MEMO

POLICY

THE CONTINENT-
WIDE RISE OF
EUROSCEPTICISM
Jose Ignacio Torreblanca and Mark Leonard

with Dimitar Bechev, Piotr Buras, Petr Drulák, Silvia Francescon,

Ulrike Guérot, Thomas Klau, Hans Kundnani, Jonas Parello-Plesner,
Teija Tiilikainen, Nicholas Walton, and Jan Marinus Wiersma

It was once seen as a British disease. But Euroscepticism has In the past, there was an unwritten rule that EU institutions
now spread across the continent like a virus. As data from would police the single market and other technical areas
Eurobarometer shows, trust in the European project has of policy - from common standards for the composition of
fallen even faster than growth rates. Since the beginning of tomato paste to lawnmower sound emissions - while national
the euro crisis, trust in the European Union has fallen from governments would continue to have a monopoly on the
+10 to -22 percent in France, from +20 to -29 percent in delivery of services and policymaking in the most sensitive
Germany, from +30 to -22 percent in Italy, from +42 to -52 areas on which national elections depended.
percent in Spain, from +50 to +6 percent in Poland, and from
-13 to -49 percent in the United Kingdom. Since the crisis began, citizens in creditor countries have
become resistant to taking responsibility for the debts of
What is so striking is that everyone in the EU has been losing others without having mechanisms for controlling their
faith in the project: both creditors and debtors, and eurozone spending. With the fiscal compact and demands by the
countries, would-be members, and “opt-outs”. Back in 2007, European Central Bank (ECB) for comprehensive domestic
people thought that the UK, which scored -13 percent in reforms, Eurocrats have crossed many of the red lines of
trust, was the Eurosceptic outlier. Now, remarkably, the four national sovereignty, extending their reach way beyond food
largest eurozone countries have even lower levels of trust in safety standards to exert control over pensions, taxes, salaries,
the EU institutions than Britain did back in 2007. So what is the labour market, and public jobs. These areas go to the
going on? heart of welfare states and national identities.

The old explanation for Euroscepticism was the alleged To an increasing number of citizens in southern European
existence of a democratic deficit within the EU. Decisions, countries, the EU looks like the International Monetary
critics said, were taken by unaccountable institutions rather Fund (IMF) did in Latin America: a golden straitjacket that
than elected national governments. But the current crisis is squeezing the space for national politics and emptying
is born not of a clash between Brussels and the member their national democracies of content. In this new situation,
states but a clash between the democratic wills of citizens governments come or go but policies remain basically the
in northern and southern Europe - the so-called centre and same and cannot be challenged. Meanwhile, in northern
periphery. And both sides are now using EU institutions to European countries, the EU is increasingly seen to have failed
advance their interests. to control the policies of the southern rim. The creditors have
a sense of victimhood that mirrors that of the debtors.
 If sovereignty is understood as the capacity of the people as a community of the prosperous. Czechs are glad that, unlike
THE CONTINENT-WIDE RISE OF EUROSCEPTICISM

