a new concept in Africa. 100 It has been in Africans’ practices long
before Western Christianity came to Africa. For example salvation is connected to
healing 101 and the African holistic understanding of healing is open to this point. Care
has been in Africa as long as Africans existed in the continent. The “earthing” of the
gospel, that this thesis argues for to be practical, implies that people are able to use
any pastoral tools in their disposal. One of these pastoral tools is community.
“Koinonia” is also not a new concept in Africa. There is fellowship that overlaps
between indigenous community and church.
2.3.5.5 Conclusion:
Magezi is finally wrestling with a major problem of many pastoral theologians. He is
concerned about the disappearance of community or “koinonia” in pastoral care and
counselling, which is being replaced by individualistic approach. His article is
provocative and worthy of further dialogue and it is clear that his original approach
challenges the tradition of Berinyuu, Lartey and Msomi in a new way. This researcher
remains more with the former than the latter tradition.
2.4 EVALUATION OF THE LITERATURE REVIEW
The researcher concludes this chapter with critical comments regarding the Western
books review and the African books review concerning communal pastoral care. 102
He will then highlight themes which appear to be important to this thesis.
100
Abraham Adu Berinyuu, Pastoral Care to the Sick in Africa: An Approach to Transcultural Pastoral
Theology (New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 1988) 4.
101
Dickson A Mungazi, Gathering under the Mango Tree: Values in Traditional Culture in Africa
(New York/Washington: Peter Lang, 1996) 65.
102
Hiltner’s conviction is that the task of a theologian or competent pastoral counselor is “is to deal
with the Gospel in terms that are relevant to the people in the situation in which they are at the presenct
69
2.4.1 Evaluation of the Western books review
It has been clear that the West is looking for community in pastoral care. The West
has been crying for community involvement in pastoral care since the invasion of the
individualistic worldview. 103 There are voices crying for pastoral care that involves
the community or the whole church. The books reviewed in this chapter are example
of those voices.
The argument is that pastoral care is reduced to counselling or guidance in
individualistic settings. Care can no longer be done by any person in the community
but by a person who is specialised in that field. Pastoral care is, however, broader than
counselling. It includes helping people in other aspects of life, like comforting,
healing and reconciling. Thus the whole church community can be of help in pastoral
care. They can use what they hear from the sermons, they can also use what they read
from the Bible, and they can also read Christian books about pastoral care and attend
lay training courses.
Church community can also play an important role in counselling. This implies that in
counselling some good advice may be given by both the counsellor and the counselee
time.” Cf. J. S. Hielema, Pastoral or Christian Counseling : A confrontation with American Pastoral
Theology in Particular Seward Hiltner and Jay E. Adams (Utrecht: Drukkerij Elinkwijk BV,
Dissertation, 1975) 4.
103
Cf. The individualistic worldview was borrowed: “Admittedly all of the major families of disciples
of theological education have at times attempted to accommodate reductionistic historical . . . All have
borrowed methodologies . . . from the cultural context . . . But no discipline illustrates this more
powerfully, dramatically, tragically, and influentially than does pastoral care.”Oden Thomas C.,
“Pastoral Care and Unity of Theological Education,” Theology Today - Vl. 42, No. 1 - April 1985, p.
35.
70
to one another. Daily, church members also find themselves in a position of
counselling. Friends want to discuss a problem. In that setting they reach for some
guidance. Part of the guidance might be referral, to the minister, counsellor or
therapist. Christian maturity comes from caring and means that a Christian is able to
talk to a person who has a problem as a way of bearing each other’s burden.
The Western pastoral theologians, whose books were reviewed in this thesis, view the
community in pastoral care as the church community. 104 When they refer to
community, they are referring to a church community and not a community in
general. Part of the reason is that what the Bible teaches about community and
communal living has been swallowed by individualistic persons. The distinction
between Christian community and a community in general is very important.
Community in general should also learn true love and communal living from this new
community founded by Christ.
One principle to be noted and observed from the Western literature review is that
community and individual should be balanced. The individual is also important in
pastoral care and counselling. It would be a serious mistake to overlook this principle.
The rise of individualism was also a reaction of an extreme communalism—where an
individual disappears in community, and had no freedom of thinking and or
expression of one’s view.
The extreme individualism, on the other hand, has its detrimental effects. Members of
a community are not deeply or practically united. They do not share as the principle of
individualism encourages them to look at their needs not at others’ needs. The spirit
of selfishness is inflamed.
104
Also cf. E. Brook Holified, A History of Pastoral Care in America: From Salvation to self-
Realization, (Nashville: Abingdon Press, second edition 1984), 342 - 348.
71
Hence a balance of communal living and individual living is needed. A person should
be a person in a community acknowledging that no individual exist without others.
Another important principle to be noted and observed from the Western literature is
that professionalism should be balanced with charisma. These literature reviews
clearly tell us that both professionalism and charisma are needed. It is not healthy to
emphasise one aspect at the expense of the other. Profession can also help to build up
charisma. Training of pastors is important for pastoral care. It should, however,
accommodate charisma. 105 It is a fact that not all people will go to a theological
school, but all can be prepared for the “works of service” (Ephesians 4: 12). People
have gifts of ministry, but they need to be developed. The profession can help to
release those gifts.
2.4.2 Evaluation of the African books review
African book review has indicated that there is a possibility of African pastoral care
and counselling. African cultures still have some anchors in community. There are
many people living in two worldviews, African and Western. The Western worldview
is coming with full force.
Pastoral care should, however, be done in context. It is not healthy to look only at the
Western context and give guidance only in Western philosophy in doing pastoral care
to African people. The African context should be looked into deeply. Some of the
good things from the African context should be taken up for the edification of the
105
Cf. Wyne Oates, chairman of a Commission on the Ministry sponsored by the New York Academy
of Sciences who “advised that the clergy not be encouraged to regard counselling as religious or
professional ‘speciality.’” E. Brook Holified, A History of Pastoral Care in America: From Salvation
to self-Realization, (Nashville: Abingdon Press, second edition 1984) 342.
72
body of Christ. Hence African pastoral care in this thesis refers to African Christian
pastoral care.
The lesson from African book review is that community is important. Communal
community is central to African existence. Without community the people would not
survive. A community in African context is composed of connected families and
community relationships. The African concept of community is summed up in
Adeyemo‘s words:
“A popular expression which adequately depicts African sense of community life is: ‘I am
because we are’ . . . An African is a being-in-community. He (sic) is part of an organic whole .
. . Life which has a meaning is that which is lived in the community—not in isolation—and
which somehow contributes to the betterment of the community.” 106
Also the intimate relationship between extended family and community must always
be taken into account in the African context.
African book review reveals that family in African perspective is important. African
pastoral care values family support and solidarity. 107 African family is not one
thing. 108 Members of the family are there for each other. Family members feel the
oneness in blood. 109 Each member exists for the benefit of the whole family.
106
T. Adeyemo, “Clash of Two Worldviews: African and Western,” in Sign Posts of God’s Liberating
Kingdom: Perspective for the 21st Century, eds. Bennie van der Walt and Rita Swanepoel,
(Potchefstroom : I. R. S., 1998) 374.
107
Cf. Family is a visible symbol of love and care in every society. Diana R. Garland, Family Ministry:
A Comprehensive Guide (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1999) 21.
108
Cf. “First, that family is not a single thing, to be captured by a neat verbal formula. Second, many
social units can be thought of as ‘more or less’ families, as they are more or less similar to the
traditional type of family. Third, much of this graded similarity can be traced to the different kinds of
role relations to be found in that traditional unit.” William J. Goode , The Family, (Anglewood Cliffs:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1982) 9. It is difficult to define what constitutes the family. Cf. Sylvia Viljoen,
“Family Structure and Support Network: Situating the Theme Theoretically and Empirically within the
South African Context,” in A. F. Steyn (ed.), Human Science Research council 1987, (Pretoria: Human
Science Research Council, 1987) 7.
73
Family is not limited to a couple and their biological children. Family covers all
related by blood and cattle or marriage goods, the living and the dead or children who
are not yet born. It should be understood as an extended family. 110 African pastoral
care focuses on the role of family in people’s lives.
A faith community should be a new family in the African context. It should be people
who are connected to each other in such a way that they form a family. The African
extended family lives in unity. Their unity is clearly seen or felt in hard times. When
someone dies they come together for comfort, support and burial. The church should
not be composed of individuals who are on their own or who do not care for each
other but above all are part of a church family.
The African books review has revealed that ancestor worship or veneration should not
be ignored in African communal pastoral care and counselling. Worship and / or
veneration of ancestors is one of the keys to the understanding African religion.
Ancestor belief is placed down in the heart’s basement when people are westernised,
even when the westernisation is confused with Christianisation or conversion into
Christianity. In hard times it always comes out that some Christians visited a
traditional healer or worshipped the spirits of ancestors. 111 They live in two worlds the
Western and the African worlds. 112
109
Cf. Most traditional cultural activity centres on the family and the ethnic group. Microsoft Encarta
Encyclopedia 2005: “Africa,” (1993-2004 Microsoft Corporation).
110
Cf. “Each person was linked through family to others in the village so that, to the West African
mind, the village became the family writ large.” Clarence Walker, Biblical Counseling with Africans-
American: Taking Ride in Ethiopian Chariot (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1992) 14.
111
Cf. A. G. Schutte, Swart Doppers? Stand, Stamtradisie en Bantoe Kerk (Pretoria: N. G.
Kerkboekhandel, 1974), p. 164. An African traditional healer was asked if church members or
Christians visit him. His answer was: Baie, maar hulle wil nie hê die mense moet weet hulle kom
hierheen nie. Hulle veberg hulle besoek omdat hulle onder die kerk is”. Cf. Van der Walt B.J., The
Liberating Message: A Christian Worldview for Africa, (Potchefstroom: IRS, 1994), 16.
74
Pastoral care should go deeply into what people fear or dream deep in their heart’s
basement. African people respect their dead people. We should distinguish ancestor
worship from respecting and honouring the ancestors. 113 When the ancestors take the
place of God, we talk of ancestor worship. Respect means that people recognise that
they have ancestors who form part of their history.
The understanding of health and sickness from African perspective will make pastoral
care and counselling possible in doing pastoral care and counselling to Africans.
African health means the well-being of both the spirit and body—the spiritual and the
physical. The spirit and body are not viewed independently from each other, but they
are interwoven. If one aspect is not in good order there is no health because the other
is affected. Thus, to keep one healthy means to care for one’s environment. The
African worldview of care is that a person’s duty is to care for other people and vice
versa. There is a total mutual care.
Sickness, in the African worldview, embraces imbalance and requires concern for the
whole person and family and community. It is not only the body that gets sick. The
sickness of the body makes the soul sick and vice versa. It is not only the individual
that gets sick. When one person is sick, the whole community or rather creation is
sick. It is clear that it takes the whole community and creation to heal a person.
2.5 CONCLUSION
This chapter illustrates that, although people have been embracing individualistic
approaches in doing pastoral care and counselling, there is a cry for communal
112
Cf. N.P. Phaswana, Justification by Faith or Justification by Grace? A Study of Faith and Social
Engagement in Luther and Lutheranism (Pretoria: Unisa, 2000), p. 218.
113
Ibid. Note that, “we should strive to differentiate between remembering and worshipping the dead.”
75
pastoral care and counselling and a conviction that it is possible. Communal pastoral
care is needed because there is much lost in the process of isolating people from their
families and communities or cultural realities. While the West is deficient in
communal care both in church and society, Africa traditionally has excelled at such
care. They live as community that cares. However the researcher concludes that it is
not an either-or. There should rather be a balance of individaula and community care
which can bring better personal care.
The next chapter discusses pain from a theological, social, psychological and physical
perspective with the purpose of understanding the communal healing of pain.
76
CHAPTER 3
PAIN: A PHYSICAL, PYSCHOLOGICAL, SOCIAL
AND THEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
“Pain is out of fashion, both in practice and theory, as it never has been in modern times.” 1
3.1 INTRODUCTION:
The previous chapter has indicated that it is necessary and possible to have practical
theology focusing on communal caring for people living with pain. The literature
review has clearly indicated this fact. This chapter proceeds to look at pain from
physical, mental, social and theological perspectives. These perspectives will be

2
discussed separately but they are not “differentiated” in this thesis. The
understandings of pain from all these perspectives influence each other. Practical
theology healing pain without taking into account what other disciples are saying
about pain has missed a mark. In times of pains, a person needs someone or
something to lean on, to talk to, to walk with, to feel with and to team with. Hence,
this suggests that pain calls for communal care.
The fact that some people think and feel that pain is out of fashion in modern times
should be understood from the fact that nowadays pain is denied and / or cured
instantly. Before the discoveries of the present pain blocks, people were used to
1
Pain and Gladness: A Biblical Study by a Sister in an English Community, (London : Longmans,
Green, and Co., 1911) 1.
2
Don S. Browning, ed. Religious Ethics and Pastoral Care, (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1983) 11.
77
experience pain, or pain was in fashion. Apart from the medical pain blocks there are
psychological and social pain blocks. Hence this study is about healing pain in and
through communal pastoral care endeavours. The author intends exploring pain
perspectives such as the physical, psychological, social and theological perspectives,
which are often the expansions of definitions encountered in the text. Since the author
is writing about culturally gifted care and healing of pain, he is going to look at pain
critically and culturally.
3.2 DEFINITIONS OF PAIN
Pain and suffering in other areas in this thesis may be used interchangeably because
according to the author the concepts are closely related, but pain will be the main
focus of the research. Pain will be used with concepts like suffering, hurt, feel badly,
etc. The two concepts pain and suffering are distinguished in this thesis, but are not
separated.
Pain (vhutungu) is distinguished from suffering (u tambula). The relationship of pain
and suffering rests on the fact that pain can cause suffering. Cotterel combined and
distinguished the two concepts in this way: “Pain and suffering are, of course, related:
pain is the physiological cause of many experiences of suffering. But emotional
suffering may have no associated physiological pain; thus suffering is to be
distinguished from pain.” 3 Pain and suffering are related, hence not separated, but
they are not identical.
3
F. P. Cotterel, Suffering, in T. D. Alexander and Brian S. Bosner, New Dictionary of Biblical
Theology (Downers Grove : InterVarsity Press,2000) 802.
78
The author’s understanding is that pain (vhutungu) is, suffering (u tambula) at a
deeper level. Pain is part of people’s lives and conditions 4, but hard to define in a
“simple sentence,” 5 or to define “satisfactorily”. 6 Suffering is “enduring undesirable
pains and experiences.” 7 The concept of suffering has to do with a duration and
process of feeling pain. A person who is physically hurt feels pain. The same applies
to a person who hears bad news, for example: the death of a loved one. Pain, however,
“is at once and the same time a spiritual, emotional, physical, and mental malaise and
condition in which the whole being is traumatized significantly. One is forced to deal with
realities that bring new and unwelcome experience that cause pain, raise questions, baffle us,
and give us few answers.” 8
Pain is thus the uneasy state of the whole person due to the uneasiness of spiritual,
physio-socio-economic life.
3.3 AN EXPLORATION OF PAIN
The exploration of pain from physical, psychological and sociological perspectives
serves to clarify the challenge pastoral care and counselling faces in caring for people
in pain.
4
George W. Bowman III, Dying, Grieving, Faith, and Family: A Pastoral Care Approach (New York /
London: The Haworth Pastoral Press, 1998) 68.
5
Daniel J. Louw, Meaning in Suffering: A Theological Reflection on the Cross and the Resurrection
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000) 9.
6
Wayne E Oates and Charles E Oates, People in Pain: Guidelines for Pastoral Care, (Philadephia:
The Westminster Press, 1985) 100.
7
T. R. McNeal, “Suffering,” in Parsons Technology: Holman Bible Dictionary, (1981 - 1995 Microsoft
Corporation).
8
George W. Bowman III, Dying, Grieving, Faith, and Family: A Pastoral Care Approach (New York /
London: The Haworth Pastoral Press, 1998), p. 69.
79
3.3.1 An exploration of pain: A physical perspective
A physical perspective can define pain as the disorder of the bodily system. 9 Physical
pain is the disorder of the body system—human physiology. Pain, therefore

10
“invariably implies some disturbances of the regular order of the body.”
Physiologically, “acute pain starts with the stimulation of one or more of the many
special sense receptors, called nociceptors, in the skin or internal organs.” 11 A person
feels pain in the whole body even if the pain is in one part of the body it affects the
whole body. It is “a basic bodily sensation induced by a noxious stimulus, received by
naked nerve endings, characterized by physical discomfort (as pricking, throbbing, or
aching), and typically leading to evasive action.” 12 These sense receptors receive
information about heat to its intensity, heavy pressure, pricks or cuts, or any bodily
damage. There are two types of nerve fibres that are used by the body to carry this
information from the nociceptors to the spinal cord. They are: “A-delta fibres”, which
transmit information quickly and appear to be responsible for the acute sense of pain;
and “C-type fibres”, which transmit impulses more slowly and may cause the nagging
sense of pain. 13
Physical pain affects the body system that is vital for the life of a person. It should be
clear that there are physical problems that need to be handled well for good health.
Physical “pain may have many causes, including immobility, infections such as
9
Cf. Merriam-Webster, I. 1996, c1993. Merriam-Webster's collegiate dictionary. Includes index. (10th
ed.). Merriam-Webster: Springfield, Mass., U.S.A.
10
F. A. Dixev, “The Necessity of Pain,” in Oxford House Papers: A Series of Papers for Working Men,
Written by members of the University of Oxford, (London: Livingtons, 1890) 99.
11
“Pain” in Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia 2005, (1993-2004 Microsoft Corporation).
12
Ibid.
13
Ibid.
80
herpes zoster (shingles), swelling of the extremities (caused by Kaposi’s sarcoma or
heart problems), headaches (sometimes associated with encephalitis or meningitis),
lesions caused by Kaposi’s sarcoma, pain of the oral, rectal or vaginal mucous
membranes due to opportunistic infections such as herpes simplex or thrush, muscle
aches and surgical wounds, and peripheral neuropathy. . . Depression and anxiety
often accompany a patient’s physical pain. Counselling and exploring fears, worries
or concerns with the patient may help relieve pain.” 14
Pain tells us that there is something wrong in the body. It is the cry of the body that
there should be something done to solve the problem. Physical pain is easy to identify.
A person can easily identify where the physical pain is located. One can feel pain in a
part of the body like the head, stomach, hand, or leg for example. Pain thus tells a
story. Pain has a serious message that needs attention. “Pain serves as warning sign;
an alerting signal that focuses our attention on the injury or defect.” 15 Without pain
the infected part of the body will not be identified.
3.3.2 An exploration of pain: A psychological perspective
Pain can be looked at from a psychological perspective. Bodily sensation is connected
to mental sensation. These two dimensions—body and mental/mind—are not
separated though they can be distinguished as it is done in this section. Pain is a
bodily and mental sensation that brings discomfort or suffering in physical and
14
This information is adapted from Alta van Dyk, HIV AIDS Care and Counselling: A
Multidisciplinary Approach (Cape Town: Pearson Education South Africa, 2005) 315.
15
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000)10.
81
spiritual dimensions of a person. The Oxford Advanced Dictionary of Current English
gives this meaning to pain: Pain is “suffering of mind and body.” 16
The International Association for the Study of Pain, in 1980, further defines pain as:
“unpleasant sensory and emotional experience associated with actual or potential
tissue damage or described in terms of such damage.” 17 This definition emphasises
the psychological contribution to the experience of pain in people’s lives. It is an
“unpleasant sensory and emotional experience.” Pain in this sense excludes animals
because it is not yet clear whether an animal’s pain has the psychological dimensions.
But with people is it clear because “pain is the single most common complaint for
which people visit doctors.” 18
The word pain also carried the sense of sorrow and bereavement, which is the
psychological side of pain. Physical pain also moves beyond the mind to the soul of a
person. The soul can be distressed by “anguish of misfortune, death, annoyance,
insult, or outrage.” 19 As indicated above that physical and psychological pains are
connected, a stressed soul can cause some diseases like heart failure and high blood
pressure.
Psychologically, intensity of pain varies from person to person. A person, who is not
ready for a painful experience, will suffer more than a person already in a painful
16
A. S. Hornby with A. P. Cowie and A. C. Gimson, The Oxford Advanced Dictionary of Current
English (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), 603.
17
18
Ibid.
19
Kittel, G., Friedrich, G., & Bromiley, G. W. 1995, c1985. Theological dictionary of the New
Testament. Translation of: Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament. W.B. Eerdmans: Grand
Rapids, Mich.
82
situation. Soldiers in battle may be wounded severely but do not complain of pain
because they are ready for pain even to the point of death. The same applies to the
athletes who are injured but not experiencing real pain until the contest is over. 20
People who are expecting pain feel it differently from people who are not expecting it.
On the other hand unexpected pain causes shock, denial and bargaining with the
experience. These elements increase the concentration of pain.
Another psychological aspect that reduces or increases the intensity of pain is the
duration of pain. People experience pain differently in different situations and
circumstances depending on the intensity and duration of pain. It can be easy to
endure pain that is intense but brief like the pain when a dentist is taking out a tooth.
But the longer the pain endured the more unbearable it would be—like pain of some
cancer patients.
The duration of pain is connected to chronic pain. 21 In this condition patients may be
complaining of pain for years. The cause of pain may not be organ injury.
Researchers 22 have suggested that chronic pain is a behaviour state that is “initiated
by a real injury.” In chronic pain, pain has become the disease. Many patients who are
in chronic pain depend on strong pain-killers medicines. Chronic pain drives them to a
cycle of pain, depression, and inactivity. A number of special clinics have been
formed to treat people with chronic pain. These clinics emphasise reduction of dosage
20
These examples are from Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia 2005: “Pain,” (1993-2004 Microsoft
Corporation).
21
Gary R. Collins, Christian Counseling: A Comprehensive Guide (Revise Edition), (Dallas. London.
Melbourne: Word Publishing, 1988), 331.
22
Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2005 ©, “Pain,” (1993-2004 Microsoft Corporation).
83
and encourage exercise, activity therapy, and “relaxation techniques such as hypnosis
and biofeedback,” and “psychological counselling.”
To sum up, psychological pain can also be described as a psychological imbalance.
This imbalance acts as a warning signal that tells that all is not well psychologically.
It indicates that “a person is in a crisis, and therefore needs help, it can also serve as a
mask behind which people may hide their inner brokenness and dislocation.” 23
3.3.3 An exploration of pain: A sociological perspective
Sociological pain is disorder of social structure. Sociologically pain is caused by and
exposed out of “social veins”. “Social veins”, according to the author, are primarily
community’s relationships. People are members of one body in a way that one
person’s pain also pains others. The death of a member of family or community opens
a social vein that lets people feel the emptiness or activates the “anti-social virus” to
come into the social life of the people.
A solidarity slogan: “An injury to one is an injury to all!” is the illustration of carrying
each other’s pain. People do experience pain when they see or hear of pain in other
people’s lives. The pain of a member of a family can be the pain of the whole family.
The whole community is affected because they are a community and a society built on
the foundation of the family. The sickness of one member in a community is the
sickness of the whole community. In Vhavenda traditions there was communal
mourning, which is called “tshiila” when a community member died. The communal
23
Daniel J. Louw: Meaning in Suffering: A Theological Reflection on the Cross and the Resurrection
84
mourning is symbolised by abstaining from joyful festivals like dancing and even
from ploughing the field for some days.
Sociological pain happens then when the social order is disturbed or changed.
Sickness or disaster can cause pain in a community. “Negative attitudes like
selfishness, hatred, lust, unresolved conflicts” can bring pain to the community. 24
Lack of love can cause sociological pain. Social rejection can open a wound in a
person’s life. People suffering from illnesses, which are stigmatised by society, like
HIV and AIDS may “withdraw physical and emotionally from social contact”. 25 This
is an example of sociological pain. People in pain may withdraw from society. They
want to live alone. The lonliness causes another serious problem because the social
interaction is important for people’s well-being.
3.4 BIBLICAL AND THEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES
OF PAIN
Theological pain is separation from God. It is the pain of the emptiness in the heart or
to be in darkness as far as the relationship with God implies. 26 Theologically pain
comes in people’s lives with the fall into sin of the first people God created. Pain is
part of life in this world. People need to endure living though in pain, and persevere
faithfully in the Lord’s way as revealed in His Word. The brokenness of this world is
24
Ibid.
25
Alta van Dyk, HIV AIDS Care and Counselling: A Multidisciplinary Approach (Cape Town: Pearson
Education South Africa, 2005) 320.
26
Cf. Daniel J. Louw, Illness as Crisis and Challenge: Guidelines for Pastoral Care (Hafway House:
Orion, 1994) 10. Note that, “Pastorally speaking, we are healthy when we have a source of faith
enabling us to impart meaning to life.”
85
characterised by pain and suffering. Hence, people experience pain in one way or
another in their lives. 27
The Bible is the Word of God that was born and developed out of the voices of pains
and prayers of pain. 28 The Old Testament is surrounded by the violence of Egyptian
slavery, the Israeli wars with other nations and the Babylonian exile experiences. The
New Testament is also surrounded by suffering from the birth to the crucifixion of
Christ and also from the birth to the persecution of the New Testament church—the
Christians. If people take away pain from the biblical narrative, there is no biblical
story. If there is no biblical story of pain, there is no Good News of Christ’s
deliverance. The mighty hand of God is seen amidst the pains of His people and the
salvation of Christ is His suffering for His people. The author wants to highlight some
facts from biblical and theological perspectives to illustrate this truth.
3.4.1 Pain in the Old Testament and Judaism
The Old Testament view of pain is holistic in the sense that pain affects both body and
soul at the same time. The Old Testament does not define and analyse pain but shows
people in pain. People in pain and God’s intervention are narrated in real life stories
without analysing the concepts. 29 Pain in the Old Testament covers body and soul.
This is inline with the author is arguing. It is closely to African worldview, which
27
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000)9.
28
Carrol Stuhlmueller, in International Ecumenical Congress on the Meaning of Human Suffering,
(New York: Harkavy Publishing Service, 1982) 99.
29
T. R. McNeal, “Suffering,” in Parsons Technology: Holman Bible Dictionary, (1981 - 1995
Microsoft Corporation).
86
does not differentiate body and soul or spirit, though distinguishes them. The author
thus wants to go a little deeper to look at the biblical pain.
The Old Testament view of pain is focused on the understanding of the Jews. Pain is
understood culturally or in context. It is based on the words that Hebrews use to
express the concept of pain. In the LXX “lýpē” is the rendering of various Hebrew
terms. The “meaning of ‘lýpē’ varies, covering concepts like physical exertion,
trouble, pain, sorrow, anxiety, and annoyance.” 30 The meaning of pain among the
Jews, like in African understanding of pain, implies that a person can say that his or
her leg is painful, which will refer to physical pain. A person can again say that his or
her soul is painful, which will refer to the psychological pain. The understanding from
the context may refer to the family or community suffering pain.
Pain does not exist on its own, without its contrast. A person who experiences pain
understands what he or she means by good health. Life is not one-sided like only joy
or only pain. Life experiences both sides at the same time. Though they contrast, they
complement each other and reveal a whole picture. Pain and health make each other
clearer and more meaningful. People are able to tell the difference because they know
both sides. Life is full of pains and joys. “Proverbs (14:13) accepts the fact that joy
and pain intermingle in human life (cf. Eccl. 3:4).” 31
Though pain is narrated in the whole story of the Old Testament, the author singles
out the pain in the story of Job in the book of Job, and praise and laments in the book
of Psalms to illustrate the biblical and theological pain.
30
G. Kittel, G. Friedrich, & G. W. Bromiley, 1995, c1985. Theological dictionary of the New
Rapids, Mich.
31
Ibid.
87
3.4.1.1 Pain in the book of Job
The book of Job in general is a book of a family in pain and the family’s interventions
with their cultural principles of pastoral care. It contains a painful story. Job, a family
member and leader, was suffering from a skin disease which culturally was not
accepted (Lev. 13 and 14). The suffering of Job is the suffering of the family and
community. The author is arguing this point in this thesis. A person does not suffer or
heal pain alone. This is also how indigenous Africans understand pain and healing.
“The prologue and epilogue” of the book tells us about an “upright and God-fearing
person and also the richest man in the east” named Job. 32 The story depicts that God
is in control over everything in heaven and earth. Natural and social phenomena are
under God’s ministries. The discussions between God and the prosecutor whose name
is Satan reveal that even the calamities of Job were accepted by God to shame the
devil. Here the winds, the robbery of his livestock and the death of his children were
part of God’s ministries to mould him. In this process Job’s spiritual commitment was
tested and found to be genuine. The route of the test was a painful experience for Job.
“He lost all he had and was afflicted with a painful and disfigured disease.” 33
Everything that surrounded him was taken and / or destroyed but he continued to trust
God. 34 Job continued to trust in God though suffering all these pains (Job 1: 1 – 2:
32
J. W. Drane, 2000. Introducing the Old Testament (Completely rev. and updated.) (Oxford: Lion
Publishing plc., 119
33
Ibid.
34
Cf. “. . . the person injured can, in faith, begin to see the injury or hurt as an asset in his or her
spiritual inventory. . . The fire that burned you can be a fire that warms someone else.” Glandion
Carley and William Long, Trusting God Again: Regaining Hope After Disappointment and Loss
(Downer Grove: InterVersity Press, 1995) 29
88
10). The end of the story of Job leaves him a more healthy and wealthy person than
when the story began.
What is the perspective of pain in of the book of Job? The pain of the body affects the
soul. In Job 14: 22 the bodily pain flows to the soul: “But his flesh upon him shall
have pain, and his soul within him shall mourn.” (KJV)
The meaning of pain in the book of Job is “grief”. Pain (kaw-ab) means to feel pain
that is associated with the meaning of grief. Properly this word means “to feel pain;
by implication to grieve; figuratively to spoil: - grieving, mar, have pain, makes sad
(sore), be sorrowful.” 35 The combination of the bodily and mental pain is also evident
in Job 30: 17 where pain is used figuratively: 36 “My bones are pierced in me in the
night season: and my sinews take no rest.” (KJV) The combination is strengthened by
the purpose of pain in people’s lives: to correct or chasten. Job 33: 19 reveals this:
“He is chastened also with pain upon his bed, and the multitude of his bones with
strong pain.” (KJV italic mine).
The cause of pain in the book of Job, as depicted by the community, is a particular
sin. Pain is depicted as the result of a particular sin. Job’s friends believe that Job
committed a sin in secret. Now God is correcting and chastening him. Their problem
was that Job claimed to be blameless. His friends persisted in attaching Job’s pain to a
particular sin. Job’s counsellors did not believe that a good person could suffer. God
would never do that or allow that to happen to his child. The conclusion was that Job
might have done some sins in private. Hence he needs to repent so that God may heal
him and bring back the joy in his life.
35
Strong’s Hebrew and Greek Dictionaries taken from Strong’s Exhaustive Concordance by James Strong, STD.,
LL.D. 1890.
36
Ibid.
89
Drane 37 sums up the book of Job in the way that it serves to illustrate the pain in Job’s
theology. First, the book of Job wants to answer the question: If God rules the world,
why do good people suffer so much? Part of the answer is that no suffering comes
without the knowledge and permission of God. Every suffering has a purpose. The
book of Job has the maturity of Job and shame of the devil as the purpose.
Second, the people’s answer to the problem was easy, and is in fact represented in
some other wisdom books like Proverbs. It says that “those who were prosperous
must be good, and those who suffered must be evil.” 38 Practically it was difficult to
see this in real life, “especially in the case of a person like Job.”39
Third, Job’s friends did not understand him: The friends of Job were incapable of
understanding that, and though they sympathised with Job in his suffering they were
quite sure that regardless of what he thought he must have sinned against God and
hence he brought his suffering on himself.
Fourth, Job knew his position: Job knew that he had not sinned against God, and was
convinced that the simplistic theology of his friends was quite misguided, even
though that in itself did not make it any easier for him to see God at work in his own
life. He confessed this when he said, “I have searched in the east, but God is not there,
nor have I found any trace when I searched in the west” (23:8). But he never
abandoned his certainty that, though it may be hard to discern, “God has been at work
in the north and the south” (23:9). Indeed, it was worse than just being blind to God’s
37
Publishing plc., 252.
38
Ibid.
39
Ibid.
90
purpose, for it was God’s very “hiddenness” that mostly concerned Job. He says, “It is
God, not the dark, that makes me afraid” (23:17).
Job’s conviction of the cause of pain is God. God gives and takes. In every case the
name of God should be praised. He believed that pain is not necessarily connected to
a particular sin that he committed. In Job’s case, Job experienced that doing good had
evidently led to exactly the opposite outcome. Job’s new experience conflicted with
the conventional view of connecting goodness with prosperity, which was so deeply
entrenched in the culture. Against this background Job’s friends need to be
understood. It is therefore true that the only way his friends could think of to try to
help him was by suggesting that maybe he was not as good as he thought he was.
They have a question “if Job is good, why would he have suffered at all?” Job knew
this to be untrue, and rejected their diagnosis out of hand. 40
Job became a new person when he “realised that he could never resolve his own
predicament, and was forced to rely on God alone.” 41 The healing of the broken heart
came to Job when “God burst into his life and surrounded him once more with
constant care and love.” 42 The big question then is not, “Where is God when people
suffer?” The big question is, “Do people in pain let God come into their life and be
surrounded by His care and love?” This implies a “renewed and constant trust in
God.” 43 It is the only way of healing.
40
P. J. Achtemeier, Harper & Row, P., & Society of Biblical Literature. 1985. Harper's Bible
dictionary. Includes index. (1st ed.). Harper & Row: San Francisco
41
Publishing plc.) 119.
42
Ibid.
43
Ibid.
91
3.4.1.2 Praise and lament in the book of Psalms
Another book that can help people to understand the Old Testament view of pain is
the Book of Psalms. 44 The Psalms have the Old Testament view of looking at pain.
When one suffers pain it is viewed that God’s wrath is being vindicated. 45 Pain is
perceived as times in which God seems to have no power and take no positive action,
which leave people in pessimism and despair. 46 The book of Psalms provides a list of
fascinating prayers of praise and lament. In praise psalms the people of God praise
God’s mighty works, which are accompanied by his great love throughout their
history. The praise psalms were used with enthusiasm at the great religious festivals.
Israel commemorated historical events by looking back on God’s goodness in their
history. Israel as a nation used the memory of these events to celebrate God’s
goodness. These Psalms are those “that express a confident, serene settlement of faith
issues.” 47 This happens because “some things are settled and beyond doubt, so that
one does not live and believe in the midst of overwhelming anxiety.” 48 These praises
are the expressions of the reliability and trustworthiness of God.
44
Walter Brueggemann. “The Friday voice of faith.” Calvin Theological Journal, 36 (2001), 15.
45
Cf. “Suffering people's alienation . . . does not only reside in their feeling that they are betrayed by
their bodies and communities, but that they are also unsure about the presence and love of a caring
God. . . For the Old Testament believers one of the worst things that could happen to a person is that
God turns his face away from that person. Especially the Psalms bear witness to this truth. In the New
Testament this alienation culminates in the cry of Jesus on the cross: My God, My God why have thou
forsaken me? The Heidelberg Catechism defines this alienation as hell.” In Nico Koopman, “Curing or
Caring? Theological Comments on Healing,” Religion and Theology, 13/1 (2006), 41.
46
dictionary. Includes index. (1st ed.). Harper & Row: San Francisco. 246.
47
Walter Brueggemann, The Message of the Psalms: A Theological Commentary (Minneapolis:
Augusburg Publishing House, 1984), p. 25.
48
Ibid.
92
There are many good things happening in people’s lives. People should not close their
eyes as if nothing is happening. These psalms teach that people need to shout praises
when they experience good things in their lives.
There is another side of the coin to be considered and reckoned with in a similar
serious light. “The problem with a hymnody that focuses on equilibrium, coherence,
and symmetry is that it may deceive and cover over. Life is not like that. Life is also
savagely marked by disequilibrium, incoherence, and unreliable asymmetry.” 49
Hence, lament in Psalms is part of worshipping God the Almighty on equal footing
with praise.
Israel’s liturgy is not complete without a lament. Their liturgy was praise and lament.
But for every jubilant psalm there are two or three others in which the worshippers express not
joy, but sorrow and dismay. Even those with a quiet confidence in God often recognize that
spiritual meaning has to be sought in times of ‘deepest darkness’ (Psalm 23:4), while others
complain that life’s realities seem inconsistent with the reports of God’s mighty deeds in the past
(Psalm 44). 50
The biblical story is praise and lament. People praise God when His mighty works
deliver them from the pain. On the other hand they lament when they are in pain.
“The lament, at its heart, is giving voice to the suffering that accompanies deep loss,
whatever the loss may be. . . Lament is the languaging of suffering, the voicing of
suffering.” 51
49
Ibid.
50
Publishing, 2000) 246.
51
Nicholas Wolterstorff. “If God is good and sovereign, why lament?” Calvin Theological Journal 36
(2001) 42. Cf. “Lament and complaint constitute Israel’s primary alternative liturgic, pastoral, and
theological option in the face of the crisis of praise and obedience.” Walter Brueggemann.
93
The author sees a similarity of the view of pain in Psalms and the view of pains in
African worldview. Pain does not just come from the nature like from germs and
bacteria, but from God. The Africans also believe that the gods or spirits can cause
sickness and death. The difference is that Psalms do not talk about witchcraft as the
source of pain and sickness.
3.4.2 Pain in the New Testament
3.4.2.1 Pain and suffering in Jesus’ life and death
Pain in the New Testament enfolds the pain and suffering of God. It is the pain of God
when He incarnates and becomes one with the people. He left His glorious heavenly
seat and pitches a tent among the sinful people. He becomes a sinner for His people
even though He has no sin in himself. The pain and suffering of Jesus was vicarious.
It was done purposefully of the blessing for others. The biblical story is also death and
deliverance as found in the New Testament.
One thing that the author thinks that it is easy for the indigenous Africans to accept
Jesus Christ is His mission on pain in this world. He came to heal or deliver people
from pain and death. Christ did not spiritualise pain and death. He met the sick people
and healed them. He met dead people and he brought back life in their body.
The New Testament word that is used to describe the experience of pain and suffering
is “odýnē”. “Odýnē” has meanings that cover “physical pain” and “mental distress.”
The verb “odynáō” is “‘to cause pain or sorrow,’ passive ‘to feel pain,’ ‘to suffer.’” 52
“Prerequisites for Genuine Obedience: Theses and Conclusions.” Calvin Theological Journal, 36
(2001), 36.
52
P. L. Tan, 1996, c1979. Encyclopedia of 7700 illustrations : [a treasury of illustrations, anecdotes,
facts and quotations for pastors, teachers and Christian workers]. Bible Communications: Garland TX
94
“Odýnē” is used in the Bible to express deep pain. It is used mainly for the deep grief
of the soul (Zech. 12: 10; Is. 38: 15; Amos 8: 10; Prov. 17: 25). Pain in the New
Testament does not only refer to physical, but it refers to the mental or soul and spirit.
This is the communal understanding of pain. It is not individualistic.
The Greek and Hellenistic view of pain is expressed by a word páschō. Its basic
meaning is “to experience something that comes from outside.” Things from outside
are believed to be usually bad. A person has to stand firm during pain so that good can
prevail. 53
Pain had to do with punishment in one way or another. When a person was in pain, it
was connected with something wrong which that person had done. 54 This was the
culture of the people, which was never supported fully by the Bible. What is evident
is that, because of the fall or sin in general people would suffer. People need
deliverance in the serious note. God sent His Son to this effect. 55
The New Testament is composed of the story of pain and suffering. The birth of Jesus
was followed by the killing of all two years old boys in Bethlehem and his death on
the cross. But, as it was the case in the Old Testament, there is deliverance. Jesus
means the “Saviour” who comes to save his people from their sins (Matt. 1: 21). The
book of Revelation introduces Christ as the conqueror who will take away pain and
suffering (Revelation 21 – 22).

