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UB SETS

SHRI CHHATRAPATI SHAHU MAHARAJ,

G. C.S. I., G. C.LE., G C«V. O., LL D., etc., KOLHAPUR STATE

TO

H. H. SHRI CHHATRAPATI

SHAHU MAHARAJ

KOLHAPUR STATE

THIS BIOGRAPHY OF HIS MOST ILLUSTRIOUS

ANCESTOR IS MOST RESPECTFULLY

AND GRATEFULLY DEDICATED

BY THE PUBLISHER

PREFACE
AT a time when the whole of the Indian Continent is -entering upon a new phase of political life and bold
schemes of social and political re-construction are being daily pressed for acceptance, no apology would
seem to be necessary for the publication of a new life of Shivaji. For among the glittering multitude of
mighty kings whose names adorn the pages of Indian History, the name of Shivaji stands forth in bold
relief as the author of a momentous national revival that changed the destinies of India. And this is a fact
allowed by all historians, even though the editors of the Rulers of India Series have chosen to ignore him
and denied him a place in their Series, while including many other "Rulers" who were more or less
mediocrities, when compared with the great Shivaji. If ever in the pre-British period of Indian History,
there was anything that might be compared with the great national movements of Western countries, it was
the political movement which laid the foundations of the Maratha Swarajya. And that movement would
have been utterly destitute ot all . its national glory and significance, were it not for the genius and
originality of one master mind who presided over the whole event, built a nation out of chaos and
breathed life and purpose into the dead clay and disjecta membra of Maharashtra society and institutions.

Such a man was Shivaji. Of the empire which he built up, only a few fragments have escaped the ravages
of time. The rest has crumbled down and gone the way that all great empires in the world have gone. But
the spirit of it has remained behind. He has left no pyramids, no rock-cat temples, no architectural
marvels to attest his greatness. But the name of Shivaji still lives to kindle and inspire the growing
manhood of Maharashtra.

Inspired by the stirring events of the late war, when the Maratha soldiers were called upon to display
their native valour on the battle-fields of the West, this work

•was undertaken at the special request of the author of the Marathi original, as a grateful tribute to the
genius of the founder of the Maratha nation. At the time when this work was undertaken, there was no
worthy biography in the English language of the life and career of the great King who during the night of
Mahomedan despotism dreamt the dream of national independence and realized it. It seemed a standing
reproach to the Indian community, with their newly awakened political consciousness, that there should be
no biographical record, commensurate with the greatness of the national hero, in that language which has
done more than anything else to unite us into a nation-and stimulate our national aspirations.

This English version was taken in hand about severe years ago. As the work proceeded it was found
necessary to make considerable alterations in the original Marathi text of Mr. Keluskar's Life, as
published in 3907. It wa& found necessary to take notice of the mass of new material and discoveries
which have accumulated in the course of the last fourteen years. In its final draft the present English
version has practically become a new and independent work and has already served as a basis for the
second Marathi edition, which in a revised and considerably enlarged form, as compared to the first
edition, was published by Mr. Keluskar early in 1921. This work has been thoroughly revised and
retouched from time to time during the last seven years. It is quite up-to-date, so far as our knowledge of
Shivaji and the men and things of his time extends and the conflicting theories that have been proposed as
regards the purpose or policy for which he strove and the men of wisdom or action who counselled or co-
operated in his plans.

While the preparation of this work was in its various stages of progress, three important English works on
Shivaji appeared in print, one of which has already gone into a second edition. Some explanation would
seem to be necessary to justify the publication of a fourth work on the

same subject. The first and obvious answer is that none of these works can be called a faithful biography
of Shivaji, that is to say, a biography which is at once full and exhaustive and traces the development of
his life-work from beginning to end in chronological order. The work of Mr. Kincaid reviews the work of
Shivaji as a fragment of the History of the Maratha People, that of Prof. Jadunath Sarkar discourses upon "
Shivaji and his Times " and often forgets the hero while discoursing upon his " Times ", that of Prof.
Rawlinson is avowedly a monograph, too meagre in its scope to comprise the life-work of a great hero
like Shivaji. The thanks of the Maratha reader are due to all these scholars for the new light they have
thrown on many obscure points in the life of their national hero, and to Prof. Rawlinson and Mr. Kincaid
in particular for the generous way in which they have interpreted the motives and character of the great
King. The earliest of this triad is the Life of Shivaji by Principal Rawlinson. It is a generous appreciation
of Shivaji's work and character. But the monograph, besides being too meagre in size for the magnitude of
the task, devotes a good deal of its contents to discussions upon somewhat irrelevant topics. The
impression that remains after a perusal of the book is that the author's purpose is to show that the new era
of Shivaji after all inaugurated a new type of bureaucracy, and the author seems to suggest that from the
times of Ashoka and Ghandragupta down to present times, the bureaucratic form of government has
prevailed in India and must inevitably prevail for all time. The author forgets that there are bureaucracies
and bureaucracies and that a bureaucracy with a Shivaji at its head ceases to be a bureaucracy, both in
form and substance. Mr. C. A. Kincaid, who writes in collaboration with Rao Bahadur D. B. Paraenis,
has devoted some 170 pages of the first volume of his History of the Maratha People to the story of
Shivaji. The authors have taken little notice of the stirring events of the career of Shahaji and have chosen
to ignore many a

controversy which has caused an acute tension of feeling-among scholars. This history is full of legends
and folklore tales and apparently attaches as much importance to them as to matters of serious history. Its
highest virtue is its picturesqueness. Although Mr. Kincaid has repeated the orthodox version as to the
date, when Shivaji enrolled himself as a disciple of Bamdas Swami, it is some consolation to think that
Mr. Kincaid has not allowed the infatuation of the Ramdas cult to blind him to such an extent as to ascribe
to the preceptor the credit of Shivaji's glorious achievements. He has had sense enough to see, as some
patriotic and over-zealous Maharashtra scholars have not that such a representation of the relations
between the preceptor and the disciple would reduce the national bero to a mere puppet. The supreme
merit of Mr. Kincaid's work is his enthusiastic and unreserved admiration of the Maratha people.

Prof. Jadunath Sarkar's " Shivaji and His Times " is the last of this triad. 1 It is a noble work marred with
strange flaws. Mr. Kincaid's History and Prof. Sarkar's tShivaji stand at two opposite extremes of
historical \nethod and style. The one is romantic in conception and uncritical in method, the other is
hypercritical in method and sceptical in its intellectual outlook. The merits of Sarkar's work are great. He
has had access to a wealth of Mahomedan and British sources and authorities, the very existence or which
had not been previously suspected. The fundamental fault of the work is that it appears as an overflow of
the vast amount of historical material he had collected for his monumental work upon Aurangzeb. His
sympathies are with the Moguls and the commanders of the Mogul empire. His sympathies are with the
British factors at Surat and Bajapur. His sympathies are anywhere except with Shivaji and his gallant
companions. Shivaji has fallen into the

1 Since *his Preface went to the press, another monograph on Shivaj: has been published by Mr. S. V.
Raddi, B A., which appears to be based-chief ly on the works of Prof. Sarkar and Mr. Kincaid.

"back-ground. Sarkar's paeans of praise are poured forth in unstinted measure, now in honour of Shaista
Khan, now in honour of Jay Singh. He conducts his reader into the Mogul camp, he brings him in the wake
of the Mogul armies and the Mogul standards. Shivaji is at best patronised here and there with a nodding
familiarity and spoken of as a familiar underling with the name of " Shiva ". This is not intended, but such
is the effect produced. The critical estimate of Shivaji's character and work in the last seven pages of this
work is an appreciative review of the character and life-work of the great King and is, strange to say,
quite at variance with the hypercritical denunciations expressed in the fourteen pages that immediately
precede it, and on the whole gives the lie direct to many of the generalizations which are found
interspersed in the earlier part of the work. By far the most valuable service rendered by Prof. Sarkar is
his vindication of Shivaji from the charge of murdering Afzul Khan. Again he has not fallen into the error
of exaggerating the influence of Eamdas Swami upon Shivaji. Indeed he seems to have gone to an
opposite extreme and failed to recognize, in anything like a proper estimate, the intense spirituality of
outlook which distinguished Shivaji among the nation-builders and rulers of India. Finally, it must be said
of Prof. Sarkar's work that it is arranged in too scrappy a manner to suit the purposes of a serious
biography and hence arise the contradictions which are noticed above.

In the present work Shivaji is depicted as the director and entrepreneur of the greatest movement for the
aeserticu of national liberty and independence that India has known in pre-British times. His character, his
institutions and the greatness of his work are set forth at length in the 24th and in the concluding chapters.
The prejudices against Shivaji on the part of the Mahomedan chroniclers are here shown to be of the same
sort as those with which the student of Roman History becomes familiar when he finds Roman authors
like Livy and Cicero passing uncalled for

strictures upon Hannibal. There is indeed a close parallel* between these two heroes. Both strove hard
for the liberty and independence of their country from foreign aggression. Bjth were endowed with the
most brilliant talents and genius, In both their powers of invention and resourcefulness baffled the
understanding and vigilance of their enemies. Both have been denounced by biassed historians for their
imaginary acts of treachery and cruelty. But the contrast between the environments of these two
conquerors brings out the superior mettle of the Maratha hero. Hannibal had not to make an army, much
less to make a nation. Shivaji had to make everything for himself in order to build the Maratha nation. And
that he did build a nation and found an empire which lasted longer than the power of Carthage did after
the death of Hannibal, is no little testimony to the superiority of the Maratha hero over that of Carthage. It
has been the fashion in some quarters to compare Shivaji with great conquerors like Csesar, Alexander or
Bonaparte, and a tendency is seen now and then to compare him with ardent but obscure patriots like
Viriathus, Vercingetorix or Caractacus, or at best with King Alfred, Robert Bruce, or William Tell. But
the fact is that he combined in himself the righteous purpose and patriotic fervour of leaders like Bruce
and Alfred and Vercingetorix with the superior military genius and statesmanship that characterized the
world's great heroes like Caesar, Alexander, Hannibal and Bonaparte; and in so far as these two different
sets of qualities characterizing the two groups are found to unite together to a certain extent in the
character of Hannibal alone, the latter seems to be the one unique military genius of the ancient world
with whom we may compare Shivaji with an approximate measure of accuracy. But the truth is that the
character and the life-work of the Maratha hero were both alike so unique, that it is idle to make any
comparison.

The present work is an attempt to give a faithful likeness of Shivaji and an estimate of his grea t work,

chiefly based upon the indigenous bakhar chronicles of the Marathas. Nearly all the Maratha chronicles
have been laid under contribution, together with other authorities, which will be found cited in the foot-
notes, Most of these foot-notes are of a critical kind, supplementing, illustrating, and giving the authorities
for the statements made in the text. The works of Mr. Kincaid and Prof. Jadunath Sarkar have been of
great use, and the latter is freely quoted, especially as regards his citations from the Factory Records in
the India Office, which are not otherwise available in India. Of great use have been the writings of Mr. V.
K. Raj wade and Rao Bahadur Parasnis, the reports of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandali of Poona,
the Jedhe Shakaivali or Chronology published by the late Mr. B. G. Tilak, and the Itihas Sangraha.
Attention may be invited to the following features in the present work :—

(a) It gives a complete account of the career of Shahaji and a critical exposition of his attitude towards
Shivaji.

(6) It gives a re-constructed version of the Chandra Rao More tragedy.

(c) It clears Shivaji from the charge of murdering

Afzul Khan.

(d) It re-arranges the chronology of the events of

Shaista Khan's invasion, in the light of the Jedhe Chronology and the Mahomedan chronicles.

(e) It examines the relations between Shivaji and

Dadaji Kondadev and between Shivaji and Ramdas Swami in the light of modern authorities and
discoveries.

(/) It throws new light upon the naval battle o£ Khanderi, from British Factory Records and
Correspondence, hitherto not handled by any previous historian of Shivaji.

(#) It re-constructs the military career of one o£ Shivaji's great commanders, whose services have fallen
into an unmerited oblivion, — Anandrac Bhonsle ( Appendix II ).

(7i) It re-constructs the career of one of Shivaji's great plenipotentiaries at the Mogul Court-Raghc Ballal
Korde-wrongly charged with murdering Chandrarao More (Appendix IV).

(i) It vindicates Shivaji from the charge of cruelty and treachery, by proving that the Mogul commanders
were more guilty than Shivaji.

(j) It gives a new explanation of Shivaji's so-called plundering campaigns.

(&) It discusses the various theories of the late Justic& Eanade, Raj wade, Kincaid and others about the
origin of the Swarajya movement, its authorship, the relation of the Bhagwat School towards Swarajya
and kindred topics.

I have to express my thanks to all the authors mentioned above for the assistance derived from their
works, as also to Principal G. C. Bhate, Principal Rawlinson, Mr. G. S. Sar-desai, R. & O. Strachey, Mr.
S. Dev, Mr. S. Sen, Mr. Vasudev Shastri Khare, and a host of others whose works have been quoted or
made use of, in different parts of this book. I have especially to thank the Rev. Dr. N. Macnicol, M. A., D.
Litt. of the United Free Church of Scotland Mission, a distinguished scholar and a sympathetic critic, for
kindly revising and correcting the MS. and the proofs and for the many valuable suggestions he made
which have greatly advanced the usefulness of this biography. The sympathetic " Foreword " which he has
so kindly contributed to this work may be taken not only as index of his genuine interest and sympathy in
all Indian aspirations, but as a noble tribute to the greatness of our great national hero.

MLKANT S. TAKAKHAV,
THE PUBLISHER'S NOTE

THE Publisher's cordial thanks are due to Prof. N. S. Takakhav, M. A., for having readily undertaken
thievery difficult and arduous task. He as a student of history was not content with the original Marathi
text. He went to the very sources cf information from which it was compiled, and brought under
contribution almost all the recent researches and discoveries regarding the life story of our national hero.
In his hands the work has assumed a highly -critical and exhaustive form and is calculated to dispel many
groundless and uncharitable notions about our hero which have hitherto, almost unchallenged, gained
currency in the historical literature concerning our land.

The value of this work has been enhanced by the fact that the Revd. Dr. X. Macnicol M.A., D. Litt., a
distinguished missionary scholar of the United Free Church of Scotland Mission, was gracious enough to
revise the MS. of this work and go through the proofs as the work passed through the press. His kind and
appreciative Foreword appended hereto is a noble tribute from a high-souled and sympathetic friend of
India. For this noble and generous act the publisher owes him a deep debt of gratitude.

The MS. of this work was lying for several years with the publisher for want of funds to put it through the
press. He was helped out of this difficulty by Shrimant Major Sardar Maloji Xarsingrao Sitole of
Gwalior, who advanced a large loan at the instance of Shrimant Sadashivrao alias Khasesaheb Powar,
Home Member, Gwalior State and Rao Bahadur Khaserao Bhagwantrao Jadhav of Baroda. But this fund
was soon exhausted and the publisher was again in a fix, from which he was helped out by his esteemed
friend Rao Saheb Harischandra Vishram Rajwadkar, J. P., who advanced another large loan. For this
financial help the publisher is very grateful to these generous gentlemen.

His thanks are also due to the Proprietor and Manager of the Manoranjan Press for the great care and
interest with which he has printed this work and afforded him all reasonable facilities to bring it out in
this very decent and acceptable form.

The work is now before the English reading public and it is earnestly hoped that all who love fair play
and wish to see a true image of Shivaji, not distorted by racial or sectarian prejudices, will be generous
enough to patronize this patriotic attempt.

FOREWORD

MR. K. A. KELUSKA.R has asked me to write a brief foreword to the English edition of his Life of
Shivaji Maharaj, and I have consented to do so because of the high regard that I have for him both as a
man and as a Marathi scholar and because of our long-standing friendship. I have no other claim than
these give me to take it upon myself to introduce this book to the public. At the same time I feel that it is
only fitting that this story should be told by one who is sprung from the same robust and manly stock to
which the great Maratha soldier himself belonged, and I feel that, if that be so, there is no one so well
able to tell the story with sympathy, with knowledge and with critical judgement as Mr. Keluskar. Shivaji
belongs to no class or caste ; he is a national possession. He may be said indeed to have come to rebirth
in the hearts of his countrymen, not of Maharashtra alone but of all India, in the national awakening of the
last twenty years. But at the same time it is inevitable that some aspects of his life and work can be best
understood and appreciated by one whose kinship with him is not of race or nation only but of caste as
well. The rivalry between various classes, seeking to prove that their ancestors had a share in the
accomplishment of the task of this Maratha Liberator,— a rivalry that stirs wide and vivid interest at the
present time,—is indeed a testimony to the inspiration that his memory and example bring to his fellow
countrymen still. Perhaps an element of class jealousy, not yet wholly extinguished, embitters sometimes
these disputes and renders an impartial judgement difficult. But the growth of a critical spirit in the young
historical students of to-day, among whom the translator and editor of this book has a distinguished place,
as well as the influence of a wider patriotism, will speedily exorcise this evil and enable India to view
her great son as he actually was, unobscured by either depreciation or flattery.

The view of Sir William Hunter that affirms that Shivaji won his supremacy " by treachery, assassination
and hard fighting " is as unhistorical and as partial as that which exalts him to the position of a super-
human being. Both views do injustice to the foresight, the statesmanship, the tenacity of purpose of the
king himself and to the loyalty and the courage of his subjects. One of the hateful aspects of war is, as a
Greek historian has said, that it takes away your freedom and puts you in the region of necessity. That fact
makes it only fair that we should judge a soldier, not only in the 17th century but even to-day, by a
lowered standard. When we remember this we must agree that Jndia has every right to set the Maratha
warrior-king in a high place among those whom she remembers with gratitude and pride.

N. MACNICOL.

Chapter XXXI Chapter XXXII Appendix I Appendix II
Appendix III Appendix IV

Shivaji's Fortunes and Possessions... 557 Character ... ... ... 565

Maloji and Shahaji ... ... 625

Anandrao Bhonsle and Hambirrao

Mohite ... ... 628

The Battle of Khanderi ... 634

Raghunath Ballal Korde ... 636

CHAPTER I ANCESTKY
SHIVAJI MAHARAJ, the illustrious founder of the Maratha, Power, derived his descent from the
renowned Bhonsle family. This noble Maratha house claimed an ancient Kshatriya origin. It is said that
the family was transferred to the uplands of Maharashtra by a Rajput warrior, Devraj Maharana by name.
The family tradition tells a long tale of chequered adventures and vicissitudes. In what is now known as
the modern province of Oudh, there ruled for centuries the ancient princes of the royal Sesodia family.
They claimed descent from the mythical Solar Race, which along with the Lunar Race comprises the
genealogy of every Kshatriya family in the land. One of these Sesodia princes crossed the Narbada and
became the founder of an independent principality on its southern banks. The fortunes of this family were,
however, destined to wane before the rising glory of the famous Shalivan, who inaugurated a new Hindu
era, which is still current south of the Narbada. The ruling Bhonsle prince of the time was defeated and
his kingdom annexed. At this crisis the afflicted queen of the prince escaped with her young son of five or
six years across the Narbada and sought shelter in the inhospitable regions of Mewar in the vicinity of the
Vindhya Mountains. There she, found an asylum in a poor Brahman family, her son keeping the Brahman's
kine. Once while out engaged on his cow-herd duties the boy discovered a hidden treasure. This he
disclosed to his patron and acquainted him with the story of his origin and fall. The Brahman listened with
sympathy and encouraged and exhorted him to endeavour to recover his royal power, giving him to that
end every L.S. 2.

•2. LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

assistance within his means. It was a mountainous region in the possession of the Bhils, with whom they
had to fight. When the conquest of the country was completed, they erected a fort upon those mountain
heights under the shadow of a temple of the goddess Bhawani. This fort they named Chitrakote. They
restored the ancient temple of Bhavani and built another within the fort in honour of Eklingji Shiv. The
descendants of this prince are said to have reigned at Chitrakote for about five hundred years. This fort of
Chitrakote became afterwards famous in history as the fort of Chitore.

Then followed the establishment of Mahomedan power at Delhi, and the interminable wars between the
Mahomedan emperors and the Rajput princes. Many Hindu kings had to acknowledge defeat and become
vassals of the Mahomedan emperors. These rulers carried on% constant wars with, the Rajput state of
Chitore, but with little success to boast of. The Chitore princes defended their kingdom and independence
very bravely. About 1275 the Maharana Lakshman Singh succeeded to the throne of Chitore. The affairs of
the administration were in the charge of his uncle, Bhim Singh. This Bhim Singh had for his consort one of
lihe greatest beauties in the land, Rani Padmini 1 . This princess is said to have come from Ceylon. Her
great reputation for beauty reached the ears of AllauddinKhilji, the -emperor of Delhi, who conceived an
unholy passion for her. With an immense army he advanced upon Chitore and laid siege to the fort. The
Rajputs fought with the valour for •which they are famous; they beat back the enemy in all their advances,
but still Allauddin would not raise the siege. He had invested the fortress on all sides with very-powerful
forces. The garrison had now exhausted all their resources. Driven to desperation the Rajput king
resolved at the head of his whole army to make a sudden sortie upon the enemy and meet a warrior's death
on the field of battle. All the

i Some chronicles describe the Rani Padmiui as the wife of the .Maharana Lakshman Singh.
ANCESTRY S

Rajputs to a man applauded the plan. But surely it was not desirable that the whole race of the Sesodias
should be extirpated from the earth, and means must be found to perpetuate it. The king had twelve sons.
They all vied with each other in the desire to sacrifice their lives upon the battlefield. But the second
prince Ajay Singh was the special favourite of hisroyal father. The Raja explained to him, how
undesirable it was that his royal race should be totally extinguished and commanded him to betake himself
to an inaccessible part of the Aravalli Mountains, known as Kailwada, and save himself. This advice was
by no means palatable to a prince of the courage of Ajay Singh. But overcome by the urgent entreaties of
his father he was obliged to acquiesce in this plan, and according to his father's wishes escaped to
Kailwada 1 . Thereupon at Chitore, the Raja with his followers and kinsmen dashed forth upon the enemy,
and nearly fourteen hundred of them were cut to pieces. The fort fell into the hands of the Mahomedans.
The whole place was pillaged and plundered; not even the royal insignia were saved; the gigantic war-
drum and the massive gates composed of an ingenious amalgam of five metals, celebrated throughout the
land, fell into the hands of the enemy.

When, as related above, Ajay Singh made his escape, he took with him Humbir Singh, the minor son of his
eldest brother. He then rallied the remnants of his people and again formed a fairly large principality. As
Huuibir Singh grew in years he proved himself a brave and capable leader. Ajay Singh was a man of a
very pious disposition and loved his nephew with a father's love. He crowned him king of his forefathers'
realm and himself took charge of the administration. They built the fortress of Rajnagar and made it their
capital. For they had sworn not to

1 Chitnis's chronicle gives a different version to the effect that ab Lakahman Singh's desperate sally his
queen escaped to the Bhil country with two princes, who subsequently propagated the race.

return to Chitore until they had retrieved from the enemy the royal drum and insignia. Until they had
curbed the insolent pride of those hostile bands who 'had decimated their race and desecrated the capital
of their hereditary kingdom, they were resolved not to carry their war-standards before them, and to deny
to themselves the luxury of palate and couches, and not even to trim their beards. This hatred of Islam they
transmitted to their posterity. They made new conquests; they built new forts and consolidated their
power; and at last with Udaipur as their capital, they established their independence.

On the demise of Ajay Singh, his son Sajan Singh thought it unwise to quarrel with his cousin for a
partition of territory, and considered it more glorious to win new realms for himself. With this design, this
brave prince advanced southwards. The territory of Sondhwad was conquered by him, and there he made
his capital. Among his descendants we read the names of Dilip Singhji Maharana, Singhji Maharana,
Bhosaji Makarana, and Devrajji Maharana in succession. All these constantly fought with the
Mahomedans and preserved their kingdom. But at length Devrajji, quite exhausted with the frequency of
the Mahomedan invasions, gave up his kingdom, and coming down to the south maintained a precarious
independence as a polygar in the valleys of the Krishna and the Bhima. On coming to the Deccan he
changed his name for fear of the Mahomedans and assumed that of Bhosawant Bhonsle. His object was, if
possible, to lay the foundations of a new sovereignty in this land. But the Mahomedans carried everything
before them and his high ambition was not destined to be realized. At last he had to content himself with
the Patelship of Singnapur.

His descendants afterwards obtained by purchase tha Patelships of various places, such as, Khanwat,
Hingnsi Begdi, Dewalgaon, Verul, Vavi, Mungi etc. In the line of direct descent from Devrajji we have
Indrasen, Shubhkri-

shnaji, Rupsinghji, Bhumindraji, Dhapji Barhatji 1 , Khalaji* alias Khalkarn, Karnaeinghji alias Jayakarn,
Sambhaji and Babaji alias Shivaji. The last named Babaji was born in 1533 s . Babaji was a man of piety
and character. He had two sons, Maloji and Vithoji. Maloji was born in 1550 and Vithoji in 1553. They
were both men of ability and character. When they came to years df discretion and began to look after
their estates they had many land disputes with the agriculturists of Dewalgaon. They, therefore, came and
settled at Verul (Ellora), near Dowlatabad. But agriculture is at best an Varida nutrix, "and gives little
scope for the free play of genius. They began to look out for an employment which might better develop
their virtue and talents. This they found by enlisting themselves in the service of Lukhji Jadhav of
Sindhkhed in the humble ranks of the " bargir *' infantry. Lukhji Jadhav, a scion of the ' Yadavs' of
Devgiri, was Deshmukh of Sindhkhed. Under the Nizami Dynasty of Ahmednagar he held a mansab or
command .of 12,000 horse and he had

1 Chitnis gives the name aa Barbatji.

2 Elsewhere given as Kheloji.

This genealogy chiefly follows the account in Chitnis's Bakhar or Chronicle history. It agrees in all
particulars with the genealogy prepared by the Rajah Pratapsinh of JSatara. The latter has been printed
and published at Kolhapur under the auspices of the Maharajah of that state. Col. Tod in his History of
Rajasthan refers to a genealogy of Shivaji which ha had obtained from the Bhats or troubadours of
Mewar. This genealogy agrees generally with the one followed in the text with a few variations. While
referring to the above mentioned genealogy CoL Tod remarks that it was reserved for the house of Sajan
Singh eventually to produce a hero, who would overthrow the Mahomedan powers, and that this was
realized by Shivaji, the founder of the Satara dynasty. It may be remarked that many discrepancies and
variations from the story followed in the text are to be found in other Bakhars or chronicle hristories, as
for instance in the, famous bakhar of Shivaji called the Shivadigvijaya or Triumph of Shivaji. This is not
to be marvelled at, as many of these bakhars contain various traditional tales indifferently strung together.
r Vlr. Keluskar in hia original note gives the variant versions of other cnronicles. The name " Bhonsle " is
derived by most chroniclers from " Bhosi " or " Bhosavant ", a fortress near Chitore. Khafi Khan gives
some legends about.the meaning of'Bhonsla'* ( Vide Elliot VII, 255).

ajahgir made over to him for the maintenance of his forces. He had great influence in the councils of the
Nizami Government, and there were indeed very few generals in that state who could compare with him
in bravery and power. Jadhavrao was delighted to welcome Maloji and Vithoji into his service, offered
them a salary of five hons (pagodas) each? and ordained that thej' should keep him company at table*
THE CAREER OF MALOJI.

Maloji was strong and burly in figure, so that few horses could bear his weight on a prolonged excursion.
He was therefore chosen to mount sentry at the outposts. With his talents and brilliant parts he soon won
the favour of Jadhavrao, who introduced him to Murtezashaha Nizam and recommended him to the royal
favour as a man of integrity and honour. The Sultan was pleased with him and retained him as a "sniledar"
or cavalry officer in his service Henceforth Maloji served the Nizam at the head of his own foot and
horse, but seems to have still remaine 1 a dependent of Jadhavrao.

Maloji was married to Dipabai, the sister of Jagpalrao Nimbalkar, the Deshmukh of Phaltan. After his
admission into the Sultan's army his rise was rapid. His brother, Vithoji, had also been promoted to the
position of Shiledar. Vithoji had eight sons but Maloji as yet had no children. This was a source of great
affliction to his wife Dipabai. True to Hindu sentiments the pious pair made endless vows to the gods and
practised many a rite of religious merit that their home might be blessed with children. At length he made
a vow at a celebrated shrine at Nagar, that of the Pir Shaba Sharif. Every Thursday Maloji used to give
alms and doles to fakirs. This he practised continually for six months. At last Dipabai had the good
fortune to get her heart's desire, being delivered of a son in 1594. Deeming the birth of the child as an act
of benefaction on the part of the Pir, Maloji named the child, after the Pir, Shahaji. After some time he had
a second son, whom he named Sharifji

Shahaji was a handsome boy, and with his sprightly ways, no less than with his sweet childish prattle and
precocity, he made a most favourable impression upon all people. There was a peculiar charm in his
manners, gait, and voice. Jadhavrao conceived a great fondness for the bo}\ He often took him home,
decked him with clothes of various styles and embroideries, and indulged him in all his boyish whims.
Now Jadhav had an only daughter two or three years of age, with whom Shahaji used to play and romp for
hours. Thus the two grew up together, playmates and companions almost from their cradles. Thus Shahaji
grew to five years of age ; and now onae it happened that Jadhav was celebrating the Hindu festival of the
Shimga. On the day of the Rang-Panchami, he had invited all his friends and relations to his house. Among
those who had received the invitation was Maloji. He attended the social function, which was a kind of
durbar, with his son. Jadhavrao called the youngster towards him and seated him on his lap.. Soon after
his daughter, Jija, came running from the inner apartments of the house and sat down on the other knee of
her father. Both the children were so pretty and handsome and equally matched in age, that it was nothing
strange that Jadhav addressing the young girl asked her in jest whether she would have the boy for her
husband and, turning to the company, exclaimed that they would be a proper pair indeed! Scarcely had he
spoken when the children, snatching handfuls of the red powder which was standing near in a plate, began
to throw it upon each other. The company present were much amused at this display of childish fun and
spirits and laughed outright exclaiming that they were indeed a pretty match. At this, Maloji and Vithoji
stood up, and, "Listen, gentlemen," they exclaimed, "from this day, Jadhavrao and ourselves have become
related by betrothal. Jija is now our daughter-in-law. You have just heard what Jadhavrao has said. His
resolution is made. Great men never recede from a declaration made in public." Thus calling all the

-8 LIFE OF SH1VAJI MAHARAJ

company to bear witness to what had oocurred, they sat down. The spectators assented. Jadhavrao was
astonished at this scene. He had never imagined that any one would place such a construction upon words
uttered in jest. But he made no reply.

The next day Jadhavrao invited his friends to dinner. Maloji also was invited. But he in return replied in
these terms : "We are now to be related by the marriage of our children ; the wedding will be the proper
time for us now to feast together; kindly do net invite us till then." When Jadhavrao's wife, Mhalsabai,
came to learn of these proceedings, she resented this impertinence of Maloji. That a common Shiledar
like Maloji should dream of a marriage alliance into the house of a rich mansabdar of the rank of Jadhav
was in her eyes the height of folly and insolence. Mhalsabai remonstrated with her husband for his
unguarded words in the assembly. "It was wrong of you," she exclaimed, "to have uttered those words;
more wrong still not to have replied when Maloji stood up and spoke. Maloji is a dependent of ours. It
will never do to give our daughter into his house. What will the world say, if we pass over eligible youths
from the houses of the Mahadiks, the Shirkes, the Nimbalkars, our equals in rank and wealth-Mansabdars
and Deshmukhs—, and stoop so low as this house of Maloji ? Yes! what will the world say?" Thus she
fumed in spite of all the efforts of Jadhavrao to console her. "I spoke in jest," he declared, "I don't think I
am any way bound in honour.'' Then he sent a peremptory message to Maloji: "A truce to this talk of a
marriage union ! Our people cannot entertain it. What I spoke before the assembly was merely in jest. It is
preposterous to construe it into a solemn declaration. Do accept the invitation. The gods alone know the
future." Maloji retorted upon this, " A pronouncement made in presence of so numerous a company—how
could it be void ? We claim an affiance with your house." Jadhavrao was very angry at this insolent reply.
After the feast he summoned his clerk

to him and ordered him to make up the accounts of Maloji and Vithoji, pay up the arrears due to them, and
discharge them immediately from his service, with notice to quit his territory at once, bag and baggage.

Thus the two brothers now lost the high positions of command so nobly earned and were forced to return
to their paternal homestead at Verul, again to become farm hinds and till the land.

This was a great insult to the haughty spirit of Maloji. He felt the degradation all the more keenly, because
he saw that Jadhavrao had dared to treat him thus only because he was a dependent without wealth and
rank; and he now firmly resolved to make every effort to retrieve his fortune. This now became the one
desire of his life and he dedicated his nights and days to the realization of his lofty aim. To a man of his
spirit and character death itself seemed better than the ignominious repudiation by Jadhav of what he
considered a solemn avowal of betrothal in the presence of the assembled chiefs and nobles, the elite of
Maratha society. The sense of dishonour rankled in his heart. In this agitated and disconsolate frame of
mind, the two brothers went out one night to watch their crops. It was the full moon night in the month of
Magh. They kept watch by turns. At first Vithoji went to sleep while Maloji remained watching. There
was an ant-hill at the spot where he had stationed himself. After a little while, he saw a bright and
lustrous hand like that of the goddess Bhavani, bejewelled with armlets of gold, coming out of the ant-hill
and beckoning to him, and after waving once or twice it vanished out of sight. Maloji awakened his
brother and described to him the vision he had just seen. "It is all an illusion," cried Vithoji, and he
undertook to watch himself and asked Maloji to sleep. Now as soon as he was asleep he had a wondrous
dream. He saw in his dream the goddess Bhavani standing before him, draped in silver white, with the
red-powder mark on her brows, and decked with the richest

jewels. He thought she stroked him on the back and awoke him, and addressed him in these terms:
"Behold, oh mortal, I have of mine own accord become propitious and lavish my favours on thee. The
snake thou wilt find haunting this ant-hill is nought but my divine self in another guise. Be it thine to salute
the snake and dig up the ant-hill; and take thou the gold thou shalt find therein, but harm not the reptile, for
it shall go its way. Twenty-seven of thy descendants in the direct line shall reign in;the land ! "Maloji
awoke from his dream and described the marvellous vision to Vithoji. The two brothers now resolved to
test the truth of the wonderful prophecy and began to dig the ant-hill. They found in it a great quantity of
gold and precious gems. They brought it home and buried it safely, in the yard behind their house 1 .

This unexpected windfall gave a new stimulus to Maloji's energies. He caused a rumour to be circulated
among the people that the goddess Bhavani had been pleased to be specially propitious to him and had put
him in possession of an untold amount of gold, and had given her divine promise that there would be born
in their house an invincible hero, who would inaugurate a new era in the land. They then deposited their
money at the house of a great banker at Shrigonde, Shesava Naik Pande by name. They had an old family
connection with Shesava. With his help Maloji purchased a thousand horses and enlisted many bargirs
and shiledars in his servioe. From the beginning be had been known for his piety, and this new accession
of wealth which he attributed to divine favour only served to accentuate his natural predilection for
religion. He resolved to devote a great part of his acquisitions to objects of benevolence. He made
bountiful presents to deserving

1 Grant Duff thinks that Maloji must have acquired his riohea by plunder. But the imputation is quite
gratuitous. It was nothing strange in those exciting and revolutionary times to discover a hidden treasure,
and it was the common practice to bury precious things under ground as the only effectual way of saving
them from the hands of the spoilers.

Brahmans upon the farm which had been the scene of the discovery of his treasure, and he erected a
beautiful temple upon the site of the ant-hill. There is in the Satara District the famous hill of Shambhu
Mahadev. On the top of this mountain there used to be held every year a great religious fair in the month of
Chaitra. No less than 500,000 persons used to gather at the fair at this time, but they suffered from a great
scarcity of water. The devout pilgrims had to provide themselves with water from a distance of over five
or six miles. With a view to mitigate this grievance, Maloji built a great reservoir of water upon a
suitable site. He spent freely upon this work. On the completion of the raservoir, he gave a great feast to
Brahmans and liberal alms to fakirs ; he also erected some dharmshalas at this place. He restored the
dilapidated temple of Krishna at Verul and built a reservoir near that town. In the same way he built tanks,
wells etc. at different places and spent much in charity at the various shrines.

By the performance of these and other similar acts of religious merit so congenial to the sentiments of
orthodox Hinduism, Maloji earned a great reputation for wealth and munificence. He now commenced to
put into practice the great scheme of his life. It has already been mentioned how he had begun to maintain
a cavalry force of ten to twelve hundred retainers. He went on adding to his •retinue, and when he found
himself well established he renewed his demand for the daughter of Jadhav. But Jadhav would not upon
any terms consent to this proposal, which he could only regard in the light of a mesalliance. Maloji now
began harrying the territory under Jadhav's military control and opened communications with the
Nimbalkars to the effect that they should co-operate with him with a reinforcement of two thousand horse
and curb the insolence of family pride which had caused Jadhav to break his promise. These negotiations
proved successful and Maloji now concerted a systematic war of invasion and.

depredation upon Jadhav's jahgir. But nothing that Maloji could do to molest him would make Jadhav
swerve from his decision. Then Maloji had recourse to a strange stratagem. At the head of the cavalry
force of the Nimbalkars, Maloji and Vithoji marched up to Shrigonde. Leaving behind them their heavy
baggage and artillery at this place, they poured down the pass of Nimbdevara and crossed the Godavari
past the village of Nevase. There they killed a couple of pigs and threw the carcases into the mosque at
Dowlatabad, having previously tied round their necks letters enclosing a petition to the Nizam Shahi
Sultan of Ahmednagar. The petition recited the grounds of these disturbances, how Jadhavrao had
forsworn himself in deference to the whims of the ladies of his house and had basely discharged the
Bhonsle brothers from his service, and how they had sought shelter with the Nimbalkars and taken
revenge with their encouragement and support. The missives concluded with threats of further disturbance
and desecration. When the news of this desecration came to the ears of Nizam Shaha his anger knew no
bounds, but it was curiously directed against Jadhavrao, whom he summoned to his presence and
threatened wit.h menaces. He told him that it was most improper on his part to have made a declaration of
a betrothal and then to have broken it off, and declared it was owing to his headstrong obstinacy that a
sacred mosque of Islam had been desecrated so. He expostulated with him on the folly of protracting a
private dispute at the expense of the public weal and ordered him peremptorily to put an end to it by
conciliating Maloji and signalizing the event by giving his daughter into the Bhonsle house. Jadhavrao
replied that his objection to the match was based on the inequality of social position between the two
houses; otherwise they stood related by ties of race and blood, and that his people desired that his
daughter should be given into a house of the same fortune and standing as his own.

On hearing this reply the Sultan reflected that the high honours enjoyed by Jadhav had made him insolent,
and that the only way cf making him eat humble pie was to exalt Maloji to rank and honour, by conferring
a high man-eab, or military command, uppn him. Strange that the Sultan should have thought of this kind of
friendly treatment towards the Bhonsles ! In truth Maloji and Vithoji had been guilty of an atrocity which
outraged public opinion and Islam sentiment, and which under ordinary circumstances would have
instantly called forth the retribution it deserved. But the Nizam Shahi State of Ahmednagar had fallen on
evil days. The Emperor Akbar was endeavouring to overthrow the kingdom and absorb it within the ever
widening bounds of the Mogul Empire. The Mogul armies were every hour gaining ground inch by inch
into the sultan's realm, and the only breakwater capable of keeping off the accumulating tide of invasion
was the solid and united front of the Maratha nobility. If at this critical time the state were to embark on a
policy of fomenting dissension, among the Marathas, it would have been fatal to the best interests of the
ruling dynasty. The disaffected Maratha chiefs were sure to go over to the enemy's camp, and every
accession of strength to the Mogul meant a corresponding loss to the Mahomedan prince of the Deccan.
Thus the sultan had to think deep before committing himself to a hasty step, and his final decision was the
rather startling proposal to conciliate and heap honours upon men who had given him mortal offence. He
invited Maloji and Vithoji to the royal presence and received them with courtesy, conferring upon each a
mansab of 12,000 horse and the title of "Kajah" upon Maloji 1 , together with the forts of Shivneri and
Chakan and the adjoining territory for his maintenance, and the districts of Poona andSupa in jahgir. 2
This event took place in March, 1604.

1 Other accounts mention a mansab of 5,000 for Maloji only.

2 The Shiv -Digvijaya gives a longer list of jahgir lands which would, include some parganas oi Foona,
Nasik, Ahmednagar and Khandesb.

Now that the sultan himself had espoused the cause of Maloji and had given him an exalted rank at his
court, Jadhav could no longer withstand the demand. The sultan ordered both the parties to bring their
families and relations to Dowlatabad; and the nuptials were celebrated with great pomp and eclat in the
royal presence. The fact that the sultan himself attended the wedding and took a personal interest in it was
sufficient cause for all the Omrahs of the court to attend it without exception. Under such auspices was
celebrated the marriage of Shahaji and Jijabai. Maloji grudged no amount of expense on this great
occasion, which, in truth, was the crowning glory of his life. He gave a grand banquet to the Omrahs, and
distributed large sums in charity to Brahmans and fakirs. This wedding took place in April 1604. Maloji
had not only won his object, but had secured a mansab and the title of Rajah into the bargain.

After the marriage, the Rajah Maloji, now a mansabdar or commander of the Nizam Shahi kingdom did
very useful service to that government in those troublous times. Py his bravery and talents he soon gained
an overwhelming ascendency at that court. He earned the gratitude of the state for his success in the most
difficult operations of war and his services both civil and military. It soon became apparent that though
the high command was originally conferred upon Maloji merely on account of the sultan's displeasure at
Jadhav's obstinacy, the recipient was well worthy of the honours lavished upon him. The state officials
now consulted him in all questions of moment. Besides by his conciliatory and courteous manners he
always kept on terms of the utmost cordiality with the high officers of the court. Shahaji used to attend the
court in company with his father. His fine figure and noble bearing, his penetration and sagacity, his
habitual courtesy and persuasiveness scon won for him the golden opinions of the sultan and the court, He
became a "persona grata" with all the

great Omrahs and courtiers. After enjoying his great mansab and prosperity for fifteen years with ever
increasing influence in the state, Maloji died in 1619. The Nizam Shaha conferred his jahgirs and honours
upon the Rajah Shahaji.
CHAPTER II
THE CAREER OF SHAHAJI

AT the time when Shahaji succeeded to the manszb, the renowned Malik Ambar was at the head of the
Nizam Shahi State. It is indispensable at this stage to have some general notion of the state of
Ahmednagar, on the eve of its extinction. The town had fallen into the hands of the Moguls about 1600,
and the illustrious Chand Bibi Sultana, whose noble defence of it had excited the admiration and envy of
the Mogul conquerors, had been stabbed by one of her own perfidious sardars. The infant prince she had
placed upon the Nizamshahi throne was now a captive in Mogul hands, being immured within the prison-
fort of Gwalior. The capital was gone, the prince was lost, but this did not daunt the noble heart of Malik
Ambar, who rallied the Ahmednagar chiefs and again presented a united front to the invaders, having
proclaimed.an infant prince who stood next in succession under the name of Murteza Nizam Shaha IP. He
transferred the new king's court to

1 Most, of the chroniclers call this Nizamshahi Sultan as Sultan Murteza Nizam Shah II, and the puppet
prince set up by Shahaji at the extinction of the dynasty would then be recognized as Murteza Shah 111^
However there is much confusion. Meadows Taylor speaks of the puppet supported by Malik Ambar as
Murteza Shah II and the Sultan reigning at the time of Khan Jehan Lodi's rebellion as Murteza Shah III.
Prof. Jadunath Sarkar in his article on Shahaji in the Modern Review ( September 1917) calls the prince
supported by Malik Ambar by the name of Buran Nizam Shaha, against the authority of Ferishta who calls
him Murteza II. This prince reigned over a long period, 1601 to 1632. At any rate Murteza II, the protege
of Malik Ambar was a grandson of Buran Nizam Shah I, and might have been known as Buran Nizam
Shaha before succeeding to the throne. Grant Dufl and other historians including the Marathi chronicles
have concurred in calling him Murteza II. The puppet set up by Fatten Khan •was Hoosein Nizam HI,
though Prof. Jadunath Sarkar speaks of him both under this name and as Bahadur Nizam Shaha. It may be
here noted that the Jedhe chronology, ( see Bharat-Itihas-Sanshodhak Mandal, Chaturth Samrnelanvritta,
page 178) states, under Shaka year 1553, that Fatten Khan put to death the Sultan Buran Nizam Shaha.

The gist of the article of Prof. Sarkar above referred to is thai Shahaji came to greatness only after 1630-
32, and that entirely owing to the BJjapur

-the strong fort of Dowlatabad and again unfurled the defiant standard of the house of Bheiry. This led to a
concentration of all power in the hands of Malik Ambar, and the Abyssinian element in the state, which
was Malik Ambar's party, now had it all their own way. The Maratha nobility resented this and factions
arose. The leader of the Maratha party was Mian Raju, who had co-operated with Malik Ambar in
recovering a great part of the territory conquered by the Moguls. Now Mian Raju kept in his own hand all
the recovered territory north of Dowlatabad upto the limits of Guzerat and southwards down to
Ahmednagar. The country further south remained under Malik Ambar.* Both outwardly professed
allegiance to Nizam Shaha, but had no desire to surrender their power. Murteza Nizam Shaha was kept in
the fort of Avsha, and the revenue of the territory adjoining the fort was ceded for the expenses of his
court.

Some time afterwards we find Mian Raju making peace with the Moguls and waging war with Malik
Ambar. In this contest victory at last smiled upon Malik Ambar, and Mian Raju himself was soon a
prisoner in his hands. The Maratha nobility had now to give up their opposition and acknowledge the
supremacy of Malik Ambar. After overthrowing all opposition Malik Ambar devoted all his attention to
the reorganization of the state. He had in a short t;ime restored order to the different departments of the
state, but the crowning glory of his administration was his reform of the revenue system. By this reform he
at once made a name throughout Maharashtra. Later in 16.0 he founded a new town, Khadki, afterwards
more famous under the

ministers K.hawas Khan and Murarpant, and he states that the tall of his

patron, Fatten Khan, and the murder of his father-in-law Lukbji Jadhavrao were crushing blows to him.
The latter of these statements is opposed

?o all Marathi Chronicle authorities; nor can any justification for it be seen

in the reet of Prof, aarkar's article, which would appear to contradict itself

in terms by giving us the further information that between 1690-30 Jadhav-

• ought under the Moguls, that is against Ahmednagar and

h Khan, the patron of Sh«\haji.

L.S. 3

name Aurangabad. This he now made the capital of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom. He waged endless wars
with the Moguls, many of them with conspicuous success. He recaptured the town of Ahmednagar, which
had passed under the Moguls. While Malik Ambar was thus waxing in resources and chastising one
Mogul army after another, Jehangir, the then Mogul emperor of Delhi, sent his son Shaha Jahan with a
great army to the Deccan to reconquer the Nizam Shahi dominions (1617). A desperate engagement took
place between Malik Ambar and the Mogul forces in 1620. The Maratha nobles foyght with great bravery,
and it was in this battle that the bravery and generalship of the Rajah Shahaji were first recognized. Malik
Ambar was indeed defeated and had to retire, still the Rajah Shahaji, undaunted by any reverses, made
raid after raid on the Mogul camp and tired them out. For ithis. perseverance and valour he received great
honour at the Nizamshahi court. No one had now a doubt left about his bravery or proficiency in the
tactics of war. He at once rose in the high esteem of Malik Ambar.

Shaha Jahan saw that as long as the Nizamshahi was supported by the solid strength of the Maratha power,
it was impossible to subvert it. He, therefore, began to sow intrigues. He corrupted Lukhji Jadhav and
other nobles and drew them over to the Mogul side. These nobles were already disaffected with Malik
Ambar and had no great scruples about deserting a sovereignty of which he was the mainsiay. It is said
that Jadhavrao received a mansab of 24,000 horse from the Moguls, and that many of his relations got
mansabs in their own right 1 . This occurred in 1621*.

1 tiome of the /tartar-writers attribute the defection of Jadhavrao to-his envy of the sudden rise of bhahaji
in the Nizamshahi state. They likewise assign to it a date subsequent to the death of the Sultan Murteza II.
According to them Shahaji being practically appointed as vizier and guardian to the reigning Nizumi
prince who was only an infant, Jadhavrao did . not like to dance attendance upon Shahaji, and therefore
went over to the Moguls. As to the total t>moUDj of the mansab obtained by Jadhavrao, see prol.
Jadunath Sarkat's article in the Modern Review, ( September iyi7,, page 249 and Elliot VII, [ aje 11.)
The Rajah Shahaji was the only one of the great Maratha nobles, who was proof against this corruption.
He still adhered to the party of his patron, Malik Arubar.

After this wholesale desertion of the Maratha nobility, Malik Ambar saw there was little prospect of
success in stemming the tide of Mogul invasion, and was content to make peace by a large cession of
territory. A little later events compelled Shaha Jahan to return to Delhi. Malik Ambar seized this
opportunity to expel the remnant of the Mogul garrisons and reconquer the ceded territory. Shaha Jahan
soon returned to the scene of these war operations. The old fields were fought again and the territory so
recently recovered by Maiik Ambar again came under the rule of the Mogul Empire. Malik Ambar had
now exhausted all his resources. Shahaji still kept loyally supporting his chief. But all his efforts proved
vain before the greit military resources of the Moguls. Malik Ambar now thought it proper to make his
submission and save the remnants of the territory for his Nizam Shahi master rather than to stake all upon
the uncertain chances of a decidedly unequal war. He soon found a favourable opportunity for overtures
of peace. This honourable peace he observed till the last day of his life. He did not live long after this. He
died of a sudden malady in 1626 at the age of eighty.

Immediately on the death of Malik Ambar the Moguls renewed their hostilities with the active support of
Lukhji Jadhav. Shaha Jahan had to return to Delhi about this time, on account of the death of his father, the
Emperor Jehangir. He marched to Delhi, leaving but a small Mogul force to co-operate with Jadhavrao.
At this time the sultan Murteza Nizam Shaha was at Mahuli, and Shahaji was in attendance upon the
Sultan. Jadhavrao laid siege to Mahuli with all his forces. Shahaji defended the fort with great valour for
six months, bub with all his efforts he did not succeed in forcing the enemy to raise the siege. However

*ie was resolved never to give in to the enemy. Shahaji was indeed the last of the loyal officers still left
in the service of the Nizamshahi who combined in himself the will and the capacity to save the
Nizamshahi kingdom. But the good fortune of the state seemed to have forsaken her for ever. For as
misfortunes never come singly the state lost the services of a good and loyal servant, on .account of a
strange prejudice that Murteza Nizam Shaha's mother now conceived against Shahaji. This was due to an
intrigue which Lukhji Jadhav had set on foot, under the pretence of reconciliation and peace, but in reality
to extinguish the Nizami power. Shahaji saw the changed aspect of affairs, but he could only regret it.
When the sultan had himself lost heart and was bent upon submission at the sacrifice of every idea of
honour and advantage of what avail was it, he reflected, for himself to continue the opposition single
handed, perhaps at the risk of his life ? His loyal and devoted service to the state seemed to have been
rendered in vain. Why should he now, when the state was being blindly driven to the brink of ruin, incur
the gratuitous odium of hastening on its fall ? Far better for him to turn his back upon the impending
destruction ! With •these counsels, he prepared for his departure from the beleaguered town, having
previously apprised the sultan and his mother of his intention. He sallied out of the fort one night with a
small band of loyal veterans and broke through the besieging lines. This is just what Jadhavrao •wanted.
He pursued him and continued the pursuit for several days with great earnestness until the barriers of
Phaltan were reached. There the vengeful Jadhavrao had to stop his relentless chase of his son in-law. For
he knew of the old alliance of the Nimbalkars and knew well too that were Shahaji, reinforced with the
militia of the Nimbalkars, to turn upon him, he would have little difficulty in dispersing his pursuers.

At the time that the Rajah Shahaji burst forth from the fortress of Mahuli he was accompanied by his wife

Jijabai and his little son Sambhiji, who was then only three or four years of age. Jijabai herself was far
advanced in pregnancy. Hard-pressed by their pursuers, the fugitives had to make forced marches and
Jijabai had to be conveyed on horse-back. A few miles' journey sufficed to cause her intense sufferings,
so that Shahaji was reluctantly forced to find an asylum for her on the way 1 . Now Junnar was the
stronghold of a certain Shriniwasrao, an independent chief with whom Shahaji had a long standing
alliance. Under his promise of protection the lady Jijabai was placed for shelter in the fort of Shivneri,
and Shahaji detached a small body of cavalry from his slender retinue to defend her from harm. No sooner
had Shahaji left the place than his pursuers arrived. With difficulty could Jadhavrao be persuaded to yield
to the importunate pleading of those who argued that whatever grudge he might have against Shahaji in
person, his own daughter Jijabai was an innocent party and that public opinion required it of him to take
measures for her safety. Whose would be the disgrace if the Jadhavrao's daughter were to fall into Mogul
hands? This last argument carried weight with the haughty warrior. He pitied the forlorn state of Jijabai
and went to see her. The meeting between father and daughter was very painful. She reproached him for
his lack of generosity and of a father's love and exclaimed that, now that she had fallen into his hands
instead of Sahaji, ho was welcome to wreak his revenge on her instead of her husband. His heart was
touched and he endeavoured to comfort her saying: "What the gods had ordained has taken place ; the
bitterness of after-regrets is of no avail." He tried to persuade her to accompany him to Sindhkhed, the
seat of the jahgir he had received from the Moguls. But she steadfastly refused, and Jadhavrao, seeing that
nothing would shake her resolution, detached fron.

1 Some bakham represent Shahaji to have been forced by necessity to leave Jijabai on the way with a
small escort and attribute her removal to the fort of Shivneri to Jadhavrao, who detached a force of 500
horse-soldiers for her protection.

his army an escort for Jijabai's protection and went forward. Thus did the high-minded Jijabai continue to
dwell in the place chosen for her by her husband. That her father, of all persons in the world, should
prosecute these hostilities against her husband was an offence she could never forgive. Notwithstanding
all the tumults of war that were raging all round her, she persevered in staying at Shivneri, and never more
in after life did she set her foot in her father's jahgir.

Meanwhile Shahaji did not slack his flight till he reached Bijapur. He had previously sent a trusty officer,
Balkrishnapant Hanumante, to the Bijapur Durbar, on a political mission, as soon as he had got the first
inkling of the intrigue meditated by the mother of the Nizam Shaha at Mahuli. The principal statesmen of
the Bijapur state, Murar Jagdeo and Randul'a Khan, knew the ability of the Rajah Shahaji. The Adil Shahi
Sultan received him with honour and cordiality, promised to co-operate with him in his labours to
preserve the Nizamshahi dynasty from utter extinction and reinforced him with a small complement of
Bijapur forces.

In the meantime a great revolution had taken place in the affairs at Ahmednagar. On the death of Malik
Ambar, his son, Fatten Khan, succeeded to the viziership. He possessed none of the ta,ct and ability of his
father, or the courtesy and considerateness by which he had won over the gentry and nobility towards
himself. He waged arduous wars with the Moguls, but seldom with success. The Mogul general Khan
Jahan Lodi was in charge of military operations in the south. A timely peace concluded with him by Fatten
Khan gave a new lease of life to the Nizam Shahi.

Not long after the Nizam Shahi sultan had .reason to resent the insolent and arbitrary ways of Fatteh Khan,
who possessed all the autocratic tendencies of his great father without his genius. Takrib Khan was
accordingly appoin-

ted to supersede him as vizier 1 . This change of ministry induced Jadhavrao to return to his allegiance
and the service of the Nizamshahi; and with this end in view ha started overtures for a reconciliation. But
the Nizam Murteza Shaha was a man who was led by the impulses of passion. With him desire for
revenge weighed more in the balance than counsels of prudence; and against Jadhavrao he had conceived
the bitterest hatred and animosity. It did not occur to him that the exigencies of the state might not permit
him to nurse his grudges. A great general of the ^empire was coming back in sack-cloth and ashes. True
statesmanship required the sultan to forgive and forget the past, to receive the repentant general with open
arms, to unite him to his interests and make him a pillar of his state. But these thoughts were too noble and
too generous for his pusillanimous spirit. He chose to work in darkness and intrigue and return treachery
for treachery. Resolved to •revenge himself on Jadhavrao for his past desertion, he invited him to a
personal interview in the fort of Dowlatabad. In reply to the invitation Jadhavrao attended by his son.
Achloji, came to the Nizam's durbar. Soon after they had been ushered in, the sultan left the audiance hall,
on the pretence of a secret consultation with his ministers, and three Mahomedan nobles, in accordance
with a previously concerted plan of treachery, drew their swords, fell upon the unsuspecting Jadhavrao
and his son, and in an instant deprived them of their swords. Alarmed by this treachery both father and son
drew their daggers and fought with bravery, but the odds were against them and they were cut to pieces. 2
The

1 Khftfi Khan says that Hamid Khan, an Abyssinian noble, who had risen bo power on account of the
fascination of his wife's beauty upon the sal tan, succeeded Fatteh Khan as vizier.

3 Modak's history of the Adilahahi kingdom (Marathi) gives quite a Different version of this story. It
represents that a feeling of unrest had sprung up in the mind of Jadhavrao and the Maratha nobles
generally on account of the incarceration of Fatteh Khan. He intrigued to secede to the Moguls, and the
sultan's suspicion being once roused he determined to apprehend and keep him in custody. Then follows
the story of the trea-

wife of Jadhavrao was encamped with a small force at the reservoir outside the'town. When the story of
the treacherous murder of her husband and son reached her ears, she at once escaped with her little army
to Sindhkhed. In reply to her petition, the Mogul court transferred the mansab and jahgir of her husband to
hie brother, Bhotaji-rao. This branch of the Jadhav family remained true to the Mogul sovereigns to the
last day of the empire and rendered distinguished and loyal service to their Mogul masters.

The Rajah Shahaji was then at the fort of Parinda and having conquered the adjoining territory reigned
there an absolute master. When be heard of the treacherous circumstances of his father-in-law's murder, he
saw that it was useless any more to try to get reconciled with the Nizam Shaha or lead the Nizami
standards, as he had done on many a battlefield in the past, in the impending struggle with the Moguls. He
was convinced that Murteza was an irredeemably treacherous and vindictive man. Shahaji accordingly
resolved to conquer whatever territory he could and make himself independent. In consequence of this
plan he reduced all the country from Sangamner to Poona under his personal sway and captured all the
forts in the neighbourhood. In the confusion of these conquests, certain parts of the Bijapur kingdom came
in for a share of his acts of violence. It was but natural that the Bijapur authorities should resent his
encroachment upon their dominions, and eend a general at the head of a large army to chastise his
audacity. This general conquered some of Shabaji's districts and captured Poona, consigning to flames
Shahaji's mansion in that town. Shahaji did not yet feel himself strong enough, to challenge the large
Bijapur army. He, therefore, again

chery in the durbar. The Easctfin-i-Salatin relates the story of JadhavraoV murder in full, and this version
agrees with the one followed in the text. Some chronicles change the name of Bhotaji into Vithoji or
Nathuji, perhap? fche same as Jagdevrao. Vide Abdul Hamid in Elliot VII, page 11.

had recourse to the friendly aid of Shrinivasrao of Junnar. When the tide of the Bijapur invasion had
ebbed away, Shahaji once more emerged from the hospitable walls of Jnnnar, on a new career of
adventure. He found the fort of Pamegad in an utterly dismantled and abandoned condition. He repaired
and fortified this fort, named it Shamgad and made it his headquarters 1 . From this fort he recovered in
gradual succession nearly all his old fortresses and possessions, assembled a force of five or six thousand
and subjugated all the territory from Junnar and Sangamner to Ahmednagar and Dowlatabad. He also
captured the Baleghat district. %

About this time the redoubted Mogul commander, Khan Jahan Lodi, had suffered an eclipse of the
imperial favour. He had deserted from the service of the emperor Shaha Jahan and found shelter with the
government of Ahmednagar. A mighty army was sent after him from Delhi. Khan Jahan found many warm
partisans among the lauded gentry and nobility of the south, the deshmukhs and jahgirdara of the
Ahmeduagar kingdom, who espoused his cause and made it their own. This was the beginning of a
prolonged war with the Moguls. Shahaji took up his cause and rendered him such valuable assistance that
for a long time the Mogul armies made little head-way in the field. When the news of these events reached
the ears of Shaha Jahan, he at once perceived that the sinister conjunction of the Nizamshahi sultan and the
Maratha nobility with the forces of Khan Jahan Lodi portended disaster to the Mogul crown, and nothing
but an immediate annihilation of the forces of Khan Jahan and his confederate partisans would avert the
danger. With this conviction he marched to the Deccan in person and issued a proclama—

1 The names are variously given as Bhimgad for Pamegad and Shaha-gad for Shamgad ( BascUin-i-
Sal(ttin,-p&ge 441). This confusion or variation of names is found in nearly all the chronicle authorities.
Bhimgad or Pamegad was the fort where Shahaji ruled afterwards in the name of the puppet prince he had
set up.

_'t; LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

tion that whosoever aided or abetted or sympathised with Lodi would be considered by him his personal
enemy and would be utterly extirpated by the Mogul army. He then despatched his army in three divisions,
under three different commanders, against Lodi and his 'confederates. Lodi was too weak to withstand
these tremendous forces and fled southward, imploring the assistance of Bijapur. But that state held
wisely aloof. Lodi directed his flight again northwards in the direction of Dowlatabad and was reinforced
by the Nizam Shahi sultan. The result was a pitched battle between the Mogul and Nizami armies, in
which the former were victorious. Thus with his hopes frustrated on all sides, Lodi with his chosen horse,
determined to make his way to the north and escape to Kabul. The Mogul armies pursued him so
relentlessly that at length driven to utter despair, Lodi turned upon his pursuers with a handful of his loyal
supporters and fell fighting bravely.

Upon the destruction of the forces of Khan Jahau Lodi Shahaji was in extreme terror lest Shaha Jahan
should carry out his threats and turn the vanguard of the Mogul army upon his possessions. He found but
one expedient to save himself from such a dire contingency, and that was to tender his submission to the
Mogul Court, procure an amnesty for his offences in the past and offer to take service in the Mogul army.
He began his overtures for peace on these lines, through Azim Khan, a nobleman of the Mogul court. He
memorialized the emperor to the effect that he was ready to join the Mogul service, and if a promise of
pardon and safety were vouchsafed to him he would throw himself on the emperor's mercy. Shaha Jahan
had already received personal proofs of Shahaji's valour and bravery. He also thought that the active co-
operation of a powerful ohief and practised general like Shahaji would be of the highest advantage in the
accomplishment of: the great object of his life, namely, the extinction of the Ahmednagar kingdom. He,
therefore, acceded to Shahaji's request and

giving him his royal promise of pardon invited him to a -conference. Shahaji went to meet the emperor
with his corps of two thousand horse. He was received with great honour and a mansab of five 1 thousand
was conferred upon him. in addition to which he received some districts 2 . Shaha Jahan went so far as
even to give mansabs to the relatives and dependents of Shahaji, among them to Kheloji, the son of his
uncle Vithoji, who attended Shahaji on this occasion, This event took place in 1629. The districts of
Junnar and Sangamner now came under Shahaji.

About this time there was a great famine in the Deccan, the greatest severity of which fell upon the
inhabitants of the Nizam Shahi state. To the horrors of famine were added the ravages of cholera. People
died literally in thousands. Whole districts were depopulated. On the top of these horrors came the furies
of the Mogul war. The Moguls deposed many jahagirdara and mansabdars in the Nizam Shahi kingdom
ard installed their own officers in their places. Amid all these disasters, the Nizam Shaha now felt that his
sceptre was falling from his grasp. Many of his greater nobles had openly gone over into the camp of the
enemy, the loyalty of many others was open to question ; all had been tampered with. In his despair he
began to reflect upon the causes of these evils. He somehow persuaded himself that his new vizier was at
the bottom of his present misfortunes. He accordingly proceeded to depose this vizier, released Fatteh
Khan from his captivity and again placed him at the head of affairs. The deposed vizier

1 Some of the Marathi chronicles describe Shahaji's mansab as a command of twenty.two thousand horse,
and Khafi Khan rates it at 6000 personal and 5000 horse. (Llliot Vll. 15.)

2 These districts probably include Ahmednagar to which Shivaji at a later date laid claim. Some Bakhars
state (and this is supported by the Badishahinamah) that Kheloji mentioned in this connection was later on
apprehended and executed by Aurangzeb. It would seem that the Marathi chronicles have exaggerated the
value of the mansabs. According to the Badishahinamah, Shahaji's mansab amounted to five thousand
horse, but his

•relatives were given separate mansabs in their own right.

Takribkhan was not a man to brood over his degradation in silence; he openly joined the enemy. The
Moguls appointed, him a commander of 6000 and retained him in their service for the operations of the
war.

No sooner had Fatteh Khan been restored to the viziership than he began to concert a plot to revenge
himself upon the sultan for his heartless ingratitude towards himself. He caused a rumour to be circulated
that the sultan-had gone mad and had him placed in confinement under this pretence. The sultan thus
placed at his mercy was secretly strangled to death. This atrocious deed was followed by the
simultaneous massacre of some twenty-five of the prominent nobles, who were partisans of the king. By
such infernal plans did Fatteh Khan endeavour to concentrate all authority in his own hands, and in order
to secure permanently to himself the absolute power which he had thus usurped, he petitioned the Emperor
Shaha Jahan, stating that in doing what he had done he only wanted to give a practical proof of his anxiety
to remain and be reckoned upon as a loyal vassal of the empire, and that for the present he had placed on
the Nizam Shahi throne a puppet prince of ten years, the son of the late sultan, and requested the favour of
the emperor's orders in the matter. Shaha Jahan was a shrewd and astute statesman. He could at once read
between the lines of this petition what the secret aims and objects of Fatteh Khan were. He reflected that
most of the provinces of the Nizam Shihi kingdom were already in his grasp, and only a few hill-forts,
more or less strongly fortified, remained to be taken. He thought he could get Fatteh Khan to play into his
hands so as to secure all his objects. With this view he sen* orders to Fatteh Khan that the imperial
pleasure was that all the state jewels from the Nizam Shahi treasury and the state elephants should be sent
to the imperial camp, that all the territory which still remained with Ahmednagar should, remain under the
rule of the young Nizam Shahi king, and

that special lands would be assigned to Fatten. Khan in jahgir. Fatten Khan was at fir»t very indignant at
the imperial demands. He could by no means make up his mind to send away the state jewels and
elephants. Shaha Jahan sent a large army to overawe him into submission. Fatteh Khan had no resources
to maintain a contest with the Moguls. Alarmed at this measure, he bad no alternative but to bow to the
imperial pleasure, to undertake to cede all the valuables demanded of him without protest, and to crown
all, to pay an indemnity of eight lakhs of rupees in cash and agree to pay an annual tribute in future. 'When
these demands were complied with, Shaha Jahan gave him permission to carry on the administration of
the INizam Shahi state in the name of the young sultan, in the restricted territories assigned to him, and
also completed the grant of a personal jahgir made to Fatteh Khan. In -this grant of jahgir-lands were
included some districts which had been before assigned to Shahaji. At this Shahaji .took umbrage and
again meditated a renunciation of the authority of the emperor and set about to carve out an independent
principality for himself 1 .