to decide what they want for their country, few in either the Slovaks, who joined the single currency, they were not
the north or the south today feel that they are sovereign. A pressured to contribute to the bailouts of southern eurozone
substantial part of democracy has vanished at the national countries that are seen as relatively rich, irresponsible,
level but it has not been recreated at the European level. and profligate. Meanwhile, Czechs do not see any looming
security threats that might make them think they need the
In a fully functioning national political system, political EU for protection. Recent Czech governments, which have
parties would be able to voice these different perspectives been led by moderate and even die-hard Eurosceptics such
- and hopefully act as a referee and find common ground as former President Václav Klaus, have also contributed to
between them. But that is precisely what the European the general anti-EU mood.
political system cannot deliver: because it lacks true political
parties, a proper government, and a public sphere, the EU
cannot compensate for the failures of national democracies.
Instead of a battle of ideas, the EU has been marred by a Denmark
vicious circle between anti-EU populism and technocratic
agreements between member states that are afraid of their
citizens. Although 2012 is the fortieth anniversary of Denmark’s
accession to the EU, there seems to be little for Danish
Is the rise of anti-EU populism here to stay? The hope is pro-Europeans to celebrate. Net trust in the EU declined
that as growth picks up, Euroscepticism will weaken and from +36 percent in 2007 to +2 percent by 2012. This fall
eventually recede. But the collapse of trust in the EU runs in popular support matters because Denmark sits outside
deeper than that. Enthusiasm for the EU will not return the most integrated part of the EU and cannot integrate
unless the EU profoundly changes the way it deals with its further without referendums. Two of the six referendums
member states and its citizens. held on Europe in the past were lost by the pro-EU camp:
the nej to the Maastricht treaty in 1992 led to opt-outs on
defence, justice, and home affairs and the euro, and laid the
legal foundation for a two-speed Europe. Because of growing
Bulgaria Euroscepticism, Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt
has postponed the referendum on Europe that she promised
in her election manifesto. This means Denmark would be
Trust in the EU has actually increased slightly since Bulgaria unable to follow the eurozone countries into a banking, fiscal,
joined in 2007: 60 percent “tend to trust” the EU now or political union.
compared to 54 percent in 2007 (although distrust has also
slightly increased, from 21 to 24 percent). Citizens trust
Brussels because of the unpopularity of domestic institutions
(the most recent Eurobarometer poll suggested that 74 Finland
percent distrust the national parliament and 79 percent hold
a negative view of political parties). The EU continues to
serve as an external corrective for dysfunctional politics at Attitudes towards the EU in Finland are slightly contradictory:
home - illustrated by the wave of mass protests in February while levels of support for Finnish membership of the EU and
and March that triggered snap parliamentary elections. But the single currency remain high, levels of trust in the EU are
although popular anger was directed at Bulgarian elites who much lower and there is little sense of a European identity.
were blamed for poverty and rampant corruption, the EU The economic crisis has polarised Finns and the bailouts
was no longer invoked as the cure. Private investors from of indebted eurozone countries have been particularly
other member states also came under fire, suggesting a shift controversial. The sharp rise in Euroscepticism in Finland
to economic nationalism that might also provide fertile gave a boost to the True Finns party, which became the third-
www.ecfr.eu

ground for Euroscepticism in the future. largest party in parliament, with 39 seats, in the general
elections of 2011. But the increase in criticism of the EU has
also led to some strengthening of pro-European sentiments
among its supporters. This suggests that while the True
Czech Republic Finns will be able to gain political capital by mobilising latent
dissatisfaction with the EU, they are less likely to be able to
May 2013

undermine the broad, deep-rooted support for the EU that

There has been a steady decline in support for the EU in the exists in Finland.
Czech Republic: net support fell from +29 percent in 2007
to -26 percent in 2012. Czechs have a pragmatic rather than
ECFR/79

idealistic attitude towards the EU: they see EU membership

as a “marriage of convenience” that provides prosperity and
security. However, the crisis has tainted the image of the EU
2
Figure 1
EU-13. Trust in the EU - Net Support* (2007-2012)

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
Bulgaria

Czech Republic

Denmark

Finland

France

Germany

Greece

Italy

The Netherlands

Poland

Portugal

Spain
-10

UK
-20

-30

-40

-50

-60

-70

2007 2012

Source:
Standard Eurobarometer 67, Spring 2007
Standard Eurobarometer 78, November 2012

* “Net support in the EU” has been calculated by subtracting the people who “tend
to trust the EU” from the people who “tend not to trust the EU”. A methodological
note including a detailed table summarising the data for 27 EU member states can
be found on ECFR’s website: http://www.ecfr.eu/publications/summary/the_
continent_wide_rise_of_euroscepticism207