53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
Cf. Christ as the Divine Healer as illustrated in these words: “Jesus, as Christ, is the 'Sine'. His
healing is total, encompassing body/spirit, family/community and earth/heaven. . . Those who, through
their life and activity, are his disciples partake in Jesus' medi-sine, the mediation of health to human
beings, to other creatures and to the earth itself. Because this is the mediation of life as such, it is also
the overcoming of death,” in James R. Cochrane, “Conceptualising Religious Health Assets
Redemptively,” Religion and Theology, 13/1, 110.
95
3.4.2.2 Pain in book of 1 Peter
Peter focuses on the pain of persecution for the Christian community. He tells his
readers to accept suffering which is not an easy thing to do (1 Peter 1: 6). 56 Peter
teaches that under persecution Christians should be faithful and accept it as part of
their lives and their experience (1 Peter 4: 12-18). 57 It is Peter’s conviction that to
suffer in the name of Christ is a blessing and the Spirit of God rests upon such a
person. A person who suffers because of being a Christian should rejoice and not be
ashamed.
The reason for pain and suffering is to demonstrate the genuineness of faith and
faithful endurance. Suffering purifies the faith. It makes people to be strong in the
Lord. In this sense their faith is renewed.
Salvation does not mean that people are immune to pain and suffering. Jesus also
suffered and died even though he knew no sin. Suffering from God’s perspective then
continues to give strength and hope to people. 58
Why should Christians suffer even though Christ has suffered for them and won a
great victory? The book of Peter answers this question by putting pain of Christians in
a new context. In Peter, the meaning of suffering has changed because it is seen from
the vicarious suffering of Christ. Suffering is viewed as a continuation of Jesus’ life
on earth through us. It is something to be rejoiced in because it means to participate in
the suffering of Christ. In Peter the suffering is for the sake of Christ.
56
L. Richards, & L.O. Richards, 1987. The teacher's commentary. Includes index. Victor Books:
Wheaton, Ill.
57
W. C. Kaiser, Hard sayings of the Bible (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1997) 719.
58
L. Richards, & L.O. Richards, The teacher's commentary. Includes index. (Wheaton: Victor Books,
1987)
96
Suffering shapes and equips Christians. God’s strength is with us when we suffer.
Christians need encouragement to continue doing their Christian responsibilities, even
through suffering (1 Peter 4: 12-19). Hence the major themes of 1 Peter are
submission, suffering, blessing and joy. 59
The suffering of a Christian for being faithful in following Christ is the suffering of
the whole Christian community. The communal understand of pain is made clear in
the book of 1 Peter. Christians are encouraged to endure suffering for the sake of
Christ. The promise to those who endure is blessings and joy.
3.5 HEALING OF PAIN:
True happiness comes from the healing of pain. 60 There is a way to cope with pain.
Lamenting is one way depicted in the Bible in dealing with pain. “Whether or not
humans can find answers to their questions about suffering, they still need some ways
to cope with the immediate experience.” 61 People in pain would like to have God or
any powerful being to deliver them from pain once and for all. They bargain with God
for the healing and coping mechanisms.
“The biblical laments provide some help, not with the ‘why’ questions, but with the ‘how’
questions. How can one survive? How can one get through the long nights of pain, the months
of loneliness without the loved one, the weeks and months when despair hangs like a heavy
weight around one’s neck? ‘How long, O Lord?’” 62
Biblical lament is a strong plea for help. It is a struggle to find God’s mercy and
grace. Lament is a fight with God. It is a cry that says, “How long must I wait? Oh
59
W. C. Kaiser, Hard sayings of the Bible (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1997) 719.
60
Ibid.
61
62
Ibid.
97
Lord”. The liturgical prayers of Israel had the functions of “rehabilitation and
restoration.” 63
Lament teaches one to talk to God in tears. God does talk to His people in anger when
they have committed sins. In lament there is that role reversal. Here a person talks to
God in anger, asking God the “how?” and the “how long?” questions. “The laments
(e.g., Psalms 3; 5; 10; 17; 38) provide a biblical resource that helps sufferers to keep
praying to God even when they are angry with God, doubtful of God’s good
intentions, uncertain even where God might be found. They give them permission to
express negative emotions without fear of reprisal from God.” 64 Talking to God in
pain may result in strong language to God, after which repentance may be required by
the ever-loving Father.
Pain can also be healed by reminding the person of history. The way our forefathers
lived and passed the route of pain brings healing to the people today.
“They remove the isolation, letting people know that others who have travelled this way before,
even great heroes of the faith like David and Jeremiah, have had thoughts and feelings similar to
their own. They are not the only ones who have ever lived who have felt like this. Perhaps they are
not losing their minds or their faith.” 65
The liberating hope comes in looking to the hand of God for those in pain. God is still
the same.
The understanding of healing in the Bible is that it is a blessing from the Lord. Health
depends on God not on people. People go to God in prayers for good health. The
author reads the African worldview understanding. The headache does not heal
63
Richard Lucien, What are they saying about the theology of suffering? (Mahwah: Paulist Press,
1992), p. 18.
64
Ibid.
65
Ibid.
98
without the intervention of the supernatural power. The healing does not depend on
the medicine but on God.
3.6 THE MEANING OF PAIN AND SUFFERING:
3.6.1 Introduction:
In this section the author presents a critique and overview of a book of Louw titled,
“Meaning in Suffering: A Theological Reflection on the Cross and the Resurrection
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling”.66 The author is looking at this book for three
reasons. Firstly, the book deals with pain, though from the broader perspective of
suffering. Secondly, the book looks at suffering from a “Reformational” perspective.
The author of this thesis is from the African and Reformed background. Thirdly, the
book has a South African flavour as Louw struggles to earth Practical theology and
pastoral care and counselling to African soil. Louw is also one of the practical
theologians who feel that there is richness in communal care.
Does pain have meaning in people’s lives? Why do people suffer in their lives? These
are the critical questions in the people’s lives and the people living in pain in
particular. Louw has a passion to find the meaning of suffering to the people living in
pain. Against today’s culture of avoiding pain in the name of Christ, avoiding biblical
teaching like the providence of God and predestination and human history, Louw gets
into them, looking at the meaning of suffering.
The purpose of Louw’s book is to answer these questions on meaning, with the
purpose to understand the meaning of life in suffering. The meaning question in the
66
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000).
99
book is stated as being, “Who am I and what do I strive for?” Here it becomes clear
that the meaning of life is “related to our goals, objectives and achievements. It
reveals the character and nature of daily existence and determines the quality of
human behaviour. It challenges our belief system and exposes Christians to an
understanding and portrayal of God and their expectations and reasons for faith.”67
The meaning of life in pain and suffering is possible when the goals, objectives and
achievements of life are in place.
The danger in answering these meaning questions is to push for a “god of the gaps”.
To push God aside is to find control of suffering and fill the gaps with technological,
pharmaceutical and medical achievements.
Suffering in Louw’s book covers the whole person—physical, social, economical,
political, spiritual and emotional. When one aspect is feeling pain other aspects are
affected.
3.6.2 The meaning of suffering
Is there meaning in suffering? Why is there suffering anyway? The purpose of
Louw’s book is to understand pain and suffering for the sake of being able to do
pastoral care. There are mainly two ways of searching for the meaning of pain and
suffering. They are lament and theodicy.
Lament: 68 Lament is crying for help from God mourning for the pain. Lament is
confronting God in looking for the meaning of suffering. It is the search for the
meaning of suffering because through it the righteous people struggle to express to
67
Ibid. 1.
68
Cf. section 4.4.1.2 in this chapter on Praise and Lament in Psalms.
100
God their experience of the injustice of suffering. 69 Lament simply means that the
people of God are saying that they do not understand God standing aloof while they
are suffering. They want God to answer the question “why?” because they trust Him,
and from Him alone they will have the answer. Hence the lament accuses God of not
being fair. It does this because there is no one to be blamed or who is responsible.
Lament is rich in faith and hope in that God is the only one to deliver. There is no one
to help because God is the only God who is alive. Complaint is based on
hopelessness, while the lament is based on hope and trust that God will act soon.
Lament even urges God to act soon, because there is none to rise and deliver.
Lamentation is done day and night. It is done many times because of faith and trust in
the Lord. In fact, lamentation says there is nowhere to go because there is no other
God apart from the Lord. In that exercise of lamentation the meaning of suffering is
vindicated. 70
Theodicy: Theodicy, though it is not a biblical term, is the way to justify God in the
injustice of suffering and stop to lament. 71 It opposes lamentation. While lamentation
says that, “No, God, You can’t let me suffer! You can’t let your child suffer!”
theodicy says that, “Yes, You are justified to let me, your child, suffer this way!”
Theodicy is a compound of two words: God (theos) and justice (dike). It is used in
justifying God in the existence of evil prevailing in the lives of the people and
creation. Theodicy justifies that God is omnipotent and omnibenevolent while evil is
69
70
Publishing, 2000) 246.
71
Cf. Chul-Min Son. The Cultural Dimension in a Contextual Hermeneutics of Suffering (Pretoria:
UNISA, Dissertation, 2002) 116.
101
still real. “Therefore, theodicy is an attempt to reconcile belief in the goodness and
power of God with the fact of evil in the world.” 72 God’s power does both good and
evil. Theodicy is a theory that holds simultaneously a belief in the omnipotence and
omnibenevolence of God existing together with evil as real, without contradiction.
The facts of theodicy cannot be denied. “Anyone who has any interest in religion as
an issue of life and death is inevitably in theodicy.” 73
3.6.3 Where is God while people are in pain?

Theodicy asks about the place of God in pain. Is He inside or outside the pain? Is God
both in and out at the same time? These questions tell that people do not only
understand pain physically, they also understand and suffer pain theologically. Pain
and suffering are also theological issues. 74 Suffering can affect a person’s relationship
with God. It can, depending on a person and the circumstances, let people see the
grace and love of God or let the people question the existence and fairness of God.
Suffering and pain may teach people to understand the love of God in enduring the
pain. On the other side of the same coin it can make people hate God. The hate can be
in the form of doubting God’s existence and love; it can also be in the form of despair
and anxiety. A person may have many questions without answer. The forms of these
questions are: If God really exists, why this pain? Why the suffering? Why the
problems? Why are the people dying of the incurable disease called AIDS?
72
73
Ibid.
74
Ibid. 11.
102
The theological question for people in pain is: “Where is God when people are
suffering?” “The question of suffering is of extreme importance for a pastor who is
involved in caring for people in distress. The ramifications of suffering are such that
they affect one’s total existence and one’s search for meaning.” 75
3.6.4 Is suffering the will of God?
There are two answers to this big question. They are the exclusive and the inclusive
arguments.
3.6.4.1 The inclusive argument:
In this argument, the following presuppositions which include God in pain are
important to be noted.
The first presupposition is that, “pain is the will of God in this fallen creation.” The
inclusive argument argues that pain is the will of God. The argument goes to the
extent of saying that evil is the will of God or the existence of evil is the will of God.
In this approach theologians try to connect God to evil with the view that God is all-
powerful. Thus there is nothing that happens which is not linked to the will and
providence of God. 76 The principle of this belief is: God is omnipotent, so there is
nothing on earth and under the heavens that can happen without God’s will and
permission. God safeguards his omnipotence so that that nothing on earth could
happen without his permission. “If suffering could be viewed as an exponent and
manifestation of evil, i.e. of the disruption of our fundamental relationships, the threat
75
Ibid.
76
Ibid. 28.
103
of chaos and disobedience to God’s law and plan for human life, then, (and this is the
argument) evil cannot be an entity apart from his sovereignty.” 77
God has all power in His hand. There is nothing impossible for him. He is also a
benevolent God. He wants to do good things all the time. 78 He changes evil to good
for his children. Pain is part of evil things. It does not exist apart from the sovereignty
of God. After the fall God ordained pain in labour and giving birth.
The reasons for this argument are: 79 (a). Suffering and evil as punishment for sin:
Suffering is linked to punishment and wrath of God. 80 (b). Suffering and evil as way
of purification or discipline: 81 Suffering as a means to a higher end within a process
of development or evolution. (c). Suffering and evil as part of life in this imperfect
creation: Suffering and the imperfection of creation under God’s permission. 82
The second presupposition is that, “God is in control of the pain of His creation.” Pain
should be separated from a particular sin. The Catechism of Heidelberg (Question 27)
77
Ibid. 28.
78
J. R. Illingworth, “The Problem of Pain,” in Charles Core (ed.), Lux Mudi: A series in the Religion of the
Incarnation, Third Edition, (London: John Murray, 1890) 1.
79
Ibid. 29 – 31.
80
Cf. T. R. McNeal, “Suffering,” in Parsons Technology: Holman Bible Dictionary, (1981 - 1995
81
Cf. “Another variation of this biblical understanding of suffering is the idea that a person’s own
suffering is of benefit to him or her. Many have attested that they are better people after being tested by
the fires of adversity. Eliphaz (Job 5:17) and Elihu (Job 33:15-18; 36:8-12) suggest this possibility to
Job.” In Achtemeier, P. J., Harper & Row, P., & Society of Biblical Literature. 1985. Harper's Bible
82
Cf. P. J. Achtemeier, Harper & Row, P., & Society of Biblical Literature. 1985. Harper's Bible
104
has a strong teaching on God’s providence. It says that God is in control of the
universe in a way that everything that happens is for the good of His children. 83
Q. What do you understand by the providence of God?
A. God's providence is His almighty and ever present power [ Jer. 23:23-24; Act. 17:24-28]
whereby, as with His hand, He still upholds heaven and earth and all creatures,[ Heb. 1:3] and
so governs them so that leaf and blade, rain and drought, fruitful and barren years, food and
drink, health and sickness, riches and poverty [ Jer. 5:24; Act. 14:15-17; John. 9:3; Pro. 22: 2]
indeed, all things, come not by chance [Pro. 16: 33] but by His fatherly hand [Matt. 10: 29]. 84
Many people do not believe that God is still upholding heaven and earth and all
creatures because there are events, which they do not want in their lives. Events like
drought, barren years, sickness and poverty are always excluded from God’s
intervention. The belief in God’s exclusion here makes lament a painful moment.
Inclusion belief, on the other hand, makes pain part of life, which God has given.
The benefit of knowing that God as the Creator and Upholder of His creation by His
providence is that people be patient in days of pain. Patience has to do with endurance
in faith and hope even when things are not as good as expected. Louw argues that
Calvin links faith and hope in dealing with pain and suffering. 85 Christians’ hope is
not a vague longing, but is based on the true promises of God, which are vindicated
by Christ the Mediator of the covenant of grace. Hope unlocks the future.
83
Wood, D. R. W., & Marshall, I. H. 1996, c1982, c1962. New Bible Dictionary. Includes index.
(electronic ed. of 3rd ed.) . InterVarsity Press: Downers Grove
84
Cf. This we Believe thus we Confess (Johannesburg: The Andrew Murray Congregation of the Dutch
Reformed Church) 26.
85
105
Pain does not take the people away from God, but it takes them up to God. 86 Faith and
hope make people able to face the mountain before them because they believe that
beyond the mountain there is something good. Facing the mountain implies the belief
that God can change a bad scenario to a good scenario. Pain is the absence of joy,
though pain makes joy meaningful or enjoyable. 87 In short, God does intervene in
human suffering.
The belief in God’s providence gives new hope in the midst of pains and all troubles
because God does not leave things to chance. The biblical view of providence is that
things are not left to work on their own, God is driving. “The God of creation is the
God of providence. For the Maker of the universe never deserts the works of his
hands (Ps. 138:8).” 88 Providence means that nothing happens on the universe without
God’s care. “Moment by moment every force in the universe and every spark of life
in the world is upheld by the everlasting arms of our Father.” 89
In the Reformed tradition it is believed that suffering for God’s children is part of
God’s providence.
“Firstly, we must seek an answer to: ‘Where is God in suffering and how does He provide?’
within the communion between Christ and the church. The church is the true arena of God’s
compassionate acts, the particular showpiece of his providence. Berkhof (1973:434)
formulates it thus: the congregation is the first fruits or ‘experimental garden’ of God’s
intentions for a new humanity. As Lord of his church, God is also Lord of the world. He
therefore guides and directs events in nature and history in order to preserve and guide the
86
Cf. “Thankfulness of a Thorn,” in P. L. Tan, 1996, c1979. Encyclopedia of 7700 illustrations : [a
treasury of illustrations, anecdotes, facts and quotations for pastors, teachers and Christian workers].
Bible Communications: Garland TX
87
Pain and Gladness : A Biblical Study by a Sister in an English Community (London : Longmans,
Green, and Co., 1911) 6.
88
Gordon J. Spykman, Never on your Own: A Course of Study on The Heidelberg Catechism and
Compendium (Grand Rapids: CRC Publications, 1969) 80.
89
Ibid. 81.
106
church towards ultimate glory. Therefore, Calvin is convinced that the church is the place
where, by faith, God’s providence is recognized and confessed.” 90
The third presupposition is that, “God plans evil for His people.” This is the extreme
view of the inclusive approach. The extreme view of the inclusive approach would
imply that God plans evil for His people. 91 It goes on to say God loves and enjoys it
when His people are in pain. It goes on to say that pain is the will of God. However,
God does not love evil. He hates it. Thus He suffers pain when He sees evil. Fighting
against pain is not fighting God. 92 The argument of the inclusive approach is that God
is powerful in such a way that He puts the devil to shame by bringing good out of the
evil or pain.
3.6.4.2 The exclusive argument
The exclusive argument has the following presuppositions that are important to be
noted.
The first presupposition is that, “God cannot be included in the pain of His creation.”
An exclusive approach is the reaction to an inclusive approach. They feel that God is
not pictured fairly in an inclusive approach. God is good, thus He cannot be included
in the pain of his creation. They stress God’s compassion and love. Hence they speak
of the suffering God. God’s suffering is his protesting way against pain and suffering.
90
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000) 122 – 123.
91
Although suffering is by definition a very undesirable experience, it may lead to some greater good.
As terrible as it seems at the time, one may look back on it from a distance and realise that some good
has come from it. Many have found this to be a helpful way to find meaning in their suffering. It avoids
preoccupation with suffering as punishment, with God as the Judge, and turns the sufferer toward the
future and the possibilities that God will work something good from what seems so bad. In Achtemeier,
P. J., Harper & Row, P., & Society of Biblical Literature. 1985. Harper's Bible dictionary. Includes
index. (1st ed.). Harper & Row: San Francisco.
92
James Martin, The Suffering Man, Loving God (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1969) 23.
107
God’s identification with pain and suffering shows that He is not the cause of pain
and suffering. 93
The ground of the exclusive approach is that the exclusive argument is grounded on
the theory that says, “Pain is not the will of God.” This approach views no
relationship between evil and God. Some people call it the “theopaschitic
approach”. 94 God, in this approach, does not will evil, though He suffers under evil as
a way, which makes him display his compassion. The suffering of God under evil
displays his solidarity with his suffering creation. This is fully displayed in the cross
of Christ. God identifies with suffering and is not apathetic towards it. In this
sympathetic involvement with suffering, God shows his compassion, thereby
proclaiming that suffering is directly opposed to his will. 95
The second presupposition is that, “the exclusive argument is generally accepted.”
Many people, including Christians, accept the argument that suffering is not the will
of God. In fact some converted to Christianity with anticipation of ending their pain
and suffering. It is argued that the inclusive argument cannot be accepted because
God’s suffering shows that He is weak, vulnerable and powerless in this world. 96
People believe in God because He is powerful and will destroy evil, and in fact in
Christ that He has already conquered evil.
The proponents of the theopaschitism approach include (a). Bonnhoeffer (1970) who
argues that God’s suffering reveals the weakness of God. (b). Solle (1973) who argues
that the theopaschitic approach reveals that God is powerless. (c) Jungel (1967) who
93
94
Ibid. 33.
95
Ibid.
96
Ibid. 34
108
argues that the theopaschitic approach tells that God is not complete, He is being an
event of becoming. (d). Moltmann (1972) who argues that the theopaschitic approach
reveals God’s forsakenness. (e). Berkhof (1973) and Wiersing (1972), who argue that
97
the theopaschitic approach shows God’s defencelessness. The theopaschitic
approach says that God can be linked to suffering as a passionate partner. God is
saying that His people should not suffer pain.
People’s responsibility in saying “no to evil” is placed in what is called “doing
theodicy”. In this action God’s pathos is proved by human and moral acts. When there
is injustice in society and a political system people have to say no to evil. “This
approach shifts the theodicy question away from God’s no to evil, towards
humankind’s no to evil, injustice and social suffering. 98 Evil beyond humankind’s
control are under God’s no evil.
The third presupposition is that, “God does not punish people.” The extreme exclusive
view may reject God’s punishment in this life and after death or eternity. It may sound
like God’s compassion does not care when people continue in their sins. It is true that
God is compassionate, but it is true that He puts people in pain in order to be
compassionate when they repent. God’s dealing with the people of Israel is full of the
compassion and judgement using painful means.
3.6.4.3 The balance of exclusive and inclusive arguments:
The balance of these true approaches brings a better picture and answer of God’s
position when people are suffering. It is true that God is compassionate but his
compassion has blood as seen in the Old Testament sacrifices, which are the shadow
of the sacrifice of His Son, Jesus Christ, on the cross. The blood is a sign of pain. At
97
Ibid.
98
Ibid. 35.
109
the beginning the blood of animals was poured out and at the end the blood of His
Son was poured out. This is done on the behalf of the people. People without share in
the blood of Christ will face the pain of God’s judgement. In people’s suffering it is
strange to say that it is the will of God that they suffer. God is the Healer—He cannot
fight Himself. The balance can be that God permits pain. He does not send pain but
allows the evil one to send it. 99
The cross or crucifixion is the balance of God’s inclusiveness and exclusiveness
arguments. God loved the world so much that he gave His Son to die to save everyone
who believes. The balance of the cross means, however, that Christ died on the cross
for his people. 100 The cross continues to work in his people because they are still
sinners. 101 A theology of the cross reframes our understanding of God. God’s love
and justice are intermingled. 102 A theology of the cross finally prevents our theology
from making a romantic caricature of God and his love and our suffering and joy.
99
James Martin, The Suffering Man, Loving God (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1969) 23.
100
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000) 112 - 116.
101
Cf. “All are vulnerable to the possibility of suffering in their lives. The mere fact of being human
and living in a world where people hurt each other and themselves can account for much of what is
called suffering.” In P. J. Achtemeier, Harper & Row, P., & Society of Biblical Literature. 1985.
Harper's Bible dictionary. Includes index. (1st ed.). Harper & Row: San Francisco
102
Cf. “Pain alternates with joy (hēdonḗ ) in the Greek view of things. There is a natural desire to live
without it, yet life in mere hēdonḗ would be vegetating. The things that bring joy also bring pain (e.g.,
children). We also bring sorrow on ourselves by our deeds. Carousing offers brief hēdonaí and many
lýpai. 3. Dealing with lýpē only in relation to hēdonḗ , philosophy sees that there can be no hēdonḗ
without it. Plato thinks hēdonaí and lýpai belong to the lower part of the soul but differentiates true and
spiritual hēdonaí from others. Yet even here there is the possibility of deception by a false evaluation
of things or by trying to have joy by the concealment of pain. True hēdonḗ comes with the perception
of goodness, truth, and beauty. But this poses a limitation for lýpē and raises the question of its
purpose.” In G. Kittel, G. Friedrich, & G.W. Bromiley,1995, c1985. Theological dictionary of the New
Rapids, Mich.
110
3.6.5 Does God still love people in pain?
The clear character of God is that “God is Love” in whatever circumstances (1 John 4:
16). Love, in general, means happiness and peace. No one can reconcile love and pain
in human knowledge and reasoning. Humanly speaking, pain can be reconciled with
hatred and enmity, but not with love. This understanding has blinded people’s eyes in
discipline. God’s love and pain can be seen in discipline (Hebrews 12: 4 – 11). The
purpose of discipline is correction and joy, it is not hatred.
However, God is the first to announce pain in childbirth and in the suffering of nature
(Genesis 3: 1 – 19 and Romans 8: 18 – 23). 103 The disobedience of Adam and Eve, in
the Garden of Eden, brought this calamity (Genesis 3). People will live in pain in this
world. The earth is also cursed. The anger and wrath of God that Bible readers read of
in plain words everywhere in the Bible make us to realise that a capacity for righteous
anger is involved in true love. Human guilt and divine wrath cannot be separated in
human suffering. 104 “Is there in God anything in any wise corresponding to the pain
of Cross and Passion? Many people would say, No; pain only belongs to multiform
and complex, and imperfectly unified and therefore jarring human venture, God is
perfectly simple, and therefore purely happy without alloy of pain.” 105
103
F. P. Cotterel, “Suffering,” in T. D. Alexander and Brian S. Bosner, New Dictionary of Biblical
Theology (Downers Grove : InterVarsity Press,2000) 802.
104
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000), p. 170.
105
Pain and Gladness: a Biblical Study by a Sister in an English Community (London: Longmans
Green and CO, 1911) 62.
111
God’s love is vindicated in sending His only Son, Christ. Christ came because of sin
in the world, which results in pain. God inserted the cross in the midst of pain. 106 He
came and took the place of people and suffering for them so that when they believe in
Him they are delivered from pain as a symbol of the everlasting pain. God reconciles
pain and love, while people, in most cases, distance pain from God.
3.6.6 God is the source of both joy and pain
It should not be interpreted that the way to joy is through suffering. Suffering should
always be identified with the fall. Christian joy is joy despite suffering. God is love.
But there are biblical records that indicate that this God of Love is the source of all
pain and suffering due to the fall of people. God is therefore the source of both joy
and pain. God did not only announce the entrance of pain in the world and to the
human race in particular, He also announced heaven or the new earth “in which there
is no more pain, no cry, and in which nature gives abundantly of its fruits (Rev. 21: 1
– 4; 22: 1 – 5).” Hence, both praises and lamentation shadow the Christian liturgy.
3.6.7 Pain as an instrument of God’s blessing
All things from God give blessing to His children. This includes pain in the lives of
God’s children. God’s providence, as noted previously, is that God does not
programme things in life in such a way that they move by themselves. He is involved
in events on earth and in heaven in such a way that all things come from the loving
hand of the Father.
106
for the Pastoral Care and Counselling (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000), 171.
112
The knowledge and acceptance of the truth of the providence of God, benefits a
believer both in happy days and in painful days. In days of pain people who hold this
view will be patient. During prosperity this truth (faith) teaches people to be thankful.
It teaches us to have hope for the future because there is no creature that can separate
God’s people from His love.
Hence, knowing that there is the providence of the ever-loving and faithful God gives
patience when things are going against us, and thankfulness when things go in our
favour. This knowledge fulfils the positive effect of pain discussed by Louw 107
discussing “illness as an opportunity for growth.” It makes one face pain as a
“challenge” of growth. The destructive effects of pain like despair and loss of all
vision are suppressed by this knowledge.
3.7 CONCLUSION
This chapter has identified some main features of pain from physical, psychological,
social, and theological perspectives. The thesis disctingushes these perspective for
clarity, but they work in unity. The unity means that healing should not only look at
the injured perspective because all perspective is affected.
It can be stated without doubt that there is a theology of pain infiltrating through
physical, socio-politico-economic life. People have beliefs about the pain they are
suffering. Their belief gives them an answer of the question, “Where is God when I
am feeling pain?” They respond to their pain according to these beliefs. They touch
the physical and spiritual realms of life. Biblical people responded to pain in
107
Daniel J. Louw, Illness as Crisis and Challenge: Guidelines for Pastoral Care (halfway House: Orion
113
accordance with their faith in God and pain. The way people respond to pain is in
accordance with their faith in God in relation to pain. 108
The following diagram can illustrate how faith in God infiltrates life:
PHYSICAL PAIN
THEOLOGICAL PAIN
Muscles connecting to the SOCIAL PAIN