The first step in this direction was to make his peace with the Bijapur State. He succeeded in conciliating
to his interests Murarpant, the chief minister to the vizier and indeed the pillar of the Adil Shahi State, and
through Mm conducted his negotiations. He drew the attention of the Bijapur Government to the absolute
anarchy reigning in the Nizamshahi government and the public distrust in the administrative acts of Fatteh
Khan, and urged how easy it was at the present juncture ot affairs to conquer that kingdom and even to
capture its capital, tho fort of Dowlatabad itself. The garrison of the fort had lost their faith in the
government; and the control of its defences was never more lax. If the Bijapur government thought it
proper, now was the opportunity to send its armies against

> Abdul Hamid in Elliot Vil, 06, 37.

that fort, and Shahaji undertook in person to serve the Bijapur interests and carry the fort with that bravery
and strategy that never failed him in the midst of war. The Bijapur government approved of this plan. The
sultan of Bijapur thought that the accession of a powerful and experienced commander like Shahaji to his
fortunes would be of inestimable advantage in confronting the Mogul armies. The Adilshahi sultan placed
his army under the command of Shahaji and ordered him in concert with Mnrarpant tc advance against
Dowlatabad 1 .

The consternation of Fatteh Khan knew no bounds, when he learnt that Shahaji having made friends with
Bijapur was in full march upon Dowlatabad at the head of the Adilshahi army. He scarcely had the
strength to challenge a conflict with them. He tried negotiations with the Moguls and promised to yield to
them the fort of Dowlatabad, if only the state were saved from the Bijapur invasion. Shaha Jahan ordered
Mohabat Khan to march to the aid of Fatteh Khan. This Mogul general came up-with the invading hosts of
Bijapur and a hard fought content followed. Shahaji put forth all his arts and bravery in withstanding the
imperial forces, but was at length beaten back and forced to retreat on account of their overwhelming
numbers 2 .

Shahaji and the Adilshahi ministers now thought to gain by craft what they had failed to gain by arms.
Negotiations were secretly opened with Fatteh Khan, and he was warned that in making over the fort of
Dowlatabad to the Moguls he was digging his own grave. On the other hand the Bijapur government was
ready to conclude a defensive and offensive alliance with him and to keep up the friendly relations
between the two states, if he placed

J Abdul Hamid's Badishahnamali ( Elliot VII, 23, 28) saya that the chief minister at Bijapur was then
Khawas Khan, originally a slave and Kalairant (jnusician) named Daulat. Murarpant was Khawas Khan's
confidential friend and counsellor.

2 Elliot VII, 3".

the fort of Dowlatabad in their hands and indemnified Shahaji for the losses he had sustained. Fatteh Khan
was-quite won over by these promises and had the hardihood to break with his Mogul overlord. The
Mogul army was lying encamped in the plain dominated by the fort. Without any provocation he opened
fire with his artillery upon the exposed army from the height of the fortress. Shahaji leading the Bijapur
troops soon appeared on the scene in aid of Fatteh Khan. The battle was hotly contested. But Shahaji
could effect little against the overwhelming numbers of the enemy. Victory at length declared itself in
favour of the Moguls, whose general Mohabat Khan carried the fort of Dowlatabad by storm in ] 633 A.
D 1 .

Fatteh Khan's fortunes were now at their lowest ebb. Deprived of every means of resistance, he had to
surrender himself to the Moguls. He was divested of all authority and influence and compelled to retire
into private life with a fixed annual pension. The puppet prince whom he had raised to the insecure throne
of the Nizamshahi state was relegated to the prison-fortress of Gwalior, as was the fate of most political
prisoners, and the remnants of theterritory of that state were now permanently annexed to the Mogul
Empira Thus the year 1633 was the last year of the Nizamshahi dynasty of Ahmednagar. Its conquest had
been the life-dream of Shaha Jahan. He experienced all the thrill of a gratified ambition. As far as the
Deccan

went, his cares and anxieties were now at an end. Thus thought the exultant emperor. Little did he dream
that the now vanquished Shahaji would again rise from his fall and attempt to revive the extinct monarchy.
Little did he dream that the same old battles would have to be fought over again.

During the last campaign the Mogul commander had tried his utmost to bring Shahaji into difficulties.
While the Mogul siege-lines were lying round Dowlatabad, Shahaji

* Vide: Abdul Hamid's Badishahnamah in Elliot, VII, 36, 37.

caused constant diversions amongst them by his nightly attacks and surprises. In order to wreak revenge
upon Shahaji for these constant incursions, Mohabat Khan hit upon the unchivalrous plan of surprising
Shahaji's wife Jijabai at her residence at Byzapur, and by fair or foul means bringing her a captive to the
Mogul camp. Now, as fortune would have.it, the governor of a Nizamshahi fort had just deserted to the
Mogul camp and wanted to transfer 1iis services to the emperor. As an earnest of his good faith •and
loyalty he was ordered to effect the arrest of Jijabai at Byzapur, and he was asked to trust for all the rest
to the imperial favour should he be so fortunate as to pass this test. These conditions were accepted by the
commander. He exhausted all his ingenuity and ultimately succeeded in capturing Jijabai and bringing her
down into the Mogul Camp. But the brother of Lukhji Jadhav was in the Mogul service and was indeed
present in the camp itself. He was naturally much irritated at what had just occurred. He interceded with
the general, urging as was well known that the families of Jadhavrao and Shahaji were at daggers drawn
with each other and that on this account Shahaji had abandoned his wife and son and bad two or three
years previously married Tukabai, a daughter of the Mohite family. In consequence it was urged that
Jijabai and Shahaji ~\vere very much at variance with each other, that the arrest of his wife was in no way
an injury to Shahaji, but on the other hand, as she was a daughter of the Jadhav family, it would be a gross
affront and insult to that noble family. This argument carried weight with the Khan and he made over
Jijabai to the protection of the Jadhav, who sent her back in safety to Kondana, one of the hill-forts under
Shahaji. Thus was a great danger averted from the infant career of the great empire-builder who is the
subject of our biography 1 .

1 Byzapur or bezapur is 25 miles west of Aurangabad. Aa may be

inferred from Abdul Uamid (Elliot Vlf, 15, 17} it came into Shahaji's

occupation after Junnar and Sang-unner, perhaps as part of hia jahgir from

be Moguls when he left Khan Jehan Lodi and was co-operating with Azam

Repulsed in the manner described above the Bijapur troops were forced to retire, and Shahaji also had to
retire with them. But he did not lose heart under this defeat and disappointment. His ardour and
enthusiasm were as fresh as ever; his defeat served to enkindle them all the more. He resolved to restore
the Nizamshahi dynasty that had just been extinguished by the Moguls. The task he had proposed to
himself was not a light one. It meant a deadly-encounter with a formidable foe like the Mogul. Instead of
returning to Bijapur with the retreating army, he left it on the way and marched from Nasik to Bhimgad.
This fort had all along been in his control. He mustered an army in its mountain fastnesses, aud whttnhis
muster had swollen considerably in numbers, he pro^»ded to wrest from the Moguls all the districts from
Poonlnind. Chakan to Balaghat. In this way he went on carrying one Mogul outpost after another.
Tb^tMogul officer iu charge of the garrison of Dowlatabad, Iradatkhan by name, sought to devise some
way to put an end to these encroachments of Shahaji. Shahaji's uncle Vithoji had a son of the name of
Maloji Bhonsle. He formed a friendship with this man, and by his mediation he opened communications
with Shahaji. He offered again to bestow on Shahaji from the emperor the old mansab of twenty-two
thousand. This

Khan and other imperial generals (Vide Prof. Sarkar's article on Shahaji in the Modern Review,
September 191.7). The story of Jijabai's abduction is omitted in Sarkar's Life of Shivaji, though the story
of a similar abduction of Kheloji Bhonsle's wife is related by him. The abduction of Jijabai is described
by moat of the Marathi chronicles, and the story of the abduction of Kheloji's wife lends probability to the
abduction of Jijabai. Mr. Kincaid relates the story in his History. Mr. Sardesai ( Marathi Riyasat) while
relating the story avers that Jijabai was staying with her mother's relations at Byzapur. But since-Shahaji
had seized possession of Nasik, Trimbak, Sangamner and other lands which he had held under the
Moguls, even after defying their authority, it might well be that Byzapur was one of these places and
Jijabai was living there as one of the places in her husband's possession, aud not with her mother on
account of estrangement with Shahaji at his second marriage.
L. 8. 4.

•was not acceptable to Shahaji. The time was gone when •such an offer would have brought him over 1 .

Shahaji maintained at this time a force of eight to ten thousand and had already won back a portion of the
Nizamshahi provinces that had fallen into the hands of the Moguls. He knew well enough that he must
prepare for an attack by the great Mogul armies. He knew likewise that he was not strong enough to meet
them single-handed. He saw that with-•outthe active co-operation of Bijapur his high ambition could .not
be realized. The chief minister at the Bijapur court was a nobleman named Khawas Khan. Through the
good •officfts of Murarpant, Shahaji opened overtures for an alliance with Bijapur, promising to revive
the fallen Nizamshahi and restore the fortunes of the House of Bheiry 2 . Many statesmen of Bijapur
doubted the expediency of this plan; but Shahaji answered all their objections and dispelled their doubts.
They wero soon assured of the -wisdom and the generosity of his plans, and subscribing to these views
they undertook to render him every assistance. Between both parties a covenant was entered into to the
effect that Shahaji should select an eligible descendant of the Nizamshahi family, instal him on the throne
and conduct the government of the Nizamshahi districts in his name. True to this covenant, Shahaji
released a young prince of the name of Murteza who was on parole at Shri-vardhan, and crowned him
king at Bhimgad, the new capital. This event took place in 1634. This prince having been proclaimed as
the king of the Nizamshahi state, Shahaji

1 Modak's history of the Adil Shahi Dynasty (Marathi) gives a different! version representing that the
proposal here referred to emanated from a coble of the Bijapur kingdom and that a treaty was struck
between Shahaji and the Bijapur Durbar by which Shahaji was to receive a mansab of 22000 liorse, and
the territory of the Nizamshahi state recovered by the jointo co-operation of Shahaji and the Bijapur
forces was to be equally divided hetween the two parties.

2 Bheiry or Bahiry was the nickname of the founder of the Nizam* ehahi dynasty of Ahmednagar, who ia
said to have been originally a Brahman converted to Islam.

v««

•continued the reconquest of other forts and. provinces. Admiring his pluck and daring,and pleased with
his zealous allegiance to the sultan's family, the hereditary supporters of the Xizamshahi, the loyal gentry
and nobility, now came over to Shahaji. The disbanded soldiery of the Nizamshahi state, who had for
some time been roving over the country in search of adventures flocked to Shahaji's standards. Thus from
day to day did his party wax in strength and his military resources continue to augment. Shahaji now
subdued all the Konkan country which had once been under the Nizamshahi, all the territory upto
Ahmednagar on the east •and the country from the Nira to the Chandor mountains in the south. Shahaji's
next move was upon Junnar. .Shrinivasrao ruled there in independence. He was, as we have seen, a great
friend of Shahaji. But Shahaji saw that the Nizamshahi kingdom could not regain its fallen power and
prestige until the recalcitrant nobles who had declared themselves independent were brought back under
its allegiance. He, therefore, tried to conciliate Shrinivasrao into an acknowledgment of his Nizamshahi
suzerain. But Shrinivasrao was entirely governed by selfish plans. He refused to unite his powers with
those of the sultan. He declined 'to accede to Shahaji's terms. Shahaji was obliged to resort to an
ungenerous stratagem. He gave out that he was -desirous of entering into a marriage alliance with him,
and demanded the daughter of Shrinivasrao for his son Sambhaji. Under pretence of arranging about the
espousals, Shrinivasrao was invited to a feast at Shahaji's mansion, and when he came there in answer to
the invitation, he was put under arrest. The towns of Junnar, Jivdhan, Sounda, Bhorag and others which
were under Shrinivasrao were now captured. The young sultan was brought up from Bhimgad to Junnar.
Shahaji next proceeded to bring under his power the Abyssinian chief, Saya Saif Khan, who like
Shrinivasrao ha.d become independent at Bhiwandi and was raiding tha neighbourhood, and likewise the
Abyssinian Ambar, who was pursuing the same tactics at Janjira.

When the emperor Shaha Jahan heard of these events-in the Deccan and learnt that the Nizamshahi dynasty
had. been restored and its territory all but reconquered by Shahaji, a great army was launched against him.
A great battle took place at Perinda between the Mogul army and the forces of Shahaji who was aided by
Bijapur. The Mogul army was overthrown. Then the emperor ordered Khan Dowran and Khan Jeman to
start with a large army and crush the insurrectionary attempts of Shahaji. But tnese commanders also were
much harassed by Shahaji, who-was well supported by Randulla Khan and Murarpant of the Bijapur
kingdom and had besides considerable forces of his own. This enabled him to defeat all the attempts of
the Moguls against himself.

Shaha Jahan was naturally quite exasperated at the failure of these two expeditions, and what stung him
especially was the support lent by Bijapur to Shahaji. Shahaji had in a short time proved the Mogul
triumphs over the Nizamshahi and the extinction of that dynasty to have been a mockery. Affairs stood
now in exactly the same posture in which they were at the commencement of the protracted war, and the
emperor was all the more incensed when he saw that he had now to deal with an adversary of more mettle
and superior powers of enterprise. In the height of his fury he declared his resolution to take the field in
person with a mighty host, to crush Shahaji and force him to rentore all the territory and, if occasion
arose, to extinguish the Mahomedan dynasties of Bijapur and Golconda. With this comprehensive
programme before him, the Mogul came down upon the Deccan with his invading hosts.

His first manoeuvre was to separate Mahomad Adil-snaha of Bijapur from the alliance with Shahaji by
threats. He sent an ambassador to Adilshaha requiring him to surrender the Nizamshahi fortresses that had
been taken by him, to return the famous piece of ordnance called the

which had been transferred from the fort of Perinda to Bijapur, and not to lend any assistance to Shahaji
and his partisans, with a promise that if these conditions were complied with, the emperor would make
over to Bijapur all that portion of the Konkan which had once been under the Xizamshahi, with the fort of
Sholapur and all the territory within its influence. At the same time the emperor threatened to extinguish
the Adilshahi Kingdom if these demands were not instantly obeyed. The sultan of Bijapur paid little heed
to these demands, since Randulla •Khan and the rest cf the influential nobility were inclined to continue
the alliance with Shahaji.

Seeing that this plan was frustrated, Shaha Jahan determined upon punishing the two powers together, and
dividing, for this purpose, his vast army into four columns he ordered two of them to march against
Shahaji and the other two to advance against Bijapur. In command of the first column against Shahaji was
Shaista Khan, whose charge was to subdue Chandor, Nasik, Sangamner, and other towns and the outlying
districts and forts which were under Shahaji. The other, consisting of twenty thousand horse, was under
the command of Khan Jeman. His orders were to engage with Shahaji in the plains, and put him to flight,
and reducing the Konkan hill-forts leave him no •rallying-ground in any part of the Nizamshahi territory.

i The name "JfcUik-i-Maidan" means "the Lord of the Field." This marvellous piece of artillery is
believed to have been cast by a Constantinople mechanic at Ahmednagar by order of a Nizamshahi sultan.
The weight of this cannon is estimated by an English military officer at 32,000 pounds avoirdupois. It is
usually given as 60 candies. It is nine feet eight inches in length. The bore is so wide that it is said that a
person may be easily seated in it and in that posture be able to fold his scarf into a turban round his head.
This gun is reported to have been made use of in the fateful battle of Talikot which resulted in the death of
Ram Rajah and the extinction of the Vijavanagar kingdom. Aurangzeb had an inscription engraved upon it
in commemoration of his capture of Bijapur in 1685. The East India Company proposed to present it to
King George IV in 1823, but* expert advice having proved the impracticability of hauling and
transporting it to the coast, the plan had to be given up. The superstitious people of *he place worship the
gun and call it by the name of the goddess, Mahakali.

Thus at one and the same moment Shahaji had to bear the-brunt of attacks by two large Mogul armies on
two different fronts. But his courage did not waver for an instant. His resolution had been made to fight
without flinching or yielding an inch of ground, and he persisted in this noble resolve to the end. He put
forth all the arts of a redoubted warrior and general. His consummate strategy,the rapidity of his
movements, and unerring tactics drew praise even from his bitterest foes. He did his best to harass the
Moguls, but their great advantage of numbers began to tell in course of time, and he had to face defeat in
different directions. The Moguls took twenty-five of his forts in the districts of Nasik and Chandor. All the
territory between Sholapur and Bedar slipped away from his hands. Many outposts in the Konkan were
seized upon by the Moguls. Repulsed from the Konkan, Shahaji had to move to Ahmednagar and wait in
ambush, Both the Mogul columns now effected a junction and inarched together upon him. Driven to great
straits, he made good his escape from between their battle lines, by a most dexterous movement, and fell
back upon the districts between Chambhargonde and Baramati. When the enemy followed on his rear into
those parts, he diverted his flight to Kolhapur and Miraj. Receiving new reinforcements from Bijapur, he
now turned back against the pursuing Moguls and began raiding their army and intercepting their fodder
supplies. They had no energy left to give battle or to pursue Shahaji any further.

When the news of these events reached Shaha Jahan, be sent orders to Khan Jaman to let Shahaji alone,
since his pursuit was attended with such severe losses to the imperial armies, and to concentrate his
forces against the Bijapur territory, as on the fall of that kingdom it would take little time to subdue
Shahaji. In accordance with these orders, three Mogul generals invaded the Bijapur dominions, canning
havoc in all directions. Many forts and towns fell before them, and thousands of the inhabitants

were taken prisoners and sold into slavery ! A large Mogul army marched straight upon Bijapur. The
Sultan Adilshaha was seized with panic. He had no power to resist. and opened negotiations. A peace
was soon brought about between the two powers, on terms rather favourable to Bijapur. It was arranged
by the treaty that the Adilshahi Dynasty should retain possession of the forts of Perinda and Sholapur,
together with the territory between them \. that the same sultan should continue his authority over Bidar,
Kalyani, and Naldurg to the east of Sholapur, and should retain the Malik-i-maidan, the famous gun for
which a demand had been made before the war; that the-parts of the Konkan that had once been held by
the Nizamshahi kings should be transferred to the Adilshahi sultan ; as also the country watered by the
Bhima and the Nira upto the fort of Chakan. In return for all this territory the Adilshahi sultan was to pay
an annual tribute of 12: lacs of hona (pagodas) to the Mogul emperor, and the Rajah Shahaji with his
followers was to receive pardon on condition of surrendering all his forts and cannon and munitions of
war. Should he not do so he was not to-obtain any shelter within the limits of the Bijapur state, who were
to look upon him as a public foe of their own no less than as an enemy of the Mogul Empire.

By this treaty the kingdom of Bijapur extricated itself from its difficulties 1 . Shahaji now lost his great
ally and was quite isolated. Undaunted by this change of circumstances, he still held on. He was bent on
fighting it out with the enemy. By the treaty with Bijapur, Shaha Jahan's armies were now free to move.
They were concentrated against Shahaji. They dogged bis footsteps. Shahaji availed himself of an
opportunity to descend into the Konkan, and put his remaining fortresses in readiness for a long war. Soon
after the Mogul armies poured down

1 The mthleasness of the Mogul campaign can be seen from Jaduuatb. Sarkara Life of Aurangzeb, Vol. I
page 37. Prof. Sarkar gives the terms of the treaty at length in the same volume, pages 38 to 40.

into the Konkan and took possession of the hill-forts one after another. A contingent from Bijapur under
Randulla Khan co-operated with the Moguls. Shahaji soon found himself in great extremity, from which
there was no escape possible except by submission. He petitioned the emperor for pardon and offered his
services to the imperial army. His request was not complied with. In his reply the emperor reminded him
of the mansab or military command that had once been conferred upon him, and how notwithstanding this
he had declared hostilities with the empire, and had brought upon it immense losses by his rebellion. He
could no more expect employment under the Mogul empire ; but he was free to enter the service of
Bijapur. On receipt of this reply, Shahaji purchased his peace by surrendering to the emperor the puppet
sultan whom he had raised to the Nizamshahi throne at Mahuli, and with the rest of his followers came
down to Bijapur. (1637 ).

SHAHAJI IN SERVICE UNDER BIJAPUR. Shahaji was received with great honour by the Adilshahi
sultan and the statesmen of that court like Randulla Khan. He was retained in the service of the court with
"his great retinue. They indeed considered the accession of such a brave, daring, and experienced general
a peculiar piece of good fortune to the Adilshahi State. By the recent treaty with the Moguls, Shabaji's
jahgir lands had passed over to the Bijapur kingdom. Out of these, Poona and Supa were now continued to
him in jahgir 1 . The charge of administering these jabgirs was entrusted by Shahaji to a capable and
faithful Brahman minister, named Dadaji Kondadev, and a force of a thousand cavalry was kept with 'him
for defence of the jahgir 2 . In command of this cavalry force was Hilal, an Abyssinian officer.

* The Rairi Bakhar represents this grant to have been made by Marar-pant, on Shahaji's return from the
siege of Dowlatabad.

2 Dadaji Kondadev was Patwari of Multhan, a Mouza-of Poona Prant. Afterwards he is mentioned in
records as " Subhedar, FortKondana" or «« Muzumdar, Junnar Subha " (Rajwade: Vol. XVIII, 19 and
Chitnis, 19).

The Bijapur state had entered on the task of restoring order to the province between the Bhima and the
Nira, which had been made over to it by the Moguls. That -government got Shahaji to accompany their
general, when he set out for this province, as Shahaji knew the district so well Shahaji rendered him very
valuable assistance, for he was as good a politician as he was a brave general. The governor 1 highly
appreciated the manifold talents of his gifted assistant, and the appreciation soon ripened into a close
friendship. On his return from this duty he highly •extolled Shahaji's abilities and urged the sultan to make
much of an officer who combined in himself the virtues of war and peace in such an eminent degree. He
recommended the sultan to reward his services by every mark of the royal favour and encourage him by
all means in his power to remain loyally with the master with whom he had now staked his fortunes.

Some of the Bakhara mention the following anecdote of the ingenuity by which Shahaji had won over the
favour of the Adil Shahi minister, Murarpant. The story belongs to the period when at the suggestion of
Shahaji the Bijapur army was sent against the fort of Dowlatabad under the command of Murarpant. While
the army was on the march it happened that there took place an eclipse of the sun 2 . Murarpant was then
encamped at Nagargaon at the confluence of the Bhima and the Indrayani; and true to Hindu superstition he
made the eclipse an occasion for dispensing

1 According to the Marathi chronicles Shahaji's first campaign under Bijapur took place as an assistant to
Murarpant (1637). But Prof. Sarkar has proved in his article in the Modern Review (Sept. 1917), that
Murar was executed about 1635 or 36. Prof. Sarkar bases this story on a passage in the Ba^atin-i-Salatin.

2 This eclipse took place in Shaka year 1555 (1633 A. D.) on new moon day in the month of Bhadrapad
(September). An account of this event is given in the Bharat-Itihas Sanshodhak Mandali's Year Book for
1912, page 69.

various kinds of charity 1 . Among other acts of charity,. Murarpant thought of weighing his elephant
against silver and distributing the treasure among Brahmans. But then arose the perplexing question, how
to weigh the elephant. No one could make a practical suggestion until it came to Shahaji's turn, who hit
upon the following method to weigh the unwieldy beast. Shahaji suggested that the elephant, should be
embarked on a boat, and a mark should be made of the extent to which it sank in the water under the
weight of the beast. Then the elephant should be removed and the boat filled with large stones until it
should sink in the water to the same extent as before. Lastly the stones should be taken out and severally
weighed, and the total arrived at would give the weight of the elephant. This simple expedient, which,
however, because of its very simplicity perhaps occurred to no one else present, won him great
admiration from Murarpant, who, when the weighing ceremony was done, gave to the Brahmans lands
worth the weight of the silver.

After returning from this expedition, Shahaji did not make a long sojourn at Bijapur. Immediately in the
following year, the Adil Shahi sultan determined to subjugate the various Hindu polygar chief sin the
Karnatic and thus to extend his dominions. Randulla Khan was placed in command of this expedition with
the title of Sir LashJcar (Chief Commander), and Shahaji was sent with him as his deputy. In order that
Shahaji might devote himself entirely to this cause in co-operation with Randulla Khan, the sultan
promised to give him a jahgir out of the conquered territory. By Shahaji's enthusiastic co-operation, the
expedition was crowned with success. The war with the polygars lasted for two or three years, and many
of them were utterly defeated. The bakhara mention one or two of these contests. They speak of a certain
Raya

1 Thia village ( viz. Nagargaon) received in commemoration of this elephant weighing incident the name
of Tulapur. The story that Aurangzeb gave this name to the place is therefore a myth.

Rayal, who was probably a distant survivor of the royal' family of Vijayanagar, otherwise known as Shri
Ranga Rayal. He was raising his head in the Karnatic and harassed the districts there that had been
conquered by Bijapur. Shahaji defeated him in two decisive engagements and conquered the districts of
Akalkote,Bagalkote, Bangalore, Vaskote, Balapore and Shirta from him. By these conquests Shahaji
earned the high favour of Randulla Khan, who, on the return of the expedition, frequently extolled his
services in the presence of the sultan. The sultan was pleased with Shahaji's valour and gave him the
conquered provinces in jahgir. Not long after, the districts of Ratanpore, Deogad, Kanakgiri, and Rajdurg
were added to his jahgir, and his Maharashtra jahgir likewise received the addition of Indapar, Baramati,.
and Maval. In addition to all this, the deahmukhi of twenty-two villages in the Karhad district was
conferred upon Shahaji.

Thus in the service of the Bijapur state, Shahaji had at last found a good arena for the display of his
talents,, and, to his credit be it said, the sultan showed high appreciation of Shahaji's virtues. The sultan
was convinced that Shahaji was one of the most competent and loyal of his servants. It was no mean task
to restore order and establish a good system of administration in the Karnatic and Dravid parts that had
been so recently brought under the Bijapur kingdom. The sultan also saw that none but the most capable
and devoted of his governors would be able to administer the newly acquired territory. The leading
politicians of the state concurred in the opinion that Shahaji was the most competent officer for this high
post, and Shahaji was duly appointed and sent to this new province The province, having been but lately
annexed to the Bijapur kingdom, was full of disorder and anarchy. It was the task of the new governor to
extirpate the elements of disorder and misrule and establish the authority of Bijapur on a sound basis. In a
short time Shahaj i

achieved these objects. Anarchy and misrule melted away before him. A new revenue settlement was
introduced in the province, which, while it made the people happy and properous, resulted in a substantial
addition to the royal treasury. In order to maintain the finances in order, Shahaji brought over from
Maharashtra a battalion of Brahman finance-clerks or karkuns. The descendants of these men brought over
to the Karnatic in the times of Shahaji are still to be found there bearing the various office names of
Deshmukh, Deshpande, Kulkarni, Shirestadar etc. Shahaji had learnt his lessons in finance at the feet of
Malik Ambar, and the true disciple of such an illustrious master was not to be dismayed by the finance
problems of the Karnatic. What is truly to be commended in him is not that he did not harass or oppress
his Karnatic subjects, but that in all his endeavours, he made it a particular point to cultivate their love
and friendly sympathy. He was careful to send regularly to Bijapur the annual quota of revenue from the
Karnatic and to retain a substantial surplus with himself.

On going down to the Karnatic, Shahaji at first resided at Bangalore. When tranquillity was restored to
the country he made Balapore bis headquarters. At that time a powerful prince of the name of Vijay
Raghav reigned at Tanjore. He was at enmity with the Rajah of Trichinopoly. The latter made an alliance
with Shahaji against Tanjore, offering to make a united war against Tanjore and conquer its territory, and
promising to contribute five lakhs of rupees to Shahaji for his war expenses and all the booty. Shahaji
invaded the principality of Vijay Raghav. The prince was defeated and fell on the field of tattle. Tanjore
fell into the hands of Shahaji, who found an immense treasure there. Shahaji saw that Tanjore was indeed
a fertile and wealthy country and determined to retain possession of it. He gave the Rajah of Trichi-
Jiopoly to understand that he meant to keep Tanjore and

he need not make any payment for the expenses of the war. The Rajah was irritated at this reply and
declared war. He was defeated, and his principality too fell into Shahaji's hands. The Bijapur government
confirmed him in possession of these new territories 1 .

When we survey these events of the career of Shahaji, a question that naturally and inevitably arises in
our mind is how a spirit, so warlike and heroical, could choose to remain humbly contented with servile
vassalage tq the throne of Bijapur. How could he, who was not dazzled by the pomp and splendour of
Mogul power, and who set at nought the much vaunted strength of the imperial armies, forget his own
worth, set aside his own ambitions and be content to attach himself to the waning fortunes of the Adil
Shahi dynasty? The explanation is to be found in Shahaji's character. He was a cautious and far-sighted
statesman. He was not a man to be misled by a passing caprice, or to be betrayed into a rash or
irrevocable act by passion. The true statesman must at all times act with circumspection. He mast weigh
time and circumstance. Situated as he was Shahaji had constantly to trim his sails according as the wind
blew in order to save his fortunes from destruction. When the Nizamshahi dynasty was extinguished by the
Moguls, he strove to re-kindle its dying splendour with the help of Bijapur. But the emperor separated
Bijapur from this coalition by tempting offers and the vanquished Nizamshahi dominions were divided
between the two powers. This conjunction of powers had proved too strong for the single-handed
resistance of Shahaji. He could count upon no support. Further resistance or endeavour to reconquer the
lost territory would bring down the united Mogul and Bijapur hosts upon himself. To enter upon a conflict
with

1 Jonathan Scott and the author of the Bundela Memoirs (Naskha-i-Dilkasha) give a different account.
According to these authors the quarrel was between the Rajah of Tanjore, whose name is mentioned as
Panchi Rangu, and the polygar Naik Janjappa of Mudgal, the latter of whom, enlisted the assistance of
Shahaji and the occupation of Tanjore by Shahaji led to a subsequent war between him and the chief of
Mudgal.

such mighty powers was to invite his own destruction. Under the circumstances it seemed far more to his
own interest to acquire a permanent jahgir and watch future events. It was no doubt with such motives that
he had •entered the service of the Bijapur Government.

When he had earned the favour and confidence of the Adilshahi sultan and obtained the governorship of
the Karnatic, Shahaji began gradually to develop his higher ambition. 'Some historians confidently assert
that it was his object to lay the foundation of an independent principality in the Karnatic 1 . His object in
endeavouring to earn the popularity and grateful affection of his people was that he might confidently rely
upon their zealous co-operation should he ever come into a collision with the Bijapur sultan. That his
conduct was shaped by some such motives becomes evident, when we consider that the deeds of grants
and other aanads that he issued, some of which are still extant among the people of the Karnatic, make no
mention of their proceeding from the higher authority of the sultan, but record the gifts as emanating from
the durbar or court of the Eajah Shahaji Bhonsle. There is another piece of evidence bearing on his latent
ambition. When Shivaji began to raid the Bijapur territory, the noblemen of this court began openly to
murmur that Shahaji must be in collusion with his audacious son, and the sultan wrote to Shahaji on the
subject, requiring him to bring back his rebel son to a sense of his duty. Shahaji replied to the court that
lie had renounced his first wife and her son and married another, and that for some time he had no kind of
Communication with them. The government was at liberty to take against them such steps as they liked. It
seems that the Adilshahi sultan was at this time quite satisfied with this reply and did not in any manner
proceed against Shahaji. It is quite clear, however, that this reply was a mere subterfuge. For, if Shahaji
had really been out of sympathy with the daring and adventurous career which i Wilks's History of
Mysore. (Vol. I, page 75 et aeq)

Shivaji had just embarked upon, it was within both Shahaji's power and interest to put an end to his
michievous enterprise. But in excusing himself, under the pretext that he had nothing to do with his son
and in refusing responsibility for his acts, he only masked his real feelings under a cloak of disapproval.
But it should be transparent to every student of history, that in reality he thought Shivaji's acts to be in
agreement with his own deeper projects 1 .

In course of time Shivaji's rebellious attitude became more pronounced. The Bijapur kingdom could put
up with it no longer and determined that it was time to punish the father for the acts of the son.
Notwithstanding the assurances of Shahaji their suspicions were re-awakened. The durbar was the more
inclined to suspect collusion in view of the practical independence achieved by Shahaji himself in the
Karnatic and the measures he was pursuing for the accomplishment of his object. The Bijapur authorities
entrusted the task of arresting Shahaji for punishment to Baji Ghorpade, chief of Mudhol. To defeat
Shahaji in the open field and take him prisoner was no easy task; for a general like the Ghorpade it was
well-nigh impossible. He, who had so often eluded the Mogul armies and baffled the .most renowned of
Mogul generals, was not likely to fall easily into the hands of a second-rate officer of the Bijapur state.
Ghorpade never dreamt of achieving such a feat. He resorted to stratagem. He invited Shahaji to an
entertainment and had him arrested as an unsuspecting guest 2 . When his capture was thus made by
treachery,

1 Shahaji has aptly been called a king-maker; but the fact that his greatness was eclipeed by that of his
greater son has been partly the cause of his claims to greatness not receiving the proper acknowledgment.
It is only now that his real greatness is beginning to be realized even among the Mara*.hag. Vide Mr.
Sardesai's "History of Modern India" part II, Vol. I, page 157, second edition. (iJarathi).

2 The account in Modak's History differs widely from the generally accepted story given in the text.
According to Modak's account Shahaji, having made himself independent of Mustapha Khan, his
colleague in the Karnatic, was suddenly fallen upon and apprehended by Baji Ghorpade,

Shabaji was lying encamped at Jirawady near Chandawar (Jinji). How Shivaji at the command of his
father retaliated upon the Ghorpade for this act of treachery will be described at the proper place.

When Shahaji was thus arrested and brought to Bijapur, the sultan meditated his execution. After much
discussion it was finally resolved that he should be confined in a stone dungeon, which was entirely
closed in except for a small aperture; and it was threatened that if within a certain time Shivaji should not
make his submission the aperture would be for ever closed and he be buried alive. The details of this
story will be given in their proper place in a subsequent chapter 1 . Suffice it to say here that the Adil
Shahi sultan must have had some substantial grounds for entertaining such a suspicion and peremptorily
threatening the execution of such a valiant and influential officer as Shahaji. Shivaji extricated himself
from this dilemma by negotiations with the Moguls 2 . Although on account of this intervention of the
emperor the sultan did not dare to execute Shahaji, still he decided not to send him again to the Karnatic,
but to detain him as a prisoner at large at Bijapur. During this period Shivaji made no disturbance in the
Bijapur territory. Shahaji won over the politicians of th&

under the orders of Mustapha Khan. Shahaji's party was taken by surprise and Shahaji himself was
captured in an attempt to mount and ride off from, the scene of the unexpected encounter. The Jedhe
Chronology (Bharat-Itihas-Sanshodhak Mandal, Chaturtha Sammelan Vritta, page 179) says that Shahaji
was arrested near Jinji by Mustapha Khan, which would mean, that Ghorpade acted as Mustapha's agent.

1 Vide Chapter VIII.

2 According to some Bakhary Shahaji's deliverance was due to the intervention of his tried friend
Randulla Khan. The Rairi lakhar improves upon the story by a romantic account of Shahaji's impending
execution already decreed by the sultan (who had prepared dispatches to that effect addressed to Baji
Ghorpade) being averted by Bandulla, threatening to turn fakir and leave the court service for a
pilgrimage to Mecca. In this way by his adroitness he is said to have obliged the sultan to yield to his
wishes, •nd thus saved the life of his veteran comrade.

Bijapur state and, re-establishing confidence in his good faith, recovered his governorship and was again
sent to the Karnatic.
Thus relieved from immediate danger. Shahaji kept up ostensibly the most loyal and cordial relations with
Bijapur. But to the end of his life he never abandoned his plans of aggrandizing his power so as to declare
one day his independence. Of the further events of his life no historical records are available. The
accounts of the Bijapur wars in the Karna+ic given by Mahomedan historians are very meagre, and here
and there we meet with occasional references to the brave services of Shahaji. The jahgir he had received
in the Karnatic from tUjMiiapur government he enjoyed for life and it was consid^lK* augmented from
time to time. We have already nan ited the circumstances under which he had got possession of
Tanjorejiad-Trichino-poly. In addition to these places, he exercised sovereignty over the fort of Ami,
Porto Novo, and other towns.

Away from far-off Maharashtra tales were brought from time to time of the successful endeavours of his
son Shivaji to lay the foundations of an independent monarchy. v hahaji. was exceedingly gratified with
these early indications of a noble career and had a vehement yearning to embrace such a valiant son. But
the activities of Shivaji lay on the western outskirts of the Bijapur kingdom, and Shahaji had no
opportunity for a long time to gratify his desire. Fortunately a few years later, a truce was effected
between Shivaji and Bijapur, and the suspension of hostilities gave Shahaji an opportunity to visit his
home in Maharashtra with the permission of the sultan and to meet Shivaji 1 . Shahaji might have
complied with Shivaji's urgent wishes and stayed in Maharashtra for the rest of his life. But when'he
received the sultan's permission to visit Maharashtra it was on the distinct understanding that he was to
return to the Karuatio and on no account to unite with his son. Had he broken

i Vide Chapter XIV. 1*8. I

•50 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHABAJ

this covenant, the sultan would certainly have confiscated his possessions in the Karnatic. Shahaji had no
desire to Jose the fruits of his toils, and so returned to the Karnatic.

Shahaji did not live long after this visit to his son; he died within two years. The story of his death is as
foltows: Two polygars of Bednore, Bhadrappa Naik and Shivappa Naik harassed the Bijapur dominions.
The sultan commissioned Shahaji and Sarja Khan with the duty of subduing these chiefs. Shahaji defeated
Bhadrappa Naik and forced him to come to terms. He surrendered the territory he had conquered from the
Bijapur kingdom and became a vassal of Bijapur with certain jahgir lands. The Adilshahi sultan was
pleased with this last service of Shahaji, wrote him a congratulatory lotter upon his victory and presented
him with a robe of honour, horses, elephants and other ornaments and marks of the royal favour. The
politicians of the state, each in his turn, sent congratulatory epistles. While engaged upon these operations,
Shahaji one day went out on a hunting expedition to a village named Bandekir 1 . He was hunting a hare,
and while riding impetuously after the game, his horse's hoof was caught in a fissure, and both horse and
rider came to the ground. Shahaji was kicked by his horse and immediately killed. His followers came
searching for him and seeing him dead, brought up his son Venkoji, who performed 'his funeral obsequies.
Shahaji was seventy years of age at his death, which took place in January 1664. The sultan sent to
Venkoji a letter of condolence and robes of honour confirming his succession to his father's position. A
tomb was erected on the place where Shahaji died and under a sanad or charter of the Bijapur state the
revenues of the village were get apart for its maintenance.

Shahaji had three sons, of whom the eldest, Sambhaji, was born at Dowlatabad in 1623 to his first wife
Jijabai, during their residence at that fort. Shahaji loved him very affectionately and always had him in his
company. In 1653
* On the Tungabhadra; elsewhere called basavapattan.

Sainbhaji was killed in an assault upon, the fort of Kanakgiri. The chief of Kanakgiri had long been guilty
of aggression upon the district of Balapore, one of Shahaji's possessions. Sambhaji was deputed by his
father to proceed with a force to punish this refractory prince. Sambhaji laid siege to the fort of Kanakgiri
and opened a cannonade upon its walls, but himself fell a victim to a cannon shdt. 1 His death was a great
shock to Shahaji. His desire for vengeance was stirred to its depths. He himself headed a force against
Kanakgiri, utterly defeated the chief and took the fort by assault. On this occasion the chief of Kanakgiri
had been secretly aided by Afzul Khan, a distinguished officer in the Bijapur service. Shahaji had a great
desire to avenge himself upon Afzul Khan, but,. dreading the displeasure ol the sultan, abstained from this
step. Little did he dream at that moment that Afzul Khan was destined to expiate this deed with his life and
that the death of Sambhaji was shortly to be avenged by his younger but greater brother 2 .

The circumstances uncjer which Jijabai was left behind at the fort of Shivneri, at the critical period when
Lukhji Jadhav was in hot pursuit of his son-in-law have already been described at tho beginning of this
chapter. Shivaji, the subject of this history, was born here in 1627. This vwas the second son Shahaji had
by Jijabai. In 1630 Shahaji married Tukabai of the Mohite family. By her he had a son, Venkoji, who was
born in 1631. On tho

1 According to another account Sambhaji held a jahgir in his own right from the Bijapur state and was
done to death by poison administered by the

• queen of Mahomed Adil Shaba, familiarly known as the Bari Saheba. The '•Shivdigvijaya" bakhar
slightly differs from the account followed in the text, in that it says that Kanakgiri was part of Shahaji's
jahgir, but the forb was usurped by the chief Appa Khan.

2 The date 1653 assigned in the text as the year of the death of Sambhaji ie bised on the authority of Grant
Pnff and the Marathi chronicles. But on the authority of certain stone inscriptions discovered in the
Karnatic the question is raised whether he did not live up to the year 1063. Vide Paranoia' a "History of
the Tanjore Dynast}" in his "ItihaJt S&ngraha" 1912, foot, note at page 23-

conquest of the district of Chandawar, Shahaji kept Tukabai and Venkoji there. On the death of Shahaji,
Venkoji succeeded to the entire jahgir in the Karnatic. Some years afterwards Shivaji marched upon the
Karnatic for a share of the paternal jahgir, but the history of this expedition will; be chronicled at the
proper place. 1 It is said that on his return from Shivaji's realm, the aged Shahaji called his younger son
and addressed to him words of advice as follows: "Thy elder brother," exclaimed Shahaji, "has by his
heroic enterprise secured a kingdom for himself. Thou art to succeed to my possessions in these parts, and
as such thou shalt look after the family of my uncle, Vithoji, and my brother Sharifji. Thou shalt govern thy
possessions with justice and mercy. It is the grand plan of thy elder brother to be a world-conqueror and
if by God's grace his noble ambition is realized, he will be the protector of all our family. But if by
mischance he should meet with any vicissitudes of fortune, remember, my son, that I have acquired for you
both this jahgir, with the full consent and sanction of the sultan. Remember that I leave it in trust for you
both, though thou shalt have its immediate usufruct. Remember thou art my favourite son and the brother of
the valorous Shivaji. Hearken to the advice of my chosen and trusty servants and thy path shall be thorn-
less in this world."

Vide Chapter XXVI.

CHAPTER III THE CHILDHOOD OF SHIVAJI
WE have already described in the last chapter how Jijabai far advanced in pregnancy was left behind at
the fort of Shivneri, while Shahaji was being pursued by Lukhji Jadhav past the confines of the
Nizamshahi kingdom. To look after his wife, Shahaji had detached from his secretarial staff three officers
noted for their personal devotion towards himself. These were Balkrishnapant Hanumante, Sharnrao
Nilkant and Raghunath Ballal Korde. 1 The Jadhav had also on meeting his daughter at Shivneri deputed
some men from his staff for her protection. She also seems to have found a watchful protector in
Shrinivasrao of Junnar. Though we find ker thus living in comparative safety amidst the troublous storms
that were beating about her on all sides, a secret sorrow and anxiety seem to have preyed upon her mind
as to the fate of her husband and her first-born, a child of three or four years, whom she had been
compelled to part with at a time when they were fugitives before the vindictive rage of her father. Amidst
these tormenting cares and anxieties, she made a solemn vow to Shiwai, the guardian divinity of the
fortress, that if by her favour the gloomy clouds should be dispelled from Shahaji's fortunes and she
delivered of a male child she would christen him after the goddess's name, as the fruit of her divine
favour. The founder of the Maratha Empire was born on the 10th of April 1627 ( Monday, the -5th of the
first half of Vaiahakh of the Shaka year 1549).*

1 In Malhar Ramrao'a bakhar Hanumante's name is given as Krishna]i Hanumante. Instead of Shamrao
Nilkant some chronicles give the name Sbankraji Nilkant. Malhar Ramrao mentions a fourth officer
Sonopanb Dabir. Sabhasad in his well known bakhar says that these officers were sent with Jijabai from
Bengalore.

2 There are discrepancies about the date in the various bakhars. Malhar Ramrao and Shivadigvijaya give
the second of the first half ot Vaishakh aq the date and Thursday as the day of the week. But the date

and day d o not seem to agree. The Rairi'a bakhar giving the same date and -day as in the text gives the
year aa S^aka 1648. Here again the date and

The birth of this child, reserved by the call of heaven for such momentous events in the history of the
Indian Empire, took place at a time of great political upheavals in the Deccan. He was born, however, in
the comparatively secluded and at that time neglected neighbourhood of Poona. Shivneri is within fifty
miles of that town. This was an. event of great rejoicing in the little colony of exiles and refugees at
Shivneri, and was celebrated with such pride and pomp as their present means and the humble
circumstances of the place afforded. Women from the neighbouring villages coming to the fort with
provisions were entertained with hospitality in honour of the joyful event aud presented with gifts at their
departure. Shahaji who was then at Bijapur had the news sent to him by special messengers, who
received handsome rewards from the delighted father for the joyful tidings they had brought to him. The
child was christened Shivaji after the goddess Shivai, m consequence of the vow made to that effect by
Jijabai.

Jijabai spent three years at this fortress in company with her son. She was probably transferred to
Byzapur from this place, for it will be remembered that in 1633, as described in the last chapter, she was
captured by the Mogul army at Bijapur. On her release from the Mogul camp she was removed to the fort
of Koudana by Jagdeorao Jadhav, and she seems again to have passed a part of her life at Shivneri and the
fort of Mahuli. It does not transpire where she found safety during the tumultuous period of the
interminable contests between the Moguls and Shahaji which then set in. So much at any rate is clear that
she

day cannot agree. In Wilks's History of Mysore and the Chronicle called the bakhar of the Maratha
Swarajya the same date is followed as in the text. Calculations of an astronomical character upon certain
data furnished by Mr. Kashinath Krishna Lele to the Kavyetihas >5angraha are in accord with the time
followed in the text here. Vide Rajwade's "Marathyanchya Itihasachi Sadhane" (Materials for the History
of the Marathas, Section IV.) The Shedgaokar bakhar gives Saturday the 3rd of the first hall of Vaiehaih,
Shaka year 1549 as the birth-day, while the Jedhe chronology dates the event in shaka year 1551, Falgun,
which would be February. 1630 A. D.

never sought shelter under the roof of her relatives on her father's side, in order to save herself or her
child from the wrath of the Moguls. There is not a shred of evidence to show that she ever sought refuge
with tha Jadhav family. It must also be considered that the Jadhavs were vassals of the Mogal emperor
with whom Shahaji was at open war and it would have been extremely hazardous for the wife of Shahaji
to throw herself upon the protection of a family which had entirely passed under the Mogul domination,
nor would Shahaji have ever approved of such a step. It follows, therefore, that Jijabai and her son led an
isolated life in the midst of great political hazards and turmoils, moving from fortress to fortress within
the sphere of Shahaji's influence. Shahaji did what he could from his headquarters to ensure the safety of
his wife and son. Had Jijabai indeed desired the protection of the Jadhav family-she, who had spurned the
offers of her vindictive father in the delicate situation in which she was when she first came to Shivneri-
that occasion had surely presented itself, when she was taken a prisoner to the Mogul camp. That she did
not choose to accept the hospitality of Jadhav at that time of necessity and distress is a sufficient proof to
show that she had no desire for any protection at the hands of her paternal relations. One might well
imagine to himself the dreadful cares and perils to which her life was exposed in these days. Flying from
fort to fort, in imminent danger of being surprised by the enemy, she had to look helplessly on at the
dreadful political drama that was being played out, the most conspicuous figure in which was her own
gallant husband, whom the numerous Mogul hosts were closing in upon from all sides. It reflects the
highest credit upon the spirited Maratha lady that during all this time of stress and strife her confidence in
her husband's courage and bravery and her own refined sense of dignity as a mother did not falter even for
an instant. The annalists make no mention of the manner in which Jijabai conducted the education of her
son Shivaji. It is, however, clear that during this time he seems to have

made considerable progress in riding and horse management, archery and marksmanship, the use and
exercise of the patta, the national Maratha javelin, and other warlike exercises, as also in reading and
writing.

When Shahaji became a vassal of the Adilshahi sultan he took his wife and* son to Bijapur. Shortly
afterwards he was confirmed in the possession of his old jahgir by the Bijapur state, and was deputed to
the province of the Karnatic as second in command to Randulla Khan. Upon this occasion he entrusted an
experienced and faithful Brahman secretary, Dadaji Kondadev, with the administration of the family
jahgir* and placed Jijabai and Shivaji under his guardianship. The education of Shivaji was entrusted to
his care. Dadaji Kondadev brought mother and son with all their retinue to Poona and had a spacious
mansion raised for their residence. In the following year Dadaji had to travel to Bangalore to submit to
Shahaji the accounts of the jahgir. Dadaji was accompanied on this occasion by Shivaji and Jijabai, who
again returned to Poona in his company.
On Shahaji's return to Bijapur from his successful campaign in the Karnatic, he wrote to Dadaji Kondadev
expressing his desire to bring Shivaji to Bijapur and celebrate his marriage there. Shivaji replied that as
Bijapur lay purely in a Mahomedan atmosphere, he preferred to have his marriage celebrated at Poona,
where the ceremonies of the Hindu religion could be performed unobstructed with due pomp and
solemnity. Such being the wishes of Shivaji, Dadaji Kondadev obtained Shahaji's consent to have the
marriage solemnised at Poona. In consequence of this arrangement tbe marriage of Shivaji took place at
Poona in 1640, with great pomp and eclat. The bride chosen was Sayibai, a daughter of the distinguished
Nimbalkar family.

In 1641, Shahaji invited Shivaji and Jijabai to Bijapur, and seems to have kept them with him for two or
three years. As the boy watched the persecution and sectarian

•bigotry of this Mahomedan capital, the purpose began to form itself in his mind of overthrowing the
supremacy of Islam. 1 The rudiments of that political wisdom and sagacity, which afterwards evoked the
ungrudging admiration of the whole of the Indian continent, were also instilled into his mind during this
period.

He was only fourteen, but already at that early age he was fairly advanced in all the arts of war.
Handsome and endowed with great muscular strength he was most agile in his movements. With this he
combined unique powers of observation. From infancy he was fond of examining the qualities of horses
and elephants and visiting military depots and magazines. He behaved with remarkable courtesy towards
persons eminent for their wisdom, learning or experience, and endeavoured to acquire knowledge and to
win their favour by the tactful and respectful manner in which he inquired into the various subjects or
studies they had mastered. He hated vice and luxury. He treated age and .experience with the honour they
deserved. These qualities soon won him the high regard of the nobles and gentry in the neighbourhood.

The nobles were so fascinated by the young Shivaji's manners that on one occasion they spoke of him with
great enthusiasm in presence of the sultan, who at once expressed a desire to see a youth of such promise.
It was, therefore, decided to introduce Shivaji to the court. But Shivaji was by no means pleased with the
prospect of a meeting with the sultan. He pleaded with great modesty and submission that he was not
inclined to flatter or to prostrate himself before the Mahomedans or their king, since they were so mean
and insolent in their ways. He could not, he pleaded, tolerate the scant respect with which his religion and
the Brahman expounders of that religion were generally treated in Mahomedan courts.

1 The Baaatin-i-Saiatin gives details of the repressive policy of the Adilehahi sultans towards the Hindus,
even in the halcyon-days of Sultan Mahomed Adul Shaha.

When he passed to and fro in the streets, he constantly came across the hideous spectacle of cow-
slaughter, and his blood boiled in his veins, and he could scarcely restrain the impulse to destroy the
slayer of the kine. But out of regard for the feelings of his elders he had restrained his impulses. However
he submitted that he could not contemplate calmly the prospect of visiting or paying court to Mahomedan
nobles or princes or in any way coming in contact with them. When such a meeting took place, he could
not breathe freely till at least he had changed his clothes !

Strange fancies these in the case of a youth of fourteen! It was pointed out to him by the officers in-the
service of Shahaji that his ancestors had risen to greatness by doing service to Mahomedan princes, that
under the circumstances it was not becoming in Shivaji to hate the Mahomedans, and that in doing so he
did not show proper reverence towards his elders. This sort of persuasion was also practised upon him
through the mediation of his equals in age. Jijabai herself strove to persuade him to change his stubborn
attitude, but without success. At last Shahaji called him to his presence and addressed him in this strain:
"The Mahomedans" said he "are rulers of the land. What is the harm in serving them, while keeping the
observances of one's own faith? It is a divine ordinance that in these unhappy times we should eke out our
daily bread by serving the Mahomedans. If God had not decreed this, why should the Hindus have waned
in power and the might of Islam waxed ? I have risen to my present position and power by steering my
bark according to the times, and to keep and continue what I have attained, it is but fair that you should
seek to win the favour of the sultan." To all these remonstrances Shivaji, with all due deference and
submission, returned but one answer: "I bow down," he exclaimed, "to the word of command, but I
protest, I cannot look on a passive spectator of the cruelty towards kine and the desecration and
degradation of our shrines and priesthood!"

It is plain that no one could have more regretted than Shabaji the anti-Mahomedan sentiments which had
by this time taken root in the mind of Shivaji and already threatened to overshadow other considerations.
But he did not deem it prudent to chastise with severity or crush under the weight of authority the impulses
of such a promising youth. Not that he was himself a blind admirer of Mahomedan excesses, but it had
always been a part of his policy to conciliate the followers of Islam, and thus to accomplish his objects in
life. He does not seem to have much resented the obstinacy of Shivaji. But by constantly speaking upon the
subjest and by skilful appeals to Shivaji's filial obligations he succeeded in inducing his stubborn son to
consent to accompany him to the durbar. Shahaji had instructed his son about the court etiquette of saluting
the sultan by bowing down to the ground, as soon as he came into his presence. But Shivaji only made a
slight 'salaam : and seated himself by his father. The Sultan, observing that Shahaji was accompanied by a
boy, inquired whether it was Shahaji's son, and was told that it was so, and that it was the first occasion
for young Shivaji to come to the durbar. This answer was given lest the sultan should be provoked at the
scant salaam made by Shivaji, unaccompanied as it was by the courtly prostration. The sultan presented
jewels and robes of honour to the young jahgirdar as a mark of his favour. But as soon as Shivaji returned
home, he discarded the courtly dress and, as though it had been a contamination, had an expiatory bath.

After this Shivaji often accompanied his father to the durbar, but on every occasion he made only a slight
salaam and took his seat in the hall. This conduct naturally excited a suspicion in the mind of the sultan,
and doubting whether this was done on purpose to affront him, the sultan once called Shivaji aside and
questioned him point-blank about it. But Shivaji replied with great presence of mind that though constantly
reminded to make his salute according to the etiquette of prostration.

•60 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

at the critical moment he forgot it and made the usual salaam. He could only make an apology for this and
beg that the salaam might be taken to stand for a prostration. Besides he made no difference between the
sultan and his father, and until he learnt there was a difference he would continue to make the salaam. The
sultan burst -into a fit of laughter at this witty reply.

On the way to the court, there were butchers' shops, •in which were set out for sale beef and heads of
slaughtered

cattle. In the same manner hawkers sat in their booths with cooked flesh for sale opposite the palace
gates. Shivaji was much offended at the loathsome spectacle and could scarcely restrain his indignation.
But he had to restrain his angry feelings for a long while. Once it happened that while Shivaji was on the
way to the palace, he came across & butcher in the act of slaughtering a cow. Shivaji instantly fell upon
the offending butcher, belaboured him with blows and delivered the cow from the axe. This event was
much talked of in the bazaars and even reached the sultan's ears but on account of the weight of Shahaji's
•influence, no inquiry was made into the matter. Shivaji was now quite disgusted with the constant scenes
of cow-slaughter. He could bear it no longer, and thought to leave the Adilshahi capital for ever and never
more visit the state durbar. With this resolution formed, he entreated his father not to press him any more
to accompany him to the durbar, as he could not bear to look upon the cow-flesh booths on the way, that if
as a servant of the state Shahaji was obliged to connive at these things, there was no such obligation upon
him and that until this cruel slaughter and traffic in cow-flesh was put a stop to he could not think of
attending the court. Shahaji was in great perplexity. For the sultan was sure to remark the absence of his
son, and what answer was he to give ? In this perplexity Shahaji consulted Mir Jumla, an old and tried
friend at the court. After some deliberation, it was decided that Shivaji might stay at home for the day and
that they

should broach the subject with the sultan if they found him-in good humour.

Accordingly the two nobles, one a Hindu and the-other a Mahomedan, attended the durbar and, seeing that
the sultan was in very good humour, submitted their views in the audience-hall. Mir Jumla reminded the
sultan that he was the father of his people, both Hindus and Mahomedans. The royal favour was bestowed
equally upon all his subjects. There were both Hindu and Mahomedan officers in the service of the state,
and it did the state great honour that it allowed its servants to follow each his own religion. According to
the ideas of the Hindu religion, it was a gross sin to kill kine and to traffic in cow-flesh. But cow-
slaughter openly took place in the thoroughfare round about the royal palace, and flesh-booths lined tho
palace road. This was a mortal affront to the Hindu servants of the state, and to none more than to Shahaji,
one of the sultan's most tried and honoured servants. But he did not dare, submitted Mir Jumla, to Jay the
complaint before the sultan. His son had not attended the court that day, as he could no longer put up with
the abomination of cow-slaughter, and had quarrelled with his father upon the subject. It was for the sultan
to restrain this license. The sultan listened calmly to this petition of Mir Juinla's and thought a good case
was made out rf quiring his immediate intervention. He forthwith issued an injunction against cow-
slaughter in the vicinity of the palace and forbade the sale of cow-flesh within the city-limits. No one
doing this in defiance of these orders would receive any redress for any retaliation or chastisement he
might have at the hands of the Hindus. A proclamation was made to this effect and the slaughter-houses
were removed out of the city, to an isolated place to the south. The butchers were ordered to migrate in a
body to this place. When these orders were carried out, Shivaji began again to attend the durbar in
company with his father. The sultan was struck with his lofty spirit and address,

and occasionally signalised his favour with presents of robes and other marks of honour.

As ill-luck would have it, one day a butcher with a basketful of cow-flesh was squatting at the city gate to
sell his wares, just as Shivaji with a band of his chosen friends was coming out on horse-back. To glance
at the butcher, to draw his sword and to cut him down was the work of a moment. The butcher's wife
filled the air with lamentations and went to lodge a complaint at the court, and called the gate-keepers to
swear to the truth of her complaint. The sultan, however, defended the d«ed as a condign punishment for
breach of his edict on the subject. He paid her a small sum for the expenses of her husband's funeral and
fixed a small payment for her maintenance.
This event was naturally much talked of. Murmurs arose on all sides that in a Mahomedan capital the
Maho-inedans had no hononr. Had the Mahomedan rale already become a dead letter? Strange that an
infatuated king should allow such things to be done in the light of day! And by whom ? By one who
refused to make obeisance by prostrating himself as a vassal before his lord. And to humour this insolent
subject, this same figure-head of a monarch deported the honest butchers from the town-limits, to the great
inconvenience of loyal Mahomedans. What depths of madness! This son of Shahaji's had lost all restraint
and balance. He was running amuck among innocent Mahomedans. There was something rotten in this
state of Bijapur.

Such mutterings could • be heard in all the thoroughfares, by no means disguised ^or measured in language
; and no doubt there was truth in this incoherent strain of impotent rage and abuse. These murmurs soon
came to Shahaji's ears and filled him with dismay. Adroit man of action that he was, he could not help
contrasting the lofty virtues and talents of his son with these erratic and wayward acts of violence. Was
the noble life, of which such earnest was given by Shivaji's youthful brilliance,

to be after all destroyed by the violence of his bigotry and race-hatred ? Had he made so much of his
shining virtues and placed him on the high road to fortune and preferment, only that he might by such a
puerile indiscretion not only wreck his own career, but drag his father and the achievements of a life-time
into ruin ? These thoughts flashed across Shahaji's mind and filled him with dismay. His wide experience
of men suggested to him how he should deal with this case. He saw that mere rebukes or punishment
would have the most undesirable effects upon a mind so proud and impetuous as that of Shivaji. The
advice must be seasoned with an appreciation of his noble qualities and a lively appeal to his dutiful
instincts. Armed with this resolution he is said to have addressed himself to Shivaji in Jijabai's presence
to the following effect: "You are still in your teens, young man, and have no experience of life. It does
little credit to your understanding to fly into a passion and commit excesses without provocation. "Not to
bow down before the Mahomedans to put your hand to your sword at the slaughter of a cow,— is this the
sort of conduct by which you can achieve success in life ? If we are to serve the Mahomedans, we must be
prepared to submit humbly to them in these matters. Had I fallowed such a course of action, where in the
world should I have been ? It was by serving the Mahomedans, young man, that your ancestors rose to
greatness from the humble rank of a peon in the infantry to the highest eminence! Need I describe the
hardships and perils through which I have passed, in attaining to my present greatness ? Reflect upon the
trials and tribulations of your father in the uncertain times of the Nizamshahi dynasty, and count the steps
by which, when I had emerged from those clouds, I have risen to the full height of my position in the
service of this Adilshahi state. It is natural that I should desire you to tread in my footsteps, please and
conciliate the powers that be and extend your fortunes. Nothing can exceed your happiness and glory, if
following your father's

example, you behave with prudence and circumspection-. Continue in these wild pranks and fancies, and
the heavens themselves will not be able to pave us. We shall be sent away in exile and disgrace,
despoiled of our fortunes and possessions. That such a catastrophe has thus far been averted is due to the
intervention of our influential friends at the court. But if we have friende, we have enemies, and the
moment they get an opportunity of injuring us, it is but the question of an hour to bring down upon us the
royal displeasure and drive us away into exile. I appeal then to your own sense of duty and prudence and
self-interest, and trust you will at once amend your ways.'' Shivaji listened in silence and replied not a
word.

Shahaji did not rest here, but got Jijabai to advise the young man in the privacy of her apartments with her
own tender and persuasive eloquence. She dwelt on the respect for elders, the virtue of obedience and the
gratefu co-operation with the ambitious labours of a father like Shahaji. She appealed to the high
traditions of his ancestors, and conjured him not to stain the noble escutcheon, coming down from a long
line of illustrious ancestors. Shivaji listened to these words of love and replied that the least wishes of
his parents were sacred commands to him and he was always ready to act according to their wishes. "But
in this matter," he protested, "I cannot alter my nature. I cannot reconcile myself to bend my knees before
Mahomedans or to tolerate cow-slaughter and other insults to my religious instincts. Forgive me, but when
my -^ea fall upon such atrocities, my passions rebel in my breasV"&fl<j I am no longer myself; I am
helpless. Whatever may be the inscrutable dispensation of Providence, it is clear I cannot continue to eat
the bread of a Mahoroedan prince. Something tells me it is pollution, a falling oft* from heaven, an
obstacle to my religious ideals To save me fn<m Mich deeds in future let me be sent away, I pray,, far oft'
from this place, yes, far beyond the barriere of any Mnhomedan state. If I say this, in all sincerity and

frankness, it is not in a spirit of rebellion and disobedience,, but from a perfect knowledge of the feelings
and passions in my breast, I entreat and implore you to grant my prayer."

Jijabai communicated these wishes to Shahaji and pointed out the undesirability of punishing the boy for
this sort of eccentricity, though otherwise so humble and docile and obedient. His mysterious hatred of
Mahomedans, she-thought, agreeably to the feelings of a Hindu woman, must be a legacy inherited by him
from a former birth. It was clear he could not be happy doing service to Mahomedans, and there was no
use to seek to change his nature. She suggested that the best plan under the circumstances was to place him
at a distance from the Mahomedau capital. If from love to his son he should keep him any longer, there
was risk of his fortune and reputation being ruined. Shahaji bighed to hear this opinion of Jijabai and upon
consultation with a few nobles who were in his confidence came to the same conclusion. About the same
time, Dadaji Kondadev happened to come to Bijapur to submit the jahgir accounts, and he was ordered to
escort Jijabai and Shivaji back to Poona.

Before leaving for Poona, Shivaji married a second wife-at Bijapur. It is said that this second marriage
took place at the express desire of the sultan. Once, when according to his custom Shahaji attended the
durbar with his son, the sultan asked Shahaji whether his son was married. Shahaji replied that Shivaji's
marriage was celebrated at Poona. The sultan ridiculed the marriage as celebrated in the absence of the
father and far from the court and insisted that he should be married again in presence of the court with all
the pomp and circumstance befitting his rank. In deference to the sultan's wishes Shivaji was wedded to
his second bride chosen from the select Maratha nobility. All the omrahs of the court and the sultan
himself attended the wedding, at which great festivities and exchanges of bridal presents took place. This
second wife of Shivaji was named Soyarabai.

L. s. 6.

-,;6 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

As described above Shahaji had to bid farewell to his wife and son, who came back to Poona, in the
company of Dadaji Kondadev. This parting was final: they never lived again under the same roof either at
Poona or Bijapur. The fact is that Shahaji soon afterwards marched to the Karnatic and had no .occasion
any more to reside at Poona or Bijapur. Upon this slender foundation, some historians have raised a
fictitious story of a quarrel between Shahaji and Jijabai, and the old quarrel between Shahaji and Lukhji
Jadhav has been brought under contribution to lend a plausible colouring to this theory. But a close
observation of the events as they have been thus far chronicled in these pages will show the absurdity of
such a theory. For the first ten years after the birth of Shivaji, Shahaji was involved in such political
complications that he had no leisure whatever to give to family life. Nor can the second marriage of
Shahaji lend countenance to this view. For the custom of polygamy was much in vogue among the Maratha
families in those times and still prevails among them. Hence a second marriage does not necessarily mean
estrangement from the first wife. When Shivaji began his attacks upon the borders of the Bijapur territory
it was natural that Shahaji tried to relieve himself of all responsibility by giving out that he had no
connection with Shivaji and Jijabai. But this at best was a, transparent pretext. Had there been a real
cleavage between husband and wife, Shahaji would certainly not have taken his wife and son to Bijapur,
as he did, as soon as his fortunes were well establishsd in the service of the Bijapur state. 1 If in 1643
again Jijabai and Shivaji were permanently stationed at Poona under the care of Dadaji Kondadev, we
mu^t credit Shahaji with having done so, on account of the insuperable difficulty of keeping Shivaji at

1 Grant Duff ( Ch. Ill ) seta forth the theory of a disagreement between Shivaji'a parents. Ranade (Ch. IV)
assumes it as trne.*Mr. Sardesai assumes the theory of her disagreement with her husband but praises her
•or not seeking for shelter with her father's people ( Marathi Riyasat, I» page 159. )

THE CHILDHOOD OF SHIVAJI $7

Bijapur. It is clear Shahaji was convinced that Bijapur was no congenial residence for a young man
obsessed by a virulent hatred of Islam. Judging by these circumstances, we find no reason to accept the
theory of a family feud to account for the divergence of the fortunes of father and son and of husband and
wife, which commences from this stage. Jijabai's elder son, Sambhaji, always remained with Shahaji, a
sharer in his toils and supporter of his ambitions. From this it does not follow, however, that Shahaji's
love and affection for Shivaji were in any way less,

A GREAT career is determined by favourable circumstances for tbe growth of genius. It is also shaped in
a great measure by a good education. Both these influences played a great part in moulding the mind and
character of Shivaji. vThe first ten years of his life were spent in his mother's company, an influence of
most vital character on the life of a man. It is the age when the mind is most tender and plastic, and the
impressions then formed are the very foundation of life. The months and years as they roll on in their
course only serve to render these early impressions more deep and vivid, their full development only
requiring a train of favourable circumstances and events. Whether these early influences are to be
productive of good or evil depends mainly on the character of the father and the mother, more especially
on the latter. The virtues and disposition of the mother are strained and filtered into the character of her
child, and the goodness or evil of the one depends on that of the other. We can see the foundation of
Shivaji's greatness in the circumstances in which he was born. When the future hero was yet in the womb,
Jijabai lived through a time of great stress and revolution in the state, and in that revolution her husband
and herself played a conspicuous part. Living in the midst of constant alarms, with her husband.once the
mainstay of the Nizamshahi state, in flight and exile, and the ungrateful Nizamshahi sultan blindly in
league with her husband's and his own enemies, her own scorn and disdain of the puny Mahomedan
powers, her contempt of their pusillanimity and grovelling incapacity and her indignation at their impotent
cruelty and barbarities were at that most delicate period of psychical excitement reflected and transfused
into the mind of the future hero. Here then is some explanation of that mysterious and all absorbing anti-
Mahomedan passion which possessed Shivaji from his earliest years. Nor was this all. The first ten years
of Shivaji'u life were passed in the midst of

THE EDUCATION OF SHIVAJI G9

constant alarm and fear of treachery, and naturally enkindled a relentless hatred against those-the
Mahomedan powers-who were the authors of these atrocities. Add to this Jijabai'a proud and independent
spirit, her personal ambition and self-reliance, her strong intellect and penetration. With these intense
predisposing causes and influences constantly at play, is it a wonder that the smouldering discontent in
Shivaji's breast burst into a flame in the form of an uncompromising anti-Mahomedan passion ?