3
 France As Greece has experienced widespread civil unrest and anti-
THE CONTINENT-WIDE RISE OF EUROSCEPTICISM

immigrant violence, support for explicitly anti-EU parties

such as the communist KKE and the far-right Chryssi Avgi
For once, France is no exception: since the crisis began, trust (Golden Dawn) has also increased.
in the EU has diminished and its image has worsened. In
2012 the number of French respondents who “tend not to
trust” the EU rose to 56 percent from 41 percent in 2007. This
negative judgment about the EU’s response to the crisis has Italy
already had an impact on French politics: it is undoubtedly a
factor in the even deeper entrenchment of the violently anti-
EU, far-right National Front in France’s political life and an Austerity is changing perceptions of the EU among Italian
equally significant factor in the political and media success citizens - especially among the young, 40 percent of whom
of the radical left leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon. However, if are unemployed. The recent Italian election showed that
the French people are able to identify a visible, resolute, and Italians have lost their faith in, and patience with, Brussels
accountable leadership at the EU or eurozone level that gives and Berlin and no longer believe that the end of the crisis
economic recovery priority by focusing on debt reduction as is around the corner. But although trust in the EU has
much as on investment strategies and growth policies, and decreased in Italy, a majority of Italian respondents still see
indeed takes the first step towards pan-European welfare themselves as European citizens and identify with Europe.
models, then the anti-EU trend could be reversed. In a recent poll, only 1 percent wanted to leave the EU.
Instead, a large majority - especially among the business
community - wants to move ahead to a real political union
that is more democratic and more social than the current
Germany EU. The election did not show that Italians want less Europe.
Rather, they want a different Europe: one that is more
flexible and more symmetrical, less focused on austerity and
Germans see themselves as the victims of the euro crisis. more focused on investment in the real economy.
They feel they have been betrayed and fear that they will be
asked to pay higher taxes or accept higher levels of inflation
in order to save the euro. But the jury is still out in Germany
on the EU itself. The Eurobarometer data shows that 56 Netherlands
percent of Germans have “no trust” in the EU while only
30 percent have a “fairly positive” image of the EU. At the
same time, however, populism has so far been contained: the Dutch support for the EU fell from +44 percent in 2007
mainstream political parties all support the euro and recent to -8 percent in 2012. The main reason was the perceived
polls show that three quarters of Germans are against leaving weak performance of both the EU and eurozone countries
the euro. A new anti-euro party, Alternative for Germany, in dealing with the crisis. In particular, the Dutch see the EU
has just been set up but is so far projected to get at most two as part of the problem rather than the solution. The Greek
percent of the vote in September’s general election. Germans bailout in 2010 followed newspaper stories about deceit
may not love the euro anymore but that does not mean they and mismanagement in debtor countries and was heavily
want to leave it. criticised in the media. Populist parties took advantage.
Politicians have also been suspected of using the imposed
3 percent deficit target to justify unpopular budget cuts.
Although Europe was an issue in election campaigns in 2012,
Greece its actual impact on results was limited. The (moderately
Eurosceptic) liberal VVD and the (pro-European) centre-left
PvdA won, while the anti-European parties failed to profit
www.ecfr.eu

Before the crisis began in 2012, EU membership was from the growing Euroscepticism of voters. Recent opinion
associated in Greece with economic progress, prosperity, polls indicate that the Dutch still support EU membership.
and modernity following totalitarian rule. But since then,
Greece has gone through severe recession, harsh austerity,
structural reform, and humiliating bailouts. Unsurprisingly,
this traumatic experience has led to a precipitous fall in Poland
May 2013

Greek support for the EU: in 2007 net support was +26
percent; by 2012 it was -63 percent. Support for the two
biggest political parties, New Democracy and PASOK, has In May 2012, for the first time since Poland joined the EU,
also collapsed. The main beneficiary has been the radical the percentage of Poles who “tend not to trust” the EU (46
ECFR/79

Syriza party, which opposes the austerity programme agreed percent) was higher than the percentage of Poles who do
with the “troika” of the IMF, the European Commission, and “tend to trust” it (41 percent) - a remarkable development for a
the ECB but wants Greece to remain in the single currency. country that has traditionally been pro-European. To be sure,
4
the EU still has higher approval ratings than the national UK
government, parliament, or public television. However, the
EU seems to have lost its reputation as the anchor of stability
for a country undergoing a huge social and economic Perceptions of the EU in the UK have changed less
transformation. In particular, the Poles are sceptical about dramatically than in many other member states: even
the future of the common currency and only 29 percent in 2004 there was a relatively low level of trust in, and a
of them now wish to join it. These public attitudes pose a relatively negative image of, the EU. The percentage of those
dilemma for the country’s political elite whose ambition is who “tend not to trust” the EU has gone from 48 percent in
to be at the centre of power in Europe. Poland’s objective in 2004 to nearly 80 percent in 2012. But this increase began
the years ahead will be to stay as close to the core as possible long before the crisis started and is unlikely to be reversed
while defending the integrity of the whole EU project. even if and when the crisis is resolved. Given that the UK
is unlikely to join the single currency in the foreseeable
future, it will be in the third tier of the emerging three-tier
Europe (the first made of eurozone members, the second of
Portugal would-be “ins”, and the third of eurozone “outs”, in other
words those who would not join the eurozone even if they
could). Thus the question from a British perspective is how
The pro-European consensus at the heart of Portuguese the UK can retain influence from the margins of Europe. In
politics has been shaken by the euro crisis: net support particular, there is likely to be a demand for a new settlement
for the EU has declined from +41 percent in 2007 to -24 that guarantees the rights of eurozone “outs”.
percent in 2012. The three main parties had all pushed for
Portugal to be at the heart of European integration, which
was associated with economic progress and political stability.
However, this also led to stagnation after Portugal joined the
single currency despite relative disadvantages in economic
productivity and competitiveness. Harsh austerity measures
and reforms following the onset of the crisis at first led to
relatively few violent demonstrations and little political
upheaval. But the deepening recession has led to more
public unrest, with anger at Portugal’s situation directed
at the EU member states believed to be imposing austerity -
above all, Germany. The government of Pedro Passos Coelho
now hopes to get more leeway over budget targets to avoid
exacerbating this public anger.