whole worldview
PSYCHOLOGICAL
PAIN
Diagram 5: Faith or belief inflatrates other life pesrpectives
The next chapter looks at how Vhavenda people view pain. It looks at pain in the
Vhavenda’s cosmology and communalism.
108
Cf. Churches that have special services for the sick are attracting many people to their membership.
Cf. N.P. Phaswana, Justification by Faith or Justification by Grace? A Study of Faith and Social
Engagement in Luther and Lutheranism, (Pretoria: UNISA, 2000), p. 219.
114
CHAPTER 4
VHAVENDA COSMOLOGY AND COMMUNAL
CARE
4.1. INTRODUCTION
The previous chapter has argued that there is a need of approaching pastoral care and
counselling from a communal perspective. The need of communal pastoral care is
global. Communal pastoral care and counselling, calls Christians to join hands, in
helping a person in pain.
A communal expression “Munwe muthihi a u tusi mathuthu”, translated as, “one
finger cannot take out cooked maize grains”, is relevant here. A person with one
finger will find it difficult to do the work; hence other fingers will help.
The present chapter shows the reality of communal pastoral care and counselling by
looking at the cosmology of the Vhavenda. A care-giver cannot care for the Vhavenda
properly if he or she does not know and respect their cosmology. The general
principle is that a person gives relevant care by knowing the cosmology of people
receiving that care. The proper understanding and acknowledgement of people’s
cosmology help to care for their pains. The Vhavenda practise communal care, which
has helped them for many years. A care-giver should avoid the temptation of saying
the traditionally gifted care-givers are undeveloped or pre-scientific. Hence Vhavenda
communal care is looked at critically but positively to find out what must be retained
for good pastoral care and counselling.
People do not react to pain in a cultural or contextual vacuum, they react to it
according to their understanding of it and how the God they believe in and other
115
people around them view it. If their worldview has a mighty God who controls pain,
they react to it leaning on Him and if there are people who control pain, they react to
it leaning on them.
4.2. A VHAVENDA COSMOLOGY
4.2.1 Worldview and cosmology: beliefs have consequences
Communal pastoral care among the Vhevenda can be understood from the
background of their cosmology. Ma Mpolo describes African cosmology in this way:
“African cosmology is perceived and lived as one composed of seen and the unseen
spirit beings. They constitute life-force which constantly interact with, and thus
influence, the course of human life for good or for bad. The departed ancestors are of
this constellation of the living spirits.” 1
People do things in certain ways from the richness of their beliefs. Beliefs have
consequences. People behave and do things from the background of what they believe
about their origin, present, future and things around them. Belief in the existence of
God or any deity plays a role for people to understand pain. This is also the case in
cultures of Africa.
Africans understand pain in relation to God or deity. People’s beliefs create their
worldviews. A worldview is just like a pair of glasses through which one sees,
understands and interprets things. It is created over a period of time and passed from
parents to children. Over a period of years it may be reshaped or changed to fit the
1
Jean Masamba Ma Mpolo, “African Traditional Religion, Personal Care,” in Hunter Rodney J. ed.
Dictionary of Pastoral Care. (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990) 12.
116
new settings. People with different worldviews are like people wearing different
glasses on their eyes. They see things according to the colour of their glasses.
The above point is also the author’s conviction. He will look, therefore, at the
Vhavenda cosmology to see how it influenced and it is still influencing their treatment
of pain. Cosmology is the collection of people’s beliefs and living those beliefs for
many generations. There are theories that the Vhavenda had contacts with many
people who in one way or another influenced their cosmology. It is believed that they
migrated from as far as Egypt down to the Sub-Sahara. 2 Some hold the opinion that
they moved from Central Africa or the Great Lakes area. 3 Vhavenda like any people
could not act above or contrary to their cosmology. Thus pain should be understood
and treated according to the cosmology held. The environment, culture and God
around the people have much to say of their experience of pain and healing. This
makes this review of Vhavenda cosmology very important in this thesis.
4.2.2 Some important features and functions of the worldview
A common worldview cannot be overemphasised among a people. Khorommbi 4
mentions the functions of people’s worldview as embracing further characteristics
like:
i. They tell and explain to that group of people how and why things
appear the way they are and should be done in particular ways. A
2
Cf. Mbulungeni Ronald Madiba, Lingustic Survey of Adoptives in Venda (Pretoria: UNISA, M.A.
Dissertation, 1994) 11 – 21.
3
A. de V Minnaar, D. Offringa and C. Payze, To Live in Fear: Witchburning and medicine murder in
Venda (Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council, 1992) 1.
4
Cf. Khorommbi uses Kraft in N.L.Khorommbi, Echoes from Beyond a Pass Between two Mountains
(Pretoria: UNISA, Dissertation, 1996) 24.
117
worldview “explains and interprets man’s environment.” 5 It depends
on the glasses through which you view them. If you have red glasses,
the world around you is red and you will probably explain it that way.
ii. They serve as an evaluation measure. Values and goals of a society are
measured by their worldviews. Things that do not fit in the existing
worldview are judged wrong and rejected. Usually people wear one
pair of glasses. This makes their judgement strict because they have a
narrow view of things. It is in the process of enculturation that they test
encounter and test another type of glasses and assimilate some of the
elements from the new glasses into the old glasses.
iii. They give people a “psychological reinforcement”. People come to a
point of identifying themselves in that way—different from other
people who have different worldviews.
iv. They integrate people. People are connected or bound together by what
they believe or the way they see the world before them. Worldview is
like a web of strings around the people. If the worldview is broken the
people are also broken—the webs of strings are broken. The Tower of
Babel could be built up as long as people have one vision or language.
When the language was confused, the work stopped (Genesis 11: 1 –
9).
v. They serve in governing “the adaptational level of the people” New
cultures are not just swallowed without thorough chewing. The teeth to
chew a new culture are the worldview.
5
G. Schwar, The Relationship between Belief, Religious Orientation and Existential Meaning (Pretoria:
Vista University, Dissertation, 2001) 78.
118
These functions of people’s worldviews explain why it is necessary to have a general
view of Vhavenda cosmology. It is true that God left His seed of love and care in
people’s lives. However, they do that differently according to their worldviews.
Worldview answers unanswered questions about the origin of things and their ends. 6
4.2.3 Cosmology is life among the Vhavenda
The issue which can disturb people from outside is that Vhavenda cosmology, and of
course, all African cultures, it is part of life. They live it. Vhavenda do not talk about
their cosmology, but they live it. 7 This often confused foreign researchers. 8 It is true
that the Vhavenda worldview is a logically integrated whole. The integration is in the
sense that things in life are not in separated compartments but work together. People
from the West—where there is no integration of life when studying African cultures
“are prone to arrive at an erroneous conclusion,” 9 that says that African cultures are
blended with no distinction of elements.
However, it is not true that in African cultures “no distinction can be made between
sacred and secular, between natural and supernatural, for nature, man and the unseen,
are unseparably in one another in a total community.” 10 This conclusion is erroneous
because there are links in the cosmos, which make up this logical whole.
6
Peter Clarke, “African Religions,” in Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2005. © 1993-2004
7
Jacobus Albertus van Rooy, Language and Culture in Communication of the Christian Message as
Illustrated by the Venda Bible (Potchefstroom: Dissertation, 1971) 197.
8
Cf. Ibid., 3. Van Rooy used Taylor’s observation.
9
N.L.Khorommbi, Echoes from Beyond a Pass Between two Mountains (Pretoria: UNISA,
10
Ibid.
119
4.3 GOD IN VHAVENDA COSMOLOGY
4.3.1 God exists.
In their daily lives the Vhavenda respect the existence of God more than anything.
They have a high sense of the existence of God. 11 Their God is connected with
everything in the world. 12 The Vhavenda God has no “no-go areas”. There is no
space where God is not there and is not actively involved. Though there can be more
deities in some instances, everything is under the domain of God or a Supreme Being.
Looking from one angle Vhavenda has a monotheistic view of God but when other
subjects are addressed as gods there is a view of polytheism. The gods are the servants
of one Supreme God, the Creator. The Supreme God controls the whole universe in
general while the gods function as “forces of nature”. The gods are connected to
nature because they are “concerned with the wind, the lightning, the thunder, the
creeks, the water, the fish and fauna” 13 in the water. It is believed that these gods
ensure to protection the hunter, and they guard the rivers and other resources on
condition that they are properly served. 14 The gods are not the creators for there is
only one creator.
4.3.2 Raluvhimba, a Supreme Creator
Raluvhimba is the mysterious and monotheistic God of Vhavenda who is also the
supreme creator. “This Creator is known by different names, the most important being
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
13
Peter Clarke, “African Religions,” in Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2005. © 1993-2004
14
Ibid.
120
Raluvhimba, Nwali, and Khuzwane.” 15 Hence “Raluvhimba is the mysterious,
monotheistic deity of the Ba-Venda . . . is connected with the beginning of the world,
and is supposed to live somewhere in the heavens and is connected with all
astronomical and physical phenomena.” 16 The abode of Raluvhimba is the heavens.
He is the creator of the world which means he existed before the world was formed. It
is believed that when there are earthquakes it is the sign that he is moving.
Traditionally people shouted with joy praising Raluvhimba when there was an
earthquake
Raluvhimba is also identified by the Vhavenda “with Nwari, the Mashona god, who
reveals himself at Mbvumela in the Matoba Hills of Matebeleland.” 17 The Shona
people use Mwari for the name of God. There remain different interpretations about
this because it is sometimes assumed that Raluvhimba and Nwali are two separate
deities: one for Vhavenda another for Vhashona. The known tradition referring to the
wonderful creation of mountains around Lake Fundudzi is that “Nwali, Mudzimu wa
Vhavenda o ita dambi,” “Nwali the God of Vhavenda has done a miracle.” Here it is
clear that Nwali is the God of the Vhavenda too.
The fact that Raluvhimba makes things, means that he is associated with creation. 18
Raluvhimba is concerned with people’s daily activities. Raluvhimba, it is believed,
does many activities in the cosmos. Hence he is not a God who is far away from the
people and people do not need to approach him only through some special people.
15
16
Hugh A. Stayt, The Bavenda (London: Oxford University Press, 1960) 230.
17
Ibid. 31. Styt mixed Vhavenda and Shona spelling of Nwari / Mwari because he researched from
Vhavenda perspective. Vhavenda use Nwali for God.
18
Dissertation, 1996) 29
121
People are daily in touch with the winds, sky and stars or sun and moon. They are
19
occasionally in touch with storms and rains. These natural phenomena are
associated with Raluvhimba, the God of Vhavenda. It does not need to be defended
that there is an initimate relationship between Raluvhimba and his people.
Raluvhimba is thus heard every day and everywhere. “A shooting star is Raluvhimba
travelling, his voice is heard in thunder; comets, lightning, meteors, earthquakes,
prolonged drought, floods, pests, and epidemics—in fact, all the natural phenomena
which affect the people as a whole—are revelations of the great god.” 20
Khorommbi is of the opinion that Raluvhimba is a supreme Creator. Vhavenda put
Raluvhimba cult on higher state as Khorommbi commented, “There can be no doubt
that Raluvhimba represents some extinct monotheistic cult; he is still at times greeted
spontaneously by the whole people in a way that is most unusual among the Southern
Bantu.” 21
Raluvhimba is addressed as “Makhulu”—an implication that he is close to his people.
It should be noted that:
“There are different spots where Raluvhimba occasionally manifested Himself. One is at
Luvhimbi (north of Sibasa) which has been a religious stronghold of Vhatavhatsindi under
Chief Muthivhi who was subdued by Ravhura, one of Thohoyandou’s sons. There is such a
close relationship between the chief, representing the people and Raluvhimba. Raluvhimba
calls the chief “muduhulu” (grandchild). In Tshivenda religion it is the chief’s duty to perform
22
the rites in connection with rain.”
19
Hugh A. Stayt, The Bavenda (London: Oxford University Press, 1960) 230
20
Ibid. 231
21
22
Ibid. 26 - 27.
122
Water or rain is very important in Vhavenda culture because people depend on
agriculture. The fact that Raluvhimba is responsible for rain through the chiefs means
that he is in touch with the people all the time in giving rain or in withholding it.
“In thunderstorms he appears as a great fire near the chief’s dwelling place, whence he booms
his desires to the chief in a voice of thunder. What is interesting is that he can be talked to,
especially by the chief, as the leader of the people, who addresses him as ‘makhulu’
(grandmother) . . . As He passes on, there will be clapping of thunder. . . . ‘occasionally he is
angry with the chief and takes his revenge on the people by sending them drought or a flood
or possibly by opening an enormous cage in the heavens, and letting loose a swarm of locusts
23
on the land.’”
4.3.3 Nwali the God of the Vhavenda
It is also argued that the correct Vhavenda word for God is Nwali. The Vhavenda
Bible translation uses the word Mudzimu as it is used in everyday life in Vhavenda
communities. 24 The word Mudzimu, however, referred to ancestors and not to the
Living God. Nwali is the equivalent of the Shona Mwari. 25 African Initiated Churches
prefer to use the name Nwali in their worship. 26 This cult should be looked at serious
because it is found in many tribes but also because Nwali is also regarded as the God
of Vhavenda. “The Ndembu of Zambia, the Shona and Ndebele of Zimbambwe, the
Shoko and the Rozwi regard Nwari as their God and developed the nwari-cult around
their cultures as they deemed fit and necessary.” 27 Vhavenda praise Nwali as the
Creator who created Lake Fundudzi. “Nwali Mudzimu wa Vhavenda o ita dambi,”
23
Ibid.. 26.
24
Illustrated by the Venda Bible (Potchefstroom : Dissertation, 1971) 136 ff.
25
Ibid. 155.
26
Ibid. Also cf. N.L.Khorommbi, Echoes from Beyond a Pass Between two Mountains (Pretoria:
UNISA, Dissertation, 1996) 28.
27
Ibid.
123
translated as “Nwali the God of Vhavenda has done a miracle or wonder.” Nwali is
28
the giver of rain. Another name for Nwali, among the Vhavenda then is
Raluvhimba, 29 as discussed above.
4.3.4 Midzimu cult
The Vhavenda believe that death is not the end of life. There is life after death. One
dies and joins the “midzimu” or “vhadzimu.” Thus Vhavenda have a “midzimu-cult.”
In this cult the ancestors are approached by names and asked to pass the message to
others and to Nwali who is addressed as “Goko musika vhathu makhulu thi mu di”
(Goko the creator of people the grandparent whom I do not know).
The approach to “vhadzimu” is not a prayer but a reprimand because they are often
feared and not loved. Vhadzimu are to be instructed or told to heal or act. The
“muphaso” ritual is also called, “U sema vhadzimu,” which can be translated as “To
reprimand the gods or ancestors.” Their appearance has to do with many misfortunes
of their family members and demanding some sacrifices. 30 This cult appears to have
developed as a system of communicating with Nwali. 31 It is believed that if the
ancestors are not handled well, they can take revenge through bringing misfortune. 32
People serve them by giving them some of the crops or giving to an animal called
“makhulu” (grandfather).
28
Ibid. 27.
29
Illustrated by the Venda Bible (Potchefstroom : Dissertation, 1971) 5.
30
Samuel Edwin Moeti, Death in Indigenous Venda Culture (Pretoria: UNISA, a paper for Honours,
1987) 4.
31
32
124
4.3.5 The Spirit world
The Vhavenda have a belief that spirits can stay in or indwell anything. The
Vhavenda believe the spirits can inhabit any place but especially places called
“zwifhoni” or places of worship. “Zwifho” can be explained better by this description:
“Every chief has a place in which the spirits of his ancestors are reputed to abide. Such places
were mainly burial places for the chiefs. Other spirits are reputed to stay and abide in rivers
and lakes. Lake Fundudzi is connected with the ancestor spirits of Tshiavha who are the
guardians of the lake. The lake is associated with a great . . . beliefs… The spirits associated
with rivers include Phiphidi (falls) and Guvhukuvhu (falls). There are many other localities
associated with particular spirits, including resting places (zwiawelo) which are scattered
through out the country.” 33
The wonderful natural resources in Vhavenda land are believed to be the abode of the
spirits. Places, like Tshatshingo Potholes and Fundudzi Lake are believed to be a
place of the spirit. Zwiawelo are the resting places for the transporting of the corpse
and are respected as the place of the spirits. People using that path are expected to rest
too at these sites. People who choose not to rest are expected to put in a stone or a
twig that will rest for them.
4.3.6 Zwidudwane (Dissociated spirits)
The Vhavenda believe that there are spirits who are not directly connected to
particular ancestors. They are believed to be in the rivers and mountains.
“They are dissociated spirits, often vague and shadowy in character, but none the less
terrifying and dangerous to the traveller. . . These creatures, though credited with human
reasoning, do not appear in complete human form; one spirit is a leg, another an arm, another
a body without a head another an eye, and another is a monster with one eye, one arm, and
one leg.” 34
33
34
Hugh A. Stayt, The Bavenda (London: Oxford University Press, 1960) 238 – 239.
125
The fear of Lake Fundudzi is that it is populated by the “zwidudwane.” One can see
the fear instilled in people as they believe that “zwidudwane” are in many rivers,
dams and mountains or forests. The message is clear that there are things living there.
People talk about them and instruct what must be done to avoid annoying them.
4.3.7 God is communal
The above paragraphs have indicated that the Vhavenda worldview has the concept of
God, who is the creator of human race. He has the servants under him, who serve him.
These are the vhadzimu, spirits and zwidudwane.
The hierarchy of the Vhavenda worldview about God can be viewed in this
illustration.
God the
Creator of
Names people Names
of God of God
the Raluvhimba, the
Creator Gole / Goko Creator
and Nwali
God’s
Servants
Ancestors Ancestor Vague,

veneration spirits shadowy,
half human.
Midzimu Spirits Zwidu-

dwane
Diagram 6: Hierarchy in the concept of God
126
4.4 THE VHAVENDA COMMUNALISM
The way people view an individual is congruent with how they view community or
communalism and care for those in pain. 35 The focus of the Vhavenda is upon the
community and not on the individual. 36 Communal living is “the voluntary sharing”
of a way of life by a group of people “who believe that they can live better together
than they can alone”. 37 In a communal society, “the welfare of the group is considered
more important than the comfort of the individual.” 38 This is true in indigenous
39
African society in general. Community starts from the family and their ancestors
who are the living dead. In Vhavenda culture nobody is expected to live alone. There
are proverbs to emphasise this concept.
Muthu ndi muthu nga munwe (A person is a person through another person)
Muthu u bebeblwa munwe (A person is born for another)
A u tsukisi ndila u wothe (You cannot tread open the footpath on your own)
Munwe muthihi a u tusi mathuthu (One finger cannot take samp from the pot)
40
Matanzu maswa a tikwa nga malala (New branches are held intact by the old ones.)
A person, who lives alone, separated from others, is always suspected of practising
witchcraft. This is based on the view that people should stay together and share life
35
Robert Vosloo, “Body and Health in the Light of the Theology of Dietrich Bonhoeffer,” Religion and
Theology, 13/1 (2006) 24.
36
37
Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia 2005: “Communal Living,” (1993-2004 Microsoft Corporation).
38
Ibid. Cf. “African society gives great importance to communitarian dimension of life.” Benezet Bujo,
The Ethical Dimension of Community: The African Model and the Dialogue Between North and South,
(Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 1998) 147.
39
Cf. E.K. Twesigye, Common Ground: Christianity, African Religion and Philosophy (New York:
Peter Lang, 1987) 111.
40
Dissertation, 1996), 32.
127
together. Once a person is detached from the community or family, a principle of the
Vhavenda worldview is broken in such a way that that person is suspected of being
dangerous for the community. It is dangerous because it may disunite the people or it
may break the community equilibrium. There are no concepts of a normal person
living alone. 41 Thus all aspects in life and worldview are bound together in a circle of
unity, harmony, continuity and equilibrium. The people’s being is thus determined by
means of which all internal and external dimensions of their existence are fused
together into the purposeful relationships with God, other people and nature. 42 One
thing that a person fears in this context is to break away from the family and
community. The “muima wa ga shaka ndi nnyi”, (translated as “standing alone, who
is your relative”), meaning that standing on one’s own as an individual is not
accepted. People do not want to be rejected because rejection by one’s community is
equal to death. The implication is that people would not choose to be separated from
their own people.
Community is an important institution in people’s lives. It starts with the family
which is the smallest unit of the community. The purpose of the family is to serve the
individual and the community at large. Community is larger than people can see
because it includes people who are dead. They are part of the community in such a
way that they decide terms for the living people, who accept it by saying “ipfi la mufu
a li pfukwi” (The instruction of the deceased must not be disobeyed). The dead are the
living dead.
41
In Van Deventer W. V, Poverty and Practical Ministry of Liberation and Development within the
Context of the Traditional Venda Concept of Man (Pietersburg: University of the North, Dissertation,
1989) 47.
42
Ibid. 47 - 48.
128
The Vhavenda worldview is immersed in communal care. This has made it survive
through all the years. They have love for each other, which is revealed and
encouraged by what they believe. There are many rules of the community that are set
for the well-being of a person within the community. They also believe that people
need to help each other in this world. Life is not possible alone. No person is
encouraged to try it alone. People need to join hands in order to bear it.
The underpinning principle is that what a person has is there to serve others. The
selfish attitude is equated with the practice of witchcraft. People, who do not want to
share what they have with other people are not accepted at all.
4.5 THE VHAVENDA FAMILY
This thesis uses family pains to indicate that pains of an individual are pains of the
whole family and to some extent of the whole community. There are many institutions
in Vhavenda culture that illustrate communal care. Family is one of them.
The family, among the Vhavenda, is the centre of care. Community care in Vhavenda
culture, like in many cultures of Africa, starts in the family. The family is the place of
43
love and warmth. Vhavenda do not have a word that is equivalent to family in the
sense of Western concept. The word “mudi” suggest the village or home. Vhavenda
concept of family is not the nuclear family but an extended family. The word which is
43
Cf. “From the work of black scholars we learn that each aspect of the lives of West Africans was
permeated with the African belief in strong kinship bonds. . . Each person was linked through family to
others in the village so that, to the West African mind, the village became the family writ large.”
Clarence Walker, Biblical Counseling with Africans-American: Taking Ride in Ethiopian Chariot
(Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1992)14.
129
being used for family is “muta” which means a courtyard that is situated next to or
surrounding a hut. 44 It is true also in Vhavenda culture that:
“one thing that really is the same in almost every African tribe is the importance
place of the family; not the family itself but the idea of family, the idea of a small
group of people to which you belong and which is part of a larger group. The family
in Africa is probably the most important unit of all.” 45
The Vhavenda places the family at the centre of their culture. The family is the
institution that brings a person to this earth and cares for that person. “So the family
ideal—the family as a model of unity that is imitated at lineage, clan, and tribal
levels—is really a device for ensuring that nobody is left alone or unable to fend for
himself (sic). It establishes a kind of economic aid society.” 46 A person is related to
another person in one way or another.
Vhavenda do not think of a person without a family because when a child’s parents
die there were people to take their position and function in a perfect way. The
Vhavenda have no word for street kids or street people. If they see a person walking
around they invite him or her and after a while he or she is assimilated in the family.47
44
Cf. The word family in Tshivenda is “muta”, literally means “court yard”. This is found in other
African cultures. “‘The family,’ as a concept, has little meaning in many parts of the third world. There
is not even a word for ‘family’ in some parts of Latin America and Africa. In Botswana the nearest
equivalent word is lolwapa, which means ‘compound,’ the place in which people live.” David
Augusburger, Pastoral Counseling Across Cultures (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1986) 176.
45
Colin M. Turnbull, Tradition and Change in African Tribal Life (Cleveland and New York : The
World Publishing Company, 1966) 31.
46
Ibid., p. 39.
47
I saw this assimilation in my parents’ family many times. The last was when a very old man of about
eighty years, by the nick name of Mphithuli became part of our family. They did not know him nor his
real name, apart from that he is from the then Rhodesia.
130
If there is no one to adopt an orphan, the community leader or the chief has the
responsibility to do that.
The family, in Vhavenda perspective, builds a sense of belonging. The Vhavenda
believe that at least every person has a family. Every person in Vhavenda culture
becomes a member of a family. In such a way a person always identifies himself /
herself with that family even in anticipation of birth. To know a person is to know his
or her parents or the mountain where his ancestors are buried. So, a person’s story
does not begin at birth and end at a person’s death. Even among the Vhavenda,
“Nobody begins from scratch. We all stand on the shoulders of those before us. . .”48
A person’s story starts by saying “Before I was born . . .” Death is not the end of the
story and life “but the beginning of the next.” 49
The Vhavenda family is broader than the Western family. It starts from an ancestor.
Hence, many people are included in the extended family. 50 The ancestors are part of
the family. It is believed that they still have a great say in family affairs. Their wishes
are still obeyed and respected. This is to illustrate that they are part of the family.
48
Klaus Nurnberger, The Living Dead and the Living God (Pretoria: The CB Powell Centre, 2007) 57.
49
Colin M. Turnbull, Tradition and Change in African Tribal Life (Cleveland and New York : The
World Publishing Company, 1966) 47. Also cf. China’s concept of Family as described in Chinese
Fables: The foolish old man replied, “You see but five men, but I have committed my whole family.
We are all there is now, but when I die, my sons will carry on. When they die, there will be my
grandsons to carry on, and on and on to infinity. High as they are, mountains cannot grow any higher,
and with every bit we dig they will be much lower. Why can’t we clear them away?” David
Augusburger has a Chapter on A theology of the family in, Family, Family Theory, and Therapy
Across Cultures: A Theology of the Family, in his book, Pastoral Counseling Across Cultures
(Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1986) 175.
50
Cf. “The concept of the extended family is based on the rules governing the kinship structure in a
society, which makes it possible for certain categories of people to live together and to regard one
another as family members.” S. V. Mzimande, “Family Structure and Support Systems in Black
Communities,” in A. F. Steyn (ed.), Human Science Research council 1987 (Pretoria: Human Science
Research Council, 1987) 32.
131
Their happiness and / or welfare is the happiness and welfare of the family. This
means that they still care for the family. The family communicates to them through
prayers which are called “muphaso” and “thevhula.” However, when they are angry
they cause unhappiness in the whole family, which makes a two-way communication.
Thus, the family care is not just physical. It is also spiritual in the sense that the spirits
of the ancestors need to be pleased in order to have good harmony in the family.
An individual has value in the family. A person belongs to the family; he or she is part
of the family. The value of an individual is connected to the service a person renders
in the family or to other people. “The African valuation of man individually and
collectively or as a person or persons is based on the concept of belonging. Man is
never just himself for himself but himself for others and others for him.” 51
Females in Vhavenda culture also have the sense of belonging. In the Vhavenda way
of life this is illustrated in many ways.
“The females are scattered through marriage. Makhadzi (father’s sister: holds an
authoritative position in relation to her brother’s children, on the assumption that her
marriage cattle enabled her brother to marry . . . As Makhadzi wa vhana (children’s
aunt), she is the recognized head of her brother’s wife. She is the arbitrator in family
feuds, offers the leading rituals, and officiates in the religious life of the family. On
the death of her brother, she is the one charged with the responsibility of supervising
52
the distribution of property and estate of the deceased.”
This illustrates that every person has a place to belong and have an important role to
play. A woman belongs to her family of origin. In her in-laws’ family “she is
51
E. M. Tema, Pastoral Counselling Encounter with African Traditional Values and the Acculturation
Process (Pretoria: Unisa, M. Th. Dissertation, 1979) 19.
52
N. L. Khorommbi, Lutherans and Pentecostals in Mission Among the Vhavenda—A Comparative
Study in Missionary Methods (Pretoria: UNISA, D. Th. Dissertation, 2001) 44.
132
considered an outsider, even by her own children. 53” But in her parents’ family she
holds a key position.
The sense of belonging is comforting in the life of an individual.
“An African is never regarded as a lost entity to be dealt with strictly individually.
His being is based on or coupled with that of others . . . The concept of plurality and
belonging to is always present, e.g. a person is always viewed as: “Motho wa batho”
(person of persons or belonging to persons). “Motho weso (Our person or person that
is ours).” 54
This is illustrated by the way the Bapedi address each other in belonging language
like “Ngwana wa ngwan’so (Ngwana wa ngwana weso) which means “the child of
the child that belong to us,” or “the child of one of us.”
The family care has to do with broader relationships. The Vhavenda have no half
relationship. People are either brothers / sisters or they are not. The Vhavenda have no
term for half-brother or half-sister. It must be emphasised that the Vhavenda like
staying together as a clan and their relationships are vital and there is no half
relationship with them. 55 The sense of belonging goes with the sense of relationship
between family members.
The Vhavenda are highly communalistic. A cow may belong to an individual in the
family but it is labelled as belonging to that particular family. In many instances a
person would not say “my cow”, but would say “our cow”. Even a married woman is
“mufumakadzi wa hashu”, translated as “our wife or woman.” The individual is
within the group. Within the patrialineal lineage each member’s status is determined
53
Ibid. 45.
54
Process (Pretoria: Unisa, M. Th. Dissertation, 1979) 21.
55
Asnath E Khuba, The Proverbs as Mirror of the Vhavenda Culture and Philosophy (Unpublished
Dissertaion: University of the North, 1985) 58 – 59.
133
by two factors: sex and seniority. The reciprocal term between brother and sister is
khaladzi (sister), mukomana means either man’s elder brother or a woman’s elder
sister. Male members of the first and second generations are fathers (khotsimuhulu)
addressed like one’s own father, and referred to as khotsimuhulu or khotsimunene if
they are respectively older or younger than one’s father. Grandfather and grandmother
are all makhulu. 56
These relationships illustrate the obligations they have to each other. A person may
sacrifice many things but not family. 57 Nomalungelo Mbuku sees family life in this
way: “Family means unity and if there are any differences between us, we fix them–
we don’t hold grudges. The family also stays close because we respect one another.
We compromise a lot for each other in the family.” 58 They are of the same flesh and
blood. The Ba-Pedi call each other by these bonds of belonging: wa-Rra, meaning “of
my father”, referring to brother, and sa-Mma, meaning “of my mother” referring to
the sister. 59 These networks of relationships call for the communal care they have to
each other from birth to death and after death. The concepts of mutual care,
communal care or pastoral care and counselling from African perspective come from
this view they have of each other. A person exists in relation with others. This is not
ethnic- or racial-based, but human-based. They could give the European land to settle
56
Study in Missionary Methods (Pretoria: Unisa D. Th. Dissertation 2001) 44.
57
Cf. “When you’re just managing to cope with life . . . But think twice before you sacrifice family life.
. . Family means unity and if there are any differences between us, we fix them– we don’t hold
grudges. The family also stays close because we respect one another. We compromise a lot for each
other in the family.” Woman’s Value (Monthly Magazine) January 2000 (Cape Town) 36.
58
Ibid.
59
Process (Pretoria: Unisa, M. Th. Dissertation 1979) 21.
134
as they did to every Muvenda. The children of Coenraad du Buys were given land and
girls for marriage. 60 People care for each other on the basis that they belong to each
other. The blood bond makes care a special one and an obligation. Khuba who did
intensive studies in Tshivenda says that blood in Vhavenda is thicker than water. 61
The relationships by marriage are strong on the basis of blood. Marriage does not
change one’s totem or the mountain and ancestors, though women moved to their in-
laws. They only have the body, but the head belongs to the woman’s parents.
4.6 THE COMMUNAL CONCEPT OF A PERSON
The Vhenda concept of a person is communal. The Vhavenda do not see a person as
an individual in the first place. A person is seen in connection with the community—
connected to other people. Hence we speak of a communal worldview. Communal life
is also biblical because “humans are created for communal life” (Genesis 2: 18;
Matthew 22: 34 – 40; Romans 12: 4 – 5). 62 It means that people think mostly of the
group, not of the individual as the starting point. The importance of the individual is
in the community. The Vhavenda say “muthu u bebelwa vhathu” (a person is born for
other people). This means that a person is born to serve other people. 63 The Muvenda
praises a person who has helped him / her by saying that “vhe` bebanani ni ande” (that
60
Study in Missionary Methods (Pretoria: Unisa D. Th. Dissertation 2001) 20.
61
Asnath E Khuba, The Proverbs as Mirror of the Venda Culture and Philosophy (Unpublished M. A
Dissertation: University of the North, 1985) 144.
62
Stuart Fowler, A Christian Voice among Students and Scholars (Potchefstroom: IRS, 1991) 10.
63
Not the critique that “the concept of umuntu” can “promote more togetherness at the cost of
individuality.” In Michael John Nel, The Ancestors and Zulu Family Transitions: A Bowen Theory and
Practical Theological Interpretation (Pretoria: UNISA, Dissertation, 2007) 115.
135
is why they say you must multiply). This expresses that many people should be born
because that would mean much help. One who does not care for others is not a real
person in Vhavenda. Care is a qualification of a person—because “muthu ndi muthu
nga vhanwe” (in Zulu: umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu), that can be translated as, “a
person is a person through other persons.” 64
There are rituals that are performed to connect the person with the family and
community. The purpose of these rituals is to make a person safe in the interaction
with the people from infancy to adulthood. People are not just physical beings, but
they are spiritual and powerful beings. A person, it is believed, is going to live and
work with people from different mountains. Mountains in Vhavenda culture, mean
their groupings and totems. They prepare a person to that type of interaction from the
rite of “muthuso” done to infants and other rites as a person grows and holds different
positions in community.
A person in Vhavenda culture is characterised by good morals. They simply say “ndi
muthu ula lini” (that is not a person) referring to a person without good morals. It is
expected that a person should behave in other ways in different circumstances. A
person who fails to behave in the way the group expects is not classified as a person.
Hence people of other cultures who join the Vhavenda communities are regarded as
people when they learn to live according to the Vhavenda code of conduct.
The emphasis of “dzingoma” (initiation schools) should be understood against this
background. Some classify “dzingoma’ under social activities as Mulaudzi has
indicated in a research conducted: “Several social activities are found among the
Venda people. Each social variety binds people according to its needs, beliefs and
64
Augustine Schutte, Philosophy for Africa (Rondebosch: UCT Press, 1993) 46.
136
norms. These varieties know no regional or geographical boundaries and occur in
both rural and urban areas.” 65
In these social activities morals are communicated to the right group and the right age.
Morals are taught to people in these “dzingoma”. Every member of the community is
expected to attend “dzingoma” because the actions and the education found in these
institutions are believed to make, shape and mould a person. The manhood and
womanhood are believed to be created in these initiation schools. People who did not
undergo these African indigenous schools are not considered real men and women.
They are not allowed to give counsel to any one. The initiation schools “have an
educative function; initiates are taught about sexuality, inter-sexual relationships and
gender roles.” 66 “Dzingoma” include among others “murundu” (circumcision school
for male), “musevhetho” (for females) and “vhusha” (puberty institution for females).
4.7 RECONSIDERING RELIGION AND
SECURITY OF COMMUNAL-FAMILY LIFE.
This chapter concludes by returning to its religious concern. Security and care are the
vital core of Vhavenda religion that cannot be stressed enough in the scope of this
thesis, as indicated in Van Deventer’s research using Bosch.
“We cannot globally understand and process the wealth of the religious heritage of Africa. . .
Even though the traditional African God seems to be lurking in the background and even
though this God seems to be totally superfluous to the superficial observer, He is extremely
65
P. A. Mualudzi, A Linguistic Description of Language Varieties in Venda (Unpublished Dissertation
Pretoria: UNISA, 1999) 55.
66
Breggje de Kok, Christianity and African Traditional Religion: Two Realities of Different Kind: A
Cultural psychological Study of the Way Christian Malawians Account for their Involvement in African
Traditional Religion (Zomba: Kachere Series, 2005) 23.
137
important and the African cannot imagine a single moment of life without God. God in a
certain sense is the assurance of the existing order, the ‘support’ upon which everything rests.
With one reservation we feel able to agree with what Swailem Sidhom said, namely that God
is; hence man is—that is the core of African belief!” 67
The Vhavenda concept of God is that of a person, “makhulu”, 68 who cares for his
children or grandchildren. But that is not the whole truth because the Vhavenda have
a concept of one God, the Creator. 69 Vhavenda religion is about care here and now.
The world is filled with uncountable enemies who surround them. So, without the
God who cares for them here and now they are in big trouble. Security is a major
issue in their religion. Thus there are elements of worship or shrines in their lands,
homes and around their bodies to protect them from the evil ones. They respect these
shrines as they represent their creator and protector or ancestors. They believe that
God cares for the community—“God is equally a rain bringer.” 70 It is difficult to find
an atheist in Vhavenda community Setiloane points out this conviction saying:
“Bantu life is essentially religious . . . Religion so pervaded the life of he people that it
regulates their doing and governs their leisure to an extent that it is hard for Europeans to
imagine . . . the Bantu are hardly likely to be secularized, for they will never be content with a
religion that is not able to touch every phase of life and interpret the divine terms of
humanity.” 71
67
1989) 46 - 47.
68
Dissertation, 1996), 26
69
Ibid. 25. Vhavenda end their prayers to the ancestors by addressing “Gole / Goko musika vhathu,
makhulu thi mudi”, translated as “Gole the Creator of human being, the granny I do not know.”
70
Study in Missionary Methods (Pretoria: UNISA, D.TH, Dissertation 2001), 29.
71
1989), p. 45.
138
Religious elements are arranged around the community, which is a religious centre.
The faith in God is based on the safety and continuing existence of community.
Religion is judged by its “management of the existential problems of suffering and
adversity, in the combat against phenomena like disease, death and infertility and
other catastrophes which threaten the continuation of the community.” 72 This is
possible when the order of things is kept. Disorder cause chaos and chaos is followed
by pain and death.
Security and safety is so important that even those converted to Christianity adopt
their traditional expressions like “Ho tou lwa vhadzimu” (ancestors defended) or
“Vhadzimu vhawe ndi vhahulwane” (His / her ancestors are great). Some choose to
go to church with security and safety in mind. Thus when things are not as expected,
they change the church or even go back to their traditional worship. Churches that are
concerned with safety and security usually attract many Africans. These are those
churches that have time in their liturgy of praying for people who are sick. It always
needs to be done in such a way that they come forward and hands are placed on them
or they are given some elements to attach to their body or use at home. The African
background of God who cares for our security and safety plays an important role.
4.8 CONCLUDING REMARKS
There are many changes in Vhavenda culture due to the influence of the West
and of Christianity. However, it must be said that in times of pain people think
that they should go back to the graves and pick up some cultural traits, which
they think can bring healing. Africans are living in these two worlds which are
72
Ibid. 27.
139
in some sense contradicting each other. They want good things from each side.
The problem in doing this is difficult and one is not certain of the limits. This
thesis is far from resolving this problem. It, however, makes a contribution to
opening the way of caring in the communal setting. People in pain need a
caring community that understands the situation. It is communal care. It needs
a group of people working together or caring for one person or other persons
in pain. This way of care goes beyond the church walls, in that it cares for
other peoples and communities in general. In this way communal pastoral care
has a mission dimension. The next chapter moves to a focus and exploration of
pain and care from the Vhavenda perspective in particular.
140
CHAPTER 5
TOWARDS A TRADITIONAL VHAVENDA
UNDERSTANDING OF PAIN AND CARE