It follows then that Jijabai was the most powerful influence on the youthful genius of Shivaji. Jijabai was
born of a family that had once wielded the sceptre at Devgiri, the same that acquired the name of
Dowlatabad on the fall of its Jadhav ( Yadav ) sovereigns. The once mighty family had fallen upon evil
times. It had to serve its Mahomedan lords in those very scenes which had witnessed its power and
grandeur. The children of the Jadhav family were not the sort of men to forget its noble past and the
grandeur of its traditions, least of all Jijabai, a woman of a haughty and indomitable spirit. The
treacherous murder of her father and brother by the vindictive Nizamshahi sultan served to add fuel to the
flame of her hatred of Mahomedan rule. Nor was she likely to forget that it was the Mahomedans *hat had
quenched the light of the Sesodia Bhonsle family. Xater on for a time by his brilliant genius and valour,
her husband Shahaji endeavoured to revive a Hindu sovereignty from the wreck of the Mahomedan state
of Ahmednagar, but with all his valour and resources, he was forced to yield to overwhelming odds and
remain content as an honoured vassal and feudatory of the Bijapur state. And how nearly had he
succeeded! With the puppet of a Nizamshahi prince in his grasp, Shahaji had destroyed one Mogul hosb
after another and stirred up the living remembrances of a not quite forgotten past in the depths of hia loyal
wife's heart. But inexorable fortune had stood in the way of his ultimate success, and the chagrin and
disappointment occasioned by the failure was the crown of all her sorrows.

SO LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

And then the family tradition to which Haloji had given currency,-that the House of Bhonsle would
produce a •world-compelling hero—ever flashed across her mind,—a prophecy which Shahaji's
temporary success had all but verified. Despite her crushing disappointment and suffering, this tradition
kept all her passions and aspirations awake. She believed in it with the faith of a woman, with a religious
heart, and she looked forward wistfully to its accomplishment.
What though Shahaji had at last failed and seceded to the Mahomedan dynasty of Bijapur? Had not his
temporary success proved that the defeat of the Mahomedane was no mirage, no idle phantom flitting
before a fevered mind, but a tangible thing within the range of practical accomplishment ? This was the
subject to which she constantly recurred in her conversation with her son. She poured forth into his eager
ears the story of the fall froir royal power of both the Jadhav and Bhonsle Houses and pictured to him
their former greatness, with the inevitable contrast of the inglorious present that could not but obtrude
itself upon his sensitive mind. Again by repeated recitals of the story of Shahaji's heroic achievements,
she sought to enkindle in his heart the same noble ambition and love of heroic enterprise. In her daily
discourses she ever laid stress on the inherent degradation, however great the worldly splendours, of
service to an alien Mahomedan power, the steps of whose rise had been marked by the overthrow of many
a Hindu sovereignty and whose progress was attended with the slaughter of kine, the pollution of temples
and shrines and the violation of the Brahmans,—cruelty and treachery in all forms and guises. To these
were added readings from the puranaa and the sacred texts, the main theme of which is the struggle of
virtue and the ultimate triumph of good over evil. Shivaji from his earliest infancy developed a strong
taste for these readings, listening with rapt attention to the recitals. It wae these readings which infused in
him an overpowering sense

of piety, religious zeal, and enthusiasm. His eyes kindled and his breast throbbed with religious fervour as
he listened to the tales of ehivalry and self-sacrifice from the Ramayan and the Mahabharat. and he
followed every tone and undulation of hia mother's voice, as she related the inspiring legends. It was as if
she had said in so many words: "Go thou and do likewise". The seed was not cast upon rocky soil, for,
from the time he began to understand things, these repeated counsels and exhortations began to take root,
and by imperceptible degrees, a strong passion was kindled in his breast to emulate not only his father's
exploits, but the epic chivalry of the puranas.

By nature Shivaji was a man of great intellectual strength and alertness. His powers both of understanding
and memory were of a high order. Jijabai was a woman, of great earnestness and courage, and the instinct
for honour and esteem was the great motive force in all her actions.. By daily contact and conversation
with his mother, Shivaji had assimilated these noble virtues in all their perfection. She watched over him
with all her maternal solicitude and was careful to see that he followed the best example, moved in good
company and kept away from the snares and blandishments of vice in all its forms. From early boyhood,
she made provision for his military education. Thus the highest impulses of life and human character were
evolved in Shivaji's heart by his close contact with this noble matron,—bravery, enterprise, courage, love
of truth and religious fervour. But more important than all the rest, there was one impulse that came to him
from his mother,— an impulse upon which all his greatness was founded, and which will for ever obtain
for him a niche in the temple of fame and an honoured place in the world's great roll of patriots -his
unquenchable thirst for liberty. He never faltered in. his opinion of the intrinsic unworthiness of the
highest glory and honour that a servile allegiance to a Mahomedau prince could bring to a man, that
indifference and ingratitude were the invariable return for the most loyal and

devoted service to the sultan, and that an alien despotism like that of the Mahomedan states stood for all
that was mean, vindictive and tyrannical. Of this the days of his own childhood had given him sufficient
proof. Personal experience combined with maternal exhortation to inflame him with a passion for
freedom. In boyhood already he had made up his mind to defy foreign domination even if it should cost
him his life. It is well known how Dadaji Kondadev endeavoured to turn him aside from his determined
course, but we find no account in any of the the extant chronicles of any attempt to dissuade him on the
part of Jijabai. This very circumstance strengthens the view that it was Jijabai herself who was primarily
instrumental in inspiring Shivaji with the enthusiasm and enterprise of revolting from the domination of
Islam and unfurling the standard of Maratha liberty. That Jijabai endeavoured at Bijapur to persuade
Shivaji to suppress his anti-Mahomedan sentiments does not in any manner militate against this
conclusion, nor need her conduct upon that occasion be taken to stand as an indication of her real opinion
upon this subject. As a Hindu wife, to whom devotion and obedience to the husband is the highest dower,
she had to carry out the instructions of her husband and become his mouth-piece, whatever her feelings on
the subject might be. In short, it was due to the rare combination of a mother, who with her noble
convictions and ideals could inspire and dominate her son's future, and of a son, who while allowing
himself to be stirred to the noblest moods and passions could lead and impress the world with the
resources of his mastermind, that the record of a career was made possible, by which the Hindu
population of peninsular India was liberated from the yoke of Islam.

In 1637 Dadaji Kondadev was entrusted with the administration of the jahgir lands by Shahaji, and the
charge of young Shivaji's education was also made over to him. From this time forth, therefore, the burden
of Shivaji's education fell upon Dadaji, and his mother's influence be*

came secondary. This does not of course mean that Jijabai ceased altogether to look after the upbringing
of her son. He was all in all to her, the prop of all her hopes and ambitions. The mysterious instincts of the
maternal heart had enabled her to foresee his future greatness. In her impassioned moods, she often
thought with ecstacy that Shivaji might be just the man to whom the restoration of the Jadhav and Bhonsle
sovereignties had been reserved by fate, the hero whom the divine prophecy current in the family had ever
been beckoning on to the task of national emancipation. She, therefore, continued to watch over him in
spirit, with all the zeal of maternal solicitude. It was left, however, to Dadaji to initiate Shivaji in those
arts and sciences and that practical knowledge which was essential to a person in his position.

It will not be out of place to give a brief account of the great man to whom the education of Shivaji was
thus confided. It is not known at what period Dadaji Kondadev entered into Shahaji's service. Shahaji
was early satisfied with his tact, abilities and uprightness and appointed him to the management of his
jahgir estates at Poona, Supa, Baramati, Indapun and the Maval tracts in Maharashtra. These districts he
administered with great efficiency. The long wars of the Moguls and the Deccan Mahomedans had
reduced these parts to mere wildernesses. To this were added the horrors of a most terrible famine in the
year 1630. 1 Dadaji re-populated these districts and reclaimed them for cultivation by holding forth the
inducement of immunity from the land-tax for a succession of years. There was at once an influx of
cultivators from the adjoining districts, and the lands in a short time had changed their forlorn aspect. The
people were contented and happy. Bumper crops swelled the granaries. Dadaji then instituted a survey
and classification of the land and introduced the revenue system of Malik Ambar, the essence of which
was

This terrible famine is referred to in Jedbe's Chronology (page 178) and in the Padiahahnamah of Abdul
Hamid.

that the revenue dues were to be based on the ascertained crops of the year. This gave a great stimulus to
agriculture. The settlements made with the agriculturists gave them permanent proprietary rights subject to
the payment of revenue, and a large residue of the income after the deduction of revenue still remained for
the enjoyment oi the prosperous peasantry.

The district of Maval was inhabited by a poverty-stricken people called the Mavalis. Even by toiling day
and night these semi-civilized people found it difficult to earn enough to provide food and clothing.
Dadaji saw the fidelity and industrious habits of these people and assiduously set to work to ameliorate
their condition. He encouraged them to till their rocky and barren soil by granting remissions of revenue
taxes. Many of them he enlisted in his service as peons or soldiers and engaged them in the collection of
revenue. They were satisfied with the most meagre pay, one or two rupees a month, and a bushel or two of
the coarsest millet, such as nachni or vari. It was a mountainous country infested by wild animals. To put
an end to the mischief they caused from year to year, Dadaji maintained a corps of Mavali javelin-men
and gave them a reward for each tiger or wolf that was slain. Many wild beasts were exterminated in this
way, and the country became more settled.

The country was also infested with brigands. Dadaji endeavoured to minimise the evil by establishing
watches and a sort of rude police. 1 He encouraged the plantation of fruit-trees and orchards. Groves of
mango and other trees grew on all sides. He kept the fortresses under Shahaji in an excellent state of
repair, installed suitable garrisons in each of them, and recruited a small army of Maval is for general
defence. In this way Dadaji administered the jahgir and considerably augmented its income. All the
balance, that accrued to Shahaji's credit after payment of the different charges, such as salaries of peons
and

1 Vide Chitnis, page 29 and the Tarikh-i-Shivaji (page 9 (a)).

soldiers, clerks and executive officers and other incidental expenses, was faithfully remitted to Shahaji's
headquarters. An anecdote illustrating Dadaji's extraordinary sense of duty and uprightness has been
recorded by the Maratha chroniclers. It is said that while Dadaji was going one day in the company of
Shivaji through one of Shahaji's orchards he happened quite casually to pluck off a mango from its stem.
Instantly it occurred to his mind that what he had done was a misdemeanour, and he commanded his
attendants to mutilate the hand with which he had committed the offence. Shivaji replie'd that his
reasoning wrts not correct, that he.had cultivated the park and was its master. On hearing this reply he
shortened one of the sleeves of his robe and to the time of his death he wore a shortened sleeve 1 .

Dadaji was then a man of extraordinary integrity; and devotion to his master was the ruling passion of his
life. He was already advanced in age and experience when Shahaji nominated him to the jahgir. He was
very pure in his morals and pious in the observances of his religion, It was an article of faith with him that
his personal interests and prosperity were identical with those of his master. It was natural that Shahaji
felt not the slightest misgivings in his heart in giving over his son to the tutelage of such a man, who united
with a most exalted sense of righteousness a complete devotion to his master's person and interests.
Needless to say that Dadaji acquitted himself of the trust beyond the most sanguine expectations of his
master.

He spared no pains to see that Shivaji and Jijabai should labour under no privation. He thought that a
warrior's son should have the best military education obtainable, and

1 The Rairi bakhar gives a slightly different version of the story, b\ making the mango the property of a
peasant cultivator. Shahaji is reported to have heard of the incident and marked his sense of appreciation
of Dadaji'a integrity by a present of 700 pagodas and urged him to wear his sleeves as usual. The version
followed in the text is that of Chitnis-(P. 29. )

"76 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHAEAJ

provided every facility towards this object. He made him go through a regular system of drill and
physical discipline. Jijabai had laid the foundation of this discipline. Dadaji carried it forward with great
zeal. Besides physical culture Dadaji arranged for a course of intellectual discipline 1 . This too had been
anticipated by Jijabai and was promoted with greater zeal by Dadaji, on the mother and son coming to
reside at Poona. Shivajimade considerable progress in Urdu and Persian and had made a beginning in the
elements of the Sanskrit language 3 . It is said that certain devotional odes composed by Shivaji contain a
number of Urdu words. Dadaji's religious temperament served to foster Shivaji's own instincts for piety.
He got many opportunities to listen to religious lectures and rhapsodies from the puranas. His natural
enthusiasm for religion was stimulated by Dadaji's example.

The seed of all this had already been sown by Jijabai. But there was another departmant in which Dadaji
was a past master, and that was finance. He knew the art of keeping the peasantry happy while doubling
and trebling the revenue. He had the tact and courtesy to extract the best work from his servants without
wounding their feelings. He excelled as a judge, and his decisions were conclusive and impartial. He
took a paternal interest in the welfare

1 Vide Chitnis's bakhar (page 28). While it may be admitted that the account in the Shivdigvijaya is too
extravagant for credence, it is not too much to assume that if the warrior class of the time of the puranas
could successfully unite an all round intellectual culture with the military eraft, a boy brought up with such
an absorbing admiration of the puranic lore might have received a fairly good literary education.

2 Vide Mr. Raj wade's work in Marathi, entitled "Materials for the history of the Maratha', Vol. IV,page
74. The same author in a learned article on the subject of Shivaji's literary education contributed to the
Marathi Magazine, "Saraswati Mandir" ( Vol. 5, No. 5 ), has completely exploded Grant Duffs hypothesis
of Shivaji's illiteracy. Most of the Maratha nobility contemporaneous with Shivaji, as also those who
preceded or followed him in point of time, knew the simple arts of reading and writing. This is the
contention of Mr. Bajwade, and the present author hag no hesitation in endorsing that opinion.

of the people. Shivaji studied with close and minute observation these arts of administration under
Dadaji. Shivaji's faculty of observation was very early developed. His questions were at times very
trying even to the experts in the various subjects. He paid to Dadaji the honour due to his position and
experience and made it a point to acquire from him his varied knowledge of affairs. Now there were
some affairs which Dadaji used to transact without Shivaji's knowledge. Shivaji took this to heart and one
day expressed himself rather frankly upon this subject. " What though I am young \ " said he, " Your duty it
is to acquaint me with all affairs, that I may acquire experience under your guidance. For are you not to
me in the position of a father ? How could I otherwise learn wisdom ? " Dadaji admired this boyish
curiosity and consulted him thereafter upon all affairs. Young Shivaji discussed the pros ^nd cons of every
question with the gravity of an elder. Dadaji trained him to give decisions in disputes, where the most
complicated issues were involved. With. his wonderful, grasp and penetration the most complex problem
could never elude his judgment, and he could use these precedents in dealing with similar questions that
recurred from time to time. It was thus under the kind guidance of Dadaji that Shivaji mastered the various
subjects of finance, agriculture, the discipline of hia infantry and cavalry, and supervision over ths
various grades of servants in his service. This early knowledge and experience, it is needless to say, was
of immense service to him in the near future.

But there was one subject upon which there was the greatest divergence of opinion between Dadaji and
Shivaji, and that was the attitude of Shivaji towards the Mahomedan rulers. The hatred of Islam which he
had almost literally sucked in with his mother's milk, and his ambitious plans of the restoration of a Hindu
sovereignty were never approved of by Dadaji. Dadaji was not a man who could even dream of the great
ambitions of his ward. He never possessed that wide outlook of vision. His was a philosophy

of simple contentment. He thought, and from the ordinary stand-point of human prudence rightly thought,
that his duty was in the first place to behave with submission and humility towards that power, owing to
whose favour and benevolence, his master enjoyed his jahgir, and in the second place to protect and
administer the jahgir to the highest advantage of his master. To incur the wrath of the Mahomedan rulers-
were it only by seeking to expand the jahgir-was too audacious an enterprise for the placid mind of
Dadaji to think of. Soon after the return of Shivaji and Jijabai from Bijapur in the company of Dadaji
Kondadev, Shivaji communicated his ambitious plans to the trusty confidante of his father. " I do not
consider it proper," said Shivaji, " to live as an underling of the Mahomedans on the wealth my father has
earned in their service. I am resolved to carve out my fortune with my own right hand. What good is it to
have been born in the Bhonsle family, if I add no new honours to the family escutcheon ? The worth of a
manly life, what is it to be found in, if not in a life of toil ? Not surely in fortune's smiles ? Do you not see
how the Mahomedan domination has crushed the life out of Hindu society and religion? Kine and
Erahinans, gods and shrines have been polluted and desecrated in all the land, and no champion has
sprung forth from the groaning soil. I have pondered deep over this subject and have resolved to devote
my life to this object of reviving our independence and our religion. I cannot recall the past ; but the future
is in my hands." Dadaji was astonished at the proposal and tried to divert his mind from the project.
"How impossible", he exclaimed, "is the task you speak of and how dreadful'. The whole land lies
panting under the oppression of Islam. All forts and positions of strategic value are commanded by them.
Their armies man the garrisons. Enough for you to have and keep what your father has wrested from the
general wreck. Try to think of aggrandising your fortunes and that moment you will be declared a public
enemy, and you will involve your father in your ruin.

Just think of your father and his fiery valour ! Even he had to bend before the Mahomedans. "

Later on when Shivaji began to realize his plans of forming an independent Hindu state and in pursuance
of the same to make expeditions against the Bijapur territory, Dadaji was filled with consternation. He
called Shivaji and began to expostulate with him in the most vehement terms. " You have embarked, " he
said to Shivaji, " on a most hazardous enterprise, which will one day bring you and your jahgir to ruin. On
the four sides of the continent, the great Mahomedan sovereignties are holding undisputed sway, each in
the plenitude of its power and glory. What are you and your puny resources before their power ? Don't
you see that you are only jeopardising your father's position ? He is there in the midst of the enemy, in the
power of the sultan. For your rash acts the sultan is sure to retaliate on your father. You will be evicted
from your jahgir and will be a bye-word in the land. It is to your own interest to maintain loyal relations
with the Adilshahi dynasty, if indeed you value your estates. " This chilling advice was repeated from
time to time. Shivaji, as was his wont, always listened in calm silence, but to the eternal good fortune of
all Maharashtrians, he did not allow himself in the least to be swerved from his glorious enterprise.

It is said that when Dadaji saw how ineffective all his counsels to Sdivaji upon this one subject were, the
upright man was filled with dismay, not knowing what to do. Shivaji's conduct preyed upon his heart, and
the good man could only think of the counsequences with a shudder. The boy had been confided to his
care, to be brought up as a youth of character and noble promise. But he had conceived this wayward
passion and lent countenance to lawless acts. The excesses of the son were bound to recoil upon the
innocent head of the father. And had not Shahaji the right to ask of him how he, of whom he had expected
so much, had allowed his son to run wild, governed by a frenzied passion for liberty? Yes, the blame
would rigLtly

fall on him, and not all his past services would avail tc> atone for it. With such remorseful thoughts the
good man sickened and slowly pined away. 1

Dadaji indeed did the only thing he could do under the circumstances, to shield himself from blame, and
that was to inform Shahaji of the strange passion for liberty now awakened in Shivaji's breast, warning
him to take the proper steps to suppress it in time. Shahaji did not take particular notice of the warning
and ordered uo change whatever in Shivaji's discipline or mode of living. The truth is that Shahaji knew
the true state of affairs at Bijapur better than any man of his time, and he was himself secretly preparing
for the inauguration of an independent sovereignty, of which more will be said at its appropriate place.
The conclusion, therefore, which thrusts itself inevitably upon our minds is that the glorious thoughts of
founding a new Hinda dynasty were not implanted in Shivaji'e mind by Dadaji Kondadev, who on the
other hand laboured hard to counteract them ; and indeed had Dadaji to deal with a common man without
insight, the current of those thoughts would have been stopped for ever. The real, impulse then came from
Jijabai. How true is it that one sweet and loving word from the lips of a mother makes a deeper
impression on the heart than ten thousand speeches!

Filled with the ambition to do great deeds, Shivaji did not hearken to Dadaji's advice. But this
disobedience only affected his master passion. In other regards nobody could be more docile. Shivaji
honoured him like a father, did whatever he commanded him and always remembered in. his actions that
Dadaji was the trusted friend of Shahaji. Dadaji sought to wean Shivaji from his violent enterprise by
occupying his mind with other subjects. He took him round the different jahgir villages, explaining the
revenue

1 In the bakhar, called the Bakhar of the Marathi Swarajya ( Chronicle of the Maratha Empire ) Dadaji ia
represented to have resorted to poison and committed suicide, being unable to withstand thia consuming,
anxiety. The Tarikh-i-Shivaji tells the same story.

systems and the forms of administration. He entrusted many of his duties to Shivaji who executed them
with great skill and enthusiasm. But this did not divert his mind from his cherished schemes. It only
brought him into immediate contact with the revenue officers, administrators and other persons of rank
within the limits of the jahgir and created in him a greater sense of confidence for administrative work.

Dadaji's spirit groaned in him to see that nothing could stop or stem Shivaji's violent ambition. He was
agitated with a devouriug anxiety, which shortly affected his health. Jijabai and Shivaji attended him with
assiduity. Shivaji was always by his bed-side They tried all remedies that were suggested to them But
medicine and attendance notwithstanding Dadaji kept steadily sinking. When the moment of death was at
hand, Dadaji chadded the keys of the treasury to Shivaji and described the management of the hill-forts,
the districts and the army, exhorting him to deal kindly with the officers, and expatiating on the merits of
every individual. He also had the clerks and officers brought into his presence and with his dying voice
exhorted them to serve Shahaji with loyalty and devotion, and making them clasp young Shivaji's hand he
adjured them to look upon him as their master. Having settled these public duties, he is said to have
exhorted Shivaji to look after his family and dependents and to have expressed a cordial wish for his
happiness and glory and the fulfilment of his noble vow to inaugurate a new state, for the protection of
cows and Brahmans and the higher glory .of his religion. With these words on hi* lips, the loyal Dadaji
Kondadev expired. He was seventy years old at his death.
We have so far described two sources of Shivaji's education, the one being Jijabai and the other Dadaji
Kondadev. But there was a third source, and that was Shahaji himself. True, the period of the operation of
this educative force was brief, but, brief as it was, it was of the.

L. 3. 7

:82 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

highest value in its effect upon Shivaji's career. In his short

sojourn at Bijnpur Shivaji had endless opportunities to

watch the working of the various departments of the Bijapnr

government, the methods of administration, the etiquette

of the court and the manners and fashions of the nobility.

Shahaji commanded great influence at the Bijapur court and

was on terms of cordiality with many of the leading

Jtlahomedan and Maratha nobles, and Shivaji, instead of

idling his time like the sons of the other nobles, turned these

opportunities to good account. He frequently visited and

made constant observation of the cantonments,the w^r-horses,

the artillery paiks and the batteries, and, constantly making

inquiries of expert officers, he resolved his doubts and

registered all vital information upon the tablets of his

memory. Shahaji himself was gratified at his son's desire

to learn and indulged him in these pursuits. Shahaji had

often his son beside him when arguing subtle questions of

war or diplomacy. He had him in his company when

attending the durbar, where his remarkable faculties of

comprehension and observation found active exercise. All

this produced two general effects: first, by being always in

the company of his father, he got much useful information

of vital influence upon his subsequent career ; and secondly,

his disgust of Mahomedan rule was accentuated and embittered

by all he had witnessed, and became the master passion of

his life.

Such was the discipline by which a great career was moulded and made possible. It was more or less a
moral and an administrative discipline. As to whether, in addition to this, he made a systematic study of
any great authors or not, we have no information in the authentic chronicles. The account in the chronicle
called the Shiv-•digvijaya is very much exaggerated and is not supported by any other sources of
information. From the praises of '.Shivaji by such saintly poets as Vaman, Tukaram and Eamdas, among
his contemporaries, it might be inferred that he had a fair acquaintance with books. But it is plain

that the biographers of Shivaji, being more or less men of action, set little store by bookish knowedge and
scarcely, if ever, refer to it. And the life of this great man has to convey, among others, this lesson that
practical wisdom is often times a more efficient factor of success than literary knowledge.
CHAPTER V THE PREPARATION TOR SWARAJYA
THE Marathi chroniclers are silent upon the early preparations of Shivaji in furtherance of his ambitious
plans. That ambition in its essence comprehended the deliverance of his country from a very unbearable
Mahomedan tyranny, the raising of the fabric of an independent national government, and the expulsion of
Mahomedan bigotry from the land. The scanty material available on the subject has been laid under
contribution but with extreme caution and reserve in the account that follows.

On his return to Poona, as described in the last chapter, Shivaji went out on various reconnoitring
expeditions over the surrounding mountain tracts under pretence of a personal inspection of his jahgir.
Attended by persons who from birth were familiar with the geographical conditions of the upland parts of
the Western ghats, and forming acquaintance with the chiefs and men of position in every town and
village, he surveyed all those inaccessible regions with a close scrutiny into the mountain fortresses and
places of military advantage. He examined the routes of communication, the by-paths and mountain
defiles, the glens and tne valleys. His companions admired the ardent zeal he manifested in informing
himself about the topographical conditions of these mountains. It was natural for them to be astonished
that this young heir of a rising jahgirdar bhouId expose himself to sun and shower, surmounting ascents
and precipices, defying the attacks of wild beasts and a hundred other dangers, apparently with no other
motive than an insatiable thirst for geographical iniormation. Young Shivaji spent whole days and nights,
wandering from foieso to forest and mountain to mountain, with the swiftness of foot and gliding
movement peculiar to the aboriginal tribes of these mountains. It was not easy for his companions to
conceive how necessary these tours of

inspection were to the career to which the young chief felt himself to be called as it were by the voice of
duty. While making these explorations he was silently achieving another object of equally great
importance, that of winning over a loyal body of followers and supporters.

There was a kind of personal magnetism by which young Shivaji attracted every heart towards himself. A
few moments' conversation sufficed to draw with a magic fascination thd highest and the lowest persons
in the land to follow his least inclinations. In conversation with young Shivaji every man instantly forgot
all the restraints of reserve and laid bare before him his most secret thoughts and the innermost impulses
of life. Shivaji put all men at their ease with such magic tact and courtesy that all thought they were
pouring out their hearts to one who was their equal. He listened to their tales of sorrow and anguish and
won them over to his heart with the closest bonds of affection, friendship and gratitude. His purse was
alwaya at the call of these companions of his early boyhood.

This lavish generosity entailed a large expenditure which considerably exceeded his slender allowance.
Dadaji remonstrated with him for this drain on the jahgir revenues "You are, of course, the master," said
Dadaji, "and I am bound to make any payment to anybody you want on your account. But when you exceed
your allowance, it must be at the expense of the annual remittance to be sent to Shahaji, and I shall have to
account for the shortage. You must therefore get your allowance increased, and I shall have no objection
to your extravagance. " Shivaji retorted it was not for Dadaji to be anxious about his prodigality, and he
would procure his father's sanction for the expenses beyond his fixed allowance. Dadaji was quite
mystified at this reply. He did not see that there was rhyme or reason in Shivaji'e mad extravagance. He
had no wide range of thought or outlook upon affairs. His practical wisdom and philosophy was directed
to the one absorbing task of procuring
the largest possible revenue for Shahaji from year to year.

Thus did Shivaji go on forming a large circle of clients and dependents, every one of whom was imbued
with a thorough faith in his master's nobility of heart. Their enthusiasm kindled into a loyal devotion and
self-sacrificing passion towards the person of Shivaji. It was a strange attraction they felt towards him. In
this circle of dependents, a large number of those who had won the entire favour and confidence of
Shivaji were the Mavalis. These were rude and semi-civilized people, with an aspect anything but
prepossessing. But under their rude exteriors, burnt hearts the most faithful and upright amoung Shivaji's
followers. They had a strong faith in the unerring wisdom of their master and executed his most difficult
orders with a display of sagacity and agility for which no one could have given tnem credit. They were
brought up in the creed of passive obedience and unquestioning service. To them once a master always a
master. Inured to poverty and frugal in their living, the employer who provided them with the means of
coarse subsistence and clothing earned fro-n them such a gratitude that they would court the greatest
dangers and sacrifice their lives in his service. Dadaji Kondadev was the first to detect the sterling
virtues in the heart of these rude mountaineers, and he maintained a corps of them in his service. Sbivaji
did not take long to ascertain their qualities. By his affection and generosity towards these humble people
he made them his own. These mountaineers lived in the highlands of Shivaji's jahgir. They obtained a
precarious living from the roots and shrubs in the mountain forests. They fwere quite at home in the zig-
zag paths and mountain defiles over these woodlands. When Shivaji went on his tours of inspection he
took these men as his guides. He soon became their idol. Only in him had they found in their experience of
centuries one who was not repelled by their rude rusticity and sylvan manners, but who on the contrary
treated them with courtesy and affection. This conviction bred in them

a great pride and enthusiasm for their master, for whose prosperity they would renounce their fortunes, the
ties of personal affection and life itself. Their spirit of self-surrender was many a time put to the proof,
and no adversity, however great, could turn them away from the feet of the master. The leaders of these
Mavalis, occupying the rank of deahmukha among their tribes, were the earliest and closest of Shivaji's
friends. The names of three of them have become famous in Maratha history. These three were Yesaji
Kunk, Tanaji Malusare 1 and Baji Fasalkar. These three men commanded great influence among the
Mavalis. They had a share from the beginning in all the young ambitions of Shivaji, and as the exigencies
of his statecraft developed themselves in course of time, they performed the most glorious feats and
exploits, sacrificing even their lives on the altar of personal friendship and devotion.

Although Shivaji's ambitious designs received scant encouragement from Dadaji Kondadev, he succeeded
in winning over all the assistant staff of that loyal financier. When the deshmukhs or procurators of
revenue, from the various towns came on business to Poona, Shivaji was for hours closeted with them,
setting forth his projects, asking their opinions and pleading for their adherence; and such was the
fascination exercised upon their minds by his speech and courtesy, that the conversation invariably
terminated in a league of enduring friendship. When Shivaji himself went in person on his tours of
inspection over his paternal estates, he allowed no opportunity to elude him of interviewing the various
deshmukhs and drawing them into his alliance. Such of the Maratha nobility and gentry in the
neighbourhood as had occasion to visit him at Poona were entertained in such a lavish and magnificent
st}le, that they invariably departed his fast friends and sympathisers. Much as they might criticise his
comparative youthfulnest

1 Tanaji Malusare however was not strictly a Mavali deshmakh. He was a deshmukh of Umrathe in the
Konkan lowland? baneath the
S8 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHABAJ

and inexperience, they could not help testify ing to his courage and enthusiasm, or acknowledging the
practicability of the schemes he submitted to their approval. Their assent was promptly given, and their
cordial sympathy and co-operation was secured to the cause. There was indeed a singular persuasiveness
in the youthful hero, which, along with the cordiality of his offers, his religious enthusiasm and the
unmistakable ring of sincerity in his hatred of Mahomedan rule, made even the most self-centred of them
partake of his enthusiasm, reciprocate his feelings and embrace his proposals. They had besides the
object-lesson of Shahaji's great triumphs; and the conviction was easily bred in them that the son of such a
father would certainly lead them forth to victory and deliverance from the thral lorn of Islam. Thus they
became willing partisans in the causr; and the few who hesitated or refused soon had occasion to repent
of their error.

It is time to review very briefly the influences which seemed to favour a id for the restoration of the
national independence of Maharashtra.

The first asset in the cause of the national regeneration that Shivaji possessed was the example of his
father. He had the great example before him of the defender of the Nizamshahi dynasty against the Moguls,
and the reviver of that sovereignty after its extinction. It was plain that the ultimate discomfiture of
Shahaji could only be ascribed to the overwhelming armaments of the Mogul invaders. The curtain had
fallen upon these early activities of Shahaji, only to disclose a new scene of almost regal pomp and
splendour in the Karnatic. The experiences of Shahaji, both in his victories and failures, had established
the fact that with a proper band of disciplined followers it was not only possible but easily practicable to
overthrow the Mahomedan power in Maharashtra and to establish an independent Hindu sovereignty in its
place. Fired with a desire to outshine his father's greatness, Shivaji had the sagacity to perceive and to
remedy the defects in his system.

He often openly expressed hia regret that Shahaji should have thought it necessary, after his distinguished
career against the Moguls, to take service under Bijapur and shine by the reflected light of the Adilshahi
dynasty.

Another circumstance which confirmed Shivaji in his ambitious resolves, was the discontent of many of
the local chiefs and procurators of revenue or deshmukhs, with the Mahomedan government. 1
Emboldened by the prevailing disturbance and misrule, the inevitable precursors of revolution and
change, these men carried on an uncertain war and brigandage among themselves. It was indeed a time of
"betlum omnium contra omnes," and the Bijapur government exercised little of the rights of a sovereign
state over these parts. It was almost an impossible feat to unite together these warring chiefs under a
common standard or to give their bellicose spirit a higher purpose. Shivaji succeeded in the seemingly
impossible task, healed the scars of private feuds and concentrated their powers to be brought into action
for the higher ideal of a national enterprise.

The third circumstance, which it is necessary to advert to, is the fact that the districts of Poona. Supa,
Maval and other tracts had for a long time been under the Nizamshahi state of Ahmednagar, and the
troublous times of the Mogul invasions and the rapid vicissitudes through which the Ahmednagar state had
passed had produced a general laxity of administration, with next to no supervision on the part of the
central government. It is true indeed that these districts had at the time of the final partition and territorial
adjustment passed under the Bijapur flag, but this change was so recent and the transfer had created such
complications, that the Bijapur government had scarcely felt its way to bring under its direct authority
these frontier parts of its dominions. There was a marked insufficiency of the military garrisons and
equipments in the hill-forts, and the

1 A good deal of light has been thrown upon the eocial, political and economic conditien of the Maval
deahmukha by Mr. Raj wade in the later volumes of hia work ( Vol. 15 to 18).

SO LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

growing dissensions in the Bijapur council were not calculated to improve the situation. But the
government of Bijapur had lulled itself into a belief in its security by continuing these districts in jahgir to
Shahaji, who had held them from time to time since the times of Maloji. Dadaji Kondadev had
administered the jahgir with great bkill and wisdom. The people were happy and prosperous under a
practically Hindu regime and had no desire to pass under the direct authority of the sultan. What wonder
then that when they saw a noble spirit like Shivaji, himself the son of an approved leader like Shahaji,
embarking upon the ambitious plan of a revived Hindu sovereignty and marked his never-failing genius
and enthusiasm in all his operations, they came forth to acclaim the hero and devote themselves
unreservedly to his cause and service ?

That Shivaji had the ability to conduct the affairs of a new monarchy from its very foundation has been
amply shown by the original administrative reforms he introduced as a ruler, the rudiments of which he
had learnt at home t in listening to the conversation of Dadaji Kondadev, Jijabai and the jahgir officers.
To this was joined the experience he had gained during his short residence at Bijapur. On account of the
pre-eminent position of Shahaji at that court, Shivaji was able to watch the despatch of public business on
some of the most momentous questions then engaging the attention of that state. Shivaji's followers
therefore had no misgivings on this ground. Nor on tha other hand was there much fear to be entertained
on the ground of the arduous nature of the task and the inadequacy of the means for its fulfilment. The
peculiar facilities for the undertaking of such an enterprise, which were offered by the political situation
of the time, Shivaji had seized upon with an intuitive judgment that well qualified him for the duties of a
ruler. More than this could not be expected and surely was not needed for a general of such natural talents
and abilities, stimulated as his ambition ever wan by the impulsive zeal of his mother and the glory shed
on the Bhonsle name by his father.
CHAPTER VI THE BEGINNINGS OF SWARAJYA
IN THE last chapter a brief sketch was attempted of the early preparations of Shivaji for the realization of
his ambition: the exploration of mountain fastnesses and hill-forts mountain paths and defiles, and the
mustering together of a band of devoted friends and supporters. In this chapter we propose to trace his
earliest activities as parts of a premeditated aggressive programme.

At the outset we meet with a heresy to which certain historians, the principal of whom is Mr. Raj wade
(Vol. IV, page 73 of his "Materials for the History of the Marathas"), have given currency. These
historians maintain that the beginnings of independence were made not by Shivaji but by Dadaji t
Kondadev and his officers at the instance of Shahaji himself, and that at a time when Shivaji was barely
eleven or twelve years of age. In support of this contention, Mr. Raj wade quotes the chronicler,
Sabhasad, to the following effect: "Immediately on the return from Bangalore to Poona, Dadaji captured
the twelve Mavali glens and slew the Mavali deshmukhs who were raiding the country."

It does not however follow from this statement that the idea of an independent Hindu state had been
already conceived and its execution entrusted to Dadaji Kondadev by Shahaji. The context of Sabhasad's
statement makes it clear that the districts of the twelve Mavals, with Baramati and Indapur, were added to
S* a' aji's jahgir for his eminent services in the Karnatic, and that in 1638 on his return from Bangalore,
Dadaji Kondadev in pursuance of the orders he had received from Shahaji proceeded to take possession
of the recently ceded districts by a war of conquest and the defeat of the local deshmukhs. Shahaji was
just feeling his way to a permanent position at the Bijapur court, and he was not likely to contemplate any
act of rebellion against Bijapur at the imminent risk of wrecking his new-built

fortune. As a motive for this imaginary plan of forming an independent monarchy in the Maval districts,
in.concert with Dadaji Kondadev Mr. Raj wade points to the private enemies of Shahaji in the Karnatic,
such as Afzul Khan, Maloji Ghorpade and other nobles of Bijapur who looked askance upon his rising
power in the Karnatic. Such private enmities had probably no existence in point of fact so early as 1638.
The animosities between Shahaji and Afzul Khan and other nobles of Bijapur began eight or ten years
later. The history of Bijapur at this earlier period of Shahaji's career in the Karnatic makes scarcely any
allusion to Afzul Khan and the other enemies of Shahaji of a later time. And if Dadaji had ever concerted
with Shahaji a plan for establishing an independent power in the Maval districts, it is difficult to conceive
why seven or eight years later the same individual should have entered such emphatic protests against
Shivaji's designs. Such a position would have been quite ridiculous for a prudent man of affairs like
Dadaji to take up in dealing with the enterprising programme conceived by Shivaji and is entirely at
variance with the received tradition that the pertinacity of Shivaji brought Dadaji to an early grave, or, as
is sometimes asserted, made him commit suicide by resorting to poison. Nor was an experienced
statesman like Shahaji likely to entrust such a serious charge to Dadaji's insignificant force of a thousand
men or thereabout when he had whole regiments at his command in the Karnatic. Nor is there any shred of
evidence that a large army was ever sent under Dadaji from Bangalore to .Maharashtra. Lastly there is
this consideration: why should Shahaji have ever confided an enterprise of such gravity and consequence
to another, when he was himself the greatest military leader of his time in all the Deccan ? In short, the
best that can be said for this theory is that it is an inconsiderate attempt to cast a shadow upon Shivaji's
greatness by transferring the originality of his design to a lesser personage. Our line of argument is quite
consistent with the view that Shahaji himself had his own designs of independence, a subject which we
THE BEGINNINGS OF SWARAJ YA «,

have sufficiently adverted to in a foregoing chapter. The crux of the question is whether upon Shahaji's
advice a plan for a campaign of independence in Maharashtra had ever been conceived. If such an attempt
had really been made, what circumstances conspired to put an end to it And why should Dadaji have
shown seven years later such a total change of front on the subject ?

As against our line of argument an objection may be raised somewhat to this effect. If Shahaji harboured
no designs for independence in Maharashtra, it may be argued, why shouldT he not have taken steps to
punish Shivaji,-nay even expel him from his jahgir,—when complaints were made by Dadaji Kondadev,
and when the Bijapur government itself took him to task for it ? It is easy to reply to this objection. By the
time Shivaji began his aggressions against Bijapur, Shahaji's authority was well rooted in the Karnatic,
his jahgir possessions had been expanded on all sides, and nis will was supreme law in the south. The
Bijapur governmept was rent by party factions, and he had profited by the confusion to place his authority
on a sort of autocratic basis. It was at such a time that the complaints against Shivaji came to him, a time
which Shahaji felt was eminently favourable for such an attempt. With a secret approval of his son's
designs and a belief in their practicability, and yet wishing to have no interruption in his chosen paths to
independence, he disavowed responsibility for Shivaji's actions and professed a sort of time-serving
neutrality upon this subject. His conduct clearly shows that the thoughts of liberty were in his heart, nor
was he so debased or perverted as to prefer a gilded servitude to true independence. But there is nothing
in his conduct to lend countenance to the view that he had begun to defy the Bijapur government so early
as 1638. It is true that in the latter part of his career he was practically independent in the Karnatic. But
never did Shahaji like his BOD openly defy the Bijapur government.

»4 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

Shivaji Raw the Mogul and Mahometan power spread over the western ghats, but he was shrewd enough
to see, as others were not, that the foundations of the Mahometan power over the ghats were not rooted
deep enough to defy either the assault of a foreign power without or of rebellion within. It was apparent
that the Mahomedan powers had always made little of these mountain fastnesses and had never troubled
themselves about strengthening their outposts on the frontiers or garrisoning the hill-forts with sufficient
forces for defence l He therefore resolved

i From papers published by Mr. Rajwade (Vol. XV*of his ''Materials for a History of the Marathas")
some evidence of Shivaji's pioneer attempts for independence, dating already as early as i645, is now
iorth-coming. From a letter of Shivaji in reply to the Prabhu Deshpande, kulkarni of the vale of Rohida, in
which the name of Dadaji Kondadev is mentioned as being privy to certain intrigues between this
deshpande and Shivaji himself, an attempt is made to represent Dadaji Kondadev as not merely the
promoter but the inspirer of Shivaji's plans. Dadaji's work in the conquest of the Maval? was however a
part of his administrative duty as the procurator of Shahaji's jahgir, and was probably made in pursuance
of bis general orders for the settlement of the district. Whatever the original compact with this Prabhu
family might have been, it is clear from Rajwade (Vol. XV pp. 272-73) that they undertook to devote
themselves to the prosecution of Shivaji's designs for the achievement of Swarajya and espoused his
cause, though the enemies of their fnmily carried tales to the local Bijapur authorities at Shirval. The
Jedbes, who were the deshmukhs of Rohida, very early espoused Shivaji's cause. They had originally
been in the Bijapur service, but about the time when Randulla Khan and Shahaji marched against the
Moguls (1635 A. D. ), they joined Shabaji (Jedhe Chronology, p. 178) probably with a view to enlist his
support against the Khopde family who disputed the deshmukh rights over that particular district. The
result of this intervention was that at a later date we find the Khopdes on the side of Afzul Khan, while the
Jedbes and most other Maval deshmukhs or at least their followers remained on the aide of Shivaji, whom
they also assisted in the war with the Mores of Javli (Jedhe Chronology, pp. 180 and 181). Another
enemy of the Jedhe family was Bandal of Hirdas Maval who had usurped their lands. Dadaji Kondadev
marched agaist Bandal. but was defeated (Rajwade's Vol.XV,316, 393 ) and had to retreat to his
headquarters at Shivapur. In the end with the help of Kanhoji Jedhe, Dadaji Kondadev made his peace
with Bandal and brought about a good understanding with the leaders of the twelve Mavals, excepting the
Khopdes, and after the death of Dadaji we find them co-operating with Sbivaji in all his operations. In
1648 we find Jedhe Naik was with Shahaji in the South and was arrested along with him by

io direct his first operations against the ghat country, subjugate the hill-forts and carry the adjoining tracts
of mountain land along with them. He knew that, do what the Mahomedan powers could, they would nf
ver get permanent control over hia highlands, unless and until the Hindu population itself chose to put
themselves entirely in their hands. The first part of Shivaji's programme therefore was to make his own
what the Mahometans had so long failed to dominate, and use the hill-forta both for purposes of defence
and offence, as strategical positions commanding the entire ghat country and compelling the 'adherence
and allegiance of the deshmukhs in the neighbourhood. On nearly all the hill-forts there were nominal
garrisons maintained by the Bijapur government, who were practically like mounted sentinels keeping
watch. It was not to Shivaji's interest, nor was it then in his power, to declare open enmity with them. He
resolved to carry his point by stratagem. About twenty miles, to the southwest of Poona, lay the fort of
Torna. Shivaji despatched Yessaji Kunk, Tanaji Malusare and Baji Fasalkar to open negotiations with the
governor of the fort, asking him to make over the fortress for the present to Shivaji, who, it was
represented to them, was in communication with the sultan for the purpose. By these insinuations,
reinforced by persuasive gold, the fort of Torna fell into Shivaji's hands in 1646 1 .

Mustapha Khan. After his liberation Shahaji thanked him and exhorted him thenceforth to anchor his
fortunes with those of Shivaji at Poona and support him with all his power. Thus it was that the Jedhes,
the Silim-kars and even the Bandals co-operated with Shivaji enthusiastically in the wars with
Chandrarao More and Aizul Khan ( Vide Jedhe Chronology pp. 179,-lSO). This is clear proof that
fchahaji not only secretly sympathised with the plans of Shivaji but did hia best to promote them by
furnishing hia son with the services of a most loyal body of auxiliaries. It will be eeen that in his petty
wars Dadaji Kondadev only foiled out the policy of Shahaji, the eventual complications of which that
able administrator did not probably foresee.

1 Khafi Khan eaye that the first fort captured by Shivaji was 'Jhtndanwaodan.

This was the first overt act of spoliation against Bijapur, and to lend it an ostensible colouring and retain
possession of his prize, Shivaji promptly despatched his deputies to Bijapur, representing to that
government that the taking over by Shivaji of the fort of Torna was entirely in the interest of the
government, tht*t a loyal servant like him bad better be in charge of a sequestered fortress like Torna, in
preference to adventurous officers,and that in virtue of his new position as governor of the lort, he would
be able to compel the deshmukhs to render true accounts of revenue to the state, thus saving immense sums
of money annually to the government. Asa practical proof of his good intentions, he undertook to pay over
to the government a far larger revenue than the average of the last ten years. The government took a long
time to draft a reply to these representations, which was just what Shivaji wanted, for in the meanwhile
his agents were lavish with presents and bribes among the officers of the court and secured a favourable
reply to the petition. Meanwhile the fortifications of Torna were being radically overhauled and
renovated, and when completely restored the name of Prachandgad was given to it. In course of these
operations Shivaji had the good luck to unearth a quantity of buried treasure among the debris of the fort.
Shivaji ascribed the find to the favour of the goddess Bhawani and caused a rumour to be spread that this
was A proof of her favourable interest in his enterprise This made his cause a popular cause, and the
enthusiasm of the multitude knew no bounds. Shivaj devoted the treasure to the purchase of arms and
ammunition and the erection of a new fort of his own.

To the south-east of Torna fort, at a distance of about three miles there was a barren mountain called
Murbad, 1 of considerable strategical value. This Shivaji resolved to transform into a fortress-town with
impregnable defences. The mountain spurs projected on three sides. They were also

1 Variously called Mudrodev and Durgadevi Mount by other chroniclers. The Shedgarkar uakhar calls it
Mnsaldev ( p. 19. )

strongly fortified with ramparts. The central fort wa* christened Rajgad and it was adorned with a
spacious palace. The projecting redoubts were named Suvela,. Sanjivani, and Padmavati respectively.
The Shivadig-vijay states that only the projecting forts were the creation of Shivaji. The central fort
existed before and was won by a stroke of diplomacy. Dadaji Kondadev had reclaimed the dense jungh
around the village of Khedber between Poona and Shirval and by the careful culture of mango groves in
this wilderness converted it into a thriving centre, under the name of Shivapur, after the name ot his master
Shivaji. This new town was peopled by inhabitants from the Maval and Konkan regions, who gladly
acknowledged the authority,of Shivaji. At Shivapur he £uve laws and heard cases, civil and criminal.

While the entrenchments of fort Rajgad were ii> progn ss, a report of these doings of Shivaji reached the
Bijapur government. The sultan immediately issued orders to Sliivaji to put a stop to the fortifications and
demanded explanation of these acts from Shahaji in the Karnatic. That warrior replied that neither had
Shivaji consulted him in these things, nor was he doing anything upon his father's advice; but he and his
family were loyal vassals of the Adil.-hahi state, and that being so, whatever Shivaji was doing in the
way of fortification must be for the improvement or safety of his jahgir. The Bijapur state possessed no
reliable fortress in the neighbourhood of his jahgir, and Shivaji ini^ht have thought of curing this defect. In
this Shivaji could not be said to be doing any disservice to the Bijapur state. S'ich was the purport of
Shahaji's reply. At the same time he wrote to Dadaji and Shivaji protesting against the-»e acts of his son
and exhorting him to reform his ways. Dadaji had already notified Shahaji of the latest doii»i/s of his son
and exhausted his eloquence in vain to bring back S »ivaji to the piths of worldly wisdom and easy
security,—with what effect, has already been* described.

L. S. 8

Soon after followed the death of Dadaji Kond-idev, and Shivaji took up personal charge of the jahgir,
administering it in the name of his father. Shortly after, Shahaji's agents came to demand the arrears of the
jahgir revenue. Shivaji dismissed them with the curt reply that the produces of the sterile fields scarcely
sufficed for the cost of administration, and as the Karnatic estates of his father were both extensive and
fertile, he had better maintain himself on that source of revenue. Shahaji does not seem to have resented
this answer. It would seem that he was gratified with the early promise of a great career in the resourceful
conduct of his son. Some time later he voluntarily made over to Shivaji the entire charge and usufruct of
the Maharashtra jahgir, with au expression of delight at the skill and statesmanship of which his son had
already given unmistakable evidence. And wisely indeed was this step taken by Shahaji. There were civil
dissensions at Bijapur and anarchy reigned in all departments of government. The wiser plan for Shahaji
was to watch events calmly, with a firm grasp upon his Karnatic possessions. Shivaji's progress in
Maharashtra was also fraught with grave danger to his personal security. By keeping a distance between
himself and Shivaji and putting him in full authority over his Maharashtra interests, Shahaji might be free
at any moment to renounce any responsibility for his daring acts. With this prudent counsel, Shahaji now
settled for good in the Karnatic.

Now it happened that among these jahgir estates was the district of Supa, which hitherto had been
administered by Baji Mohite, the brother-in-law of Shahaji, being in fact the brother of his second wife.
He was also in charge of a squadron of 300 horse. On the death of Dadaji, Shivaji wrote to him to bring
the squadron and the jahgir accounts personally to Poona. Mohite did not obey this order and, instead of
replying to the message, expressed his astonishment to the bearer of the despatch that Shivaji should play
the landlord in the life-time of

his father, whose great position alone had hitherto screened him from condign punishment. for his acts of
lawlessness and rapacity within the Bijapur territory. He wound up this solemn denunciation with an
.expression of alarm for :he safety of Shahaji, should his. son persist in his hare-urained enterprise, not
forgetting to give the gratuitous counsel : ne sutor ultra crepidam. The messengers made a faithful report
of these utterances to Shivaji, and one can well understand how his blood must have boiled in his veins at
this representation of his acts. His revenge was swift and sudden. The Shimga festival coming on, Shivaji
called on this refractory step-uncle with a small guard of Mayalis, under pretence of asking and receiving
the customary Shimga presents. The trick succeeded. Mohite was taken prisoner, his territory and horse
captured and the jewels and treasury seized. 1 Mohite was treated as became his rank and relation with
Shahaji. Shivaji tried his best to persuade him to side with him. But persuasion had no force with Mohite,
who with his followers was at last sent to Shahaji in the Karnatic, with a proper escort.

A small event this, but it had great influence upon the minds both of supporters and strangers. They saw
the sort of man they had to deal with. A man who had acted so sternly towards the brother-in-law of his
father, and withal a faithful and zealous officer of Shahaji, was certainly not a person to be trifled with.
The circumstance aroused a sense of responsibility and fear among his followers.

The fort of Chakan lies to the east of Poona. It commanded the line of communication between Poona and
the Deccan plateau. The possession of this fortress went a great way towards securing the sovereignty of
the country. The fortress had recently been the scene of important events

1 other bakhars speak of a midnight raid upon Supa resulting in the capture and imprisonment of Mohite
and hie followers. The Jedhe chronology gives a very late date to this event, viz. 1656. Sabhasad calls
him. Sambbaji Mohite.

in the career of Shahaji. That redoubted warrior had first obtained it in jahgir from the Nizamshahi sultan.
When Shahaji had to fly the country from the vindictive pursuit of Jadhav, the possession of this important
fortress passed, into the hands of two turbulent polygar chiefs, Martand Dev and Honappa Deshpande.
These chiefs were reduced and taken prisoners by Shahaji's friend, Murar Rao Jagdev of Bijapur, who
made over the fortress again to its legiti-mateowner, Shahaji. Dadaji Kondadev, in his administrative
capacity as Shahaji's minister of affairs, had a ^pointed Firangoji Narsala as havaldar, or garrison
commander of this fort. On the death of Dadaji, Firangoji made himself independent at Chakan. Shivaji
opened negotiations in a conciliatory spirit and induced him to surrender the fort. Firangoji submitted
quietly and was rewarded with a continuation of the garrison command of the fort in Shivaji's service.
The old officers under Shahaji threw in their lot with Shivaji, excepting an old cavalry officer, Bilal
Pagya, whd was permitted to revert to his old allegiance at Shahaji's headquarters.

In course of time, Firangoji Narsala captured the fort of Shivneri and planted Shivaji's flag upon his birth-
place. Fir&ugoji was entrusted with the command of this fcrt, in. addition to his former command, and it
was left to him to introduce ,Dadaji Kondadev's improved revenue system in the neighbouring villages.

Shivaji now turned his attention to the fort of Kondana, in the immediate vicinity of Poona. With his innate
military instincts, .he at once saw how indispensable the possession of this fort was for the permanent
security of Poona. The seizure of this fort would strengthen Shivaji's jahgir possessions around Poona.
But it was no light task to capture this fort. The Bijapur government maintained a strong garrison upon the
fort under a Mahomedan officer, Shivaji was not yet powerful enough to advance openly to an encounter
with such a force, an event which would have been the prtlude to a larger movement on the part of the

Bijapur government. An open war with Bijapur at this stage of his career would have been a suicidal act.
Shivaji therefore made up his mind to win over the fort by bribing the commander, and in this he had
immediate success. The fort was no sooner won than Shivaji proceeded to overhaul its fortifications.
With its new entrenchments and munitions of war, the fort entered upon a new career of vigorous activity
under the name of Sinhagad, or the Lion's Fort.

The fort of Purandar and the neighbouring territory was in the charge of a capable Brahman officer,
Nilkant Haibatrao, who held the fort and lands in inam from the defunct Nizamshahi dynasty. When the
Nizamshahi territory came in course of time to be annexed to the widening Mogul Empire, Nilkant
succeeded in carving out an independent for tune "lor himself within the secluded fastnesses of fort
Purandar. He maintained a friendly attitude towards Shivaji and Dadaji till his death, which occurred
within a short time after that of Dadaji. He left behind him three sons, of whom the eldest Nilopant
succeeded in swallowing up the entire patrimony, regardless of the interest and birth-right of his younger
brothers, Pilaji and Sankraji, who not unnaturally maintained that they should all have equal rights to the
succession and command of the fort. The family bickering had been in progress for some time, when
Nilopant observing what strides Shivaji was making in the expansion of his power cultivated his
friendship. Shivaji was much perplexed over this fort, the acquisition of which seemed essential for the
success of bis enterprise. Open hostilities were impossible on account of the ties of alliance which had
descended from sire to son. Public opinion was sure to be outraged by a declaration of hostilities. But for
the efficient military control of his jahgir districts of Baramati, Indapur and Supa the acquisition of
Purandar became an act of imperative necessity. Shivaji saw the accession of military strength the fortress
was bound to bring to his possessions, and the insecurity to his own inter-asts that the passing of the fort
into hostile hands was sure

to bring in its train. 'This, at any rate, he was resolved tc prevent.

While the fraternal dissensions were at their height, Shivaji, with a chosen band of his Mavalis, entered
the Purandar territory, with the ostensible purpose of a tour in the Supa district. No sooner were the two
younger brothers apprised of Shivaji's approach than they sent to invite him to fort Purandar to arbitrate
upon the dispute. 1 Upon this Shivaji made a halt and quartered his men at the temple of Narayan under
the fort. A sudden march upon the fort might rouse Nilopant's suspicion, and this Shivaji wanted to avoid
as much as possible. On the other hand the younger brothers had no courage to descend and openly join
Shivaji. In this uncertainty, the soldiers and officers of the garrison began to reflect upon the growing
evils of the fraternal strife. Things were drifting they could not see how and might end in the seizure of the
fort by an outsider. Far better they thought if the fort were to pass under Shivaji, their ueighbour, than
under an utter stranger. Shivaji owned the surrounding country and was fast becoming the lord of the hill-
forts round about. Under his iron hand anarchy was impossible. What leader more valiant and chivalrous
could they ever hope to serve ? Such thoughts were passing through their minds. They concerted their
plans and determined to invite Shivaji to the fort. They represented tc the dissentient brothers the wisdom
of cultivating friendly feelings between their family and that of Shivaji, and that the valiant leader being
under the walls of the fort and the time being that of the Divali festival, the most festive time of the year in
the Deccan, it would be but an exercise of common courtesy to welcome him to partake of the hospitality
of the fort. They further advised the brothers to lay their mutual complaints befor Shivaji and abide by

1 The author of the Rairi bakhar says that Shivaji asked for and obtained from Nilopant permission to
spend the autumn at the foot of fort Purandar, and upon this Shivaji came into the country under the fort in
company with Jijabai.

bis decision. Thus persuaded, the three brothers descended from the fort with the object of according a
warm welcome to Shivaji and invited him in the most cordial terms to accept their hospitality in the
auspicious season of Divali. Shivaji protested that he wag not alone and could not indeed leave his
followers in the season of festivity. Upon this the welcome was extended to the whole party, and for three
days they enjoyed the hospitality of the fort. During this time, it io but due to Shivaji to say that he used all
persuasive arts to pour oil upon the troubled waters, but nothing that he could think of could heal the feuds
in the family. The arts of reconciliation were tried in vain. The two younger brothers pleaded that they had
no hopes of justice at the bands of their brother and offered to put themselves under Shivaji's protection.
On the night of the third day, while the company were conversing, Nilopant feeling drowsy retired to
sleep. Shivaji suggested to the younger brothers that they should seize this opportunity and imprison a
brother who turned a deaf ear to all conciliatory proposals. The brothers eagerly fell in with this
proposal. Shi/aji called his Mavalis and enlisted the sympathy of the garrison forces for a concerted coup
de main with the mutual help of his own soldiers and the garrison. Nilopant was surprised while asleep
and put under arrest. The three brothers were marched out of the fortress, which itself was taken
possession of by Shivaji's men. Their inam lands were equally divided among them, and they were
ordered to reside on the lower heights under the fort. In course of time they were given offices in Shivaji's
government and prospered in his service. Thus was the fort of Purandar captured without a drop of blood,
with the result of a great accession of military strength to Shivaji's districts of Supa and Indapur.

Soon after this event, Mankoji Dahatonde captured the fort of Visapur under Shivaji's orders. An
Abyssinian officer of Shahaji, Sidi Bilal the Abyssinian, was in authority at this fort, and Shivaji intended
at first to continue

him in command. But when the proposal was made to him, the Abyssinian replied that Shivaji was a
lawless adventurer, his career one of unrestrained violence, his course ultimately bound to end in ruin: he
would not take service under Shivaji's flag. Shivaji showed no resentment at this scathing criticism on the
part of a veteran officer of his father. Without the least insult or indignity to his person, but rather with
many marks of esteem and laden with a profusion of favours, the veteran was allowed to return to Shahaji.
In this manner did Shivaji proceed to reduce the numerous hill-forts bordering upon his jahgir and render
his position as secure and impregnable as possible. Upto this period he had had no occasion to court open
hostilities with Bijapur. True indeed, two or three forts, such as those of Torna and Kondana, were seized
directly from the military authorities of the Bijapur government; but they had been taken without shedding
a drop of blood, and there was this excuse in their case, that they lay immediately upon his jahgir estates.
While their maintenance in the highest state of efficiency was naturally more possible from the fact of
their being vested in Shi vaji's hands, and on the retention of them to a great extent depended the
permanent security and tranquillity of his jahgir, the turbulent deshmukhw, or revenue lords, of the
neighbourhood would now be under greater control, and what was of far greater moment, they would no
longer be able to avoid paying their contribution of the government dues. The forts of Chakan, Purandar
and several others had passed under usurping chiefs who defied the government. In reducing these restive
chiefs, Shivaji could maka it appear that he was in reality doing a service to Bijapur. It was therefore
quite natural that the Bijapur government made little of this apparently insignificant movement of Shivaji.
How could they be induced to believe that young and inexperienced as he was, the son of a loyal veteran
like Shahaji could ever lend himself to *he prosecution of any seditious designs against the state ?

His schemes must of necessity, so they thought, be in the interest of the sfoverument. Another circumstance
contri—

buting to the same result was the fact that the reigning Adilshahi sultan ( Mahomed Adil Shaha 1626-56 )
was absorbed in the erection of monumental edifices, the architectural beauties of which still redeem the
ruins of the Bijapur capital. His political programme comprehended the subjugation of the whole of the
Karnatic country, in the prosecution of which enterprise Shahaji had already rendered such splendid
service. The sultan must have thought that to confiscate Shahaji's jahgir and take stringent measures
against young Shivaji's present career would lead to unnecessary irritation and unpleasantness in his
relations with a gallant officer who had already rendered such meritorious service to the state. It is
needless to expatiate at large upon Shivaji** objects and purposes at this btage of his career. Suffice it to
say that he was laying deep the firm foundations of that imperial edifice under whose arch the people of
Maharashtra were able to breathe freely the spirit of liberty and independence. The mountain forts were
the keys that opened up before him the dominion of the surrounding territory. Under the shadow of their
rocky walls, his own realm could thrive in prosperous security, in spite of all the alarms of war.

In this manner Shivaji brought under his rule the whole territory from Chakan fort to the Nira. Each fort
was re-entrenched as it was captured and kept in a state of high efficiency under a garrison of his faithful
Mavalis. The deshmukhs of the districts around paid in their dues of land revenue without a murmur. Tne
revenue system of Dadaji Kondadev was introduced everywhere. Favourable settlements were made with
the ryots, with the result of great regularity in the payment of revenues; and a desire to improve the land
was bred in their minds by reason of the sense of security they began to feel about their estates. Shivaji
actively promoted this instinct for improvement, and bin efforts made him the idol of the people. The
Hindu cultivators in all directions hailed him as an

ideal sovereign. His officers admired his wisdom and sagacity. Admiration and gratitude ripened into a
feeling of reverence. Among the Mavalis this sense of reverence was most intense. They looked upon him
not only as their king, but almost as their father. They were ready to sacrifice their lives for his glory.
They were resolved to carry out his behests, regardless of consequences.
Not less important than the efficient management of his territorial possessions was another part of his
policy, which was the retention in his service and favour of as large « number of followers as possible,
and of men of ability both military and civilian. There was an emulous zeal to join his service. Shivaji
was an extemely good judge of character and ability. He was deft in assigning the right duty to the right
man, and wherever possible this was done by Shivaji in person. He never let slip an opportunity of
extending his patronage to a brave soldier or a capable civil officer. Men of honour and ability swarmed
round him from all parts, and Shivaji left no stone unturned to infuse his own spirit of enthusiasm in them,
and convert them into efficient instruments of the great cause looming before him in the future.

In a short time, he was at the head of ten thousand Mavalis and three thousand horse, including the
scattered cavalry left behind by Shahaji, which was now mustered together. There were civilian officers
deputed by Shahaji and others nominated by Dadaji Kondadev, who still continued under Shivaji and
rendered him every assistance. They were nerved to action and fired with enthusiasm by the exalted spirit
with which they saw their master dash forward for the glorious stake of national independence. They
recognized that talent for enterprise and genius for invention which swayed Shivaji's comparatively
youthful form. They obeyed his least wishes. Shivaji on his part was not slow to honour and appreciate,
where honour and appreciation were due. Acknowledgments of merit and promotion followed in quick
succession. For the

present, Shivaji was resolved that the idea of Swarajya or independence should be commensurate with
the boundaries of his jahgir, and with a view to instil this idea, and as a foretaste of the future, he
appointed Shamraj Nilkant Rajekar (Kanzekar) 1 to the rank and office of Peshwa or prime minister,
Balkrishna Dikshit to that of Muzumdar, (acoun-tant general), Sonopant to that of Dabir (foreign secretary)
and Raghunath Ballal Bokil to that of Sabnis ( paymaster ). Besides these, Yessaji Kunk, Tanaji Malusare
and Baji Fasalkar were appointed to the command of the Mavali troops, Shivaji himself being the
commander-in-chief of his army. The honour of Sirnobut ( marshal of the royal drum) had not yet been
conferred upon any individual, though some chronicles describe the appointment as having been made as
early as this period. 2 In short, though Shivaji's power had not yet extended beyond the natural boundaries
of his jahgir, the foundations were laid and the machinery of self-government was already in motion, to
work with an added impetus, when the outline was more fully filled in and the entire superstructure was
complete in all its parts..

1 The Shivdigvijay gives 1643 as the date of the appointment, and this seems to have been accepted by
Mr. Raj wade; but such an early date does not seem probable. In the bakhar of Chitragupta the name of the
Peshwa is given as Sankraji. Raghunath Ballal Sabnis was probably Raghunath Ballal Korde.

3 According to Sabhasad and Chitragupta, the Maratha commander of the Supa district, Tukoji Ghor, had
the honour of the Sirnobut conferred on him. But the same authorities record a little later that the honour
was conferred upon Mankoji Dahatonde ( alias Dutonde, alias Datavda ).

FOOT XOTE TO PAGE 91:—The passage from Sabhasad referred to by Mr. Rajwade occurs at page 7
of that bakhar. It literally seems to mean that "the Maval deshmukhs were bound and subdued and the
lawless raider? amongst them were killed." But the passage has been differently interpreted, the word
"bound" being interpreted as "bound Co the cause," or "united." The twelve Mavals referred to in the
passage are in the neighbourhood of Poona. They are little valleys generally named after the rivulet
irrigating the mountain declivity in each case. They are (1) Rohid-khore, (2) Velvand, (3) Muse, (4)
Muthe, (5) Jor, (6) Kanad, (7)Shivthar (8) Murrain, (9) Powd, (10) Gunjan, (11) Bhor and (12) Pavan.
There were

similarly other Mavala in the neighbourhood of Junnar, such as Shivner, Bhimner, Ghodner, Parner,
Jamner etc. (Vide Sardesai'a Marathi Riyasat, 1907, p 166). These Mavals have the characteristic suffix
khore or net*. Aa to the fact of Shivaji's seal being found impressed on a document published by Mr. Raj
wade in his volume XV and dated as early as the year 1639 A. D., and the inferences drawn from the date
and the language of the motto of the seal ("This is the seal of Shivaji, the son of Shahaji, whose glory
waxes over the world like the cre&cent glory of the moon") by historians like Messrs. Kincaid and
Sardesai, it seems to us that the use of such a seal even at so early a date cannot be taken per se aa an
evidence of a set purpose to inaugurate an independent kingdom, since it was customary for every
jahgirdar to have his own seal; and the language of the motto might he taken as a piece of conventional
extravagance However it is important in the light of other circumstances as furnishing an index to the
hidden motives in the mind of Shivaji, and possibly also of SLahaji, viz; the irrepressible desire for
jounding aa independent) monarchy. Beyond this there is no warrant to infer that the empire-boilding
actually began as early as 16?9.
CHAPTER VII DEVELOPMENT OF SWARAJYA
IN the last chapter we attempted to trace a faint outline of the pioneer labours of Shivaji as the founder of
a sovereign power. In this chapter we shall follow the further expansion and development of his boldly
conceived plans.