Spain

For decades, Spain saw its relationship with Europe through

the eyes of José Ortega y Gasset’s prescription: “Spain is
the problem and Europe is the solution.” The dramatic and
unprecedented decline in trust in the EU since the crisis
began is not simply a result of austerity. After all, Spain went
through painful reforms in order to join the EU, and later the
euro, and overcome its difficult past. Now, however, the lack
of a clear vision about either the national or European future
means there is no consensus or legitimacy for the sacrifices
that are being demanded of them. Spaniards do not blame
Europe for the crisis and do not want to leave the euro. What
has eroded their loyalty to, and trust in, Europe is that they
have no voice and cannot challenge policies that are clearly
not working. Spaniards have not become Eurosceptics – but
they have turned into fierce Eurocritics.

5
 About the authors
THE CONTINENT-WIDE RISE OF EUROSCEPTICISM

Dimitar Bechev is a Senior Policy Fellow at the

European Council on Foreign Relations and the Head of
ECFR Sofia.

Piotr Buras is Head of ECFR Warsaw

Petr Drulák is Director of the Institute of International

Relations in Prague, and a professor of political science at
Charles University

Silvia Francescon is Head of ECFR Rome

Ulrike Guérot is an ECFR Senior Policy Fellow and

Representative for Germany

Thomas Klau is an ECFR Senior Policy Fellow and Head

of ECFR Paris

Hans Kundnani is Editorial Director at the European

Council on Foreign Relations

Mark Leonard is the Founder and Director of ECFR.

Jonas Parello-Plesner is a Senior Policy Fellow at the

European Council on Foreign Relations

Teija Tiilikainen is Director of the Finnish Institute for

International Relations and an ECFR Council Member

José Ignacio Torreblanca is an ECFR Policy Fellow and

Head of ECFR Madrid.

Nicholas Walton is Communications Director at the

European Council on Foreign Relations

Jan Marinus Wiersma is a Senior Visiting Fellow

at the Netherlands Institute of Foreign Relations
Clingendael
www.ecfr.eu
May 2013
ECFR/79

6
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7
 The European Council on Foreign Ingrid Bonde (Sweden) Aleš Debeljak (Slovenia) Charles Grant (United Kingdom)
Relations is a unique strategic CFO & Deputy CEO, Vattenfall AB Poet and Cultural Critic Director, Centre for European Reform
THE CONTINENT-WIDE RISE OF EUROSCEPTICISM