“The fact of human suffering is one that needs no arguing, and fresh evidence of its
reality comes to hand everyday. Today’s newspaper is full of tragic tale, and
tomorrow’s will contain as many more.” 1
5.1. INTRODUCTION
The previous chapter focussed broadly on Vhavenda cosmology, community and
family life. This chapter continues the Vhavenda worldview exploration through a
more focused study of pain and communal care among the Vhavenda. The author is
aware that these days most Vhavenda people live in a mixture of Vhavenda and
Western cultures. This chapter will, however, focus on the more indigenous
traditional cultural wisdom of the Vhavenda worldview in dealing with pain. The
Vhavenda did not have newspapers, but they had stories about their joys and pains
going around daily.
5.2. BORN TO SUFFER: VHAVENDA’S
EXPERIENCE OF PAIN
The Vhavenda concept of pain is found in expressions like “Tsho bebwaho tsho fa,”
which can be translated as, “That which is born is dead”. This means that a living
1
James Martin, The Suffering Man, Loving God (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1969), 9.
141
creature is due or destined to experience pain and death. This expression alludes to the
truth that Vhavenda are people of pain and suffering. It is believed that coming into
the world is coming into the suffering and the end of that pain is death. 2 The
expression also tells that the Vhavenda people believe that there are many evil forces
and spirits that cause suffering to people. Thus the birth of a child is accompanied by
many customs and rituals to prevent a child and the mother from suffering. 3
There is a belief that pain and suffering comes from living in poor conditions.
Everything is done to protect a person 4 from pain and suffering because they believe
that a person is not a stone, which remains in the same condition. The Vhavenda have
an expression that says “Muthu a si tshitanda” which means that “a person is not a
log”. A log does not suffer from pain. The overall interpretation is that there are times
of pains and suffering in the life span of every person. A stone does not have blood
and as such does not feel pain, nor does it suffer.
There are pains from bodily injury and spiritual problems of life like conflicts and
disagreements. The Vhavenda adults in community are expected to endure pain for
the sake of life and harmony. It is said that, “Muhulwane u kanda mupfa a tshi u
vhona.” which can be translated as “The elderly or the leader steps deliberately on the
thorn.” The implication is that one has to face pain. This is done as a way of bringing
about a remedy. Leaders of families use this expression. It means that they hold pain
in their hands so that their family may enjoy peace.
2
Cf. Darrow Miller in Vision Conference Notebook Worldview and Development Section a
Conference for Hope for Africa. 9.
3
One of the rituals is “muthuso”, translated as “helper”.
4
Cf. The acceptance of Christian principles and behaviour, and the acceptance and the use of European
equipments in Ravhudzulo Mbulaheni Aaron, “The Educational Enterprise of the Reformed
Presbyterian Church in Venda 1905 – 1953.” (Unpublished). pp. 21, 22, 105.
142
Another expression that teaches Vhavenda people to accept pain goes like this: “U
kona gumba ndi u mila lo ralo, u tafuna li a silinga,” which can be translated as, “To
defeat an egg is to swallow it without chewing, because chewing will make you feel
like vomiting.” The interpretation means that to solve a problem you have to accept it.
You open your heart and put in the pain and close it and then you will have the
victory. The Vhavenda teach each other to hold a knife at its sharp point as they
express it as, “U fara lufhanga nga vhuhalini.”
These expressions, however, do not mean that pain is always easily accepted. The
expressions mentioned above are meant to resolve and cope with pain. The prevention
of pain remains a priority. When pain persists, it is believed that someone has caused
it. Vhavenda believe that pain and sickness are not just the results of bacteria and
psychological imbalance as the Western worldview envisaged, but also of the
witchcrafts that fly during the night and bite people at the back. 5 When people suffer
from the Vhavenda point of view, it is suspected that witchcraft has been practised
and is bringing on the chronic pain. Pain turns everything upside down. It does not
affect only the individual, but the whole extended family and the community. An
individual is linked to the whole society through the family. The pain of an individual
is the pain of the whole community.
Prevention of pain is important. Life stage initiation rituals in childbirth, adolescence
stage, marriage, death, widowhood, and harvest are good examples of prevention. 6
Good health is a most important thing in Vhavenda culture. Daily greetings are asking
5
Cf. Darrow Miller, Discipling Nations: The Power of Truth to Transform Cultures (Seattle: YWAM
Publisng, 2001) 33.
6
Cf. “at critical moments of life as birth, illness, grave misfortunes of death, there was a return to
traditional observances.” Lartey Emmanuel Yartekwei, Pastoral Counselling in Inter-Cultural
Perspective (Franfurt am Main. Bern. New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 1987) 12.
143
and wishing good health to one another. When a child is born the parent should
abstain from sex. There are rituals and taboos to be observed to keep the parents and
the baby in good health. People observe their cultural rituals to prevent pain. If they
are to take the risk of having sex, a traditional healer is called in to give some rituals.
In these rituals the father's sperm and mother's milk are smeared on the child's body.
“U bvisa nwana,” translated as, “to take out a child,” is the ritual of taking out the
child and it includes several rituals. 7 It was believed that outside the fence of the home
there are many people who practise witchcraft. It is believed that there is a guarantee
of safety of human life by divine intervention. Rituals are inviting divine intervention.
Rites are done to the child and to a mother to prevent pain. It is also believed that if
these rituals are skipped then a child will not become a normal person. Traditionally
when a child is born it is confined to the hut and in the village for some weeks. The
child will only go out after the ceremony of “u bvisa nwana” which means to bring
the child outside. The ceremony is done to prevent danger or pain that a child may
encounter in life. It is done according to the gender of a child. 8 If the child is a boy,
the mother will go out with an axe and cut some bushes as a way of clearing the land
to symbolise the responsibility of a man. If the child is a girl, the mother will take a
7
Cf. “Until a child is properly named he is not considered a person, and is sometimes referred to
simply as an ‘it’ or as a ‘thing’. If he dies before naming it is just as though he had never been born or
had been stillborn. As there is so much infantile mortality in Africa, this is a belief that helps the
parents to overcome their sadness.” In Colin M. Turnbull, Tradition and Change in African Tribal Life
(Cleveland and New York : The World Publishing Company, 1966) 53. It should be noted that rites
serve to include a child into society or community. Cf. Claudia Nolte-Schamm, “The African
Traditional Ritual of Cleansing the Chest of Grudges as a Ritual of Reconciliation, Religion and
Theology, 13/1 (2006) 90 - 106.
8
Cf Stayt Hugh A, Bavenda (London : Oxford University Press 1931) 89. There are variations on the actual
practice of the Au bvisa nwana@ ceremony. Stayt recorded one example which was narrated to him.
144
hoe and some seeds and dig a small place and plant them to symbolise the work of
women.
“These rites are symbolic of the child's future activities. As the mother approaches her hut the
people in the kraal pour water on the roof and call her to run inside as the rain is falling; she
runs quickly into the hut, the water falling upon her and her child. This whole ceremony is an
appeal to the spirits for protection, so that the growing child may wax strong and healthy, able
to hoe and plant or to clean the land and may be blessed with successful crops and plentiful
rains.” 9
One who has not gone through the normal rituals in the family is expected to be in
pain.
These rites fall under the Vhavenda laws, if looked at deeply. Van Warmelo and Phophi 10
say that Vhavenda law was “made by primitive man struggling to survive.” They confirm
that rites and Vhavenda law were to prevent and heal pain by saying:
In those days the Zoutpansberg mountains were covered from end to end with dense bush and
high rain forest, threaded only by narrow footpaths along which danger lurked at every turn.
The tiny gardens, which had to be guarded against wild animals all through summer,
supported a small population broken up into tribes which fought one another at intervals in a
desultory way. The stockaded and fortified villages, crammed with people (nobody dared to
live alone), lay carefully concealed in dense bush. At sunset the single narrow entrance was
barred and hedged with thorn branches, and they lay down to sleep with their arms at hand,
never certain of what the night would bring. 11
The individual life and communal life is illustrated in this picture. Life without
protection, in this land of dense bush populated with dangerous animals was
unthinkable. Rituals, to protect the people, were important. Vhavenda law came into
9
Ibid. 89.
10
Van Warmelo N.J. and Phophi W.M.D, Venda Law (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1967). 10 – 11.
11
Ibid.
145
being partially from this situation. 12 People were living in a dangerous world. Nature
was good for people’s lives, but in it there were also many things that threaten
people’s lives. There were dangerous animals that were connected to the spirits.
Another danger came from other tribes or communities. Neighbouring communities
usually fought. Thus the threat came from other people around them.
Pain did not only come from outside the village and family. There was a big chance of
pain coming from within the village and family. This was confirmed by Van Warmelo
and Phophi when they went on with their argument: “Not only was there no security
without, there was very little within. Inside the village, even within one’s own family,
there might be envy, jealousy, hatred, and witchcraft, besides the universal enemies:
famine, sickness and death.” 13
Van Warmelo and Phophi conclude their argument by saying that living in that
condition there was no other way than to introduce the Vhavenda law. “Struggling
man beset by many perils and hostile forces, sought security in social organisation,
first in the primordial unit of the blood group, then in the community groups forming
a tribal unity.” 14 The issue of trust had levels. “If anyone was to be trusted it was the
brother, the sister, the close kinsman, and so we find that the family and the kinship
are the basic facts of Venda life.” 15
12
I say partially because Venda people did not originate from this situation. They had laws inherited
from their ancestors who were in other parts of the country. They came to this area with their culture
and one might believe that they adapted it to suit the new environment.
13
Van Warmelo N.J. and Phophi W.M.D, Venda Law (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1967). 10 – 11.
14
Ibid.
15
Ibid.
146
5.3 PAIN IS BROADER THAN BODILY
SUFFERING
The Vhavenda, like some African cultures, did not entertain the analysis of words like
pain. Pain was simply felt. There was no time to talk about it as the Western cultures do.
To them, pain is not an abstract thing, but a concrete feeling. It is associated with an event
like “Thoho yanga i a rema,” which is literally translated as, “My head is chopping,”
meaning that “I have a headache.” Stomach ache is “Nowa yanga i a luma,” which can be
translated as “My snake is biting.” An injury that they can explain how it takes place, can
also express what they mean by pain. The same applies when they talk about death of
their loved ones. It tells what pain is and how they feel about it. It is said that “Vhulwadze
ho bala,” translated as the disease had defeated medication or healers. When they hear it
for the first time they spit on the ground.
One can understand pain in their stories. As a story is told, fears of pain may show in
the face or the change of face may occur. Crying loudly is not permitted to avoid
invoking other people to crying. The explanation of pain is read in these fears, tone of
voice and facial expressions.
The Vhavenda’s view of pain is from the perspective of the whole person. Pain
embraces both the physical and spiritual sides of life. The Vhavenda believe that
suffering of the body also affects the soul of the person. By way of extension,
suffering of one person is the suffering of the whole family and community. The
suffering of the community is the suffering of all creation.
147
The concept of pain from the Vhavenda worldview indicates that there is disorder and
disharmony of things in the cosmos. 16 Any disorder of things that brings disharmony
brings pain according to the Vhavenda worldview. This understanding also flows
from the understanding that all of life is connected and nothing happens in isolation.
There is nothing that goes alone. The soul is connected to the body, the individual is
connected to the group of people and people are connected to the whole of creation.
Thus things in the universe complement each other to bring healing. Everything
works together for the welfare of the other. Once the connection or working together
fails, the result is pain and suffering. When the body is injured by bodily hurt or
sickness then there is disorder in the body and pain results. Personal, family,
community and social disorder cause pain. When people are not at peace with each
other, it is regarded as being like the injury of a body. Spiritual disorder particularly
causes pain. When people do not have peace with God or gods, and spirits or
ancestors, they experience pain.
5.4 MAJOR SOURCES OF PAIN IN THE
VHAVENDA WORLDVIEW
Beside the above conditions, which cause pain, there are three major sources of pain,
which the Vhavenda reflect upon constantly. The first source is the bad spirits or
people who are regarded as witches. The second is spirits called ancestors. The third
source is broken human and community relationships.
16
Cf. “Expressed in an African idiom, illness results from the lack of harmony between human beings
and the source of life, between the visible world and the invisible world,” in Ernest M. Conradie,
“Healing in Soteriological Perspective,” Religion and Theology, 13/1 (2006) 18.
148
5.4.1 Witchcraft
The traditional Vhavenda do not believe that sickness is just caused by a virus. The
diviner is thus consulted to diagnose “who” is behind the particular pain. “One of the
main functions of religion is to explain the origin and meaning of evil and
suffering.” 17 Vhavenda as Africans, believe that there are “the hidden powers.” 18
Witchcraft is also responsible for the sickness in people’s lives. 19 They believe that
there are “vhaloi” who bewitch people. 20 These are the anti-social people who are
believed to destroy property, cause disease and misfortune and death. There are
different types of “vhaloi”. 21 (i). There are those who can use words that curse people.
These “vhaloi” use magical power. They are believed to harm their victim or target
without physically being there. (ii). There are those who use medical drugs from the
nanga (traditional diviner). The nanga gives them medicines and instructions of how
to use them to harm other people, especially their enemies. They actually buy
“vhuloi” (witchery). (iii). There are those who use owls and stripped mongooses at
night. These small animals are believed to have some power, which “vhaloi” use as
they ride to their victims. (v). There are those who are used by evil or who bewitch
17
G. Schwar, The Relationship between Belief, Religious Orientation and Existential Meaning
(Pretoria: Vista University, Dissertation, 2001) 98.
18
Marianne Alverson, Under African Sun (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1987)
138.
19
Bonora Franco, The Modernity / Tradition Interface Amongst Black South Africans (Pretoria :
UNISA Dissertation, 2001) 183.
20
Moeti Samuel Edwin, Death in Indigenous Venda Culture (a paper submitted in accordance with the
requirements for the degree of Honours Bachelor of Arts in the Subject Anthropology at the University
of South Africa: Pretoria, 1987) 20 – 21.
21
Cf. A. de V Minnaar, D. Offringa and C. Payze, To Live in Fear: Witchburning and medicine murder
in Venda (Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council, 1992) 16 - 18.
149
intentionally or unintentionally. People believe that the spirit of witchery possesses
these people. It is believed that they have the instinct to bewitch in their blood.
Hence “every illness is, according to their belief, caused by the ill-will of some man,
who in the shape of a cat has entered the house, or, as a snake run across the road, or
even as an evil spirit found its way unnoticed into the house where it caused the
mischief.” 22 This belief leads to the search of who is that person who does such an evil
thing. Many family and tribal fights were around the issue of witchcraft. When a
family member is accused of witchcraft he or she might have to break away from the
family and close members like brothers and sisters.
Belief in witchcraft thus instils fear in the life of the people. “With such view the
young Bavenda are inoculated and they adhere to them in spite of better instruction.
Throughout life they remain convinced that only revenge of another man causes
illness and death.” 23 Hence the Vhavenda concept of illness is not necessarily
connected to bacteria, viruses or infection. It is still believed that one's enemies might
bewitch one's family members. Suspicion can be the order of the day. Witches then
are the most feared and hated people in the community. The Vhavenda look for
something supernatural to protect themselves and their families or businesses from
“vhaloi”. Hence, “the diviners are held in high esteem since they are the ones who
22
Wessmann R, The Bavenda of Spelonken (Transval) (London: The African World 1908) 84 - 85.
23
Ibid.
150
divine those who are and those who are not vhaloi.” 24 They also disclose the
witchcrafts. 25
5.4.2 Ancestor spirits can cause pain
The Vhavenda believe that if the ancestors are not satisfied or they are disturbed by
some actions of the family, they may respond by sending illness to the member of the
family. 26 When a person is sick they call a diviner who will diagnose the cause of
sickness by using bones. After the diagnosis, instructions are given. Among the
instructions a diviner may instruct a family to slaughter a cow or goat or brew beer for
the ancestors to restore peace and order in the family. Relationship 27 with the living
dead is important. In the case of death the results of diviner diagnosis may be, “Ro
vhuya na mudzimu washu” which means that “We came back with our god and our
god was displeased with some of our actions and punished us.” Families usually
accept the result collectively and take corrective measures collectively.
5.4.3 Communal disorder can cause illness
People and environment need to be in equilibrium for good health to prevail. 28 The
degree of illness is determined by the concept of order, balance and harmony. In
24
Dissertation 1996) 36.
25
of South Africa: Pretoria, 1987) 20.
26
Venda (Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council, 1992) 8.
27
28
Venda (Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council, 1992) 7 - 8.
151
illness the demand is not for precise diagnosis. The more important question is, “Who
disturbed the societal order and why?” 29 The question here is not “what?” but “who?”
which means that the diagnosis is searching for a person and not an object like a tree
or changes in the weather. It is believed that people can get ill if the community or
society or environment is disturbed. Violation of taboos such as incestuous marriage
can disturb the communal life and environment. Hence in breaking taboos, illnesses
and conflict in the community may be the result.
5.5 DEATH AS PART OF PAIN IN VHAVENDA
CULTURE
Death is central to the understanding of pain in Vhavenda culture. The Vhavenda say
that “vhulwadze ho kunda” or “vhulwadze ho bala” when someone has died. It means
“illness has conquered.” They do everything in their power to heal illness. Hence they
accept that illness was too strong for them. “While spending money and property 30 to
alleviate pain and prevent death, the Vhavenda say that the illness was too strong for
29
30
I once took some youth from Europe to a chemist of one of our local traditional healers. I was
shocked to see the alarming prices of consultations. There was a list of prices of services rendered.
There is a separated price for opening the bag of the doctor (luputulula thevhela). It is like opening a
(bag) file—this is done several times during a person’s visit to a doctor. There is also a price for the
service a patient needs.
152
them. There are few words to say at death and no notion of healing the pain of death
and the families must accept this finality. The Vhavenda say, “Madi a tevhuwa o
tevhuwa” which means the “Once water is spilt, it is spilt.” No one can gather the
water that has been spilt.
A problem for the Vhavenda remains that many people believe that death has been
caused by someone, usually a member of the family. This can cause conflict after the
funeral when people even want to kill someone as suspecting that they have practised
witchcraft that led to the death.
The Vhavenda can, however, also regard the funeral as a healing process. A good
funeral is usually a comfort to them. A good death leads to the deceased going to join
the ancestors. They make a grand funeral to bury the deceased in a dignified manner.
Hence the funeral service is often very expensive. Funeral undertakers and burial
societies are flourishing. Much money is spent on the graveyard and the tombstone is
regarded as very important.
These funerals, although they are a healing event, they are very expensive for poor
communities. There is an unwillingness to expose one's poverty which is also
associated with pain and shame and perhaps even a curse from the ancestors. As a
communal people the Vhavenda attend the funerals in large numbers and see whether
the family has been able to keep up with the best standards for a funeral. There is thus
competition between families at these events and the Vhavenda would feel pain if
people say, “They buried him or her like a dog.” They want people to say good things
about the funeral and they fear bad comments, which might be communicated to the
ancestors.
The concern for the deceased to become an ancestor is another reason for such fear
and respect which result in expense. Thus the deceased can become a source of
153
blessing or pain depending on how the person left the world and the standard of the
funeral and dignity given to this crucial event by the family and community. Hence
poor people are buried like rich people to please the community and the ancestors.
Thus many poor people live with little food, poor housing, little clothing and blankets
to keep them warm but when they die there will be plenty of food that is even dumped
away after funeral if it is too much. They do not worry about this because it is also
believed that the dumped food is given to the ancestors. They say, “U nea vha fhasi”
which means, “giving to those in the ground”. Ancestors are also believed to be part
of the funeral and so they must also have something to eat.
5.6 MEDICINE AND HEALING PAIN AMONG
THE VHAVENDA
Vhavenda healing, like the healing of any people, is not done in a cultural vacuum.
African indigenous healing heals the whole person and community. 31 Care in
Vhavenda culture is physical and spiritual. 32 Health is not something in isolation from
the whole creation and the creator. 33 There are people who know the medicines that
prevent and heal different illnesses. 34 They are, however, not separated from the
spirits, as it is believed that their knowledge of medicines comes from the ancestors. I
31
Carol P. Germain, “Culture Care: A Bridge between Sickness, Illness, and Disease,” in Holistic
Nurse Pract 1992: 6 (3) 1 – 9.
32
Venda (Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council, 1992) 20 - 21.
33
Philomena Njeri Mwaura, “Healing as a Pastoral Concern,” in D.W. Waruta and H.W Kinoti,
Pastoral Care in African Christianity: Challenging Essays in Pastoral Theology (Nairobi: Action
34
Hugh A. Stayt, The Bavenda (London: Oxford University Press, 1960) 262 - 263.
154
would like to briefly explain this fact in describing the types of indigenous healers as
medico-magician-herbalist, the divination, and the medicine as a magic.
5.6.1 The medico-magician-herbalist
It is difficult to find a person who only uses medicine without other powers being
invoked to add to the medicine. Hence we speak here of medico-magician healers.
They are usually of two types. They are the “nanga” and the “mungome”. 35 Some
differentiate these types as:
“By far the greatest number of practitioners are dzinganga, and they are consulted on
practically every occasion when an event occurs outside the natural order of things. Although
nearly every nganga posses his set of divinatory dice, he is not generally credited with the
occult powers of his more powerful colleagues the mungoma, who must always be consulted
after death, as he can actually reconstruct the whole scene of tragedy and disclose the identity
of the evil-doer.” 36
The “nanga” is the medicine person proper who uses herbs and medicines to cure
diseases. The “mungome” is a diviner who uses their diviner skills to detect more
spiritual cures, which can affect the body. 37
5.6.2 Divination
The Vhavenda have a divination system that helps them to diagnose the problems or
diseases and can also tell them what the future holds for them. The divination system
plays an important role in the life of the traditional “muvenda.” Divination is the
gaining of the insight of the future or of the unknown by using supernatural power.
35
Ibid. 273.
36
37
Ibid.
155
The Vhavenda diviners throw bones down and interpret the way they have fallen to
reveal the future or what is hidden. Divination among the Vhavenda is practised by a
professional “nanga” or traditional diviner. The “nanga” uses “thangu” or divine dice,
which is a set of four ivory or wooden dice, oblong tablets which are marked on one
38
face and which can therefore fall and give sixteen different combinations.
Traditionally divination was also thought of as part of the prayer life of the people as
indicated in this passage.
“. . . not a single matter of moment can be undertaken unless the departed ancestors of the
family, 'vhadzimu', have been consulted, lest they visit the offenders with disease and
affliction. Now the only way in which their wishes can be ascertained, or the reason for their
displeasure revealed, is means of divination. This is therefore resorted to before any tribal or
religious rite is performed and under many other circumstances of ill omen or uncertainty, as
after lightning, visits of snake, polecat or antbear, in cases of theft, when cattle have strayed,
before going on a journey or when someone has died, in matters connected with witchcraft
and magic the oracles are also continually being consulted.” 39
5.6.3 Medicine and Magic
The Vhavenda believe that there are people who can use medical and herbal
treatments for healing and that they are of real therapeutical value. Most of the people
who use this treatment also depend upon the efficacy with the inclusion of a magical
element. In this way it is proper to talk about medicine, which is also attached to
magic. The term “magico-medicine” will be used. An example of this “mufara-litsha”
(touch and leave) for protection is the following use.
“For example, on inquiring minutely into the history of a small piece of wood, worn as a
charm around the neck of Muvenda for protection when travelling, it transpired that this wood
was taken from a bough of a tree overhanging a difficult climb in a well-frequented path. This
38
N. J. Van Warmelo (ed)., Contributions Towards Venda History, Religion and Tribal Ritual,
(Pretoria : Government Printers, 1960), 197.
39
Ibid. 197.
156
bough was grasped by every passer-by in order to assist over the difficult place. In this way
the power of that particular bough was inordinately increased by helping the wayfarer, and it
became the obvious source from which effective charms for the timid traveller could be
obtained.” 40
Beside these magical and kinetic powers for good or evil, there are the pure medicines
of herbs which effect cures. There are simple herbs, which can stop headaches,
stomachaches and other diseases. These “nanga” are more like African indigenous
herbalists than the diviners mentioned above. Every sickness then needs to be
understood from a spiritual and physical point of view. Every illness also needs to be
understood to include family and community aspects as well. Visits to the Western
hospital are regarded as focusing too much on the body and not accommodating the
spirits, family or ancestors in illness and healing. Hence in Western hospitals health
can be obtained, but it will be missing something equally important. They often feel
that holistic healing is not obtained and only half of the job is done when leaving a
Western hospital.
There is also another type of healing called the restoration of order, which uses a
“nendila” or mediator. As mentioned previously, pain is caused by any disorder in a
person's life. Disorder can disrupt the person, family and community. Beside personal,
family and communal disorder and environmental disorder, there is also religious or
spiritual disorder. Here in spiritual order again, a person is not at peace until the
ancestors have been appeased. Healing then requires respect for bringing back of
order in a person's life. Reconciliation is an important process in Vhavenda tradition.
When you have done something wrong to one member of the community, you will be
advised to ask someone to be your mediator or “nendila”. Reconciliation is done
through an intermediary system. The guilty person is represented by a person who is
40
157
on good terms with the wronged person. This is how conflicts are settled. The
“nendila” will be carefully sought out with the help of the community members. The
wronged person may be very angry but will sit with his mediator when trying to
reconcile persons. The term used for the process is “u farelwa lufhanga”, literally it
means “holding a knife for me” Here the anger of the wronged person is being held so
that it will not lead to violence and the “nendila” will take and absorb the anger or
pain. Traditionally people say, “Thunwa a I vulahwi”, which means, “A messenger
should not be killed”. The “nendila” travels from one shady area to another shady area
until all parties agree.
There is healing, which comes from reconciliation with the ancestors. This type of
healing practice includes sacrifices in the form of water spilling on the ground and
snuff put on the ground and special beer (tshikoko) is poured out, a goat or a cow is
killed. These rituals are all intended to appease the anger of the ancestors and to
restore reconciliation and balance in health and life. The financial costs of such
reconciliation and amongst poor people lead towards a strong desire to cooperate with
the traditional beliefs concerning the ancestors.
5.7 VHAVENDA COMMUNAL CARE
5.7.1 Communal cultures are about caring
“Culture, broadly defined, is the way of life of a particular group of people.