The country enclosing the jahgir domain of Shivaji was, as we have already observed, in the hands of
ambitious nobles, who owed more or less a sort of hereditary allegiance to Bijapur, but for the most part
were engaged in adventurous warfare among themselves. On the southern bank of the Nira, as far to the
east as Shirval and southwards up to the mountains that-skirt the upper courses of the Krishna, a petty
deshmukh of the Maval regions. Bandal by name, held despotic sway. His headquarters were the fort of
Rohida. He harboured an ancient grudge against Shivaji and envied his rise. He always maintained the
defences of his fortress in a condition of high efficiency and had a strong garrison. When fort after fort fell
before Shivaji in his victorious career, Bandal was resolved that his fort at any rate should form an
exception. He looked moreover with greedy eyes upon the fair fields around the fort of Purandar. When
Purandar was surrendered to Shivaji, Bandal was naturally all the more anxious for the safety of his fort.

The uplands of the western ghats, from the Krishna to the Warna, acknowledged the' rule of Rajah
Chandrarao Mo/e. Javli was the head quarters of this chief and the fortress of Hashamgad was in his
power. Shivaji's arts of conciliation were not likely to succeed with him. With his large feudal forces he
defied everybody.

Wai was under a mokassadar of the Bijapur government, who also had Pandavga.i, Kamalgad and other
forts tinder him. Another great Mahomedan officer had charge of Kolhapur and the important fort of
Panhalla in its neighbourhood.

Kalyan had once been under the Nizamshahi kings of Abimednagar. By the treaty made with the Moguls in
1636, Bijapur had acquired possession of this strategical position. The district was divided into two parts
and administered by separate officers. The northern half extending from Kalyan-Bhiwandi to Nagotna was
under a Mahomedan noble of high family, Mullana Ahmed by name, whose headquarters were at Kalyan-
Bhiwandi. This was an extensive tract of land and comprised many of the hill forts on the ghats and the
lowlands beneath. These fortresses were as a rule rarely kept in an efficient condition. The southern half
of the province was under the sway of an Abyssinian nobleman. It was, indeed, in some sort, a jahgir
which his Abyssinian forefathers had enjoyed from the Nizamshahi government, in acknowledgment of the
services of the naval contingent maintained by them for the defence of the commerce on the western sea
and the conveyance of Mecca pilgrims to and from the Red Sea. Not that it was a hereditary jahgir in its
origin. The best naval officer of the Abyssinian corps in the service of the Nizamshahi state generally
enjoyed this jahgir with the style and title of vizier. This high admiral had a staff of officers and sailors,
who were generally of Abyssinian origin. Thus it came to pass that in course of time there arose a small
but powerful colony of these Abyssinians on the Konkan littoral. The headquarters of the Abyssinian
naval squadron was Daiida-Rajpari. There was a little island off this harbour, which was strongly
fortified. This island became famous under the name of Janjira. At the time under review Fatteh Khan was
the high admiral of the Abyssinian corps. He had many forts under him, the principal of which were those
of Tala, Ghosala and Rairi. These forts were all in charge of Maratha officers.

The Bijapur government had for a long time ruled over parts of the Konkan. That government had ceded
considerable districts in jahgir to the deshmukhs of the

Deccan and the jahgirs had been handed down from father to son. They absorbed the major part of the
revenue among themselves. The chief command of the harbour towns of Dabhol (Dabul), Anjenwel,
Ratnagiri and Rajapur was however 8till centred in the hands of government officers, who collected the
revenue in the surrounding territory. Predominant over the rest of these deshmukhs was the Sawant family
of Wadi. This Deshmukh was virtually master of the mountainous regions on the frontiers of Goa, which
owned the rule of the Portuguese. Next in power under Sawant was Surve, the deshmukh of Shringarpur. 1
On account of the isolated state of their jahgir the Surves were comparatively independent like the Mores
of Javli.

Such was the political condition of the neighbouring jahgirs and fiefs, when Shivaji launched forth upon
his venturous enterprise of enlarging his dominions, and under the circumstances it was perfectly natural
that % he should direct his first energies against these fief-holders. As for the ghat-matha regions and the
lowlands beneath, Shivaji was already, thanks to the co-operation of his Mavali friends, in full
possession of all the requisite information and had made the deshmukhs his own. For a similar purpose in
order to sound the views of the Konkan deshmukhs and governors of forts, as also to make
reconnaissances in that region and announce his general intention of declaring his independence of the
Mahomedan government, Shivaji despatched Brahman and Prabhu officers of acknowledged merit as
diplomats. They traversed the Konkan in its various parts and conciliated the sympathy and adherence of
several deshmukhs and Maratha nobles.

Shivaji had by this time a very large following and several more were ready to throw in their lot with
him. The difficulty was how to maintain this steadily growing number of followers. The revenues
accruing from the terri—

A Grant Duff gives Dalvi as the family name of this chief. Chietni, Sabhasad and Chitragupba style him
Surve. We think Surve was the cognomen and Dalvi an agnomen of this family.

tory already in his possession fell far short of his growing requirements. Prompt payment is the secret of
military obedience. A large increase of cavalry und infantry was a sine qua non to the enterprise he had
entered upon. The forts recently captured entailed a vast expenditure for their defence, while their safety
from future assault on the part of the enemy depended on a large supply of food and provisions being
constantly maintained for the emergencies of war. All this meant monwy, and it was essential that the
scarcity of specie should no longer come in the way of his aspirations. Shivaji therefore set about to
procure money. He commenced to borrow on a large scale from wealthy capitalists, and against those,
who would not willingly part with their gold, compulsion was resorted to. There is no denying the fact
that there was a grave injustice in (his. But Sbivaji believed that the great cause he had embai ked upon
was to the advantage of all and rendered imperative a large accumulation of capital.

While in this anxiety he received news that Mullana Ahmed, the subhedar of Kalyan, was forwarding a
large sum of money to the Bijapur government by way of Wai, through the Konkan. Resolved to intercept
this prejious treasure and divert it to his own ambitious purposes, Shivaji set off with 30 horse and the
flower of his Mavali infantry and falling upon the convoying party dispensed them in no time, transferring
the precious treasure immediately to the fort of Rajgnd. 1 The con voting force deputed by the subhedar
was by no means contemptible, for lha subhedar had every reason to fear the emergency of the treasure
being cut off by Shivaji or the marauding chiefs of the neighbourhood. In the contest that ensued, Shivaji
lost about ten of his followers and had something like 25 men wounded. On Mullana's side about 25 were
killed and a hundred wounded. With nis wonted liberality, Shivaji rewarded the gallant soldiers who had
rendered him this

1 According to the Shivdigvijay the convoy waa looted by Yessaji Kunk and Tanaji Malusare under
ohivaji'a orders.

•useful service and devised means for the maintenance of the families of those who were killed or
wounded. This fresh proof of his liberality still further enhanced his popularity.

This event was followed by the outbreak of open hostilities with Mullana. Abaji Sondev who was
despatched against him captured Kalyan by a surprise attack, seizing all its forts, and taking . Mullana
prisoner. No sooner did Shivaji hear the joyful news than he proceeded in person to Kalyan, and
liberating Mullana sent him with all honour to Bijapur. Now in the assault on the fort, Abaji had seized
upon the daughter-in-law of Mullana. 1 Abaji informed Shivaji that he had made prisoner a woman of
distinguished beauty and prayed that Shivaji might accept her as a fit person for his zenana. Shivaji bade
him introduce her in open durbar; and when the beautiful lady was introduced, apparelled in the loveliest
raiment, Shivaji smiled and exclaimed, " Would that my mother had equalled her in beauty, for then he
who was born of. her might have been as beautiful!" These words caused great amazement in the
assembly. To those gathered there such self-restraint appeared truly marvellous. Shivaji continued his
speech: "It is written that he who hankers after victory, should beware of love's meshes and other people's
women. It was this which brought low the proudest towers of strength like Kavana of Lanka. What then of
poor mortals like ourselves ? Let the king look upon all persons as his children/' These words of wisdom
created a great impression upon the assembly. No circumstance could have stamped more vividly upon
their minds an idea of tne • magnanimity and high worth of their master. The truth dawned upon their
minds that they had to deal with a man whose rectitude would never swerve an inch, and in whose service
no act of iniquity on the part of his followers would ever find countenance. Shivaji treated the lady with
great

1 The version of the Shivdigvijay is that she was a daughter o£ Mullana and had been openly made over
to Abaji by her father for a sum of money. The text follows Chitnis, page 34, which is corroborated by
the> Tarikh-i-Shivaji, page 14 (a)

L.S. 9.

consideration, presented her with ornaments and robes of honour befitting her dignity, and sent her with a
proper escort to her father-in-law at Bijapur.

Abaji Sondev having earned the grateful acknowledgment of his generous master for the conquest of
Kalyan was rewarded with the governorship of that important province. The reformed system of revenue
was speedily introduced here, and the ryots oppressed under Mahomedan misrule now breathed a new
atmosphere of hope and confidence. The old village organizations and institutions that had disappeared
during years of confusion and anarchy were revived. The annual grants once conceded to temples and
Brahmans were restored, and those which had remained despite the adverse circumstances were
confirmed. The poor Hindu subjects were gratified at this beneficent and auspicious commencement of
Shivaji's regime, and his fame as a merciful and benignant ruler spread far and wide.

This was the beginning of Shivaji's great triumphs. A spirit of noble exaltation and emulation now entirely
possessed the hearts of his followers. .Mullaua having been so cheaply got out of the way, Shivaji's
further career was signalized by the capture of fort after fort. The officers of the different forts were won
over where possible; if they proved obstinate in tKeir opposition, a surprise attack followed, leading
inevitably to the capture of the fort. The Mavalis and warrior chiefs under Shivaji were as a rule armed
with full information concerning the intricacies and vulnerable points of the different fortresses, and
where this information was lacking, it could be procured from local experts. The sentinel guards of the
hill-forts could be corrupted where other means failed, or the local contractors of supply outside the fort,
who undertook to provide the thatching and roof-material against the expected monsoon for the buildings
within, could be won over to the side of the assailants against the garrison who employed them. In this
manner Shivaji's warriors could enter a fort, carrying on their heads bundles of hay, under which their

swords were concealed, and with the assistance of the sentinels who were already in the secret, they
could make an onslaught on the rest and conquer the fort. By this plan of operations, the forts of Kangari,
Tung, Tikoni, Lohgad. Rajmachi, Kuwari, Bborup, Ghangad, Kelna, Mahuli and others were captured.
The deshmukhs in this territory who were a perennial source of oppression tc the ryots were reduced to
allegiance, either by conciliation or by force, and the Maval region was delivered finally from their
tyranny. The Hindu population of these districts hailed with delight the advent of a capable Hindu ruler,
who put an end to the rule of Islam and the reign of terror and license that had accompanied it. They had a
foretaste of freedom under Shivaji's banner and rejoiced in the unrestrained exercise of their religious
rites.

The Hindu inhabitants of the southern half of the province of Kalyan which was under their Abyssinian
ruler now envied the happier lot of their brethren in the northern half of the province. There were at the
time two Maratha officers of the rank of Jamedar, Sodawlekar and Kodaw-lekar, in the Abyssinian
service. They sent word to Shivaji that they were quite tired of their dependence on their Abyssinian
oppressors and undertook to give over the fortresses of Tala and Ghosala to Shivaji, should he be pleased
to make an expedition into the Konkan. They held out the prospect of a large accession of territory with
the conquest of these forts and the secession of a large number of Maratha combatants from the service of
the Abyssinians. Under the-e favourable auspices, Shivaji turned his attention in that direction, with the
result that the fortresses above mentioned fell before him. With them was conquered the neighbouring fort
of Surgad and the lowlands commanded by its guns. It was however difficult to maintain his firm hold
over this conquest, for the Sidi or Abyssinian ruler was a powerful chief. On this account, Shivaji erected
new fortifications, the chief of which was at Birwadi, uponaspot prospected for the purpose. The
fortifications of Rairi were

i!6 - LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

also strengthened, and the fort of Lingana was built thereupon. This fort was afterwards further entrenched
and became famous under the name of Baigad. In all these forts Shivaji maintained his own garrisons.

It was in this campaign that Shivaji obtained his famous sword Bhavani. As Shivaji was returning from a
visit to the temple of Harihareshwar, he was told that there was a famous long sword worth 300 hons (
pagodas ) with a chief, Gowalkar Sawant by name. It was suggested to Shivaji that he should wrest this
sword by force. Shivaji's -reply was characteristic. He said, "A brave man should never covet what
belongs to another. You will remember the puranic legend about that precious stone called the
Syamantmani. The feuds that arose from the theft of that diamond required all the energies of the Lord Shri
Krishna to settle. We poor mortals had better not raise such storms for trifles.' Impressed by his austere
attitude his people kept silence. Now while these conversations were going on in Shivaji's camp, the
Sawant received independent advice from his ministers to seize the opportunity for conciliating Shivaji
and seal the compact of amity by making him present of the precious sword. The Sawant saw the wisdom
of this proposal and seeking an interview with Shivaji presented him with the sword. Shivaji was highly
gratified with the gift and in return presented to the Sawant, as an earnest of his good will, a purse of 300
hons and a robe of honour, and also received him into his service. Shivaji, it may be said without
exaggeration, simply adored this «word. He never started on an expedition without it. He gave it the name
of his tutelary deity Bhavani. From the time of the acquisition of this sword, he never knew defeat in any
campaign. This he attributed to the sword, and he loved and adored it as something divine. During :he
nine days preceding the Dasara, dedicated to the worship of the goddess Bhawani, he placed the sword
on the consecrated altar next to the image of the goddess and worshipped it as a visible favour from
Heaven. On the

DEVELOPMENT OF SWABAJYA HI

tenth day, the auspicious festal day of the Dasara, he used to take it up devoutly from the altar and with
this Bhavani blade in his hand set out upon his campaign.

In the course of the Konkan campaign, Shivaji attacked Rajapur. This was a town under the Abyssinians.
Shivaji established a strict blockade and prepared to pillage the town. On the other hand the kamavisdar
or civil commissioner in charge of the town made some show of resistance, but being thoroughly worsted
had finally to yield. Shivaji levied contributions from the rich merchants and wealthy citizens of the town.
But no material wealth Shivaji found in this town could compare with that sterling specimen of humanity,
the loyal Balaji Avji, whose accession to Shivaji's side dates from this expedition against Rajapur. The
father of Balaji Avji was Abaji Hari Chitre, once a de-wan or minister under the Abyssinian chief. In a fit
of passion occasioned by a trifling offence the Abyssinian put Abaji Hari and his brother to death and
ordered the women and children in their family to be transported to Muscat and sold into slavery. This
dire sentence was on the point of being executed. However, Abaji's wife, the mother of Balaji, was a
woman of remarkable prudence and sagacity. She won over the sailors of the ship which was destined for
Muscat and induced them to take them to Rajapur and in the mart of that town sell them as slaves. At
Rajapur was her brother, Visaji Shankar, a merchant of great local influence. Yisaji bought them without
letting the sailors know that they were his relations. The eldest son of this lady was Balaji and the other
two were Chimnaji and Shamji. Visaji gave a good education to these three children. Balaji was a karkun
or clerk under a revenue officer in charge of a kasha. On hearing the news of Shivaji's arrival in the
Konkan, he wrote to him detailing the tragic misfortunes of his family. Shivaji was filled with admiration
at Balaji's hand-writing as exhibited in that letter and wrote in reply that he would with pleasure entertain
Balaji as a karkun in his service

Upon this Balaji replied that he laboured under considerable obligations to his uncle and until that debt
was cleared he could not think of joining Shivaji. On Shivaji's arrival at Rajapur he inquired after Balaji
Avji and ordered him to be brought into his presence. Balaji was accordingly brought before Shivaji.
Balaji's mother, unable to conjecture the cause, was filled with terror and came with maternal solicitude
before the conqueror, prostrating herself before him and narrating the tragedy of her life. Shivaji was
overwhelmed 7?ith deep emotion at the recital of this narrative, so full of pathos, called up her two
younger sons, and gave her an assurance as to their safety, entreating her to look upon himself as a fourth
son, and to send them all to try their fortunes in his service. The good opinion that Shivaji had formed
about Balaji from his hand-writing was greatly heightened by the personal interview. Pleased with his
brilliant talents and the honourable precedents of his family he appointed Balaji to the post of Ghitnis or
Private Secretary. Chimnaji being versed in accounts was appointed to the Audit Department, and the
youngest of the three, Shamji, was placed in charge of the stores at fort Raigad.

Balaji Avji was in the highest favour with Shivaji. He was the first person in his confidence and the
repository of the most secret of his plans. This confidence was the well-merited reward of his
unimpeachable loyalty and uprightness. Despatches of the greatest consequence and significance passed
through his hands. Possessed of great activity of mind and considerable literary ability,he could at once
grasp the vaguest thoughts floating in the mind of his royal master and express them with a lucidity,
apposite-ness and precision that was simply astonishing. An anecdote told about him, whether true or
false, is very characteristic of the man. In the course of a busy campaign he had received orders from
Shivaji to write despatches on gome affair of moment. Balaji's time was somehow occupied with other
urgent affairs, and until night-fall he

found no leisure to carry out the mandate. At night Shivaji summoned him to hia presence and inquired
whether the despatches were ready. Balaji was in great perplexity. He was quite aware that if he were to
confess his fault., Shivaji would make an example of him for inadvertence and negligence as regards his
express orders. He thought he must somehow tide over the present difficulty, and without any sign of
dismay replied in the affirmative. Shivaji's next order was that he should read it aloud. Balaji opened his
desk and, taking out a blank piece of paper, pretended to read out the despatch from the blank paper, and
he did this without halting or stammering for a word. Shivaji was pleased with the supposed despatch and
praised him for the deftness and skill with -which he supposed him to have executed it. But this was too
much for the torch-bearer who was holding up the light on the paper. He burst into a fit of laughter, and on
Shivaji's inquiring the cause, he let the cat out of the bag. Balaji had to confess his fault and explain how
he had no leisure to write out the despatches. Gratified with the marvellous proof of Balaji's powers of
memory, Shivaji for once excused this dereliction on the part of his trusty secretary.

FOOT NOTB to page 116:—The Bhawani was a "firemg" i. e. a sword of European (Portuguese or
Spanish) make. It was a Jong straight-bladed. word, probably from the famous armoury of Toledo in
Spain.
CHAPTER VIII SHAHAJI ENTRAPPED
THE disturbances caused by Shivaji in the Bijaput territory had been overlooked for two or three years;
but the Kalyan affair was the last straw, and even that apathetic and indulgent government had now to
bestir itself. For the plunder of the royal treasure on the way to the capital, the conquest of Kaiyan and the
outlying forts, and the rumours that were now bruited abroad about Shivaji's future projects had caused
great consternation and raised an out-cry against the lethargy of the government. The sultan^ Mahomed
Adil Shaha, hastened to the wrong conclusion that the master mind of Shahaji must be at. the bottom of this
affair. Nor was this suspicion quite unreasonable. On the retirement of Randulla Khan from the Karnatic,
Shahaji had succeeded to the government of that province, and having in a short time won popularity and
affection from the grateful population both by his conciliatory spirit and consummate statesmanship, as
described in the second chapter, he was now half way towards the establishment of an independent
sovereignty, under nominal allegiance to the Adil Shahi dynasty. Added to this was the fact that the
country which was the scene of Shivaji's incipient activities was one which in quite recent times had
owned the practically absolute authority of Shahaji. It was natural under these circumstances that
Mahomed Adil Shaha should have jumped to the conclusion that Shahaji was the real author and inspirer
of his son's rebellion.

But for a time the Adil Shahi sultan could do nothing more than nurse his suspicion in secret. To declare
open hostilities against Shahaji was really not in his power; but to despatch a sufficient force against
Shivaji was under the circumstances quite as inexpedient. Such an overt act of hostility against his son
might possibly precipitate th<* growing ambition of Shahaji into active defiance, and Shahaji's defiance
might, between the Mogul on the north and

the rebellious chieftains in the south, jeopardize the very foundations of the Adil Shahi empire. The sultan
therefore decided that the only way open to him was to make peaceful overtures to his powerful vassal
and pointed out to Shahaji how regrettable it was that the son of a loyal vassal like him should turn traitor,
fall upon the sultan's forts all round his jahgir in Poona, and end with the atrocious seizure of Kalyan. He
enjoined him in his own interest to see to it that Shivaji was adequately chastised for such rebellious
conduct and compelled to give up h,is marauding career and make submission as became a loyal citizen
and vassal of the Adil Shahi state. This injunction culminated in threats of reprisals against Shahaji in
person and his son, and a hint that if Shahaji was not able to manage his son, he should hand him over to
the Bijapur government.

Shahaji replied that Shivaji was no longer in his power. He was not responsible for his evil ways. He
was himself a loyal servant of the state and had no art or part in Shivaji's doings. Should any direct charge
be made against him, he would come to the sultan's presence to answer in person. It was open to His
Majesty to move hi& forces against Shivaji, put him under arrest or wreak his royal will in any manner
upon him. He would not oppose it. It was for His Majesty to reduce Shivaji to allegiance, and he had
nothing more to say on the subject. Such was the tenDr of Shahaji'a reply, but it brought no conviction to
the sultan's distrustful mind. He sent secret despatches to Baji Ghorpade of Mudhol to procure the arrest
of Shahaji by stratagem. Only thus he thought he could bend Shivaji to his will.

Such is the traditional account of the cause of Shahaji's incarceration as handed down to posterity by
Chitnis and other Marathi chronicles, and as accepted by all leading historians from Grant Duff to
Kincaid. But the Jedhe chronology (page 179) says with characteristic brevity that Shahaji was arrested
near Jinji, along with the

Mavali deshmukh Kanoji Naik Jedhe o£ Bohida by Mustapha Khan. The Basatin-i-Salatin states that
Shahaji was arrested by Baji Ghorpade and Yeshwant Rao Asad-Khani by treachery under orders from
Musbapha Khan for disobedience. It would seem from these authorities that the neighbourhood of Jinji
was the scene of the arrest and that Mustapha was in authority, and got Baji Ghorpade to arrest Shahaji for
non-compliance with his orders. Prof. Jadunath Sarkar quotes a Bijapur chronicle, the Muhammadnamah (
pp. 371-372 ) to show that Mustapha was the Adil Shahi commander-in-chief in the south and that Shahaji
was in charge of siege-operations around Jinji. Shahaji wanted to retire to his own country leaving the
siege-works incomplete and said he would do so without writing for permission, when Mustapha got him
arrested and had him sent to Bijapur. As will be seen from a foot-note at page 47 in the second chapter,
this version is also followed by Modak in hin History of the Adil Shahi Dynasty (Marathi). Modak
constantly copies the Basatin-i-Salatin and the Adil Shahi chronicles like the Muhammadnamah. But the
Jedhe chronology is an altogether independent piece of evidence. However if Baji Ghorpade acted
treacherously upon the orders of Mustapha Khan, it is just possible that the latter acted upon the orders of
the sultan.

Whatever the original reason for the arrest of Shahaji might have been, the sultan treated the captive as a
hostage for the submission of his son. Naturally, therefore, have the Marathi chronicles represented the
whole event in this light Incidentally it may be remarked that here is presented to us an array of facts that
establishes beyond doubt the attitude of Shahaji as regards the movement his great son had entered upon.
There is first the presence of Mavali chiefs in Shahaji's camp. There is the fact that at this particular time
of his career Shahaji wanted to retire to his country in. defiance of orders from his superiors. There is
lastly the fact that immediately after his liberation he

'bound the Jedhe family ( Vide Jedhe chronology, pp. 179-180 ) by solemn oaths to serve Shivaji in all his
wars, even against the Mogul and the Adil Shahi armies.

How Ghorpade effected his treacherous object has already been described in the second chapter. Shahaji
was 'brought to Bijapur and enjoined to put a stop to Shi vaji's rebellious acts. Other nobles of the court
were asked to exhort Shabaji to the same purpose. But to all of them Shahaji returned a reply in the same
strain as before. At length the sultan compelled Shahaji to compose in his royal presence an urgent letter
to Shivaji, calling upon him to come straightway to' Bijapur and make a complete restitution of all forts
and territories seized from the government, and apprising him of the forlorn condition to which he had
been reduced by Shivaji's disobedience.

The receipt of this letter and paternal mandate presented a great dilemma before Shivaji's mind. On the
one hand it was unfilial to disobey his father and desert him in the perilous situation in which he found
himself. On the other hand obedience to his father's command meant disgrace, forfeiture and surrender. To
surrender the hard-won forts and territories, to declare submission and vassalage tD the Mahomedan
despots of the Deccan, to leave his great designs half-executed were proposals from which his nobler
instincts recoiled. And what could he gain in exchange ? That, the hatred of which had been the main
spring of all his actions, a state of sordid and servile dependence upon the powers of Islam! In this
disconsolate frame of mind he was observed by his wife, Sayibai, who inquiring into the cause and
learning the reason, replied to Shivaji's request for advice that it was not for a woman to advise in affairs
of such moment, that Shivaji indeed had

• captains and ministers more qualified to give an opinion, but so far as her home-spun wit as a simple
woman went» she thought it nobler to pursue the great design of liberty and independence and freedom of
worship. She asked

) him to act with unshaken faith in Providence ; that pri-

vate affections must give place to political forces; and that; Sbahaji himself would have applauded such a
plan, were he not an exile on foreign soil This was some re-assurance to Shivaji's perplexed mind. His
mother, ministers and officers concurred in this line of reasoning. Strengthened by these re-assurances
Shivaji replied to Shahaji's letter that his coming in person to Bijapur would serve no useful purpose and
he was not prepared to surrender the conquests he had made. They must follow-the father and the son -the
divergent lines of fortune ordained for them by inevitable destiny.

This letter was submitted by Shahaji to the Adil Shah; sultan, with fresh importunities that he might be
now set at liberty, and that the sultan might take such action against Shivaji as he deemed proper. But the
sultan was not satisfied with these representations of Shahaji and persisted in the belief that Shahaji was
the secret instigator of his son's rebellion. He thought that the direst punishment in his power must be
inflicted to curb his obstinacy. The sultan ordered a wall to be built with a stone niche just large enough to
accommodate a person seated. Shahaji was confined in this niche, which was all but built in, except for a
single opening, and he was threatened that even this opening would be permanently closed in with
masonry, if Shivaji did not make his submission within a given time. Twice during the day he was
released for a few minutes from the niche and again confined in that living tomb.

The news of this horrible punishment inflicted upon his father by the enraged sultan came to Shivaji's ears
and filled him with sorrow. The thought that the impending death of his father should be due to his acts
was most maddening! His high ambition and enterprise ha d thus far not provoked any censure from his
father, and this he had so long interpreted as a mark of his acquiescence and even of his approval.
Inspired by this silent sympathy and approbation, he had zealously carried forward his designs, never
dreaming they would lead him to suck

a tragic issue. For he was sure of the great prestige of -iis father in the Karnatic and never imagined that
he would ever be at the sultan's mercy. The treachery of Ghorpade had led to this unexpected denouement.

It is critical occasions like these that test the mettle of a truly heroic spirit. The crisis brought forth the
most eminent qualities of Shivaji's character. His unswerving filial devotion was in the first instance put
to a glorious proof. Had he been merely selfish and greedy of power, he might have recked little of the
safety of his father. For in the very age in which Shivaji lived, Aurangzeb waa soon to exchange' a father's
love for a throne. Had Shivaji been governed by a similar strain of ambition, why think of voluntarily
surrendering a power and sovereignty built up with such patient toil from the debris of an alien empire,
merely to rescue his father from his impending fate ? But Shivaji was not a man of such sordid ambition.
Another great virtue of Shivaji that was tried on this occasion was his iron determination not to leave half
done what he had so well begun, for all the dangers and obstacles in his way. His filial duty and
affections and his ambitious labours for the political emancipation of his countrymen now seemed to be at
cross purposes. One seemed to demand the sacrifice of the other. It was left to Shivaji's statesmanship and
resourcefulness to steer straight between Scylla and Charybdis, without the least detriment to his ambition
or the pious affection due to his father.

Up to this time Shivaji had maintained the most friendly relations with the Moguls. One obvious reason
for this was the fact that it was highly inexpedient to be at war simultaneously with two Mahomedan
powers. Besides the provinces on the Mogul frontier were well-secured and iortified. The Mogul
emperor himself must have thought fit in the interest of expediency to have friendly relations with Shahaji,
of whose valour he had a foretaste, and with his son Shivaji. Lastly Shivaji must have looked upon

this power as an asylum in reserve for any extreme emergency.

Apprised of the intentions of the Moguls with regard to the Deccan powers, Shi vaji saw that the temper
of the Mogul emperor was such that any aid he might solicit against Bijapur would be granted without
demur. With this knowledge of the currents of political thought, Shivaji decided to assume a supplicatory
attitude towards the padi shah, invoking his patronage and instant aid against the danger Shahaji ran of
being immured in the fortress wall, and offering, both for himself and Shahaji, to enter inta the Mogul
service. Shivaji petitioned that the part Shahaji had formerly played in arresting the onward march of the
Mogul standards in the Deccan might be generously forgiven and urged that in saving the life of such a
distinguished general the emperor would strengthen the foundations of the Mogul power in the Deccan and
couid count upon the grateful assistance of Shahaji and himself. Shahajahan had personal proofs of
Shahaji's dash and daring and from time to time had heard favourable reports of Shi vaji's valorous
enterprise. Such towers of strength he thought he could not afford to despise in his future plans against
Bijapur and Golconda. With these views, he graciously complied with. Shivaji's request. 1

The Emperor Shahajahan accordingly sent peremptory orders to the Bijapur durbar that the Rajah Shahaji
Bhonsle be immediately set at liberty. 3 Shivaji was informed that

did nob negotiate directly with the emperor at Agra, bub •with his son Prince Murad, governor of the
Deccan. This ia amply borne out by the Parasnis MS. and Appendix A at page 149 of Mr Kincaid's
history, where by a strange mistake a letter under the seal of Murad is described as Shahajahan'a letter to
Shahaji. From one of the letters of the Mogul authorities it is clear that Snivaji sent Kagho Pandit i
probably Raghunatb Ballal Korde) to treat about the restoration of the deshmukh rights over Junnar and
Sangamner which had been formerly granted to Shahaji v Vide note oh page 2V, Chapter II).

2 Prof. tSarkar thinks that notwithstanding these Mogul promises the Mogul government did not probably
in the end actually intercede for tihahaji.

the imperial court had forgiven Shahaji's pa8t offences and were prepared to admit him again to military
service under the empire, and as to Shi vaji himself they were prepared to grant him a mansab or
command of 5000 horse. The Adil Shahi sultan dared not despise the peremptory mandate of the Mogul.
The tenure of his power was precarious and depended on a recent treaty between himself and the Moguls.
In displeasing the latter power, he was sure to incur the gravest, risks to his independence. Shahaji was,
therefore, released on his giving sureties for his loyalty in the future, but he WHS oriered to remain at
Bijapur as it were on parole. 1 This event took place in 1649. For four years thereafter Shahaji remained
in enforced inaction at Bijapur. He tried every expedient to get permission to march to the Karnatic, and
his friends tried to intercede for him, but the sultan was inexorable. At length after four years when it
became obvious that the slackening of government control in the absence of the powerful grip of Shahaji
had encouraged all the elements of anarchy and unrest in the province of the Karnatic to come to a head,
and it was felt that none but a brave and experienced commander like him could be safely trusted to deal
with the rebellious naiks and deshmukhs of the south, he again received orders to march to the scene of his
power and greatness. But before proceeding southwards he was compelled to pledge his word that he
would in no way molest the treacherous Ghorpade of Mudhol or his jahgir. The sultan did not content
himself with this promise; but further to reconcile them to each other and induce them
1 borne of the bakhars attribute tbe credit of Shahaji's eliverance to the intercessory aid of his friends
Randulla Khan and AJurarpaufc. It is said that these veteran ministers represented to the sultan that the
cruel execution of such a tried and experienced commander would redound to the discredit of the state
and cause disaffection among the sultan's vajsals. There is no ground to believe such a story, for both
these ministers seem to have been dead by this time. The tradition of the strange device by •which
Randulla Khan attempted to intercede for his friend ia referred to in a foot-note in the second chapter.
Prof. Jadunath Sarkar ia inclined to think that Malhar Kamrao Chitnis ia right when he ascribes the
release of ji to the mediation of Kandulla Khan.

to let bygones be bygones, he got them to make an exchange of their inam and jahgir lands. In accordance
with the terms of this exchange, the Ghorpade gave to Shahaji all his jahgir in the Karnatic and received
from him all his rights and titles in the district of Karhad.

But Shahaji did not bury the past in oblivion. No sooner did he reach the Karnatic than he sent word to
Shivaji that as a true son of Shahaji it was left to him _io wreak vengeance on Baji Ghorpade. In fact this
was an unnecessary spur to a willing horse. Shivaji hated the Ghorpade with more than a mortal hate and
was only waiting for an opportunity to avenge on him his dastardly conduct towards his father. But he had
to wait for nearly eight or nine years for this consummation of his wishes. About 1661, the chiefs of
Sawantwadi, Khem Sawant Desai and Lakham Sawant Desai, called for the help of Bijapur against
Shivaji, and upon that occasion the services of Baji Ghorpade were lent to them by the Bijapur
government. Ghorpade marched from Bijapur into the Konkan at tha head of his forces, but before
descending to the sea-board he paid a visit to his jahgir town of Mudhol. No sooner did Shivaji hear
tidings of these movements of Baji Ghorpade than he swooped down from Vishalgad and by forced
marches suddenly presented himself before Mudhol. A desperate encounter took place between Shivaji's
and Ghorpade's forces and in the melee Ghorpade was slain. Mudhol was laid waste with fire and sword.
All the kith and kin of Ghorpade perished or were seized and executed. The massacre is said to have
reached three thousand. 1 Never before or since did such cruelty stain Shivaji's wars. Savage as the
punishment meted to the

1 A son of Baji Ghorpade, named Maloji, managed to make his escape during this crisis. This Maloji
afterwards rose to great eminence and succeeded to the paternal jahgir. At a subsequent date Shivaji
attempted to conciliate him and in a letter addressed from Bhaganagar ( Hyderabad) made overtures to
him to unite with the Bhonsle power and jointly turn the scale against the Mahomedans. But Maloji
remained obdurate and to the end served his Adilshahi sultan.

SHAHAJI ENTRAPS D \29

Ghorpade family was, it illustrates the price Shivaji considered must be paid for the treachery which had
all but extinguished before its time the glorious career of Shahaji. It illustrates above all his keen sense of
filial duty. 1

During the period of five years, 1649 to 1653, when Shahaji was at Bijapur on parole, Shivaji abstained
strictly from any act of hostility against Bijapur, Nor was it possible for him to take the offensive against
the Moguls, whose friendship had so recently stood him in such good stead, and an estrangement with
whom was again likely to endanger the life of Shahaji. He had indeed to congratulate himself that the
Bijapur Government was so far cowed by the threat of Mogul intervention that they did not insist on his
surrendering the conquered forts and provinces as they might have done by fresh threats to Shahaji. who,
while he lived on parole at Bijapur, had constantly this sword of Damocles hanging over his head. Shivaji
turned this period of enforced quietude to good account, overhauling the conquered fortresses and
completing the revenue settlements in his new provinces. The Bijapur government seems at this period to
have been under the impression that any further protests against Shivaji would directly have the effect of
making him throw in his lot with the Moguls and with their active support or connivance renew his
depredations upon their territory on a still more extended scale.

From a letter of Shivaji to his father ( Vido Kincaid voJ i, it would seem that the latter gave a clear
mandate for vengean againsb Baji Ghotpade. It was Shahaji himself who informed Shivaji about the
proposed movement of Baji Ghorpade to carry succour to Lakham Sawanto and Khem Sawant of Wadi.

CHAPTER IX KELATIONS WITH THE MOGULS. 1650-57

THE alliance between Shivaji and the Moguls wag-destined to be a deceptive move in Shivaji's game of
politics. By this diplomatic stroke he had cut a gordian knot which might have proved too serious for the
resourcefulness of any statesman of the time. His readiness to enter the Mogul service was a feint that had
deceived both the Bijapur and the Mogul governments. In reality he desired nothing of the kind. When the
deliverance of his father vras once achieved, his ardour for the Mogul service at once cooled. While
tempting the Padishaha with this offer, he •was resolved to remain true to the vow of his earliest youth:
never to do service to a Mahomedan ruler whatever the gains or emoluments.

But Shahajahan, through his viceroy, Prince Murad, continued his demands that Shivaji should according
to the terms of his promise enter the Mogul service and receive a mansab or command in the military
forces of the empire. Shivaji met these proposals with great tact. He sent an envoy to the imperial
governor, Prince Murad, alleging that his family possessed the hereditary rights of sirdeshmukh over the
provinces of Junnar and Ahmednagar, but for some time these dues had been withheld from them. He
should, therefore, be restored to the enjoyment of his family rights over these provinces. 1 Shahajahan did
not acknowledge these demands at the time, but replied that when Shivaji came to the imperial court his
rights would, be duly considered. In this manner Shivaji put off to a future date the question of entering
into the service of the empire.

In 1657 Shahajahan deputed his son Aurangzeb and the experienced general Mir Jumla to lead an army
against

1 Vide Parasnia'a MS, and Kincaid, Appendix B. page 149, where Murad acknowledges the demands of
Shivaji made through. his envoy Ragho Pandit (Raghunath Ballal Korde (?) and replies that the same
would be considered when he reached the royal camp in person.

Bijapur for the express purpose of conquering and annexing that kingdom. They carried in rapid
succession the barrier forts on the frontiers of that kingdom, such a» Kalyani, Bedar and others. Shivaji,
ever watchful for the preservation of his interests, wrote to Aurangzeb that he owed service to the head of
the empire and was prepared to render all possible assistance to the Mogul generals in their present
campaign, on condition that the secure possession of the Bijapur forts and territories already under his
power was assured to him. He on his part would be quite willing to co-operate with the Mogul forces in
the conquest of Dabhol and other positions on the Konkan sea-board. It was quite in the nature of things
that the imperial commander knowing Shivaji's worth should close with this proposal. Aurangzeb assured
Shivaji that ho did not meditate any interference with the Bijapur territories already under his sway and
informed him that he should by all means turn his victorious arms to the Bijapur possessions in the
Konkan lowlands. 1657 A.D. 1
Such was the purport of Auragzeb's letter to Shivaji. Aurangzeb seems to have been anxious to have a
personal conference with Shivaji and urge upon him the expediency of his making common cause with the
Moguls against Bijapur and the numerous benefits that might accrue to him from such an alliance.
Aurangzeb at a later date wrote to Shivaji upon this subject. His desire was to yoke Shivaji to active
service under the empire. But Shivaji was too astute a statesman to swallow the alluring bait. He kept up
his repeated assurances of loyalty and service to the padishaha, but always managed to avoid the abject
dependence of an imperial courtier. Thus playing adroitly upon Aurangzeb's wishes and fears he secured
the peace and tranquillity of his possessions from the grand Mogul's invading hordes. With the Mogul and
Bijapur forces engaged in a deadly conflict, he set about concerting measures for the expansion of the
Maratha power.

1 Grant Duff, I, 161-62, and Prof. Sarkar's Aurangzeb, II, 261-09.

It will be remembered that Shivaji had often asserted certain hereditary claims upon Junnar and
Ahmednagar. The former was reputed a wealthy town in those days. The emperor had so far turned a deaf
ear to Shivaji's claims. Shivaji determined to retaliate by surprising these towns. With this plan he
suddenly fell upon Junnar by a night attack and sacked the town. He carried away the richest spoils to
Poona, about 300,OUO pagodas, 200 horses and other valuables. The booty was safely transferred to
Rajgad by officers deputed for the purpose. Shivaji made a similar attempt upon Ahmednagar, but did not
succeed here so well as at Junnar. 1 For while he was plundering the suburban parts and the business
quarters of the town immediately after the first onslaught, the city forces poured down in sufficient
strength from the citadel and stopped the spoliation. However the first shock had already yielded a
considerable booty, including 700 horses and four elephants. Shivaji carried them off in triumph through
the ranks of. the garrison forces, though not without many casualties in his gallant little army.

With these additions to his treasury, Shivaji resolved -apon enlarging his cavalry forces. The sack of
Junnar and Ahmednagar had as above described resulted in the capture of many horses: These he
supplemented with his own purchases, and besides maintaining his own bargirs* he began to entertain in
his service many a willing shiledar. The general in command of the cavalry force which

1 On the authority of Kambu's Amal-i-talib, Prof. Sarkar says the attack on Ahmednagar was made by
Minaji (Manaji) Bbonsle and Kashi. Was this the same Minaji Bhonsle who as a Mogul mansabdar is said
to have treacherously surrendered the fort of Mahuli to Shahaji (Vide Abdul Hamid's Bidthanamah in
Elliot, VI1, page 57). The same authority states that at the time when Shahajahan gave a mansab to
Shahaji, the emperor also gave a mansab to his son Samaji (Sambbaji) and his brother Minaji, while the
Marathi chronicles generally state that an imperial mansab was conferred upon Kheloji, the eon of Vithoji
Bhonsle.

2 These represent two classes of cavalry soldiers, the shiledar maintaining his own horse and being a sort
of cavalier, the bargir uoing a horse lent by the state.

up to thib lime had served under Shivaji was Mankoji Dahatonde, who had received the title . of sirnobut
or lord of the royal drum. Mankoji was an old veteran who had seen service in the stirring times of
Shahaji's fights with the Moguls. He had maintained Shivaji's cavalry in the highest state of efficiency. On
his death, the brave Netaji Falkar was appointed to succeed him. Palkar commanded great influence
among the Maratha gentry, many of whom now eagerly sought to obtain commissions as shiledars in
Shivaji's cavalry.
Meanwhile the Moguls were inflicting defeat after defeat upon Bijapur, and this augured very
unfavourably for Shivaji's future career. For it was plain that the extinction of the Bijapur kingdom would
turn the Mogul conqueror upon Shivaji himself. Anticipating this exigency, Shivaji sought to conciliate
Aurangzeb, submitting himself and his fortunes to the Mogul protection and offering an humble apology
for the spoliation of Junnar and Ahmednagar. With a petition couched in these terms he sent his envoy
Baghunathpant Korde, a trusty officer well versed in the diplomacy and finesse of Indian courts, to the
imperial camp, that he might add verbal assurances to the entreaties for pardon made in the petition.

Fortunately for the future of Shivaji's enterprise, Aurangzeb received a confidential report of Shahajahan's
illness from the princess Roshanara, who watched over his ambitious interests at the capital, and the
imperial general concluded a hasty peace with Bijapur and with as large a force as he could collect in the
southern subha, he immediately set out for Delhi. Emboldened by the sudden diversion of the imperial
forces to the north, Shivaji forthwith sent another embassy representing his regret for the necessity that
had led to the spoliation of Mogul territory by his forces, offering to place a large force of cavalry at the
service of Aurangzeb, and undertaking the defence of the imperial territory in the south during
Aurangzeb's enforced absence. In return, Shivaji prayed, he might

be reinstated in the hereditary rights and privileges he claimed over certain territories that had passed
under the Moguls, as also the jahgir lands of his family which had now come under the imperial power
and the commission of deshmukh or zamindary rights over the districts of Juunar and Ahmednagar. The
restoration of these rights and dues would be an ample return for his proffered service to the imperial
crown. In conclusion he pointed out that the government of the Konkan districts had long been neglected
by the Adil Shahi power and represented that the transfer of this province to himself would be of very
great advantage to the empire.

These were serious demands couched in the adulatory language of court etiquette, but the great excitement
in the Mogul camp did not leave to Aurangzeb sufficient leisure to indulge in resentful feelings. He rather
chose for the present to leave Shivaji in a state of expectancy with regard to his demands and encourage
him to continue his disturbances in the Bijapur territory, for in this the wily prince discerned the only
means of preservation for the Mogul conquests in the Deccan during the strenuous civil wars which were
now impending and were certain to jeopardize the security and integrity of the empire Resolved to pursue
this line of conduct Aurangzeb made answer in the most guarded manner possible. In the first place, while
censuring Shivaji's conduct, he was pleased to extend to him that royal mercy which he craved. Secondly,
he granted permission to Shivaji to turn his attention to the conquest of the Konkan. Lastly Shivaji was
desired to depute Abaji Sondev to a conference where Shivaji's hereditary ;rights and perqu : sites would
be duly considered, and pending a final adjustment of these claims Shivaji was required to send 500
horse to the assistance of the Moguls and keep his forces in a state of readiness and efficiency for the
maintenance of peace and security in the Mogul province. 1

These negotiations led to no tangible results in the

1 Parasols M S

•«nd. It was only a make-believe sort of alliance on either side. In fact there was no time to seal a conpact
of permanent friendship. Aurangzeb was too much occupied by the stress of the civil wars that followed.
It was his unnatural task to fight, slay, or execute his unfortunate brothers and to imprison his father in his
helpless dotage, literally wading through slaughter to an inauspicious throne. That was just what Shivaji
wanted. Bight well did Shivaji know that the demands which he had made were too ambitious for the
haughty prince to grant. On his part it was only a ruse to gain more time to pursue his ambitious plans in a
leisurely manner.

Tradition has it that on reaching Delhi, when Aurangzeb finally resolved to usurp the throne and imprison,
his helpless father in his palace, he wrote to the Deccan nobles to come to his assistance, and that among
others Shivaji too received such an invitation. Whereupon it is said that Shivaji shuddered at the contents
of the letter and openly expressed his horror of the unnatural crime formulated by Aurangzeb in such a
cold-blooded fashion. Nay, the story goes that he spurned the poor courier who was the bearer of the
proposal and drove him from his presence and had the traitorous missive bound to the tail of a mongrel
cur to be dragged over the mire and filth of Poona. On hearing of the contemptuous manner in which this
proposal was received by Shivaji, Aurangazeb is said to have burst forth into a passion and vowed to
avenge the indignity. But this plan of revenge he never had the opportunity to carry out, and it would even
seem that his resentment must have been of short duration. For shortly afterwards when the news of the
death of Afzul Khan at the hands of Shivaji reached Aurangzeb's ears, he congratulated the Maratha
warrior by letter and presented him with two or three hill-forts on the borders of Bijapur. Not content
with this he advised Shivaji to continue this plan of aggression against Bijapur and promised to confer on
him tax-free

all the lands he might succeed in wresting from the Bijapur government. It is obvious that in all this
Aurangzeb was inspired by thoughts of his future dealings with the Adil Shahi dynasty, reflecting no doubt
that Shivaji's pioneer work in the dismemberment of that kingdom would render his programme all the
easier of accomplishment. .As to the ultimate defeat of Shivaji he took it as a matter of course. Little did
he then dream, with all his political sagacity, that the most stubborn problem of all his life, reserved as the
crowning wreck and disgrace of his declining years, would be just this—the war with the newly founded
Maratha power.

CHAPTER X THE CAPTURE OF JAVLI AND OTHER EVENTS

1654-58

AFTER the complete liberation of Shahaji from the Sultan's watch at Bijapur and his return to the
Karnatic. Shivaji revived the aggressive policy he had slackened in the interim. His object was now to
win over from the sultan the entire region of the Konkan and the uplands of the ghats, and to round off
these possessions with the conquest of new hill-forts. The news of these freshly awakened activities
threw the Bijapur durbar once more into consternation. For they were in the dilemma that if they were to
move their forces openly against Shivaji, he might in all prcbability enlist the sympathy of the Moguls and
demand their protection, and thus they would only accelerate their downfall. Thoughts of public hostilities
could not therefore be entertained, but a force of a thousand horse was entrusted to a nobleman, Baji
Shamraj by name, who undertook the arduous task of surprising Shivaji and making him prisoner. Shivaji
was then encamped at Mahad. Baji Shamraj with the active support of Chandrarao More of Javli formed
an ambuscade in the defile of the Parghat, lying in wait to fall upon Shivaji unawares and apprehend him.
But Shivaji was apprised of this plot of Baji by his faithful scouts, and the result was that far from Shivaji
falling into the trap, Baji Shamraj's party itself was suddenly attacked and dispersed in all directions.
Shamraj returned to Bijapur defeated and crest-fallen.

The active support lent to his enemies by the More family naturally rankled in Shivaji's mind, and he now
set about to teach them a lesson they would ever remem ber. 1 Ghandrarao More held sway in the districts
which formed the watershed of the Krishna and the Warna. He entertained more than a thousand Mavalis
in his

1 Chandrarao More was the hereditary title of the fief-holders of Javli. The feudal lord of Javli at the time
was Kriahnaji Baji. (Parasnia: Itihas Sangraha, Sphuta Lekh I, 26.)

service and was one of the principal feudal lords under the Bijapur durbar. The payment of the annual
tribute left him an ample surplus upon which the family had thriven and prospered for centuries. He was
the lord of many a hill-fort and mountain defile, his principal position being Hashamgad. Several times
before this Shivaji had tried to win over this mighty chief and bind him to his interests, and had
represented that he might either stop the tribute paid to Bijapur and divert it to Shivaji or might enjoy all
the revenue to himself, on no other condition than that of helping him with a force of 5000 in time of need.
To these proposals the loyal More had systematically turned a deaf ear.

Now it was quite apparent that this little world of hill and dale under the rule of the More family stood in
the way of Shivaji's complete domination over the zone of the highlands of the Western Ghats. It
comprehended many a mountain fastness, the keys to the mastery of fields and pastures in the valleys.
Shivaji's ultimate plans to strike at the Mahomedan power required that he should be first safely
ensconced among these rocky wilds as the undisputed master of the Western Ghats. This must inevitably
bring him into collision with the More family. But the More's was an ancient name, and he had thousands
of brave Mavali retainers in his service, and many a gallant warrior and chief strove night and day for its
prestige. Among them Suryarao, the brother of Chandrarao More, and Hanmantrao, his private secretary,
were men of acknowledged military genius. To put his forces against those of the More family in an open
encounter was in Shivaji's opinion likely to prove a bloody experiment without much probability of
ultimate success. Shivaji, therefore, according to the traditional bakhar account, had to act with
circumspection and avoid any act of overt hostility. With this object in view, he got two of his officers,
Raghunath Ballal Korde and Sambbaji Kavji, with a small escort to proceed to the principality of Javli to
reconnoitre the place

and report on its hill-forts and positions of strategic value. 1 To facilitate this plan, Shivaji's officers
feigned as an excuse for their intrusion that they had come on an embassy to negotiate a match between
Shivaji and Chandrarao More's daughter. Relying upon this assurance More gave orders to arrange for the
comfort of his guests. Now More was much addicted to drink. He had not the least suspicion of the
ulterior intentions of these alleged ambassadors. These men on the other hand were scrutinizing
everything they saw or heard. Raghunath Ballal did not take long to discover the reckless security in
which the drunken More lived and the dissensions that existed in his garrison. Conceiving the plan of
surprising and assassinating the unguarded chief within the walls of his own fort, he consulted his
comrade Sambhaji Kavji and with his concurrence wrote to Shivaji that they had it in their power to settle
the last account with More, provided Shivaji advanced with his army in the vicinity of Javli and at a
given signal appeared on the scene. Shivaji descended from Bajgad with a small army and came by
forced marches to Mahabaleshwar by way of Purandar. He arranged his troops in the forest and remained
on the alert for further developments, having notified Raghunathrao of his arrival. Having set the trap
ready, Raghunathrao proposed a confidential conference with Chandrarao and his brother Suryarao. In the
course of the conversation he found an occasion to draw his dagger and killed the brothers on the spot,
and set forth straightway to descend the castle with the band of his followers, who were drawn up all
ready for the start * But they were interrupted by the

1 According to Chitnis, Sabhasad, and Shedgaokar Raghunath Bolla! Sabnis was sent upon this mission,
with a few soldiers. According to Shedgaokar Bakhar. Sambhaji Kavji was later on sent to Hamantrao
and murdered him.

2 According to the verdion in the Shivdigvijay, Ragho Ballal came to an interview with More's secretary,
Hanmantrao, on pretence of a marriage alliance, and finding him off his guard killed him by treachery.
Upon this Shivaji marched upon Chandrarao More, defeated and slew him in the field and captured Javli.
The Rairi bakhar gives nearly the
sentry mounted at the gate who had meanwhile received word of the murders committed within. Shivaji's
men forced their way at the sword's point through their ranks and made good their escape into the forest.
The retainers of More made little serious attempt to pursue the treacherous guests. For the lord of the
castle having himself fallen, who was there to rally the pursuers and keep up their spirits? Shivaji now
descended from Mahabaleshwar by the Nissan ghat, or Pass of the Stairs, to Javli and blockading
Hashamgad on all sides gave battle to the More hosts. Chandrarao's sons Bajirao and Krishnarao and the
minister Hanmantrao fought with the energy of despair. But at length Hanmantrao fell dead on the field and
More's brave sons were wounded and made prisoners. 1 These brave warriors with the ladies and
children of the More family were kept in confinement upon fort Purandar. Shivaji intended to confer a
suitable jahgir on the heirs of More so as to keep up the prestige of an ancient name. But they were
detected in a traitorous correspondence with Bijapur for arranging a flight to that court. This
correspondence was intercepted and put in evidence against them. They were found guilty of treason and
executed. The ladies of the family were then set at liberty.

Such is the traditional account of this event, as it has come down to us from the pens of the leading
chroniclers. As regards statements of details they differ muoh from one another, as will oe seen from the
foot-notes. Let us put together these divergent statements, and they lead to one

same version with this addition that Hanmant was first overtaken and alain in a battle at Mahabaleshwar
and next Shivaji advanced againat Chandrarao More and defeating him conquered Javli and
Mahabaleshwar. 1 There are other versions:—(1) According to dabhasad this Hanmantrao was a brother
of Chandrarao More. On the conquest of Javli he retired into the Konkan and set up a small principality
there. Fearing he might return and repeat hia attempts for the recovery of Javli, Shivaji sent Sambhaji
Kavji on a diplomatic mission to Hanmantrao. The envoy opened the discussion of a marriage alliance
between Hanmant and Shivaji and despatched the unsuspecting chief with his dagger. (2) Chitnis omits
these gruesome dataila and only says that Sambhaji killed. H anmantrao.

conclusion, that there was an offer of a marriage alliance, that under pretence of such an offer, either
Chandrarao More himself or his captain and kinsman, Hanmantrao More, was treacherously slain, either
by Raghunath Ballal or by Sambhaji Kavji. For it is too much to believe that Eaghunath Ballal proposed a
marriage alliance to Chandrarao More and stabbed him, and at the same time to believe that after this
murder had taken place Sambhaji Kavji made a similar proposal to Hanmantrao and murdered him. We
hold that if Chandrarao More was deceived and murdered, Hanmantrao, who is described as a brave and
wise man, the actual administrator of Javli and the only pillar of strength to the More family, was too
shrewd a man to fall into the same trap. The probability is that if the one was murdered, the other was not.
Hanmantrao would not be deceived by offers of a marriage alliance { Shedgaokar bakhar, 81), if
Chandrarao More had been done to death by a similar treacherous proposal.

The Jedhe Chronology tells us plainly that the fighting with the Mores was a prolonged affair and not to
be settled by the murder of one man or another. This chronology gives no account of treachery, it speaks
only of fighting. The struggle lasted for above five months, from December 1655 ( Pousha of Shaka 1577)
to at least April or May 1656 ( Vaishakha of Shaka 1578). Under the first entry (December 1655) we are
told that Shivaji captured Javli with the help of the Jedhe deshmukh and the followers of Bandal and
Silibkar (Silimkar) and other Mavli chiefs, and we are distinctly told that with their help Shivaji fought
and took Javli. Before proceeding to the second entry, we will remark that this first entry confirms the
statement of the bakhar account published in Parasnis's Itihas Sangraha, Sphuta Lekh I, 26, where we are
told that after mutual recriminations and challenges, Shivaji sent an ultimatum to Chandrarao ( presumably
through Raghunath Ballal Korde) and descending from Mahabaleshwar by the Pass of the Stairs (Nissan

ghat), laid siege to Javli for a month. This account further states that at the fall of Javli, Chandrarao More
escaped to Bairi, seized it from Shivaji's men and fought the fort for three months, at the end of which he
was forced to capitulate. Now these statements ( Itiha* Sangraha Sphuta LeJch I, 26-^9; II 11, and
Parasnis's Mahabaleshivar, 19-21) are supported by the second entry in the Jedhe Chronology ( pp. 180-
81), which is undoubtedly an independent authority. This entry, under the month of Vaishakh, Shake 1578,
reads as follows:—"In Vaishakh the Rajah Shivaji took ( recovered ) Rairi. Along with him were
Kanhojz Jedhe deshmukh, of Taluka Bhore, and Bandal and Shilib-kar deshmukhs, and a force of Mavalis.
Haibatrao and Balaji Naik Silibkar ueed their mediation and Chandrarao descended the fort. The Itihaa
Sangraha account further states that Chandrarao More was pardoned and re-established in some of his old
possessions and honours as a fief-holder under Shivaji, until he opened an intriguing correspondence with
the Ghorpades of Mudhol,. when he was executed at Chakan, perhaps along with his sons, and then the
glory of Javli came to an end. On the other hand the Jedhe entry concludes with a statement that Shivaji
rewarded the services of Haibatrao Silibkar in bringing about a reconciliation with Chandrarao and that
the territories of the latter were divided between him and his brothers. There is nothing contradictory
between this-and the Itihas Sangraha account. They mutually confirm one another. The Shedgaokar bakhar
says expressly that the quarrels of the brothers wrecked the realm of Chandrarao. Reconstructing the
whole story, we may proceed to state, as related in some of the bakhars, that Hanmantrao More still
continued to defy Shivaji after the submission of Chandrarao, that Sambhaji Kavji was therefore sent to
him ( Sabhasad 10 ) perhaps under pretence of a marriage alliance ( Sabhasad and Shedgaokar ) and that
under some such pretence he stabbed him to death ( Chitnis, Sabhasad and Shedgaokar). When it is
considered that Hanmantrao belonged to the More family and that

Chandrarao More was only the hereditary title of the fief-holders of Javli, it seems possible that the
Marathi chronicles describing tho events full two generations after they had occurred would make a
muddle of the whole affair and some of them proceed wrongly to state that Javli was taken by tricking
Chandrarao More into a proposal of marriage. There is nothing improbable in such a reconstruction of the
whole event, which is the only intelligible form in which it commends itself to our acceptance in
sympathy with the general tenor of the conflicting versions. Prof. Sarkar (Shivaji, 54) might well have
spared his gibes against recent "discoveries" of "old chronicles", for it is not necessary to press upon the
reader the acceptance of that part of the Itihas Sangraha narrative which asserts that Chandrarao More had
attempted to seize Shivaji by treachery and had intrigued with the Ghorpades of Mudhol against him. This
attempt to represent that event in a retaliatory light has unnecessarily provoked the ire of Prof. Sarkar.
That intrigue was probably the last incident of the tragic tale. It led to executions and .reprisals, and the
practical extinction of the More family (Shivdigvijay, 131) though, as Prof. Sarkar shows, some of the
members of the More family unquestionably escaped and attempted to avenge themselves by co-operating
with the Rajah Jaysingh at a later date.

In this manner was effected the conquest of Javli and the fortifications comprised in that demesne.
Shivaji's flag was now flying over all its hill-forts. The large treasures in gold and specie accumulated by
many generations of the More family fell intact into Shivaji's hands. Under the auspices of the Mores a
Brahman named Babaji Kondadev had waxed in power in the valley of Shivthar. This man now
constituted himself into a sort of independent ruler, plundering the neighbourhood and defying Shivaji's
authority. He was arrested and though under ordinary circumstances he would have been straightway
executed for his arrogant defiance, his character as a member
of the priestly class excited commiseration in Shivaji's eyes. Instead of inflicting the extreme penalty of
the law, Shivaji ordered his eyes to be put out. 1

The deshmukh of Hirdas in the Maval region, Bandal by name, was another of these turbulent chiefs
whom Shivaji had long meditated to bring under his allegiance. He had hitherto evaded Shivaji's peaceful
proposals. His head-quarters were the mountain-fort of Rohida. According to Chitnis, about this time,
Shivaji concerted a successful night attack upon this forb and Bandal found himself overwhelmed on all
sides. Bandal knew well that he had little hope of safety, being so completely hemmed in by Shivaji's
forces. But he was resolved never to yield and launched a violent attack on Shivaji. Both parties put forth
their utmost efforts. Bandal himself rushed over the field, sword in hand. He was at length defeated and
fell mortally wounded. The few surviving followers of Bandal made their submission, the chief among
them being Bandal's minister, Baji Prabhu Deshpande. Shivaji, pleased with Deshpande's bravery, treated
him with great generosity, confirming him in his privileges and estates. When Shivaji had received further
proofs of his loyalty, he got him to enlist in his service. He was placed in charge of a battalion of infantry.
What signal services he rendered to Shivaji, and in bow heroical and self-sacrificing a manner, will be
seen in the sequel. 2

1 Sabhssad gives a different name, viz. Baji Kodanerao, and the Shedgaokar bakhar names him Dadaji
Mahadev ( pp. 20, 21.)

3 Chitnis's version is followed in the text as regards the conquest of Hirdas Maval. On the other hand the
Jedhe Chronology, as mentioned before, says that Bandal deabmukh, or at any rate his followers, co-
operated with Shivaji, in capturing Javli. Prof. Sarkar remarks that the twelve Mavals were completely
conquered by Dadaji Kondadev, and rejects this version of Chitnis. But Prof. Sarkar seems to contradict
himself when he states that the fort of Rohida (Rahira) was gained some time after wards (Prof. Sarkar:
Shivaji 39, Foot-nota and 41). Moreover the name of Baji Deshpande is not mentioned before this event.
It would seem that Bandal made war and peace according to his convenience, and hence these
discrepancies among our authorities. (Vide Foot-note (1) in Chapter VI).

After the extirpation of Bandal and his party, Shivaji's-rule over the Maval region knew no check or
interruption. The elements of discord being exterminated, the peasantry became secure and fearless and in
coneequence happy The-introduction of a regular system in the collection of thfr land revenue contributed
greatly to their prosperity. The settlements were neither arbitrary nor oppressive. Th& people's interests
and wishes were everywhere studied and consulted. Those who were willing to serve in the field had
ready access to Shivaji's army, as new recruits were being; constantly picked up wherever they could be
discovered. Shivaji admitted a large number of Here's brave retainers to serve in his field force.

In order to consolidate his conquest of Javli and the adjacent parts, Shivaji resolved to erect a central fort
among the mountains at the sources of the river Krishna and entrusted the building operations to Moro
Trimal Pingle. Pingle was a gallant officer who had accompanied the Rajah Shahaji upon his first
expedition into the Karnatic. He had received his training in finance and war under the expert guidance of
his own father and the Rajah Shahaji, in the disturbed times which had marked the early vicissitudes of
Shahaji's life. From the Karnatic he returned to Maharashtra about 1653 and took service under Shivaji.
He won the confidence of Shivaji by the loyalty, zeal> and ability he displayed in the execution of every
duty entrusted to him. He carried out the building of the fortifications quite up to Shivaji's standard. The
fortress was christened Pratapgad. The old temple at Mahabaleshwar was re-modelled and repaired. A
new temple, with a massive court and walls, was erected next to the fountain head of the Krishna. An
image of the tutelary goddess Bhavani was here set up in imitation of the ancient Bhavani of Tuljapur.
Shivaji adorned the templo with rich ornaments and made frequent pilgrimages to this shrine.

A little later Aurangzeb marched southwards and

L. S. 11.

defeated Bijapur and concluding a new treaty retired to North India. We have already seen the precautions
Shivaji had taken to ensure his possessions from the ravages of the Moguls. By professions of humility
Shivaji had succeeded in deceiving a past master of state-craft like Aurangzcb and obtained permission to
have his own way in the Bijapur territory. On Aurangzeb's retirement to ^the North, Shivaji turned his
attention to the conquest of •the Konkan. In' quick succession the sea-board towns of Ratnagiri, Vijaydurg,
Suvarnadurg, Salsi and Kharepatan fell before Shivaji.

About this time a troop of 700 Pathans came to Shivaji to seek employment in his army. They had been
disbanded by the Bijapur Government after the last treaty with the Moguls. They came straggling to Poona
and applied to Shivaji for employment submitting that they had been attracted to him by the fame of his
name and the martial renown of Shahaji Bhosle. Shivaji was much •at a loss whether to entertain or not a
corps of Mahometan soldiers in his service. Some of his intimate followers distrusted them and
represented to Shivaji that they might be in a secret league with Bijapur or the Mogul -camp and sent on
purpose to sow sedition in his army, and might turn traitors at any moment. But among the trusty officers of
Shivaji was a havaldar, Gomaji Naik Pansambal, who had seen service under the redoubted Lukhji
Jadhav and had coine over to Shahaji in Jijabai's •escort at the time of her marriage. He had shared in all
the -vicissitudes of Jijabai's career and served in Shivaji's earliest enterprises with undeviating loyalty
and courage. Shivaji had raised him to the rank of havaldar, having appreciated his zealous loyalty
towards himself and his services in the development of his ambitious plans of independence. This veteran
counselled Shivaji to secure the services of these strangers who had been drawn to him •by the glory of
his military exploits and argued that for .the final triumph of his cause, the establishment of an in-

THE CAPTURE OF JAVLl AND OTHER EVENTS 147

dependent power, it was essential that his realm should be an asylum to all men of worth and talent,
irrespective of the religion they professed. "The true ruler," exclaimed this honest soldier, "shall be
equally impartial to all castes and creeds. He shall give freedom of religion to all his subjects and
vassals, and shall recruit his servants from all races and classes of men, worth and valour being the sole
tests of selection." In this way the gallant havaldar prevailed over Shivaji's wavering mind, with the
result that the latter summoned the strangers into his presence, and having by a close scrutiny and cross-
examination satisfied himself as to the sincerity of their profession and the genuineness of their desire to
enter into his service ordered them to be enrolled. 1 Ragho Ballal Atre was placed in command of this
Pathan Division. After this incident Shivaji began to enlist Mahomedans both officers and sepoys.on a
large scale some of whom are known to have risen to great eminence by their zeal, loyalty and bravery.

The Abyssinians at Janjira were now the only con-

-siderable power that impeded Shivaji's progress towards

the reduction of the entire Konkan coast under his hecre-

O
mony. The Chief of Janjira 2 , strong in his naval resources,

• time and again harassed Shivaji's possessions in the Konkan.

•Perceiving that his conquests there could not have even

'the shadow of security till this foreign ruler wassubjugated f

Shivaji determined to concentrate his forces upon the

reduction of this enemy. Resolved to carry out this part

of his programme without delay, Shivaji ordered Shamraj-pant, the Peshwa, to move his forces against
Jaujira. Fatten

Khan was the Abyssinian chief then bearing sway over

Janjira. This chief knew that Shivaji's intentions towards

-Janjira were by no means friendly and had prepared himself for an encounter. Between Fatteh Khan and
Sham—

1 This officer's name must not be confounded with that of ttagho Ballal iKorde who figures in the tragic
story of the capture of Javli.