community composed of over two

hundred members – including Emma Bonino (Italy) Jean-Luc Dehaene (Belgium) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France)
serving foreign ministers, members Foreign Minister Member of the European Parliament; Director of the Center for International
of parliament, former NATO secretary former Prime Minister Conflict Resolution, Columbia
generals, intellectuals and business Stine Bosse (Denmark) University; former Deputy Joint Special
leaders – from across Europe Chairman & Non-Executive Board Gianfranco Dell’Alba (Italy) Envoy of the United Nations and the
Member Director, Confindustria Delegation League of Arab States on Syria
to Brussels; former Member of the
Asger Aamund (Denmark) Franziska Brantner (Germany) European Parliament Elisabeth Guigou (France)
President and CEO, A. J. Aamund A/S Member of the European Parliament Member of Parliament and President
and Chairman of Bavarian Nordic A/S Pavol Demeš (Slovakia) of the Foreign Affairs Committee
Han ten Broeke Senior Transatlantic Fellow, German
Valdas Adamkus (Lithuania) (The Netherlands) Marshall Fund of the United States Fernando Andresen Guimarães
Former President Member of Parliament and (Bratislava) (Portugal)
Urban Ahlin (Sweden) spokesperson for foreign affairs and Head of the US and Canada Division,
defence Kemal Dervis (Turkey) European External Action Service
Deputy Chairman of the Foreign Vice-President and Director of Global
Affairs Committee and foreign John Bruton (Ireland) Economy and Development, Brookings
policy spokesperson for the Social Jytte Gutland (Sweden)
Former European Commission Institution. Project Manager, Global Challenge
Democratic Party Ambassador to the USA; former Prime
Minister (Taoiseach) Tibor Dessewffy (Hungary) Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg
Martti Ahtisaari (Finland) President, DEMOS Hungary
Chairman of the Board, Crisis François Burgat (France) (Germany)
Management Initiative; former Hanzade Doğan Boyner Former Defence Minister
Senior Research Fellow at the French
President National Centre for Scientific Research; (Turkey) István Gyarmati (Hungary)
Douglas Alexander Director, French Institute of the Near Chair, Doğan Gazetecilik and Doğan President and CEO, International
East On-line Centre for Democratic Transition
(United Kingdom)
Member of Parliament Ian Buruma (The Netherlands) Andrew Duff (United Kingdom) Hans Hækkerup (Denmark)
Writer and academic Member of the European Parliament Former Chairman, Defence
Ekim Alptekin
Commission; former Defence Minister
(Turkey/The Netherlands) Erhard Busek (Austria) Mikuláš Dzurinda (Slovakia)
President, Turkish American Business Chairman of the Institute for the Former Foreign Minister Heidi Hautala (Finland)
Association Danube and Central Europe Minister for International Development
Hans Eichel (Germany)
Luis Amado (Portugal) Jerzy Buzek (Poland) Former Finance Minister Sasha Havlicek (United
Chairman, Banco Internacional do Member of the European Parliament;
Funchal (Banif) former President of the European Rolf Ekeus (Sweden) Kingdom)
Parliament; former Prime Minister Former Executive Chairman, United Executive Director, Institute for Strategic
Giuliano Amato (Italy) Nations Special Commission on Iraq; Dialogue (ISD)
Former Prime Minister; Chairman, Gunilla Carlsson (Sweden) former OSCE High Commissioner on
Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna; Minister for International Development National Minorities; former Chairman Connie Hedegaard (Denmark)
Cooperation Stockholm International Peace Commissioner for Climate Action
Chairman, Istituto della Enciclopedia
Italiana Treccani; Chairman, Centro Research Institute, SIPRI Steven Heinz (Austria)
Studi Americani Maria Livanos Cattaui
Uffe Ellemann-Jensen Co-Founder & Co-Chairman,
(Switzerland) Lansdowne Partners Ltd
José M. de Areilza Carvajal Former Secretary General of the (Denmark)
(Spain) International Chamber of Commerce Chairman, Baltic Development Forum; Annette Heuser (Germany)
Professor of Law, ESADE; Secretary former Foreign Minister Executive Director, Bertelsmann
General, Aspen Institute (Spain) Ipek Cem Taha (Turkey) Foundation Washington DC
Director of Melak Investments/ Ine Eriksen Søreide (Norway)
Gustavo de Aristegui (Spain) Journalist Member of Parliament; Chair of the Diego Hidalgo (Spain)
Ambassador of Spain to India; former Foreign Affairs Committee Co-founder of Spanish newspaper El
Member of Parliament Sonsoles Centeno Huerta País; Founder and Honorary President,
(Spain) Steven Everts (The Netherlands) FRIDE
Giampiero Auletta Armenise State Attorney, Ministry of Foreign Adviser to the Vice President of the
(Italy) Affairs European Commission and EU High Jaap de Hoop Scheffer
Chairman, Rothschild Bank, Italy Representative for Foreign and Security (The Netherlands)
Carmen Chacón (Spain) Policy Former NATO Secretary General
Viveca Ax:son Johnson Former Minister of Defence
Tanja Fajon (Slovenia) Danuta Hübner (Poland)
(Sweden) Charles Clarke (United Member of the European Parliament
Chairman of Nordstjernan AB Member of the European Parliament;
Kingdom) Gianfranco Fini (Italy) former European Commissioner
Gordon Bajnai (Hungary) Visiting Professor of Politics, University Former President, Chamber of
Former Prime Minister of East Anglia; former Home Secretary Anna Ibrisagic (Sweden)
Deputies; former Foreign Minister Member of the European Parliament
Dora Bakoyannis (Greece) Nicola Clase (Sweden) Joschka Fischer (Germany)
Member of Parliament; former Foreign Ambassador to the United Kingdom; Jaakko Iloniemi (Finland)
Former Foreign Minister and Former Ambassador; former Executive
Minister former State Secretary vice-Chancellor Director, Crisis Management Initiative
Leszek Balcerowicz (Poland) Daniel Cohn-Bendit (Germany) Karin Forseke (Sweden/USA)
Professor of Economics at the Warsaw Member of the European Parliament Toomas Ilves (Estonia)
Chairman, Alliance Trust Plc President
School of Economics; former Deputy
Prime Minister Robert Cooper (United Lykke Friis (Denmark)
Kingdom) Wolfgang Ischinger (Germany)
Member of Parliament; former Minister Chairman, Munich Security
Lluís Bassets (Spain) Former Counsellor of the European for Climate, Energy and Gender
Deputy Director, El País Conference; Global Head of
External Action Service Equality Government Affairs Allianz SE
Marek Belka (Poland) Gerhard Cromme (Germany) Jaime Gama (Portugal) Minna Järvenpää (Finland/US)
www.ecfr.eu