Cultural groups are distinguished by many characteristics, including mode
of dress, language, values, rules or norms for behavior, economics, politics,
law and social control, artefacts, technology, dietary practices, and health
care. Health preservation, sickness preservation, causes of sickness,
158
treatment, coping, caring, dying, and death are part of the health component
of every culture.” 41
As mentioned earlier in the thesis culture contains worldviews, which lead to a certain
way of life. It includes characteristics like: “the beliefs, behaviour, language, and
entire way of life of a particular group of people at a particular time.” 42 As noted
above, culture is also concerned with health preservation, reasons for illness, ways of
coping and treatment and deep caring for the sick people.
5.7.2 Care among the Vhavenda is holistic:
Health is the well-being of the visible and invisible: The above definition of culture
is from medical point of view. It tells that every culture has an aspect of health care.
Health care in African context is holistic. Health is the well-being or the good order of
the visible and the invisible. The wellbeing of community includes, among other
things, both physical and spiritual features. “It is fairly correct to say that dichotomy
between sacred and secular, between spiritual and material, separation between the
state and the cultic is an alien concept to Africa, probably introduced at the time of
colonialism.” 43
Health in this holistic concept is the wellbeing or good order of both body and soul—
the invisible. The disorder of one aspect of life brings pain to the whole person.
41
Carol P. Germain, “Culture Care: A Bridge between Sickness, Illness, and Disease,” Holistic Nurse
Pract 1992:6 (3) 1 – 9.
42
Microsoft Encarta: Culture in Encyclopedia 2005, (1993-2004 Microsoft Corporation).
43
T. Adeyemo, “Clash of Two Worldviews: African and Western,” in Bennie van der Walt and Rita
Swanepoel (eds), Sign Posts of God’s Liberating Kingdom: Perspective for the 21st Century
(Potchefstroom : I. R. S., 1998) 374.
159
Personhood (vhumuthu) 44 is described in holistic care: A person is someone who
cares holistically. God cares for his creation. Communal pastoral care and counselling
in Vhavenda community should be seen in this light. A person who does not care for
others is not a person in Vhavenda philosophy. A person is more than a physical
structure—more than what one sees and touches. Vhavenda has an expression that
says “A si muthu” (He or she is not a person), referring to a person who does not care
for others. Hence to be a person is to care for others.
Culture is a way of life, and as a result it is also a way of caring for life—oneself and
others including all of creation. Hence to understand the way in which people live and
go about caring for those in pain, people’s culture and their cosmology in particular
should be taken into consideration.
This section should be understood in this light—it is not an anthropological study of
the Vhavenda.
Healing is cultural: Healing is not just scientific but it is also cultural. As stated
above, healing is not done in a cultural vacuum. Culture plays an important role in
bringing health and care for others. There are many cultural aspects of people in
context contributing to that effect. Turnbull referring to African cultures in general
says that a traditional African doctor’s job is to heal the whole person and
community. 45 On the other hand, the Western notion is that the doctor heals only the
body. The African notion is that the doctors simply have the power to heal, and they
heal wherever they can and however they can without discrimination. They use their
44
Cf. “Omuntu” in Bantu language of Uganda “is not only the representative of God in creation, but
also shares in divine being (NTU).” E.K. Twesigye, Common Ground: Christianity, African Religion
and Philosophy (New York: Peter Lang, 1987) 107.
45
Cf. Colin M. Turnbull, Tradition and Change in African Tribal Life (Cleveland and New York: The
World Publishing Company, 1966) 163.
160
knowledge of herbal medicines to heal bodies, but equally important is their power to
heal minds and to heal society itself. Sickness is a problem in a society. Even when a
thief gets injured it is the doctor’s job to cure the sickness and repair the injury.
Community care in Venda cultures is holistic as illustrated here. Healing is not just
curing the physical body. The mind or soul and spirit need to be dealt with during a
healing process. It is not a question of either or. It is a question of both because once
one part experiences pain the other one feels it too. Hence healing of body and soul
should be done simultaneously.
Consulting a diviner: Traditionally, when the Vhavenda visit a doctor, it is not only
the physical aspect that is treated. The spirit, the soul and social aspects are also
treated because they are as important as the body. The relationships are as important
as a person. Every sickness needs to be understood from a spiritual-social-economic
point of view. The ancestors need to be consulted before you are given, medicine;
divination bones need to be used to detect the right medicine and cause of disease.
Normally you are not just given medicine and go. There is that process of reconciling
you with yourself and the community or environment. It is not just like taking the
blood pressure and temperature of a patient as in a Western hospital.
Counsellors and medical practitioners who are crying for holistic healing should learn
a great deal from the African approach. The African notion is that people are not just
ill physically. Their soul or spirit is sick too—it is their “being there” that is
important. They may have medicine to cure the body, but if the spirit and social
aspects are neglected the job that has been done is half a job.
Thus it does not surprise when some of the Vhavenda visit a hospital and conclude by
visiting a traditional doctor when discharged. Some say that there are some parts of
healing that the Europeans are good at, but their machines cannot see the work of the
161
witchcraft or the spirits of the forefathers. Thus they end their medical treatment at an
African indegenous doctor.
Healing and care in Vhavenda culture is not one person’s effort but the effort of the
whole community—the living and the dead. This chapter wants to look at this
culturally gifted care-giving in times of family pain. Culturally gifted care-giving is
done intentionally or unintentionally—consciously or unconsciously.
Vhavenda philosophy has the following concepts on what a human being should be:
Muthu ndi muthu nga munwe (A person is a person through another person)
Muthu u bebeblwa munwe (A person is born for another)
A u tsukisi ndila u wothe (You cannot tread open the footpath on your own)
Munwe muthihi a u tusi mathuthu (One finger cannot take samp from the pot)
Matanzu maswa a tikwa nga malala (New branches are held intact by the old ones.)” 46
Thus personhood (vhumuthu) is central to holistic care for people in pain. Culture is
thus a way of caring for life, for oneself and others including the whole environment
and God’s creation. Hence to understand the way in which people live and go about
caring for those in pain, people’s culture and their cosmology, as also noted in the
previous chapter, should be taken into consideration.
A person who lives alone and does not care for others is always suspected of
practising witchcraft. This is based on the belief that people should stay together and
share life together. Once a person is detached from the community or family, a
principle of Vhavenda worldview is broken to such a degree that that person is
suspected of being dangerous for the community. It is dangerous because it may
disunite the people or it may disturb the equilibrium. There is no concept for a person
46
Dissertation 1996) 32.
162
living alone. Life and the worldview are an integrated whole. 47 All aspects of life and
the world are bound together into a circle of unity, harmony, continuity and
equilibrium. The people’s being is determined by this concept of totality by means of
which all internal and external dimensions of their existence are fused together into
the purposeful relationships of God, other people and nature. 48
5.7.3 Care in Vhavenda culture is culturally gifted.
5.7.3.1 Mutual care
Mutual and communal care among the Vhavenda are culturally gifted. Care is not a
highly structured institution, but has its own communal rituals and traditions.
Everything possible is done to prevent illness and support healing of personal or
community hurt. Communal life is geared toward care. Culturally gifted care is a care
that is part of the people's culture. People learn about community care from when they
are born and grow up in their culture.
There is no special school for cultural caregivers where people learn caring for others
but life in community teaches people to care for others. Culturally gifted caring
suggests that beyond traditional healers and mediators the community has the
resources to care for one another. Hence “Tsiwana i laiwa ndilani” which is translated
as, “An orphan gets counselled along the way.” The teaching suggests that one should
love and follow good guidance from other people. Another saying is, “Hu laiwaho
vhadzwale ndi hune tsiwana ya laiwa hone,” which is translated as, “Where the
47
Context of the Traditional Venda Concept of Man (Pietersburg: University of the North, Dissertation
1989) 47.
48
Ibid. 47 - 48.
163
cousins get advice is where orphans get advice”. Repetition in Vhavenda culture is a
way of teaching communal teaching and practice. There are also important traditions
handed down in the indigenous Vhavenda initiation schools. Culturally gifted care
thus manifests itself daily in proverbs, songs and traditional sayings of the people. It is
not written down but communicated orally to all within the community.
The Vhavenda have a proverb that says, “A dzimana u la malombe mukosi a a
phalalana,” which can be translated as, “Relatives stingy to one another, when in
danger they unite.” Hence blood is thicker than water. 49 People become united in
times of danger or when someone is in pain. At death too, all differences are put
behind and speech after speech puts emphasis on the families and relatives and being
united and supportive in times of hardship. Ideally Vhavenda community does not
promote stinginess, but generosity to every member of the community. People are
encouraged to share the little they have with other people. When they eat together it is
always said, “Vhana vha khotsi vha thukukana thoho ya nzie”, which can be
translated as, “Children of the same father share a locust's head.” This stresses again
that the little people have should be shared. However, some proverbs stress two-way-
traffic like “Ndi madanda a pfene.” Its literal translation is, “It is the hands of a
baboon.” The meaning is that you help a person who helps you.
5.7.3.2 Unity in community:
Finally then, one important element of Vhavenda community is unity. It is also
stressed in many proverbs such as, “Hu na wau a hu pfelwi,” which means that
relatives need to visit each other in all circumstances. The Vhavenda have many
49
Asnath E Khuba, The Proverbs as Mirror of the Venda Culture and Philosophy (Pietersburg:
University of the North, Dissertatation, 1985) 144.
164
proverbs that encourage unity. Cooperation is also stressed by, “U lata ngoma hu a
langanwa,” which means, “To do away with initiation school is agreed upon,” which
stresses that there should be unity in all undertakings. A sense of communality
prevails in many proverbs. Proverbs also discourage the spirit of being inconsiderate
and encourage good relationships. Hence a person of Vhavenda culture should not eat
without inviting other people to be present. Hence, “Tamba ri le ndi mulayo vhuswa
ha mudini a vhu liwi,” which means, “Wash your hands so that we eat common food.”
The wider message carried is that people should eat together in all circumstances.
5.8 CONCLUSION
The present chapter has highlighted the manner in which Vhavenda people understand
pain, indigenous medicine and ways of healing with a special emphasis upon
communal healing. Men and women learn how to live and serve one another as
imparted in their lives by Vhavenda culture and traditions or indigenous ways of life.
Family and communal poverty is not only material but is more serious when it
becomes selfishness. Communal poverty is when a person does not want to be there
for other people. A person who does not have others in his or her heart is poor. The
Vhavenda word for poverty is “musiwana”. It highlights both material poverty and
communal poverty. The word is intended to convey the strong meaning that the
community should not finally accept poverty in all its forms.
The next chapter discusses a report of the project done for this thesis. It analyses the
qualitative research showing some of its benefits.
165
CHAPTER 6
QUALITATIVE EMPIRICAL RESEARCH ON
PAIN IN VHAVENDA COMMUNITY
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The introduction of this thesis made it clear that the empirical research will be done
qualitatively and not quantitative. The interest of this thesis is on communal
endeavour in healing pain. It does not want to establish the number of people who
practise communal pastoral care. The goal is to find how people practise communal
pastoral care and counselling. Thus it needs communities’ responses to the deep
issues of their lives to formulate a well-founded theory.
The present chapter will discuss the difference between a “qualitative approach” and a
quantitative approach”. The author will define the two approaches comparatively. The
idea is to explain why qualitative approach was chosen for this thesis. The author will
then discuss the reports of the interviews undertaken. He will formulate some pastoral
care and counselling models from communal settings.
6.2 WHAT IS “QUALITATIVE RESEARCH”?
6.2.1 What is “qualitative research” and how does it differ
from “quantitative research?
This section will qualify what the researcher means by qualitative research as
introduction to the empirical report. It will do this by comparing it with the
quantitative research method.
166
6.2.1.1 Characteristics of qualitative research
Many researchers on qualitative approach agree that it is difficult to define qualitative
research in a simple statement. There are, however, simple general characteristics that
they agree that they describe what is meant by qualitative research. Most qualitative
researchers agree that qualitative research has these general characteristics: (i). The
participant is a researcher. (ii). The emphasis is on the participants’ interpretation.
(iii). It is descriptive. (iv). The context in which research is undertaken is important.
(v). Its attention is on the dynamic nature of life. (vii). It is flexible and open, (vii).
Individual cases are not generalised. 1
6.2.1.2 The participant’s perspective and interpretation
The participant’s perspective plays a role in qualitative research method. People or
persons engaged in this research have their perspectives. The researcher’s worldview
or beliefs play a role in qualitative research. The researcher is not neutral. Unlike
quantitative research where the researcher adopts the posture of an outsider, in
qualitative research the research adopts the posture of the insider. 2 The researcher gets
closer to the subject under investigation. The danger is that the participants may
manipulate the research and the results. The participants and researchers in particular,
have to guard against the manipulative syndrome.
The participants are also responsible to interpret the results of the research. A person
who is responsible for interpreting the responses is the participant. Both the researcher
and the person being interviewed can and should interpret the responses. Participants
1
Summarised from, J. S. Dreyer, The Research Challenge: doing empirical research in theology (Only
Study Guide for CMM305-X) Pretoria: Unisa, 2004) 16.
2
Alan Bryman, The Debate About Quantitative and Qualitative Research in Qualitative Research
Volume 1, eds. Alan Bryman and Robert G. Burgess (London: Sage, 1999) 38.
167
have the right to ask questions or clarification. “The narrative unfolds as storytellers
or research participants recount their life ‘stories’ to a listener and interpretive
measures are applied, through teller and listener together, to gain a holistic
understanding.” 3 There are no other people to interpret the interviews session in better
way than the participants. 4
6.2.1.3 The descriptive nature of this method and individual cases
The descriptive nature of this method: The questions are formulated in descriptive
form—they do not need short answers like, “yes” or “no”. Qualitative research
questions guide the discussions and stories. Questions should be formulated in such a
way that the interviewees narrate their lives’ stories. Thus their experience and the
development of their pains are unfolded. The narrative will also give the interviewees’
experience of how other people like family, friends, church and community are
affected by their pain. The narrative becomes clear as storytellers or research
participants tell their life stories to a researcher who is a listener and interpretive
measures are applied through teller and listener together to gain a holistic
understanding. 5 The author will do this by asking interviewees some clarification
questions like “What does that mean?” or “Does that mean . . .?”
Descriptions of individual cases: Individual cases are described to explain the
existence of phenomena. The two researches (quantitative and qualitative) also differ
3
Alvean Illinois Jacobs, “Disabled Identities”, pastoral work with people who are mobility impaired
(Pretoria: Unisa, Dissertation, 2004) 152.
4
Cf. “. . . a good informant should be thoroughly enculturalised (hence fully aware, deeply involved
and informed in their particular cultural world) currently involved (their account is hence not simply a
reinterpretation of the past experiences but a statement of current practices) and non-analytic . . .” In
Kenneth Plummer, Documents of Life: An Introduction to the Problems and literature of a Humanistic
Method (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1983) 89 – 90.
5
Ibid.
168
in describing individual cases. Quantitative is identified with “nomothetic”
description. “A nomothetic approach seeks to establish general law-like findings
which can be deemed to hold irrespective of time and place.” 6 One case is viewed as
the representative of the wider population. Nomothetic approach generalises its
findings. Qualitative approach, on the other hand, is identified with “ideographic”
description of individual cases. An ideographic approach “located its findings in
specific time periods and locales.” 7 A case should be looked at in its context. “The
qualitative researcher frequently conducts research in specific milieu (a case study)
whose representativeness is unknown and probably unknowable, so that the
generalizability of such findings is also unknown.” 8
6.2.1.4 The importance of the context in which the qualitative research is
undertaken
The context in which the research is undertaken has influence on the outcome of the
research. The qualitative researcher believes that the context is dynamic and not static.
Hence it is important to look at it. This is different from the quantitative researcher
who “conveys a view of social reality which is static in that it tends to neglect the
impact and role of change in social life.” 9 Thus “the qualitative researcher is in a
better position to view the linkage between events and activities and to explore
people’s interpretations of the factors which produce such connections.” 10
6
Alan Bryman, “The Debate about Quantitative and Qualitative Research,” in Qualitative Research
Volume 1, eds. Alan Bryman and Robert G. Burgess (London: Sage, 1999) 41
7
Ibid.
8
Ibid. 42
9
Ibid.
10
Ibid. 43.
169
6.2.1.5 Attention to the dynamic nature of life by focusing on processes
rather than single events
The focus of qualitative research is on what is happening in life in general. This point
is clear when looked at from the notion of qualitative research. The starting point in
quantitative research concerns the standing theories and concepts. The research in
quantitative form is also to test a theory, not mainly to discover what is out there. It
uses theory as a precursor to an investigation. “Quantitative research is often depicted
as a routine practice whereby theories and their concepts are simply operationalized
with a view to verify their validity.” 11 Qualitative, on the other hand is concerned with
the discovery of theory rather than verification of theory. 12
6.2.1.6 The flexible and open approach: The hallmark of qualitative
approach
Qualitative approach works according to the circumstances. It is not rigid.
Comparison with quantitative research can help to capture what is meant by the view
that qualitative research is not rigid. “Quantitative research tends to adopt a structured
approach to the study of society. To a large extent, this tendency is a product of the
methods with which it is associated; both surveys and experiments require that issues
to be focused upon be decided at the outset.” 13 Qualitative research, in contrast, is
flexible and open. Flexibility and openness of this research is in the sense that
everything the researcher observed is potentially data. It is open in such a way that
11
Ibid. 40
12
Ibid. 39
13
Ibid. 40
170
there is a warning to the researcher that he or she should limit research to the scope of
his or her projects. 14
6.2.1.7 Quantification and measurement are minor in qualitative
approach
Qualitative research differs from quantitative research in that quantification and
measurement 15 are the main features of quantitative research while they are minor
features in qualitative research. Due to these features, in general, quantitative research
has less room for flexibility and heavily relies on statistic methods for analysing
research data. “Some researchers argue that there are creative and imaginative ways
of scientific study to understand human interaction, such as narrative perspective.”16
At first narrative research was considered with suspicion, but has since gained
increasing importance in the social sciences. “Narrative is now understood as a way of
constructing reality.” 17 It is accepted as equivalent to what one finds in other research
traditions like “positivist / post-positivist, critical theory, interpretive and post-
modern.” Qualitative research is preferred in this study then because it has
characteristics that are essential for understanding pastoral care and counselling to
people who are burdened by pains. A research of this kind is exploratory, flexible,
data-driven or text-driven and also context conscious, which are the characteristic of
qualitative approach discussed above.
14
Ibid.
15
J. S. Dreyer, The Research Challenge: doing empirical research in theology (Only Study Guide for
CMM305-X),” Pretoria: Unisa, 2004) 17.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid.
171
6.2.2 Why should we use Qualitative Research methods in
Practical Theology?
Practical theology deals with the lives of people. People’s lives are complex issues.
Thus they cannot be analysed in a single rigid method. Statistical analysis is important
because it gives the figures of the issues in communities. It, however, lacks the closer
contact and warm touch which is an important component of pastoral care and
counselling. Quantitative research does not necessarily need the close contact and
warmth between the researcher and the interviewee.
Finally, quantitative and qualitative research methods need each other. The preference
of qualitative, in this thesis, does not mean that quantitative research cannot contribute
to theology. “An important advantage of qualitative research is that it builds on skills
that theologians generally possess, such as interpersonal skills, interviewing and text
analysis skills.” 18
Many quantitative researchers do not deny the utility of qualitative research. They see
“it as an essentially exploratory way of conducting social investigations . . . Precisely
because of its exploratory and unstructured approach, qualitative research is often
depicted as useful as a means of throwing up hunches and hypotheses which can be
tested more rigorously by quantitative research.” 19 This argument does not mean that
qualitative research method is a second rate activity and cannot stand on its own
right. 20
18
Ibid.
19
Alan Bryman, “The Debate About Quantitative and Qualitative Research,” in Qualitative Research
Volume 1, Alan Bryman and Robert G. Burgess (London: Sage, 1999) 36 - 37.
20
Ibid. p. 37.
172
The contact of the researcher with the people being studied does not exist sufficiently
in quantitative research. There is a closer contact between the researcher and the
people being studied in qualitative research. It should be clear that qualitative research
fits this thesis well. Hence, empirical research is done through the qualitative
research. The interview is not only numerical but an in-depth one.
Here it digs down to the roots of pain for research purposes and for care purposes.
This research is not about “corrigible” questionnaires. Corrigible means “capable of
being corrected” 21 Corrigible questionnaires are those questionnaires, “which in
principle, could be verified as matter of fact, like, ‘How many cigarettes someone
smoked in a week?’” 22 This type of questionnaires does not need a story. They need
calculation of the cigarettes smoked by a particular person in a given week.
Questionnaires of this research are “incorrigible” because the idea is not to find the
right and wrong answers but life as a person is living it. Thus the incorrigible
questionnaires are those questionnaires “which in principle, are unverifiable because
they are matters of self-knowledge. These include opinion, attitude, beliefs,
understandings and so on.” 23 This thesis is about the life of people—their suffering
and the way they cope and help each other in that suffering. Qualitative research is
thus a suitable method for this thesis. It allows the life stories to be narrated and
heard. Thereafter the stories are interpreted. Pain and suffering among the Africans
are not verifiable matters of fact. They are there and people are living with them. The
number of people interviewed still plays a role in qualitative research. It is the nature
21
Revised and updated Illustrated Oxford Dictionary (Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press,
2003).
22
Roger Gomm, Social Research Methodology: A Critical Introduction (New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2004)185.
23
Ibid.
173
of the theme that necessitates the qualitative approach. The issue is not how many
people but how helpful communal care is. Quantitative and qualitative researches do
not oppose each other but support each other. 24
In this interview protocol the researcher will be testing the presuppositions held by his
literature and potential theories that arise from it. Bryman 25 talks of verifying the
validity of the theories held by the researcher. The communal pastoral care is a
voluntary action that comes from the depth of people’s hearts with or without their
full knowledge of it. The interview will follow the following principles: (i). the
people’s worldview is important in care-giving; 26 (ii). closeness to the people, which
entails that the researcher becomes an insider not an outsider. 27 (iii). The interviews
will be alive and open. 28 (iv). The interview ensured that there is quality. 29
6.3 STEPS OF PLANNING THE INTERVIEWS
6.3.1 The Pilot Interviews
Four interviews are conducted as pilot interviews. This is in order to prepare for the
main interviews.
The purposes of pilot interviews are the following:
The questionnaire is tested: The first purpose of the pilot interviews is to test the
24
Johannes A. van der Ven,” An Empirical Approach in Practical Theology,” in Practical Theology:
International Perspectives, eds. Friedrich Schweitzer and Johannes A. van der Ven (Frankfurt am
Main : Lang, 1999) 336.
25
Alan Bryman, “The Debate About Quantitative and Qualitative Research” in Qualitative Research
Volume 1, eds. Alan Bryman and Robert G. Burgess (London : Sage, 1999) 40.
26
Ibid. 38.
27
Ibid.
28
Ibid. 40.
29
Jennifer Mason, Qualitative Research (London : Sage, 1996) 21.
174
questionnaires. As indicated above, the questionnaires designed for qualitative
research should give enough space for people to tell their life stories. After the
evaluation of the pilot interviews, the researcher decided whether the questions should
be used as they are or need to be reformulated.
It is important to control the questionnaire because they are the vehicles of the whole
process. Therefore there should be the right question asked in the right social set-up of
the interviewees. This is to allow for a free flow of information. The style of
qualitative research “is conversational, flexible and fluid.” 30 The information and even
healing comes out “through active engagement by interviewer and interviewee around
relevant issues, topics, and experiences during interview itself.” 31 Data is collected
through the “interactive, situational and generative approach.” 32 It contradicts “the
more structured composition and uniform style of survey interview.” 33
Questionnaires, which are not in the interest of the social setting of the interviewee,
tend to block the free flow of the information. The “asking” and “listening” should
allow for the lively conversation, which are flexible and fluid. Mason shares her
experience in this type of problems as a warning in the empirical project. To conclude
the reason why the questionnaire needs to be tested Mason’s experience is relevant:
“In fact, my own research into family and kinship suggest that interviewees often ask for
clarification of abstract and generalized questions because these kinds of questions do not
make immediate sense and people find it difficult to formulate an answer . . . This is a
problem, because if further clarification and possible contextualization is required for the
question to make sense and for an answer to seem possible, then it seems likely that there is no
30
Jennifer Mason, “Qualitative Interviewing: Asking, Listening and Interviewing” in Qualitative
Research in Action, ed. Tim May (London: Sage Publications, 2002) 225.
31
Ibid.
32
Ibid.
33
Ibid.
175
level of the social which corresponds to the abstract version of the question, and that the
theoretical project is flawed.” 34
The choice of the interviewees: A second purpose of pilot interviews is to make a
choice of who shall be studied. The thesis wants to look at communal care for the
people in pain in Vhavenda culture. There are various types of pain and there are
different classes of people in the same culture. In a culture one normally finds there
are three classes of people. These are the marginalized people, the high class people
and the common people. 35 The outcome of the pilot study helps to make a choice of
people to be studied.
Identify the people: The third purpose of pilot interviews is to identify people who are
deep in Venda culture. This is done under the impression that a good informant
should be thoroughly “enculturalised.” 36 An “enculturalised” informant means a
person who is fully aware, deeply involved and informed in their particular cultural
world. That person should not be out of touch with that culture but should be currently
deeply involved in the culture. This means that the informant’s account is simply to
reinterpret the past experiences but also with a statement of current practices. The
“encutlturalised” informant should be non-analytic. This means that that person
should not be overly intellectual and overly abstract. The selection of such a person is
important because not every person is like that today. The media and television
introduce people to different cultures. But there are people in certain places who are
fully aware of their culture and are in one way or another deeply involved in it. In a
34
Ibid. 228.
35
Kenneth Plummer, Documents of Life: An Introduction to the Problems and Literature of a
Humanistic Method (London: Gorge Allen and Unwin, 1983) 87.
36
Research in Action, ed. Tim May (London: Sage Publications, 2002) 225.
176
word, they are more traditional.
The relationship between the researcher and the subject: The fourth purpose of pilot
interviews is, to establish a relationship between the researcher and the subject. A
research about life drives the researcher into the subject. “Life history research,
perhaps more than any other, involves the establishment and maintenance of a close
and intimate relationship with the subject often for a number of years meeting
regularly each week.” 37 The researcher has been serving the people in pain for
seventeen years as a minister of the church. He served in Venda culture for fifteen
years. The researcher was surprised by what people do while in pain and their
communal healing practices coming from the culture.
The need to find an easily accessible place and time: The fifth purpose of the pilot
interview is to find an easily accessible place and time for the researcher and
participant. 38 The research needs to identify an accessible place and time in order to
collect good data. The researcher has chosen villages in which it was easy for him to
reach and it does not take much time to reach.
6.3.2 Gathering data
There are mainly three means of data collection. Data collection has undergone
different developments.
Writing: At first people were asked or encouraged to write down their life history.
There was a guideline to help them know what they must write. This type of data
collection was impossible for the people who cannot read and write in the Western
37
Ibid. 90.
38
Ibid. 89.
177
sense. This interview is conducted with illiterate communities. Some who are referred
to as literate do not read and write accurately—they struggle to do it.
Tape-recorder: The advent of a tape-recorder shifted this approach tremendously.
The tape recorder is handy because the normal discussion can be recorded. People
need to be assured that the machine is just taking the discussion alive. The
information is for the study and it will help their communities.
Taking notes: The third way of data collection is taking notes while discussions are in
process. It should be done in such a way that it should not block the flow of
information. In using the tape recorder, the notes will be on the non-verbal
communication, like smiling, shaking the head and hands, tears and other
manifestations of emotion.
The researcher has opted to use a tape recorder. The interviews took place in the
interviewees’ home. The researcher suspects that there may be many things going
around in the home. They are not viewed negatively because they are part of life. The
tape recorder lets the information flow without disturbance. The discussions are made
lively and are not artificial.
The participants were told the purpose of the interview. The stories from the
interviews are transcribed in a short form and interpreted.
6.3.3 The Language of the Interview
The language of the interview will be Tshivenda. It will be translated in English. The
English translation will focus on the theme. Many things can disturb the interviews in
a communal setting. However it will be done at the participant’s home. One family
member may come home unawares of what is taking place in which case a participant
178
may answer back, a dog or a hen may come in and disturb the participants does not
want. There can be many sounds of cocks, cows, dogs, etc that will not be transcribed.
This does not mean that they are not important, but the participants must remain
focused on the main theme of the interview.
6.3.4 Interview setting
The author wants to use the picture of people sitting down after walking a thorny path
and help each other to take out the thorns. In Tshivenda it is called u vangulana mipfa
(taking out thorns from each other). Thorns here are used as a symbol of pain. It hurt
if not handled well.
The author wants to support this concept because the theme of this thesis is healing
pain by communal pastoral care. Mutual support is the theme of the traditional Africa.
Hence also in Vhavenda community they are daily helping each other.
6.3.5 Qualitative approach renders a service to participants
The qualitative interview approach is not just a survey, it is a service. The people the
researcher talked to are touched and they also touched the researcher’s life. After the
interview no one is the same. This is the scenario when people travelling the thorny
path, have to sit down and take out thorns from each other. After taking out thorns
they walk better than before.
The researcher will follow a thematic approach within the broader approach of
qualitative. The themes will come from the candidates of the interview, not from the
179
researcher. This means that discussions in the interview will uncover themes of pain
people are struggling with in their lives. This will be done live as the candidates of the
interview are relating their stories; the author will be uncovering themes in their
narrative and stories. In the report researcher will analyse these themes. The author
will look at how each theme comes in the discussions and the feelings or body
language of the candidate in speaking on each theme. The interest of the researcher is
on how the themes are or will be handled communally.
6.4 REPORT ON PILOT QUALITATIVE
RESEARCH
6.4.1 Introduction
The verbatim reports of the pilot interviews are in appendix 1. Four persons were
interviewed testing the interview instrument. The initial idea of the pilot interview
was to find out whether the questions are understood by the people in such a way that
they will serve the people. It is called the pilot research because the author thought
that those questions, which mislead or are not clear to the people, could be altered or
removed.
The pilot study was necessary because the author formulated the questions with the
theme of the thesis in mind. Those questions were not adopted from other interviews
nor were handed to some experts for testing them. They were simple questions using
the simple language and concepts of the Vhavenda. They were to be formulated in
such a way that people can talk freely within the theme. The idea of the pilot research
was also to test whether people would talk freely.
180
6.4.2 The interview questionnaire
The author calls the questionnaire tool, “Kha ri vangulane”. The translation is, “Let us
take out thorns from each other.” It means that life is a journey in a jungle. The
Vhavenda used to walk in the jungle and accidentally trample on the thorns. Being
communal a person rarely walked alone. They usually walked in groups. So when
someone trampled on thorns, they sat down and used thorns to take out the thorn from
each other. It is hard to do it for yourself, though it is possible. You need someone to
do it because it is not easy to see under your foot. It is painful, but after it is done, the
pain is released.
The author is amazed by these powerful communal experiences. Today people walk
on the paved ways or use strong shoes on their paths. However, there are still
emotional thorns to cope with in life. They hurt in many ways. Physically, people do
get sick in their lives. There are serious sicknesses without cure. Like the thorn in the
foot they need someone or other people to have time to sit down and take out the
thorn. The instrument to take out these thorns of life is to live the life of “ubuntu,”
which is to visit and talk to each other.
The “ubuntu” implies to have time together. The “kha ri vangulane” instrument is not
a professional visit and talk. It is the way people visit each other and talk about their
pain and feel the same pain together. It is interesting to note that as a patient relates
the painful story, the counsellor (visitor) becomes a healer by listening and
commenting on the sickness. The Vhavenda’s principle is that “U nembelela ha
shamba a si u wa halo,” translated as, “The hanging on air of a pumpkin is not its
downfall.” It means that “your sickness and pain does not mean that it is the end of
your life—you will be healed”. There after the counsellor relates his or her story too
181
and the patient by listening, nodding, looking at the counsellor becomes a healer. It is
a two-way traffic.
6.4.2.1. Kha ri vangulane (The interview guide)
The interview was done in Tshivenda. In between the set questions there might have
been some questions to clarify the explanation. It was made as lively as possible. The
time of the interview may run from 20 minutes to 45 minutes. The difference
depended on the participation of the participants in the form of question and comment
or story telling. There was no time to prepare the answer. Interviewees heard the
question for the first time and shared promptly what they knew. (See questionnaire in
appendix 1)
6.4.2.2 Grouping the interview questions
There are five groups of data contained in these interview questions. Each group has a
special task, all revolving around the theme of communal pastoral care and
counselling to people suffering from pain. The ideal is that the interviewee should
respond to the questions from different angles. The tools indicated above can be
grouped into: (i). Questions 1 and 2, (ii). Question 3 – 6, (iii). Questions 7 and 8, (iv).
Questions 9 – 13, (v). Question 14.
Group1: Questions 1 and 2 focus on the main theme of pain in the interviewee’s life.
They wanted the interviewees to tell their experiences of pain. There was no
preparation of the questions for the interviewees. It was expected that any pain that
struck his or her memory could be shared. Question 2 wanted to test whether the
interviewees knew what pain and suffering caused in their lives.
Group 2: Question 3 – 6 focused on the theme of self and communal care. These
questions wanted the interviewees to share their struggle to cope with their pain and
how the family, which is the basic unit of communal care, helped to cure the pain.
182
Question 3 wanted to know what mechanism the interviewees used to help themselves
to cope with the pain. Question 4 wanted to get the general feeling of other people
helping in pain. Question 5 focused on one particular group of people around the
interviewees, their neighbours. The Vhavenda used to say: “Thonga ya kule a i
vhulahi nowa,” translated as “A club (knob kier) that is far away cannot kill a snake.”
It means that your relative can help you but when they are far away they can’t help
you, even if they want to, because when you are in trouble they will hear it when it is
over. The neighbours are people who can hear the shout of help and jump in to help.
This question wanted to test how the interviewees are related to their neighbours. If
they helped in time of trouble they have good relationships but if they did not it is a
sign of a distance of that relationship. The question wanted to test whether the
interviewees knew what distanced them. There are many of these walls in communal
life like the historical background or tribalism, the differences of the ancestors, the
mistrust or suspicion of witchcraft and others. Question 6 wanted to test the family
links of the interviewees. The family has no boundary in times of pain. The Vhavenda
say, “Kule ndi hu si na wau”, translated as, “You view a place to be far when you
have no family member.” They mean that no matter how far it is, where you have
your family member you will reach. They also say that “Hu na wau a hu pfelwi,”
translated as, “People should not hear for you matters concerning your family
member.” They mean that with matters related to your family members you must get
first hand information. The pastoral communal care focused on this group of
questions was that performed by people close by, either locally or in relationships.
Group 3: Questions 7 and 8 focused on the church community’s pastoral communal
care in the healing process. These questions wanted to test whether the interviewees
knew about the church community in their area and what the church is doing to heal
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the pain of the people. Question 7 wanted to test what the church community did to
help the interviewees while in pain. If they did nothing, it went on to ask the reason
why the church community did not help. The parable of the Good Samaritan displays
the action of the church community (Luke 10: 25 -37). It cares even when the priests
and Levites do not act. The cry of pain is their being called to serve regardless. The
ideal is that the church community is a new family and new community. In the case of
broken ties of communal life, it should serve as a uniting force that puts pieces
together. The same implies for question 8. In communal settings pastors do not serve
as separatists. They serve the community as a whole, even the untouchable or the
marginalised community.
Group 4: Questions 9 – 13 focused on the traditional resources of healing, which are
common to Vhavenda tradition. The ideal was that they should share, without shame,
how their culture helped to bring healing. Question 9 assumed that in the Vhavenda
community there are traditional healers. It also wanted to know the interviewees’
reasons for either consulting or not consulting them. There are different arguments for
either consulting or not. This question wanted to test whether people use those
arguments. Consulting the traditional healers goes with rituals (question 10)
depending on the type of pain. Vhavenda rituals range from personal security (ndinda
muvhili) to home security where the fence of the home is treated to prevent evil spirits
or witchcraft from getting in the home and consequently in the house or bedroom
while people are asleep. Some people did perform traditional rituals but had no peace
about it. They hide it. Question 11 wanted to test the feeling of interviewees when
visited and helped by ordinary people who are not attached to them as neighbours or
family members. They may not have a high position in the community. The ideal is
that the communal healing resources are not only vested in structures but also in
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informal services of the community. Questions 12 and 13 wanted to test whether the
interviewees were able to judge what beliefs and actions should be kept and what
should not.
The ideal these questions wanted to promote was that people need not throw away all
their cultural inheritance. This is a big question. Some cultural elements need to be
kept in the new era or situation. There are good things in cultures which need to be
altered to fit the new culture because culture moves with the time, it is never static.
Having said that, it does not mean that every thing needs to be adopted or forced onto
the new culture. Some cultural elements get a total replacement, so that they die a
natural death. Some can be judged as being the negative part of the culture on
humanitarian grounds, like cannibalism or ritual killing and the like. Others can be
taken away as people learn and come to the point that they say that they do not need
them
Group 5: Question 14 focused on the views of the interviewees as they were sharing
in their stories. It wanted to test whether the interviewees had a way to deal with pain,
and if they could, whether they were able to teach others. It is probable that the
advice you give others in normal cases is the advice you give yourself.
6.5 REPORT ON THE PILOT INTERVIEW
Four people were interviewed to test the tools (See sample in Appendix 2). The author
chose a poor village, which is situated about seventy kilometres from the town. The
idea of choosing this village was to find how people without much of the modern
resources like hospital, social workers, police station, but having other people and
their culture coped with life and pain in particular. It is touching to see people living
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in a poor condition. If you take one person from the town, the first comment would be
that he could not live in these conditions.
The author reflected that these people have mechanism to help them cope with life.
They call their village their home. It is a small village of two hundred people.
The name of the village was not mentioned for the sake of confidentiality. The
appendix will not reveal or give clues of the village. The names of the people were
not mentioned for the same reason.
The four people in the pilot interview will be referred to as Mrs A, Mrs B, Mrs C and
Mr D. This is done to hide their real names. The author thanked them for allowing and
giving time for talks of their painful experience. They believed him and shared things
from the depth of their hearts.
6.5.2 The personalities and characteristics of the pilot
interview participants
Here are the short descriptions of the participants.
Mrs A:
At the time of interview, Mrs A was a widow in her mid fifties. She explained that her
church was one of those churches that play drums. The author understood this church
to be one of the African Independent Churches. During the interview she was staying
with her mother-in-law who was old. She was happily assisting her, as she was too
old to cook and even to washing herself. Her husband had married a second wife
while in Johannesburg. This second marriage turned her life upside down because her
husband abandoned her. He stayed with his new wife in town. He did not send money
to her as he used to do before the second marriage. She was committed to her
husband. She struggled to remain in her marriage, which turned into out to be
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polygamy, as she confessed, but she endured. The second wife left her husband to go
to her parents, which in effect was divorce. However, Mrs A remained until the death
of her husband. Mrs A did not have a good education but at least she could read and
write Tshivenda.
Mrs B:
When interviewed, Mrs B was a single mother in her late twenties. She was staying
with her parents. She was not employed. Her parents supported her together with her
child. Her father was migrant labourer. She stayed with her mother at her parents’
home. She was not a member of a particular church but attended different churches at
times. During the discussion she looked weak. She complained of her health. Her
mother was at home during the interview, but at a distance (because she was not
sitting with us but was busy with something) commented about her illness thinking
that the interviewer could help. Mrs B can read and write Tshivenda.
Mrs C:
Mrs C was an old granny in her seventies. Her only income was her old-age pension
grant. She was not a member of the church, though she respected the church and
ministers of the churches. Her husband died some years ago. She remained with her
children hoping that they would bury her one day. Her worry in life was that she
buried her daughter. Children were dying, who will burry their parents. She was still
active. She was able to walk and do some work at home. She cannot read and write.
Mr D:
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Mr D was in his late thirties. He was getting a social disability grant. He had been
employed by a road construction company and got injured on the job. A car knocked
him down while at work. He could not walk properly due to a spinal cord injury
during that accident. His marriage was not stable. Sometimes he hired people to help
him at home. He had been a member of the church but left it. He could read and write
Tshivenda.
6.5.3 The main themes from the pilot interview
The questions in general evoked a deeply felt response from the participants. The
interviewer was also shocked to note some of the problems caused by pain in people’s
lives. Some could list many events where they experienced pains, as an indication that
pain was real in their lives here and now. Some of these surprises will come up in the
main interview.
6.5.3.1.Pain is real in people’s lives.
The stories of these four participants reveal that there is real pain in people’s lives.
The interviewer did not visit the people whose narrative or stories he already knew.
He interviewed the people about whom he had no knowledge regarding whether they
had pain or not. It was clear to him that everyone has pain in one way or another. Life
in this world is full of pain as the story of the fall of humanity into sin suggests in
Genesis 3.
Mrs A had a marriage problem, which gave birth to an economic problem. She was
pained throughout the whole process.
Mrs B and Mr D had health problems. Their sickness brought other kinds of pain like
social and economic, as they could not work due to their poor health.
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Mrs C suffered from the pain of losing her daughter. She wanted to be buried by her
daughter and that did not happen. Instead she buried her daughter. And that pain was
still lingering around her when she spoke to date. One could see that pain had taught
her to care. 39
6.5.3.2 A desire for healing
Mrs B’s mother intervened in the interview. She thought that the interviewer might
know of someone who could heal her daughter. The medication she was using was
not effective. She wanted to try the other one. People in pain will do anything they are
told if it can heal their pains. Mrs C visited the people of the church (African
Independent Church) and a diviner was called for other things. She wanted holistic
healing. Mr D heard stories that people dancing “malombo” and becoming better or
even healed. He believed these stories.
6.5.4 Changes of questions for the major qualitative interview
The interviewer was of the opinion that he could use many pilot questions in the
major interviews. Some questions needed to be clarified and qualified to let
participants know exactly what was expected of them.
Question 1, question 2 and question 3 were not changed. Question 4 was confusing in
this position. The question was placed in another position and became question 8 in
the revised version. Question 6, about the extended family, was brought nearer to the
section of talking about self and communal care. If the responses indicated that there
was no help interviewees were asked to give what they thought was the reason. The
new question 4 was thus formulated as: “Muta kana mashaka vho thusa hani kha u
fhedza vhutungu havho? Arali hu si na we a thusa, zwi nga vha zwo vhangwa nga
39
Cf. Takwesi D, The necessity of Alternative Metaphor for the Experience of God’s Presence in
Pastoral Work in Gespreks blad (Unpublished).
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mini?” It is translated as, “How did the extended family heal the pain? If no one
helped, what could be the reason?”
Question 5 was not changed. Question 6 was moved to another group as mentioned
above. Question 7 became question 6. Question 7 became question 8. The concept of
the question 4 was included in question 8. Question 8 would thus now be formulated
as: “Ndi zwifhio zwe vhanwe vhathu kana tshitshavha nga u angaredza tsha ita u
thusa kha vhutungu havho?” Its translated is, How did other people or the whole
community help during that time of pain?
Question 9 and question 10 were not changed. Question 11 needed to be clarified as
indicated and more explanation could be given when necessary. “Vhone vho pfa mini
vho dalelwa nga vhathu zwavho? Vhathu zwavho ndi khou amba vha si vhafunzi kana
nanga / mungome wa Tshivenda.” (Ndi khou amba vha songo vhetshelwaho mushom
wa u londa tshitshavha, hone vhe vha thusa ngauri muthu ndi muthu nga vhanwe). It
is translated as: “How did you feel when ordinary people visit you? By ordinary
people I mean those who are not pastors or a traditional healer?” These are people
who are entitled to help not by their profession but because they are human beings or
“ubuntu”. Question 12, 13 and 14 were not changed.
After the changes the grouping were now as follows:
Group 1: Questions 1 and 2 focus on the experience of the major theme of pain.
Group 2: Questions 3 – 5 focus on the major theme of self and communal care during
pain.
Group 3: Questions 6 and 7 focus on church in its communal and pastoral role in
healing pain.
Group 4: Questions 8 – 13 focus on the traditional healing in the traditional setting.
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Group 5: Question 14 focuses on other advices about the theme from the
interviewee.
6.5.5 Conclusion
This pilot study forms the basis of the main interview. The author analysed, critiqued
and interpreted several major themes as they emerged from the interviewees. These
key themes also provided a framework and a starting point for the major study
although other unexpected themes might appear from the large sample of the
participants.
The main interview used ten participants using the revised tools indicated above. This
served the purpose of this thesis. The reason for only ten participants is that the
empirical study in this thesis is meant to be exploratory and serves to illustrate the key
theme or concepts deliberated in this thesis. 40
6.6 REPORT ON THE MAJOR QUALITATIVE
RESEARCH
6.6.2 Introduction
The major qualitative research follows the tested and modified questionnaire born
from the pilot research. The pilot research was a trial of the questions of the interview,
while the major research used the modified version of questionnaire. This does not
mean that the pilot research is insignificant but it was an important step in the
research process. The formulation of the major questionnaire includes revisions
40
Research in Action, ed. Tim May (London: Sage Publications, 2002) 126 – 127)
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intended to make questions clearer and the instrument more effective. The focus and
the purpose of finding out about pain and community resources did not shift.
6.6.3 The personalities and characteristics of the interviewees
The author interviewed ten people from four different villages in the Venda
geographical area. These villages are Vuvha on top of the mountain south of
Nzhelele, Thononda on top of the mountain north of Nzhelele valley, Mphaila and
Tshikuwi which are in the Nzhelele valley.
The participants were five females and five males. Four were pensioners and six were
between thirty-three and forty-five years old. They are thus representative of mature
adults.
For confidentiality I used a number for their names in the interviews. The first one’s
name is Mrs 1 and the last person’s is Mrs 10.
The sample included the following persons:
1. Mrs 1 is an old lady of about seventy-five years old. She stays at Vuvha a
village on top of the mountains south of Nzhelele valley. She is illiterate,
who blames this fact on her upbringing on the farms. Her husband died
some years ago. She lives with her married son, her daughter-in-law and
her grandchildren. She gets her old-age pension grant. She can do a few
chores at home because she moves with difficulty complaining of her legs.
She is a member of one of the African Independent Churches.
2. Mrs 2 is a female in her late sixties. She was able to read but cannot now
because her eyes are losing their sight. She stays at Vuvha (as Mrs 1). Her
husband died some years ago. She stays alone in her house. Her son, who
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works in a distant city supports her financially. She is still active working
in the house, cooking, and ploughing the field, although she complains of
her legs. She is a member of one of the mainline protestant churches.
3. Mr 3 is a male of seventy years old. He stays at Vuvha. He can read
though he complains of his eyes which are losing vision. He walks with
difficulty due to an injury some years ago. He is not very active, as he
cannot walk well. He is a pensioner. During the interview he was staying
with his children while his wife was staying with one of the older children.
He is a member of one of the mainline protestant churches. He cannot go
to the church anymore due to his health condition.
4. Mr 4 is a male of about seventy years old. He stays at Vuvha village. He
can read with difficulty because he did not practise it having had only little
schooling. He is still very strong because he works in his field and at
home. He is a pensioner. He stays with his wife and children. He was a
member of one of the African Independent Churches. At the time of the
interview he was not attending a church.
5. Mrs 5 is a female of forty-five years old. She stays at Tshikuwi, a village
in Nzhelele valley. She is illiterate. Her partner, (they were not properly
married culturally, or legally), died three years ago (at the time of the
interview). She stays with her children and grandchildren in a small
rondavel house (hut). She was living on the children grants of some of her
children and grand children. She was not a member of the church but did
attend some churches around the area.
6. Mr 6 is a male of sixty-nine years old. He stays at Thononda which is on
top of the mountain north-east of Nzhelele valley. He can read and write.
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He worked as an unqualified teacher some years ago. He is a pensioner.
He was married culturally but his wife went to her parents about ten years
ago. He has been staying alone at the time of the interview for more than
ten years. He hires people to help him using his pension grant to pay them.
He was not attending his church at the time of the interview.
7. Mrs 7 is a female of thirty-three years old. She stays at Thononda (as Mr
6). She can read and write. She is married, staying with her husband who
works in one of the Gauteng cities. She works at home but feels
unemployed. The support of the family comes from the husband. She
attends one of the charismatic churches.
8. Mr 8 is a male of thirty-nine years old. He stays at Thononda. He can read
and write. He is unemployed. He is married culturally but it is shaky, as he
is not employed. He depends on the pension grants of her parents. He is
not a member of the church.
9. Mr 9 is a male of thirty-three years. He stays at Ha-Mphaila, a village
down in Nzhelele valley. He is literate. He is employed as a security guard
and works in the Nzhelele valley. He is married. He stays with his mother,
wife and a child. He is a member of one of the mainline protestant
churches.
10. Mrs 10 is a female of thirty-seven years. She stays at Ha-Mphaila (as Mr
9). She can read and write. She is not employed. Her husband works and is
the one supporting the family. She, however, does some work in the
garden next to the river where she plants some vegetables to help at home.
She attends one of the mainline protestant churches.
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6.6.4 Themes that came out from the interviews
These are the main themes that came from the main project. Ten people were
interviewed. They shared their painful stories as guided by questions of this project.
Some themes that came from the pilot interviews were confirmed again in the main
interviews.
6.6.4.1 Pain is part of life
Pain comes and goes away. Mrs 1 said it in a simple way responding to the question
of her most painful experience. In her seventies she does not recall how many times
she was in pain in her life. Pain came in her life on several occasions and healed.
Vhavenda say that, “Vhulwadze ndi mueni,” literal they are saying, “Sickness is a
visitor.” Visitors in traditional Vhavenda culture come without appointment. “Mueni”
comes and goes. Likewise sickness comes without appointment. “Mueni” (a visitor) is
part of their lives. When traditional Vhavenda cook, they make sure that there should
be leftovers for the visitor. Pain rotates in a person’s life in such a way that life
becomes a cycle of pain and less pain. People say that they are in good health
meaning that they have less pain. Thus pain is part of life in such a way that even in
good health there is a pain, which is less. In Africa there is no one hundred percent
health or happiness. At the same time there is no hundred percent pain. The Vhavenda
have an expression that carries this idea, when they say “Dakalo li tula u lila, u lila ha
tula dakalo,” translated as, “Happiness calls mourning and mourning calls happiness.”
The meaning is simply that one cannot be in joy forever and also in pain forever.
There is a time for happiness and also a time for pain. It is the custom that when
people greet each other start by showing that they are feeling good, but as the
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conversation goes they would point some pains in their lives in one way or another:
physical, social, economical, spiritual and others.
The ten people I interviewed experienced different types of pain. Each one’s problem
was to choose one experience among many experiences. I was not shocked to observe
this. The shock would be to talk to a person who has no experience of pain. The
Vhavenda expression “Muthu a si tshitanda,” translated as, “A person is not a stick,”
means that every human being, unlike a stick, feels a pain. The stick has no blood, but
a person has. There were some sicknesses of children that were regarded as stages of
growing. Though they treated them medically, they used to comfort each other by
saying the child was growing. Some refer to coughing as the chest exercise. Another
expression referring to pain is, “Tsho bebwaho tsho fa,” translated as, “That which is
born is dead.” It means that once one is born he / she is to have pains and die in one
way or another. Pain is closely related to death. Hence the fact that every person
suffers pain indicates that every person is going to die one day.
This experience, I hope, is found in every culture and nation. Some are more aware
and some less aware when they come to the point of pain.
All ten participants had pain experiences in their lives. Experiences of pains differ
from person to person and situation to situation. Some have a pool of painful events in
such a way that it was not easy to choose a good event for this project. It was not easy
to explain one’s painful experience. Some of the pains were in the people’s lives for a
long time. It was difficult to open and share them. The fact that the interviewer was a
stranger to them might have contributed to this effect. One reason why it was not easy
to open up those closed wounds may be the fact that it is still painful even after long
time. Hence they put something to cover it from foreign winds and dust.
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6.6.4.2 Pains occurs beyond people’s control
Traditional Africans looked at pains and tried to understand the background of their
source. It was believed that the source of pain was more powerful than a person
suffering in that pain. Hence there was a feeling that “You can’t do anything about it”.
On the same note “other people can’t help you.” People do not have mechanism to
defeat it. From this understanding comes an understanding that there are people who
have been empowered with extra ordinary power. In interviewing Mr 4, there was a
belief that some traditional healers have power to an extent that they can bring back
the dead or people whom people believe are zombies. Mr 4 lost money trying to relive
his father who was suspected to be a zombie. He needed someone with that
supernatural power in order to be healed from that pain. He used his money but his
father did not come back from the dead. Mr 8 also said that his father is using money
to take him to all types (Western and African) of medication. He too could not see the
healing anticipated.
Today there are prophets who use more or less the same divining methods. They are
called prophets because they pray in order to relieve pain. Some of them claim to have
communion with God the Creator. On the other hand some claim to have contact with
the Creator and the ancestors at the same time. They pray both God and ancestors for
healing. (Mudzimu na vhadzimu).
Hence even today’s prophets claim that they have been enshrined with extraordinary
power. The fact is that it is generally believed that ordinary people do not have the
power to deal with pain. Thus people in pain visit people clothed with extra-powerful
powers because it is believed that they are the people who can handle people’s pain.
This belief has its own frustrations. People do not always find what they were
expecting.
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The interviewees said that pain is powerful. Hence it needs powerful means to cure it.
According to people’s beliefs there are people who are given such power by God the
creator or a Supreme Being. Every community has people with these powers to heal
the community in all sickness or disasters.
This belief prevents ordinary people from doing much in the healing process because
people with healing powers serve on the behalf of the community. The community
could help by co-operating with the instructions of those with healing powers.
Thus in the interviews the communal help is minimal. This came out in a few
interviewees. In the case of the death of Mr 9’s father the community came to
contribute gifts for the funeral, though Mr 9 was critical in that they are forced gifts
by village agreements.
It must be clear that this understanding of community is also supernatural, in the sense
that it has the strength to heal and to kill. If it supports someone in pain, it makes it
easy for that person to carry the pain. It can kill or cause a severe pain when it does
not support a person in pain. There can be the case when a person has caused shame
to the community or is suspected of practising witchcraft. Once the community rejects
a person, it is equals to death because in communal societies a person lives for other
people. Hence when all people withdraw, a person is left alone which is equal to
death.
6.6.4.3 The family support
In interviewing Mrs 1, it was made clear that without family support, a person in pain
can’t survive. Mrs 7 could not forget the efforts of her old aged father in support of
her daughter. When someone in the family is sick family members are expected to
visit. Failing to do that a member is suspected of witchcraft. In most of the interviews
family support was not recalled. In some cases, only a few family members are
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singled out to have done something. This is an indication of the fading away of family
bonds. People are moving away from traditional family bonds, to individualism. The
communal pastoral care is becoming an exercise of the past.
6.6.4.4 The neighbour support
Neighbours are part of the family. Vhavenda have an expression that says: “Mutsinda
ndi khwine, shaka ndi muvhulahi,” translated as, “A stranger is better, the relative is a
murderer.” It means that a stranger can help while a relative ignores. This expression
motivated Vhavenda to work with their neighbours. Another expression that
congratulates and invites other people to help is: “A dzimana u la malombe, mukosi a
a phalalana,” translated as, “‘Malombe’ or the dancers of malombo relatives are too
stingy with regard to food but in danger they help each other.” Vhavenda believe that
there may be some problems or enmity in human relationships, but in time of pain
they help each other. The influence of individualism could be traced in some people
who did not see neighbours supporting them while in pain. Traditionally, there was no
invitation to come and help when someone is in pain. The cry or yelling of pain
(mukosi) was an invitation. Neighbours were regarded as the first people to hear that
yelling of pain and the first people to come and rescue. This was difficult for people
staying far away even though they are related. Hence it is said that “Thonga ya kule a
I vhulahi nowa,” translated as “A club (knob kier) that is far away can not kill a
snake.” It means that a person who is far away cannot solve the problem.
Pain is the dark side of a person. It exists. It comes and goes. The following diagram
illustrates this point.
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Living
with pain
S
h
a
m
e
Interviewed Pain
Neighbour beyond
support participants are
Hope shame control
surrounded by
different situations
H
o
p
e
Family
Support
Diagram 7: Hope and shame from pain
6.7 CONCLUSION
This project has opened many themes that need to be looked at in pastoral care and
counselling to people in pain. The way traditional healers performed their work
needed to be reviewed from a Christian perspective including Christians living in that
context. Instant healing is one thing that people desire while in pain which needs a
closer look. One issue that deeply concerns this study is the fading away of communal
life. People do not care for each other as it once was. The other question that needs to
be studied is whether there is a middle way between individual and community
responsibility for care.
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The communal gathering with the view to mutual counselling is part of communal
pastoral care and counselling. Communal pastoral counselling should be the
endeavour of the whole community. People come together to speak an issue as a way
of healing. Vhavenda say, “Tsiwana I laiwa ndilani,” translated as, “An orphan gets
his or her instruction on the way.” The meaning is that many people or even strangers
do give good advice to any child. The saying that says, “It takes the whole village to
raise a child,” is a reality. The next chapter deals with this reality as it discusses
communal meetings as communal pastoral care and counselling.
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CHAPTER 7
VHAVENDA CHRISTIANS: CULTURALLY
GIFTED COMMUNAL AND FAMILY CARE
MODELS
7.1 INTRODUCTION
The author will use certain findings and trends of the empirical project to formulate
key themes, concerns, theories and models of African communal pastoral care. These
themes, concerns, theories and models serve as “bridges”, 1 to use Msomi’s term for
African communal pastoral care. The empirical project has opened the eyes of the
researcher to reflect more deeply on what is happening in several small African
communal settings with regard to care. Besides some indigenous and Christian
communal care, there is also the trend toward the withdrawal from this communal life
and care caused by impoverished rural life and rapid urbanisation in South Africa.
Individualism is present, but it has not totally swallowed up all communal care. The
researcher has begun to realise that there has been and is a new context developing
which indicated adjustments to the communal life and care practices of the past and
present.
The theories and models in this chapter are complete list. Many models can be
developed in communal pastoral care in the new setting(s) of communal communities.
1
Vivian V. Msomi, Pastoral Counselling in South Africa with Special Reference to the Zulu (Cape
Town: University of Cape, Dissertation, 1992) 220.
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However, at the centre remains the researcher’s concern for a Christian culturally
gifted communal pastoral care and counselling.
7.2 CHRISTIAN CULTURALLY GIFTED
COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE-GIVERS MODEL
It has been shown in this thesis that being a Christian does not mean to take off one’s
“Africanness” or culture. 2 What must be taken off, are sins and evil things as revealed
482 F
in the Bible like worshipping or communicating with the dead (Deut. 18: 9 – 13). 3 483 F
Cultures have abominations ( tô˓ēbâ ). Even the nation of Israel has to
cast out the gods their forefathers served beyond the River” and the gods of the
Amorites in whose land” they were living. (Joshua 24: 14 – 15). However, this does
not mean everything in the culture is abomination. Hence, there are Christian
culturally gifted communal pastoral caregivers. These are the people who serve each
other as Christ has commanded (Matthew 25: 31 – 40) but in cultural context, in this
thesis it will be in an African sensitive way.
Communal pastoral care is pastoral care and counselling in its broader sense. It covers
“both old and new understanding of pastoral care”. It covers the old “in that it is based
on the biblical tradition’s presentation of a God who cares and who forms those who
2
Note 1.1.2 in this thesis. Cf. Berinyuu does not accept that a “Christian theology manufactured in
some other cultural milieu should fit into an African situation”. Abraham Adu Berinyuu, Pastoral
Care to the Sick in Africa: An Approach to Transcultural Pastoral Theology (New York: Verlag Peter
Lang, 1988). 91.
3
R. I. Harris, R. I. Harris, G.L. Archer, & B. K Waltke, 1999, c1980. Theological Wordbook of the Old
Testament (electronic ed.) . Chicago: Moody Press. Note that, “Whereas tô˓ēbâ includes that which is
aesthetically and morally repulsive, its synonym šeqeṣ denotes that which is cultically unclean,
especially idolatry.”
203
have been claimed as God’s own into a community celebrating that care and
extending it to others”. 4 The biblical tradition has the confession that there is only one
God who reveals Himself as the Father, the Son, and Holy Spirits. Other, human
created gods, are not God and hence cannot care for the people and environment.
It covers the new “in that it emphasizes the caring community and the various
contexts for care rather than focusing on pastoral care as the work of the ordained
pastor”. 5 It is under this revised and revived understanding of pastoral care and
counselling that this research has been done. Communal pastoral care and counselling
is not one person’s show or concern; neither is it the concern of the few in faith
community but the concern of the whole community. 6
African communal pastoral care takes a person, family and community in an equally
serious vein. Communal pastoral care views the problem of an individual as the
problem of the whole community. They carry an individual’s burden as members of
the body carry the problem of a member in the body. Pastoral care is concerned with
the growth of the persons in a community.
The African context is also unavoidable in communal pastoral care. The fact that a
person is nurtured in the context of community suggests that context is important.
The African context is well-echoed in this quote:
“Throughout sub-Saharan Africa today, the most dynamic forms of religion are those born
of the interaction between traditional religion and Christianity or Islam. The value placed on
the mystical union between the human and the divine has not diminished. Faith in the
spiritual healing, in the protective power of the ancestors, and in the mystical power to
4
John Knox Press, 1993 ) 5.
5
Ibid.
6
Ibid.
204
avenge wrongdoing is also held with tenacity and conviction, while it is simultaneously
shaped by its interaction with African Christian and African Muslim faith and practice.” 7
The interaction between traditional religion and Christianity or Islam is found
throughout Southern Africa. The researcher speaks of correlation of perspectives in
this regard which is very dynamic. The person is seen from the biblical point of view
and from the African view with its strong emphasis upon holistic relationships with
people and the cosmos.
Given the above emphasis the researcher would like to highlight several features that
are essential in the desire to develop and encourage Christian culturally sensitive care-
givers on African soil. Pastoral care and counselling should recognise that there are
communal culturally gifted people in every community.
7.2.1 There are always people with gifts of care
The researcher argues that there are always people with gifts of care. The communal
pastoral care and counselling teaches that there are people who have the gifts of
caring in each community. In the interviews it was clear from the stories that there
were people who were ministering to other people free of charge. These were
members of the family, the neighbours, friends of the family, and members of the
church who regularly visit the interviewees when they are in pain.
One could see the bond of love in these people. People in most communal settings
know each other by name and relationship. They do not know each other by number
and street. Communal people have a passion of staying in one place from generation
to generation. Their home is where their ancestors are buried. In the Vhavenda world,
7
African Religions, Contributed By: Peter Clarke in Microsoft ® Encarta ® Encyclopedia 2005. ©
1993-2004 Microsoft Corporation.
205
they identify themselves with the mountains and ruins. This identification builds the
strong bonds of love because apart from their blood relationship, their children are
also exchanged in marriage.
The culturally gifted people are gifted people who have not generally had training in
such caring. They see people caring in their communities and learn something from
the model set by gifted care-givers who care so well that others wish to do the same.
They also give care and counselling in the presence of their elders who also show by
example how such care can be given.
Besides learning to care in the family and the village setting to some extent, the
Vhavenda learn to practice this care and counselling in initiation schools or by the use
of rituals (ngoma). Hence people are also given care and counselling according to
their ages. When a girl is to be married, women come together and give her care and
counselling. The same applies to a boy in that men come together and give him care
and counselling. Though all of the women and men talk, usually there is one who
finally leads them in caring and counselling according to the cultural gifts and
wisdom which all acknowledge in that person.
A care-giver who is sensitive to communal care should include these gifted people in
his or her ministry. Hence this model of the Vhavenda-Christian gifted care-givers
invites ministers or care-givers to recognise these culturally gifted people.
7.2.2 The communally gifted pastoral care as mutual care
The researcher asserts that communally gifted care is mutual. The above paragraphs
indicated that the culturally gifted person does not serve alone. He or she cares and /
or is being cared for by others. Hence a key characteristic of communal care is that it
206
is mutual care. A good example of such communal care as mutual care takes place at
a Vhavenda funeral. It is the custom to visit a deceased’s family for the whole week
before the weekend of funeral. The bereaved family has a chance to explain to
visitors the story of the deceased while the visitors listen to them. Mrs C, Mr 4 and Mr
9 testified that there were many people who supported them at the funerals of their
family members. Even a person who is regarded as a gifted care-giver when affected
by death in his or her own family would need and accept other people to give care and
counselling to the whole family. The Vhavenda have a saying, “Mudengu ha
didenguli,” meaning that a medical examiner does not examine himself or herself.
To repeat then the earlier point, the lesson a Christian church should learn is that the
church ministry should minister through Christian community to let culturally gifted
members serve the community rather than claiming to know and be able to do
everything. Such care should be mutual. The rapid growth of the African Independent
Churches and the Roman Catholics is attached to this kind of care. “Their focus has
not been individualistic but communal. The needs of persons are met in a
community.” 8
Finally, though this model is not just based on Vhavenda traditional care, it is also
based on correlation with biblical family and communal care. We speak of the church
as the body of Christ (1 Corinthians 12: 27 and Ephesians 4: 12), the house of Christ
(Ephesians 2: 19 – 22 and 1 Peter 2: 4 – 5), the family of God (1 Peter 4: 17), the
army of Christ (Revelation 19: 19) and the people of (1 Peter 2: 9). These pictures of
the church teach that a church should balance the individual and the community. The
8
FBO Nel, A Practical Theological Study of Community Pastoral Work: An Ecosystemic Perspective
(Pretoria: Unisa Unpublished Dissertations, 1996) 232 - 233.
207
creation story is the story of cooperating and re-cooperating of the individual in the
community. The creation story of the people also stresses this understanding.
Then God said, “Let us make man in our image, in our likeness, and let them rule over the
fish of the sea and the birds of the air, over the livestock, over all the earth, and over all the
27
creatures that move along the ground.” So God created man in his own image, in the
image of God he created him; male and female he created them. (bold and italic are mine)
(Genesis 1: 26 – 27 NIV).
This translation shows how the individual and the community form a dynamic unity
in a balanced way.
One can see how easy it is to compare the African family to the biblical family. The
biblical family starts with an affirmation of God. It starts “in the beginning God”. The
history of the indigenous African starts similarly with statements like, “Before I was
born. . .” or “Long, long ago . . . “, with the dead and the unborn being included in
that family. 9 In the Garden there were just two people, but the unborn are also
counted. The unborn, living and dead are part of the community in African
understanding. The biblical and African families are always extended families. 10
It should be noted that people, though created individually and uniquely, are made for
communal life. 11 They bear the image of God, who Father, Son and Holy Spirit, which
is community or communion / communal. Communal life in the Bible and among
African people is viewed as a part of a divine or spiritual community. 12
9
Cf. Mao Zedong in David Augusburger who has a Chapter on A theology of the family in Family,
Family Theory, and Therapy Across Cultures: A Theology of the Family, p. 175.
10
Lore-Kelly Christin, Caring Community (Chicago: Loyola University, 1983) 106.
11
FBO. Nel, A Practical Theological Study of Community Pastoral Work: An Ecosystemic Perspective
(Pretoria: Unisa Unpublished Dissertations, 1996) 233.
12
Neil Pembroke, Renewing Pastoral Practice: Trinitarian Perspective on Pastoral Care and
counselling (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2006) 43.
208
7.2.3 Every member of the Christian community has special
gifts
The assertion that every member of the Christian community has special gifts is a
deepening of the two assertions mentioned above. This culturally gifted model of
Vhavenda communal pastoral care stresses that there are not only one or a few care-
givers, but many. This should be echoed by the Church community. The whole
community is also a care-giver because each community member is given a gift or
gifts. The experienced care-givers have to implant that knowledge to the coming
generation and they to the next. Christian community therefore needs to have an
attitude of protectiveness towards others and supportiveness of the worthiness and
integrity of the other as a person in his or her own right. 13 A care-giver should build
relationships full of empathy, humility and respect and affirmation. It should be clear
that within one ministry there are many gifts, as within one body there are many
members each bestowed with gifts to serve the whole body (Romans 12: 2 – 8) in love
(Romans 12: 9 – 21). There is no member that has no function in the body. As the
ministry continues, each should discover and rediscover his or her gifts. These care-
givers need not be strongly westernised in order to give Christian care.
13
Leroy Howe, A Pastor in Every Pew: Equipping Laity for Pastoral Care (Valley Forge: Judson
Press, 2000) 9 – 12.
209
7.3 “KHORO” OR “DZULO” AS A MODEL OF
VHAVENDA CHRISTIAN COMMUNAL CARE
The author would like to give an example of communal pastoral care and counselling.
This is in the form of communal gathering called “khoro” or “dzulo” in Vhavenda
communities.
Vhavenda have many occasions of care and counselling. In the big “khoro” there is
also a “khoro tshitumbe”, “a small council” that cares for and counsels an individual
or family, even a group of people on behalf of the khoro. Usually elderly and wise
people are tasked for this job. They are expected to give a report after they have
completed their mandate.
The initiation schools have education and counselling purposes. There is also
“malombo” where people come together singing with the purpose of inviting the
ancestor spirits. It is called “u wa mudzimu”, when a person is believed to be
possessed by the spirits. People, especially women, are invited to gather and sing for
the patient as she or he goes around.
This section will not venture to describe all these models that are communal pastoral
care and counselling. The space would not allow the author to go into all these and
others. The “khoro” or “dzulo” will serve as an example of these communal care and
counselling models.
7.3.1 The meaning and the purpose of the “khoro” or “dzulo”
model
The Vhavenda family and communal gatherings are to enhance the good health and
stability of the family and community. These gatherings are called “khoro” (council
210
in English; and legkotla in Sotho and Tswana languages), “tshivhidzo” (imbizo in
Zulu and Xhosa languages), or “dzulo” (seating). Literally, the original name of
“khoro” is the gate or the entrance. Traditionally men make fire next to the gate and
spend their evenings there discussing some issues. In the chief’s kraal it was used as
the public court. Today “khoro” is used replacing court. These gatherings have
different purposes. The “khoro” is a broad gathering where the representatives of the
community come together to discusses issues relating to their community or
individuals. The “tshivhidzo” (another name of “khoro”) is the gathering of the whole
community called by community leaders to pass on some resolutions and / or to
discuss some issues with the community.
The “dzulo” is the family gathering called by the extended family leader or head to
discuss some issues relating to family life. The author is using this term to distinguish
this gathering from other communal gatherings. This chapter will look at the “dzulo”
gathering because it is the foundation of other community gatherings. Here people
learn how to discuss issues and express their views and feelings. The family uses this
gathering to instruct its members, especially children. Issues that are discussed in
“khoro” and “tshivhidzo” usually have passed the family meetings without good
resolution. For example, a problem of a child who does not listen to the parents to
stop fighting other people at home and to the community is first raised at the family
“dzulo.” The family will first sit down with him or her to find the resolution like
sending a “nendila” (a man or woman whose function is reconciliation) to ask for
forgiveness and restitution where possible. If there is no cooperation from the child
the issue can go to the “khoro” or “tshivhidzo”. The aim of these gatherings is
reconciliation, harmony and healing of the community. It is believed that these
211
functions are not fulfilled by an individual. Many people need to be there talking and
witnessing. The environment too is part of these functions.
7.3.2 The “khoro” or “dzulo” and the African palaver
The author of this thesis wishes to show that Vhavenda communal gatherings can
become African Christian communal gatherings. The “khoro”, “tshivhidzo” and
“dzulo” gatherings can be enriched by the Christian message and practices of
reconciliation and forgiveness and new beginnings. In fact many of these traditional
gatherings nowadays start by a word of prayer. The author is still surprised when he
hears from a traditional healer that they too start their meetings with a word of prayer.
Such African traditional gatherings for conflict resolution are found throughout
Africa. A noted African scholar, Kasonga, wrote a thesis with the focal point on the
use of the traditional “palavra” (Portugues form of palaver) approach to conflict
resolution in Western Africa. 14 Kasonga shows the possibility of moving towards an
African Christian “palavra”. The African palaver 15 brings the unity among people and
among the whole environment and so should the Christian faith. Communal
14
Kasonga wa Kasonga, Toward revisioning Christian education in Africa: A critical reinterpretation
of hope and imagination in light of African understanding of muoyo (Princeton: Princeton Theological
Seminary, Dissertation, 1988) 240 – 265.
15
Cf. Armstrong’s findings “. . . all authorities agree that the English word ‘palaver’ is from the
Portugues ‘palavra’ and French ‘palabre’ is from Spanish ‘palabra’. The Spanish and Portuguese words
are cognates and synonymous in meaning, to wit: ‘word’ or ‘act of speaking’. . . It is quite clear . . . that
although both the English and French words are derived from Portuguese and Spanish respectively,
they are not borrowed directly from the standard forms of these languages ”. In, Robert G. Armstrong,
The public meeting as a means of participation in political and social activities in Africa, in Socio-
political aspects of the palaver in some African countries, ed. Robert G. Armstrong (Paris: UNSCO,
1979) 11 – 12.
212
gatherings give people time to heal each other by words and expressions of strong
emotions. The way the palaver meeting is conducted is not in Western fashion.
Some Western scholars understand palaver as the conversation of the people who are
confused or who do not understand what they are doing. 16 In the African meaning,
however, there is purpose and procedure in a palaver. Vhavenda have an expression
that says, “Munwe muthihi a u tusi mathuthu.” The literal translation is, “One finger
cannot take out samp from the dish.” The meaning of this expression is that a person
needs others to do even simple tasks. They also say that, “Zwanda zwi a tanzwana”,
literal translation is “Hands wash each other”. The meaning is that it is difficult for a
hand to wash itself. Hence a person needs others for simple things like washing.
The prolonged African traditional meetings where people are allowed to speak
without limitations is viewed by the foreigners as idle talk with no good results. But to
the African it is searching for the truth and healing the wounds. In these gatherings
Vhavenda do not worry about what people say, because to them, “U kungulusa tombo
ndi u li isa vhudzuloni halo”, translated as “to roll a stone is to take it to its proper
place”. It means that whatever is said or done it will bring happiness and healing. The
other expression related to the abovementioned says, “U amba livhi ndi uri livhuya li
wane vhudzulo,” translated as, "To speak the evil or bad advice is to let the good
advice have its proper place.” The meaning of this expression is that bad ideas also
drive the meeting in the right direction. In a palaver no participant should be afraid to
say anything, because if it is bad or nonsense it will be taken to its proper place as the
discussion continues.
16
Cf. “1. Fuss and bother, esp. prolonged. 2. Profuse or idle talk. 3. Cajolery. 4. A prolonged or
tiresome affair or business.” In, Illustrated Oxford Dictionary (Dorling Kindersley and Oxford
University Press: Oxford, London, New York, 1998).
213
A palaver as a meeting has its own structure. There are different forms of palaver in
accordance with the purpose and nature of the meeting and culture. There is a palaver
or meeting on social issues, political issues, economic issues to mention but a few.
The example of a palaver is the process Mrs A went through according to the pilot
interviews, though it was not done well because her husband took the decision alone.
She had been happily married but things turned against her when her husband married
a second wife. Mrs A was dumped at her traditional home while the second wife
enjoyed the company of her husband in the town home. The counselling in this
Vhavenda scenario is not individualistic but communal or palaver. A marriage
problem is not just the problem of two people but of the whole extended family and
the whole village. A marriage problem is the problem of customs and the whole
culture. Hence the elderly of the extended family in Tshivenda tradition would be
called to discuss the problem.
Hence palaver or rather “khoro” (council) or “dzulo” (seating) is used and understood
as a conference that wants to come out with a statement or resolution. Meetings like
“lekgotla” in Sotho and Tswana, or “imbizo” in Zulu and Ndebele fall under this type
of palaver. 17 Palaver in this context is in line with a traditional meeting (“khoro” or
“dzulo”). This is a gathering of close relatives (“mashaka”) or the whole village,
where talks and discussions are held as means of bringing reconciliation (solving
conflicts and differences, setting aside transgressions); organising happy or sad events
(e.g. marriages or funerals) or the healing of some social diseases, with the goal of
rebuilding or re-establishing a new order, security and protection in the family and
17
Mukanda Mabanso Mulemfo, Palaver as a dimension of communal solidarity in Zaire: A
misiological study on transgretion and reconciliation (Pretoria: University of Pretoria, Dissertation,
1995) 68.
214
village or community. Palaver, in this section means, a meeting or a big gathering (the
whole extended family or the whole community), the family or community involves
itself in bad, sad or happy situations in which people find themselves. 18
Another dictionary has some positive picture of conference and discussion within a
broad view. Palaver is defined as, “1 a : a long parley usually between persons of
different cultures or levels of sophistication. b: CONFERENCE, DISCUSSION. 2 a: idle
talk. b: misleading or beguiling speech. 3: to talk profusely or idly.” 19 Among the
synonyms of palaver conference is listed. The communal gathering is a form of
conference because at the end a resolution is reached and a patient and community are
healed. In the communal gathering people are free to talk as a way of sharing their
experience on the problem brought to that meeting. Due to this freedom to speak, the
gathering takes a long time and there may be some irrelevant issues. This does not
make the gathering useless or unprofitable.
The model of communal pastoral care as palaver from an African view and reworked
in a Christian context leads to an African Christian palaver, as Kasonga discusses. 20
Kasonga uses Groome’s “shared Christian praxis” in dialogue with the palavra
process to reconstruct the palaver in the light of the Christian faith focusing on
African values. 21 The village gatherings are done to heal an individual and the whole
18
Ibid. 69.
19
Merriam-Webster, I. (1996, c1993). Merriam-Webster's collegiate dictionary. Includes index. (10th
ed.). Springfield, Mass., U.S.A.: Merriam-Webster.
20
Seminary, Dissertation, 1988) 240 – 265.
21
Ibid. 195 – 196.
215
village from African perspective, without putting Christ the Healer at the centre. An
African Christian palaver changes the picture as it puts the risen Christ at the centre. 22
Pastoral care and counselling in the African Christian palaver is effective because the
whole family and community are involved. The illness of an individual affects the
whole community and environment. Therefore it is not only the task of few to heal,
restore, reconcile, and solve the problem. Personal problems are also social in one
way or another because a person’s existence is not totally isolated from other people.
African Christian palaver in pastoral care and counselling, thus, means that a group of
people or the whole community gather to initiate healing. In palaver everyone speaks
freely. 23 It can be best understood “as a privileged form of speech. It is a communal
speech uttered on community affairs.” 24 Everyone has the privilege to speak. It is
believed that words are powerful in giving healing. The involvement of everyone
implies reconciliation with community and environment. The confrontation in African
palaver is not conflict oriented, but positive. It should be understood in Augsburger’s
term as, “care-fronting.” 25 This means that there is caring in the process of this type of
confronting. It is part of the care that a person is giving to other person. This brings
holistic healing.
Kasonga is right in envisaging that African palaver needs to be translated into
Christian faith. The indigenous village gatherings are not religiously neutral.
22
Ibid. 244.
23
Bakomba Katik Diong, The palaver in Zaire, in Socio-political aspects of the palaver in some African
countries, ed. Robert G. Armstrong (Paris: UNSCO, 1979) 79.
24
Seminary, Dissertation, 1988) 200.
25
David Augsburger, Caring Enough to Confront (California : Regal Reading 1973), p. 10.
216
7.3.3 The example of family “dzulo” model of care
The following is an example of the “dzulo” or “khoro” meeting with the purpose of
healing family problems. These days these meetings have been Christianised. The
Christian aspect needs to be deepened because in some instances it is superficial. It
needs to be an African Christian Palaver—using Kasonga’s term.
See appendix 3 for the programme of “dzulo”.
Like in the interviews done for this thesis the African Christian gatherings should be
done with the purpose of healing. The participants of the gathering can be family,
Church community and the whole community. When there are marriage problems, the
family gatherings can bring healing and reconciliation. Marriage problems open social
veins, and hence it is painful. Mrs A in the pilot interview had difficulty of resolving
her problem because the family meeting was not called. In Vhavenda family gathering
the whole extended family gather excluding children. Every member in that meeting
is given a chance to speak out after hearing the whole problem. The elders speak at
the conclusion giving the direction of the whole problem. Usually that would cover all
the views the participants have disclosed in their discussions. Among the elders the
“makhadzi” (aunt) or “khotsimuhulu” (uncle) have the listening ear and wise mind.
The author would like to give an example 26 of the family gathering (dzulo) focusing
on healing family pain of the shame of a daughter who does not live as expected in
her marriage (with the in-laws).
Leader: We are going to start our meeting. Let’s ask Rev. Nembanani to lead us in a
word of prayer.
26
I have used my experience in these meeting as a member of the family.
217
Rev. Nembanani: Our Father who is in heaven! We thank you for your love and
protection this day and all days that have gone by. We pray that you be with us as we
discuss the issue before us. We ask that everyone’s heart be open to discuss issues
throughout this whole meeting. We pray all these in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ. Amen!
Leader: Thank you Rev. Nembanani for leading us in prayer. We shall now ask Mr
Thavha (he is one of the khotsimunene, the brother of the the daughter’s father) to
welcome us all and tell us why we are here.
Mr Thavha (one of khotsimunene): Thank you Master of Ceremony. I welcome you
all in this meeting. We have come here because our child has come back from her in-
laws. We want to talk about it and find out what we must do as a family.
Leader: We have called upon you people because we have a problem in our family as
indicated by Mr. Thavha. We are in pain! We are ashamed as we walk in the
community. Our daughter has been sent back from her in-laws (vhuhadzi). Vho-
Nyamasindi has the full story.
Family member 1: (As Interruption): Before Vho-Nyamasindi can explain we have
to call our daughter in. She must hear everything we say. (Some family members
show agreement by nodding their heads and some voice that it is the right thing to do
because she is the owner of these matters (mafhungo) or problem).
Leader: You are right she must be here to hear. The good thing is that we are many
here to advise each other. Our ancestors said, “Munwe muthihi a u tusi mathuthu”
(One finger cannot take samp from the bowl). (He appoints another family member to
go and call her).
218
(When she comes in she lies down on her side [o losha] as a way of respect. People
respond by accepting her lying down [“u losha”] and answer it [losha], though not
necessarily by lying down).
Vho-Nyamasindi: Aa! (as she brings her hands respectfully together [as in losha])
and people respond by saying Aa (females) and Ndaa! (males). I was at home when
our daughter was brought home by her in-laws’ mediator (nendila). I called Vho-
Nyadzanga and Vho-Nyaphophi so that they could also witness this. We then called in
our mediator, Vho-Muvhulawa. Fortunately she was at home. Vho-Muvhulawa sat
down with our daughter’s mediator. Vho-Muvhulawa told us that our daughter’s in-
laws are complaining that our daughter is not handling the family well and she is lazy
in doing her chores. (Everyone shakes the head to show that their daughter has
disappointed them.) Aa! (The people respond by saying Aa! / Ndaa!).
Leader: Let us hear from our daughter.
The daughter: Those people expect me to do everything alone. I fetch water which is
far away, collect wood from the mountain and cook with a big pot because the family
is very big. I feel I am treated unfairly. I left some chores for other family members
because I am not their slave.
(From here people responded.)
Family member 2: My daughter! Didn’t we sit with you here before your marriage
and instruct you to go and behave like a fully grown-up woman? But instead you
behave like a little girl. “No konyolela matanda ndevheni”. (Translated as “You put
sticks into your ears,” which means that you did not listen.) Now you brought shame
to this family…..
Family member 3: (Interrupting family member 2 really finished). I told you that you
are lazy in handling the family affairs and you did not listen. This is the result……
219
Family member 4: (Interrupting family member 3). You should have worked hard to
shame them. They were testing you as a newly wed…..
Family member 5: The problem with you young people is that you do not want to
learn from us. Our families are big too. We also use big pots to cook food. You should
learn from this…
Family member 6: Marriage needs endurance. “Vhuhadzi ndi nama ya thole, ya
fhufhuma ri a fhunzhela.” (Translation: At the in-laws it is like when cooking veal,
which forms froth, we keep the froth from boiling over with a spoon. It means that
marriage needs commitment and endurance). Now what you did is a sign that you are
not ready to endure hardship…..
Family member 7: Look at us your mothers: In staying here we have to endure
hardship. “Ri fara lufhanga nga vhuhalini.” (Translation: We hold the knife by its
sharp point). “Itali vha tshi ri muhulwane u kanda mupfa a tshi zwi vhona.”
(Translation: They even say that an adult walk on thorns being aware. It means that an
adult endures difficulties).
Family member 8: Family principles are not the same. You should have known that
because before your marriage that was made clear to you. (Before marriage it is
Vhavenda coustom to give instruction to a girl, which is called “ u laya”, “to give
instructions”).
Family member 9: My daughter! They say, “Wa sa li pfa u vhudzwani, u do li pfela
vhulaloni.” (Translation: If you do not understand the instruction when it is being told
to you, you will understand it while you are in your bed). I want to tell you that,
“Muthu kha a pfe zwi no amba vhanwe”. (Translation: A person should listen to what
others are advising).
220
Family member 10: We are saying this because we love you. We want you to have a
good family. Now we are saying, “Ni songo konyolela matanda ndevheni”.
(Translation: Do not put sticks into your ears).
After short speeches and utterances by different family members, the leader asks their
daughter to respond, who is touched by some words and as a result tears are rolling
down her cheeks.
The daughter: Aa! (lying on her side again). Vhokhotsimunene (my father’s
brothers, vhommane (my father’s and his brothers’ wives) and vhomakhadzi (my
father’s sister), I am sorry for the problem I cause in this family. I have heard what
you have said. I promise to do what you are saying. Aa! (lying on her side again and
the whole family responds in recognition).
Vhomakhadzi 1: My daughter, you have done well to accept these instructions from
your family. These people know about the family as our ancestors say, “Mulala a sa
fi, tsimu ya shubi u do i lima. (Translation: An old person who does not die will
plough a fertile field). They also say that, “Maano a vhambwa nga luvhadzi”.
(Translation: A scar causes people to plan properly).
Makhadzi 2: We come here to help you and your marriage as they say, “A dzimana u
la malombe mukosi a a phalalana.” (Translation: Malombe may not give each other
something to eat but they help each other when one calls for help). We want you to
know that you are going to a new setting, but that should not frustrate you because
“Mulomo ndi khaladzi a ndila”. (Translation: The mouth is the brother or sister of the
way).
Makhadzi 3: (the eldest of the father’s sisters): You hear our daughter we are sending
you to your in-laws. We hope this time you have heard us clearly. We are also going
to tell our in-laws that we have given you instructions (u laya) for womanhood.
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The daughter: Aa! (lying on her side and the whole gathering respond by saying, Aa!
/ Ndaa!).
Leader: I want to thank you our daughter for your response to our instruction
(ndayo). I also want to thank you all for your contributions. We will ask Rev.
Nembanani to close our “dzulo” in prayer.
Rev. Nembanani: Our Father in heaven we thank you for this family gathering. We
have talked through your help and come to this satisfactory conclusion. We pray that
you will be with our daughter as she has recommitted herself to her in-laws. We pray
that you bless her family. Please bring peace and understanding in her family. We
pray this in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.
People are happy and hopeful for better behaviour of their daughter. The meeting is
over. People are greeting each other again. Life continues as normal.
While the meeting is on some of the family members, especially the young ones are
preparing a big meal and some are sent to buy some drinks or / and beer. People are
invited to eat by giving them water to wash their hands.
7.4 INDIGENOUS GATHERINGS AND THEIR
CONTRIBUTION TO COMMUNAL PASTORAL
CARE
The contribution of indigenous gatherings is that they give a sense that a person is not
alone in his or her struggle. The whole community is crying in prayer for the healing.
The author would like to show how Christian pastoral care and counselling should not
be satisfied by healing an individual, leaving the community around him or her
unattended.
222
7.4.1 Indigenous gatherings can promote the priesthood
Christian community members
The indigenous gathering as illustrated above give family and community members a
chance to serve each other. This is what Christian community wants to achieve.
Christian community is composed of people who care for each other. It is both
Christian and a deeply African understanding of family and community. Christian
community is called to be “others-oriented” as Christ is (Philippians 2: 3 – 4). People
who are geared to individualistic thinking may read other things in this passage and be
unhappy with it, but people who are geared to communal life and thinking may
understand this passage as it is. The self is not the end, it has to reach others. The
mutual removing of each other’s pain is based on this sacrificial love of Christ. One
foundation of mutual care is the office God has given to His Church. The Church as
the gathering of Christians is anointed to be a prophet, priest and king. 27 Every
believer is a carer for others. A communal setting can teach the church to understand
this. There is a way of informing people about the life and morality of the community.
People talk about events of that day and that night. In traditional communal setting
this was done orally. The talking was the prophetic way as it gave hope to face the
future. It had the forth telling. 28 Christians need to have time together in order to
occupy their caring role. Mutual care tells that every one can make a difference. This
communal khoro model suggests that the elderly should share their stories so that the
27
Henry Beets, The Compendium Explained (Grand Rapids: EERDMANS SEVENSMA CO, 1924)
168.
28
Larson, B., Anderson, P., & Self, D. Mastering pastoral care. (Portland: Multnomah Press, 1990)
132.
223
young would also tell their story. Many people are to be involved in sharing the news
in such a way that all know the story and share it as they know it. The priesthood of
believers has been a cry of the church for many years. It is built on the image of the
church as the body of Christ where every member is called to serve. This is what God
has called every believer to do and to be.
The ministry of Christ started with ordinary people of his time. 29 The Christian
community can provide a powerful healing climate. When “two or three are gathered”
the Holy Spirit’s power is made manifest, just as Jesus promised (Matthew 18: 20).
Healing has been made a specialised medical ministry in our communities. Healing is
not, however, provided only by the specialised few. “We are priests, called into each
others’ lives to be agents of all kinds of healing—emotional, relational, physical,
mental, vocational.” 30 The example is that “. . . early in this century, there was no
cure for alcoholism. It was not until two untrained laymen discovered the Twelve
Steps of Alcoholics Anonymous that there was any concrete program for recovery.” 31
These people in the case above used their culturally gifted talents. Christian
community is empowered by the Holy Spirit and the Word of God.
Christian communities need re-education or re-training after the over-emphasis of
professionalisation. 32 The individualist thinking has taught them, instilling in their
29
Cf. “At least three were fishermen, and one was a government employee, but none were clergy
(rabbis).” In Ibid. 128.
30
Ibid.129.
31
Ibid.
32
Cf. The study was done to determine which school of counselling—Rogerian, Freudian, Jungian, and
so on—produced the best results. The results were shocking. It was found that the most effective
counselling was provided not by the disciples of any of these professional schools, but by the control
groups used in the study. Ordinary people—airline pilots, secretaries, housewives, businesspersons—
with no therapy training, who simply spent time listening, produced better results than the
professionals. Ibid. 130.
224
lives that they can do nothing. It suggested that they should step back and let the
ministers and pastors do the service for them. People were reduced to mere spectators
in the caring for the communities. The result is chaos. The re-education does not
suggest that training for ministers and pastors should stop. It will be needed more than
before because people need to be empowered by the word.
7.4.2 Indigenous gatherings teach embracement and
acceptance
Communal life has to do with embracement and acceptance. The theme of
embracement and acceptance contributes to the value in communal pastoral care. The
opposite of embracement is estrangement. Communal pastoral care should directly
deal with the problem of being a stranger. It should embrace and accept the other
people who are different in language, colour, culture, etc. The Vhavenda have an
expression related to strangers, “Kholomo ya ndila a i fhedzi hatsi.” translated as “a
traveller’s cow does not finish the grazing land”. They accept the cow of a stranger in
their grazing fields.
Embracement is necessary in people’s lives. Exclusion is not healthy for a
community. 33 African communal pastoral care needs to embrace not exclude. The true
embrace is the embrace of heart. Open arms are open heart. The open heart is the
heart that has created a space for other people and invites them to come in. It is the
heart that is discontent in an empty space and is pleased when people occupy the
space so that it creates more space. It does this without losing identity or without
33
Volf Miroslav, “A theology of embrace for a world of exclusion,” in Exploration in reconciliation:
new directions in theology, eds. Tombs David and Liechty Joseph (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing
Limited, 2006) 24 - 25.
225
being assimilated. Embracement is not assimilation. 34 Assimilation is another way of
exclusion. Hence embracement should have boundaries. Domination over other
cultures does not fall under the concept of embracement and acceptance as discussed
in this section. Domination is exclusion at its best. Embracement gives room for
mutual influence for the better life of all.
Another form of exclusion is abandonment. There is a danger of seeing other people
in pain and avoiding taking action. The biblical examples are the priest and Levite in
the story of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10). They crossed by at the other side of the
minding, their own business. The poverty of Africa with its offspring like wars,
diseases, etc. cause some countries to abandon Africa arguing that they are being
involved in own problems and their resources are only meant for them not for other
people.
Embracement is also a biblical concern. The stranger also played an important role in
the Bible from Abraham to Ruth, from the Exodus to David and Solomon. 35
Communal pastoral care reminds people to care for the strangers in their midst. There
are members of community who are strangers because of their characters,
backgrounds, sickness, etc. Christ is the stranger who is sick, naked, prisoner, hungry,
thirsty and in all unpleasant conditions and in need of embrace (Matthew 25: 31 – 46).
The challenge of pastoral caregivers is to love strangers. “Loving the stranger in the
present becomes an opportunity to heal yourselves, heal your history, and also heal
34
Volf Miraslav, “Exlusion and embrace: theological reflection in the wake of “ethnic cleansing”,” in
A spacious heart: essays on identity and belonging, ed. Judith M. Gundry-Volf and Miroclav Volf,
(Harrisburg: Trinity Press International, 1997) 58 – 59.
35
Gopin Marc, “The heart of the stranger,” in Exploration in reconciliation: new directions in
theology, eds. Tombs David and Liechty Joseph (eds.) (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2006)
6.
226
others through the existential meeting with and moral care for the other who live
across a clear cultural economic or political boundary.” 36 Embrace includes self-
giving and even sacrifice. God illustrated this self-giving in giving his Son. This cost
God His only Son Jesus Christ. The way God opened His hands to make space for
humanity was on the cross. “The open arms of Christ on the cross are a sign that God
does not want to be a God without humanity; God suffers humanity’s violence in
order to embrace it.” 37
7.4.3 Indigenous gatherings promote inclusiveness
Inclusiveness is the deeper sense of embracement. Here the situation may allow free
fusion of two parties for the purpose of caring. The theme of inclusiveness can be
illustrated best by the characteristic of the African family. The West has a narrow
view of the family. The Vhavenda use the words, “mudi” (a compound) or “muta” (a
living court) to translate what the West mean by the family. African family can be
described as inclusive because many people are included in the African traditional
family concept. “Africans understood the family from a far larger content of its
collective significance. They saw it within the framework of the oneness of being”. 38
(Mungazi’s italic). The “oneness of being,” made the family so strong that the
colonists could not easily break it. Family includes other people of the community
who would choose to build within the same compound. A person cannot be excluded
36
Ibid.
37
Volf Miroslav, A theology of embrace for a world of exclusion, in Exploration in reconciliation: new
directions in theology, eds. Tombs David and Liechty Joseph (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited,
2006) 27 – 28.
38
Dickson A. Mungazi, Gathering Under the Mango Tree: Values in Traditional Culture in Africa
(New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 1996) 28.
227
on the basis of not being a blood relative. “In traditional African society the family
took into consideration every member of the community.” 39
The inclusive model of care goes on to the dead (ancestors) and the unborn. A living
person is in the centre of the relationships. These three, the unborn, the living and the
ancestors, regardless of the level, have an important place in society. It is against this
background that today the Africans totally reject the Western concept that a foetus is
not a human being. They operate by the principles that the foetus is a form of a human
life, just as the living and the ancestors are two forms of it and like the living they
have a big role to play. 40 The inclusion covers people who are no more or not yet in
this world. It is healing before birth.
The point is clear here that one stronghold of African communal pastoral care is
inclusiveness not exclusiveness. Many gifts are collected, as many people are
included into the family. The inclusiveness makes more people belong to one family.
In this context the family structure plays a continuous role in strengthening the
community. As it continues to grow and to expand it becomes more embracing and
all-inclusive. 41
The inclusiveness theme reminds one of Jesus. He instructed his church to be
“Christ” to those who are hungry by feeding them, who are sick by visiting them, who
are thirsty by giving them water and others (Matthew 25: 31 – 46). He continues to
illustrate that those in pain also represent Christ himself. This teaching instructs a
church community to care for those in pain. Serving these people, a caregiver is
serving Christ.
39
Ibid.
40
Ibid. 28 – 29.
41
Ibid.
228
7.4.4 Indigenous gatherings promote remembrance
Vhavenda have amazing figurative speech they use for remembering. The inside ear
itching (u luma ndevhe) tells them that someone far away is talking about them. They
are pleased when it happens because someone is remembering them. They do not
know yet who that person is, but they are resting assured by this itching that not all
people hate them. Someone far away is talking about them and is willing to see them.
They try to put the ear at ease but calling out who could be that person who wants to
see them and talk good news to them.
Another figurative expression that has to do with expectation and acceptance of
visitors is mentioning automatic the movement of the upper eyelid (u fula ito la ntha).
They interpret the automatic moving of the upper eyelid as meeting someone they
really love and enjoy being with. It is associated with laughter. It is to be remembered
by someone who really cares. They do not like that movement in the lower eyelid.
The automatic movement of the lower eyelid (u fula ito la fhasi) is associated with
pain. Pain makes tears flowing forth and rolling down, wetting the lower eyelid. It
does not mean to meet a pleasant person or situation. The person feels bad because he
or she is expecting to cry. It is not to be remembered in a negative sense.
The Vhavenda also associate cock fighting with the coming of a visitor. The cock
fighting makes them prepare for the visitor. The visitors in this situation can be
anyone. Vhavenda do not discriminate between visitors. Strangers are also welcome.
The sign of welcome is not just words but actions like water to drink and food to eat.
People have a vision of being remembered. They are positive about other people
coming to visit them. The inside itching of an ear (u thothona ndevhe), the top eyelids
229
moving involuntaritly ( u fula ito la ntha) and cock fighting happen daily and make
people expect other people to remember them in a special way like talking about how
they long to see them, thinking about them and coming to visit. Traditionally
Vhavenda cook every meal with visitors in mind.
Remembering one another has been the custom of the Africans. After harvests they
usually take some gifts from the fields to their friends and relatives. In the “Nwali”
cult where the concept of Vhavenda is concentrated, “Nwali” is Vhavenda’s God who
visits his people. The chapter on Vhavenda cosmology has explained this concept of
the remembering God. God is not addressed as a distant entity but as the “One with
us”. Nwali sounds like a name. The other name of Nwali is Raluvhimba, that some do
not totally connect with Nwali Mudzimu wa Vhavenda (Nwali the God of Vhavenda).
These names do not suggest a distant God. He is also referred to as Grandparent. In
ancestor worship Vhavenda address Gole (Goko) as the creator of human beings, the
grandparent. The concept of God visiting as a sign of remembering his people is clear
in this cosmology. No one should therefore wonder why the Vhavenda have this
belief of visiting each other as a way of remembering each other. This visiting should
not be confused with visiting the sick, but it was the normal part of the African life
among people and their God.
The communal pastoral care of God is identified with God remembering His people.
In reviewing the book of Patton, “Pastoral care in Context: An Introduction to
Pastoral Care,” the author indicated the concept of communal pastoral care as being
kept in God’s memory. In this process God makes Himself one with His people.
Patton hyphenates the word “remember” following Luepnitz to “re-member” which
230
unites God and His people. 42 It is the same when people or families remember each
other they re-member each other as joining each other. People who visit each other in
a positive way become one family.
7.5 U VANGULANA (TAKING OUT EACH
OTHER’S THORNS) OF CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY
Another model of Vhavenda Christian communal care can be illustrated by the
metaphor and proverb among the Vhavenda people when they take out the thorns
from each other’s feet (kha ri vangulane). Example of few proverbs can serve to
illustrate this point. 43 Proverbs were used every day as part of communication and / or
instruction. It should be said that they were strong expressions that passed the
message strongly and deeply. These expressions were also used to heal pain and
suffering.
The expression, “Let us take out each other’s thorns” is built on the expression,
“Mipfa i a vangulana,” translated as “Thorns take out each other from the human
flesh.” Communal people use the available and relevant natural resources to heal each
other. The Christian community should adapt this to their pastoral ministry. In the
author’s interviews with the participants, he came to the conclusion that this
metaphorical proverb could be used to aid people in caring for each other in a
community. He thus names the model that he uses “kha ri vangulane”.
In his interviews with the participants, he came to the conclusion that this
metaphorical proverb could be used to aid people in caring for each other in a
42
John Patton, Pastoral Care in Context: An Introduction to Pastoral Care (Louisville:
Westminster/John Knox Press, 1993) 51 – 52.
43
N. A. Milubi, Ngoma ya Vhatei (Doorfontein: Perskor Bookprinters, 1984), p. 157.
231
community. He thus named the method and now the model he uses as “kha ri
vangulane.” The overlapping of the method by the model can help to build up a
deeper understanding of unique aspects of Vhavenda communal care and Vhavenda
views of sickness and healing. Hence the method builds up the model and the model
leads toward further possibilities of using these methods or instruments in future
research.
The expression, “kha ri vangulane”, pictures people walking barefoot in the thorny
bush. They step on thorns that pierce the flesh causing pain. Sometimes such a big
thorn pierces the foot that a person cannot move on. Then they have to sit down and
prepare another strong thorn with which they can take out the thorn from the flesh.
Another person can help to take out some small or deeply embedded thorns from the
foot where the injured person’s eyes cannot see and it is too deep to handle with his or
her own hands. When the thorn is out the trip can continue.
Life is such a journey. In some instances people have to take turns for taking out
thorns. Hence let us in this way take out each other’s problematic or emotional thorns.
The barefoot people walking in the thorny bush of life, are likely to be victims at any
time. None is immune from being pierced and pained. In Vhavenda culture people are
not encouraged to walk in the bush alone. They usually travel being two by two or
more. This helps when they encounter this problem. They can sit down and take out
the thorns in the bush.
Two are always better than one. In the bush a wild animal may also be found and
several people need to hunt it for meat and take it back home. They may also come
across a beehive, which needs two people or more to support each other to take out
232
the honey. A person represents the community or the family. They help each other not
just as individuals but a community or family.
The model of people taking each other’s thorns out is encouraging. The model tells us
about Vhavenda’s expressions like love, empathy, compassion, genuineness, respect,
hope and therapy in an indigenous manner. These concepts are important in
communal pastoral care and counselling.
Love (Lufuno): First, this model fleshes out traditional views of love explicitly. Love
is not just emotion but service and commitment to one another. It is more than falling
in love. It is also a decision that a person has to make there in the bush. It is more than
the words “I love you”. In this setting love is sitting next to a victim, touched by dust
and supporting one another to take out the pain (thorn).
Empathy (U pfela vhutungu): Second, empathy is important. Again, in this setting,
empathy is more than feeling. One Christian author explains empathy in general when
he writes,
“The capacity to feel empathy is the capacity to take an interest in another’s situation, to
appreciate the range and nuance of the other’s feelings in the situation, and to desire to
understand both the situation and the feelings fully and caringly. Empathetic regard is
acknowledging and validating another’s feelings and cherishing the other in the situations to
which the feelings are the reaction and the response. It is listening and dwelling with the other,
making oneself present and not merely there. Empathy helps us to affirm others as God has
created them, no matter how they may be reacting in whatever situation, and to overcome our
tendency to urge them to be different for the sake of our own comfort level.” 44
Though written from another culture and context, it applies directly to the model of
“kha ri vangulane.” People walking in the bush take an interest in another’s situation
in a special way. The silence while they are separated is not always welcome. They
44
Press, 2000) 27.
233
call each other and ask about what is over on that side. The shout is not taken for
granted. The thorn in another’s flesh is not a simple thing. They deal with it right
there, in the bush, whenever they have a place to sit down.
Empathy forces the two people to sit down and solve the problem. It teaches them to
appreciate the range and nuances of the other’s feeling in the situation. The caregiver
in this thorny bush would like to fully understand both the situation and feelings and
be empathetic. He or she would like to know how deep the thorn is embedded, how
far the victim can walk or even if they need to be carried to a place where they can sit
down and other options. The information is sought with empathy. Empathy is thus the
acknowledging and validating another’s feelings in the situation. Being present is felt
without and within. It is the connection between the hearts. This is what happens
when listening to and dwelling with others. The empathetic attitude is to affirm others
as God has created them. Some people are careless in the bush in the sense that they
do not take precautions as to where they step. Empathy does not impose self-interest
upon another person.
Compassion (Khathutshelo): Third, compassion in taking out each other’s thorns
becomes a motive. Compassion is a conscious feeling of “compassionate” with the
other person. A person enters voluntarily and sympathetically into other people’s
pain. To feel “compassionate” for the other person is the willingness to be open in
one’s heart for that person and share in the pain he or she has.
“Kha ri vangulane” is compassion in taking out the thorn and to possess grace and
charm and to be gracious in that action. 45 Compassion is crying and feeling pain with
a person in pain. Compassion does not end at the emotional level. “It is more than
45
Ibid.
234
emotion. It includes a will to change the situation.” 46 It compels the travellers in the
thorny bush to sit down and pick out the strong thorn with which to take out the thorn
in the flesh. It hurts, but it is as necessary for new life as birth pains.
Compassion carries the meaning of love. It is expressed in the Hebrew word “racham”
which “is related to the Hebrew word for ‘womb’ and expresses a mother's (Isa.
49:15) or father's (Ps. 103:13) love and compassion, a feeling of pity and devotion to
a helpless child.” 47
Genuineness (U vha vhathu vhukuma): Fourthly, taking out the thorns expresses
genuineness of purpose. The genuineness means being ourselves, in care giving. It is
to be true to one self and others. 48 What hinders genuineness is low self-esteem and
pretence. The taking out of thorns expresses genuineness in being true to each other.
Genuineness invites humility. The primary mandate is to relieve pain. Jesus has
shown us this way. He did not pretend to be a human being, He became one of the
lower class in the people where He incarnated himself. A care-giver is in the bush,
sitting at the wayside, using the thorn to take out another’s thorn, shows humility.
Humility also accepts being served as a victim.
Respect (Thonifho): Fifth, taking thorns from each other demands respect. Respect
expresses the concept of acceptance of a human being as he or she is created. God
respects a person so much that he makes him a little lower than the heavenly beings
(Psalm. 8: 4 – 5). People learn respect in their relationship with God. God also serves
people with respect. It does not matter how important a person is in a community, it is
imperative that he or she should respect other people.