2 The word " Janjira " means an island-fort or sea-fort, and the island of Zanzibar off the coast of British
East Africa is said to have been ao

• called from its being an island-fort under its Moorish masters.

raj pant several skirmishes took place near Danda-Rajpur^ . and the Peshwa got the worst of these
engagements. Shivaji's forces had to retire before the skilfully concerted military movements of Fatteh
Khan, and numbers of the Peshwa's expeditionary force perished. Shamraj had to return home disgraced
and dispirited. This was the first considerable reverse sustained by Shivaji's arms, and he took it ill to
such an extent that he discharged Shamraj pant from his office of Peshwa and entrusted Baghunathpant
with the campaign with a considerably reinforced army. The office of Peshwa was conferred upon Moro
Trimal Pingle, who exercised, the duties of this position of trust for the rest of his life. Among other
transfers of office Nilo Sondev was given charge of the duties of Muzumdar, ( accountant-general } s
Gango Mangaji those of Waknis (record-keeper) and Yessaji Kunk was appointed to be the commander-
in-chief of the infantry force, with the title of sirnobut.

In the course of this war with the Abyssinians, the chief of Sawantwadi came to learn of the great
armaments embarked by Shivaji upon the conquest of the Konkan coast. The Sawantwadi chief had little
of internal resources to stem the tide of the expected invasion. The chief owned the hegemony of Bijapur
and had hitherto paid little heed to the rise of Shivaji. But the annihilation of the power and prestige of the
great More family, the discomfiture of neighbouring feudal chiefs and the surrender of numerous hill-forts
and positions of vantage without any successful resistance on the part of Bijapur, added to • the utter
paralysis of inaction and dissension which had overtaken that state after the last Mogul invasion, opened
the eyes of the Sawantwadi chief to the utter futility of any expectation of aid in the hour of peril and the
advisability of entering into an understanding with one whose atar was unmistakably in the ascendant. A
treaty ^followed, by which it was agreed that the Sawant should cede, half his revenues to Shivaji, who
was empowered to collect his moiety by his own agency. The Sawant was to enjoy the.

of the revenue with all the rights and prerogatives of -deshmukhi or zamindari lordship over Sawantwadi
without let or hindrance. In pursuance of this plan the Sawanfc chief was to discontinue payment of the
time-honoured tribute to Bijapur, to maintain his garrisons all over the forts, and keep an efficient infantry
force of 3000 to be placed at Shivaji's service on demand. In effect, the chief disowned the hegemony of
Bijapur and acknowledged that of Shivaji.

The treaty thus entered into was plainly not the outcome of the Sawant's free will, and in a short time he
repented of the step to which he had rashly committed himself. It was too galling to his spirit to submit to
Shivaji's domination which he soon made shift to change for that of Bijapur. How Shivaji visited this
fickleness on the Sawant'a head will be described in a later chapter.

Meanwhile the forces sent against the Abyssinians had met with foemen worthy of their steel and the
monsoon netting in made the protraction of the struggle impossible. In the following campaign the
command was entrusted to ihe Peshwa Moropant assisted by Netaji Palkar. The campaign was interrupted
by the monsoons, which began rather earlier than usual. Meanwhile a new crisis threatened to overtake
Shivaji's fortune which made a pause necessary in the Maratha enterprise and required the exercise of all
their concentrated resources. This was the invasion of Afzul JKhan.

CHAPTER XI THE TRAGEDY OF AFZUL KHAN, 1659

THE Bijapur government bad been waiting with patience; Fort after fort, district after district bad passed
from* tbeir inert grasp into tbe grip of the Maratha warrior. Their feudal vassals were being seduced to
defection, the zealous Mores of Javli had paid for their loyalty with death and ruin, the Sawants of Wadi
had been seduced from their allegiance to their traditional suzerains, the province of Kalyan dissevered
for ever from the Bijapur monarchy, and their Abyssinian admirals beset on all sides and all but forced to
withdraw from the Konkan. These events were too serious each of them to be lightly passed over, but
taken together they would have roused to action, the most lethargic government that ever bore sway in any
part of India. It is said that no less than forty of the Bijapur fortresses were by this time in Shivaji's hands.
1 ' The government had seen all, heard all, but had not moved. One remedy indeed they had tried. They
had incarcerated Shahaji. They had hoped to tame the son by threatening the life of the father. They had
hoped in vain. They had not fully counted upon Shivaji's resourcefulness. They had yet to fathom the
depths of his diplomacy. They were bitterly undeceived. Their attempt had recoiled on themselves. It Had
drawn Shivaji into a league with their Mogul spoilers and given the support of the imperial authority to
his excesses. They had served him as a shield against the wrath of Bijapur. He had become the Mogul*
poniard in the bosom of the Adil Shahi State. Once more after the liberation of Shahaji, they had tried to
entrap the quarry they dared not bring to bay, but they had been, signally disappointed in Baji Shamraj.
Then the Mogul cavalry had suddenly invaded their land and drenched it with blood The peace at last
made with the Moguls and the absorption of Aurangzeb in the fratricidal war in the-north allowed them
now to breathe freely for a while^

This interval of peace with the Mogul emperor they hoped to turn against ShivajL
Ali Adil Shaba II then held the sceptre at Bijapur. He was a mere youth, without experience, about
twenty-one years of age. His mother, famous among native historians under the popular name of the Badi (
Bari ) Saheba or the queen dowager, carried on the affairs of state in person with the assistance of the
able minister, Khawas Khan. One day calling all her ministers and generals to an audience, she ordered
them to put the state armies in motion and capture the rebellious Shivaji alive and at the conclusion of her
harangue inquired who would take the glorious task upon himself. No one offered to risk the undertaking.
They had heard enough of Shivaji's valour to feel that it was better to keep well out of his way. They all
dreaded a rencontre with him. 1 But there was one amongst them in whom vanity outweighed his
discretion. This was Afzul Khan. 2 He was elated with pride. What a noble chance to play the hero ! He
would not flinch or waver. Let the queen but give the word, he would make Shivaji dance to the tune of
his sword. This language of bravado filled the queen dowager with elation. She knew he .was a general
of high eminence in the state. She presented him with robes of honour and bade him start on his campaign
with 12,000 horse and a goodly number of infantry with a suitable complement of artillery, rockets, and
war material in charge of a camel corps. 3 It is said that the

l Sabhasad, 3; Shedgaonkar, 24.

9 He is said to have originally belonged to the caste or profession of a cook-shop keeper,- bhatari, and to
have risen to greatness and the rank of a commander by his talents. His name is said to have originally
been Abdulkhan. He is referred to by this name in some of the bakhars and powadas i. e. the ballads of
Maratha minstrels/.

3 The figures are variously given. Grant Duff mentions 5000 horse and seven hundred foot. Chitnia puts
down the whole invading army at 30,000, while Chitragupta exaggerates the number to 70,000. The
powadas limit the number to 12,000 horse. The English Factory Records, Rajapur, give the strength of his
army as 10,000 horse and foot, and it is said that because this number was so small, the queen told Afzul
Khan to pretend friendship with Shivaji, and seize or slay him by treachery.

provisions and war-material were plentiful enough to have lasted for three campaigns. Besides these
forces Afzul Khan was provided with a corps of two or three thousand Mavalis. These he had entertained
knowing well how indispensable they were for a campaign in the Maval regions, especially as Shivaji's
fighting force was chiefly recruited from these people. But what a world of difference there lay between
Shivaji's Mavali militia inspired by the highest feelings of loyalty and patriotism and the Mavali soldiers
of Afzul Khan hired for a soulless enterprise! But it was not for Afzul Khan to discern this difference.

At the very outset let us take notice of the spirit of bravado in which Afzul Khan had undertaken this
enterprise. In open durbar he had boasted that he would bring back Shivaji alive, a captive in chains. The
dowager queen had besides instructed him to effect the capture or murder of Shivaji by "pretending,
friendship" and rousing hopes of the sultan's pardon. 1 He hoped to succeed in this heavy task by
tampering with the loyalty of Shivaji's Mavali deshmukhs 2 and by a policy of striking terror among the
Marathas.

Afzul Khan crossed the Krishna with his troops, and forcing his marches with groat rapidity arrived at the
ancient temple of Bhawani at Tuljapur, where he temporarily encamped his army. Learning that this
temple was sacred in the eyes of the Marathas, the Bhavani of Tuljapur being indeed the guardian
patroness of certain leading families of the Maratha nobility, and in particular of the Bhonsle family, he
desecrated the temple. The original stone image of the goddess, which was considered the more sacred,
was concealed by the priest under water. But the larger image of the deity was seized and ground to
powder between mill-stones I 3 Breaking up his camp, Afzul

1 Factory Records, Rajapar, 10th October 1659, quoted by Prof. Sarkar, Shivaji p. 69.

2 Jedhe Chronology, pp. 182-83.

3 A powada describes how the idol was broken, the temple converted unto a mosque, and further polluted
by cow-slaughter.

T£han made for Pandharpur, polluting the temple of Man-keshwar on the way. This was a circuitous way
that Afzul Khan had taken, urged to the step, it^is said, by the fact that the straight road over the mountain
ghats was rendered impassble to an army by the heavy rains. Having encamped on the Bhima, he resolved
to destroy the historic temple of Vithoba at Pandharpur. But the hereditary priests of the temple concealed
the image and the affrighted citizens deserting house and home fled for safety to the neighbouring forests 1
Afzul wreaked such vengeance as he could on the shrine and turned his march to Poona, reducing such of
Shivaji's forts and possessions as lay right on his line of march.

Shivaji was at Rajgad when his scouts brought word of the impending descent of Afzul Khan, with the
avowed purpose of seizing him alive and carrying him as a prisoner in chains to celebrate his triumph
through the streets of Bijapur. Upon this Shivaji held a conference with his chiefs and nobles, whose
opinion was that the Khan should be hemmed in within some narrow defile and Shivaji should keep his
forces ready under the protection of the fortifications of Pratapgad pending the invasion of the Khan.
There was also another opinion expressed by a minority of the chiefs in council, who held that there was
little prospect of success in a conflict with the Khan's armies and

• advocated peaceful overtures with the Bijapur commander. Shivaji did not disguise his contempt of this
proposal, expressing his want of confidence in the good faith of the Adil Shahi government or of its
general and declaring that they could not afford to trust any offer of friendship from men who were
incapable of forming a true conception of peace and good-will. He hoped to meet them on the field of
battle. He would beat them on their own ground. He would make them abate their insolence !

Now tradition has it that while his mind was racked

1 However the powada, already referred fcc, speaks of the breaking

• of the image of Vithoba and the drowning of that cf Pundalik.

with these cares and depressed with the weight of the responsibility hanging on his actions, he had a
vision of the goddess Bhavani of Tuljapur whose temple had just then been desecrated. The goddess bade
him be of good cheer, for his was to be the hand that would compel Afzul Khan to expiate these atrocities.
His campaign would be crowned with glorious success. Such was the dream. Shivaji roused himself from
his slumbers, performed his morning ablutions and had his mother awakened in order to communicate to
her the dream he had just experienced. At dawn when the civil and military officers gathered to his levee
he expounded to them his dream, exclaiming that when the great goddess herself was to stand by his side,
what did he reck the force of a mere mortal like Afzul Khan ? By the divine blessing he had found a way
to put Afzul Khan's army to utter rout and confusion. The courtiers present declared it was too serious an
enterprise and its miscarriage was bound to have a tremendous recoil on the people of Maharashtra.
Observing the embarrassed looks of his adherents, Shivaji declared with animation that talk of
conciliation was vain and would lead inevitably to ruin. An open tight and fair field was the only
salvation for them. Death or victory, either was welcome. He would welcome a death which stood for
glory; but to surrender, to whine and to die—this was alike inglorious and unprofitable. He for one was
resolved to fight to the death. If the war ended in victory, he would say, all's well that ends well. But
should it prove otherwise, he looked to his followers to guard his little realm and maintain the renown of
the Bhonsle name, under the instructions of his mother.

With his heart thus steeled to do or die, Shivaji gave immediate order to move his camp to Pratapgad, and
entered the ladies' apartments to communicate his final plans to his mother. Prostrating himself reverently,
as was his wont, at the feet of his mother, he described to her the resolution he had formed. Mother and
son were over-

THE TRAGEDY OF AFZUL KHAN

whelmed with the tenderest emotions at this crisis. Both knew the gravity of the situation and the small
probability of success. But the brave matron faced the situation without faltering and putting aside all the
softer emotions roused in her breast, she nerved herself to cheer on her son, after a great mental struggle.
Laying her hand proudly upon his head she poured out her blessings and expressed her conviction that by
his valour and heroism, she might earn the satisfaction of having given birth to a hero. Having received
his mother's blessing Shivaji set out for Pratapgad.

Apprised of Shivaji's movements Afzul Khan diverted his march from Poona to Wai, desecrating the
temple of Shambhu Mahadev at Shingnapur on his line of march. At Wai the Khan found himself in the
midst ot his fief-lands. He encamped his army with great caution. From this base he wrote to the Mavali
chiefs and the Adil Shahi zemindars to flock to his standards. 1 Chief among these were the Khopdes, the
rivals of the Jedhes for the deshmukh rights over Bohid-khore. Kedarji Khopde seems to have joined
Afzui Khan already before; and on receipt of this order Khandoji Khopde of Taluka Utroli hastened to
join him at Wai. Similar orders were received by Kanhoji Naik Jedhe along with the other deshmukhs,
already when Shivaji was at Rajgad. The Jedhe chief and others went to Shivaji at Rajgad on receipt of
these orders. Shivaji told these men to join Afzul Khan, if they cared for their estates and their lives, after
receiving some guarantee of protection. But they swore obedience to Shivaji and at his advice removed
their families for better protection to Talegaon (Dhamdhere). Among those who refused to obey Afzul
Khan's call were the Jedhes, the followers of Bandal, Haibat Rao Silibkar, Fasalkar, Marne and Dhamale,
and the deshmukhs of Maral. 8

Afzul Khan was quite taken aback by Shivaji's posting himself on the inaccessible cliff of Pratapgad, for
he

1 Raj wade XV, 393 ; XVII, 31.

well knew of the difficulties of a m&rch in that direction, and knew at the same time the risks of a battle
with Shivaji, in a place which was very disadvantageous for the manoeuvring of his forces. His idea was
to contrive some plan to lure the Maratha prince from his vantage-ground. By various pretences and
overtures of friendship he hoped to throw him off his guard, arrest him in person and take him in triumph
to Bijapur.

When Afzul Khan reached Wai, Shivaji appointed Vishwas Rao Nana Prabhji of Muse Khore in the
Maval country to the important duty of reconnoitring his camp and observing the number and quality of his
forces. Vishwas Rao used to wander night after night in all parts of the hostile camp in the disguise of a
fakir, and send information to Shivaji. The result of this scouting sufficed to prove to Shivaji the
magnificent preparations of Afzul Khan and the costliness of a victory, supposing that victory itself was
assured. He concluded, therefore, that he must tread his path with circumspection and make up by
stratagem for the inadequacy of his forces. Could he not hit upon some plan so as to conserve his
resources in money and in men and withal cause Afzul Khan's fury to recoil upon himself ? Shivaji's
courtiers encouraged him in this preference of policy above rashness. Having at last made up his mind, he
assumed an attitude of humiliation and sent word to Afzul Kbau that he would be the last man to think of
challenging comparisons with such a distinguished general as he was, and that he had now no other desire
than to sue for peace and pardon from the authorities of the Bijapur government. He had affronted that
government in the grossest manner possible and •doubted how far he could secure pardon even though he
presented himself before them in sackcloth and ashes. He, therefore, craved this favour that Afzul Khan
might with his well-known magnanimity condescend to intercede for him with the Bijapur durbar. Should
he consent to do so •and procure his pardon he would consider himsalf to have

been especially favoured by fortune. He was ready to put himself entirely at his mercy, relying on the
generosity and greatness of his soul. He now repented of his folly and would restore to the Bijapur state
all the conquests he had made. He only wanted to be assured of the royal pardon.

Afzul Khan took all this in serious earnest. It seemed to him natural that Shivaji should bate his pride and
proclaim his readiness to surrender. He thought nothing else could be expected of him when confronted
with such a general as himself. That surrender he thought now depended entirely on his movements. But
Shivaji must first b& dislodged from the impregnable position he occupied. By promises of pardon he
might attain this object. With this view he deputed Krishnaji Bhaskar 1 , a Brahman well-versed in the
arts of diplomacy, to proceed on an embassy to Shivaji's camp, having tutored him at a private interview
how he was to conduct himself with Shivaji and lure him to his ruin. The ambassador received
instructions to represent to Shivaji that he should repose in Afzul Khan the same confidence he did in his
father, remembering that the Khan was a comrade in arms to Shahaji; that the Khan had great affection for
Shivaji, and he expected him to reciprocate his feelings, that in view of the bravery and services of
Shahaji, Shivaji's past career would be forgiven and forgotten; and the Khan would undertake to procure
for Shivaji a modest principality in the Konkan, with permission to retain the fortresses he had captured
and a military grant or saranjam for the maintenance of an army corps. Lastly Afzul Khan would undertake
to reconcile Shivaji with the sultan and procure for him all the

1 According to the version of some of the bakhars Afzul Khan was the first to send an envoy, without any
message from Shivaji, and thia seems to be the view taken by Prof. Sarkar. Grant Duff gives the name of
the Khan's envoy as Pantaji Gopinath; Chitragupta gives it as Dattaji Gopinath and the Shivdigvijay
mentions a second envoy, Govindpant, from the Khan. In the Mahad copy of Sabhasad'a bakhar the name
of this celebrated envoy is given as Pantajipant. The Shedgaokar bakhar calls the Khan's envoy Dattaji
Bhaskar.

J58 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

honours and privileges of a trusted nobleman of the Adil Shahi court. With these honeyed messages Afzul
Khan urged upon his ambassador to use all his arts to induce Shivaji to come to a personal conference
dispelling all fears and jealousy from his mind, and if after all this persuasion he declined to accede to
this proposal, to prepare him to receive a private visit from Afzul Khan himself.

Learning that the Khan's envoy was coming to him with proposals of such import, Shivaji descended from
his fort to meet the honoured guest half-ways and receiving him with cordial welcome brought him with
all due pomp and ceremony to his citadel. A durbar was soon held for the purpose of giving a public
audience to the Khan's «nvoy, who delivered the message he was charged with. Shivaji in reply expressed
his gratitude for the Khan's kindly intentions and declared that the restoration to him in jahgir form of
however small a territory could not but give him great satisfaction. After all he was but a vassal of the
sultan, and as such had cleared the country of refractory chiefs and nobles, established peace and good
government, repaired old fortresses and erected new ones, raised a militia force of no mean ability, and
added in a variety of ways to the fortunes of the state. All this would now come unto the sultan as an
unearned increment and make him acknowledge Shivaji's services to the state. As to Afzul Khan Shivaji
looked upon him as his father. He would come to pay his respects to him with the greatest affection and
good will in the world. These things passed in the public durbar, and after its dissolution the envoy and
his party went to take their rest in their appointed quarters.

Shivaji had so arranged it that the camp appointed for the residence of the envoy-in-chief, Krishnaji
Bhaskar, should be a little apart from the quarters of the rest of the members of the diplomatic mission.
This was done with the premeditated object of conducting secret conversations with the head of the
mission. Shivaji no doubt expected

to be able to interview the ambassador in the privacy of his apartment and induce him to come over to his
side. On the night after the durbar, when all had gone to rest and all around was still and silent, Shivaji
came secretly to the tent of the envoy and rousing him from his sleep addressed himself to him in a
persuasive strain, submitting that his ambitions were not selfish. He adjured Krishnaji to remember that he
belonged to the sacred Brahman caste, the repositories of the Hindu learning and religion. To the glory of
that learning and religion and the preservation of every Hindu interest his life's labours were dedicated.
He had a clear call from above. He was but the passive executor of a divine mandate, for the spirit of
fihavani inspired his acts and bade him go forth to protect Brahmans and kine, chastise the violators of
temples and shrines, and slay the bigots of Islamic intolerance. Humble as he was he had taken upon
himself this sacred task and had thus far carried it forward. But the holy cause would never succeed
without the sympathy and support of noble and learned Brahmans like Krishnaji. A Brahman of his lofty
spirit could not but be greatly distressed at the wreck of Hindu religion and society. The gods and the
preceptors of their holy cult were alike the objects of a relentless and inexpiable persecution. Scarcely a
vestige of the purest forms of Hinduism remained in all the land of Hindustan. Heresy and persecution
prevailed throughout the land. His heart must bleed over these acts of religious violation and vandalism.
Shivaji's was a humble but conscientious beginning to the task of restoring happiness to this land of
blasted honour and blighted glory. This work of revival was a noble work. It could only succeed with the
help of noble spirits like Krishnaji. Would he not join him in retrieving the fortune of Hinduism ? This
honeyed speech quite changed the man. His religious pride was touched. The flattering attentions and
inspiring words •of the warrior won him over from his allegiance. He reflected that here was a man who
had staked all his worldly

fortunes upon the deliverance of his country's religion-from bondage. Moreover he was possessed of all
those qualities that were essential to the attainment of his noble object-courage, valour, enterprise. All his
exploits had been invariably crowned with success. His name was already a household word in thousands
of admiring Maharashtra families. Was it not desirable and certainly more meritorious from the point of
view of his religion that ha should participate in this prince's glorious triumphs ? Such thoughts crowded
upon his mind and he finally announced to Shivaji his determination to espouse his cause and swear
allegiance to him. After this exchange of promises and pledges he took Shivaji into his confidence and.
revealed to him the real object of his diplomatic mission. It was no less than a trick to delude Shivaji into
a surrender on promises of pardon and protection, lure him to an interview so that he might be seized, and
then taken in irons to Bijapur and paraded in the bazaars of the capital as a prisoner of war to grace Afzul
Khan's treacherous triumph. This revelation made, it was proposed to let the Khan proceed with his
projects and cherish his hopes of the impending capture of Shivaji, Krishnaji Bhaskar was to continue
playing the role of a zealous envoy and induce the Mahomedan chief to approach Pratapgad for his
treacherously planned interview, and when he had come within his power Shivaji was to fall suddenly
upon him and surprise his panic-stricken forces. Having thus checkmated Afzul Khan's plots, Shivaji
returned warily home.

In public conversations with Krishnaji during the days that followed Shivaji continued his professions of
submission, and it was definitely agreed that Afzul Khan should advance to Javli for a conference where
the terms of the alliance between the two parties should be finally-settled. On Shivaji's side, his envoy,
Pantaji Gopinath, was to accompany Krishnaji to confirm this proposal and. represent Shivaji's views
before Afzul Khan. This minister was one of Shivaji's intimate circle. Before despatch.

ling him upon this mission, Shivaji explained fully to him in private conference how Krishnaji Bhaskar,
while

' continuing to play the part of Afzul Khan's envoy, had really been won over to his views and ha4 vowed
to advance his interests. 1 Gopinath was instructed to represent to Afzul Khan that while Shivaji fully
admitted that it was his duty to come to Afzul Khan and pay his respects to him, his natural timidity and
fear of the Mahomedan camp prevented him from complying with these essentials of

• diplomatic etiquette. He had no courage to come to Wai to meet Afzul Khan. But as he looked upon him
with the affection of a father, it would be extremely kind of him

• to comply with his request to approach nearer to Javli where he undertook to come and meet the Khan at
an in-

< terview. As to his encouraging him in his difficulty and promising to intercede in his behalf with the
sultan and arrange to admit him again to the Adil Shahi court, this was only an index of the greatness of
his soul. Afzul Khan's approaching Javli without hesitation would be

• considered by Shivaji a proof of his good intentions towards him. In this fashion Gopinath was to acquit
himself

• of this mission, taking heed to be prodigal of compliments ; and watchful nob to excite suspicion.
Without betraying

• any anxiety as to the Khan's intentions he was to probe .minutely into his thoughts and report on the
discipline ; and equipment of his forces. Shivaji bade farewell to . Afzul Khan's ambassador with many
marks of honour, , presenting him with embroidered robes, a set of pearl earrings, bracelets and lockets, a
fine Arab horse, and a gift of 5000 pagodas. Gopinathpant was also suitably honoured and sent with a fair
retinue befitting his rank.
On his return to Afzul Khan, Krishnaji Bhaskar informed him that Shivaji was ready to meet him to tender
. his submission but hesitated to come to Wai, where he feared treachery. Shivaji's envoy had
accompanied him

1 Babhasad omits the account of the secret meeting between Shivaji and Krishnaji Bhaskar given by
Chitnis.

L. S. 12

in order to communicate his reply, if the Khan woulo! graciously grant him an audience. The audience was
granted and Gopinathpant had an opportunity to represent Shivaji's proposal. Krishnaji Bhaskar
commenting on this proposal urged upon his master to agree to these terms, and pointed out that the Khan
was sure to succeed in his aim. By marching up to Javli and advancing so> far at Shivaji's request, he
would disarm his suspicions, lure him to a meeting and get him easily into his clutches. The Khan
objected that Javli was a difficult region for the deploying of his army and what guarantee was there that.
Shivaji meant no harm? Upon this Krishnaji assured the' Khan that for his part he was convinced that there
was nothing sinister in Shivaji's proposal and asked him not to entertain any doubts on that head. He urged
on the Khan not to lose the opportunity that had in so unforeseen-a manner presented itself and contended
that Afzul Khan, might advance with all his army to Javli, where there was ample room to canton his
troops and no difficulty in the supply of water and forage. Afzul Kuan's fears of an advance into the
defiles of Javli were gradually dispelled and he was confirmed in the plan of marching into the enemy's
stronghold ostensibly to bring about an interview with the Maratha leader and seizing upon him by force
under that pretence. Satisfied with the assurances of his envoy, Afzul Khan ordered the camp to be moved
for a march, to Javli and in the hope of somehow or other securing the arrest of his opponent, he agreed to
waive his'former demands and humour Shivaji by granting all the concessions asked for. Having formed
this resolution he wrote to Shivaji that he was coming down to Javli and Shivaji. himself in his turn
should descend from the fort of. Pratapgad for the conference.

On the receipt of this final reply from the Khan,, Shivaji summoned a council of his nobles and veterans
and-asked their opinion. They all concurred in expressing; their loyalty and readiness to carry out any task
their-

master might choose to entrant to them. They were prepared to lay down their lives for their chief. Shivaji
then, conferred with Jijabai, 1 who advised him to act in concert with his friends, reposing his confidence
in Providence. For herself she had no fear but that now as formerly his auspicious enterprise would be
crowned with the success it deserved. Armed with these reassurances Shivaji proceeded to make his
plans.

To ensure the implicit confidence of Afzul Khan ia his professions of humility, Shivaji took every
precaution to render the Khan's march as easy and unobstructed as possible. The ascent up the ghats was
made less toilsome by cutting down the brushwood and thickets and cutting new paths. An open space
was made ready for cantoning the Khan's troops by clearing away the trees-and shrubs. Outposts of
soldiers were stationed at intervals on the Khan's line of march under direction of competent civil officers
whose instructions were to supply every want of the Khan's forces, and make ample arrangements for the
supply of their meals. The path cleared for the Khan's march was, however, prepared so cleverly* that a
dense growth of trees and brushwood obstructed the view on either side of the route beyond a certain
distance. All by-paths and cross-ways were closed up by-huge trees cut down across the glades.
Shivaji unfolded his secret counsels to Netaji Palkar,. Moropant the Peshwa and Tanaji Malusare. Netaji
Palkar was ordered to bring up his battalions from the Konkan immediately to the ridge of the ghats and
maintain a close ambush under cover of thick foliage, a little to the east of the fort of . Pratapgad. This
was a precaution, against a possible movement of part of the Khan's army in that direction. Moropant, a
veteran general, received orders to loiter about the precincts of that prepared clearing where Afzul Khan's
grand army was to encamp, and

1 According to Sabhasad, Jijabai was at Kajgad, but Chibnis and. the author of the Shivdigvijay say that
she was at Pratapgad.

remain under cover of the shady trees to watch events. Raghunath Ballal was to be Netaji's lieutenant, and
Trimbak Bhaskar, lieutenant to Moropant. A bugle was to give the signal for Netaji to advance and burst
upon the hostile bands emerging on the heights, while on the dis-• charge of five cannon shots from the fort
Moropant was to make an onslaught on the army encamped in the vale of Javli. They were to be on the
alert and booty was to be no consideration with them. While making thesa preparations without the fort,
Shivaji had the fort itself placed in siege order, with a sufficient garrison and adequate equipment of guns
and ammunition, food-stores and provisions all under his personal supervision. AH accesses to the fort
were closed. Every tower in front of the fort was manned with a defence force of a hundred men and half
as many men formed the defence complement to •each battlement in the rear. Besides a large number of
warriors was drawn up in the passages leading to the main entrance, group by group, and these were
ordered, on the signal of a trumpet blast after Shivaji's descent from the fort, to come forward gradually in
little groups of one or two thousand and station themselves at fixed distances from each other, so that the
outermost group would be within an arrow-shot from the place of the meeting and the last group would be
at the portals of the fortress. A picked band of veterans was to escort Shivaji up to almost the very place
of the conference.

At the foot of the fort where there was an open space near a battlemented tower was fixed the place for
the conference between the two leaders. A spacious and magnificent pavilion was erected here for the
purpose, with a grand •couch of state in the centre and two or three smaller seats •on the dais. A silken
cloth lined the ceiling, with borders iormed of strings of pearls and the divan was spread with •cushions
and carpets of various shapes and designs.

When all was ready word was sent to the Khan to start for Javli. He set out with his troops by the ghat

of Radtondi (the "tearful" pass, so ealled from the steep ascent) where a path had been prepared on
purpose. He came without his guns and heavy encumbrances, though this is contradicted by some
chronicles. Descending the Radtondi ghat, Afzul Khan halted near the village of Par on the Koyana. The
ascent that followed greatly harassed the Khan's followers, and the Pathan mercenaries in his army were
heard to say that Shivaji was a rogue and no one could probe the depths of his cunning and subtlety. It was
not a good sign as to how things would fare with them after all this ascent. The echoes of these complaints
often reached Afzul Khan's ears. But he was strangely infatuated. So sure was he of out-witting Shivaji
and making him a prisoner that he paid no attention to the hazards he was running. Shivaji did all in his
power to make the Khan persevere in the fatuous course he was pursuing. At every halt tents, pavilions,
camp equipments and all manner of provisions were officiously kept in readiness. These zealous
attentions served to keep the Khan continually in good humour. Yee ! Shivaji was oft his guard, so thought
the doting invader. The Maratha chief was absolutely without suspicion of his evil intentions. He would
walk straight into his trap and be exhibited as a captured fool to the people of Bijapur ! Such wore the
Khan's thoughts.

On his arrival at Javli, the Khan despatched K'rishnaji Bhaskar up the fort to announce his arrival and
summon Shivaji to the conference without loss of time. With this message the envoy went up the fort and
delivered his instructions to Shivaji in presence of the assembled durbar. The formal business done,
Shivaji had a private audience with the envoy, when Krishnaji declared that true to hi& compact he had
brought the Khan to Javli. Now it was only left to him to bring the leaders together to a conference. The
further development of the plan rested entirely in Shivaji's hands. He must now make use of all his
resources. It was then decided that the conference should come off on

*66 LIFE OF SHIVAJ1 MAHARAJ

•the third day from that date. Kriahnaji was to work upon the mind of the Khan and induce him to present
himself at the pavilion with only two companions, and Shivaji was to give an undertaking to the same
effect. The rest of the soldiers OD either side should stand off at a distance. Krishnaji promised to obtain
Afzul Khan's assent to these conditions and left the fort. On* his return, Krishnaji communicated the
conditions of the conference and further represented that Shivaji's timidity was without example, and he
did not yet quite trust the Khan's assurances. Krishnaji then suggested that Afzul Khan should agree even
to this condition as his main object was now on the point of fulfilment. Afzul Khan was eager to trap
Shivaji. He shirked no conditions and gave his immediate consent to all these proposals. He sent his
trusty officers to inspect the place of the meeting. They reported that the pavilion Jay in an open plain, and
there were no forces in covert.

At last the fateful hour arrived. The Khan set forward with 1,500 of the pick of his army. The crafty
Krishnaji intervened representing that if Afzul Khan were to proceed with all that cavalcade, Shivaji's
fear and distrust might be re-awakened, and he might not even be induced to descend irom his fortress.
Then he applied the soothing balm of flattery. " You, a pillar of strength to the Adil Shahi state, are a
cavalier of renown ! Shivaji is but as a rush in •comparison with your prowess. Why, oh, Khan! BO much
ado to snare such a simpleton ?" He then asked him to attend the pavilion with one or two attendants like
•Shivaji. 1 The Khan approved this plan and detailed his soldiers to wait in detachments along the way,
and having stationed a fair number of soldiers within an arrow-shot of

1 The powada above referred to states that Moropant and Shamraj-pant, Shivaji's ministers, who had
been sent to conduct the Khan to the

iplace of meeting protested when Afzul Khan set out in a palanquin with 4000 horse, and requested him to
station his men at a distance as also to put down the palanquin away from the place. According to
Sabhasad, Pantaji Pant ( L e. Gopinathpant) protested against Afzul Khan's taking

such a large retinue, not the Khan's envoy, Kriahnaji.

'the pavilion proceeded in a state palanquin to the conference. (He was accompanied by two attendants,
along with a > redoubted veteran soldier named Said Banda and the envoy, Krishnaji Bhaskar. All he now
wanted was that Shivaji should, in terms of the agreement, present himself at the conference. He felt sure
he would straight make a prisoner of him, without the least resistance. What was the puny Shivaji 'before
ATzul Khan ? So sanguine was he of success and confidence in his strength that he was merely attired in
such a vest and cloak as it was the custom to wear when attending a public office. Clad in a flowing robe
of thin. muslin, he carried no other weapon than a sword. The Khan reached the pavilion, seated himself
in the audience hall long before Shivaji's arrival and sent his envoy to the 'fort to bring down Shivaji.
From him Shivaji learnt that Afzul Khan was accompanied by an expert veteran, and sent word to him that
he did not dare to come down, 'to the conference unless he appeared in the hall with no other companion
than a single attendant. Upon this Afzul Khan bade Said Banda stand at a distance.

Meanwhile Shivaji having made all arrangements to meet the worst that might occur, had his bath and
went through the usual ceremonial rites. He then addressed his prayers to the goddess Bhavani, the
guardian deity of his • family, and it is said that such was the fervour of his devotion on this occasion, that
he had an afflatus of the divine spirit and became possessed by religious frenzy. .It appeared to the
observers that he became the medium of an oracular assurance on the part of the deity, bidding Shivaji "
be of good cheer; that he would triumph, thanks 'to her powerful protection ; that blinded by a mental
gloom of her raising, the Khan had walked on unsuspecting to his doom. Let him fall a victim to her divine
wrath and let •the avenging victor immolate a buffalo with its brows •stained with the blood of Afzul
Khan!" These words— -ascribed to the deity but uttered by Shivaji in a sort of ttrance induced by the
extraordinary fervour of religious.

enthusiasm into which, agreeably to the devotional constitution of his mind, he was probably thrown by
the-tremendous pressure put upon his nervous system—were noted down by the officers present and
communicated to him when he came back to his senses. He was still ; more elated by this prophetic
assurance. Then Shivaji addressing his nobles announced to them that in going out to meet Afzul Khan he
knew he was carrying his life in his hands. If the event ended in success there was nothing to fear; if the
result were inauspicious they must not give way to despondency. They were to fall upon the enemy in the
manner previously devised, put him to rout and defend their state. He trusted entirely to their bravery and
valour. That he cared not a straw for the Mahomedan powers was due entirely to the co-operation and
loyal support of the men standing before him. It was for them to exert themselves to the best of their
power in order to save the glorious achievements of the past. This moment was to try their mettle. They
would stand the test like heroes and win immortal renown. This was a stirring appeal and aroused in them
the liveliest battle spirit, They bowed assent declaring not one of them would swerve an inch from his
orders. They would lay down their lives. Their lives were not their own, having been once dedicated to
his service. Their greatest honour would be a loyal death.

Having thus exhorted his companions, stimulated their national pride, and discussed further plans, Shivaji
prepared to dress, for the hour of the ordeal was fast approaching. He wore the usual flowing robe in
white over a mail-coat of links and a similar mail-cap under his turban. He girt himself with the waist-
band and loin-cloth which Indian wrestlers and fighters habitually wear. He had a little poniard hidden
under the sleeves of his right hand, and wore the sharp steel instrument called the " Tiger*s Claws" on the
fingers of his left hand. Thus accoutred, he again visited with reverence the temple of his guardian, deity
and prostrating himself at his mother's feet entreated.

her parting blessing. Jijabai's heart was full to overflowing with affection for her son, but restraining her
emotion, she gave him her blessing bidding him repose his trust in the protection of his tutelary deity. She
compared herself to Kunti, the mother of the heroic Pandavas of Mahabharat fame, and said that he would
shed lustre on the name of Bhonsle. She asked him to avenge himself on Afzul Khan, for the death of his
elder brother Sambhaji, to which Afznl Khan had lent his countenance. 1

Shivaji slowly descended down the fort, under the escort of Tanaji Malusare, Yessaji Kunk, Hiroji
Farzand, Gopinathpant and about fifty other men. On arriving at the pavilion hall, Shivaji entered in
company with Jiva Mahalya and Sambhaji Kavji. 8 Shivaji saw the Khan and made as if he was affrighted
and faltered in his movements. Krishnaji Bhaskar who was with the Khan pointed out how Shivaji was
seized with terror at beholding Afzul Khan and trembled in all his limbs. He proposed that Afzul Khan
might even dismiss his attendant and encourage Shivaji to approach him, as he might feel more confident
to encounter the Khan when ha found him alone. Shivaji advanced nearer. His attendant bore a sword in
either hand, a circumstance to which the Khan made no objection. On Shivaji drawing near, the Khan
raised himself from

1 The Bairi bakhar gives the curious information that doubtful of success and fearing for his safety,
Shivaji sent Brahmans laden with treasure to Kashi ( Banares) and Gaya to perform his funeral rites in
those holy places in case of his death, and that at the same time he made lavish largesses to the Bramans
and shaved his beard, at which tears came into Jijabai's eyes, who had in consequence to be removed
from his presence. As to the allusion to the death of Sambhaji, Shivaji's elder brother, vide a foot-note in
Chapter II. It was a general belief that Afzul Khan had instigated the rebellion which led to the death of
Sambhaji.

2 According to babhasad, Chitragnpta and Shedgaokar bakhars, Shivaji was accompanied by Jiva
Mahalya and Shambhaji Kavji, and this is followed by Mr. Kincaid and Prof. Sarkar. According to the
powada Sbivaji gave hia sword into the hand of Jivaji Mahaldar and had him to attend on him. Granf Duff
says Shivaji was attended by Tanaji Malusare. Jiva. Mahalya was a barber by caste, ( Bharat Itihas
Sanahodhak Mandai Sammelan Vritta, VoL V, p. 16 ).

his seat and advanced two or three steps forward to meet •him. He was very eager to encounter the
Maratha. He felt sure that Shivaji was unarmed and would easily fall into his clutches. The reason was
plain,as the Khan was a man -of giant built, though Shivaji while shorter of stature was far more wiry.
Krishnaji Bhaskar formally introduced them to one another. They advanced to the embrace. The Khan
contrived to get Shivaji's neck under his left arm, -squeezed his head under the arm-pit, and drawing his
dagger attempted to drive it between his ribs. But it merely grazed the mail under his robe and caused no
harm. 1 Recovering from his surprise and the agony of strangulation, Shivaji fastened the " Tiger's Claws
" upon the Khan's abdomen. At the same time he drew out the poniard from under his sleeve, delivered
thrust after thrust, and dexterously extricated his head from under Afzul Khan's arm. The " Tiger's Claws "
pierced the Khan's bowels, drawing out the entrails and blood after them. Afzul Khan held down the
wounded part with one hand and lunged with his sword upon Shivaji with the other. Shivaji warded off
the stroke, by jumping off with great agility, but the blow glanced across his head-gear and dashing it to
the ground caused a slight wound. In an instant Shivaji delivered

1 Grant Duff's version is that Shivaji was the first aggressor, driving deep his "Tiger's claws" at the first
embrace. The general tenor of the bakhars is quite different and is followed in the text here. Modak's
History of the Adil Shahi Kingdom gives a radically different version of the event, briefly to this effect:—
Convinced that it was impossible for him to prevail over Afzul Khan, Shivaji made a pretence of
friendship, put on a show of humility, appeared before Afzul Khan at his tent and induced him to come to a
banquet at Pratapgad. When the unsuspecting guest came with a dozen or so of his followers, Shivaji's -
armed bands suddenly fell upon him and cut him to pieces. Modak derived his account probably from the
Basabiu-i-Salatin, which gives •nearly the same story. Chitragupta's bakhar and the powada introduce
other details, viz., angry speeches between Shivaji and Afzul Khan followed by a duel. The Khan was
apparently angry that Shivaji .should make such a show of his magnificence in the upholstering of the
pavilion. This led to mutual abuse. The Shedgaokar version is that fche Khan complained about it to
Shivaji's envoy, who propitiated him by replying that these costly things would eventually be surrendered
to Bijapur.

.Another powerful blow and tried to wrest the sword from Afzul Khan's hand. The Khan raised an outcry
of " Murder! treason ! help!'" which drew the soldiers on either side nearer to the scene of the tragedy.
Said Banda first came up to the rescue and attacked Shivaji with his double-edged sword. Shivaji took a
similar sword from Jiva Mahalya in his right hand and with his own poniard in the left began to ward off
Said Banda's blows. In the meantime Jiva Mahalya rushed upon Said Banda and lopped off from the
shoulder the arm with which he brandished his long sword, so that the loyal defender of the Khan
collapsed on the ground. 1 Then there followed a general melee, in which the followers of Afzul Khan
contrived to place him in a palanquin and bear him off. 2 Yessaji Kunk and Tanaji Maiusare exiricated
Shivaji from the melee around him and pursued the Khan's palanquin. They came up with the litter and
wounding the bearers in the legs compelled them to throw down their burden. The Khan's head was
severed from the trunk and borne off wrapped in a scarf. 3 Afzul Khan had a Brahman civilian of the name
of Krishnaji with him. He, compassionating the fate of the ill-starred Afzul rushed upon Shivaji, sword in
hand, flaming with indignation. Shivaji parried one or two thrusts and then declared that he acted upon his
father's command not to slay a Brahman. He had better make the best of his way home. With this

• order he was let go.*

1 According to Chitnis Yesaji Rank slew Said Banda.

2 According to Sabhasad and Chitragupta Afzul Khan himself leapt down from the dais and began to run
away with shouts of "Murder ! treason !" at which his men rushed to the rescue, put him into the palanquin
and began to take him away.

3 According to Grant Duff it was Khando Maley and other followers who cut off the head of the
unfortunate Khan. Chitragupta and Sabhasad say it was brought down by Sambhaji Kavji at Shivaji's
order. The powada represents Sambhaji Kavji to have maimed the bearers and Shivaji himself to have cat
off the head.

* Prof. Jadunath Sarkar on the authority of the Marathi bakhars, the Tarikh-i-Shivaji, the English Factory
Records of Rajapnr &c. concludes that Afzul Khan fell a vicitim to his own treachery.

Delivered from all these dangers Shivaji reached the-main gate of Pratapgad in safety. It was still an hour
or two before sunset. True to the concerted plans signal guns were fired and bugles sounded. The Khan's
army encamped in the lowlying plain heard the cannonade and took it for a salvo in honour of the meeting.
Thus they remained unguarded and unconscious of the great event. Meanwhile following the concerted
programme Netaji Palkar fell upon the 1,500 warriors who had come up in Afzul Khan»s cavalcade. By
this time the news of the tragic end of the Khan had spread to this chosen bodyguard. The guard was
seized with surprise. The confusion became worse confounded when Netaji Palkar directed his onslaught
upon them. But brave and expert veterans as they were they got the better of their panic and stood at bay.
They struggled long and valorously with their Mavali assailants. At last the scales of fortune were turned
against them. They had exhausted every art of defensive warfare. Then there was a head-long rush and
they fled for their lives. The Mavalis pressed on in pursuit of them and cut down every Pathan they could
overtake in the chase.

On another side Moropant Pingle followed up the appointed signal with a sudden onslaught on the main
body of Afzul Khan's army peacefully quartered in their camp in the plain of Javli. They had not the least
expectation of such a sudden charge by the hostile bands against them. Their panic was in proportion to
their unpreparedness.

He thinks that Shivaji would have been considered bat a fool, had he not provided against such a
contingency at the hands of Afzul Khan. The late Mr. K. P. Karkaria more than twenty years ago made a
defence of the version disclosed to us by the Maratha chronicles. The late Mr. Banade in his "Rise of the
Maratha Power" attempted a halting defence. A circumstance that must never be lost sight of is the fact
that the Khan had made a solemn vow that he would take Shivaji alive or dead, and Shivaji had to elude
his object. Besides the Khan's intrigues wioh the Khopdes (Rajwade XV, 302) clearly show his intention
was to seize Shivaji, somehow or other. Scott. Waring, in his History of the jfarathas, 1810, defends the
Marathi bakhar version of the tragedy.

Even thus they turned round to confront the enemy. But their defeat WHS a foregone conclusion, and the
little resistance they made was prompted by the energy of despair. After repeated attacks they were at last
driven into a precipitate rout. Shivaji's standing orders to his generals were not to put to death those who
would give up their arms and surrender. Many who were wounded thus surrendered. Many took flight into
the neighbouring jungles. Hiding and flying from forest to forest for some time they -evaded capture. But
this did not last long. They lost their way in the tangled woods and were at length detected .-and seized,
worn out and starving, by Shivaji's search .parties.

The captives thus taken were treated by Shivaji with his wonted courtesy and generosity. They were
accorded treatment befitting their rank and released with grants of money for their travelling expenses.
Persons of noble rank received due honour, horses and gifts of apparel being provided for their return to
Bijapur. Many a Maratha soldier in the Bijapur service observing the magnanimous bearing of the victor
transferred his allegiance to Shivaji. They were retained with cordial welcome. Among the great nobles
captured on this occasion was a Maratha sardar named Zunzarrao Ghatge. Between Ghatge's father and
the Rajah Shahaji there had once subsisted, as Shivaji was aware, a most cordial friendship. It was,
therefore, natural that Shivaji should have tried with all the persuasiveness at his command to induce
Ghatge to serve under his flag. But he declined to give up his Adil Shahi • master even for the cause of
freedom. Shivaji with great reluctance parted company with this scion of a family with which he had a
hereditary alliance. He arranged for his return to Bijapur with presents of robes of honour and of
jewellery as a mark of his esteem.

In the general affray, Fazal Khan, the eldest son of Afzul Khan, was wounded and took to flight. Applying
bandages to his wounds he tried to escape by a concealed

flight between the thickets and brushwood. But the unfortunate man with the members of his household fell
into the hands of Khandoji Khopde. 1 They offered him a bribe-and he volunteered to lead them in safety
to Karhad along the bank of the Koyana, instead of surrendering them to Shivaji. When this was known
Shivaji ordered Khopde to-be executed.

Shivaji gained much booty in this defeat of Afzul Khan. It comprised about a hundred elephants, seven to
eight thousand horses, a thousand camels, the entire artillery park and field-guns, about ten to twelve lakhs
of rupees in specie, gold, pearls, and precious stones of the value of more than two lakhs, two thousand
packages of cloth, tents, camp equipages and other material of use on a march. More important than these
material gains was the accession* of strength to Shivaji's army, for Marathas even from the Khan's hosts
were astonished at Shivaji's bravery and generosity and willingly came over to him, company after
company.

The severed head of Afzul Khan was presented to the goddess Bhavani, whose desecrated temple at
Tuljapur was thus avenged. After visiting the temple of his guardian deity, Shivaji presented himself
before his mother. Jijabai was overjoyed to welcome him to her arms again. Clasping him to her bosom,
she congratulated him on the victory and exclaimed that the death of his brother, Sambhaji, was now
avenged by his heroism. The day of his safe return from victory was indeed a red-letter day in her life.
Uttering these words with maternal solicitude she went through the usual form by which Hindu matrons
ward off

1 Chitnis and the author of the Shivadigvijay maintain that Khandoji Khopde, the commander of Afzul
Khan's Mavali corps, led Fazal Khan and the unfortunate Afzul Khan's family in safety to Karhad with a
force of two hundred men, and that sometime later Khopde having fallen into the hands of Shivaji was
executed. Instead of Khopde the-name Kankde is also found. Sabhasad says that among other sardars-two
of Afzul Khan'e sons were apprehended and brought before-Shivaji.

the ' evil eye' from their children. Then turning to his companions she acclaimed them one and all for the
triumph,, saying the credit was due to them both for the victory and the preservation of their master's life.
She loaded them with gifts in the shape of personal decorations or articles of attire in recognition of their
valour.

Shivaji again descended from the fort to inspect the condition of his combatants. He arranged for the care
and nursing of the wounded and encouraged them by visiting and conversing with them one and all. A
comprehensive list was made of all who had fallen in the fight, and condolences were sent to their
families and promises of pension, vatans or grants of land made to the veteran officers in their life-time
were continued in their families as a hereditary right. The wounded received compensation in, proportion
to the seriousness of the wounds they had received, the amountH ranging from 75 to 200 pagodas each.
Other favours and marks of honour were lavished in profusion upon men who indeed had nobly deserved
them. The senior officers and nobles were presented with horses, rings, ptearl pendants or crests, necklets
and armlets, robes and head-gear embroidered with gold. There were grants of inam lands and revenue
rights. These were graduated according to the quality of the service rendered. Many an infantry sepoy
received promotion in the cavalry. Some received higher command in the army, others received special
recognition in the shape of a palanquin grant, in itself no light honour. The" sons of the deceased, if of
mature age for the army, were at once enrolled in place of their father. These gifts and promotions were
all made in presence of the whole army, with public acknowledgment of each meritorious action or
warlike exploit. This had the effect of stimulating their enthusiasm and rousing the spirit of emulation
among men and officers. The generous rewards made by Shivaji carried conviction to the breast of each
soldier that their merit would receive due

J76 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

acknowledgment. Nor was Gopinathpant forgotten. He was given the village of Hivre as inam in
perpetuity. 1

At Pratapgad and other places there were great rejoicings in honour of the victory. Music was to be heard
everywhere. Each private house was decorated with flagH of victory, hoisted upon the verandahs. Sugar
aud sweets were distributed from huge panniers carried by state elephants from house to house, a time-
hououred feature of a triumphal celebration with Indian rajahs. The Brahmans received noble presents in
the form of dak8/iina,&ud the poorest had alms. There were dinners and banquetings at which the
Brahmans as usual figured conspicuously. Saints and goaavis of ancient shrines were honoured with gifts
and offerings. The news of Afzul Khan's defeat and death was sent round to all friends and allies. A
special messenger was sent to the Rajah Shahaji in the Karnatic to convey the tidings of victory. The event
was celebrated as a national triumph. The death of the desecrator of the national shrines of Tuljapur, of
Pandharpur, of Shingnapur was universally hailed as the death of a demon, and the finger of Providence
was seen in his fall. A strong wave -of patriotism overswept the whole country, such as it had not
experienced for centuries. These feelings found vent in the stirring ballad or powada that celebrates the
•event. It is said that this powada was composed by the court minstrel at the express order of Jijabai.
Afzul Khan's head was buried at the scene of the tragedy, and a castellated tower built on the site, to
which the name was given of the Afzul Buruz or Afzul Tower. The sword wrested from Afzul Khan was
preserved as a memento of the victory. Ascribing the victory to the propitious favour of the Bhavani of
Tuljapur, it is said that Shivaji vowed to install and con—

1 The Kairi bakhar says that the inam of Hivre (plus one lakh of pagodas) was conferred upon Shivaji's
envoy Dattaji Gopinath, which is perhaps a mistake for Gopinathpant. The Shivadigvijay says that the
inam of Hivre was conferred upon Shivaji's envoy, Pantajipant. As regards ithe variations of the name of
Shivaji's envoy, notice has already been taken in a previous foot-note.

eecrate an image of that goddess within the battlements of Fort Pratapgad. A Brahman expert was
despatched to the banks of the Gandaki, famed for their veins of stone fit for artistic carving. The stone
block thus carefully selected was sent to Tuljapur and a model of the original image made at the hands of
an artist. The image was installed in a court on the topmost fortification at the summit of Fort Pratapgad
and a beautiful temple raised over it. Provision was made for the maintenance of the daily rites and
offerings and the periodical banquets to Brahmans on auspicious days in honour of the goddess. The
same-festivals and periodical fairs were ordered to be held here as at Tuljapur. According to other
authorities the temple was erected after the fall of the Mores of Javli.

The Adil Shahi sultan and the dowager sultana at Bijapur were shocked to hear of the tragedy of Afzul
Khan and the dissipation of his grand army. It is said that when the messengers brought word of the
catastrophe the sultan sprang from his throne in grief and alarm and betook himself to his bed-chamber.
The dowager queen gave herself to wailing and lamentation. That such a mighty nobleman as Afzul Khan
should be so utterly defeated, hie head dissevered from his body and carried io triumph, his forces
annihilated and his camp despoiled showed a culmination of Maratha power which threw the ornrahs of
the Adil Shahi court into the deepest gloom. The fortunes of the Adil Shahi state seemed to totter At any
hour Shivaji might knock at their gates, at the head of his victorious legions. The capital was full of these
rumours. For three days, it is said, the royal drums remained silent and the sultan and his guardian mother
lost all appetite for their meals. 1

1 Many curious legends have gathered round the tragic fate of Afzql Khan. The most striking is the story
which is told in Marshall's-Bijapur, and which is related by the local guides to travellers visiting Bijapur
about Afzul Khan having a premonition of his death before starting against Sbivaji and having killed his
63 wives that they might not share another man's bed and buried them in the tombs which are still shown
to the traveller in the ruined and deserted suburb of Afzul-pura, where the Khan had his mansion (vide
Shedgaokar's Bakhar.) L. 8.13
CHAPTER XII ADIL SHAHI NOBLES DISCOMFITED
THE terror of Shivaji's name was now felt in all parts of the Bijapur kingdom. The defeat of Afzul Khan
was followed by the rapid conquest of several forts and rural tracts in the neighbourhood. On the
announcement of Afzul Khan's invasion, the Abyssinian chief of Janjira had lost no time in laying siege to
the Konkan forts of Tala and Ghosala. The report of Afzul Khan's tragic end coming quickly on the heels
of the first report had induced him to raise the siege of both these places. Shivaji put his army in motion to
punish the Abyssinians. But an opportunity for the conquest of Fanhala having unexpectedly supervened
Shivaji's forces were drawn in that direction.

For the officer in charge of this important fortress had of his own initiative opened communications with
Shivaji and signified his intention to place the fort at Shivaji's disposal. This was a matter of surprise.
That the commander of such an impregnable fort should without any suggestion on his part offer to make
such a proposal naturally excited suspicion. Was he sincere ? Was he acting thus at the dictation of the
Bijapur authorities ? It was necessary to ascertain that there was no plot or stratagem at the bottom of this
offer. But the capture of this fort was bound to be of incalculable advantage, and it was worth attempting.
A Mavali battalion was at once got ready under a trusty general. He was ordered to start for the fort in
answer to the invitation. The choice had fallen upon Annaji Datto. Shivaji in person started with a larger
force of infantry and cavalry to station himself in the vicinity of the scene of Annaji's operations to await
the issue and support him in case of treachery. But there was no occasion for fighting. The governor of the
fort kept hie •word. The fort was delivered unconditionally to Shivaji's general in October, 1659. 1 The
fort of Pavangad fell under

i Another version of the capture of Panhala is as follows :— Shivaji

similar circumstances. Vasantgad was captured by a sudden assault. The acquisition of these forts
established Shivaji's power on the upper courses of the Krishna. The revenues of these districts came into
Shivaji's hands. Revenue stations were appointed all over these newly conquered possessions. These
stations extended in a line up to the miniature fortress of Battisshirala.

On the fall of Fanhala Shivaji marched up to that fort and detailed his forces for the conquest of a number
of little hill-forts lying in all directions on the crest of the Sahyadri or the Western Ghats. Most of these
fell without his generals being forced to strike a blow. But the forts of Rangna and Khelna had to be taken
by storm. The conquest of Khelna indeed required tremendous sacrifices, in commemoration of which
circumstance, Shivaji changed its name and it emerged on a new career of historical renown under the
name of Visbalgad or Fort Tremendous. It has come down to our times under this name. All these
acquisitions were made in little more than the space of two or three months after the Afzul Khan tragedy.
Thus the fertile country of Kolhapur and its numerous fortresses came under Shivaji's domination.

During these times the Bijapur government maintained an important military station at Miraj, the governor
of which was a general named Rustom Jeman. His military control extended from Kolhapur to Ratnagiri
and included a part of the Kanara district. This general, strange to say, presented no opposition to the
onward expansion of Shivaji's power within the sphere of his authority. Whether it be

had long meditated the capture of this fort, bat had been deterred by the difficulties of the taek. To effect
its capture, Shivaji made use of a stratagem. He made a pretence of discharging from hia service some
seven or eight hundred of his followers, who representing that they were discharged by Shivaji offered
their services to the governor of Panhala and were enrolled for garrison duty at that fort. Subsequently
Shivaji laid • iege to Panhala, when some members of the besieging party were secretly admitted under
cover of night by the ex-soldiers of Shivaji and by their united arms the defenders of the fort were
defeated and the fort captured.

that he stood in such fear of Sbivaji's onslaught that he felt it more prudent to remain passive, or, as was
alleged by the British merchants of the period at Rajapur, his silence and inactivity were purchased by a
bribe, it is difficult to decide. But soon afterwards he received express orders from the sultan to take the
field against Shivaji in defence of the district of Kolhapur. He had then uader his command a force of
three thousand horse with a small complement of infantry. He put himself at the head of these forces and
marched upon Panhala. As soon as he drew near enough to the fort, Shivaji sallied out and charged with
all his cavalry. So complete was Rustom's defeat that he was driven beyond the Krishna and chased for
many miles. The chase lasted almost to the gates of Bijapur. The larger towns on the way were plundered
and destroyed, and the shops and markets laid under contribution. Having inflicted such immense damage
on the Bijapur government Shivaji wheeled round with such amazing rapidity, that the enemy had no time
to pursue his galloping columns. His celerity of movement did not permit even a thought of pursuit.

On his return to Vishalgad, Shivaji put himself at the head of an infantry force, which had been kept ready
in marching order by Annaji Datto under Shivaji*s advice. His present objective was Rajapur and the
seaport towns in the Konkan.

The town of Rajapur was at first spared because, as the English merchants in the Rajapur factory wrote,
this port belonged to Rustom Jeman with whom Shivaji had a secret understanding. Shivaji fell upon
Dabhol and carried all the little stations dependent on its maritime fortifications. When he had refreshed
and recruited his-forces by a brief stay at Raigad he was ready to fall upon Cheul, a wealthy harbour
town, which was plundered for three days in succession. The military governor of Cheul, Khojoji by
name, was taken prisoner, the town occupied, and the booty transferred safely to Rajgad. Meanwhile the-

.Adil Shahi refugees from the Konkan seaport had found shelter at Ilajapur. The defeat of Rustom Jeman at
Panhala had filled these refugees with great alarm. They had just heard rumours of Shivaji's depredations
in the neighbourhood of Bijapur, when they were astonished to learn that a flying column of Maratha horse
was actually storming the gates of their own town. The local governor attempted to escape in one of
Rustom Jeman's cargo-ships. The Marathas tried to stop him. The governor pretended it was a cargo-ship
of the. East India Company. Henry Revington, the English Company's agent, became a party to this
collusion. He pretended that the ship was attached •for unpaid debts owing by the governor to the
Company. In reality there was only a private transaction between the governor and one of Revington's
brokers. He refused to restore the ship to the Maratha general. Upon this two of the Company's brokers
and an English factor, Philip Gyffard, were arrested and sent for detention toKharepatan. Meanwhile
Shivaji heard of these events at Rajapur, and condemned the attack upon the port. He ordered all the
plunder taken from the citizens to be restored and the .prisoners set at liberty, though it seems that Gyffard
had been already rescued by a party of Revington's mercenary soldiers, while being removed from
Kharepatan to another rfort. (February 1660). 1

The discomfiture of two great generals of the Bijapur state, Afzul Khan and Rustom Jeman, of whom one
had lost his life and the other had fled precipitately before Shivaji's squadrons, filled the people of
Bijapur with terror. .Nor was this mitigated by the sweeping march of the Maratha leader to the gates of
the capital carrying fire and sword. The name of Shivaji had now become a terror to every Mahomedan
sardar and killedar in the Adilshahi kingdom, Their consternation was so great that it emboldened many
an adventurous marauder to profess himself a follower of Shivaji, enter the Bijapur territory unresisted
and uncbal-1 Factory Records, Rajapur, quoted by Prof. Sarkar.

lenged, and levy tribute and plunder with impunity. The tottering government was in utter despair. The
omrahs of the court in their anxiety at the common peril forgot their civil dissensions for the present. No
prominent general was forth-coming to take the field against Shivaji. It is said that Afzul Khan's son Fazal
was burning with desire to avenge his father's death and continually clamoured for a campaign of
vengeance against Shivaji. But even he did not dare to take the field alone. There was a party that
suggested that the,next campaign should be conducted directly under the auspices of the sultan himself,
and that no single general, however great, could be entrusted with a task of such gravity. Others, on the
contrary, declared that it would be derogatory to the crown that the sultan should take the field in person
against a rebel, Lhat Shivaji's rashness and craft might lead him to any extremities, and the sultan's life
and with it their honour would be in jeopardy.

Thus they remained in uncertainty looking for a champion who would deliver them. At last such a
champion was discovered. He was a brave Sidi or Abyssinian of the name of Johar. The fields of the
Karnatic bore testimony to his prowess. A quarrel with the sultan had led him to declare himself
independent in the province of Kurnool. The sultan bore him a grudge on that score. Later on he
endeavoured to become reconciled with the sultan and tendered an apology for his behaviour in the past.
The sultan now wrote to him in reply that he could purchase his pardon only by leading the Adil Shahi
standards against Shivaji and returning in triumph after the complete overthrow of the Maratha leader.
Greater honours, greater rewards would await his successful return. The Abyssinian joyfully accepted
these conditions, and embarked on the new expedition. Fazal Khan accompanied him seeking revenge for
his father's death. 1

* According to Chitnia and the Shivadigvijay there was a third: general named Sarja Khan.

ADIL SHAHI NOBLES DISCOMFITED

The forces sent down with Sidi Johar were considerably larger than any previously launched against
Shivaji. Some say they were twice as many as Afzul Khan's army. On the eve of his departure the sultan
honoured the Abyssinian with a new title, Salabat Khan, the object being to enkindle his loyal devotion
and enthusiasm upon which the success of the expedition so vitally depended. As to Fazal Khan, his
desire for vengeance wss a spur more potent than any title. While Shivaji was attacked on one side by
these two generals, the Abyssinians of Janjira with the co-operation of the chief of Sawantwadi were to
make a diversion in the Konkan possessions of Shivaji. Such was the plan of the invasion. Sidi Johar and
Fazal resolved to strike the first blow on Panhala. With this object they marched to that fort (May 1660).
The arrangement was that Sidi Johar should complete the siege of Fanhala and Fazal should descend the
ghats into the Konkan to ravage Shivaji's territory on the coast. About the same time the Moguls began
their campaign under the lead of Shaista Khan.

Shivaji's scouts promptly brought tidings of what was happening. Apprised of these hostile movements in
good time, Shivaji issued orders for defensive preparations to be made in each fort and the armies to be
on the alert. The tide of invasion was to be held back on all sides. Raghunathpant Korde was ordered to
fight Sidi Fatten Khan of Janjira in the Konkan; the defence of the Kalyan and Bhiwandi districts was
imposed upon Abaji Sondev, the conflict with the Sawants of Wadi was entrusted to Baji Fasalkar. On the
uplands of the ghats, there was Moropant Pingle in defence of Purandhar, Sinhagad, Pratapgad and other
fortresses and the territory commanded by them; Shivaji in person was to conduct the defensive
operations at Fort Panhala, and Netaji Palkar with the light cavalry was instructed to harass Sidi Johar
from a distance and cut off his communications and supplies. Shivaji had undertaken the defence of
Panhala in person owing to the new*

he had received from his scouts of the intention of the Bijapur leaders to concentrate their attack upon that
fort. Con-eluding, therefore, that the major operations on the defensive must be centred in this spot,
Shivaji had taken up this post. But the events proved that it would have been better if he had done
otherwise.

Sidi Johar approached Fanhala without opposition. Shivaji's object was to bide his time and punish him
only when he had advanced so far that retreat became impossible. When the Bijapur forces had at last
encamped close before Fanhala Netaji Palkar took the aggressive. He made midnight raids upon the Adil
Shahi camp. He cut off their supplies and harassed them by falling upon their foraging parties. Netaji's
light cavalry used to emerge suddenly from a valley, burst upon those quarters of the hostile camp which
seemed to be closely guarded, inflict immense slaughter and with lightning speed make good their escape
before the enemy h#d time to think of pursuit, after discharging their mortar-bombs to add to the enemy's
confusion. Johar saw the first necessity of the campaign was to get rid of these skirmishing parties of
Netaji. He therefore took the offensive against Netaji's light horse killing all the skirmishers he could
capture. But he soon found it an extremely arduous and interminable task to pursue and •capture the
Mavalis in that mountainous country. Having thus decided to let Netaji alone he concentrated the
detachments which had been located in far-off stations and pressed iorward the siege with greater rigour.
Though the weather was unfavourable for a siege, his cannonading never slackened for a moment. Strict
orders were issued under no^circumstances to permit any one from the garrison to emerge from the
besieged fort nor any outsider to enter in. Nor was this all. It was proclaimed to all ranks of the besieging
army that no Maratha combatant they might come across should be allowed to escape alive. Distinct units
of watch-parties were constituted of privates and officers to mount guard in rotation both day and night,
the

•object being that there should be no relaxation whatever in the maintenance of a strict blockade. He
himself set an example of untiring vigilance in supervising the operations of the siege.

Thus Shivaji was closed in for four months. There seemed to be no chance of the siege being raised by the
anemy. The besieging army was large enough to keep up a strict blockade and its discipline was of a most
efficient order. Do what Netaji Falkar might in the way of raids and surprises, the besiegers' efforts were
not likely to grow weaker on that account. The cannonading from the brow of the fort, however steadily
maintained, had little effect on the enemy. The worst of the situation was that the enemy had got news of
Shivaji's presence in the fort, and he was not likely to leave this quarry, however long it might stand at
bay, in search of more ignoble game. Sidi Johar no doubt thought that sooner or later the fort must fall
before him and with it Shivaji must come into his bands. He would, thus easily achieve what had foiled so
many generals before him. His prestige at the Bijapur durbar would be established beyond dispute. These
ambitious thoughts kindled his vigour and enthusiasm. On the other hand, Shivaji's foresight had made
such ample preparations on the fort as might have sufficed for even a siege of over two years. There was
no likelihood of any shortage of provisions or ammunition for that period even if his communications with
the outside world were entirely cut off. What Shivaji chiefly regretted was that, being thus cooped up at
Panhala, he was cut off from all sources of information as to how things were shaping themselves abroad
and from issuing commands to his officers elsewhere. He therefore became very anxious to escape.
Heavy siege lines encompassed him on all sides. There could be seen no weak point in the siege-works.
To sally out and give battle was impossible, for the enemy far out-numbered the garrison. He had
therefore to contrive his escape by daring and stratagem. With this view he opened.

communications with the Sidi stating that he was prepared to deliver the fort upon certain conditions, to
state which, he would himself come down to the lower slope, if the Sidi undertook to guarantee his safe
return. The Sidi was overjoyed at the turn events had taken and willingly gave the guarantee. Shivaji
attended by a small bodyguard came down to the Sidi's camp in the evening. At the conference Shivaji
played a part which quite imposed upon the Sidi. First he consented to surrender the fort. The discussion
then turned on the conditions of the surrender, 'and the principal articles of the treaty were settled after
some discussion. By this time it was very dark, and adjourning the conference for the night to be resumed
the following morning for the settlement of minor details, Shivaji returned to his fort. 1 The Sidi was
relieved of his cares and felt quite jubilant at Shivaji's submission and was ready to consent to any terms
proposed by him. He concluded the war was now at an end and the fort as good as gained. He stopped the
cannonading. The sentinels relaxed their watch and for the first time after a long period of tension gave
themselves to mirth and frolic.