Governor, National Bank of Poland; Chairman of the Supervisory Board, Former Speaker of the Parliament;
former Prime Minister Former International Advocacy
Siemens former Foreign Minister Director, Open Society Foundation
Roland Berger (Germany) Maria Cuffaro (Italy) Timothy Garton Ash
Founder and Honorary Chairman, Anchorwoman, TG3, RAI Jo Johnson (United Kingdom)
Roland Berger Strategy Consultants (United Kingdom) Member of Parliament
GmbH Daniel Daianu (Romania) Professor of European Studies, Oxford
Professor of Economics, National University Mary Kaldor (United Kingdom)
Erik Berglöf (Sweden) Professor, London School of Economics
School of Political and Administrative Carlos Gaspar (Portugal)
Chief Economist, European Bank for Studies (SNSPA); former Finance Ibrahim Kalin (Turkey)
Reconstruction and Development Chairman of the Portuguese Institute of
Minister International Relations (IPRI) Senior Advisor to the Prime Minister
Jan Krzysztof Bielecki (Poland) of Turkey on foreign policy and public
Massimo D’Alema (Italy)
May 2013

Chairman, Prime Minister’s Economic Sylvie Goulard (France) diplomacy

President, Italianieuropei Foundation; Member of the European Parliament
Council; former Prime Minister President, Foundation for European Sylvie Kauffmann (France)
Progressive Studies; former Prime Teresa Patricio Gouveia Editorial Director, Le Monde
Carl Bildt (Sweden) Minister and Foreign Minister
Foreign Minister (Portugal)
Trustee to the Board of the Calouste Suat Kiniklioglu (Turkey)
Marta Dassù (Italy) Executive Director, Centre for Strategic
Henryka Bochniarz (Poland)
ECFR/79