46
Ibid
47
Ibid.
48
Press, 2000) 29.
235
Respect is more than politeness. One Christian source explains:
“Deep within each of us, as part of the divine image we bear, lies a capacity for respecting
every human being and not just those who can do something for us. How do we strengthen
that capacity so that it becomes a guiding principle for our lives? . . . is to cultivate what we
might call manners. . . every culture has rules and rituals for expressing simple courtesy, for
maintaining proper etiquette.” 49
Respect does not discriminate between people but it includes all human beings. In
many African cultures people are respected even when they are dead. Hence even
when someone is dead there remain instructions “Ipfi la mufu a li pfukwi”, (the
instruction of the deceased must not be overruled). If it can be known what the wishes
of the deceased are, no one should act contrary to them. They also respect the unborn
children as human beings. 50 A living person is related to the ancestors and the unborn
as human beings who deserve respect. Respecting others goes with respecting one-
self. 51 A person who does not respect him- or herself will find it difficult to respect
others.
Hope (Fulufhelo): Sixth, taking out of thorns is undertaken with the hope of
continuing the journey. Thorns are not the end of the journey. It is amazing that when
the thorn is out a person can walk without pain again. The concept of hope in the
removing of thorns is the “unshakable conviction that things can and will turn for the
better” 52 (Italics are mine). There is no false hope in this conviction. There are many
49
Ibid. 37.
50
Dickson A. Mungazi, Gathering Under the Mango Tree: Values in Traditional Culture in Africa
(New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 1996) 28 - 29.
51
Press, 2000) 38.
52
Ibid. 42 – 43.
236
signs that give the opposite picture: things can get worse and worse. Hope stands
against those facts. It says that the thorns will be out and soon we will be home.
Therapy (Dzilafho): Seventh, removing of thorns is the core of therapy. The word
therapy is used here in its simple meaning which indicates healing. 53 Therapy is fixing
what is wrong, which promotes the healed state. The therapy in this model covers the
body, mind and spirit. It is a holistic activity. Thorns in this model and the taking out
of thorns from the foot are the metaphors of all pains in people’s lives. A thorn in
one’s flesh, as Paul mentioned, expresses that there is something that is constantly
annoying him or her. We say more traditionally that someone is sitting on thorns
when he or she is continuously uneasy because of what he or she has done. People
also have pains and they are running away from their situations thinking that there is
no help.
The seven natural instruments to take out thorns reveal that there are many resources
to bring healing. These are the talents entrusted to every individual. They need to be
developed as they are being used. The “kha ri vangulane” model of communal care
suggests that people are gifted in caring for each other and that there are local
instruments and gifts and resources that are there to care for people. Thorns are
problems to barefoot travellers but other thorns can be used to bring solutions of the
problem. God has planted a tree with thorns for different reasons, one of which is for
protection of the tree from people and animals. God has not left the people. He is in
their midst. He gives them gifts to care for each other. People need to acknowledge
their gifts and how they can be utilised for the benefit of the whole community. The
principle of the communal model of taking out each other’s thorns is that the problem
53
Immanuel Yartekwei Lartey, In Living Color: An Intercultural approach to pastoral care and
Counseling (New York: Jessica Kingsley Publishers Ltd, Second impression 2003) 55.
237
may also bring the solution. In Vhavenda culture the expressions, “U amba livhi ndi
uri livhiuya li wane vhudzulo,” (to speak an evil word is to let the good word find its
place), and “U sudzulusa tombo ndi u li isa vhudzuloni halo” (to roll away the stone is
to take it to its rightful position) suggest that there is a potential solution of the
problem within the problem.
These days we have instruments and medication from the West to take out thorns.
They are available at a cost, being the norm of the West. The people in the thorny
bush use the natural thorns to solve their problems at no cost. This is the norm of
Vhavenda -Christian communal pastoral care.
“Kha ri vangulane” is a communal model that can be looked at in many African
cultures. Similar narratives can be found in many cultures of Africa. The taking out of
thorns model indicates a communal caring model. We do not walk alone.
7.6 SOME GENERAL IMPLICATIONS OF THESE
MODELS
The models suggested here are indicating a need for further study and implementation
and are not complete or final. They serve to open the way for further observation and
revision. The gifts of the “un-ordained” should not be ignored. They should be
utilised. The Christian community in this fashion is not the pastor-centred but
community-centred. The concept of recognition suggests that the gifts of every
member should not be undermined. Here the mutual pastoral care becomes the order
of the day. The work of caregivers becomes simple because people are caring for each
other.
238
In communal pastoral care pain is reality. There are many supportive people in every
community. The minor pains come and pass without notice. In an individualistic
community a person feels every pain because there is not a supportive community
around him or her. Hence when a person expresses that he or she feels pain it means
the communal shock absorbers could not contain it. The pain in that person is a
reality. It should not be pushed aside as being superstitions or misconceptions.
Pastoral care without healing did not accomplish its work. Healing in a communal
setting is not narrow, it is holistic. Everything is connected to each other. Nothing is
in isolation. Healing includes the wellbeing of the body, soul, spirit, psycho-social,
environment, etc.
People are connected in such a way that the ancestors are also related to Christians.
Their fear of the spirits becomes a reality each day. Pastoral care that ignores the fear
of ancestor spirits is irrelevant in an African communal setting. Christians live with
them, serve them, and are part of them in many instances. If you ask a person whether
he or she is a witch you will get no one admitting to be a witch. People do not believe
that they are witches, but they believe that there are other people who are witches.
Pastoral care should not disregard this in the name of science and technology. If it
does that in an African communal setting it is being irrelevant. Christians who find no
answers and assurance of their victory over fear for witchcraft sneak to diviners or
prophets to remove their fears.
Pain in an African communal setting is like a virus that can be transmitted to other
members (like sexually transmitted infections). The effective treatment of those
diseases or viruses is to treat the whole family (or husband and wife). Pain in a
communal setting affects the whole family. Hence family should be taken seriously in
communal pastoral care. Pastoral care that would help the patient and let him or her
239
go back to the untreated family is like sending him or her to be re-infected. The
family condition and key people need to be treated to enable them to support the
patient. Communal pastoral care is not one person’s show. It is the whole
community’s show on the basis that everyone is his or her brother / sister’s shepherd.
The ministry of the ordained office is to train the community to do the ministry of
service (Eph. 4: 11 – 12). The ordained office should teach the body of Christ by word
and deed the works or service.
The three models developed in this chapter are the climax of this thesis. The model of
the culturally gifted caregiver has been outlined as it is practised at communal
meetings as illustrated in the “Khoro” and “Dzulo” models. The “Khoro” or “Dzulo”
model can be used in Christian communal care based on traditional communal and
family gatherings. Finally the “Kha ri vangulane” model of taking out the thorns is a
model that indicates that the cultural resources should not be undermined. Like thorns
they are available and cheaper to be found. All are indicative of further research and
experimentation.
The next chapter contains the conclusion and recommendations. It concludes the
whole thesis and also gives some remaining themes that need to be followed by some
researchers who are interested in communal care.
7.7 CONCLUSION
The three models developed in this chapter are the climax of this thesis. The model of
the culturally gifted caregiver has been outlined as it is practised at communal
meetings as illustrated in the “Khoro” and “Dzulo” models. The “Khoro” and “Dzulo”
models can be used in Christian communal care based on traditional communal and
240
family gathering. This is against the perception that says that only the Western models
or cultures can be used in Christian care and counselling or healing. Finally, the “Kha
ri vangulane” model is the model of taking out the thorns. It indicates that the cultural
resources should not be undermined. Like thorns they are available and cheaper to be
found. Thorns need to be handle with care in order to be useful, if not they hurt. All
these are indicative of further research and experimentation.
The next chapter contains the recommendations and conclusions of this research
project. It thus concludes the whole thesis and also highlights some remaining themes
that can be followed by future researchers who are interested in furthering the
research and practice of communal pastoral care in this genre.
241
CHAPTER 8
RECOMMENDATIONS
8.1 INTRODUCTION
In this chapter the author wants to indicate that his thesis has shown how a Vhavenda-
Christian communal model for healing that can help to care for people and heal pain.
The author will review and highlight several important themes that have emerged
from this thesis. The author will also indicate some themes that could be studied by
other researchers as a way forward for enriching African-Christian communal care.
Hence in this chapter the author will conclude by recommending some themes to be
studied to develop this research field further. The study calls upon Christian
communities to deepen their Christian faith by incarnating and contextualising the
gospel to the people’s lives.
8.2 MODELS OF COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE AND
COUNSELLING TO PEOPLE IN PAIN
One problem this thesis addressed is that if pastoral care is done by trying to change
people’s culture or way of life it will not address the real problem people are facing.
Part of the reason why Christianity and Christian care in Africa is complex is that it
has often been seen to be addressing Western problems as the real issues of African
people. African issues like witchcraft and the ancestors were viewed as superficial or
242
superstitions and have been largely ignored. Christianity is thus made to appear like a
foreign religion and foreign way of life. People live in two worlds, their own world
which they truly believe in and the Western world which they are finally not really at
home in. Contextualisation and incarnation are combined to present the gospel to
people in such a way that they identify themselves with it. The contextualised,
incarnated and inculturated gospel becomes part of people’s lives
The author has indicated, as part of contextualisation and incarnation, that there are
ways of ministering to people using communal gifted people without compromising
the gospel. The “khoro” or “dzulo” gathering is one model of communal pastoral care
with great potential for the Christian community. People gather around a person who
has problem in trying to combine their heads to solve the patient’s problem. This
usually also happens in a family context initially but can be expanded to become more
communal and public. There is one to one care or counselling as indicated in the “kha
ri vangulane” model. This one person however does not act alone but should be seen
as a representative of the family or the community.
The researcher of this thesis would invite other scholars to study these models and test
them and improve on them in future research projects.
8.3 ALLIED RESEARCH AND THE NEED FOR MORE
RESEARCH ON VHAVENDA COMMUNAL CARE
MODELS
African cultures are dynamic and constantly evolving in interaction with other local
and global cultures. Today there are more voices crying for a renaissance of African
cultural renewal that highlights the need for re-emphasising the possibilities of
243
contextual communal care as well. As Christian communities in Africa we must not
be ashamed to be called Africans, who will think like Africans and proclaim the link
between African culture and religion which is also under God’s grace through Jesus
Christ.
The communal pastoral care and counselling book reviews have indicated that people
are still crying out for a deeper understanding and renewal of practice of the
communal pastoral theology. The author invites people who live in African cultures to
write down their personal narrative about their experiences of pain and healing. A
danger for Christianity in African context is to become shallow when not taking
African culture seriously but dealing with it superficially.
More new models need to be developed in this field. A good example of such a
model is the recent research by Manala. 1 His Afro-Christian model notes that the
Reformed tradition has stressed preaching but has been vague about the church’s
ministry of healing. He correlates the powerful messages and practices of Jesus with
African healing culture toward a creative and lively balance of a new model of a
healing ministry for his Reformed denomination. More research theses of this type
need to be encouraged and undertaken. More Afro-Christian healing models need to
be developed and tested.
The following paragraphs list some of the themes that need a deeper research to
realise a true communal pastoral care in practical theology.
8.3.1 Pastoral care and counselling is for the whole community
A major theme that came out of this thesis is the need for the development of a more
communal emphasis in pastoral care and counselling. One theme that needs research
1
Jacob Manala, The Church's Ministry to the Sick in a Black South African Context Pretoria: UNISA,
Dissertation, 2006.
244
is: Pastoral counselling is not for the few but for the whole community. This is clearly
an underdeveloped field both in the West and in African literature and practice. A
person in pain needs the family and community support. A person in pain also needs
Christian family and Christian community support. In the Christian community there
remains the tendency for the minister or pastor to be expected to do it alone because
of his or her profession. This model of the ministry needs to be challenged and
reworked radically. Many congregations do not have fulltime pastors at present. How
does the Christian community care without the pastor present? The whole area of
communal care with and apart from the pastor needs to be researched carefully. This
is a very rich research field which impinges greatly on the future of church communal
care in Africa.
8.3.2 The culturally gifted people should do caring and counselling
As noted above, the Christian minister cannot do it alone without help from the
Christian or church community. A second theme to be researched is: The culturally
gifted people should be given a chance to care and counsel. The minister or pastor in
a Christian community should learn what it means to be a facilitator, a servant leader
and a community leader in enabling a mutual ministry of communal care to develop.
In echoing the New Testament and African thinking in a community setting people
must use their different gifts for serving the community. They need to be given a
chance to do these services.
8.3.3 Counselling people who fear ancestral spirits and witchcraft
The third theme that needs research is: Pastoral counselling to people who fear
ancestral spirits and witchcraft. This is an area for further research in Africa and
among the Vhavenda people, including the Vhavenda Christians. In Vhavenda
245
culture, there are events which happened and lead to a person being possessed by
ancestral spirits. The event is called “malombo” in Tshivenda. Originally the
“malombo” dance invites the whole village. People were invited to come and sing as
people who are possessed dance as part of acknowledging the ancestral spirits. A
person who is possessed by the ancestral spirits and who fears witchcraft needs other
people to accompany him or her in their life and current crisis. It immediately
becomes communal care in the sense that many people are involved in the healing
process. This type of communal care and healing needs deeper study by other
researchers. It is also highly urgent as it affects people in Africa almost every day.
There is a danger in the church of ignoring this type of problem and discouraging
people from facing these questions head on. Pastoral care and counselling needs to be
deepened for example regarding what spirits possession actually means, and methods
which may be used to enable healing in such situations. A Christian “malombo” dance
and the exorcism of the evil spirits may need to be developed to be compatible with
these complex situations needing healing.
8.3.4 “Khoro” or “dzulo”: A model of communal pastoral care
The fourth theme that needs to be studied to enrich this thesis is: The “khoro” or
“dzulo” model as a way of doing communal care. The community gatherings that are
directed to solve the problem of an individual or the whole community should be seen
as the way Vhavenda care and heal pain in the family or community. The smaller
gathering which usually begins with the family is usually called “dzulo”. Even
sickness associated with witchcraft is dealt with in these intimate gatherings. In such
gathering around a sick member, people practising witchcraft (as suspected) are called
to un-witch the sick member.
246
The “khoro” is broader than “dzulo” and involves the whole community. The
community leader may call “khoro” to deal with issues of the community. According
to the nature of the issue, a sub-committee (khorwana) may be appointed to deal with
the person involved more closely so that a person is restored to the community and
peace may be maintained. It is clear to the author that these models have great
potential for the church and need to be explored further and refined further for greater
use.
8.3.5 Communal pastoral counselling in indigenous African healers
The fifth theme to be researched is: Communal pastoral care and counselling and
instructions of indigenous initiation schools. Some South Africans combine hospital
scientific medicine with faith healing and indigenous healing to get the maximum
results in the healing spheres. There are tension and conflict in the Christian healer’s
procedures and African indigenous healer. These tension and conflict are not new
because they can be traced in the Bible (Acts 8: 9 – 25). Further research needs to be
undertaken to understand better the actual practices of these healers and should
include interviews with both healers and those healed if possible. How these practices
can or should be incorporated into Christian communal healing practices remains a
great challenge for this researcher. The closest example of such integration is
currently found in the African Independent Churches which is another area for future
research by a new generation of African and not just European scholars.
8.3.6 Communal pastoral counselling in indigenous initiation schools
The sixth theme to be researched is: Communal pastoral care and counselling and
instructions in indigenous initiation schools. The researcher suggests finally another
more radical area of research involving communal pastoral care and healing in
247
indigenous initiation school. It would be useful to study in depth initiation schools and
reflect more deeply on how many of their key ideas could be incorporated into the
church communal care approach. The researcher is initiating this research to avoid
throwing the child out with the bath water. Initiation schools are examples of
communal pastoral care and counselling to people according to their age groups.
There are schools strictly for males and those strictly for females. There are some that
combine males and females.
The main objective of these schools is instruction or teaching and community
building. Teaching and community building are part of pastoral care and counselling.
The importance of teaching or instruction is the building up of a person’s maturity. A
mature person is able to handle problems. The researcher, therefore, would like to
recommend that a study on this theme be conducted. It may help pastoral care and
counselling tremendously to connect teaching and care in a more contextual and more
innovative manner than simply referring to educational counselling in Western
textbooks.
8.4 CONCLUSION
The author would like to conclude this thesis by pointing out that pain can be healed
by communal care and counselling. The communal care and counselling, uses the
resources in the community. Each community member is given gifts of service to the
community. This principle should be applied in a Christian community. Christ has
given each member the gifts to serve the body of Christ. The special offices of the
Church are to equip the community for “works of service” (Ephesians 4: 11 – 13).
The service of a minister should, therefore, be to empower members to serve the
248
whole body. The minister, in this manner, gives church members enough room to
serve each other. There are no spectators, all members are service providers.
Pastoral care is finally done to people in their specific settings. Communal pastoral
care and counselling is a field with rich potential which needs to be explored further.
This thesis has revealed many new dimensions for encouraging Afro-Christian
communal care and particularly for such care of people in real pain. Further urgent
research needs to be undertaken to test other models and enrich this growing field of
research.
249
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APPENDIXES
APPENDIX 1: INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE
KHA RI VANGULANE QUESTIONNAIRE