This was just what Shivaji wanted and for this it was

1 In Modak's History of the Adil Shabi Kingdom we have quite a different version of this interview.
There it is mentioned that Shivaji begged leave for a friendly interview with Johar in company with two
or three of his followers, stating he wanted to sue for pardon and communicate further proposals at the
interview. The Sidi was considerably elated with this and made answer that Shivaji might safely entrust
himself in his hands, for that though he served the sultan and made the campaign under his orders, he
wished him well and would willingly promote the terms of any accommodation proposed by Shivaji.
Upon this assurance, Shivaji came down at midnight for a conference with two or three of his chiefs and
was courteously entertained by Sidi. Preliminariea were settled and Shivaji returned to the fort. When the
sultan heard of these events at Bijapur he was greatly incensed and moved the army to take the command
into his own hand and conduct the war against Shivaji. (Page 202, Kodak's History of the Adil Shahi
Kingdom). Prof. Sarkar apparently follows a similar account, which is based upon the Basatin-i-Salatin.

that he had planned the meeting. With the dower of his bravest Mavalis, Shivaji slipped down the fort
walls and marched right through the enemy's sentinel outposts. 1 Amid their boisterous carousals this
movement at first escaped their notice. But they soon observed that Shivaji had given them the slip and
began to prepare themselves for pursuit. Meanwhile Shivaji had used his advantage to good purpose and
made such speed that he was now abreast of Fort Vishalgad. 2 But now there followed a pursuit in deadly
earnest. Fazal Khan, the son of Afzul and Sidi Aziz, the son of Johar 3 led the cavalry with the infantry
following at a distance. It was not till sun-rise however that they could come in sight of Shivaji's fugitive
squadron. When they first observed it, the squadron was dashing up a ghat about six miles from Vishalgad.
Now that the pursuers had gained so much ground upon him, Shivaji thought it necessary to leave a
detachment in the gorge below to hold the enemy in play. A corps of Mavalis was detached and told to
occupy the gorge in the glen of Pandhare Pani or the White Water, through which the enemy had of
necessity to pass if he wished to continue the pursuit. Shivaji himself continued his flight. A leader of
heroic mettle^ Baji Deshpande of Hirdas MavaJ, was left in command of these daring M.avalis. Five
cannon-shots pealing from the brows
1 The Hairi bakhar says that at the head of 20,000 Mavalis Shivaji sallied upon the besieging army and
making his way with the sword, effected his escape to Vishalgad with Fazal in his pursuit. The pretence of
a treaty to put the besiegers off their guard is not mentioned in this bakhar.

2 Qrant Duff and Ranade following Chitnis say that Shivaji fled to Rangna. It is now generally agreed that
the fort to which Shivaji escaped was not Rangna, but Vishalgad. Pandhare Pani is six miles from
Vishalgad. The Jedhe Chronology also states that Shivaji escaped to Khelna, which is the same as
Vishalgad. Rangna is about 75 miles from Panhala while Vishalgad is nearer. Ranade compared the heroic
defence of the mountain pass by Baji Deshpande with the self-sacrifice of Leonidas and his three hundred
Spartans at the pass of Thermopylae. The death of Baji in the moment of victory may be compared with
the triumphant deaths of the heroes of Quebec, of Corunna and of Trafalgar.

3 The Tarikh-i-Shivaji calls him Sidi Halai.

of Vishalgad were to be a signal that the Maratha prince was safe in its towers. Till then the gallant Baji
was to keep the enemy at bay. No better choice could have been made for such a perilous enterprise.
Never was confidence in a general more brilliantly vindicated. There stood the gallant hero, with his
5000 Mavalis in a defile which became literally a valley of death, without shelter to right or left, under no
cover but hedges of bramble and brushwood. The vanguard of pursuing cavalry were scattered by bullets
and chain-shot. They kept at a respectful distance below the defile. But the infantry soon came up and
desperately charged the Mavalis. The Mavalis met the charge with equal impetuosity. The charge was
broken and the attacking columns were rolled back. They formed again this time with increased numbers,
and delivered a second assault. But even this .was beaten off by Baji Deshpande. The battle then became
a hand-to-hand struggle and was fiercely disputed on both sides. The fighting had now lasted for three
hxmrs and the dauntless guardians of the pass had not yielded an inch of ground. The enemy was still at
the foot of the defile, storming and raving with impotence. This annoyed Fazal Khan. He rallied his
Karnatic infantry to a third charge more furious and obstinate, supported by artillery. By this time the
Mavalis had been reduced to half their numbers and the enemy had lost nearly five thousand. Baji
Deshpande, nothing daunted, advanced to meet the charge, but while rallying his men to the attack was
struck down by a cannon-shot. Bravely had he stood his ground and before his death he had the
satisfaction of knowing that he had done his duty. For Shivaji had reached tne fort and the loyal Baji had
the joy ere he closed his eyes in death of hearing the five signal shotd from the guns of Vishalgad. His was
the happy death of a patriot who died for his king and country. His work was done and that •of the gallant
brigade of his Mavalis. After the glorious Jeath of their leader and the arrival of Shivaji at his

destination their mission was ended. They made for the fort, following diverse paths, taking care to bear
on. their shoulders the mortal remains of their gallant general. At the cost of many lives they saved his
body from the hands of a vindictive and sacrilegious foe. The Mahomedans did not dare to pursue them
through the mazy tangle of those forests. (July, 1660).

The enemy occupied the gorge, filed through the pass, and presented himself at the foot of Vishalgad. It
was the hottes£ part of the year. The streams had all dried up. The valleys under the fort were scarcely
commodious enough to plant batteries for purposes of a regular siege. Fazal Khan began thus to weigh
anxiously the risks and chances of a blockade. The risks were that Shivaji with his wonderful capacity for
achieving the impossible might invent some plan for his destruction were he to establish his lines before
his stronghold. Moreover Johar had no desire to raise the siege of Panhala only to transfer the batteries to
a new scene at Vishalgad and go through the preliminaries of a siege all over again. Upon these grounds,
Fazal Khan gave up the idea of commencing a siege and returned to Panhala, But at Panhala, Shivaji
having escaped, there was no strong motive to persevere doggedly in the siege. Shiv&ji was now free to
counteract the designs of the besiegers. The monsoons were approaching, and their violence was more to
be dreaded in these mountainous regions, especially by an army entrenched behind siege-works. Besides
Raghunath Ballal who wa& entrusted with the command of the fort, when Shivaji effected his escape, was
putting up a gallant defence. Shivaji had sent reinforcements to co-operate with the garrison from without.
When the besiegers advanced to plant batteries and storm the fort, these bands hovered round the rear of
the enemy's army from below and wrought much havoc, slaying and plundering all that came within their
reach. Again when the van of the storming party ran down to meet the alarm on their rear, the garrison

seized the occasion to wreck the batteries. Between this double fire Johar and Fazal Khan gave up all
hope of carrying the fort by storm. They had one recourse left open to them, corruption. This they now
resolved to try. They sent word to Raghunath Ballal that it would be to his advantage to surrender the fort
and come over to the besiegers' side. They would recommend him to the special favour of the Bijapur
government. They promised him titles and jahgirs. But Raghunathpant was a man of sterling worth. He
replied fearlessly that he thirsted not for gold and would never break faith with his master. So in this also
the besiegers were foiled. All their resources had been tried to no purpose. Johar's resolution began to
waver. His mind vacillated between opposite extremes. At one moment he thought to postpone the siege
till after the rains, spend the interval at Bijapur, and after the enforced inactivity recommence the siege on
a greater scale. Then again he thought he had led such vast forces to disgrace and ruin, without performing
any feat of arms worthy of the sacrifice. His return to Bijapur would have no other construction than an
inglorious defeat, and draw down the sultan's wrath upon his devoted head. Better then to spend the
antumn in this inclement place with the chance of renewing the siege after the monsoon storms had
exhausted themselves. He resolved to encamp at Gajapur between Panhala and Vishalgad. This proposal
became known to the army. The despondent soldiery were seized with consternation and clamoured for
furlough. Nothing could assuage their fears. Their obstinacy increased from day to day. It was plain Johar
could not persevere to remain around Panhala with a discontented army. With great reluctance he broke up
his camp and ordered a retreat to be sounded for the walls of Bijapur.

Ali Adil Shaha took it much to heart that all his great army should have returned home without achieving
any success worth the name. Sidi Johar had only achieved this .hat the army he led back to Bijapur was
considerably

reduced in numbers compared to the army he had led forth upon the enterprise. The sultan was a rash and
choleric man by disposition, and Johar's failure was not calculated to put him in good humour. Envious
courtiers added fuel to the fire. They circulated a rumour that Sidi had been corrupted by Shivaji, that his
escape from Panhala was due to a collusion. Had Sidi Johar been in earnest he would surely have
surrounded Vishalgad. Far from doing so, the traitor had continued his make-belief siege of Panhala, and
had now impudently arrived at Bijapur to practise further impostures upon his royal master. The
credulous monarch readily believed these stories and accused Sidi Joh&r of premeditated treachery. Sidi
was so offended with these imputations of treason that he became quite frantic with rage. He raved and
fumed, violently affirming his innocence. But this defiant manner only served to confirm the sultan in his
belief of Johar's treason.

At Shivaji's court there was joy and revelry. The state had tided over a great storm. The ruler had escaped
from grave personal danger by the skin of his teeth. Baji Deshpande's self-sacrificing heroism was the
cause of .all this jubilation. Shivaji invited Baji's son, Balaji Baji, to his presence and having expressed
his admiration of the great services of the hero, invested the young man with the father's honours. Balaji
Baji was given the government of those hill-forts which had lately been under his father. He was given the
honorary title of bakshi or paymaster of the forces, and a jahgir for his mintenance. Baji's seven brothers
were similarly presented to Shivaji, honoured with stipendiary grants and state palanquins for the
maintenance of their dignities, and appointed to the offices of paymasters of forces (sabnis) over the
Mavali corps.

Baghunath Ballal, the defender of Panhala, came in also for a share of the royal favour. His services were
handsomely acknowledged by his appointment to the governorship of Panhala and the country in its sphere
of

influence. He acquitted himself in his new civil duties just

as.creditably as he Imd discharged his military duties in the

late war. He rallied the poor peasantry who had deserted

their homes and farms in the troublous times of the siege.

.He made new revenue settlements to suit their convenience.

He established in them a confidence of security and un-

. disturbed enjoyment of their gains and increased the total

output of revenue by putting new lands under cultivation.

While the siege of Fanhala was in progress, the Sidi of Janjira pursuing the compact with Sidi Johar had
launched his naval forces against the Konkan regions that had been acquired by Shivaji. It will be
remembered that At the outset of his defensive campaign Shivaji had entrusted the conduct of the Konkan
war to Raghunath-

O
pant Korde. The Abyssinians gained several advantages in the beginning. Their two chiefs Khairat Khan
and Yakub Khan had even advanced to lay siege to the fort of Tala^ when the tidings came to them that
Shivaji had sallied out of the besieging lines round Panhala, beaten off hia pursuers, and was coming
thence on his way to Raigad. The news filled them with dismay and they hastened to raise the siege.
Raghunathpant had now a fresh lease of activity. He retrieved his losses, drove off the enemy, and
reduced the Abyssinian harbour of Dandarajpuri. The Abyssinians now made overtures for peace. The
campaign was thus brought to a triumphant conclusion. The Sidi gave-to Raghunathpant as a mark of his
esteem and appreciation presents of costly apparel and a horse with trappings. 1

And now the Sawants of Wadi remained. It will be remembered that the plan of the Bijapur government
was

1 Orme says that on bia escape from Panhala Shivaji came straight upon Dandarajpuri with a big army
and presented despatches purporting to be from the hand of Sidi Johar requiring the Abyssinians to mako
over the fort of Dandarajpuri in exchange for Panhala Having no reason to suspect any fraud, since
Shivaji's coming away from Pauhala seemed impossible without Johar's permission, the beguiled
Abyssinian chief made over Dandarajpuri to Shivaji. Later hia suspicions were roused and he refused to
part with Janjira.

that simultaneously with the invasion of Sidi Johar the-chiefs of Janjira and Wadi were to overrun the
Konkan in, concert. Acting upon this plan the Sawants had assumed the aggressive in the last campaign.
Baji Fasalkar, 1 a. comrade in arms to Shivaji from his earliest youth, was-entrusted with the task of
chastising the Sawants. Many skirmishes took plnce, in several of which Baji Fasalkar came off
victorious. At length Kai Sawant with an army of five thousand, reinforced by the Abyssinians of Janjira,
advanced upon Baji Fasalkar A decisive battle took place at Rajapur. Fasalkar himself, sword in hand,
fought the-enemy in every part of the field. Fasalkar and Kai Sawant were at last brought face to face. The
battle now resolved itself into a duel between these opposing leaders. The combat was fiercely disputed,
though each leader hadi received several wounds at the hand of the other. Both received mortal wounds
and the same moment sank lifeless on the field. Fasalkar's men, though their chief had fallen,, did not get
dispirited, but fought their way to victory.. Shivaji mourned the death of Baji Fasalkar as of a dear
companion in arms and resolved to avenge it on the Sawant and the Sidi in whose quarrel his life had
been sacrificed.

i Fasalkar was one of the earliest companions of Shivaji's childhood and second to none in valour and
uprightness among his leaders. Versed in all the arts of war, he was distinguished for a powerful
physique. He was originally a resident of Muse Khore (the val.ey of the Musa) and was-deshmukh of
eight villages. He lived at the village of Kurdu near Chhatri-Nizampura, at the foot of Raigad and
defended the entrance to its defile. According to the powadas he possessed three incomparable jewels in
his far-famed shield, and sword, and mare,-the last named Yeshwanta ( i. e. Victrix ) being coveted by the
Bijapur sarkar and the innocent cause of a combat between Fasalkar and Sonoo Dalvi, who> had come to
carry her by force to Bijapur.

L. S. 14

CHAPTER XIII "THE BIJAPUR GOVERNMENT ON ITS KNEES, 1661-62

THE Bijapur Government was in a sullen mood. The disgraceful return of Sidi Johar and Fazal Khan had
filled the sulUn with indignation. In the first impulse of his wrath he announced his intention of taking the
field in person against the Maratha leader. With a large army under his command, the sultan moved to
Karhad. This movement had the immediate effect of stirring up those of 'his feudatories on the border who
had consented to pay tribute to Shivaji These chiefs now hastened to the royal camp with humiliation and
consternation and began to proffer their allegiance and service to the sultan. Sidi -Johar at the same time
supplicated for pardon. But he did not volunteer to attend the sultan in his campaign, knowing as he did by
experience the petty envy and personal spite that reigned supreme with such disastrous results in the
sultan's court. He retired to his jahgir.

The sultan began well. He besieged and captured Panhala. (August, 1660;. Pavangad followed. The minor
hill-forts in the neighbourhood fell one after another, but the forts of Rangna and Vishalgad held out. The
rains having set in as he did not desire to expose his army to the heavy rains on the crest of the Sahyadri,
he returned to Ghimalge on the banks of the Krishna to canton his army -during the season of storms.

Shivaji's plan was to encourage the sultan to fritter away his forces. He was no match for the
overwhelming iorces of the Bijipur durbar. Shivaji's army had already been considerably impaired by the
stress of the campaign with Sidi Johar. The new storm had burst so soon after the last that he had scarcely
any time to make up his losses. The sultan might meanwhile waste his strength on the capture of minor
forts, and when his forces were affected as they were bound to be by the tear and wear of the desultory
campaign, Shivaji resolved to put forth all his

strength and beat back the invader. On the repulse of the aultan it would be so easy to recover the lost
ground. Such were Shivaji's plans.

Nor was he quite idle. He turned the vanguard of his . army once more upon the town of Rajapur. The
Maratha horse entered the port a second time. The British East India Company, as has already been
mentioned, held am important factory or entrepot at this flourishing town. The company incurred heavy
losses during this invasion. Four British merchants including the agent, Henry Revington, were taken
prisoners and confined for three years at the fort of Waisati and afterwards at Raigad. The reason of this
harsh treatment was that the British factors at Rajapur had supplied ammunition to Sidi Johar during the
last invasion, and some members of the Rajapur factory had been actually bribed by the Bijapur
authorities to join their camp and help in the bombardment of Fanhala fort. 1 Three years afterwards the
British prisoners were allowed to be liberated on ransom.

On the fall of Rajapur Shivaji turned his forces against Shringarpur, where a Maratha noble of the name of
Surve had set up an independent principality. 2 He had got together an army of about 10,000 and confident
of his strength, he had been carrying on a marauding warfare with the landed gentry in the neighbourhood.
His chief •officers were two Maratha nobles, Filaji and Tanaji, of the Shirke family. Pilaji attended
Shivaji's camp in the -capacity of Surve's vakil or agent. By way of retaliation on Surve for his insolence
Shivaji threw Pilaji into chains a nd marching upon his master, took Shringarpur by a sudden assault.
Though deprivedof his head-quarters, Surve did not acknowledge defeat. He rallied his men and
continued the war. At length Shivaji advanced against

1 Kajapur, Factory Records, quoted by f rof. tiarkar, p. iJ9tf. 3 Grant Duff names him Dalvi and says
Surve was his minister. He • does not mention Shirke. The account followed in the text is that found in the
Marathi bakhars. As explained before Dalvi was an additional name of the Survee.

the post where Surve had concentrated his forces. A desperate battle ensued, in which Surve was defeated
and slain. But Tanaji Shirke made good his escape from the field of battle. On the destruction of Surve
some of his feudatories took shelter with the Abyssinians of Janjira. Shivaji foresaw what this would lead
to. The adherents of Surve, such as Tanaji and others were going to concentrate on Janjira soil and with
the active co-operation of the Abyssinians deliver a combined attack upon Shivaji. In order to forestall
such a combination, Shivaji conciliated Tanaji Shirke, giving him Shringarpur and other districts in inam.
Shirke acknowledged the feudal suzerainty of Shivaji. Encouraged by this act of generosity on the part of
the victor, the fugitive retainers of Surve returned from Janjira and were permitted to enter again upon
their old vatan or hereditary rights of property. Such of them as were willing and fit for active service
were enrolled in Shivaji's army. A little later, Shirke's daughter was married to Shivaji's eldest son.

The rains had now begun in earnest. But Shivaji' could not afford to remain inactive. Simultaneously with
the invasion which the sultan had undertaken in person, the Abyssinans, throwing to the winds the treaty
recently made with Raghunathrao Korde, renewed their incursions into Shivaji's territory. Shivaji
resented the treachery and wanted to accelerate his operations, so as to exterminate the foe before either
the sultan or the confederate chief of Wadi could come to his help. The command was given to Venkoji.
After a protracted struggle, Venkoji conquered Daudarajpuri with the territory surrounding that town. The
conquered country was occupied by a strong expeditionary force of five or six thousand, and fortifications
were . raised at suitable points to overawe the district Only their stronghold of Janjira remained with the
Abyssinians. Shivaji opened a cannonade upon this fortress, but had soon to give up this attempt, for want
both of sufficient ''artillery and of expert artillery-men. On the., close of the

monsoons, Shi vaji had to relax this campaign and concentrate his attention upon the movements of the
sultan.

That prince, as we have seen, had postponed active operations for the autumn and encamped his army at
Chimalge. While encamped at Chimalge he received despatches from the Karnatic announcing an
extensive revolt against the Adil Shahi power. The sultan decided to send Sidi Johar to the Karnatic to
quell the rebellion and with this object invited him with all honour due to his position to lead an
expeditionary force to the Karnatic. But Johar who distrusted the sultan and was at bitter enmity with
Ibrahim Khan, the prime minister, declined the responsibility and straightway returned to hisjahgir. The
sultan construed this action as a proof of his being in secret league with the rebels in the Karnatic, as also
with Shivaji.

The sultan was in great perplexity at being thus caught between two fires. He had embarked upon this
campaign with Shivaji with the firm resolve of never turning his back upon the operations, before the
name of Shivaji was wiped out of the country. Some of his adherents were even now of the same opinion.
But there was also a weighty expression of opinion on the part of those who maintained that the situation
in the Karnatic, both for its gravity and the magnitude of the issues involved, required the immediate
attention of the durbar. The pursuit of the elusive Maratha warrior over valley and mountain, forest and
plain, and the sacrifice of vast armies to secure this paltry end would be at best, they fancied, an
illustration of the mountain in labour and the proverbial mouse. While the sultan was distracted between
these conflicting opinions, the proposal of the deshmukhs or chiefs of Wadi came as a great
encouragement to him. For the Sawants of Wadi, Lakham Sawant and Khem Sawant, applied for liberal
reinforcements to enable them to prosecute hostilities against Shivaji and undertook to destroy utterly all
his authority over the entire Konkan coast. This proposition was most welcome to the sultan as it*

immediately relieved him from an anxious dilemma. The prayers of the Sawant chiefs were readily
acceded to. It was decided that Behlol (Bahld) Khan and Baji Ghorpade, the chief of Mudhol, should
muster all available forces and march to the succour of the chiefs of Wadi. The three leaders were
required to concert together a plan of operations against Shivaji and the sultan in person was to take the
field against the rebels in the Karnatic.

Preparations were being rapidly made on an extensive scale for a campaign on which mighty issues
seemed to rest. While the forces were mustering, Baji Ghorpade had occasion to pay a flying visit to his
jahgir of Mudhol, a movement of which instant intelligence was conveyed to Shivaji by his spies. This
was the man who bore the stigma of having been the instrument of that treacherous capture of Shahaji
which had almost culminated in a frightful tragedy. When Shivaji with wonderful tact and resources saved
his father from the sultan's vengeance on that occasion, he had, as it will bo remembered, sworn a deadly
feud with the chief of Mudhol. The hour he had long waited for to vindicate the family honour had now at
last arrived. For the gates of Mudhol fly suddenly open before Shivaji's columns and with streams of
blood and heaps of slaughtered dead the treacherous chief and his clansmen atone for their villainy.

Khawas Khan took the place of command made vacant by the death of Baji Ghorpade. But the
Mahomedan generals had not advanced more than a few days' march before they were ordered to divert
their forces from the Konkan and required to present themselves without loss of time at the scene of war
in the Karnatic. The flames of rebellion in the southern provinces of the kingdom had assumed very grave
proportions and required a larger effort to quench them than had been anticipated by the sultan.

Shivaji could have prayed for nothing better. While the deadlock in the Karnatic engrossed the armies of
the.

Adil Shabi state, Shivaji swept rapidly from fort to fort recovering lost ground and adding many a new
province-he had never conquered before. The Sawants of Wadi who had paraded their loyalty to the
sultan and applied to him for help in a concerted attack upon Shivaji had certainly not even endeavoured
to veil their malignant animosity against the rise of the new power. Nemesis was not slow to overtake the
chiefs of Wadi. Shivaji swiftly overran their dominions. The Sawants were in despair. They could
scarcely put forth any resistance, without the active aid of the sultan; and this aid the sultan's present
embarrassments had prevented him from sending. Shivaji madfr immediate conquest of Kudal, Bande, and
other territorial possessions of the Sawant Wadi chief. The latter found an asylum in the hospitable
country of Goa, the capital of Portuguese India. Shivaji sent a peremptory reprimand to the Portuguese
authorities, whose eyes were now opened to the risks they were incurring in harbouring the refugees, and
the latter were again cast adrift to encounter the forces of Shivaji. At length, deserted by every prince or
feudatory chieftain, they made humble appeals to Shivaji, through their vakil or agent, Pitamber Shenvi.
They averred that the Sawants were related to the Bhonsles by many ties of relationship. They deprecated
the fact that the two families should' act as enemies. They protested their readiness to transfer their
allegiance to Shivaji, praying him to forgive and forget the past and admit them again to a feudal
dependence upon him. Shivaji was gratified to see them acknowledge the error of their ways and profess
their loyalty. He gave them pardon and invited them to an interview, at which it was decided that they
should continue to enjoy in perpetuity the revenues of their fief as deshmukhs of Wadi, subject to an annual
tribute. 1 Their infantry force was transferred to Shivaji's service and sent on. campaigns far away from
their homes, while their own.

1 Sabhasad says that they were to receive a fixed revenue of six thousand pagodas, reside at Kudal, and
abstain from any building or entrenching operations or mustering an army.

possessions were placed under a defence force composed of Shivaji's veterans.

Now there were two valiant commanders in the service of the Wadi chief, viz., Nan Sawant 1 and Rama
Dalvi. Pleased with their address and chivalry Shivaji received them with open arms in his service.
Rama Dalvi was indeed a name to conjure with in the Konkan. This valiant leader was entrusted with a
large army for the reduction of the outlying parts of the Konkan. The Sawants thus lost for ever two of the
main pillars of their strength.

During this campaign Shivaji first came into collision with the Portuguese. By rapid conquests he got
under his occupation the Portuguese districts of Panch Mahal, Mardangad and Bardesh, and threatened the
land communications of Goa itself. To deliver Goa from a possible blockade and escape further hostilites
at his hand, the Portuguese made overtures for a peace through the medium of Anant Shenvi, who was the
sabnis or paymaster of the forces under the Desai or Chief of K'udal. But Anant Shenvi professed a
friendly attitude towards Shivaji only to cloak his treacherous intentions. He represented to the
Portuguese authorities that the sending of a peaceful embassy would throw Shivaji off his guard and the
occasion should be seized to entrap him by a midnight raid upon his camp. But Kanhoji Tandel, the
skipper of a local barque, divulged the sinister plot to Shivaji. Profiting by the information, Shivaji
remained in readiness awaiting the development of the treachery. True to the information received, Anant
Shenvi noiselessly led an ambushed force of 10,000 Portuguese to surprise Shivaji's camp. But what was
his anguish to discover that Shivaji had fallen back about a mile and placed his men in battle order in
evident expectation of his midnight assailants 1 Come what may, the Portuguese had now to open fire,
which they did as soon as they came up to the encampment. Shivaji 1 Sabhasad names him Tanaji Sawant.

'held in his men till day-break, when hia cavalry dashed • down upon their opponents and cut them to
pieces. The Portuguese were utterly routed. Scarcely a thousand of their men escaped with their lives.
Some fell dead upon the field of battle; others were drowned in the creeks, and a large number were
wounded. The Portuguese government was now in great fear. Shivaji harried the entire Bardesh with fire
and sword. Portuguese captives without exception were put to the sword. The Portuguese merchants were
arrested and subjected to heavy war-fines. The military cantonments of the Maratha cavalry stationed in
the various parts of Kudal, Bande, Sakli, (Sankhal or Sankhali), Maneri and other places were extended
to Bardesh. The landward portions of Goa were, in one word, brought under permanent occupation, and
events had come to such a crisis that it seemed that the whole of that little peninsula would slip for ever
from the hands of the Portuguese. The Portuguese government now repented of their folly in listening to
the treacherous counsels of Anant Shenvi. They sent ambassadors for peace and made an ample apology.
The ambassadors came laden with presents to Shivaji's camp, the presents consisting chiefly of a sum of
20,000 crowns and magnificent suits of apparel. The treaty now made with the Portuguese provided that
they should annually furnish a certain number of new cannon to Shivaji as also jewellery and should
obtain from him warrants for the passage of their mercantile vessels.

The Bijapur government now mourned the downfall of the Sawants. The chief of Wadi was the last of
their great barons in the Konkan. His fall left little scope for the recovery of that region in the future. The
Abyssinian chief of Janjira, once the high admiral of the Adil Shahi crown, was equally maimed and
crippled by the repeated onslaughts of Shivaji. The Abyssinians saw that henceforth they could not
depend on the fostering care of their Bijapur sovereign. The fate of the Sawants made them indifferent
towards their masters. The Bijapur durbar

was in great perplexity as to the next move they should* make in the game with Shivaji. No general at
their court would undertake a new campaign against him. Wearied with the constant internecine struggle,
the grand vizier of the court at length opened secret communications with Shivaji. There were reasons for
this secrecy. The grand vizier plainly saw that the courtiers, whose-craven spirit shirked the perils of
fighting, would be the first to throw themselves into attitudes of injured honour on hearing of a treaty with
this enemy. They would stand with folded hands, spectators of the rapine and bloodshed, and try to
redeem their indifference by ac insincere outcry against a peace. The vizier knew the temper of these
gilded popinjays too-well not to perceive that they might even attempt to taunt him with accusations of
breaking faith with his sovereign, if not in formal terms at least by innuendo. They were-even capable of
using back-stairs influence with their-sovereign to procure the banishment or death of the advocate of a
conciliatory policy. The chief conditions of these informal negotiations, which shortly afterwards resulted
in a treaty, were that the conquests hitherto made by Shivaji should be allowed to remain in his hands and
the Adil Shahi durbar should make no further attempt at their recovery. The durbar was to recognize
Shivaji as an independent sovereign, cede him certain defined districts and stipulate to pay him an annual
tribute of seven lakhs of hons amounting to about Rs. 35,00,000 at the ruling rate-of exchange. There was
to be a defensive alliance between the two powers, and Shivaji*s ambassador, Shamji Naik Pande, was
permitted to reside at Bijapur and represent him at the Adil Shahi durbar.
If the durbar acquiesced in such terms, they did so-manifestly because of the utter exhaustion of their
military resources. Never was defeat more complete or acknowledgment more ample on the part of a
sovereign towards a former vassal. Shortly afterwards the Rajah Shahaji obtained permission, as is told
in the following chapter, to revisit

Maharashtra. On this occasion the Bijapur durbar exhorted Shahaji to use his influence with his son to
continue these friendly relations with their court. The result of Shahaji's advice was that Shivaji ceased to
attack Bijapur.

Shivaji may now be said to have attained the crown of his earliest ambition. Every crisis had tried the
high spirit and sterling virtues of which he had given promise from his early years. The plans and visions
which Dadaji Kondadev and others had considered so chimerical had been proved to be not only
practicable but to have been actually realized. He who had been so recently no more than a petty jahgirdar
was now famous and feared throughout the-whole of south India. The lesser glory of envious deshmukhs
and haughty sardars of the Maratha gentry had paled before his. The spectacle of a sovereign state paying
tribute to its tributary vassal filled his rivals with wonder and dismay.

This will be the proper place to review Shivaji's possessions at this period of his career (1662). His
territory comprised in the first place the whole of the Konkan coast from Kalyan to Goa, a strip of 300
miles in length. From the Bhima to the Warna, the uplands that rise above the Konkan were also in
Shivaji's hands. Thia territory was on an average about 160 miles in length and about 100 miles in
breadth. His military resources comprised 50,000 foot and 7,000 horse. This army was much too large
considering the dimensions of his kingdom. But living as he did in the midst c? constant alarms and
compelled to keep himself on a war-footing so as to meet at any time the forces of two empires, this army
cannot be said to have been too numerous. Of these the first had been worsted; with the second he had just
come into collision. The result of that collision was not a long way off.

CHAPTER XIV REUNION OF FATHER AND SON

IT GOES without saying that no person could have been in greater ecstasy at Shivaji's successive
triumphs and the -crowning glory of the peace that made Bijapur a tributary to a vassal's son than his
father Shahaji. He was naturally •most anxious to meet again a son whose valour and good fortune had
well-nigh proved invincible. Frequent correspondence passed between father and SOD, the one reporting
in brief the events as they developed one after another, the other exhorting and felicitating him on his
victories. But the correspondence was most guarded. Shahaji .had no desire to have it disclosed that he
had any part in Shivaji's afl'airs. Such a disclosure in his opinion would have been prejudicial, nay fatal,
to his far reaching designs in the Kama-tie. He had already had experience of the mistrustfulness of the
Bijapur durbar. It was only when peace was made between Shivaji and Bijapur that he applied for leave
to pay a short visit to Maharashtra, ostensibly to visit the old shrines and temples and perform the
traditional rites and ceremonies. He exerted private influence on the durbar to have this request granted.
In sanctioning his application for furlough the durbar wrote to him in reply that now that he was returning
home, he ought to persuade his unmanageable son to be obedient to the central power and bring him to pay
his respects to the sultan. He should become a noble or omrah of the court. If he presented himself at the
durbar, they would be but too eager to give him the grand viziership of the kingdom. At any sacrifice
Shahaji ought to use his diplomacy to make Shivaji a willing feudal lord under Bijapur. To this Shahaji
replied that the durbar already knew well enough how little Shivaji cared for the parental authority, but he
would do his best to advance his chief's fortunes. After his vows to his guardian deities had been
discharged, he would call upon Shivaji and give him good counsel. Shahaji received a reply exhorting
him to try his best to persuade Shivaji.

Should he, however, persist in keeping aloof from the Bijapur influence, Shahaji was exhorted that he at
any rate should not make common cause with him. He was asked to return to his sovereign's service,
unaffected by the ties of a parent's love.

Under such circumstances Shahaji left the Karnatic to visit-once more his native land after a long term of
absence from home. He was accompanied by his second wife and the son she had borne him, Venkoji.
Shivaji was apprised of his father's coming home again with the permission of his sovereign. *

On reaching the shrine of Tuljapur Shahaji attended the temple of Bhavani to discharge his vows. Large
sums of money were distributed in charity. It is said that Shahaji had made a vow to the deity of Tuljapur
that if his son's noble enterprise for the establishment of religious and civil liberty among his countrymen
were by the deity's blessing to be crowned with success he would adorn the temple with votive images
and offerings to the value of a lakh of rupees. The events of Shivaji's career had turned out so
auspiciously that Shahaji had now come with the greatest eagerness to make good his vows. He had
statuettes in gold cast by the artists of the Karnutic which he now dedicated to the goddess. Shahaji
visited several other holy places, among others the temple of Mahadev at Shingnapur and the Vithoba of
Pandharpur. At every holy place, Shahaji performed acts of charity including the banqueting of learned
Brahmans and alms to the poor.

On the arrival of his father within the limits of his kingdom, Shivaji appointed officers to pi^vide for his
comfort at every halt. If Shahaji was so eager to clasp in his arms his glorious son, Shivaji was no less
eager to welcome his beloved father. To Jijabai indeed it was a great occasion. The reunion between wife
and husband,

O '

father and son, which after such a prolonged absence was now under the auspices of the gods to take
place, was arranged by consultation with the Brahmans to take place.

in a temple. The celebrated temple of Jejuri was selected for the function. The cavalcades of father and
son were to approach this place at an appointed hour. On the arrival of the Rajah Shahaji in the
neighbourhood of Jejuri. Shfvaji sent forward his commander-in-chief accompanied by foot soldiers,
cavalry and elephants to greet and receive him in the name of Shivaji, while the Maharajah himself
waited at Jejuri. Amid strains of music and jubilation on the part of the multitude Shahaji advanced
escorted by the procession that had gone forth to receive and lead him to the temple. The sacred rites
performed, Shahaji went through a quaint Hindu solemnity of renewing old love with relations meeting
together after a prolonged separation. A large basin of bronze was brought filled with clarified butter, and
the long lost relations had their first sight of each other silently and simultaneously in the reflection of
their faces mirrored on the surface of the liquefied ghee. The persons to whom Shahaji was thus
introduced in the quaint forms of the family reunion ceremony prescribed by Hindu tradition, were his
wife Jijabai, his son Shivaji and Shivaji's two wives. After this solemnity, Shivaji saluted his father
prostrating himself at Shahaji's feet, who raisad him up with great emotion and clasped him in a loving
embrace. The tears started to their eyes with joy and gratitude. Shahaji was then taken in a palanquin to
Shivaji's camp, Shivaji walking bare-footed by his side and holding his father's slippers in his hands. On
arrival Shahaji was seated on the divan, while Shivaji stood before him with his father's slippers still in
his hands in a reverent attitude and addressed him somewhat in the following strain: "I have transgressed
your precepts and made war upon Bijapur. This has brought your life time and again in Jeopardy. It was
most gross and improper that a son's misdeeds should recoil upon his father. The son now pleads guilty to
the charge and now that he has repented of his misbehaviour he offers himself for any punishment

tit the bands of his injured father." These words stirred tumultuous feelings in Shahaji's breast and drew
tears from his eyes. He embraced his heroic son and seated him next to him, not without much resistance
and made reply in the following terms : " Your deeds, indeed, are no misdeeds, but such as may be
expected of a scion of the Sesodia line of warriors. I am proud and gratified to behold the record of
valorous deeds by which you have vindicated and established the civil and religious liberty of our
•countrymen. You have fulfilled the family tradition that there should be born in our house a ruler who
was "destined to inaugurate a new era and restore the Hindu liberties and religion. Your valour and
wisdom have revived the glories of our historic house. What groater happiness in heaven or on earth than
to have been the father of such a glorious son ?" At these words of praise .and encouragement Shivaji
acknowledged his thanks by again bowing down reverently at his father's feet, exclaiming that his was the
glory and the praise if any meritorious deeds had emanated from so humble an in* strument as himself.
Shahaji's good wishes and paternal blessings had wafted him onward to victory and the little success he
had achieved was entirely to be credited to this account.
When the interchange of loving greetings and confidences had lasted some time, Shivaji introduced to his
•father the officers and dignitaries of his kingdom. Then he saluted his step-mother Tukabai with affection
and reverence and embraced his step-brother, Venkoji. Shivaji was then introduced to his father's officers.
Every one was gratified at the filial piety of their chief towards his father. Unstinted eulogies of father and
son were 'heard on all sides. In honour of the joyful event, Shivaji made liberal largesses to the poor and
banqueted the jfirahmans. Joy beamed in every countenance.

The camp was then moved to Poona, where Shahaji

stayed for two months. 1 Shivaji treated his father's^ attendants and followers with royal hospitality. He-
personally superintended the arrangements for Shahaji's comfort. Shivaji made a full recital to his father
of the civil and military arrangements he had made in his principality, and while his father was under his
roof he transacted no state business without consulting him. Nay, all was done in Shahaji's name while he
remained in his son's territory. Shahaji's gratification knew no bounds at these marks of honour and
affection. Who could have expected such humility and filial obedience in one who had practically been
the architect cf his own fortune? Shivaji showed him all his treasures. Shahaji was astonished at the vast
accumulation of treasure and precious stones which he had got together in so short a time—treasure,
indeed, which. might have done honour to the ruler of a world empire.

Shahaji had brought with him from the Karnatic some swords of exquisite workmanship, which he
presented to Shivaji, and as a special mark of his esteem and satisfaction he gave to Shivaji a be-jewelled
sword which he himself usually carried. Shivaji received it with reverence and gratitude, and as having
been hitherto wielded by his

1 We have followed the traditional account of Shahaji's visit to his SOP at Poona in 1662. However
according to the Jedhe Chronology,. Shaista Kh m had already captured Chakan and taken possession of
Poona by October (or November) 1660. Prof. Sarkar, basing his conclusion on the Persian chronicles,
states that Chakan was captured by the Moguls in August 16BO, and soon afterwards Shaista Khan
returned to Poona. As the city of Poona was occupied by tha Mcguls at least till April 1663 (Jedhe
Chronology pp. 186), we have to conclude either that Shahaji's visit to Shivaji was paid at some other
place than Poona, or that it took place, aa it seems more probable, after the retreat of Shaista Ktian, in the
middle of I6tr*. The trend of thought in the chronicles is to the effect that Shahaji paid his visit before
Shaista Rhan'a occupation and this in accepted, by nearly all historians. But the statements in the Jedhe
Chronology :and the Alamgir Namah, which Prof. Sarkar relies upon, are in favour of the view that
Shaista Khan began his offensive almost about the same time that Shivaji was besieged at Panhala by Sidi
Johar. Khafi Khan gives no date as to the occupation of Poona by Shaista Khan, but states that he marched
from Aurangabad towards Poona and Chakan about, the ent. of January 1660 (Vide Elliot, VII, p, 281Ji

victorious father he gave it the name of the 'Tulja' sword and kept it with great reverence side by side
with his sword 'Bhawani.' In normal times these swords were the objects of certain acts of worship at the
hands of Shivaji, a superstitious belief which was much in fashion with Indian soldiers of all ranks.

During these days Shivaji spent all his time in the performance of filial offices. No great events or
campaigns requiring him to turn aside from these filial duties were entered upon during this period.
Shivaji attended not only upon his father but also upon his step-mother, Tukabai, towards whom he made
no difference in his affection or behaviour from what he observed towards Jijabai. The same evidence of
zeal and service he showed in his relations with his brother, Vyankoji.
After some days Shivaji requested his father to inspect his principal fortresses and give him the benefit of
his opinion upon their equipment. Shahaji made the tour of inspection in Shivaji's company, the latter
describing the circumstances under which each fort was captured and noting the suggestions made by
Shahaji, with his wide experience of the art of fortification. Shahaji was taken to Pratapgad and shown
over the fort, the temple of Bhawani, and the tower or buruz commemorating the death of Afzul Khan.
Shahaji now learnt in detail the stratagems pursued at that crisis culminating in the great tragedy. The
officers in charge of the different forts, and the leading nobility of every district that was visited were
introduced to Shahaji throughout the tour.

When at last they came to the fort of Panhala, Shahaji signified his intention to return to the Karnatic.
Shivaji requested him to reconsider his decision and spend the close of his life in his mother-land,
superintending the> affairs of his kingdom there. Shahaji pointed out in reply that were he to yield to the
dictates of his family affections he would have to give up the fortune he had acquired in the Karnatic.
Another weighty argument in favour of his L. S. 15.

departure, said Shahaji, was that his occupation of the Karnatic might be of service to Shivaji in carrying
forward his higher ambitions, the ultimate goal of which was to expand his power over the entire Indian
continent and expel the heresy of Islam. Shivaji listened to these reasons and abandoned his importunity
and began to prepare for his father's impending departure. There was another round of banquets and
entertainments at Panhala in honour of the departing guests. Magnificent presents were exchanged with
Shahaji's followers. His chief officer, Trimbak Narayan Hanmante, was presented with an embroidered
suit, gifts cf jewellery and a sword and shield. Shahaji himself and his second wife and son received
costly offerings befitting their rank. A large force of cavalry and elephants was got ready to attend them on
the way.

The final farewell was most sad and pathetic. Shivaji was sincerely affected at the prospect of his father's
old age being spent in the service of an ungrateful court, and quite convinced as he was of the essential
degradation and unhappiness of such a position, he desired nothing better than that his father should spend
the ripe years of his old age in the tranquil calm of his native country and amid his kindred. But Shahaji's
firm decision and the grounds he had mentioned for it had disarmed him of every argument. The final
moment, however, overwhelmed him with grief and he exhorted Shahaji's officers, again and again, to
take care of the aged veteran assuring them that he would reward them for their painstaking zeal, as he
soon expected to return Shahaji's visit.

Tradition affirms that Shivaji entered into an under-caking with his old father not to enter on any further
•warlike operations agaiust Bijapur during the rest of bhahaji's life. Shahaji first reported himself at
Bijapur and at a private conference with the sultan made over to him the jewellery, horses, and elephants
which in reality Shivaji had presented to his father, but which Shahaji averred were sent by his son as a
nazar or state present

to t'ie Adil Shahi durbar. He also announced that he had affected his mission with Shivaji and with these
assurances be.took himself to the Karnatic.

Shahaji did not live long after his re'urn to the Karnatic, and this was the last meeting between father and
son. The tragic circumstances of his death have already been described in the second chapter. The news
of the tragic event filled Shivaji's heart with sorrow. His one protector was gone, he exclaimed, by whose
silent support and approbation he had been nerved to defy his Mahomedan foes. The pride and
satisfaction of a loving parent at the exploits of his son, which are such inestimable spurs to noble action
and enterprise, were lost to him for ever. And thus he grieved. Jijabai was more disconsolate btiil. Her
grief it was impossible to calm or restrain. She prepared to perform the rite of sati, with the devotion of a
faithful Kshatriya wife. This resolution of his mother aggravated Shivaji's sorrow. He begged her,
besought her, held fast to her feet, but she would not yield. The ministers of state, Moropant, Niraji,
Dattaji and others at length intervened representing to Jijabai that Shivaji would so much take to heart her
self-immolation by the act of sati as scarcely to outlive her death and the empire he had built up by long
years of labour was sure to collapse with his death. The name of Shivaji and together with it that of
Shahaji would both alike be extinguished with her death. It was, therefore, imperative in the interests of
the state that she should bear her grief in silence and patience instead of yielding to the impulsive thought
of sacrificing herself on her husband's funeral pyre. This weighty argument shook her resolution. In order
that she might witness the glory of her son she consented to live a widowed life.

Shivaji performed his father's funeral rites in the orthodox Hindu fashion, spending lakhs of rupees that
the hero's shade might rest in peace. Shivaji erected a monumental tomb in honour of his father at the town
of

Bandekir where he died. 1 For the upkeep of the monument and the celebration of periodic festivals in
honour of the event. Shivaji appointed officers, ceding the revenues of certain villages, which he
purchased for the purpose from the Bijapur durbar, to meet the recurring expenses.

1 Different variations ot this name are found in the different authorities, viz. Bedikare, Bedgiri and
Bandgiri. Vide foot-note at the end of the second chapter. It was also called Basavpattam, a town captured
by the Adil Sbahi state, perhaps with the help of Shabaji, in 1639, (Vide: Jedhe Chronology., p.178.)
CHAPTER XV SEA POWER
A LONG strip of the Konkan sea-coasfc was by this time under Shivaji. To secure the tranquillity of this
great province, Shivaji had either destroyed or received the submission of the turbulent local nobility.
Among these there was one who had still baffled Shivaji's attempts at conquest. This was the Abyssinian
state of Janjira. Shivaji had indeed fought many successful campaigns with the Abyssinians and stripped
them of some of their richest districts. He had even raised many a defensive fortification in the conquered
territory. But his armies had never made any head-way in the reduction of the key of the Abyssinian
power, the stronghold of Janjira. The naval resources of the Janjira chiefs had made an effective blockade
impossible. His naval armament hovered over the neighbouring shore and making sudden descent upon
Shivaji's possessions harried the country far and wide. Janjira was the base of this hostile navy; but to
capture Janjira it was necessary to create a naval power that could successfully cope with the Abyssinian.
Without a naval contingent a siege of Janjira .. was impossible. Another circumstance which helped to
lead Shivaji to this conclusion was the fact that by his naval strength the Janjira chief was enabled to levy
contributions upon the mercantile vessels plying in the Konkan and it was necessary to deprive him of this
source of plunder.

With this determination, Shivaji collected from all ports .artisans and masters skilled in the art of ship-
building with the zealous co-operation of his ship-wrights. With their help he was soon able to launch a
navy consisting of from four to five hundred vessels of all forms and sizes. These vessels were variously
classified according to their size. Upon the construction of this nucleus Shivaji spent about ten lakhs of
rupees. Naval batteries were installed and crews of marines and sailors recruited. His crews consisted of
men who

belonged to sea-faring tribes, such as fishers, pirates, and lascars. The chief command of this contingent
was vested in two admirals, Mainaik Bhandari and another whose title was Daryasarang. 1 The ships set
sail and at once encountered the vessels of foreign nationalities, such as the Moors, Portuguese, Butch,
French and English. Shivaji obtained a vast booty as the result of these naval encounters enough indeed to
defray the expenses of the naval contingent. The Abyssinian chief was now in terror. His lordship of the
Konkan sea was at stake. The two navies constantly came into collision with one another. The Portuguese
and the English companies had to pay annual tribute to Shivaji, in order to ensure the safety of their
vessels. As Shivaji's naval power rose on the western coast, that of the Abyssinians had a corresponding
decline.

Shivaji had next to arrange for sheltered anchorages for his naval contingent. With this view he repaired
and re-equipped many a maritime fort on the Konkan coast. He got possession of the fort of Kolaba,
restored its fortifications, and made it the central basis of his naval power. Here it was that the cargo of
all foreign and native crafts was searched and examined. Among other dismantled forts which were
remodelled and brought into fighting order were the famous fortified sea-ports of Suvarnadurg and
Vijaydurg, the latter of which became more famous in the writings of Mahomedan and European historians
under the name of Gheria. Under the batteries of these forts Shivaji's fleets rode safe at anchor. The
officers at each principal naval station were to report on and account for the plunder obtained by falling
upon pilgrims' vessels bound for Mecca or the more richly laden fleets plying on the coast in the interest
of commerce. These reports were to be submitted to the naval headquarters at Kolaba.

The Portuguese were among the first nations to take an alarm at this development of Shivaji's maritime
activity, 1 Vide: foot-note at the end of this chapter.

They sent their envoy to Shivaji's court to obtain exemption and privileges for the commerce of their
nation. Articles were signed between the two powers, by which, the Portuguese agreed to furnish every
year to Shivaji a certain amount of guns and ammunition and other war material, in consideration for
which their mercantile fleets were to pass unmolested by Shivaji's fleet. The agreement waa renewed
from year to year. There are some authorities who assert that between Shivaji and the British East India
Company also there was a similar agreement.

Shivaji never assumed the chief command of his navy, nor did he make naval compaigns in person. Only
once, on the occasion of the sack of Barcelore (Basnur) did Shivaji travel by sea. But the voyage was a
very painful experience. In the first place, both Shivaji and a great number of his men suffered from sea-
sickness, and secondly, Shivaji learnt by experience the helpless position of a fleet at the mercy of storms
and tides and winds, and the uncertainty in a general's movement who confided himself to these elements.
If a commander of the position of Shivaji were unexpectedly becalmed in the midst of important
manoeuvres or prevented by adverse winds from proceeding to his destination, he would for days be cut
off from all communication with his followers. With this experience before him, he never attempted a sea-
voyage again.

From a classified list of Shivaji's naval armament given by one of the Maratha chronicle writers named
Chitragupta, it would appear that he had about 640 vessels of war. Of these about 30 were of the largest
size known on the western coast of India, 1 about 300 of an intermediate size, and the rest smaller craft of
various classes. The English merchants made lists of Shivaji's fleets on different occasions. From one
record it appears

1 These were called Gurabas. The records of the British East India Company mention them under this
name as also the anglicised abbreviated form, 'grabs,'; other names mentioned are shebars, pals,
machawas mahagiris, jugs, etc. Vide Bombay Gazetteer XIII, 345-49.

•216 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

that on one occasion when Shivaji's fleets sailed to Karwar, there were 85 one-masted vessels, of from
30 to 150 tons, and three others of a larger size. On another occasion when the East India Company was/
allied with the Janjira chief it is recorded that Shivaji's admiral suddenly swooped down upon Bombay
and appeared in the Back Bay waters on the west side of the town with a squadron of 160 war-ships.

Although this naval squadron had been brought into existence for the express purpose of challenging and
defeating the maritime power of the Abyssinian chiefs of Janjira, no detailed account of these operations
has come down to us. The principal object-the conquest of Janjira-was almost achieved. But the Janjira
chief renounced his allegiance to Bijapur and by placing himself under the protection of the Moguls was
able to save his stronghold from falling into the hands of Shivaji. Convinced that the Abyssinian Janjira
was beyond his reach.Shivaji decided to build a rival Janjira or maritime fortress of his own. For this
purpose a survey was ordered to be made, with the result that the shores of Malwan were 1 reported to
possess all the conveniences and requirements of naval strategy. Besides the necessity of a maritime
fortress to remain a standing menace to Janjira, it was also thought Jesirable to have a southerly naval
base to overawe the Portuguese and the chief of Sawantwadi, who maintained a small coasting fleet of his
own and was a terror to smaller mercantile craft.
The work was immediately taken in hand. Soundings were made in the waters of Malwan, the duty being
entrusted to hereditary boatmen, fishers who knew the condition of the harbour and its topographical
features very intimately by reason of life-long experience in those •waters. These experts having
submitted their report received handsome rewards from Shivaji. Many of them were appointed captains
of Shivaji's war-vessels and a village was bestowed upon them in hereditary vatan or

^proprietary right. The ground being thus broken, building operations were taken in hand, with the
customary auspicious ceremonies, including an elaborate ceremony to propitiate the god of the sea. An
army of about 3000 masons, smiths and other artisans were soon at work upon the erection of the new
sea-fort. It is said that 200 candies worth of iron alone were required for the tools and instruments of the
masons and other mechanics. The foundations were made of hewn blocks of stones soldered with lead.
The naval squadron hovered round while the building operations were proceeding, ready for battle in
case of armed opposition, while on the shore a force of 5000 Mavalis was mounted on guard against a
surprise attack on the landward side. Fortunately for Shivaji, the work proceeded without let or
hindrance. The Portuguese were already bound by an alliance and dared not break it. The Sawants had
been reduced to allegiance under Shivaji and were not likely to embark upon a new war. The sole source
of anxiety was the confederate naval forces of the Moguls and the Janjira chiefs. But happily for the
present hostilities with these were suspended.

In the beginning of these building operations, Shivaji superintended the work in person, and it is even said
that he laboured with his own hands in the erection of the fort. He had at any rate formed the entire plan
and devised his own methods for laying deep the foundations under the sea-water. When the foundations
were completed and only the super-structure remained to be constrncted, Shivaji returned to Raigad,
having entrusted the duty of supervision 4o Govind Vishwanath Prabhu Subhedar. The entire fortification
took three years for its completion. When all was ready Shivaji came down from the fort of Panhala to
Malwan travelling by the ghat of Bavada, with great pomp and ceremony, for the express purpose of
inspecting the newly constructed fortifications. Shivaji made his state entry into the fort under religious
auspices, the ceremony being accompanied among other things by a salvo of

guns from every ship in the harbour, the customary feasting of Brahmans and the distribution of sweets. In
accordance with Hindu custom the master masons and architects were presented with robes of honour and
armlets of gold. A corps of skilled artisans kindly lent by the Portuguese government at Goa were thanked
for their zeal and the captain of the band honoured with suitable rewards for his services. Govind
Vishwanath Prabhu's services were acknowledged with similar presents, with a crest of pearls and an
embroidered head-dress, and also a sword, as a mark of special distinction.

The new fort was christened Sindhudurg, or the Fortress of the Sea. It is traditionally estimated that its
erection and equipment cost a crore of pagodas. A garrison of three thousand Mavalis under the command
of a Mamlatdar was stationed in it the bravest of the Mavalis being given dignities of naik (commander,)
sirnaik (chief commander) or tatairnobat (chief commander of the ramparts ). A parapet called the Darya
Buruz ( Sea Tower) was raised to keep the waves from dashing on the battlements. 1 It is said that similar
sea-forts were erected by Shivaji in other places, such as Anjenweli, Eatnagiri, Padmadurg, Sarjakote,
Gahandurg, Khakeri and Eajkote.

Unfortunately the object for which this fort had been erected at such a cost was scarcely realized. The
Abyssinians continued to make depredations upon Shivaji's possessions in the immediate vicinity of the
island of Bombay, and it seemed they were abetted in these invasions by the authorities of the British East
India Company upon that island. Upon this Shivaji planned the conquest of the rocky islets of Khanderi
and Underi*

1 Certain foot-prints discovered in the fort of Sindhudurg werfr devoutly believed to be those of Shivaji
and a dome was raised thereupon by the pious residents of the place. An image of Shivaji was installed
and became the object of certain acts of daily worship. The Kolhapur durbar has granted a fixed
allowance for this 'puja'.

2 Kennerey and Hennerey in Grant Duff.

opposite Bombay and indeed only twelve miles from that town. These events will be described in their
proper place, in Chapter xxvui.

Shivaji's untimely death prevented him from maturing his far-seeing plans for the establishment of a naval
ascendency strong enough to strike terror into the hearts of all the sea-faring nations whose ships were
chiefly to be seen in the crowded ports on the coast of Western India. Chief among these were the
Abyssinians, the Portuguese, the English, the Moguls and the Moors. His desire now evidently was to
capture the commerce of these nations, or to bring it entirely under his control. His far-reaching aims
were not understood after his death by any of his successors, and the empire of the sea and the naval
instrument for wielding it were both given up, uncontested and unchallenged.

FOOT-NOTE to page 214:—The term Darya Sagar of the bakhars is a corrupt form of Daryasarang,
meaning Captain of the Sea, from the Persian Darya meaning the sea, a word also current in the Indian
vernaculars. Similarly the name Mainait, which is fairly common among Bhandaris and fisher folk of the
Bombay coast, is a hybrid term from the Arabic Maa, water and the Sanskrit nayak, leader and means
water-lord or leader. Sabhasad speaks of the Daryasarang as a Mahomedan and of Mainaik as a Hindu of
the Bhandari caste. Prof. Sarkar quotes a Bombay letter of 2lst November 1670 to show that the
praenomen of the Darya Sarang was " Ventgee" and oeems to infer that he was a Hindu. But as a matter of
fact Mahomedans of the Bombay and Guzrat coasts often have-their names with the honorific .suffix "ji"
or "gee," which can scarcely be-distinguished from Hindu names.

CHAPTER XVI THE CAMPAIGN OF SHAISTA KHAN, 1660-63.

WHILE Aurangzeb continued as Viceroy of the Deccan, Shivaji had maintained a friendly and submissive
attitude. For his raids upon Junnar and Aurangabad he had made his excuses and had received an
assurance of pardon. Upon Aurangzeb's departure for Delhi, Shivaji had sued for the restoration of
territories which had once been part of Shahaji's jahgir and had even asked for a free hand to make
conquests in the Adil Shahi Konkan. These concessions had been granted in vague and indefinite terms.
Abaji Sondev was asked to attend the prince's court. 1 Then followed the blood-feud in the imperial
family. Aurangzeb was no longer a prince, but an emperor. He had waded through slaughter to the throne.
He had thrown his father into captivity. He had warred with his brothers and executed them, or was
preparing to execute them after mock-trials. His time was taken up with plotting and counter-plotting. He
had little leisure to follow events in the south. But he had played the cautious game of intrigue, of treaties
and embassies. Thus, while Shivaji was asked to send his envoy, Aurangzeb had been writing to the Adil
Shaha to take steps against Shivaji. While he warned the Adil Shaha against Sdivaji, he congratulated the
latter on the •overthrow of Afzul Khan and the Bijapur forces.

When Aurangzeb was about to celebrate the first anniversary of his accession to the throne, with
festivities extending over two months (5th June to 19 August 1659), it would seem that Shivaji sent an
envoy to congratulate him on the occasion and make certain demands. In reply to these demands the
emperor replied that he had now conquered all his enemies and by the grace of God had won everything
he had wanted, and that he had just appointed the Amir-ul-umara Shaista Khan to the subha of the Deccan
to whom Shivaji was referred for orders. * Vide Parasnia M38. 5.

The emperor sent to Shivaji the usual robes of honour. 1 This was in July 1659.

In July 1659, therefore, Shaista Khan was posted to the subha of the Deccan. He was the amir-ul-umara,
or the premier noble of the Mogul court. He was, besides, a near kinsman to the emperor being his
maternal-uncle. Already before he had governed the subhas of Malwa and the Deccan, and shortly
afterwards he was appointed to the viceroyalty of Bengal. The principal task imposed upon him was to
subjugate Shivaji, and particularly to wrest from him those territories which he had conquered from
Bijapur. There was actually no war between Shivaji and the Moguls at the time. This then was the result
of the treaties and the embassies.

The time was ripe for action. Seldom was a general more favoured by fortune than Shaista Khan was on
this occasion. Shivaji was caught between two fires. He was already involved in the war with Bijapur.
Shortly afterwards the Bijapur durbar elevated Sidi Johar to the title of Salabat Khan and sent him forth
against Shivaji, with a threatened combination of the Sawants and the Abyssinians.

Towards the end of January 1660 Shaista Khan commenced his march from Aurangabad. He came down
with an army of 100,000 strong. He announced his determination to subdue Shivaji and reconquer all the
forts and territory that had passed into his hand. It is said his vast army comprised five to seven hundred
elephants, about 4000 camels, 3000 artillery waggons drawn by bullocks and 2,000 drawn by horses, and
specie aggregating thirty-two crores of rupees. With these vast encumbrances Shaista Khan's camp
presented the appearance of a large movable town.

Shaista Khan reached Ahmednagar in February. Shivaji was just emerging from the Kolhapur and the
Konkan terriories after his conquest of Fanhala. Shaista

1 Kajwade Vlli, 7.

Khan's banners swept southwards from Ahmednagar along the eastern barriers o£ the Poona district.
Shivaji's light horse retreated before the Khan. The Khan pressed forward to Supa. Shivaji left the place
just before his arrival. 1

The arair-ul-umara took Supa without a blow and left Jadu Rai (Jadhavrao of Sindhkhed ) in charge of it.
Supa was to be the base of supply to the advancing army. From this point the passage of the advancing
army into the Maratha country became difficult. The Maratha light horse who had hitherto retired before
the Mogul van now began a series of rear and flank attacks, and constantly cut off the Mogul
commissariat. Shaista Khan detached a cavalry contingent of 4,000 horse to protect his baggage. But
every day and in every march, as Khafi Khan has to admit, Shivaji's light horse swarmed round the Khan's
baggage and falling suddenly upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses, camels, men and whatever
they could secure. 2

Shaista Khan overran the entire district of Supa and capturing Poona in person, he occupied that town. He
sent detachments of his army to storm the ghat of Katraj and the town of Shivapur, and scouting parties to
reconnoitre the defences of the neighbouring forts, with a view to attack and conquer them seriatim,
should they be reported upon as assailable.

The fort of Chakan stood in the way of Shaista Khan's communication with Junnar. He determined to
reduce

1 Vide Khafi Khan, (Elliot VII, 261 ). Most historians following Grand Duff and the bakhar chronicles
place the campaign of Shaiata, Khan in the year 1662-63. But Khafi Khan says the campaign way begun in
1660, the fort of Ghakan being captured by him about the middle of the year. Khafi Khan bases his
narrative on the Alamgir Namah, which is the standard authority for the first ten years of the reign of
Aurangzeb.The Jedhe Chronology, which is altogether independent of this authority, gives nearly the same
dates and supports these. Persian chronicles. The text follows the dates in this chronology.

a Vide Khafi Khan, Elliot VII, 261.

the fortress and advanced to conduct the siege in person. Shaista Khan in attacking that little fort with his
vast armies had never bargained for the spirited stand made by its brave garrison under the command of
its governor, Firangoji Narsala. The latter protracted the defence for nearly two months against
overwhelming odds, until on the fifty-sixth day of the siege, the beleaguering army by successful mining
operations exploded the outer tower at the north-eastern angle of the fort. The soldiers defending the
bastion were killed to a man. A gaping aperture presented itself in the rampart, through which the
besiegers pressed on to the assault. The valiant governor with the remnants of his defence force threw
himself upon the invaders and successfully barred their way for the whole night. At day-break Firangoji
saw it was impossible to prolong the defence. 1 The fort and its noble governor fell into the enemy's
hands. Shaista Khan received him with great hononr, complimenting him upon his valour and
perseverance, and requesting him to come over into the Mogul service, undertaking that he would watch
in person over his prospects and promotion in the imperial army. An alluring bait, which the magnanimous
Firangoji spurned with contempt. The Khan took his obstinate refusal in good part, perhaps with
admiration. He released him to depart to his master, in the most courteous manner, with many marks of his
favour and esteem in acknowledgment of his gallantry. Shivaji received him with much honour,
congratulating him upon his loyal and valorous resistance and appointed him to the governorship of the
fort of Bhupalgad. 8

1 According to Khali Khan, in the final assault, 300 men of the imperial army were slain, besides sappers
and miners. Six or seven hundred were wounded by stones and bullets, arrows and swords. Firangoji
made his surrender through an imperialist Bajput commander. The Jedhe Chronology gives the month
Aahtoin of the shaka 1582 ( October 10tO) as the date of the capture of Chakan by Shaista Khan.

3 The Shivdigvijay says that Firangoji was first dimissed by Shivaji for capitulating to a Mohamedan
enemy, and having joined Shaibta Khan in disgust was brought back by force through Netaji Palkar

While Shaista Khan was besieging Chakan by throwing up trenches and mines, Shivaji himself was
besieged at Panhala by the Bijapur forces under Sidi Johar. This will serve to explain the final cause of
Firangoji's surrender. Shivaji being himself immured for a period of nearly four months at Panhala was
unable to direct a sufficient relief force to come to the succour of the heroic garrison. However, 1 on dark
nights, the garrison frequently sallied forth iuto the Mogul trenches and fought with surprising boldness,
and on some occasions the forces of Shivaji outside the fort combined with those inside to make
simultaneous attacks in broad day-light) and. placed the Mogul trenches in great danger.
An interesting anecdote is told concerning this part of Shivaji's defence preparations. There were two
deshmukhs at Poona, Babajiram and Honappa Deshpande by name 3 . These men having some cause of
offence against Shivaji went over to Shaista Khan's camp. Shivaji was very angry when he heard of this
defection. Now it happened that a relation of these revolted deshmukhs, Sambhaji Kavji by name, stood in
high favour with Shivaji. To him Shivaji spoke about the treason of his kinsmen in feeling terms, declaring
that he could scarcely continue to trust a man, two of whose faithful dependents and kinsmen had thus
sullied their fair name with treason. The pointed sarcasm of this speech was resented by Sambhaji, who
felt highly insulted. He in his turn now went over to Shaista Khan and was received with open arms. At
his first interview with Shaista Khan he attracted the attention of

from Malkur, where Shaista Khan had put him in command with a inansab of 5000. But this story seems to
be a confused version of a similar story about Sambhaji Kavji.

1 Khafi Khan, Elliot VII, 261-63.

3 Chitnis (p. 97) gives the names of these traitors as Sambhaji Kavji and Babajiram Hanappa. Sambhaji
Kavji was the officer, who according to the bakhar accounts murdered Hanmant Rao More of Javli, under
pretence of a marriage alliance. The Shivdigvijay makes a mesa of the latter part of this story, substituting
the name of Firangoji Narsala in place of Sambhaji Kavji.

the Mogul general by a display of physical strength almost superhuman. Among other feats of physical
strength he seized a horse by the hoofs and raised him aloft from the ground. The Khan pleased with his
great strength admitted him to his service and gave him a command of • five hundred horse. Sometime
later when this Sambhaji was encamped at Malkur in the Mogul service, Shivajl sent against him a small
force under Netaji, a general who was a fellow-townsman of the revolted chief himself. Sambhaji was
defeated and slain and Malknr where he had encamped was reduced to dust and ashes.

The conquest of Chakan fort had cost Shaista Khan go many lives that he was compelled to give up the
attempt to extend his conquests up to Junnar and return to Poona. The stubborn resistance offered by the
little band of heroes in Chakan fort made him reconsider his programme. He had first lulled himself into
the belief that Shivaji's forts would fall before him by the very magic of his name ; that no resistance was
possible, that the new Maratha power would collapse at the first shock of his arrival like a house of
cards. But a small hill-fort, like that of Chakan, was now found capable of occupying his vast army for
two months, and though it had fallen at last, its fall had only been effected by the sacrifice of hundreds of
soldiers from the besieging army. This single experience made him view the situation with a clearer and
less clouded vision. He now discerned the magnitude of the task he had embarked upon of wresting the
mountain fortresses from the grasp of Shivaji. Aurangzeb himself laboured under the same delusion. That
august monarch was all along of the opinion that it waa a very light matter to conquer these mountain forts
and subdue such a foe as the newly grown Maratha power. The repeated victories of Shivaji and the tales
of chivalrous valour on the part of his commanders made him revise his judgment and send re-
inforcements under Jaswant Singh, the Maharajah of Jodhpur, to L. 8. 16

co-operate with Shaista Khan. These new battalions remained encamped near Poona.