Under Secretary of State for Gulbenkian Foundation; former

President, Polish Confederation of Foreign Minister Communication (Stratim)
Foreign Affairs
Private Employers – Lewiatan Olli Kivinen (Finland)
Ahmet Davutoglu (Turkey) Heather Grabbe
Svetoslav Bojilov (Bulgaria) Writer and columnist
Foreign Minister (United Kingdom)
8 Founder, Communitas Foundation and Executive Director, Open Society
President of Venture Equity Bulgaria Ltd. Institute – Brussels
Ben Knapen (The Netherlands) I´ñigo Méndez de Vigo (Spain) Jean Pisani-Ferry (France) Narcís Serra (Spain)
Permanent Representative, European Secretary of State for the European Director of the Prime Minister’s Chair of CIDOB Foundation; former Vice
Investment Bank; former Minister for Union Economic Policy Planning Staff President of the Spanish Government
European Affairs and International
Cooperation David Miliband Lapo Pistelli (Italy) Radosław Sikorski (Poland)
(United Kingdom) Member of Parliament Foreign Minister
Gerald Knaus (Austria) Member of Parliament; Former
Chairman, European Stability Initiative; Secretary of State for Foreign and Ruprecht Polenz (Germany) Aleksander Smolar (Poland)
Carr Center Fellow Member of Parliament; Chairman of the Chairman of the Board, Stefan Batory
Commonwealth Affairs Bundestag Foreign Affairs Committee Foundation
Caio Koch-Weser (Germany) Alain Minc (France)
Vice Chairman, Deutsche Bank Group; President of AM Conseil; former Lydie Polfer (Luxembourg) Javier Solana (Spain)
former State Secretary Member of Parliament; former Foreign Former EU High Representative for the
chairman, Le Monde Minister Common Foreign and Security Policy &
Bassma Kodmani (France) Nickolay Mladenov (Bulgaria) Secretary-General of the Council of the
Executive Director, Arab Reform Initiative Former Foreign Minister; former Charles Powell EU; former Secretary General of NATO
(Spain/United Kingdom)
Rem Koolhaas (The Netherlands) Member of the European Parliament Director, Real Instituto Elcano George Soros (Hungary/USA)
Architect and urbanist; Professor at the Dominique Moïsi (France) Founder and Chairman, Open Society
Graduate School of Design, Harvard Senior Adviser, IFRI Andrew Puddephatt (United Foundations
University Kingdom)
Pierre Moscovici (France) Teresa de Sousa (Portugal)
David Koranyi (Hungary) Director, Global Partners & Associated Journalist
Finance Minister; former Minister for Ltd.
Deputy Director, Dinu Patriciu Eurasia European Affairs
Center of the Atlantic Council of the Rory Stewart (United Kingdom)
Vesna Pusić (Croatia) Member of Parliament
United States Nils Muiznieks (Latvia) Foreign Minister
Council of Europe Commissioner for
Bernard Kouchner (France) Alexander Stubb (Finland)
Human Rights Robert Reibestein Minister for Foreign Trade and
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs
Hildegard Müller (Germany) (The Netherlands) European Affairs; former Foreign
Ivan Krastev (Bulgaria) Chairwoman, BDEW Bundesverband Director, McKinsey & Company Minister
Chair of Board, Centre for Liberal der Energie- und Wasserwirtschaft
Strategies George Robertson Michael Stürmer (Germany)
Wolfgang Münchau (Germany) (United Kingdom) Chief Correspondent, Die Welt
Meglena Kuneva (Bulgaria) President, Eurointelligence ASBL Former Secretary General of NATO
President of ‘Bulgaria of the Citizens’ Ion Sturza (Romania)
movement Alina Mungiu-Pippidi (Romania) Albert Rohan (Austria) President, GreenLight Invest; former
Professor of Democracy Studies, Hertie Former Secretary General for Foreign Prime Minister of the Republic of
Aleksander Kwaśniewski School of Governance Affairs Moldova
(Poland) Christos Stylianides (Cyprus)
Former President Kalypso Nicolaïdis Adam D. Rotfeld (Poland)
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs; Spokesperson, Government of the
(Greece/France) Republic of Cyprus
Mart Laar (Estonia) Professor of International Relations, Co-Chairman of Polish-Russian Group
Minister of Defence; former Prime University of Oxford on Difficult Matters, Commissioner of
Minister Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative Paweł Świeboda (Poland)
President, Demos EUROPA - Centre for
Dietmar Nietan (Germany)
Brigid Laffan (Ireland) Member of Parliament Norbert Röttgen (Germany) European Strategy
Principal, College of Human Sciences, Former Minister for the Environment,
Conservation and Nuclear Safety Vessela Tcherneva (Bulgaria)
University College Dublin; Jean Daithi O’Ceallaigh (Ireland) Programme Director, Centre for Liberal
Monnet Professor of European Politics, Director-General, Institute of
University College Dublin. International and European Affairs Olivier Roy (France) Strategies
Professor, European University Institute,
Miroslav Lajčák (Slovakia) Florence Teija Tiilikainen (Finland)
Christine Ockrent (Belgium) Director, Finnish Institute for
Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Editorialist
Foreign and European Affairs Daniel Sachs (Sweden) International Relations
Andrzej Olechowski (Poland) CEO, Proventus
Alexander Graf Lambsdorff Nathalie Tocci (Italy)
Former Foreign Minister
Ghassan Salamé Deputy Director, Istituto Affari
(Germany) Internazionali
Member of the European Parliament Dick Oosting (The Netherlands) (Lebanon/France)
CEO, European Council on Foreign Dean, Paris School of International Luisa Todini (Italy)
Pascal Lamy (France) Relations; former Europe Director, Affairs; Professor of International Chair, Todini Finanziaria S.p.A; Member
Honorary President, Notre Europe and Amnesty International Relations at Sciences Po and Columbia of the Board of Directors, RAI
Director-General of WTO; former EU University
Commissioner Mabel van Oranje Loukas Tsoukalis (Greece)
(The Netherlands) Pasquale Salzano (Italy) Professor, University of Athens and
Thomas Leysen (Belgium) Senior Advisor, The Elders Vice President for International President, ELIAMEP
Chairman, Umicore Governmental Affairs, ENI
Anita Orbán (Hungary) Erkki Tuomioja (Finland)
Bruno Le Maire (France) Ambassador-at-Large for Energy Stefano Sannino (Italy) Foreign Minister
Former Minister for Food, Agriculture Security, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Director General for Enlargement,
& Fishing European Commission Daniel Valtchev, (Bulgaria)
Marcelino Oreja Aguirre (Spain) Former Deputy PM and Minister of
Mark Leonard (United Kingdom) Member of the Board, Fomento de Javier Santiso (Spain) Education
Director, European Council on Foreign Construcciones y Contratas; former EU Director, Office of the CEO of Telefónica
Relations Commissioner Europe Jordi Vaquer (Spain)
Director, Open Society Initiative for
Jean-David Lévitte (France) Monica Oriol (Spain) Marietje Schaake Europe
Former Senior Diplomatic Advisor and CEO, Seguriber (The Netherlands)
former Sherpa to the President of the Member of the European Parliament Vaira Vike-Freiberga (Latvia)
French Republic; former Ambassador to Andrés Ortega (Spain) Former President
the United States Writer & journalist; former Director of Klaus Scharioth (Germany)
Policy Planning, Office of the Spanish Dean of the Mercator Fellowship Antonio Vitorino (Portugal)
Sonia Licht (Serbia) Prime Minister. on International Affairs; former Lawyer; former EU Commissioner
President, Belgrade Fund for Political Ambassador of the Federal Republic of
Excellence Cem Özdemir (Germany) Germany to the US Andre Wilkens (Germany)
Leader, Bündnis90/Die Grünen (Green Director Mercator Centre Berlin &
Juan Fernando López Aguilar Party); Member of Parliament Pierre Schori (Sweden) Director Strategy, Stiftung Mercator
(Spain) Chair, Olof Palme Memorial Fund;
Karla Wursterová
Member of the European Parliament; Ana Palacio (Spain) former Director General, FRIDE; former
Member of the Council of State; former SRSG to Cote d’Ivoire Director, International Visegrad Fund
former Minister of Justice
Foreign Minister; former Senior Vice
Adam Lury (United Kingdom) President and General Counsel of the Wolfgang Schüssel (Austria) Carlos Alonso Zaldívar (Spain)
World Bank Group Former Federal Chancellor Former Ambassador to Brazil
CEO, Menemsha Ltd
Monica Macovei (Romania) Simon Panek (Czech Republic) Karel Schwarzenberg Stelios Zavvos (Greece)
Chairman, People in Need Foundation CEO, Zeus Capital Managers Ltd
Member of the European Parliament (Czech Republic)
Emma Marcegaglia (Italy) Chris Patten (United Kingdom) Foreign Minister Samuel Žbogar (Slovenia)
Chair, BBC Trust; Chancellor of Oxford EU Representative to Kosovo; former
CEO of Marcegalia S.p.A; former Giuseppe Scognamiglio (Italy) Foreign Minister
President, Confindustria University; former EU Commissioner Executive Vice President, Head of Public
Diana Pinto (France) Affairs Department, UniCredit S.p.A
Marco Margheri (Italy)
Senior Vice President Public and EU Historian and author Piotr Serafin (Poland)
Affairs, Edison S.p.A Secretary of State for European Affairs
Georgi Pirinski (Bulgaria)
Katharina Mathernova (Slovakia) Former Deputy Speaker of the Bulgarian
Senior Advisor, World Bank Parliament 9
ABOUT ECFR

The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the

first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its
objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate
across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and
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ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements

that define its activities:

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distinguished Council of over two hundred Members –
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In the future ECFR plans to open an office in Brussels. Our
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