1. What is the most painful experience in your life?
Ndi ngafhi he vha pfesa vhutungu kha vhutshilo havho?
2. What did your pain bring to you?
Vhutungu havho ho vha disela mini?
3. What did you do to cope with your pain?
Vho ita mini uri vha kone u kondelela na vhutungu havho?
4. How did the extended family heal the pain? If no one helped, what could be
the reason?
Muta kana mashaka vho thusa hani kha u fhedza vhutungu havho? Arali
hu si na we a thusa, zwi nga vha zwo vhangwa nga mini?
5. How did your neighbour help in healing your pain? If they did not help, what
are the possible reasons?
Vhahura vhavho vho vha thusa hani u fhedza vhutungu? Arali vha songo
vha thusa zwi nga vha zwo itiswa nga mini?
6. How did the Church community heal your pain? If they did not help in healing
your pain, what could be the reasons?
Tshitshavha tsha kerekeni tsho thusa hani u fhedza vhutungu havho? Arali
vha songo thusa vha humbula uri zwo vhangwa nga mini?
7. Can you explain the pastors’ role in the healing process? If they did not help in
healing your pain, what could be the reasons?
Vhafunzi vha vho ita mini kha u fhelisa hovhu vhutungu? Arali vha songo
thusa vha humbula uri zwo vhangwa nga mini?
8. What did other people or the whole community help during that time of pains?
Ndi zwifhio zwe vhanwe vhathu kana tshitshavha nga u angaredza tsha ita
u thusa kha vhutungu havho?
9. Did you visit a traditional healer to get a cure of your pain? Why did you deem
it necessary? If not, why did you deem it unnecessary?
Kha vhutungu havho vho vhuya vha dalela nanga kana mungome wa
Tshivenda u ri vha wane phodzo? Ndi ngani vho vhona zwi tshi todea?
Arali vha songo mu dalela ndi nga mini vho vhona zwi sa todei?
10. Which Tshivenda rituals did you perform to heal you? Why did you think they
were necessary? If you did not enter into traditional rituals can you tell me
why? Did you have some guilt feelings about using those rituals?
Ndi ifhio misho ya Tshivenda ye vha dzhena khayo vha tshi toda u fhelisa
hovhu vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vho vhona zwo fanela? Arali zwi siho kha
vha talutshedze uri ndi nga mini vha songo dzhena khadzo. Arali vho
dzhena khadzo kha vha talutshedze uri vho dipfa mulandu kana vho vhona
hu sina zwo khakheaho naa?
11. How did you feel when ordinary people visit you? By ordinary people I mean
those who are not pastors or traditional healer? (People who are entitled to
help, not by their profession but because they are human beings or “vhathu
vha vhathu” in the “bunt” understanding).
261
Vhone vho pfa mini vho dalelwa nga vhathu zwavho? Vhathu zwavho ndi
khou amba vha si vhafunzi kana nanga / mungome wa Tshivenda. (Hafha
ndi khou amba havho vho songo tou vhetshelwaho mushumo wa u londa
tshitshavha, hone vha thusa ngauri muthu ndi muthu nga munwe).
12. From Vhavenda tradition what can be kept in healing process? Can you
explain why it should be kept?
Kha zwa sialala la Vhavenda vha vhona uri ndi zwifhio zwine vha tea u
zwi khetha kha u fhelisa vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vha tshi ralo?
13. From Vhavenda tradition what do you think should not be kept in healing
pains? Can you explain why it should not be kept?
Ndi zwifhio, zwa Tshivenda, zwine vha sa tea u zwi dzhenisa kha u fhelisa
vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vha tshi ralo?
14. What can you advise to someone in pain for speedy recovery?
Vha nga eletshedza mini kha muthu a re vhutunguni uri vhu fhele nga u
tavhanya?
APPENDIX 2: QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS (FOUR SAMPLES)
(The interview will be done in Tshivenda. In between the set questions there may be
some question to clarify the explanation. It will be made as live as possible. The time
of the interview may run from20 minutes to 45 minutes)
Samples of pilot interviews:
Mrs A
The fist person I interviewed was Mrs A (Not the real name). She is now widow. She
is in her mid fifties. She is a member of a Church that plays African Drums (as she
described it)—I think it is one of the African Independent Churches.
Question 1
Rev. Phaswana: Mrs A, what is the most painful experience in your life?
(Vho-Mme A, ndi ngafhi he vha pfesa vhutungu kha vhutshilo havho?)
Mrs A: Mukalaha vha tshi mala musadzi wa Musuthu. Mukalaha vha tshi wana
tshelede vha sa tsha nnea.
It is when my husband married a second wife, a Sotho woman. My husband did not
give me money when he was paid.
Mrs A’s most painful experience is the second wife in their marriage. She told a story
of her husband marring a second wife while in Johannesburg. He took this decision by
himself—without involving the family. She was surprise that he was no longer
sending money to support the family as he was used to do. She went to Johannesburg
and found that there is another wife. And she was not welcomed but she stayed. She
started to sell African bear (mahafhe) to make money and send it to her children back
home. That is her story.
Comments:
Mrs A’s main worry was not her husband’s second wife. As she might be in her mid-
fifties, that was the common practice of the day. In the discussion her mother-in-law
told her husband that he should have not have done that because he saw her suffering
262
in a polygamous marriage. But from Mrs A the main worry was the support of the
family. The second wife was a Sotho—one felt here tribalism, like the woman of
another tribe took her husband. Mrs A suspected that the money was being sent to this
second wife’s parents. Her story shows that she worked hard for her children. Her
husband was retrenched and got a little lump sum. Her husband and the second wife
came back home (Venda). She remained in Johannesburg working until the end of the
year. When she came back they have finished money. She looked for job in a local
shop. The family was depending on her income. Her husband found a job in nearby
town called Louis Trichatdt (Now Makhado). He worked in military. He arranged a
place to stay in the town. The second wife followed. He did come back and did not
send money back home. Things were hard because the mother-in-law moved which
means the pension grant is gone. Anna told her elderly son (she had daughter who
were married), who was in standard 8 (grade 10) to look after the end of the year. Her
son told her to struggle for food because they have a house, which his father left for
them. If he could manage to pass standard 10 he may look for a job. She followed her
son’s advice. He passed standard 10 and went to Johannesburg and found a job. Her
husband found that second wife had an affair with another man. So she was sent back
home (Johannesburg). Her husband was retrenched again. He came back and
depended on her again. She gave him money to go back to Johannesburg to look for a
job. Things came back to normal. But that did not go long because he became sick
and died. Now she feels relieved because her two sons are working. She does some
traditional necklaces and sells them. If she needs anything she could call one of her
son to send her money.
This happened more than twenty years ago. It is still painful up to this day. Family
pain is durable—can last for long time in a person’s life. Mrs A felt deserted by her
own husband because he was no longer standing by her and the children. She is
saying that he should have supported his family even in this polygamous marriage.
Now she has her community back—her children. They are keen to support her.
Question 2
Rev. Phaswana: Are there some other consequences of this pain?
(Hu na masiandaitwa o daho nga uvhu vhutungu?)
Mrs A: (Ndo rengisa halwa u thusa kha vhushai hanga. Huna duvha le ra semana na
muhadzinga wanga.)
I sold bear to help the family to get out from the poverty. One day we had a quarrel.
Comments:
She has a house and children but no food. That was to be in real poverty. The peace
was gone from her marriage she had quarrel with her rival. It is not easy for two wives
to share one man.
Question 3
Rev. Phaswana: How did you cope by yourself?
(Vho kona hani u ima nga vhone mune vhe vhothe?)
Mrs A: (Ndo tou kondelela)
I endure.
Comment:
In Mrs A’s story you can read endurance. She worked hard to raise her children. She
could have moved out but she remained. Her son told her that their main worry is
food because hey have a place to stay. She said that gave her courage to work hard.
263
Question 4
Rev. Phaswana: In what way did other people help during that time of pain?
(Vhanwe vhathu vho vha thusa nga zwifhio musi vha kha hovho vhutungu?)
Mrs A: (A hu na o nthusaho).
No one helped me.
Comments:
The word help might be suggesting financial help. In that sense there was no help, as
she had to struggle on her own. This means that I must qualify help in things like
finance, advices, moral support etc.
Question 5
Rev. Phaswana: How did your neighbours help in healing your pain? If they did not
help, what are the possible reasons?
(Vhahura vhavho vho vha thusa hani u fhedza vhutungu? Arali vha songo vha thusa
zwi nga vha zwo itiswa nga mini?)
Mrs A: (Kha vhahura ndi muthihi we a nkoloda zwiliwa.)
From the neighbours one gave me maze meal (flour) for food when she saw that
things are very difficult.
Question 6
Rev. Phaswana: How did the extended family heal the pain?
(Muta kana mashaka vho thusa hani kha u fhedza vhutungu havho?)
Mrs A: A vho ngo nthusa na luthihi.
They did not help me at all.
Comments:
The word help her might have financial connotation. It needs to be qualified as
commented above.
Question 7
Rev. Phaswana: How did the Church community heal your pain? If they did not help
in healing your pain, what could be the reasons?
(Tshitshavha tsha kerekeni tsho thusa hani u fhedza vhutungu havho? Arali vha songo
thusa vha humbula uri zwo vhangwa nga mini?)
Mrs A: (Kereke a yo ngo nthusa. Kereke ya hashu a I thogomeli zwisiwana.)
The church did not help me. Our church does not have programme for the poor. We
belong to a church that played drums.
Comments:
The word help and heal need to be qualified. Mrs A knows that in other churches
(mainline) there is collection for the poor. Her son is the member of the church I was
serving.
Question 8
Rev. Phaswana: Can you explain the pastors’ role in the healing process? If they did
not help in healing your pain, what could be the reasons?
(Vhafunzi vha vho ita mini kha u fhelisa hovhu vhutungu? Arali vha songo thusa vha
humbula uri zwo vhangwa nga mini?)
Mrs A: (Ndo tou ya kha mufunzi we a nkhuthadza.)
I went to another pastor who comforted me.
264
Comments:
The word “help” needs to be qualified in the main interviews
Question 9
Rev. Phaswana: Did you visit a traditional healer to get a cure of your pain? Why did
you deem it necessary? If not, why did you deem it unnecessary?
Kha vhutungu havho vho vhuya vha dalela nanga kana mungome wa Tshivenda u ri
vha wane phodzo? Ndi ngani vho vhona zwi tshi todea? Arali vha songo mu dalela
ndi nga mini vho vhona zwi sa todei?
Mrs A: (A thongo ya ngauri ho vha hu sin a vhulwadze. Ndo vhona zwi sa todei.)
I did not consult because it was not sickness. I found it unnecessary.
Comments:
She felt that she could not visit a traditional healer because she was not sick.
Question 10
Rev. Phaswana: Which Venda rituals did you perform to heal you? Why did you think
they were necessary? If you did not enter into traditional rituals can you tell me why?
Did you have some guilt feelings about using those rituals?
(Ndi ifhio misho ya Tshivenda ye vha dzhena khayo vha tshi toda u fhelisa hovhu
vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vho vhona zwo fanela? Arali zwi siho kha vha talutshedze
uri ndi nga mini vha songo dzhena khadzo. Arali vho dzhena khadzo kha vha
talutshedze uri vho dipfa mulandu kana vho vhona hu sina zwo khakheaho naa?)
Mrs A: (A huna)
None.
Comments:
She might have not done because she did not visit a traditional healer
Question 11
Rev. Phaswana: How did you feel when ordinary people visit you? By ordinary
people I mean those who are neither pastors nor traditional healers?
(Vhone vho pfa mini vho dalelwa nga vhathu zwavho? Vhathu zwavho ndi khou
amba vha si vhafunzi kana nanga / mungome wa Tshivenda.)
Mrs A: Ndo pfa ndo thusea.
I felt relieved.
Comments:
By the word visit I meant to be concerned with the problem. But she understood visit
in the ordinary way. In communal community people have time to be together. Those
simple visits comforted her.
Question 12
Rev. Phaswana: From Venda tradition what can be kept in healing process? Can you
(Kha zwa sialala la Vhavenda vha vhona uri ndi zwifhio zwine vha tea u zwi khetha
kha u fhelisa vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vha tshi ralo?)
Mrs A: A hu na. Muthu u tea u rabela Mudzimu.
Nothing. One should pray God.
Comments:
She does not believe that there are traditional things that can help in healing. People
should pray God for healing
265
Question 13
Rev. Phaswana: From Venda tradition what do you think should not be kept in
healing pains? Can you explain why it should not be kept?
(Ndi zwifhio, zwa Tshivenda, zwine vha sa tea u zwi dzhenisa kha u fhelisa
vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vha tshi ralo?)
Mrs A: U ya dzinangani. A songo ya thanguni ngauri thangu dzi a lutanya.
One may visit the doctors. He or she should not use divination (throwing bones to
diagnose the problem) because it will cause conflict.
Comments:
People, who diagnose the problem by throwing bones, according to Anna, are causing
conflicts in people’s lives.
Question 14
Rev. Phaswana: What can you advise to someone in pain for speedy recovery?
(Vha nga eletshedza mini kha muthu a re vhutunguni uri vhu fhele nga u tavhanya?)
Mrs A: Kha ye kerekeni. Hu na munwe we a vha e kha thaidzo nda mu eletshedza uri
kha ye kerekeni uri thaidzo yawe I fhele. Zwino thaidzo yawe yo no fhungudzea.
He or she should go to church. There was someone who had a problem, I advised her
to attend church. Now her problem is reduced.
Comments:
Mrs A has a trust in church community.
Mrs C
Mrs C is an old granny at her about seventies.
Question 1
Rev. Phaswana: What is the most painful experience in your life?
(Ndi ngafhi he vha pfesa vhutungu kha vhutshilo havho?)
Mrs C: (A huna. Malwadze a divha hone. Lufu ndo tangana na lwa nwana’nga wa
mufumakadzi. Lwo mbavha.)
I had no pain. Yes there are some sicknesses in my life. My daughter died. Her death
did hurt me.
Comments:
Mrs C was not sure of the question. At first she denied any experience of pain in her
life. But she went on to say her body is on and off with regard to health. The death of
her daughter pained her. She felt pain because she was thinking that he daughter was
going to bury her. Her daughter was still young and she was expecting that she will
bury her. But now things happen in reverse (another round). Due to Aids pandemic
this is becoming common that parents are arranging burials of their children. The
argument of the elderly is who is going to bury them as the youth are dying.
Question 2
Rev. Phaswana: Are there some other consequences of this pain?
(Huna masiandaitwa o daho nga uvhu vhutungu?)
Mrs C: (A hu na.)
There is nothing.
Comments:
266
The word needs a serious qualification or simplification. One can read that she has to
look after her grandchildren.
Question 3
Rev. Phaswana: How did you cope by yourself?
(Vho kona hani u ima nga vhone mune vhe vhothe?)
Mrs C: (Ndo kondelela. A ho ngo vha na khakhathi.)
I endure. There was no problem.
Comments:
Endurance is the message to the bereaved. One has to take in the pain. The bereaved
are not expected to cry openly in Venda culture.
Question 4
Rev. Phaswana: In what way did other people help during that time of pains?
(Vhanwe vhathu vho vha thusa nga zwifhio musi vha kha hovho vhutungu?)
Mrs C: (Society yo thusa.)
Burial Society helped me.
Comments:
She is a member of a Burial Society. There are many societies focusing on burial. In
case of death these societies play an important role in their members. The problem
with many of them is that they are only focusing on death or funeral. They are not
worried with alleviation of poverty or medication when a member is ill. I cannot
forget the experience of the death of a mother of man who was attending our church.
He told me that she was sick. There was no cent in the house. He loan some money to
hire a car to take his mother to hospital. She died on the way. I attended the evening
devotions during the week. Things were contrary to what I was told. There was plenty
of food. On the day of funeral it was as like a burial of a queen. On the way to
cemetery, her casket was led by women with the flag of the burial society. When I
inquire, I found that she was leading a branch of one burial society. People in African
communities today may look poor, unable to pay tuition fee for their children, unable
to have medication, but when they die there is money saved in burial society. There is
a joke that says “They may fail to take you to university but they may not fail to bury
you.” There is something wrong with this picture. The present should be looked as
important as the future.
Question 5
Rev. Phaswana: How did your neighbour help in healing your pain? If they did not
help, what are the possible reasons?
“Vhahura vhavho vho vha thusa hani u fhedza vhutungu? Arali vha songo vha thusa
zwi nga vha zwo itiswa nga mini?)
Mrs C: (A vho ngo thusa, hu shuma society)
They did not help. The Burial Society served.
Comments:
She told me that in other communities the whole community contribute to the
deceased family. But here it was the work of Burial Society.
Question 6
Rev. Phaswana: How did the extended family heal the pain?
(Muta kana mashaka vho thusa hani kha u fhedza vhutungu havho?)
267
Mrs C: (Vho thusa nga masheleni.)
They help with money.
Comments:
There were some contributions from family member and relatives to help the funeral
service.
Question 7
Rev. Phaswana: How did the Church community heal your pain? If they did not help
in healing your pain, what could be the reasons?
(Tshitshavha tsha kerekeni tsho thusa hani u fhedza vhutungu havho? Arali vha songo
thusa vha humbula uri zwo vhangwa nga mini?)
Mrs C: (Nga u ita thabelo madekwana manwe na manwe)
They came here for prayer every evening.
Comments:
It has become a culture that people come together for the reading of Scriptures and
prayer a week of burial. This does not matter whether a person is a Christian or not.
They come in their great numbers to stand by the side of the bereaved.
Question 8
Rev. Phaswana: Can you explain the pastors’ role in the healing process? If they did
not help in healing your pain, what could be the reasons?
(Vhafunzi vha vho ita mini kha u fhelisa hovhu vhutungu? Arali vha songo thusa vha
humbula uri zwo vhangwa nga mini?)
Mrs C: (Ho vha na vhafunzi vhe vha thusa. A tshi tsha divha dzina lavho.)
There was a pastor who helped. I forgot his name.
Comments:
Pastors and church members are important people in case of death. They support a
bereaved family in singing, reading the Bible and prayer. In this case to be a pastor is
to serve. The important issue is not position or to be ordained and trained.
Question 9
Rev. Phaswana: Did you visit a traditional healer to get a cure of your pain? Why did
you deem it necessary? If not, why did you deem it unnecessary?
(Kha vhutungu havho vho vhuya vha dalela nanga kana mungome wa Tshivenda u ri
vha wane phodzo? Ndi ngani vho vhona zwi tshi todea? Arali vha songo mu dalela
ndi nga mini vho vhona zwi sa todei?)
Mrs C: (Vhafunzi nga vha ri ndi vha vhudze ngoho kale-kale ndo vhuya nda ya
nangani. Hone zwino a thi tsha ya. A thongo ya mungomeni kha hovhu vhutungu.)
Reverend let me tell you the truth: Sometimes ago I used to go to diviners. Now I am
no more consulting the diviners. In this case I did not go to the diviner to heal the
pain.
Comments:
It is difficult to understand what she is saying by this because when someone dies
though the church is involved, family members visit a diviner.
Question 10
Rev. Phaswana: Which Venda rituals did you perform to heal you? Why did you think
they were necessary? If you did not enter into traditional rituals can you tell me why?
Did you have some guilt feelings about using those rituals?
268
(Ndi ifhio misho ya Tshivenda ye vha dzhena khayo vha tshi toda u fhelisa hovhu
vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vho vhona zwo fanela? Arali zwi siho kha vha talutshedze
uri ndi nga mini vha songo dzhena khadzo. Arali vho dzhena khadzo kha vha
talutshedze uri vho dipfa mulandu kana vho vhona hu sina zwo khakheaho naa?)
Mrs C: (A tho ngo vhuya nda dzhena khayo ndo tou ya kha vhakereke dza dzithambo.
Ro dovha ra vhidza maine a da a thungula kha u tibula tshithombo.)
I did not do any Venda rituals. I visited Church people who use ropes. We also visited
a traditional diviner to diagnose the cause of death.
Comments:
These contradictions are not problems because things are combined to supplement
each other. Church people do visit the diviner to find out who caused the death. In that
case a diviner was called in. The question is: Why can’t they do one thing rather than
mixing? The answer is that one is weak in one thing in which the other is strong at.
Question 11
Rev. Phaswana: How did you feel when ordinary people visit you? By ordinary
people I mean those who are not pastors, nor traditional healer?
(Vhone vho pfa mini vho dalelwa nga vhathu zwavho? Vhathu zwavho ndi khou
amba vha si vhafunzi kana nanga / mungome wa Tshivenda.)
Mrs C: (Ndo pfa vha tshi thusa. Ngauri ndo vha do funa o mbulunga)
I felt relieved. Because I wanted my daughter to be the one who buried me.
Comments:
Her problem was that this should have been her funeral. So when people came in her
house they relieved her. They were discussing other things in their community to take
her away from thinking about death of her daughter.
Question 12
Rev. Phaswana: From Venda tradition what can be kept in healing process? Can you
(Kha zwa sialala la Vhavenda vha vhona uri ndi zwifhio zwine vha tea u zwi khetha
kha u fhelisa vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vha tshi ralo?)
Mrs C: (Muthu nga a dirindidzea nga ene mune.)
A person should comfort he-/herself.
Comments:
Self-comfort has to do with self-teaching. In this world people come and go. Death is
reality—one has to look at the great-grandparents who have gone. We are also going
the same way.
Question 13
Rev. Phaswana: From Venda tradition what do you think should not be kept in
healing pains? Can you explain why it should not be kept?
(Ndi zwifhio, zwa Tshivenda, zwine vha sa tea u zwi dzhenisa kha u fhelisa
vhutungu? Ndi nga mini vha tshi ralo?)
Mrs C: (Muthu a songo ita zwitshele. U do fhambana na vhathu. Fhano shangoni hu a
dina hu a tuwiwa. Avho vho sikaho vho-makhulu kuku wanga vha ngafhi?)
One should not gossip. If he or she gossips she will be in conflict with the people.
People come and go in this world. Where are those who created my great-great
grandparents?
Comments:
269
The message is that even if people put in their traditional belief they will die. So they
should not fight people by gossiping. My hunch of gossip is to tell stories of being
bewitched by someone. This will not help but will create enmity with other people.
Question 14
Rev. Phaswana: What can you advise to someone in pain for speedy recovery?
(Vha nga eletshedza mini kha muthu a re vhutunguni uri vhu fhele nga u tavhanya?
Mrs C: (Arali muthu o welwa nga lufu rine vhaahuwa ri ya khae ram u vusela uri o
lala hani. Hunwe vha mbilu thukhu ri wana vha tshi khou lila. Ri a vha khuthadza nga
la uri a zwo ngo thoma nga ene. Ri mu tutuwedza u kondelela uri a sa lile. Muthu u
rindidzwa nga vhathu.)
If one’s family member dies we the elderly should visit her and ask how he / she is
feeling. In other cases we find people with small heart crying. We comfort them by
saying death is not starting with their family. We encourage him / her to endure and
stop crying. A person is comforted by other people.
Major Qualitative interviews:
The Tshivenda version in answers was not used here. The researcher saw that using
Tshivenda (which is original version) will make the sample too long. The English is
the researcher’s translation.
11 April 2006
Mr 4
He is about seventy years.
1. Tell me, when and where did you experience pain, in your life?
Kha vha talutshedze uri vho pfa vhutungu lini kana ngafhi kha vhutshilo
havho.
He was involved in car accident. The car was in flame. His conductor help
to open the door and he jumped into the dam full of crocodiles. Likely they
run away. He heard the people shouting crocodiles. He went out
immediately. He was taken to hospital for burns wounds. The other painful
was that none of his relatives knew about it while he was in hospital. They
heard it while he was out of hospital. He also related to me about the
painful experience about his father’s death. He suspected that his father
was poisoned. He spent a lot of money going to diviners looking for who
killed him and found out that he was not dead but was changed to zomby.
2. What did your pain or suffering bring to you?
Vhutungu kana u tambula havho ho vha disela mini?
He spent a lot of money going to diviners to find out the cause of his
father’s death. There was confusion in the family because it was suspected
that his father was poisoned.
It was difficult. Even today when he thinks about it is painful. He
sometimes thinks he will die like his father.
the reason?
270
They did not help him expect his ant who was just trying and my sister.
They were not of help. They also inflame roamers about poisoning. Some
said his mother killed his father.
While at work he was attending a church. Going back to work in
Groblesdal, members of the church visited him and prayed for him. He
identified the church he was attending as Full Gospel.
The pastor of his church in Groblesdal visited him. He identified his pastor
as Mangaya
They did not help him. The communities were not yet arranged as it is
today that when one dies people contribute to help in the funeral. He was
given a car from his work to use for the funeral. It was painful to him.
He visited traditional healers in order to know the cause of his father’s
death. There roamers that he is a zombie. But he did not believe in
zombies.
All rituals involved death was performed. The rituals included purification
by sprinkling water on palms inside and outside, neck back and front; feet
under and top. All seeds were burnt and made into a powder and people
ate it.
271
those who are not pastors or traditional healer?
khou amba vha si vhafunzi kana nanga / mungome wa Tshivenda.
Church people used to visit him. That helps him because he did believe
there are zombies. But he suffered in dreams. He dreamed his father telling
him to wake up and see. When he woke up going around the house he
found his sister and her husband and doctor performing some rituals. He
was disturbed and wanting to fight them.
There must be communication. The family should sit down and discuss the
issues.
He does not want traditional diviners and the prophets because they tell
lies.
tavhanya?
He should just trust in the Lord.
04 May 2006
Mrs 6
45 years
1. Tell me, when and where did you experience pain, in your life?
Kha vha talutshedze uri vho pfa vhutungu lini kana ngafhi kha vhutshilo
havho.
She suffered pain in 2002 when her husband decided not to come home.
When she followed him and she heard that he had an affair another
woman. He spent a lot of money with another woman. He came back
home with a bag of maze meal. There was no money and no soap. He was
injured while fighting for bear—he was stabbed by something sharp in the
spinal cord. This instance added her pain.
2. What did your pain or suffering bring to you?
Vhutungu kana u tambula havho ho vha disela mini?
There are good things. She thought of connecting to the church. There was
no food at home. The church is helping her.
God helped her to cope with the pain. She consoled herself by saying that
she will survive. She clings to a Tshivenda proverb that says: “A hu na
vhinda la ndala”; translated —there is no grave of hunger.
272
the reason?
No relative helped her. But her children who were working helped by
giving some food.
They did not help.
The church community help her by food and clothes and building a shelter
for her and the family.
Pastor came in and prayed for her and helped with the church providing
materials for her family.
They did not help her.
She did not visit a traditional healer. She attended church some years ago.
So she did not think it proper to visit the traditional healer.
None.
those who are not pastors or traditional healer?
khou amba vha si vhafunzi kana nanga / mungome wa Tshivenda.
She felt relieved.
273
There is nothing. People should trust in God.
People should not visit traditional healers.
tavhanya?
She would advise a person in pain to pray.
APPENDIX 3: DZULO OR KHORO PROGRAMME (A SAMPLE)
DZULO PROGRAMME
The steps of African Christian palaver can be:
(1). Opening prayer: It is calling upon the name of God through Jesus Christ
asking his intervention in the deliberation and that the gathering should bring healing
and peace in the community, which a minister of a Christian church may lead;
(2). Welcome and introducing the purpose of the meeting: The family or
community leader is responsible for this task to let every person free and know why
people are called;
(3). Expanding the problem by a patient: The person with the problem
explains his or her problem to the participants of the gathering added by some people
who know that problem;
(4). Other participants taking turns in sharing their experience and
advices: People come with different experience of the problem and minister may a
relevant passage and explain it to the participants;
(5). Concluding remarks and directions: Elders or family / church /
community leaders come in giving the directions of the matter. Usually they are
silence during the previous steps but listening inventively for this step;
(6). Closing prayer: The gathering end by a word of prayer of gratitude and
requests for true implementation of the decision arrived at the gathering, which a
minister of the church may lead with the reading of the Bible;
(7). Celebrations by joining in sharing food or socialization: As the
gathering is on there are other people preparing food. Vhavenda say, “Ri senga ri tshi
la”, translated as “we speak while eating”. The meaning is that meeting should not be
celebrated from food. This is not just food, it is the celebration. Thus it is
accompanied by dancing. This model can fit in well with the Christian-Vhavenda
gatherings following a similar pattern.
274