In 1661 the Moguls conquered the district of Kalyan-Bhiwandy. Moropant was ordered to recover this
entire district and subdue the forts in the neighbourhood. Moropant carried these forts by storm together
with other Mogul strongholds north of Junnar. Netaji Palkar carried his flying columns deep into the heart
of the Mocrul dominions, plundering town and village and levy-in"' war-fines upon market and emporium.
Passing swiftly from town to town upto the banks of the Godavari ;he despoil'ed Baleghat. Parande
(Parinda), Haveli, Kal-burga (Gulburga ), Avse, and Udgir on his victorious march. 1 He raided the
country upto the very gates of Aurangabad and subdued the districts all round.

Mahakub Singh, the Mogul commander in charge'of Aurangabad, incensed at these depredations,
advanced upon Netaji with 10,000 men. A battle took place

.near Ahmednagar, in which the Moguls were completely worsted by Netaji. The Mogul horses,
elephants, and war-stores were cut oft' by the Marathas. Laden with booty and successful beyond measure
in this diversion

• against the Mogul strongholds in the Deccan, Netaji returned home. 2

1 According to Chitnis, Netaji Falkar bad at this time been divested of the dignity of sir-nobut and
Piataprao Guzar upon whom it was conferred was entrusted with this victorious campaign. Other versions
about this change of title are that the title was transferred to Prataprao Guzar, about the time of Jay Singh's
invasion, on account of Netaji Palkar's failure to obey certain orders of Shivaji. Parinda which ia Si ere
described as one of the places plundered by Netaji Palkar had, according to Khafi Khan, been won by the
Moguls without fighting from a Bijapur commander only in 1660. ( Vide Jedhe Chronology, p. 185).

8 According to the Rairi bakhar Mahakub Singh was watching these movements in silence, but roused to
action by stringent orders of Aurangzeb took the field against Shivaji and was defeated and killed by
Prataprao Guzar in a battle near Ahmednagar. The Mogul commander of Aurangabad, according to Khafi
Khan, was Mumtaz Khan, left there <iuring his own absence by ghaista Khan.

One of these Mogul strongholds was the fortress of Prabalgad, the commander of which was Keshar
Singh, a Rajput officer. This Rajput chief refused to surrender •he fort and Shivaji had to lead an attack
against it in person. Keshar Singh defended the fort with bravery for a long time, but saw that he was
helpless before the invader. The loyal warrior would not, however, outlive the defeat. Ordering the ladies
of his zenana to perform the tragic johar— the self-immolation of Rajput ladies in a burning pile to escape
the disgrace of captivity, the heroic warrior rallied his men and fell upon Shivaji courting a soldier's
death. Not till the whole heroic band had fallen on the field of battle did Shivaji capture the fort of
Prabalgad. Shivaji ordered the bodies of the heroic Rajputs to be burned with all honour according to the
rites of the Hindu religion. The mother and daughter of Keshar Singh were discovered in one of the
fortress towers, the sole survivors of the misfortune that had befallen their family. Shivaji received them
with the honour and consideration befitting their rank and later on when they expressed a desire to return
to their home in the north, he sent them away with a suitable retinue and handsome gifts of raiment and
jewellery, as a mark of his esteem.

It is said that when Shivaji set out in a palanquin to examine the fort, his scarf got entangled in a cherry
tree and fell to the ground. Shivaji ordered a halt, exclaiming that the omen which caused him to delay
there probably showed that there was some treasure under ground. He ordered the soil to be dug out
where his scarf had fallen, and marvellous as it turned out, a buried treasure was indeed discovered there.
The find was a jar filled with four lakhs of gold mohurs.

Netaji Palkar with his clouds of cavalry hovered about the confines of Ahmednagar and Aurungabad,
carrying fire and sword into the Mogul territory, intercepting forage and provisions, and harassing the foe
by systematic surprise
attacks upon his outposts. The celerity of his movements baffled all pursuit. The enemy had to endure his
rapid onslaughts without the power to reply to them. When the Mogul hosts on the defensive at their
southern headquarters were found too feeble to withstand Netaji's incursions, Shaista Khan was
compelled to send a detachment of his cavalry to put a stop to his attacks. A critical encounter followed
between the opposed squadrons, in which Netaji, by reason of his inferiority in numbers, was defeated.
But he fought bravely to avert the defeat, was repeatedly wounded and, exhausted as he was, he bravely
escaped from the enemy's hands. It is believed that it was due to Eustom Jeman, the Adil Shahi
commander, that he escaped being taken prisoner on this occasion.

At Foona Shaista Khan took up his residence in the mansion expressly built for Shivaji by the guardian of
his younger days, .Dadaji Kondadev. This mansion was known as Lai Mahal or the Red Palace. The Khau
knew well enough that Shivaji was near at hand at Fort Sinhagad, and might be expected to swoop down
at any moment and by some unexpected coup de main raid the Mogul cantonment. Shaista Khan's proper
tactics should have been to surround Sinhagad or carry it by storm with the chance of taking Shivaji
prisoner. But the experience of Fort Chakan, which he had purchased at no small price, had sobered his
ardour. The very fact that Shivaji had chosen to take shelter in this fort spoke volumes for its
impregnability and the strength of its garrison in men and munitions of war. All that Shaista Khan could do
and did, with the menace of a sudden onslaught by Shivaji hanging over him, was to observe the strictest
precautions for the defence of Poona. The Mogul officers had orders not to admit any armed Maratha into
the town without a pass-port, no Maratha shiledar was to enter his cantonment, exception being made only
in the case of the small retinues of the Maratha, nobility who claimed the Mogul allegiance. He denied

personal interview or audience to any Maratha officer outside this circle. Sentinels and outposts were
stationed at fixed intervals. Thus Shaista Khan lingered at Poona armed against all surprises, and
concerting the plans of his future campaigns.

On the other hand, Shivaji watched his movements, perched on the summit of Fort Sinhagad. When Shaista
Khan came down with his army to the south, resolved to exterminate the Maratha power, Shivaji had held
a council of war, to devise measures of defence in consultation with his great captains and ministers of
state. The latter had urged the magnitude of the war operations with the overwhelming hosts of the Moguls
and counselled a policy of peace and submission. But peace seemed to be out of the range of practical
politics, as on the side of Shaista Khan there appeared to be no Rajput noble of position and prestige,
who would up-hold the cause of the Hindu chief or Hindu religion and intercede for a peace in the
councils of the Khan. As an uncle of the reigning sovereign, Shaista Khan was not a man to be won over
by gold. To expect a promise of pardon and a personal conference was not to be thought of with an
invader whose object was the utter defeat and chastisement of Shivaji. The Maratha leader had, therefore,
to decide upon the policy which he had so far purnued, viz. on the one hand, not to commit his fortunes to
a regular pitched battle to which he plainly saw he was not equal, considering the vast hosts he was
confronted with; and on the other hand, to harass the enemy by all the means in his power, cutting off
supplies and forage, surrounding and intercepting the conquering hosts in difficult defiles, and raiding
them when they blockaded the Maratha hill-forts.

While in this suspense, Shivaji had another paroxysm of a psychical character, when he felt the afflatus of
his guardian deity, and under this spiritual obsession 4te uttered words which were immediately taken
down by the

by-slanders. The \vords were to this effect: t; Let not my child be anxious on the score of Shaista Khan.
Like Afzul Khan he too is doomed. Shivaji's is the hand that shall work the dire result. Away with anxious
cares ! '' After his paroxysm had abated, Shivaji read the words and thought they augured well despite all
hazards. His hopee Tsegan to mount in his breast His valour would yet triumph.

Shaista Khan's arrogance whetted this desire. While residing at the Lai Mahal, Shaista Khan got a
Brahman who knew Sanskrit to write a taunting epistle to Shivaji, the purport of which was as follows: "
You are a wild ape of the mountains; your mischievous activities break out from the sheltered coverts of
your mountain lairs : und at every challenge to a fair and equal fight you fly to your mountain solitudes.
But I am come to draw you out of your lairs and shall never leave the pursuit till I have hunted you out.
How long shall you, with your elusive tactics of cunning and cowardice, put off your inexorable fate?"
Shivaji answered defiance with defiance. " Monkey, if thou wouldst call me, oh Khan !" thus ran Shivaji's
-reply, "learn that I am like unto that valiant one whose glories resound in the deathless verses of the
Ramayan. If he destroyed Ravana, the Lord of Lanka, I shall rout your insolent hosts and rid the world of
such an abomination." 1

Shaista Khan's camp was safely guarded against a sudden assault and the large number of his soldiers
made a fight impossible. Shivaji was, however, determined to make the Khan expiate his insolence with
his blood. Without its leader the Mogul army was bound to melt away of itself. Shivaji succeeded in
sending two of his agents to the Mogul camp at Poona with instructions to win over a Maratha cavalry
officer there. This officer was instructed to give out that he was about to celebrate

1 Kairi bakhar. The Jedhe Chronology (Page 185) in one of it-entries notes that Sonaji Pandit brought a
message from Shaista Khan to Shivaji at Raigad.

a marriage in his family and apply to the Khan for special permission to lead a nuptial procession. The
permission being granted, he improvised a fictitious marriage in concert with his intimate friends and sent
back Shivaji'sagents with assurances of help. Upon this Shiva] i descended from Fort Sinhagad, with a
picked body of fifteen hundred veteran Mavalis. On the way he fixed numerous torches to the trees
growing on the ,ghat of Katraj as also to the horns of cattle. Bodies of trumpeters and horn-blowers were
stationed upon inaccessible cliffs. The object was that at a given signal after a successful attack on
Shaista Khan's camp, the torches were to be set ablaze,and the trumpets to blare and the torch-bearing
cattle and trumpeters to set off in headlong flight, so as to lure the Khan's pursuing horsemen to a fruitless
chase and to leave the way clear for Shivaji's retreat to Sinhagad. Shivaji placed his men in small
companies along the way to Poona, advising them to gather on hearing a signal given by a flourish of
trumpets. A troop of about five hundred soldiers was stationed under cover of the mango-groves outside
the town and about two hundred just outside the Mogul camp. r True to the previously contrived plan, the
wedding guests came in procession to the ramparts, when Shivaji with a handful of about twenty-five
warriors, among whom, were included his tried and trusty campanions, Tanaji Malusare, Yessaji Kunk,
Dadaji and Chimnaji Bapuji Deshpande, smuggled themselves into the procession.* In those days Maratha
soldiers carried their arms even at such a peaceful function as a wedding celebration. The presence of
Shivaji's armed men in the procession did not, therefore, excite any suspicion.

Shivaji was arrayed in a coat of mail concealed under the ample folds of a long white robe, and under his
turbau he wore a helmet of mail. In his hand he grasped hi*

1 According to Sabhasad, Netaji Palkar and Moropant were stationed with the army a little distance from
the Mogul camp.
3 According to Khafi Khan a party of two hundred Maratha* entered the town with the pretended
bridegroom.

sword, while he was also armed with the famous tiger-claws and dagger. Shortly after Shivaji and his
party had entered into Shaista Khan's camp, in the garb and under the pretence of wedding guests, night
came down and silence reigned over the scene. The soldiers mounting guard inside the camp were
themselves half asleep and well they might, as the vigilant watches maintained outside the camp and at the
entrance-gates were so efficient as to give the inner watch a complete sense of security. As the palace
chosen by the Khan was one that had long been the residence of Shivaji himself who knew it thoroughly, it
could present no difficulty to Shivaji's people. Shivaji led his men straight to this mansion and effected an
entrance through a kitchen window, which he knew to exist in the rear of the mansion though the Khan had
taken the precaution to build it up. To dig a way through this window and leap cautiously in with two or
three companions was for Shivaji the work of a moment. But the sound of treading feet awakened the
ladies of the Khan's harem, who in their turn awakened their Lord. The different chronicles give different
versions of the events that followed, 1 as

1 Chitnis gives the following version:—The Khan lived in a tent adjacent to the palace garden and was
suddenly surprised by Shivaji with two of his comrades, while he was asleep. Shivaji sat on his breast
and was about to kill him with his sword, when the Khan's wife interceded for his life. Upon this Shivaji
got up still in an attitude to strike and compelled the Khan and his wife to follow him in silence. He cut
off two of his fingers and let him escape, bidding him take a lesson by his experience and retire from
Maharashtra.

Sabhasad and Chitragupta give the same version with a few variations :—When Shivaji entered the tent
some ladies who were-awake raised an outcry. The Khan was then awakened and hid himself among the
ladies. While searching for him Shivaji discovered the Khan in the act of striking at him with a sword.
But Shivaji anticipated his blow and struck at him. In avoiding the blow he had three of his fingers cut off.
The Khan's men entering the tent in confusion, Shivaji managed to escape.

The Rairi bakhar tells tho story of an intrigue with a malt, or gardener, next to Shaista Khan's residence.
The inali undertook to

is but natural, considering the excitement under which they took place. Most of the chronicles agree in
giving an account of what happened as follows : The affrighted Khan being awakened by his ladies
thought only of effecting his escape. He rushed to the window and almost escaped unscathed. Shivaji,
however, noticed his stealthy flight and made for him at the window. He struck at him with his long sword
as he was gliding out of the window and cut off one of his fingers. Meanwhile Shaista Khan's son with his
special bodyguard rushed upon Shivaji. The latter received the attack with such introduce Shivaji at night
to the Khan's bed-chamber. Shivaji came from Rajgad in haste to Poona and was accordingly admitted
with a few followers. Twenty-five sentinels at the door and a eunuch still awake were cut down; but by
mistake the mali led Shivaji into the chamber of the Khan's son. Shivaji killed him on the spot and
compelled a servant-maid to lead him to Shaista Khan's chamber. Meanwhile the Khan had been
awakened by the noise and was escaping by the window, when Shivaji struck at him and cut off one of his
thumbs. Torches were now lighted and a crowd gathered. Shivaji returned by the way he had entered but
found the garden surrounded. He charged one party and escaped, cutting down all that opposed him, and
mounting his horse returned safe to Rajgad.

The Shivadigvijay gives a version which is a compound of tha versions given by Chitnis and the Rairi
bakhar. Acccording to the Shivdigvijay Shivaji entered the chamber of the Khan's son and killed him. The
wife of the deceased noble was awakened by the sound, and being asked as to the identity of the slain
person, told Shivaji it was the son of the Khan. She had then to lead Shivaji to the Khan's chamber.
Shivaji raised his sword to strike the Khan, but the light of the lamp Hashing on it, awakened the Khan's
wife. She interceded for the life of her husband, and both she and the Khan complied with Shivaji's order
to follow him and a finger was cut off as in the version given by Chitnis.

Khafi Khan (Elliot VII p. 270) says that the Marathas entered the cook-house, where, it being the month of
Ramzan, some cooks were at work, but were killed. The noise awoke a servant in the next room, bat
Shaista Khan did not mind his report. A maid-servant then awoke and took the report, when the Khan got
up and armed himself. Just then a Maratha got up to him and cut off his thumb. The maid-servants .n the
end got the Khan to hide himself. Some Marathas worked their way to the nagar-khana or band-room and
ordered the drums to be beaten in the Khan's name. Others killed the drowsy sentinels, saying, 'This is
how they keep watch'. Next day when Jaswant Singh came to express his condolence, Shaista Khan
replied, " I thought the Maharajah was in His Majesty's service when such an evil befell me."

promptitude that in a few seconds the corpses of most of his assailants were strewn on the floor. Shivaji
now burst victorious from the palace (5th April 1663). Cries of murder and treason rent the air and the
whole camp had now become a confused pandemonium. While a confused search was being instituted for
the raiders of the camp, Shivaji and his party joined in the outcry and escaped safe out of the town.
Collecting the soldiers whom he had stationed in detached outposts on the way, Shivaji made for
Sinhagad. The trumpets gave the signal to kindle the torches in the Katraj ghat. The Khan's pursuing
parties, as had been foreseen by Shivaji, were lured on in this direction, leaving the way open for
Shivaji's escape to Sinhagad. The Mogul pursuers discovered late in the morning how they had been led
on a fool's errand, when they saw the torches attached to the trees and the horns of cattle. 1 Dispirited
with the unsuccessful result of their pursuit, they turned back and feeling sure that by this ruse Shivaji must
have ensconced himself again behind the shelter of the battlements of Sinhagad, they gathered in full force
at the foot of that fortress. Shivaji permitted them to come within range of the fortress guns unchallenged.
They came flourishing their swords and sounding their trumpets quite under the fortress walls, resolved to
storm the fort and apprehend or slay Shivaji. But at length the Sinhagad cannon replied with a loud salvo,
and with the first discharge carried dismay and panic into their disorderly ranks. Hundreds fell mortally
wounded; others fled in a sudden panic; the elephant carrying the imperial standard was killed by a
cannon-ball; none cared to stand by

1 As regards the stratagem of the torches bound to the horns of cattle and set ablaze, the reader will
recollect that the same stratagem was used by Hannibal to outwit Fabius Maximus in the pass of Tarracina
( Vide Livy, Bk. XXII Ch. XII. ) This does not of course detract from the originality of Shivuji's plan,
since he could not be accused of an acquaintance with the classics. It is, however, a striking parallel and
shows how a kindred genius was shared in common by the Maratha and Carthaginian leaders.

the standard; and a headlong flight ensued. While the siege was thus raised, the besiegers were
themselves surprised by a detachment of horse sent against them by Netaji Palkar and Kartoji Guzar.
Several hundreds of the Mogul combatants were cut down by Guzar.

Shaista Khan was beside himself with shame at this defeat and disgrace,—a defeat in which he had lost
hie son and the lives of so many of his zealous veterans. He had no hope left of a successful campaign. He
dreaded to think what the next moment might bring forth, dealing as he was with so artful a raiding host as
that of Shivaji. His good fortune had already saved him once from imminent death, and he felt it would be
tempting his fortunes too much to court such perils any more. The rains made a siege of Sinhagad
impossible. His soldiers had already become faint-hearted. They would scarcely entertain a proposal of
further fight with Shivaji with any thing like spontaneous zeal and eagerness. To force them to fight at the
point of the musket or by appealing to their sense of the gravity of the imperial mandate would be only
like leading them to sure defeat and death, to the irremediable detriment of the imperial forces. To
surround himself with further lines of entrenchments and remain in camp in expectation of a more
favourable season to strike a final blow at the enemy was also vain. Shivaji had made his ingress into the
Mogul camp through the lines of night guards and sentinels. Entrenchments and ramparts had not availed
to bar his way. All this bred suspicion of treason in his own camp. Under the shadow of this fear he dared
not abide longer to protract a campaign with the support of men about whose loyalty he had cause of
suspicion. This would be to court the fate of Afzul Khan. He, therefore, resolved to evacuate Poona and
march to a new encampment at Pedgaum.

His suspicions were directed against the Rajah Jaswant Singh. He wrote to the emperor that there was
treason in his camp and that Shivaji had evidently corrupted Rajah

Jaswant Singh, and that this was the cause of his unexpected reverses. Aurangzeb was in great dismay at
the news of this defeat and the enterprising spirit ofShivaji, which enabled him to triumph over all the
obstructions in his way and defeat the most eminent strategists of the empire. His great campaign had only
served to diminish the prestige of the Mogul name and jeopardized the safety of his southern-most subha.
The emperor was convinced that there was no longer any possibility of friendly co-operation between
Shaista Khan and Jaswant Singh. He recalled Shaista Khan and appointed Prince Muazzim in his place.
The galled spirit of Shaista Khan was appeased with the governorship of the princely province of Bengal.
The services of Jaswant Singh were retained as deputy to the prince, for fear lest the slur of a recall might
throw him into the open arms of the Marathas. 1 In truth, so acute was the tension of feeling in the southern
subha that Aurangzeb might have been expected to take the field in person against Shivaji, but the sinister
aspect of politics in Kashmir required his personal presence near the northwestern frontier.

On the departure of Shaista Khan, the Rajah Jaswant Singh endeavoured to prove his loyalty and valour
by a renewed siege of Sinhagad. But it proved to be labour lost. Shivaji's raiding bands terrorized the
besiegers. 8 The siege had to be raised, and Jaswant Singh with great losses made good his retreat to
Aurangabad.

1 According to Bernier this Rajput prince, when at last recalled to Delhi, instead of going to the Mogul
capital returned to his own state in Rajputana.

a The siege of Sinhagad from December 1663 to about June 1664. ( Jsdhe Chronology.)

CHAPTER XVII THE SACK OF SURAT AND BARSELOR, 1664-1665

ON the retirement of the Rajah Jaswant Singh to Aurungabad, Shivaji mustered his forces in two concen-
% tration camps one at Kalyan and the other at Danda-Raja-puri, with the ostensible object of a campaign
against the Portuguese at Cheul and Bassein and a final struggle with the Abyssinians of Janjira. The real
motive for this concentration of his forces, however, was a sudden march upon Surat and the sack of that
emporium of trade on the western coast. Among the populous and opulent towns of the orient, the port of
Surat claimed a very high place. It was the seat of international trade. All sorts of foreign merchants
traded in Indian wares in the marts of that town. Many of its citizens were counted among the most affluent
merchant princes in India. Shivaji had sent to Surat his scout, Bahirji Naik by name, who scrutinized the
fortunes of the leading citizens and furnished very valuable information to Shivaji so as to facilitate an
attack. His report induced Shivaji to launch upon this enterprise. The town was shown to be an easy prey
and wealth untold awaited the fortunate captor. 1

Shivaji had decided to conduct the expedition in person, having learnt by experience of previous
campaigns that much of the best results is lost when the command was entrusted to his lieutenants. The
expeditionary force consisted of 10,000 M*avalis, including such leaders of distinction as Moropant
Pingle, Prataprao Guzar, and several subordinate officers. With this great host he left the Konkan in a
straight line of march upon Surat. 2 But

1 According to some accounts Shivaji himself in a disguise bad made his way to Surat and in a stay of
three days had seen things with his own eyes and in particular the residences of the merchant princes.

3 According to Orme to disguise his plans Shivaji encamped his forces before Cheul and Bassein and
made believe that he was preparing to capture these places by storm, and that Shivaji secretly started
from the Bassein camp with four thousand horse, leaving strict

in order to divert the attention of the Moguls from his real object he gave out that the march was for the
sacred pilgrim place of Nasik, whence he proposed to go on a tour of inspection of the fortresses recently
captured by Moropant. Having thus blinded the enemy as to his real intention, he advanced in a northerly
course and by incredibly forced marches suddenly presented himself within a few miles of the city. 1

On the morning of the 5th January 1664 the alarming newa came to Surat that Shivaji's banners were seen
at Gandevi, only 23 miles south of the town. The citizens were utterly taken by surprise. They had no
suspicion of the coming storm. In their panic they began to flee away across the river, to the villages on
the northern bank, with their wives and children. The governor sent a messenger to make a parley with the
invader. The messenger was put under arrest as also the messengers of the Dutch and the English East
India Companies, who had been sent to watch Shivaji's movements. 2 Next morning Shivaji's columns
were already hurling themselves upon the old mud walls of the city. The governor of the city, Inayet Khan,
mustered his scanty forces and advanced, not to give battle to the foe, but to flee for shelter to the inner
castle. Shivaji planted his batteries against the citadel. The inhabitants were left to their own resources. 3

orders to maintain the same vigilance as before with the usual flourish of trumpets and other warlike
music. •

1 The Factory Records of the English Company at Surat give graphic accounts of the sack of Surat. The
Log of the Loyal Merchant, an English ship then afe the mouth of the Tapti, preserved among the Orme
MSS., Vol 263, is of special value. Next in importance are the Dutch Records and the accounts given by
Valentyn, Bernier, Manucci, and Dr. Fryer.

* Vide the Dutch version of the event in Valentyn'a "Lives of tht Moguls."

3 According to Bernier and Valentyn, the governor ot Surat came to oppose Shivaji, but was made to
retire on the understanding that Shivaji did not mean to force his entrance into the town but march
outwards. Orme says that the governor of the town and the commander of the garrison in their fright
betook themselves to the citadel admitting only a few who could be accommodated within, and fired upon
Shivaji when he entered the town, but he made nothing of it.

On the previous night Shivaji had despatched a message zo the governor, requiring him and Haji Sayad
Beg, Baharji (Virji) Borah, and Haji Cassim, three of the richest merchants in the city, to attend his camp,
a little outside • the city-gate, and settle the ransom, in default of which he rhreatened to plunder the town.
1 As no answer came to this summons, the Maratha hosts poured in. The invaders very soon made their
presence felt all over the town. The mansions of the leading citizens were occupied and the city was
subjected to a systematic pillage for the space of three days. The rich were forced under fear of death to
disclose iheir buried treasures. In the confusion an opulent Jewish merchant fell into the hands of Shivaji.
He was a native of Constantinople and had come to Surat to negotiate the sale of certain precious
jewellery to the emperor Aurangzeb. He was produced before Shivaji and commanded to surrender his
treasures. He refused and notwithstanding all manner of threats against his life persisted in his refusal.
Thrice was he thrown down on the ground and the sword placed at his throat. But he did not yield for a
moment. His gold was dearer to him than life. 2

The house of Baharji Borah was plundered for three days and an incredible amount of money and
precious stones was carried away with twenty-eight seers of large pearls. This house stood next to the
Dutch factory, that of Haji Sayad Beg being close to the English. The Marathas plundered Haji Sayad's
house for two days until the English company put an English guard upon it and took its protection in their
hands. This brought about an exchange of threats of defiance between Shivaji and the president of the
English factory, Sir George Oxenden. In this way burning and plundering went on for three days.

But Shivaji did not act in this extortionate manner towards all in the moment of his triumph. Certain
anecdotes of his conduct on this occasion illustrate the

1 Factory Records, Surat, Letter in Forrest's Selections Vol 1, p. '24.

2 Bernier, 190,

innate generosity of his character. There lived at this time at Surat a Roman Catholic capuchin of the name
of Father Ambrose. Though the dwelling-place of this priest was pointed out for plunder, Shivaji did not
violate-it. He is reported to have said that the padres were • men of piety and it was improper to injure
them in any way. Another story is that there was at Surat a certain citizen of the name of Mohandas Parekh
who was an accredited broker to the Dutch East India Company. He was a person of high character and
well spoken of for his philanthropy. He had died a few years before Shivaji's invasion of Surat, leaving
behind him a large family and an ample fortune. Though reports of the vast wealth of this family were
brought to Shivaji, he saved it from every species of violation, out of deference for the high renown of the
deceased philanthropist. 1

The English and the Dutch East India Companies had thriving factories at Surat at the date of Shivaji's
invasion. These European merchants, and in particular the representatives of the English Company with
great bravery defended their factories, chiefly with the powerful aid of the sailors on board their
mercantile fleets at Swally, at the mouth of the river. Many native merchants found a safe asylum in the
factories of the European merchants. An Englishman of the name of Anthony Smith was taken prisoner and
brought before Shivaji. He was afterwards released. 2 He has left a brief account of Shivaji's sack of
Surat. He tells how Shivaji was seated in a tent and persons suspected of hiding their wealth were taken
before him. When these men persevered in their refusal to disclose the places where
1 Bernier, 188-189.

2 The Log of the Loyal Merchant (quoted by Prof. Sarkar) says that he was ransomed for Rs 350. The
English chaplain, Escaliot has given a similar account of the plunder in his letter to Sir T. Browne, the
author of Jieligio Medici, which Prof. Sarkar quotes from Ind. Antiq. VIII, 256, to describe the state of
fcjurat at the time and the manner in which, the loot was carried out. An equally vivid description is given
by Dr. Fryer. All these authorities are naturally prejudiced against Shivaji.

rtiheir fortunes were hidden, he ordered them either to be executed or deprived of their hands. It is said
that were :t not for the gallant stand made by the British factors, Shivaji would have carried off a much
greater amount of treasure. Their gallantry evoked the admiration of Aurangzeb. He congratulated Sir
George Oxenden, the president of the factory at Surat, and presented him with a jewelled crest as a
special distinction. The British merchants were granted a remission of 2|% in the customs luty; and the
'proprietors of the British East India Company were honoured with the presentation of a special gold
medal as a mark of imperial favour. 1

On his arrival at Surat, Shivaji had publicly announced that he had not come to do any personal harm to
any of the native or foreign merchants in the city, but only to revenge himself on Aurangzeb for having
invaded his own country and killed some of his relatives. Consistently with this declaration he had invited
the governor of the city with three of the foremost citizens to attend hia camp outside the city gates and
settle the ransom there. Jn this demand he was quite justified. He was at war with the Mogul government.
His appearance before the city-gates was a masterly move on the part of the Maratha strategist. Again, as
he rightly said, the Mogul emperor had forced him to keep a large army, and he would force the emperor
to become its pay-master.

It was the duty of the governor to pay the ransom or defend the city. He does neither. He leaves the city to
the mercy of the invader. The invader has to enter the city-gates and exact payments from the individual
citizens. The governor having failed in his primary duty does not hesitate to employ an assassin to murder
Shivaji in his camp. The assassin attacks Shivaji with his dagger. Both the murderer and the intended
victim roll on the grourd together. The blood is seen on Shivaji'a dress. The'.Maratha soldiers for a time
actually believa i Vide Dr. Fryer, Vol. I, letter II, Chapter V. L.S.17

that Shivaji has been murdered. A cry runs through the camp to slay the prisoners. Even with this
provocation there was no . massacre. Shivaji's voice was the first to forbid it. 1

As a retaliatory measure only four prisoners were executed and twenty-four had their hands cut off'.
Those who condemn Shivaji for the cruelty of his exactions are, therefore, less wise in their censure than
the citizens of Surat were when they threw dirt upon their governor, when the coward at last emerged
from behind the shadow of the castle-walls upon Shivaji's retirement. In any case the sack of Surat was
Shivaji's decisive reply to the Mogul emperor for the seizure and occupation of Poona and the
surrounding districts by the Mogul hosts under Shaista Khan. That occupation had lasted for three years. If
Shaista Khan had not plundered Poona, it was because he found little to plunder there. In 1657 Aurangzeb
had given orders to the Mogul hosts invading Shivaji's territories, after the attack upon Junnar, to lay
waste the villages, "slaying the people without pity, and plundering them to the extreme". 2 That was
Aurangzeb's way of making reprisals for the attack on Junnar,—the robbing, the slaying, and the enslaving
of the poorest type of countrymen. This was Shivaji's way of making reprisals for Shaiata Khan's seizure
of Poona—the spoliation of the wealthiest citizens of the wealthiest sea-port in the empire on the refusal
of its governor to comply with the demand for ransom. 3 How the Mogul armies themselves could pillage
and plunder a great city was amply shown only seven years before the sack of Surat, when on the trea*
cherous orders of Aurangzeb, in defiance of treaties and existing peace, the Mogul hosts under the
command of his son entered the Golconda territory under a vile pre-

-i Prof. Sarkar's "Shivaji >: , 115.

2 Prof. Sarkar's "Shivaji", 62.

3 It must be remarked that the sack of Surat took place, while the Rajah Jaswant Singh was besieging
Kondana (Sinhagadj. Vide the dates in Jedhe'9 Chronology, pp. 186-87.

text, and plundered the hapless city of Hyderabad, then the richest city in South India, for days together. 1
It is needless, therefore, to be too censorious about the cruelty or injustice involved in the sack of Surat.

When the sacking of the town was brought to a conclusion, a huge cavalcade of heavily laden pack-horses
started for Raigad, which they reached safely, without any attempt to obstruct them on the part of the
Moguls. The wealth obtained in this enterprise is said to have been computed to amount to a sum of eight
and a half crores of pagodas. A large number of horses was captured, brought down from Surat and
formed into a new cavalry corps. On his return from Surat, Shivaji wrote to Aurangzeb in the following
strain: "I have chastised your uncle, Shaista Khan; I have defiled the beauty of your fair city of Surat.
Hindustan is for the Hindus. You have no business here. You have no business, too, to be in the Deccan.
The Deccan belongs of right to the Nizam Shahi dynasty, and I am the vizier of that dynasty." Aurangzeb
made no reply to this letter.

Upon his return from Surat, Shivaji learnt the sad tidings of the death of Shahaji. The mourning and funeral
rites were performed at Fort Sinhagad. After the full period of these funeral solemnities Shivaji returned
to-Raigad, where some time was spent in the re-organization of the various departments of government. It
was at this period upon the death of the Raja Shahaji that Shivaji solemnly assumed the title of Raja and
struck coins in his own name. 2

While Shivaji was for a time resting and enjoying a lull in his warlike activities, his followers were by
no> means idle. They harried the Mogul provinces in the south. Netaji Palkar systematically took the field
with his irregular cavalry during the favourable season from year

1 Elphiuatoae, 575; Prof. Sarkar'a "Aarangzeb" Vol. 1. Chapter X.

2 Khafi Khan, ( Elliot Vol. VII, p. 271. )

•1544 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

to year, and at the beginning of the stormy season he used to return with his spoils. The naval contingent
was equally active, laying an embargo upon the merchant vessels wherever they could and pillaging them
according as occasion served. They levied contributions upon the pilgrim vessels plying between the
western coast and Mecca. Wealthy pilgrims were subjected to heavy exactions. Shortly afterwards
Shivaji took the field in person and led his victorious legions to the sack of Ahmednagar and the
devastation of the Mogul province of the.Deccan up .to the gates of its capital, Aurangabad.

Observing how Shivaji was engaged in hostilities •Against the Moguls, two nobles under the hegemony of
the Adil Shahi ruler at Panhala 1 broke the former peace :and made an energetic movement for the
reconquest of the Konkan. They recaptured some of the principal •stations in the Konkan. When Shivaji
learned of the new crisis on the Konkan shores, he with marvellous rapidity presented himself at this new
scene of war. A battle ensued, in which thousands of the Adil Shahi army were put to flight or killed. The
agents of the British Company at Karwar and Rajapur have estimated the number of the slain on both sides
as nearly six thousand.* Hubli was plundered. The people of Vengurla rose against Shivaji's commander
in that town. Shivaji retaliated by ^reducing the town to ruins. Concluding this business with -
extraordinary speed, Shivaji was again back at Sinhagad. iFor news had arrived that the Mogul army at
Junnar had "been re-inforced and meditated an invasion of the territory under Shivaji's influence. Shivaji's
quick return to Sinhagad nipped this hostile demonstration in the bud. When this •danger had been averted
Shivaji ordered his light cavalry south of the Krishna to raid the Bijapur dominions. While •the people of
Bijapur were thus attacked in their southern valleys, Shivaji prepared to deliver simultaneously another

l iWohsmed Ikblaa Khan and Fazal Khau.

a Factory Reports, Surat, Vol. 88. The Bijapur general, Khawas

n, wuaLernmed round by Shivaji tat escaped by a gallant charge.

blow on the seaward side of that empire. This took the • form of a sudden march upon Barselor and the
spoliation of that wealthy entrepot of trade on the Konkan coast. The attack was to be made by sea.
Shivaji's naval contingent received orders to concentrate at the sea-fort of Sindhudurg on the Malwan
coast. These preparations were made with extreme caution and secrecy, and it was given out to the
diplomatic world that Shivaji was mustering a p^ong force for a decisive attack on the Mogul camp-at
Junnar. Having thus thrown dust in the eyes of the enemy, Shivaji suddenly appeared at Malwan and the
naval force made straight for Barselor. 1

The invader descended upon the town quite unexpectedly before the morning twilight. It was sacked and
pillaged for the whole day unhindered. The plunder which is supposed to have been almost as great as
that of Surat amounted to between two and three crores.

Following on the sack of this town Shivaji extended his conquest to other sea-board towns, such as
Kadwal, Shiv-eshwar, Miraj, Ankola, Kodre (Kadra), Humaud and others. The sacred shrine of Gokarn-
Mahableshwar was taken possession of and large sums spent in religious charities at this frequented place
of pilgrimage. At Bednore, further south, a jahagirdar named Shivappa Naik had made himself
independent of Bijapur. This Naik had recently died and an infant prince had been put on the throne, under
the regency of his mother. Before proceeding to those Louthern parts Shivaji had made a demand on this
chief to agree to the payment of an annual tribute and the maintenance of an accredited agent at Shivaji's
court; whereupon the insolent minister of the Naik challenged Shivaji to come and extort tribute from him,
if he dared. Upon receipt of this haughty reply Shivaji

1 In some bakhars, the name of the town occurs as Basnur. The Shivdigvijaya calls it Harhaanur. The
Rairi bakhar calls it Hasnur Ib is elsewhere called Basrur, It was the principal port of the Bednore Rajas.

v came up by forced marches, conquering town and village and compelled the Naik to sue for peace. Ee
sent his vakils, with abject entreaties for pardon and with royal presents, including a nazar of a lakh of
rupees. The young Naik with his guardian came down in person to meet Shivaji at a friendly conference,
where promises were interchanged and the chief finally consented to pay an annual tribute of threb lakhs
of rupees. The Naik sent his vakil, Umaji, to reside at Shivaji's court. 1

On his arrival at Gokarn, the greater part of Shivaji's naval force was ordered to retire to headquarters,
and the land force continued its depredations in the interior of the country. Karwar fell but suffered no
harm, the inhabitants having offered to pay the victor a fair sum of money. (1665.) It is said that the local
factors of the British Company bought their safety by a prudent arrangement to pay down the modest
contribution of £ 112. With these trophies the invader began his retreat, th'e army marching by land routes,
Shivaji himself sailing with a small naval squadron, with the object of inspecting with his own eyes the
aggressive preparations of the Janjira chief by a cruise along the Konkan coast. But adverse winds
delayed this voyage. The voyagers were suddenly becalmed and had to spend many days and nights, in a
helpless and profitless manner, on the sea. Shivaji found himself for the time being cut off from all
communication with his army and all knowledge of the movements of the enemy. He never trusted himself
again to the mercy of the treacherous element. A ship he now found by experience to be no better than a
prison, in this that a man seemed thereby to be cut off from all communication with the towns and nations
of the earth.

1 Ah Adil ahaha of ttijapur had for years been fighting with this chief and his father. The father was
Shivappa Naik and the son Som-shekar, and in 1665, a puppet prince was reigning at Bednore under his
mother's regency. Shahaji had fought against Shivappa in AH Adil Shaba's camp.

CHAPTER XVIII THE INVASION OF RAJA JAY SINGH '

NEWS of a more portentous crisis in his fortunes tha/i any he had tided over in his hitherto triumphant
career was destined to greet Shivaji's ears immediately on his arrival at Raigad from the scene of his
recent conquests in, the Southern Konkau and Kanara. This was the bodeful invasion of the-Mogul army
under the command of two of the most illustrious generals of the empire, Mirza Raja Jay Singh and Diler
Khan, who had marched down upon ohe south with the fullest and the most efficient of warlike
equipments then known in India. They were eager to wreak on Shivaji a full revenge for the disgrace of
Shaista Khan and the defeat of Jaswant Singh. At first eight it may appear strange that an emperor of the
haughty and bigoted temper of Aurangzeb should have allowed any length of time to elapse before paying
off old scores, and making the raider of the Mogul provinces feel the power of the empire. Yet so it was
and it could not be otherwise. With all his sense of power, the usurper, whose conscience was burdened
with the guilt of having deposed his dotard father and the judicial murder of his more guileless brothers,
lived in an insecurity of his own. His mental torments were a veritable hell. His father's fate was the
sword of Damocles that hung above his head. He dis» trusted Prince Muazzim even while sending him to
take over the command from Shaista Khan. Thus Muazzim had come down with resources ill-
proportioned to his task, but with all the gilded splendours of the mighty Mogul name. The calculating
emperor was watching an opportunity when the political ferment in the north should have subsided in
order to lead the Mogul legions under his personal command and destroy by one crushing blow at once
the Maratha and the Adil Shahi powers. Of the military calibre of the new Maratha power he had indeed a
poor notion. The surprise and discomfiture of Shaista Khan was in his opinion no proof of a genius for
war; the humiliation of tha

Adil Shabi power was due after all to its growing incompetence. Before the arrayed forces of the Mogul
power. Shivaji seemed to him like a ftying phantom, easy to overtake and crush in a moment. Not for
nothing did he call him a mountain rat. He cherished these delusions for toe long a time to be able to
retrieve his error.
But his wrath was still further roused by the news of the recent acts of the despised Shivaji,—the.
spoliation o£ Mogul territory, the sack of Surat, his assumption of the title of Raja and his presumption in
instituting a coinage of his own. This wrath was inflamed into a bigoted hatred and religious frenzy by the
naval preparations of the Maratha Raja, and the systematic pillage and confiscation of pilgrim vessels
bound for Mecca. He vowed to wreak a bloody vengeance upon the infidel author of these atrocities and
in consequence of this determination he had now launched, as described above, a new invading host upon
the impious Maratha.

The emperor's object in deputing two commanders obviously ivas to balance an attempted treason on the
part of one by the envious vigilance of the other. The emperor lived in an atmosphere of suspicion and
was convinced that Shivaji was a past master in the art of sowing treason in the enemies' camp.
Aurangzeb seems to have specially enjoined upon Diler Khan to take particular care lest the infidel Jay
Singh might artfully turn the tables in favour of the infidel Shivaji, that he should be prepared for every
omergency and scent treason from a distance. The emperor had indeed little confidence in either of these
leaders. He. sent them, however, upon the great task awaiting them, Under a belief that they had at least
enough of that capacity which might serve to distract and weaken an enemy.

In connection with thia there is a tradition of an attempted coalition between the Mogul and Bijapur
powers against Shivaji. The fame of Shivaji's exploits had filled the emperor with dismay; the
annihilation of Shaista.

Khan's invading host had come as a staggering blow; and the emperor in his anxiety conceived the plan of
a concerted campaign supported by Bijapur. With a view to-securing the accession of Bijapur to this
projected enterprise, Aurangzeb is said to have despatched an envoy extraordinary bearing the terms of a
proposed alliance with, the Deccan kingdom, wherein the emperor is believed to have expatiated at length
upon the magnitude of the menace to the Islam church and dynasties, as also upon the necessity of joint
action in extirpating one whose state, according to Mahomedan opinion, was a hot-bed of rank sedition
and lawlessness. In short the united arms of Bijapur and the Mogul power were to be turned upon the
common foe before his power and position really became impregnable. Accordingly the Deccan state was
invited to form an alliance with the emperor and unite with him in an attack upon the common aggressor.
The Adil Shahi state felt flattered by this invitation and ordered their general Khawas Khan to proceed
against Shivaji with a great army. The Maratha leader overtook the enemy and forced him ta give battle on
unfavourable ground. Khawas Khan was defeated and driven back in confusion to Bijapur. This was the
result of the attempted coalition between the two great Mahomedan states of the north and the south,
though it is pertinent to observe that Mahomedan historians and Maratha chroniclers persist in assigning
the credit of the victory to their own co-religionists.

Upon the appointment of Jay Singh and Diler Khan t< the Deccan province, Prince Muazzim and Jaswant
Singh were naturally recalled. Their united armies had effected little worth the name, and the emperor,
true to his distrustful nature, had grave suspicion of a possible collusion between these imperial
commanders and Shivaji. The new commaders had a double task before them, first to exterminate the
Maratha power, and secondly to exact thfr prompt payment of tribute from Bijapur, and to terrorise the> i
Modak'a History of the Adil Shahi Dynasty (in Marathi) p. 212.

:250 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

insecure sultan, in punishment for the fickleness with which he had shaken of!' the last alliance and set
himself in opposition to the Mogul arms.

It was in February 1665 that the great Mogul host under Jay Singh and Diler Khan crossed the Narbada.
Shivaji was engaged upon the naval war described in the last chapter. It was owing to this that he
remained without prompt information of the new danger from the north. The Mogul generals did not allow
the grass to grow beneath their feet. They came to Auraugabad, the headquarters of the subha or province,
put its affairs on a footing of efficiency, and straightway advanced upon Fort Purandar. Diler Khan
undertook the blockade of Purandar, while Jay Singh advanced to besiege Sinhagad, despatching a few
detachments to operate against Kajgad and Lohagad.

Meanwhile Shivaji returned to Raigad and held a council of war to which the principal military officers
were summoned. At this crisis one of the old Maratha leaders, Netaji Palkar had come under the royal
disfavour inasmuch as instead of dogging the enemy's movements on his first entrance into the Maratha
territory as were his distinct orders, he had diverted his light cavalry on distant forays. This conduct of
his lends some plausibility to the view of certain authors who accuse him of a corrupt understanding with
Jay Singh. Shivaji sent orders for his instant return. On his non-compliance he degraded him from the title
of sir-nobut, or commander of the royal forces which he had so long enjoyed. This title was now
conferred upon Kartoji Guzar, who is later on known as Prataprao Guzar. 1 Guzar had earned the highest
praise for the able strategy he had displayed in intercepting the forage and supplies of the

1 According to Sabhasad's chronicle, when Sidi Johar besieged Panhala. that fort having but lately passed
into Shivaji's power had not been well fortified and equipped; and Netaji Palkar's failure to bring succour
to it on that occasion, led to his forfeiture of the title of sir-nobut. However, in any case, it is clear that he
still continued in Shivaji's service. The assertion about bribery is made by Catrou.

Moguls and the vigilance with which he had guarded against all Mogul tactics to out-wit or elude him.

Jay Singh's forces amounted to 80,000, in which were represented some of the most warlike and spirited
races of Hindustan. Jay Singh was himself a brave and clever tactician who was not likely to blunder
easily.

He had brought with him a number of Rajput warriors. From the moment he crossed the Narbada he had
tried to form coalitions with Shivaji's enemies. He enlisted the support of the Abyssinians of Janjira, the
zemindars of the Earnatic and in particular the raja of Bednore who had been recently humiliated by
Shivaji, and the rajas of Jawhar and Ramnagar. Lastly he had won over to the imperial cause the families
of those who had sworn, so to say, a blood-feud with Shivaji. Thus there came to the imperial camp
Fazal, the son of Afzul Khan still thirsting for vengeance against Shivaji. There came likewise to the
Mogul side two members of the vanquished More family of Javli, on the special invitation of Jay Singh. 1
Jay Singh had realized the gravity of his task, and made his preparations accordingly. He had signalized
his arrival in the Maratha country by a sudden siege of two of the most impregnable forts of the Marathas.
Shivaji was shrewd enough to foresee the difficulty of subduing such an enemy. 2 The arts which had
succeeded so brilliantly with Afzul Khan and Shaista Khan were not likely to stand any chance with the
present commander. He was not a man to take any thing on trust. An appeal to his sense of patriotism or to
his religious fervour was out

1 Letters of Jay Singh in the Haft Anjuman (Paris Md.) cited by Prof. Sarkar, and Manuccis: "Storia."
Manucci himself instigated the Koli Rajas of Jawhar etc. on behalf of Jay Singh (Storia II, 132).
2 Scott Waring says that Shivaji had sent Prataprao Guzar to assassinate Jay Singh. According to his story
Gazar went to Jay Singh and got himself admitted to his service. He was in close attendance about Jay
Singh's person, and one day seeing that there were very few-people present attempted to kill him. But he
was at once arrested and disarmed. He was, however, let go by Jay Singh with impunity.

of the question as the presence of Diler Khan made ivr necessary that he should always be on his guard.

Shivaji is said to have had one of those ecstatic fits to which he was so prone on occasions of high
nervous, excitement. It was believed that he again became the medium of the communication of the fiat of
his guardian, deity. His utterances in the trance were taken down by his secretaries. They were to this
effect : " Great is the peril that is threatening thee now. Jay Singh is not fated to taste defeat at thy hands.
Thou shalt have to make terms of peace and amity and go to Delhi into the sunshine of the imperial
presence. Dark clouds gather round thee at Delhi. But I shall shield thee from all harm and restore thee
safe and victorious again to thy realm." This oracular, assurance calmed Shivaji's mind.

Jay Singh was encamped at Saswad between the siege; lines around Sinhagad and Purandar. He was well
informed about Sbivaji's antecedents. He was prepossessed in hi& favour by what he had heard about his
daily sacrifices in the promotion of the cause of religious and political independence. He looked upon it
as in some measure a holy enterprise and his conscience did not whisper to hin* any: assurances of
success or encouragement.

He saw the heroic stuff of which Shivaji's followers were made and how they had poured their hearts and
soul& into his enterprise. These meditations combined to influence him also to think of peaceful methods
and an honourable-conclusion of the task he had undertaken. Then the fates of Afzul Khan and Shaista
Khan constantly hovered before his eyes, and no concessions to Shivaji appeared in his mind too great so
long as they were consistent with self-respect. From the moment he had set his foot in the Maratha country
some instinct whispered to him that his life was not worth a moment's purchase and his chief desire, now
was to escape with honour from the hostile land. 1 He t , 1 Some of the Marathi chronicles say that he got
hia priests to offer .

therefore, tried persuasion expatiating on the advantages of ipeace with the great Mogul. He referred to
the family-tradition ofShivaji's Rajput descent from the Sesodia stock of Udaipur, expressed his personal
gratification at 'his religious pride, and concluded with an expression of hia willingness, to maintain the
power and possessions of the Maratha Raja.

The hints thus conveyed relieved Shivaji from all immediate anxiety. His officers and chiefs advised a
continuation of these peaceful overtures. Raghunathpant, the chief justice, was sent as an envoy to the
camp of Jay Singh with the customary presents of jewellery and embroidered silks, of horses 'and
elephants. The envoy presented a missive embellished with the most courtly <jompliments and couched in
the most mellifluous strain of which Shivaji's secretary was capable. Shivaji professed himself to be
inspired almost with a feeling of filial affection at the paternal tone of Jay Singh's epistle; he compared
himself to Jay Singh's son and offered to abide by his counsel. He ascribed his operations of war to his
love of the Hindu] religion and his desire to set free Hindu worship, usage and law. He painted a lurid
picture of the Hindu church bleeding under the talons of Islam, of Hindu temples converted into mosques.
While thus striving to stir up the Rajput's Hindu pride and sentiment he professed himself ready to accept
him as a mediator before the imperial throne, admitting the grounds of the imperial wrath, but pointing out
that his domains and castles were acquired from other states, hoping to retain them under the imperial
favour and offering to aid the imperial expansion in the South. Such in brief was the character of the
epistle, the contents whereof were embellished and supplemented by Raghunathpant's oratory.

Jay Singh was gratified with the tone and contents of Shivaji's letter. He represented to Shivaji's envoy
that

special prayers and perform ceremonial rites for the success of hia v.campaign.

'254 LIFE OF SH1VAJI MAHARAJ

it was to his own advantage that the Maratha prince should come to terms with the mighty Mogul power
and undertook on his word of honour as a Rajput to bring about a reconciliation and invite him as an
honoured guest to the Mogul durbar. The envoy at a private audience with Jay Singh addressed himself to
the Maharaja's religious susceptibilities and appealed to him to lend his active support to Shivaji's
propaganda in favour of a Hindu revival, pointing out the degradation of service under a foreign anti-
Hindu domination and the desecration of Hindu shrines and gods. This was done to secure the Rajput's
personal intervention as against any insidious designs on the part of his sovereign. Jay Sing renewed his
assurances and showed no trace of resentment at the frank language of the envoy.

Jay Singh brought about an interview between Raghunathpant and Diler Khan, where it was agreed that
Shivaji should communicate his demands and stipulations, in formal terms to be submitted to Aurangzeb,
being assured that these would be carefully attended to at the imperial court. The envoy then returned to
Raigad and Shivaji's council after full deliberation drafted the conditions of a treaty. They were to this
effect: That Shivaji should retain in his possession the forts and territories already in his power, with the
rights of chaut (one quarter of land revenue) and sirdeshmukhi (one tenth of the revenue) over the rest of
the Deccan, and that with these rights and concessions aa alliance should be formed between the Maratha
and the imperial power.

These terms and stipulations were submitted to Jay Singh by Shivaji's envoy. The Rajput leader was
convinced of the bona fides of Shivaji and got the envoy to confirm the declaration on oath. The Raja
urged Shivaji to put full confidence in himself and act according to his wishes. The ratification of the
terms was postponed to be effected at a personal conference between Jay Singh and Shivaji.

When Diler Khan came to learn that the preliminaries of a treaty were all but completed between Jay
Singh and Shivaji and the ratification depended merely on a personal conference between the two leaders,
his jealousy was roused and he suspected that the Hindu leaders on either side were going to act in
collusion to the detriment of the interests of the empire. He, therefore, held out against this proposal,
urging that the final consent to Shivaji's stipulations should be withheld till receipt of the imperial orders
on the subject, that their future relations with the Maratha power should be based upon the rescript from
the throne, and that pending this decision they should prosecute with vigour the siege of Purandar and
Sinhagad already begun under such good auspices. Upon this Jay Singh enlarged upon the wisdom of an
immediate alliance between the Maratha and the Mogul and the acceptance by Shivaji of the suzerainty of
the emperor. The purpose of the present campaign, said Jay Singh, would be amply served and the war
fully vindicated, if Shivaji were compelled through the instrumentality of the treaty to surrender such of
his fortresses and territories as belonged of right to the old Nizam Shahi kingdom and, therefore, formed
part of the imperial subha of the Deccan. Apart from such an arrangement the reconquest of the hill-forts
was a difficult task Each fort would cost thousands of precious lives, and for all these sacrifices the
chances of conquest would still remain precarious. Jay Singh, therefore, deprecated any further attacks
upon these forts, urging that they should calmly wait and watch, having intercepted all communications of
the Maratha garrisons with the outer world beyond their mountain walls. Diler Khan would not yield. He
declared that his colleague might rust and dally in sloth before the walls of Sinhagad.. but for his part he
was resolved to push forward the siege of Purandar and would brook no obstruction to thwart his
purpose. He departed with an injunction to Jay Singh on no account to-make peace without direct orders
from the emperor.

._>.-,6 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

And now the siege of Purandar went forward with great vigour on the part of the assailants. A steady
blockade was maintained on all sides. The governor of the fortress, Murar Baji Prabhu, was no mean
soldier. As the Mogul siege lines were being pushed nearer and nearer he surprised their straggling
parties, exploded their ammunition bags and captured war material on an extensive scale. He sent out his
light horse to cut off the enemy's supplies and starve the besieging host. These manoauvres often met with
eminent success until the Moguls were able to overtake the flying squadrons or pursue them back to the
rocky walls of Purandar. But the inevitable end approached steadily nearer. The siege lines drew closer
round the fort and no avenue was left open by which any one could enter or leave it.

But Murar Baji was never daunted in spirit. He could muster a small but sturdy garrison of 2000 brave
men— Mavalis and Hetkaris. Thanks to the liberal provisioning on the part of his government, there was
an abundance of supplies and munitions of war. The undaunted garrison defended the fort for days
together against overwhelming odds. They warded off the Mogul attacks and drove them off from every
point of approach. Shivaji availed himself of every opportunity to send re-inforcements and fresh fodder
and corn supplies from Rajgad. Thus baffled in these attempts, Diler Khan having driven in some of the
outposts, commenced mining a rock under one of the bastions of the lower fort. The garrison made
frequent sallies and repeatedly drove off the miners with considerable losses. But their great numbers and
tenacity at length enabled them to complete these operations. After repeated failures, they succeeded in
shattering the rock. The tower was levelled to the ground, and the lower fort—for the fortifications of
Purandar consisted of an upper and a lower fort—was exposed to an assault. No sooner did ;the invading
bands effect the entrance into the lower fort than tney dispersed themselves to plunder, and in their
heedless precipitation exposed themselves to a withering

fire which the Hetkari marksmen from the upper fort opened upon them with unerring precision. So
sudden was the destruction that they wrought that the assailants were driven in all directions and rushed
headlong to get under cover of the rock. A new party of assailants was in the act of coming up to take their
place. At this moment Murar Baji, with the flower of his Mavali infantry, sallied out and engaged in a
hand to hand fight with the Mogul forces pouring within. The Mavalis fought stubbornly. Two thousand of
the enemy, Pathan and Mogul, felt the edge of the Mavali blade. Hundreds of the ardent Mavalis laid
down their loyal lives, but for the moment they had achieved their object, for the foe was melting away,
fleeing down the hill, in view of Diler Khan himself, who mounted on his elephant near a temple beneath
the fort, was watching the progress of the assault. Seeing the flight of his men he bent his bow, called to a
guard of Pathans around him to advance, and rallying the flying host, charged the Mavalis in person. But
Murar Baji put forth his utmost strength and disputed every step of Diler Khan's advance. The hardy
Afghans recoiled from the swords of the infuriated Mavalis, whom their recent success had raised to the
highest pitch of enthusiasm. The example of the leader was a stirring inspiration to every Mavali heart;
for Murar Baji recked not of blood or life but put his soul into every stroke. And what should he reck of
life when in spite of his brave efforts the fort entrusted to him by his sovereign lord had thus been mined
and breached and the stream of Mogul foemen was steadily pouring in ? It was not for him to survive its
capture but to prevent it to the best of his ability. Thus, indifferent to all but the call of duty, he fought on,
now here, now there, exhorting and inspiring his gallant Mavalis by word and deed. In the midst of all the
dust and din of war he observed where the Khan was stationed, mounted upon hi& elephant, and in a
moment he rushed upon him like a lion upon his prey. He had lost his shield and was now parrying L. 8.18

the sword-thrusts of the enemy with his arm which wae> covered only with a scarf. When Murar Baji
drew quite-near, the Khan addressed him in a loud voice, declaring his unreserved admiration of the
valorous deeds he had done in the field that day and inviting him to surrender relying-upon his assurances,
and promising that he would raise him to high titles and dignities. Upon this, it is said, the noble Murar
Baji retorted : "Ye are Turks and Tartars and what care I for you and your offerings? I am a true servant to
Shivaji and will not hear of terms of surrender. Sooner-will I die than yield." With these words he
prepared to aim a sword thrust at Diler Khan, when the latter, bow in hand, deftly shot an arrow and
killed him on the spot. The garrison soldiers accompanying their noble leader fell back at once and
betook themselves fighting all the while into the upper fort, closing its massive gate in the face of the
enemy. 1 A timely succour from Shivaji revived their spirit and encouraged them to renew the struggle.
The blare of trumpets and the booming of war-drums began to resound once more and the cannonading
was again resumed from the upper ridges. The Moguls were forced to relinquish all the ground they had
won.

But Diler Khan doffed his turban and vowed never to wear it again till the fortress was captured. He
again carried the lower slopes, and considering the northern face of Purandar impregnable determined to
carry by escalade a small detached fort lying towards the northwest, called the fort of Rudramal, or as
Grant Duff calls it, the fort of Vajragad, with a view to bring up his guns upon that fort and direct them
upon the main fortifications of Purandar. The havaldars in command of this fort were two brothers, Babaji
Bowaji and Yeshwantrao Bowaji. Confident that Murar Baji, of whose death they had not heard, would
send aid to their rescue, the havaldar brothers put up a strenu—

1 There arose a superstitious tradition that when the head of Murar Baji was severed from the trunk the
latter continued to mow down the Mahomedana I

THE INVASION OF RAJA JAY SINGH

ous fight. In the end they were slain and the fort surrendered. The fort of Vajragad was a key to unlock the-
fort of Purandar. Diler Khan now opened a vigorous fire-from the top of this fort against the upper fort of
Purandar. But the rains set in shortly after and retarded the operations. The garrison, who had hitherto
never lost heart notwithstanding the death of their captain and were emulous to lay down their own lives
after his example, were, however, somewhat dispirited when they saw that they were now caught between
two fires. The Mogul artillery was however extremely bad, and though continued for weeks was found to
have done very poor execution., while the rain considerably hampered the Mogul enterprise. Shivaji sent
such relief as was possible and earnest instructions to hold on, until he should send them word, to
surrender.

While Diler Khan sat with iron tenacity before the-rocky walls of Purandar, Jay Singh had not been idle.
He had organized many a raiding attack in the territory-surrounding these forts. The flying columns of the
Moguls ravaged the villages, leaving, not a vestige of cultivation or habitation, but an utter desolation,
wherever they went l This was the usual kind of warfare with the-agricultural classes favoured by the
imperial commanders in the south. It was vindictive in its aims and methods. Its object was to terrorize
Shivaji, to bring; home to him the vastness of the military resources of the-empire, and to induce him at
length to make a complete surrender, reposing his faith absolutely in the good faith of Jay Singh. On the
other hand the Maratba captains did not take these things quite so meekly. From April to May, Netaji
Palkar pursued with frequent success his old tactics of sudden forays upon the Mogul camp. Jay Singh o£
course in his despatches to the emperor drew a rosy picture of his triumphs, but even he had often to admit
that he-had not always succeeded in frustrating the plans of the» * Jay Singh's letters, (Paris MS.) quoted
by Prof. Sarkar.

Marathas. The brilliant successes of Shivaji's captains, their assaults on dark nights, their blockade of
roads and difficult passes have called forth the admiration of Khafi Khan. 1

While these operations were in progress against Purandar, Sinhagad was also the scene of an active siege
under the direction of a deputy of Jay Singh. The Mogul commander had advanced to the wall and was
planting batteries, when Shivaji's horse made a sudden raid upon the besiegers' camp just before it was
day-break and looted his stores. The officer returned discomfited much to the astonishment of Jay Singh.
This made a considerable impression upon Jay Singh as also did the fact that Shivaji's skirmishers had
constantly carried on raids, cut off fodder, led surprise attacks, driven off sumpter beasts, •and set the
surrounding woods on fire. It made Jay ^Singh impatient to have done with his onerous duty. He
remonstrated with Diler Khan for his head-strong pride and folly. A single fort had already cost so many
Mogul lives, aud yet the chances of conquest stood as far off as ever. Shivaji's men were of heroic mettle.
One .hero took the place of another and there was no end to 4he tale of valour. What did Diler Khan
expect to do with the more inaccessible forts of the Konkan and the Sahyadri ranges ? Of his own accord
the Maratha prince was -coming down to make peace and friendship. Diler Khan had spurned the golden
opportunity only to dispel faith .and confidence and play a losing game. These reproaches now seemed to
make some impression upon Diler Khan, for he had learnt by bitter experience the arduous nature • of the
plan he had embarked upon. He replied to Jay Singh that he was not averse to a peace, provided some
means could be found to draw Shivaji to a conference and the acceptance of a treaty; but he pointed out
that he had sworn not to don his turban till Purandar were taken, so that the floating of the Mogul flag on
the citadel of Puran-Khali Khan (Elliot VII, '272-273.)

dar, was a sine qua non to any treaty proposals, though it might be open to Shivaji thereafter to have it
restored to him by the terms of the treaty itself.

Upon this Jay Singh renewed the negotiations which had been suspended by reason of the obstinacy of
Diler Khan. He communicated to Shivaji that his terms were generally agreeable to him, a condition
precedent being the hoisting of the Mogul flag upon Purandar. The stipulations were to be settled at a
private conference subject to confirmation by the emperor. Shivaji was gratified at the renewal of the
overtures, though for the time he feigned anger at the abrupt breaking off of the original negotiations and
the losses he had sustained in consequence. Far from his having to surrender Purandar, he declared, it was
for the Moguls to surrender Rudramal and raise the siege-lines round Purandar itself. In reply Jay Singh
repeated his assurance and undertook to make every concession.

Shivaji then arranged to meet Jay Singh at a personal conference. He started with a large retinue of
officers and attendants with every mark of royal pomp and magnificence. His personal attendants were
arrayed in rich embroideries and ornaments. 1 His courtiers and officers wore jewelled brocades. The
bodyguard of Mavalis and Hetkaris was also brilliantly attired. Shivaji's own attire was distinguished for
its simplicity. He rode an elephant, with bow and arrows. Baghunathpant led the

1 Grant Dutf and the author of the Bandela Memoirs say that Shivaji was frightened by the large massing
of the Mogul forces around Purandar and came to Jay Singh's camp with his retinae. Jay Singh sent
forward his son Kirat Singh to receive him at the camp gate and himself came up to the entrance of his
pavilion to welcome Shivaji. Khafi Khan says Shivaji's wife and maternal relations were in the fort of
Sinhagad and the fort being besieged closely he could not rescue them. Therefore he sent men to ask for
pardon and himself proposed to visit Jay Singh in his camp. The latter sent his Afunahi to tell him that if
Sbivaji submitted frankly and gave up his forts his petition would be granted; otherwise he had better
return and renew the war. Shivaji assured him that he was in earnest, and then the Rajah sent a person of
high rank to receive Shivaji.

way to the tent of Jay Singh. The Rajput came out to receive his guest. The Maratha dismounted at the
sight of the veteran Rajput. The Rajput dismounted in his turn, and the chieftains embraced. A flourish of
trumpets •was sounded by both bodyguards. The Mogul officers came crowding out to have a look at the
distinguished Maratha warrior. Shivaji's bearing and manners made a favourable impression upon the
haughty aristocracy of the Mogul camp.

The warrior chief returned to the tent of Jay Singh amid great eclat. The nobles on either side were
introduced. Jay Singh complimented Shivaji on his bravery which had brought the Mahomedan chiefs of
North and South into so much trouble. He professed himself to be anxious to forward Shivaji's interests
consistently with the interests of the empire. He would treat him as he would his eldest son, Ram Singh.
He might rely on his word. Shivaji made the utmost professions of humility and respect, offering to place
his kingdom at his feet, as a dutiful sou to hia solicitous parent. He had full faith in his honour and
professions and complied with his wishes "to come to a conference. 1 He was prepared unreservedly to
place all his hill-forts at Jay Singh's disposal. Jay Singh was greatly delighted at Shivaji's loyal
proposals, 'but pointed out that Diler Khan's good will must first T)e conciliated. He was a haughty
patrician of Afghan descent and enjoyed the imperial favour as no other omrah at the court did. It was
essential that he must be flattered into reconciliation. He would send Shivaji to Diler Khan's tent with an
escort of Rajput officers under a brave noble of the Mogul court. Shivaji agreed to the

1 According to Manucci (who was an artillery officer in Jay Singh's camp) Jay Singh had endeavoured to
create in Shivaji's mind a good opinion about himself and assured him prior to the meeting that if he put
his entire trust in him he would attain all his objects at the hands of the emperor. Shivaji had several
conversations with Manucci, who testifies to the inquisitiveness with which Shivaji informed himself
aboub 'things European.

/proposal. Diler Khan lay encamped before the gates of Purandar. He was exceedingly mortified at Jay
Singh's receiving Shivaji without reference to him, and thought .that Shivaji was now visiting him after
carrying things half-way with the Rajput. 1 He was smarting under the sense of his humiliation at not
having yet fulfilled the vow of the conquest of Purandar. He felt that in the .end the whole credit of the
campaign was going to Jay Singh's account. He suspected that Hindu was acting in collusion with Hindu
and was frustrating the objects of his compaign. Thus he nursed his irritation and anger, and received
Shivaji in a cold and formal manner. The Khan had no faith in Shivaji and kept his arms ready beside him,
even when they were seated next to each other on the divan. Subhan Singh, the maternal uncle of Jay
Singh, began to explain the proposal for a treaty. The Khan, however, with simulated wrath threatened to
persevere in reducing Purandar and putting every man to the sword. "Until this is achieved," he
exclaimed, "I won't hear of a peace." This was a mere • threat and .Shivaji's courtly and adroit reply
soothed his anger. "The fort is yours", said Shivaji. "Why put yourself to so much ado on that account?!
am come here in person to place the keys of its portals in your gracious hands. With Purandar I am
prepared to make over all my other .forts and lands. My only entreaty is for pardon and forgiveness. Well
do I know that it is not for a poor chief like me to defy an imperial general of your calibre and distinction.
Your Lordship's propitious favour and mediation will be the ladder of my good fortune." The Khan was
highly gratified with Shivaji's courtly flattery

1 It appears from Jay Singh's letters that in order to impress

Shivaji and induce him to make a surrender of his forts, Jay Singh had . arranged with Diler Khan and his
son Kirat Singh to deliver a final .assault upon Purandar at the very time when Shivaji was coming for hia

interview to the Mogul camp, so that while the conference between Jay . Singh and Shivaji was going on,
the latter could see from the Raja's

tent, which commanded a full view of the siege operations, the assault!