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COMMUNAL PASTORAL

COUNSELLING: CULTURALLY GIFTED

DEMBE REUBEN PHASWANA

Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA

PROMOTER: DR. M E HESTENES

I Dembe Reuben Phaswana,

student number: 0421 588 – 5

COMMUNAL PASTORAL COUNSELLING:

DR PHASWANA _____________ DATE ______________

involvement I wouldn’t have started and submitted this thesis.

am small. It reminds me of a trip of an elephant and mouse crossing the

that did the real shaking. “Soli Deo Gloria!”

My thanks go to my promoter Dr. M.E. Hestenes. He gave me encouragement

rereading with encouraging comments.

library but I could find the books I need. I thank them.

I thank the Reformed church Fundudzi for the Family Enrichment

Conferences (FEC). They taught me to minister communal care. They also

welcomed my application to study. Reformed church Nzhelele also

understood and accepted that I am in a study programme. Reformed church

Tshiawelo hosted me when I was on study leave. I thank families of Tseisi M.

Simon, Rev. Ramantswana Hulisani, Rev. Rabali Thiofhi and Heidelberg

Theological Seminary students.

I acknowledge the encouragement which fellow ministers in the reformed

synod Soutpansberg made. The late Reverends Netshitangani ET and Mugeri

MS encouraged me many times to study.

study. They are: Unarine, Pfulufhedziso, Muhuliseni, Ampfarisaho. I say, “A ni

ntshileli, Vhakwevho!” This is your sweat!

gifted care-givers who follow spontaneous caring models.

pain from their cosmological perspective.

encountered in interpreting the research results include pain as part of life.

The thesis develops two sub-models of a Vhavenda-Christian culturally gifted model

Bible. The conclusion is that members of the Christian community need to

KEY WORDS AND PHRASES

pain, suffering, Christian communal pastoral care, healing

TITLE PAGE ....................................................................... ...................... a

DECLARATION …………………… ....................................................... b

AKNOWLEDGEMENT ………………. .................................................. c

KEY WORDS ...............................................................................................f

TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................ i

1.1 ORIENTATION …………………………………………………… 1

1.1.1 Africans are people in real pain …………………………………… 1

1.1.2 Communal actions can heal pain …………………………………… 3

1.1.3 God’s care is omnipresent in communal care ………………………….… 5

1.2 THE RESEARCH PROBLEM …………………………………… 7

1.3 PRACTICAL THEOLOGY, MUTUAL / COMMUNAL CARE AND

EMPIRICAL METHOD …………………………………………… 8

1.3.1 Practical Theology …………………………………………………… 8

1.3.3 The correlation model ………………………………................... 11

1.4 COMMUNAL CARE AS MUTUAL CARE, PASTORAL CARE AND,

COUSELLING AND PASTORAL THERAPY …………………... 13

1.5 CULTURAL MATERIALS AS EXTRA-BIBLICAL MATERIALS IN

COMMUNAL PASTORAL CARE …………………………………… 18

1.5.1 Culture as an extra-biblical material in pastoral care ……..………...… 19

1.5.2 The Reformed tradition and culture ……………………………….… 21

1.6 PRACTICAL THEOLOGY AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO EMPIRICAL

1.7 COMMENTS OF THE SAMPLE POPULATION TO BE

1.8 THE DEFINITION OF KEY CONCEPTS…………………………. 28

1.9 CHAPTER HEADINGS FOR THE FUTURE CHAPTERS ….…… 29

DR PHASWANA _ DATE __