'being delivered.

and replied that Jay Singh was his senior and in personal favour with the emperor. He was a mere
satellite. The final disposition of things was in Jay Singh's hands, whose word was law to him. With this
the conference broke up and with it the siege of Purandar. The operations of war were succeeded by an
interchange of friendly amenities. Shivaji entertained Jay Singh, Diler Khan and the leading omrahs and
officers of the Mogul camp to a sumptuous banquet. The Mogul commanders returned the compliment to
Shivaji and his courtiers.

On the conclusion of the armistice Shivaji returned to Raigad. After several conferences the following
terms of agreement were entered upon, subject to the imperial sanction, but granted under the personal
guarantee of Jay Singh. The first condition was that Shivaji should cede whatever forts or territory he had
taken from the Moguls. Of the 32 forts taken or built by him in the territory which had at one time or other
been under the Nizam Shahi kingdom, Shivaji • was to relinquish 20 to Jay Singh and retain the remaining
12, with the territory adjoining to these forts, 1 yielding an annual revenue of ten lakhs of rupees, and
these forts and revenue together with all the reet of his acquisitions from the Bijapur kingdom were to
continue under him as a jahgir depending on the emperor. Shivaji's son Sambhaji, then a stripling of only
eight years, was to receive an imperial mansab of 5000 horse. In lieu of the hereditary claims on the
Nizam-shahi territory which Shivaji hereby undertook to cede, he was to be granted the assignments of
chauth and sirdeshmukhi on certain territories above the ghata under the

1 According to some authorities 25, and again according to others 27 forts, were to be relinquished. Khafi
Khan says the forts ceded were 23 and the ceded territory yielded a revenue of forty lakhs. Prof. Sarkar
says the forts ceded were 23, with an annual revenue of 4 lakhs of pagodas (i. e. twenty lakhs of rupees)
and those remaining with Shivaji •were 12, with a revenue of one lakh of pagodas. But Raj wade (VIII,
14) quotes an imperial rescript to Shivaji, in which the forts ceded are stated to be twenty. Prof. Sarkar
gives a list of the 23 forts (Shivaji- . pp. 156, 157).

Bijapur kingdom as also the cession of the sea-fort of Janjira. Should the last two conditions be ratified
by the emperor, Shivaji was to pay the sum of 40 lakhs of pagodas as a premium or peshkush by annual
instalments of three lakhs of pagodas, the charge of collecting which he took upon himself; and lastly he
also agreed to maintain a special cavalry force in the Mogul service.
These conditions were submitted in petition form to the emperor Aurangzeb, with the special
recommendation of Jay Singh that the terms be ratified. Jay Singh drew the emperor's attention to the
service Shivaji was capable of rendering to the empire, calling him the Key of the Deccan and declaring
his belief that without his accession to the imperial side, the conquest of the Deccan would never be
realized. At Jay Singh's suggestion, Shivaji intimated his desire of visiting the emperor.

In a long letter to Shivaji Aurangzeb distinctly confirmed most of the terms proposed by him. As to the
grant of chauth and sirdeshmukhi over Bijapur territories, Aurangzeb agreed to a cession of certain
Bijapur territories on the distinct understanding that he should co-operate with Jay Singh, together with all
his forces in the campaign against Bijapur and exert himself in the conquest of that kingdom and pay
forthwith the first instalment of the peshkush he had agreed to pay for these assignments. The cession of
Janjira was not granted. 1

Pursuant to thia agreement, Shivaji, with a body of 2000 horse and 8,000 infantry participated in Jay
Singh's campaign against Bijapur. Their first operations were directed against Bajaji Naik Nimbalkar of
Phaltan who

1 Vide faraenis MiS. No. 8; Rajwade VIII, 14 The chaubh and sirdeshmukhi are nob mentioned in
Aurangzeb's letter to Shivaji. Aurangzeb apparently assigned to Sbivaji tbe prospective conquests of the
Adil Shabi Balegbat districts, with an annual revenue of four lakhs of ppgcdaa, provided that Shivaji
recovered them before Bijapur fell into the hands of the oguls and provided ha actively co-operated wifch
Jay Singh in the invasion upon Bijapur territory.

-•266 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

was completely overthrown, and the town of Fhaltan fell into the hands of the invaders. The chief of
Phaltan, though a relation of Shivaji, had never been on friendly terms with him and took greater pride in
his unswerving allegiance to the Adil-Shahi house. The iort of Tattora (Tathavda), another of Nimbalkar's
strongholds was escaladed by Shivaji's Mavalis. 1 All other fortified places on the line of march fell
before tne Invading army.

Ali Adil Shaha II had prepared his troops, but at the same time endeavoured to avert the storm by
promises to concede the Mogul demands. In this he had no success. Jay Singh and Diler Khan continued to
advance and carry fort after fort. At length the rival powers confronted one another on the field of
Mangalwedhe and a desperate battle ensued. The Bijapur army was composed to a large extent of the
Maratha light cavalry and many distinguished Maratha nobles could be counted in their ranks.
Distinguished among the rest was Shivaji's half-brother the Raja Vyankoji, whose gallantry in the field
attracted general attention. On the Mogul side the Maratha arms were represented by Shivaji's contingent,
ably led by 'Shivaji himself and Netaji Palkar. The valour and strategy evinced by the Maratha
commanders evoked the ungrudging admiration of Jay Singh and the Mogul officers. Every detail of
military duty entrusted to them was discharged with conspicuous success. The Bijapur forces, as was to
be expected, were defeated.

1 Shivaji's wife Sayibai is said to have been a sister of Bajaji NimbaLkar aad his daughter Sakhubai was
married to his son Mahadaji. After the capture of Sambhaji by the Moguls Mahadaji Nimbalkar and
Sakhubai were, according to Khali Khan, taken prisoners and confined in Gwalior Fort. Mr. Sardesai,
(Marathi Riyasat, P. 490) following the Phaltan dajtar and an article in the Itihas Sangraha, tells the
traditional story that on account of family feuds Bajaji was taken a prisoner to the Adil Shahi court and
forced to become a Mahomedan to save his life, and that in about 1657, with the active encouragement of
Jijabai, Shivaji's mother, he was purified at the temple of Shingnapur and reconverted to Hinduism, and to
set all doubts at rest Shivaji's daughter •was given in marriage to the son of Bajaji.

Jay Singh spared no compliments in acknowledging the services of Shivaji in this battle. Courage,
bravery, skill seemed to be splendidly united in his actions. He made special mention of these services in
his despatches to Aurangzeb about the event, upon which the emperor addressed a second letter to Shivaji
extolling his prowess and services and sent him a robe of honour and a jewelled dagger as a mark of his
appreciation. 1

In this manner the allied forces of Jay Singh and Shivaji advanced to within ten miles of the fort of
Bijapur. Here their further advance was stopped. The Maratha and Mahomedan nobles of the Adil Shahi
state hastened to the rescue of their capital. They laid waste the country all around and forced the invading
hosts to retire for want of fodder and water. The Moguls fell back upon Perinda. Shivaji asked permission
to make a diversion against Panhala, a fort of which he knew all the ins and outs. But here his usual good
luck forsook him, chiefly on account of the unexpected defection of Netaji Palkar, who was won over by
the Adil Shahi officers to their side by the offer of a heavy bribe. 2 Jay Singh, however, was not the man
to lose the services of such an excellent cavalry officer to the imperial cause. He made still more tempting
promises, offered him a mansab of 5000 horse, and a substantial jahgir. So Netaji Palkar followed the
Mogul flag again and soon came back to his old allegiance. 3

1 Vide Parasnis MSS. No. 9 and Raj wade, VIII, 15.

* Khafi Khan (Elliot VII, 278.)

8 When Shivaji went to Agra, Netaji Palkar continued to serve under Jay Singh but was evidently
considered a member of Shivaji's contingent. Khafi Khan tells us that upon the escape of Shivaji from
Agra, Jay Singh acting under the emperor's order arrested Netaji Palkar and his son and sent them to court
(i. e. Agra). Here ia order to save himself Palkar became a Mahomedan and was given a small mansab.
Bab afterwards in 1676 he escaped to Shivaji in the south and re-canted ( Elliot VII, 280). He underwent
a purification ceremony and was readmitted to Hinduism (Jedhe Chronology). We have already seen how
Jijabai had interested herself in the re-admission to Hindu caste of Bajaji Nimbalkar.

The growing difficulties of the siege of Bijapur again roused the suspicion of Diler Khan that these
difficulties-were of Shivaji's making. Jay Singh saw the injustice-of this suspicion on the part of Diler
Khan. It is said that Diler Khan constantly asked him to put Shivaji to death and undertook to murder him
without any impairment to the Mirza Raja's reputation. But Jay Singh had given the most solemn
assurances of safety to Shivaji when he made his submission and refused to be a party to such a dishonest
proposal. It may be it was partly due to this motive that he had sanctioned the diversion upon Fanhala.
Shivaji now retired to Khelna (Vishalgad) and in spite of the failure of the attack on Panhala was
courteously treated by Jay Singh. 1 From Khelna he sent an army under a Mahomedan officer to attack
Phonda. 8 This town underwent a long siege, on account of the collusion of Bustom Jeman, the Adil Shahi
governor in those parts-Rustom Jeman in the end being taunted by his sultan for his remissness sent one of
his lieutenants to relieve the town. Rustom Jeman endeavoured to reinstate himself in his king's favour by
capturing Kudal, Bande, Sankhali, Dicholi, and other minor stations, forming the barrier territory between
Sawantwadi and the Portuguese domains of Goa. 3

Soon afterwards, Aurangzeb, at the suggestion of Jay Singh, again wrote to Shivaji and invited him to the
imperial court, promising to confer on him a great rank and honour with permission to return to the
Deccan. At the same time Aurangzeb sent immediate orders to

1 Vide Khafi Khan, (Elliot VII, 278). Aa to Diler Khan's suspicion and proposal to put Shivaji to death
see Manucci, Storia, II, 137. The Jedhe Chronology p. 187, says Shivaji took leave of Jay Singh and went
to Raigad.

1 First siege of Phonda 1666. Shivaji's Mahomedan officer was defeated by stratagem by the Adil Shahi
officer, Vide Factory Records, Surat 104, referred to by Prof. Sarkar in his Shivaji, p. 313, foot-note.

3 Prof. Sarkar makes wild guesses in trying to trace Sankhali and Dicholi on the atlas. These village
towns form part of the Bardesh district of Goa.

•Jay Singh in his capacity as the nubhedar of AurangabacI to pay a lakh of rupees from the imperial
treasury to Shivaji for his travelling expenses and send him to Delhi without loss of time. Upon receipt of
these orders, Jay Singh advised Shivaji to proceed to Agra without any anxiety, promising that his son
Ram Singh would look after his comfort and safety. Upon these assurances Shivaji resolved to visit Agra.
1

Shivaji visited the emperor actually at Agra, not at Delhi.

CHAPTER XIX SHIVAJI AT THE MOGUL COURT, 1666-67

WHEN the decision to visit the imperial capital was finally made, Shivaji left the Mogul camp and
proceeded to Raigad, where he had summoned his principal officers to communicate to them his intention.
Not a few of them expressed their disapproval, pointing out that Aurangzet> was a sort of impious Titan,
who never forgot his intrigues nor his enmities. To trust him was to take a leap in the dark. Besides Delhi
was two months' journey off, and who would say what difficulties would have to be encountered? To
these criticisms Shivaji replied that to go to Delhi was now a necessity, and he depended on the utterance
of his tutelary goddess in this connection. For the prophecy had then been made that Shivaji would have to
go to Delhi and his tutelary deity would bring him safe from harm. A journey to the north had besides its
educative value. It would enable him to observe the state of the country and the Mogul durbar, to view
those countries which at one time had been under the sway of his ancestors, and to visit the great shrines
and holy rivers of Aryavarta. Jay Singh's guarantee had dispelled all fears and the emperor's friendly
disposition had been proved by the Treaty of Purandar. Notwithstanding all the assurances, should any
unforeseen calamity overtake him, he hoped he would make shift to emerge from it in triumph. In this
manner Shivaji overruled tbe objections of his counsellors and adhered to his resolution to visit Delhi in
company with his eldest son Sambhaji.

Shivaji invested three of his principal officers, Moropant Trimal, the Peshwa, Annaji Datto, the Surnis
(the record keeper), and Nilo Sondev, the Muzumdar (the auditor general) with full authority during his
absence, bade them conduct all the administration from Raigad under the regency of Jijabai, and enjoined
upon all public officers to respect and obey their orders. To Prataprao and

others of his intimate nobles he entrusted the care of his^

mother and second son. He made a tour of inspection

throughout his kingdom. He urged all to conduct the—

administration with the same efficiency as heretofore, to

defend the realm and add to it, and to be on the watch for

any news about him from Delhi. Whatever evil might

betide, he was sure to return, and the word of men like

Jay Singh c6uld not be pledged in vain. But should the

unexpected happen and trouble come upon his party, it

was left to his officers and ministers to cheer up his old

mother and guard the kingdom and govern it in the

name of Rajaram. In their zeal, their loyalty, and

their ability he had complete confidence. For his escort

Shivaji chose men of approved loyalty, who would never

forsake him in any crisis. Among the principal officers there

were Niraji Ravji, Trimbak Sondev Dabir, Dattaji

Trimbak, Manako Hari Sabnis, 1 and among his aides-de—

camp were Hiroji Farzand, Ragho Mittra, Dawalji Gadge,

and Jiva Mahalya. 3 With these Shivaji had a corps of

expert swordsmen and a Mavali brigade of three to four

thousand warriors. 3 As the hour of parting came near,

Shivaji had a last interview with the leading ministers,

after which he paid bia reverence to the image of his

tutelary deity in the palace chapel and came down to the

apartments of his mother for her parting benediction.

This parting was the most painful of all, but as she clasped

him in a close embrace and laid her hand upon his head,
her hopes and blessings struggled forth into incoherent

words through her tears and emotfon. Shivaji listened to

her blessings and the old, old precepts which he had listened

1 Uhitnia substitutes for this name Jivanram Manko. He also adds to this list the names of Balaji Avji
Chitnis and JNarhar Balla Sabnis.

a Sabhasad omits the names of Gadge and Mahalya. The Shivdigvijaya gives the names of Raghunathrao
Korde, Yesaji Kunk, Tanaji Maluaare and Balaji Avji. It is clear from Jedhe Chronology (p. 188 ) that
Trimbakpant Dabir and Raghunathpant Korde accompanied. Shivaji a.id were arrested after his escape
from Agra.

3 Some bakhars state that Prataprao Guzar accompanied Shivaji.

to from the days of his childhood and always with increasing enthusiasm.

Before proceeding directly to Delhi, Shivaji had another conference with Jay Singh, who gave an
entertainment in his honour. He also gave advice to Shivaji from his wider experience as to the ways of
Delhi life and the society at court. He gave him a special letter to be handed to his son, Ram Singh 1 who
was at the Mogul darbar. In this epistle, Jay Singh enjoined upon his son to pay proper attention to Shivaji
and his party and supply their needs with the greatest zeal and diligence at his command. Finally, Jay
Singh undertook to remain in the Deccan as long as Shivaji was at Delhi, so as to safeguard Shivaji's forts
and possessions from any molestation at the hands of the Moguls, and he promised that in case of danger,
Ram Singh would leave no stone unturned to effect Shivaji's rescue, even at the cost of an open rupture
with Aurangzeb, nor would he himself fail in his turn by his actions to do all he could to humble the
haughty emperor.

With these assurances and re-assurances Shivaji started on the fateful march to Delhi, having already sent
his envoy in advance. Orders had been issued to all the mahalkaria (taluka-officers ) and mokassdars
(revenue farmers) to require the local fouzdars ( garrison commanders ) on Shivaji's route to provide for
all the wants of his force and treat him as a prince of the empire. At every halt the local dignitaries came
to pay their respects to one of whose fame and valour they had heard so much. The district and taluka
officers took particular care not to cause the least annoyance or disrespect to Shivaji, who was known to
be very sensitive on this subject. In connection with this subject a story is told of what had recently
occurred at Aurangabad, when Shivaji called there on his way to Agra. The governor Safshikan Khan, did
not come to the city

1 Some bakhars state that Ram Singh was in the Deocan with his father and waa sent thence to Agra to
accompany Shivaji.

gates to receive Shivaji, but sent his nephew instead. Shivaji in anger instead of calling on the governor
proceeded immediately to the residence provided for him, whereupon the governor's kinsman submitted
that the governor was waiting in> the audience hall to receive Shivaji. Shivaji retorted that if the governor
meant to make so much of him he might have come to receive him at the gate. 1 Later when the governor
and his officers came on formal visits to Shivaji's quarters they made a proper apology and banqueted the
guests. Their example was followed by the other nobles in the camp.
A story that is told in connection with the preparations for the journey to the north illustrates the strictness
of military discipline, characteristic of Shivaji's fort administration. With a view to test the observance of
his rules of discipline, Shivaji presented himself suddenly at night at the gates of a fort and, calling out to
the commander of the garrison, sent word that Shivaji in person was come, flying before the enemy and
ordered the gate to be thrown open for him. The captain of the fort manned the ramparts and replied that
Shivaji'^ strict orders were not to open the fort gates under any circumstances, that if the foe did approach
he might be kept at bay from the outposts at the outer barrier of th& fort, and he would see to this being
done. But as for the-fugitive party they must keep without under the ramparts. Upon this Shivaji protested
that he was the author both of the disciplinary regulations and of the command to open the gates. If he still
persisted in his refusal, he would come in for a severe censure. A loyal soldier's duty was to obey
immediate commands, no matter however inconsistent with general regulations. But the governor made
little of these threats and pointing out that the night waa almost turning into day assured him that the
pursuing foe would be baffled in the chase.

1 This anecdote is given on. the authority of Scott Waring and the Bundela Memoirs (tftuhka-i-Dilkaaha).

L.S.19.

•274 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

Nevertheless he detained Shivaji's party outside the fort walls for the rest of the night. When morning
dawned the governor and the principal offenders appeared at the gate with their hands bound, and
unbolting the gate gave admission to Shivaji and prostrated themselves before him, acknowledging their
guilt and demanding instant punishment. Shivaji was quite overjoyed with this proof of their adherence to
discipline and regulations and far from imposing any kind of censure gave them higher positions in the
army. With this moral certainty that the administration at the various fort centres would be conducted in a
spirit of harmony and discipline, Shivaji Jeft for the north.

When it was announced that Shivaji's cavalcade was about to approach Agra, 1 Aurangzeb sent Earn
Singh and -Makhlis Khan, a nobleman of somewhat inferior rank, to receive him. This marked slight,
though it did not pass unobserved, Shivaji forbore to notice. He took up his residence at the mansion
appointed for him and urged upon Ram Singh to hasten the day of the audience. He also represented to the
Rajput prince that the meeting should be arranged on a footing of equality as between ruler and ruler. But
Ram Singh pointed out that this "was impossible, and that the haughty sovereign of the empire -would
never treat the ruler of a small principality on terms of equality, and declared that it would be' highly
imprudent to communicate to him such a proposal.

Aurangzeb indeed was disposed to play the host on a scale of imperial splendour. Nothing was wanting to
the comfort of Shivaji and his party. But to kindle his old

l According to Grant Duff and the bakhara, iSbivaji's meeting with .Aurangzeb at the imperial durbar took
place at Delhi. Shivaji might ifaave left Raigad with a view to visit Aurangzeb at Delhi. Bab soon after
the death of Shaha Jahan in January 1666, Aurangzeb rremoved hia court to Agra which was practically
his capital for the rest of his reign. Khafi Khan is, therefore, right when he says that Shivaji visited the
emperor at Agra. The Jedhe Chronology also mentions .Agra as the Mogul capital visited by Shivaji. Vide
Rajwade VIII, 23,
anrnity and add fuel to his passion certain zenana influences were being exercised. 1 The wife of Shaista
Khan was then at Agra. She naturally harboured an unforgiving grudge for one who had slain her son and
discomfited her husband. She spread the infection of her revengeful hatred among the ladies of the
imperial seraglio, urging upon them to plead with the emperor that now that Shivaji was in his power, he
should, instead of treating him as an honoured guest of the empire, lead him to the execution block. This
made Aurangzeb's mind waver. The gossip of these intrigues in the imperial household came to the ears of
the leading omrahs of the court. They deprecated such a proposal, affirming that the imperial honour
should not be stained in so foul a manner and that their own lives and fortunes rested entirely on the
emperor's reputation for good faith. A treachery so glaring and unforgiveable was bound to throw Jay
Singh and the rest of the Rajput supporters of the throne into open rebellion. These protestations had their
effect and Aurangzeb revised his judgment.

When Ram Singh arranged the day for the audience which happened to be the fiftieth birth-day of the
emperor, special precautions were taken and the most loyal nobles and the pathans of the praetorian guard
stood in their appointed places, round the throne, with naked swords in their hands. The emperor had his
own fears; he had heard that Shivaji was no ordinary man. Gossip said that he was a very devil at
requiting an injury, and that his stride sometimes measured twenty-five cubits in length ! In addition to the
precautions that have been mentioned, the emperor had in readiness close to his seat five different
weapons of war and was clad in mail, over which was worn a robe of muslin. Owing to a natural
curiosity to see so distinguished a warrior of the south the audience hall was crowded with leading
nobles and merchant princes of the capital. The zenana Jadies burned 1 The authority for thia ia bernier.

with the same curiosity, and arrangements were made for them behind the tapestry. As the durbar hour
drew near, Shivaji with Ram Singh and a few chosen attendants came to the hall. He made the usual
salutation, 1 placed the nazar ( loyal present) before the throne and was introduced according to the usual
etiquette of the court to the emperor. Aurangzeb made the usual enquiries after his health and Shivaji gave
the proper answers. This being done, Aurangzeb motioned him with his hand to take his place among the
second-rate amirs. Earn Singh led the way to that part of the hall and Shivaji had no alternative but to
follow. He could now no longer suppress his indignation and seating himself instead of standing. with the
rest of the nobles, he inquired what was the rank of the amirs among whom he was placed. Earn Singh's
answer that they were mansabdars holding command of five thousand men only aggravated his anger and
he ejaculated that the emperor had grossly insulted him in ranking him with such inferior officers, and that
he could not with self-respect accept such a position^ Saying this, , he demanded a dagger from Earn
Singh. 2 The emperor

1 According to the chronicle of Uhitnis, bhivaji did not make the salutation required by the durbar
etiquette and Ram Singh scraped through it somehow. Sabhasad saya that Shivaji made a triple Salaam,
reconciling himself to the act by mentally devoting the first bow to the god bhambhu Mahadev, the second
to the goddess Jagadamba, and . the third to his father Shahaji.
2 It may be inferred from this that Shivaji had to enter the durbar hall without his arms. It is difficult to
conjecture why he now demanded a dagger. According to the Bundela Memoirs Shivaji fainted with >
grief at the insult and had to be removed to the bath-room where by sprinkling rose-water etc. he was
brought back to his senses. The author of these memoirs believes that Shivaji was frightened at the sight of
the splendour of the Mogul court and lost his senses with astonishment ! He also adds that on recovering
his senses he got himself to be conveyed to his residence, where he became delirious, exclaiming in his fit
that he was a fool to be caught in the talc na of an eagle and • asking why he did not kill him outright. The
bakhaia and the bundela . Memoirs further state that thivaji asked of Ram Singh the name of the Rajput
commander who was standing in front of him, and hearing that it was the Raja Rai Singh exclaimed, "Rai
Singh! What? Ami.

inquired what was a-foot, and the amirs repeated Shivaji's words. 1 Thereupon Uhe emperor, fearing that
Shivaji's 3xcitement might lead him to some excess, ordered Bam Singh to present to him the betel-nut
leaf in token of parting, 2 and to conduct him to his residence, adding that the audience might be
completed on the morrow.

But no more audience was granted. The emperor had no desire to see Shivaji again, The latter was now
struck with dismay, being convinced that the emperor meditated avil. To know the worst and be prepared
for it, he sent Ram Singh to enquire into Aurangzeb's intentions. Aurangzeb replied that it was his imperial
pleasure to retain Shivaji at the Mogul court and entrust him with military duties of the highest
importance. Besides the jahgir in the Deccan which had already been conceded to him agreeably to his
own stipulations, the emperor professed to confer on him an additional jahgir in the north with a revenue
of lacs of rupees. Shivaji might put the southern jahgir in charge of his son: and in virtue of the northern
jahgir he might serve in the imperial armies at the head of hia own force of 50 to 100 thousand. For a man
of Shivaji's bravery, generalship and statesmanship, the Mogul durbar was the only arena for the proper
exercise of his high gifts.

Theso prospects of high office under the Mogul were quite distasteful to Shivaji's ideas, apart from the
fact

considered only equal to him ?" Sabhasad and Chibnis substitute the name of Jaswant oingh for Rai Singh.
But Jaswant Singh was a haft' hazari and a friend of Shivaji, who was not likely to make an ungenerous
comparison with him. Rai Singh was a subordinate officer.

1 Orme says that Sbivaji rebuked the emperor about hia motives and said that the Shaista Khan affair and
the sack of Surat must have taught him who he was. With that he drew hia dagger intending to plunge it
into his own breast, but was prevented by the by-standers, and the emperor reassured him that he had
nothing to fear and exhorted him to live in his service and take part in the Mogul campaign against)
Kandahar.

2 Khafi Khan states that the jewelled-crest, ornaments and an elephanb which had been kept ready for
presentation to Shivaji remained unpre-eented on account of the sensational termination of the audience.

that the sincerity of these proposals was very doubtful It was obvious to Shivaji that these were the
blandishments devised by a naturally crafty and astute mind tc entangle him in the north while undermining
his power in the south. He, therefore, petitioned the emperor through Raghunathpant, pointing out that he
had been invited to the durbar by hopes of promotion, 1 that his services to the Mogul flag were already
too well known to require repetition, and that he was quite prepared to fulfil to the letter the terms of the
treaty madif with Jay Singh. He submitted that he was willing N to co-operate heart and soul in the
imperial project of the conquest of the Bijapur and Golconda kingdoms. He was capable of rendering
much more vital service to the empire by operating in the south which was his own country and where he
commanded such a large following and influence rather than in the north, where he was an exile and a
stranger to the soil, without any friends or influence to boast of. Thus neither was it to the advantage of the
empire that Shivaji should transfer the scene of his imperial service to the north, nor was it of any earthly
use or convenience to him. Besides the northern climate did not agree with his health nor with that of his
young son, or of the little contingent that accompanied him. He therefore craved the emperor's gracious
permission to return to the Deccan.

1 According to Manucci the agreement was that Shivaji was to be given the first place when he appeared
in the durbar, and the agreement was broken by the emperor, though made in writing and on the oaths of
Jay Singh and Aurangzeb himself. Prof. Sarkar believes that there is a graat probability in the assertion of
the Maratha chronicles that Jay Singh had promised that on his return from the Mogul court. Shivaji would
be given the viceroyalby of the Mogul Deccan. Khafi Khan asserts that Shivaji had a claim to nothing less
than a haft-hazari (command of 7000), as his son Sambhaji and his general Netaji Palkar •were already
holding a mansab of 5000 each in the Mogul army. He asserts Jay Singh had made promises to Shivaji but
had artfully refrained from making them known to the emperor. Sabhasad says that Shivaji had made the
offer of conquering Bijapur and Golconda for the emperor if he were appointed the Mogul commander-in-
chief in the Daccan, and Jay Singh had agreed to the proposal.
SHIVAJI AT THE MOGUL COURT

To this petition the emperor vouchsafed no answer, BO much was he obsessed with the view that by
detaining-Shivaji in the north, he would further his ambitious designs in the south. By the restraint he
sought to practise-upon Shivaji, the emperor thought he would curb his haughty temper and reduce him to
a state of helpless dependence. Shivaji was indeed entirely at his mercy and the only marvel is that he did
not take more violent measures. But the stipulations made with Shivaji by the mediation of Jay Singh
always came before his eyes and made him coward when the thought .of violence occurred to his mind.J
Some Mahomedan chroniclers add that among the ladies of the imperial zenana who had seen the
introduction of Shivaji in the audience hall, was a daughter of the emperor named zeb-un-nisa Begum.
This princess had already before heard the fame of Shivaji's deeds and what she saw with her own,eyes
of his handsome person and behaviour worthy of a brave man and a soldier answered exactly to what she
had expected in such a hero of romance. This princess, say some of these historians, pleaded with her
father and successfully won him over from extreme measures. Besides it is easy to believe that Aurangzeb
was quite sincere in professing a desire to make use of Shivaji's gifts and genius in war and might have
attempted through the mediation of Ram Singh to induce him to remain permanently at the Mogul court,
had not Shivaji persisted in his refusal.

Among the omrahs in the confidence of the emperor was one Jaffar Khan a brother-in-law of Shaista Khan
and prime minister to Aurangzeb. This noble is credited with having made a suggestion to Aurangzeb that
in case Shivaji should not willingly agree to the proposal that he should reside at the imperial court as a
grandee of the empire, he should be threatened and hampered in his movements and on no account
allowed to return. This proposal seems to have been approved of by the emperor. On its coming to the
knowledge of Shivaji

he honoured Jaffar Khan with a visit and interviewed him on the subject, addressing himself to his sense
of fairness and justice and exhorting him to use his powerful influence with the emperor to make him
relent and fulfil his promise to permit his departure for the Deccan, with an escort befitting his rank. Jaffar
Khan made a pretence of assenting to this request. But as a matter of fact even while the conversation was
at its height the Khan's wife who happened to be a sister of Shaista Khan sent a secret message from the
harem advising the Khan not to prolong his colloquies with Shivaji, as there was no knowing what he
might do and when. At this warning on the part of his consort the uxorious Khan cut short the interview
and presented the betel-nut leaves, a sign according to Indian usage that the visit was at an end.

Aurangzeb pursued the policy of threatening Shivaji into submission and compliance with his wishes. The
city kotwal ( commissary of police) was given strict orders to place a guard of five thousand men upon
Shivaji's residence, not to allow anybody to enter or depart without permission, and, in case of Shivaji's
quitting the house, to provide a sufficient force that would be responsible for his custody. Shivaji
remonstrated through Ram Singh, submitting that inasmuch as the emperor seemed to distrust him even
when he was undertaking to subdue and make over to Aurangzeb the entire Deccan as a dutiful vassal of
the empire, and inasmuch as he persisted in refusing to grant him permission, though bound under the
treaty, to return to the south, he felt the only alternative before him was to reconcile himself to the
emperor's wishes and to continue to remain at Agra as a nobleman of the court. Aurangzeb answered Ram
Singh that the Raja Shivaji did not seem to act with sincerity. He had turned a deaf ear to all his
solicitations to take service among his feudal nobility in Hindustan. His pertinacity had driven the
emperor to he necessity of restraining his movements, and until his
mind was clear of doubt and misgiving he would remain in this unhappy predicament. On the other hand
the emperor persisted in maintaining that he could have no covert object in ill-treating Shivaji, as he was
bound in honour under the terms of the compact effected by Jay Singh and Diler Khan. He concluded by
earnestly appealing to Ram Singh that he should use all his influence with Shivaji to convert him into a
loyal champion and dignitary of the empire, as he himself was. When that was done, things would resume
their natural course.

When Ram Singh intimated to Shivaji the purport of this communication he saw that there was no prospect
of success by any methods of persuasion. The police guard around his residence continued to increase in
number. To elude them would tax the ingenuity of the ablest intriguer, but this was the question that now
lay immediately before him. The first condition for the success of any plan he might form was to betray no
sign of fear to friend or foe. The second problem was to reduce the number of those placed innocently in
the same predicament as himself. It was clear that if a way could be found to extricate from Agra those
loyal followers and dependents who had accompanied him from the Deccan, the problem of his own
escape would present less difficulty. Shivaji, therefore, petitioned the emperor again, urging the hardship
of detaining in the north his followers from the Deccan, as the northern climate did not agree with them
and sickness was rife in their ranks. He, therefore, prayed that he might have permission to send most of
them home, retaining only those whose services were needful. This would also mean a great saving to his
exchequer. Aurangzeb was but too pleased to grant passports for the return of Shivaji's followers to the
Deccan and his Maratha retinue with the exception of a few officers was ordered to return home. His
loyal attendants were extremely reluctant to return, being aware of the serious predicament in which they
were leaving their

master, and Shivaji had great difficulty in explaining to his faithful adherents that the scheme he had
formed for his own escape made it imperative that they should first leave their master. He assured them
that he would return in safety and they should be under no anxiety oa this ground. The imperative orders
thus received compelled them to turn their backs upon their master, who was now left to face calmly what
was probably the greatest crisis in his career.

Shivaji now obtained permission to exchange visits and cultivate friendly relations with the leading
omrahs at the Mogul court. On these occasions, Ram Singh attended him and introduced to him the leading
grandees of the court. Shivaji's suavity of manners and urbanity of social intercourse won golden opinions
wherever he went. In his most intimate conversation he now began to harp on the change in his opinions
and his determination to aspire to the highest honours and dignities in the empire by rendering the most
loyal and devoted service in field and council. These repeated professions gradually won the confidence
of the courtiers and drew them into free and unrestrained social intercourse with Shivaji, nor did it take
long for the rumour of his changed behaviour to reach the emperor's ears.

Shivaji now commenced to celebrate special festivities every Thursday in the week under the pretence of
a religious vow, and as a part of this function to send presents of sweets and confectionery to the great
omrahs whose friendship he had taken such pains to cultivate. For the conveyance of these sweets to and
from Shivaji's residence ten large baskets were ordered to be prepared. When filled with sweets, these
monster baskets became so heavy as to require two persons to carry them. They were usually hung by
ropes from a bamboo that rested on their shoulders. The sentinels used to order the carriers to lay down
their burden and only allowed them to carry it on, after they had duly satisfied themselves about

its contents. This went on from Thursday to Thursday and the sentinels got tired of the needless search,
and instead of examining all the baskets one after another they began to examine just one or two to clear
their conscience. The sentinels were on the best of terms with the august prisoner they guarded, having
been won over by his repeated largesses and by the punctilious courtesy that the great Maratha never
failed to extend to his keepers. Shivaji mingled in their blunt conversation and unreserved ways of life
and they used to speak freely to him of their hopes and fears as though he wore one of themselves. With
equal tact Shivaji behaved towards the officers of the guard, k>sing no opportunity to expatiate on his
allegiance to the emperor, with the natural result that they unconsciously relaxed the rigour of their
surveillance.

Now that there were growing signs of the fulfilment of his design, Shivaji gradually sent away to the
Deccan many of the officers who yet kept company with him. Some left on the pretence of sickness and for
a change of climate, others as being wearied with his service and desiring a change of master. Thus on
one pretext or another the number of his followers dwindled from day today. They had no difficulty about
their passports and were instructed by Shivaji to await his arrival at certain, appointed places. Thus most
of his Deccani menials and attendants were got out of the way and their places filled by Hindustani
servants. At length there were left with Shivaji of his original retinue only his son Sambhaji, Hiroji
Farzand and one or two attendants. Shivaji now feigned illness, sent for diverse physicians and got them
to prescribe for him. Affecting to grow worse and worse, he avoided company and instructed any one
coming on business to transact it _ from a distance. After a time he gave it out that he was on the way to
recovery and out of gratitude nent large hampers of sweets to his physicians-as also complimentary
presents to the amirs and

omrahs of the court. Alms were liberally distributed among Brahmans and the poor, and the fakirs in the
mosques had sweets and confections in abundance, the monster baskets being borne to and from Shivaji's
door. This occurrence had now become so usual that it no longer excited any curiosity. One evening,
Shivaji ordered some four or five baskets to be made ready with sweets, in one of which Shivaji
concealed himself, while his son, the Prince Sambhaji hid himself in another. After their usual practice the
sentinels examined one or two baskets and let the others pass unchallenged. As it is related in one of the
chronicles, the pretence made use of on this occasion was that the sweets in question were being
despatched for distribution among fakirs and the Brahman priests of the holy shrine of Mathura (Muttra).
The ruse succeeded perfectly. Shivaji eluded his guards and joined his party outside of the city gates. 1

It was arranged that the trusty Hiroji should for the time put on Shivaji's robe and occupy his master's
place on the sick-bed and seize the earliest occasion to make good his escape. The trusty officer willingly
undertook the perilous honour, assuring his master that he might leave the scene without any anxiety on his
servant's account, since by the good fortune which had always attended

1 The Bundela Memoirs say that on account of Shivaji's practice to give sweets in charity to mendicants
of all sorts every Thursday, there was a crowd of beggars at his door. A quantity of sweets had to be
brought in monster hampers, which when exhausted had to be retaken empty to the confectioners' shops to
be reloaded. Shivaji and Sambhaji escaped in two of these empty hampers.

Khafi Khan tells the story that Shivaji had purchased three excellent horses ostensibly to give in charity to
Brahmans, for which purpose they were taken out of the city and kept ready with all their trappings and
equipments at a village about 14 kos (i. e. 35 mitas) from the capital. Another authority, the Alamgir
Namuh (i. e. the life of Alamgir or Aurangzeb) states that when Jay Singh heard of the captivity of Shivaji,
he remonstrated with the emperor describing the impropriety of the action, upon which the kotwal's
watchmen were removed from Shivaji'a residence.

his loyal service he hoped to make good his own deliverance. He lay all night covered by the bed clothes,
except for one of his hands on a finger of which appeared conspicuously Shivaji's ring. Thus with serene
confidence he maintained the deception, a young page contributing to it by gently rubbing the supposed
patient's feet. It was now morning, and as Shivaji did not appear to have left his bed though it was broad
day-light, some of the sentinels approaching the door inquired the cause of the Maharaja's keeping so long
to his bed. The page replied, as he had been instructed, that the Maharaja had a severe headache,
whereupon the sentinels withdrew. Upon this Hiroji rose from the perilous place he had occupied the
night before and putting on his dress left the palace with the trusty page, giving out that Shivaji had had the
most acute pain all through the night, and as he had just then fallen into a doze after a whole night's torture,
he enjoined them to observe the strictest silence, until he returned with medicine from the physician. On
their making further inquiries about the unusually late hour that the Maharaja was sleeping he put them off
by a repetition of the pretence of sickness, and left the place as in urgent haste to see the physician. He
had a hasty interview with the Prince Ram Singh, whom he informed of Shivaji's eafe escape, and bidding
him a hasty adieu, he hastened away to complete his deliverance from, captivity and exile.

Let us now follow the fortunes of our hero when he had turned his back on the capital. At a certain
distance from the city, Shivaji found a horse that had been kept in readiness for him, and mounting it, with
young Sambhaji seated astride before him 1 , he put spurs to it, not drawing reins until he had reached the
village 2

1 According to Bundela, Sambhaji sat on a horse which was. k led by the reins by Shivaji upto Mathura.

3 The Bairi bakhar says that a Deccani potter lived outside the capital with whom an arrangement was
made by Hiroji Farzand. On.

where the officers of his private staff were waiting to receive him. With their advice the future line of
route was determined, as it was extremely hazardous to return to the Deccan by a straight and direct route
from the north, when search parties were scouring the ordinary roads in all directions. With a view to
obviate the risk of capture, Shivaji ordered a portion of bis party to disguise themselves and proceed as
best they might to their southern homes. Shivaji himself and his chosen band of secretaries and menial
attendants were now attired as •gosavis and followed a leisurely and circuitous route from one pilgrim
place to another until they reached the Deccan. Thus they came to Benares and from thence to Mathura
where they had the good fortune to fall in with three good friends of their cause, Krishnajipant,
Kashipanb, and Visajipant, the brothers-in-law of the minister Moro Trimal Pingle. Shivaji unravelled to
them the whole story of his escape and wanderings and inquired if they would undertake the charge of
young Sambhaji till the Maharaja's safe arrival in the Deccan. They heartily entered into the plan. One of
the three brothers joined Shivaji in his wanderings. 1 The whole party disguised themselves as gosavis,
having shaved their topknots, beards and mustaches.

arriving outside the city, Shivaji made his way to the potter's and there disguising himself lived in hiding
at his cottage for a month. When the scouts sent after Shivaji by Aurangzeb returned without hope of
finding any trace of the fugitives, Shivaji assumed the disguise of a gosavi and travelled as •if proceeding
on a pilgrimage. According to Orme, at the extremity of the city a boat was waiting in readiness to take
over Shivaji across the river on crossing which Shivaji paid the boatman handsomely for the service
rendered and bade him go to Aurangzeb and report that he had conveyed the Haja across the river. Having
crossed, Shivaji rode at full speed for a considerable distance down the river and crossing again to the
•other side made hia way over hills and dales baffling all pursuit.

1 According to the Rairi bakhar, Prince Sambhaj i was kept at the 'house of a certain Nanaji Vishwasrao
at Benares. The reason for keeping Sambhaji behind was that he could not stand the fatigue of the •hasty
march and hia health gave way. Vishwasrao was, however, the

At Mathura Shivaji's party used to perform their anorning ablutions in the Jumna. On one occasion their
identity was all but betrayed. Shivaji commenting on the untidy state of the river-ghat expressed his
surprise that in such a place of pilgrimage renowned all through India, the river-ghats should be kept in
such an unsightly condition and suggested what appeared to him the proper arrangement of such river
embankments. Upon this one of the priests of the pilgrim town exclaimed that he could be no gosavi. He
had such knowledge of architecture that he must indeed be some other person in disguise. At this
Krishnajipant silenced him with a heavy bribe, made him join the pilgrim party on its peregrinations, and
on his return to the home country, Shivaji granted him a state pension.

It is now necessary to take notice of what transpired at Agra after Shivaji's deliverance. The sentinels
observed soon afterwards that there was no movement at Shivaji's residence and that the attendant who
had left the place so hurriedly on the plea of calling the physician had not yet returned. To investigate the
cause of this strange silence, the officers of the guard came to the door of the illustrious patient's bed-
chamber and to their unspeakable consternation found out that there was no Shivaji on the couch nor any
of the usual attendants there. The bird had flown! A great alarm was now raised, and search-parties were
sent after the fugitives in all directions. But there was no trace of Shivaji nor of his confidential servants.
The local servants in Shivaji's temporary service were quite in the dark ajbout the mode of their master's
flight. On cross-examination they declared that Shivaji was as usual sleeping in the morning and his young
page attended upon him. They did not know when he had left his chamber or how he had gone. The
sentinels made their report ? 'to Polad (Fulad) 'title which Shivaji gave to these Brahtnana after his and
Sambhaji's -safe return home.

Khan, the kotwal, who ran in great trepidation to the emperor with the incredible news that Shivaji had
disappeared. He protested that the sentinels he had appointed to watch over the illustrious prisoner were
as trustworthy and alert as they could be, but for all their vigilance Shivaji's arts had triumphed. He
attributed it to the black art, of which, he claimed, Shivaji must be a master, for how else could he
become invisible, when the sentinel parties were stationed all round, and watched the gates with
unremitting zeal, day and night. The news came to Aurangzeb like a bolt from the blue. There was no
questioning the loyalty or sincerity of Polad Khan's protestations. None knew better than Aurangzeb
himself that Polad Khan had enlisted the pick of his police force for the great charge laid upon him. Yet
could he not spare the helpless kotwal the fulminations of his fury. The most stringent search was ordered.
Clouds of cavalry hung about every great road leading from the capital. Cavalry parties scoured the plains
and the hills and the valleys. Each subhedar or talukdar was immediately informed that the Maratha eagle
had flown from his cage and ordered to arrest the fugitives if found within their jurisdiction. Jay Singh
received orders to put under arrest Netaji Palkar whom Shivaji had deputed to co-operate with the Mogul
army. to keep an eye upon the fugitive's flight, and prevent him from making good his position at the head
of the Maratha armies in the Maratha hill-forts.

Ram Singh did not quite escape a certain measure of suspicion. 1 Immediately on the escape of Shivaji,

1 Chitnis asserts that Kam Singh connived at tohivsji's escape. Some Maratha Brahmans who were caught
admitted under torture that Shivaji had escaped with the connivance of Ram Singh. But when Jay Singh
heard of this charge, he protested his son was innocent of such faithlessness to the emperor. The Jedhe
Chronology (p. 188) corroborates the story of the arrest of the Brahmans. In a subsequent letter to the
prime minister Jay Singh proposed to give a proof of his loyalty to the emperor by trying to entrap and
murder Shivaji by

when Hirqji Farzand communicated the great secret to him, the Rajput prince immediately asked for and
was granted an interview with the emperor. At this interview, the prince protested that Shivaji had come
to the imperial durbar relying on the assurances both of himself and of his noble father and that the
emperor instead of fulfilling the conditions made with the Maralha warrior had kept him under a strict
surveillance. Henceforth, neither himself nor his father was to be held responsible for anything relating to
Shivaji. Upon this Aurangzeb replied that Shivaji was his dependent and he might deal with him in any
way he thought proper. Should Shivaji relent and submit to the imperial terms, he would be glad to raise
him in dignity and position, and neither Ham Singh nor his father need have any anxiety on this subject.
This was just before the intelligence of Shivaji'a flight was received, the Rajput prince thinking it right to
free himself from all responsibility for the event. When the news of the flight came shortly after, a certain
amount of suspicion was awakened in the emperor's mind. Ram Singh, came under a cloud. He no longer
obtained admission, to the durbar.

i As to the omrahs of the court the news of Shivaji's adroitness in eluding the vigilant guard set on his
movements and the daring escape from the hands of hid imperial captor evoked feelings of undisguised
admiration. The opinion was freely expressed that it was scarcely in accord with the traditions of
imperial greatness and statesmanship that one, whose loyal co-operation with the empire had been
secured by such a pillar of the Mogul monarchy as the trusty and valorous Jay Singh, should have been
entrapped into an unworthy and treacherous servitude instead of having been welcomed and tret ted with
hospitality. The emperor thus lost for ever the active participation 01 a i>rave and

pretending to eater a matrimonial alliance and enticing Shivaji . o give his daughter in marriage to his eon.
Nothing came of this fine pro* poaal. (Jay Singh's letter in the Haft Anjwnan quoted by Prof Sarkar.}

L. 8. 20
GOO LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

resolute leader in the military councils of the empire, whose services in the Deccan conquests were
bound to be invaluable. A willing ally had been turned into a relentless antagonist. Fortune had all along
seemed to tsmile upon all his enterprises With such a foe in the Deccan, what would the fortunes of the
empire avail against the southern principalities ? And Sbivaji's ability was as notable as his good fortune.
Such a talented leader had .once espoused the Mogul cause, but who could now expect •him to do the like
again? Such and other criticisms rumour brought to the ears of the disconsolate emperor. The forlorn
reports of talukdars and subhedars deepened his >chagrin. A vague fear succeeded this despair, lest
Shivaji .might be skulking somewhere in some obscure corner ^>f the capital itself, maturing some plan of
revenge or treachery. The emperor had to look warily to himself, lest Shivaji might spring upon him from
some unexpected -quarter. He became a stranger to sleep and rest. Nemesis seemed to threaten him on
every side.

From Mathura Shivaji cantinued his journey in the garb

^.nd the company of gosavis. At every halt at a pilgrim

town Shivaji performed the proper religious rites, doling out

3klms and giving religious offerings on a modest scale. He

travelled to Allahabad, Benares, and Gaya, the celebrated

shrines in the north, and thus he traversed the country from

•shrine to shrine up to the regions of the Deccan. In these

-extended tours of piligrimage he had to put up with many

vexations and inconveniences. The autumnal monsoons had

.already burst when he left Agra. The streams were so deeply

.flooded as to make it impossible to ford them. At many

ipoints the travellers had to swim from one bank to the

other. Forests and mountains had to be crossed und it was

.most trying to have to surmount these obstructions on foot.

.But obstacle or .no obstacle—steady zeal and patience

overcame them all. At a certain village the local fouzdar

or police officer, on some cause of suspicion, put him under

arrest, when nothing but a prompt confession of his identity

•oould save him from the predicament in which he found himself. The fouzdar was quite taken aback at the
revelation of the arrested person's identity and made his apology for the discourtesy of which he had
unwittingly been guilty towards so illustrious a person. Shivaji made him a sufficient recompense in
money and requested him not to disclose to any Mogul officer the fact of his having travelled by that way.
In another place when Shivaji, intending to perform hisjxblutions with due ceremonial, had entered the
river and ordered the attending priest to recite the sacred chants, another priest conversing with the first
happened to remark quite casually that Shivaji, the Kaja of the south, who was for some time under arrest
at Agra, had escaped and was-wandering over the country. These words fell like molten lead upon his
ears. He somehow completed liis ablutions and hurriedly left the place 1 . At Cuttack Shivaji was quite
prostrated with the fatigue of his wanderings and decided to purchase a horse so as to prosecute the rest
of his journey on horse-back. A horse was selected for the purpose and Shivaji had to pay down the
purchase price, Not finding any silver coins about him, he inadvertently opened his purse in presence of
the horse-dealer, who was astonished to see that it was crammed full of pagodas. Upon this the horse-
dealer exclaimed : "When you offer gold for this common sort of horse, you must be none else than the
Raja Shivaji." At this, says the chronicler of the Bundela Memoirs, Shivaji flung the money at him and
beat a hasty retreat.

On his arrival in the Deccan, Shivaji did not proceed directly to his own principality, but diverted his
route to Puri, Gondwan, Bhaganagar (Deccan Hyderabad), Bijapur and so on to Panhala and thence to
Raigad. He continued to wear the garb of a gosavi, having previously sent word of his arrival incognito in
his own dominions. When Shivaji first presented himself at the Raigad gate in the coarse .habiliments of a
gosavi and demanded an interview with

1 Kfoati Khan is the authority for these two anecdotes,

Jijabai, the sentinel conveyed the intelligence within the fort that a stranger gosavi desired to see her.
When introduced within the fort, Nirajipant played the part of a gosavi in earnest, invoking blessings on
her in true goeavi style. But Shivaji could not longer sustain his part in the comedy, and advancing
prostrated himself at her feet. She did not recognize him : to such an extent had the constant anxieties and
privations of his long journey altered his features. She was astonished at the amazing conduct, as she took
it, of the gosavi in falling at her feet. Shivaji doffed the pilgrim's garb and laid his head on her knees Then
indeed did she recognize him by the old marks upon his person dating from the earliest days of his
childhood. Mother and son embraced each other joyfully. Tears streamed from her eyes. It was not merely
that her son had returned,—he was re-born to her !

The happy interview with his mother over, Shivaji gave audience to the leading chiefs, ministers and
distinguished gentry in his kingdom. Shivaji's return was celebrated on a lavish scale by all classes from
the greatest to the humblest. Men vied with one another in their eagerness to have a glimpse again of his
well-beloved and familiar features. Shivaji celebrated the occasion with proper observances. He was
open-handed in his hospitality and largesses to the Brahmans. He scattered alms, food and raiment among
the helpless and the poor. Special thanks-giving ceremonials were celebrated in honour of the tutelary
Bhavani and pearls were plentifully showered upon her image. Sugar was distributed in oriental fashion
to the joyful multitude from panniered elephants. Each nobleman and garrison officer received his
honorary present of sweets. Sweets and alma were distributed to men of learning and piety, to hermits and
sages. Each fort fired, its feu de joie. The whole land celebrated the restoration in a spirit of jubilation
such as they had never experienced before. Their hopes Were aroused to the highest. Here was a chief that
knew no defeat. Hie was a cause that was bound to triumph. The air was-
filled with admiration for Shivaji's exploits, his tameless spirit and the inexhaustible resources of his
inventive mind.

Nor did Shivaji forget to reward the gallant services of that devoted hand of followers who had shared
with him the perils of captivity in the Mogul capital. The rewards took various shapes according to the
merit of each zealous vassal. In the case of some personal honours and dignities were granted, in other
cases annual allowances or assignments of revenue over villages and mahals. Presents of horses,
elephants, trappings and personal ornaments were bestowed upon the most devoted of his personal
attendants. None merited these more eminently than the self-effacing chief Hiroji Farzand. He was made a
commander of a corps of cavalry and the honour of a palanquin was conferred upon him.

An interesting anecdote is related of Shivaji's adventurous flight. Shivaji was compelled one night to seek
a lodging at the house of a peasant and to procure provisions from him for his immediate use, and when he
demanded them the peasant's aged mother is reported to have said that they would gladly have offered
provisions to gosavis, (as Shivaji and his party appeared to be) but that Shivaji s army had quite recently
sacked the place, and among the booty much of their moveable property had been carried away. 'Shivaji,'
continued the old woman in her garrulity,—'has, we hear, gone to Delhi, and we don't know why the
emperor Aurangzeb does not chastise him, for, to say the truth, he was a great nuisance to us peasant
folks.' From this Shivaji knew that in his absence his followers had not been idle, but had carried forward
the old programme of making forays into the enemy's country. He gave his assurance to the old woman that
things would after all turn out happily for her family, took down the peasant's name and other particulars,
and on his safe arrival in Maharashtra, sent an escort to bring down the peasant's family and, having made
them full compensation for their losses, admitted the head of the family to his service 1 .

i Vide Chitnis, 118.; Shivdigvijay, 254.

According to previous arrangements the guardian ol young Sambhaji at Mathura was invited to the
Maharashtra court with all his family. On receipt of this invitation, Kashipant left Mathura escorting
Sambhaji to his father's kingdom. On the way this party fell in with a Mogul commander, whose
suspicions were roused at the princely bearing-and handsome features of young Sambhaji, with the result
that the latter was on the point of being arrested. 1 Kashipant and his brother submitted that they were
Brahmans of Mathura and that he was a son of the family. The commander desiring to put this to the test •
bade him dine out of the same plate with Sambhaji, which a Brahman would under no circumstances do
with a non-Brahman. Kashipant had to obey the command. 2 A dish of curds and pounded rice (poha) was
hastily improvised and was served out on a plantain leaf to Kashipant and Sambhaji, and the Brahman and
the Maratha prince partook of the common meal. Upon this the commander let them off 3 . The company
reached Raigad without any further adventures. Sambhaji'* arrival was greeted with great jubilation.
Kashipant's enthusiastic services to the cause were duly acknowledged and the title of Vishwasrao or lord
of good faith was conferred upon him. His two brothers received similar marks of recognition and
appreciation of their noble services. 4

1 The author of the Bundela Memoirs says that the young Sambhaj Having long hair was disguised ae a
girl and Kashipant made the journey in company with his wife and the prince thus disguised.

2 Chitnis, 1'20 ; Shivdigvijay, 255, 256.

8 Other bakhars give the version that Aurangzeb came to be informed that Prince Sambhaji was in hiding
at the house of Kashipant and had his house watched, upon which the Brahman dispelled the Mogul
officer's suspicion by dining in the manner described.

* Shivdigvijay says that the title Vishwasrao was conferred upon all the three brothers. The saoad
conferred upon them i.-pubiished in Kajwade VIII, *3l Thia sanad refers to Shivaji's flight from Agra, not
Delhi, showing that Shivaji attended the Mogul durbar at the former town.

A more romantic incident is interwoven by certain writers in their version of the Agra episode. It is
related that on the occasion when Shivaji was invited to the durbar the ladies of the imperial harem, out of
a natural curiosity to see with their own eyes one of whose romantic escapades they had heard so much,
were seated behind a curtain. Among these ladies was an unmarried daughter of Aurangzeb, known as
Zeb-un-nisa Begum. The princess was twtnty-seven years of age. It is said that the Begum fell in love with
Shivaji though it was not perhaps merely a case of love at first sight. 1 Already had she heard, so runs this
romantic account, of his valour and efforts for the advancement of his country's liberties. Already had the
fame of his romantic and soul-stirring adventures ravished her heart. His generosity towards the fallen
foe, his filial devotion, his exemplary piety towards the gods of his country had touched in her breast a
chord, of sympathy. And now had he come after achieving so many labours in the furtherance of his
country's cause, after so many shocks of battle with her father's invincible forces,—now Lad he come as a
conciliated friend and ally, to honour the hospitality of the Mogul court. These feelings had prepared her
heart for the first advances of a passion, which Shivaji's conduct in the durbar only served to make even
deeper than before. It is said she vowed a firm resolve that she would either wed Shivaji or remain, a
virgin for life.

It is even said that Shivaji came to know of the sentiments of the princess towards himself and that the
matter was duly represented to him on her behalf that should he be prepared to embrace the faith of Islam,
the

1 Vide Douglas : Bombay and Western India, I, 349-51. The so-called love-intrigues of the princess Zeb-
un-nisa are discussed by Prof. Sarkar in his " Studies in Mughal India " pp. 79-90. He has proved the;e
stories of love-intrigues to be entirely baseless. None of the Marathi bakhars contains the least hint as
regards the supposed passion of the princess for Shivaji, nor does any of the Persian authorities or
European contemporaries like Bernier, Manucci or Dr. Fryer mention it.

princess would be glad to be united with him in wedlock. Shivaji was naturally opposed to any thing like
this proposal. To him the social and religious traditions which were his birth-right were dearer than any
connexion with the imperial family. Had he been merely a creature of ambition, had he been swayed by no
Higher feelings than self-aggrandizement, he might eagerly have grasped at this otter of love and obtained
a de facto sovereignty of the south, as the son in-law of the reigning emperor. However, the whole story
appears too much like romance to have been true, and appears to have arisen from a traditional belief,
current at any rate in some of the chronicles, that a daughter of Aurangzeb remained a lifelong virgin on
account of her love, not indeed for Shivaji, but for his son Sambhaji. 1

The princess Zeb-un-nisa at any rate vowed to remain unmarried till her death, which took place in 1702.
She was involved in Prince Akbar's rebellion and her last days were spent in the prison-fort of Salimgarh
near Delhi. This princess is said to have been a lady of considerable intellectual attainments. 2 The
Marathi chronicles have apparently not distinguished between this princess and the second daughter of
Aurangzeb named Zinat-un-nisa, as they speak of the latter only as Nisa Begum, a term that could be
applied to all the daughters of Aurangzeb. It was Zinat-un-nisa who accompanied Aurangzeb in camp
during his interminable wars in the Deccan and who after the barbarous execution of Sambhaji and the fall
of the fort of Raigad interested herself in the guardianship of the stripling son of that ill-starred Maratha
sovereign. The young prince, the last hope of the Maratha race, was brought up by this princess with a
tender care as if he

1 V'iae Sarkar'a Studied in Mughal India, pp 89-90, 1 It is said that like her father Aurangzeb she knew
the Koran by heart and that she wrote poetry under the pseudonym of Makhfi or the Concealed One. Vide
Masir-i-Alamgiri, ( Elliot, Vol. VII, p. 196 ) and Prof. Sarkar's Aurangzeb. Vol. I. Ch. IV, and Vol. Ill, p.
61 and Studies in Mughal India, pp. 79-90.)

were her own HOD. The Marathi chronicles, like the Shedgavkar's bakhar, represent this princess to have
remained unmarried on account of her regard for Sambhaji, who, it is known, had made an insolent
demand for her hand after his capture. 1 The Begum's ward became afterwards distinguished in history as
the Maharaja Shahu.

1 See Shedgavkar, pp. 110-112.

CHAPTER XX RE-CONQUESTS, 1667-69

No sooner did the news of Shivaji's captivity after the sensational scene at the durbar reach the Deccan
than the great officers, whom Shivaji had appointed as the high stewards of his kingdom during his
absence, began to make retaliatory invasions of Mogul territory in the southern subhas. The announcement
of Shivaji's escape and presently his safe return put new life into the Maratha campaigns. The English
factors at Karwar made a correct forecast in'one of their letters of the time : " If it be true that Shivaji hath
escaped, Aurangzeb will quickly hear of him to his sorrow." How correct this forecast was, was soon
proved by the events that followed.

Before Shivaji's return to the scene of his Deccan triumphs, the Bijapur and the Mogul arms had been
pitted against one another in a decisive campaign very much to the disadvantage of the latter. Jay Singh
laid siege to-Bijapur. The Deccan light horse under the Adil Shahi government had resumed those
century-old tactics that had saved the capital from many a blustering conqueror. The Adil Shahi troops
hovered round the Mogul camp and cut off all its supply of corn and fodder. A season of drought added
the miseries of thirst to those of famine. To crown these difficulties an auxiliary force from the sultan of
Golconda came opportunely to the aid of his oppressed neighbour of Bijapur, while Jay Singh's petitions
for re-enforcements to his imperial sovereign might as well have been addressed to the wind. It is clear
that the suspicioua mind of the emperor exaggerated the danger of the good understanding subsisting
between Shivaji and Jay Singh; and he seems to have been the victim of a fancy that Jay Singh was going
to make himself more powerful than was consistent with loyalty, and that with Shivaji's aid he would
presently defy the armies of .the empire. While the emperor continued ia this attitude of studied
indifference, Jay Singh himself

began to conclude that it was a thankless task to sacrifice

o

the lives of his gallant Rajput veterans only to court an inglorious defeat by the Bijapur forces, which
indeed was inevitable in view of the attitude of indifference adopted by the emperor. He began, therefore,
of set purpose to withdraw his armies from the invaded country. The forces gradually retreated in the
direction of Aurangabad. The enemy gave chase. But the gallant Rajput succeeded in making good his
retreat to the Mogul head-quarters in the Deccan.

Jay Singh indeed found his resources both of men and money so exhausted that he had scarcely enough
forces at his command to garrison the fortresses ceded to him by Shivaji as also those which he had
succeeded in capturing with Shivaji's aid and assistance. Nor had he sufficient balances in his military
chest for the maintenance of these mountain garrisons. He had to eke out his resources with the utmost
caution and prudence, maintaining large garrisons upon only the principal hill-forts such as Lohagad,
Sinhagad and Purandar in the ghat country and Mahuli and Karnala in the Konkan. In these five forts large
forces were maintained, with a sufficient supply of war-material. In other places, where there was a
possibility of obtaining local suj plies of food and fodder, moderate garrisons were stationed. But as
regards the greater number of other fortresses, as he could afford neither men nor money for their
maintenance, he withdrew his garrisons demolishing the gates and defences of the fortresses and leaving
no necessity for any garrison at all. Having thus made the best of his scanty resources and secured his
conquests as best he might, he calmly awaited orders at Aurangabad. He was at last recalled by his
ungracious sovereign, and Jaswant Singh and Prince Muazzirn (Mauzam) were jointly appointed
governors of the Deccan. It is sad to chronicle the death of this noble and magnanimous prince. On his
march to North India after his recall the gallant Rajput was taken ill and died.

Meanwhile Moropant Pingle, the minister of Shivaji,

occupied fortress after fortress as it was evacuated by the Mogul armies and, arranging for such
improvised defence works as were practicable at the moment, re-established the Maratha rule round
about. When just a small force of Mogul troops still remained in garrison, Moropant defeated and
expelled the occupants and re-garrisoned the fortresses with Maratha troops. This he did with fort after
fort with the gratifying result that already before Shivaji's arrival in the south, many of the ceded forts
were already flying the Maratha flag. On Shivaji's arrival he lost no time in recovering the entire district
of the Konkan.

The final failure of the great armies sent down with Jay Singh and Diler Khan, the capture and subsequent
escape of Shivaji, the junction of the military resources of Golconda with those of Bijapur, and the
accession of strength they were likely to gain from the possibility of Shivaji's throwing in the weight of
his immense resources on their side showed how seriously imperilled was the Mogul cause in the
south,and the magnitude of the interests at stake was sufficient to have induced the emperor himself to gird
on his armour and take upon himself the supreme command of the new army of invasion. But there were
disturbances on the northern frontier which obliged the emperor to remain at the capital. He had his own
misgivings at having mismanaged things so as to force Shivaji into a bitter hostility with the empire, and
he was now placed in an unfortunate dilemma with regard to the course he should pursue. Were he to
entrust the command of a very considerable array to his son or to the Raja Jaswant Singh, and with all
these armaments at their command should they be beaten, the prestige of the empire which was now at
stake would be lost for ever. If on the other hand the prince triumphed over his enemies and found himself
at the head of a large army, he might perhaps be so much flushed with his victory as to forget the
allegiance due to his father and raise the flag of revolt. In view of these misgivings

the emperor deemed it prudent oot to commit himself to a special campaign against Shivaji, who on his
part was the last person to fail to turn to his utmost advantage the opportunities presented to him by the
procrastination and mistrustful character of the emperor.

In many respects the appointment of Prince Muazzim and the Raja Jaswant Singh to the satrapy of the
Deccan was favourable to Shivaji's wishes. He had cultivated the friendship of Jaswant Singh during his
enforced sojourn at Agra. The Raja was a Rajput prince of a haughty character and had much of that
religious pride which is rarely absent in a noble-spirited Rajput. When Aurangzeb entered on a rebellious
war against his father to secure his succession to the throne, Jaswant Singh at first opposed his wicked
ambition. It was only when it seemed clear that victory would at last smile on the rebel prince, that he
turned round to his side. He was naturally never in the closest confidence of the emperor. His greatest
weakness was avarice, and Shivaji turned it to very good account. Well did Shivaji call him a calf with a
fondness for the oil-cake of a bribe. And Shivaji managed him so well by taking advantage of this
weakness, that he always played the tune which was agreeable to the Maratha leader. The Mogul prince
was a magnanimous and high-spirited general. He had nothing of his father's distrustfulness in his
disposition. An open hand and a love of luxury were the distinguishing traits of his character. He was a
fickle-minded young man, and the slightest persuasion turned him from his purposes. Upon such a plastic
mind Jaswant Singh exercised a considerable influence. He scarcely, if ever, deliberately crossed his
wishes. On his departure for the south Aurangzeb had given him much wholesome advice. He had warned
him not to try conclusions with Shivaji. He would be no match for the Maratha in diplomacy or intrigue.
He had been the ruin of many a general. A fresh discomfiture at his hands would recoil on the Mogul state
with the most grievous results. He thus advised him to aim

at conciliation in his dealings with the Marathas, to please them and so to save the Mogul fortunes from
their interference. This advice was addressed to ears that were naturally willing and sympathetic. The
prince had never approved of Aurangzeb's futile attempt to entrap Shivaji. It was his conviction that the
highest interests of the empire required that Shivaji should be treated as a valiant and enterprising
feudatory of the empire.

There is a tradition that when the intelligence came that the prince was marching to the south, Shivaji,
disguised as a poor peasant, overtook him at a village near Brahma-puri and presented to him a pot of
curds, which was accepted by the prince on account of its exquisite flavour and ordered to be served to
him at table. A little pellet of wax, says the story, was found in the midst of the curds, and it was found
that a little note was rolled up in the wax. The note purported to say that Shivaji had resorted to this
expedient that he might be able to see with his own eyes what manner of man was the noble prince who
was entrusted with the war against himself. If there is any truth in this story, we can well judge what
reflections must have been roused in the prince's mind about the enterprise and daring of the author of this
curiously presented epistle. He must have been convinced of the great hazard of war with a general of
such inventiveness and enterprise. On his arriyal at Aurangabad negotiations for a peace were opened
thu>ugh Jaswant Singh. The latter had already been bribed. 'Shivaji was thus able to shape a treaty
according to his wishes. The time was not yet ripe for a complete break •with the Moguls, /and a
conciliatory attitude towards a magnanimous prince like Muazzim might be productive of future results.
Upon the conciliatory proposal of Muazzim, therefore, Shivaji sent his private secretary, Balaji
AvjiChitnis, as an envoy extraordinary to wait upon Muazzim at the Mogul camp, with ^special
instructions to find out the prince's real intentions. According to court ^etiquette, presents of jewels,
brocades, and elephants accom-

parried the envoy. On Jaswant Singh introducing Chitnis to the prince, he began with the preamble of the
treaty between Jay Singh and Shivaji, as a consequence of which Shivaji had gone up to Agra for the
favour of a personal audience with the emperor. After the personal interview, proceeded the envoy, it was
Shivaji'a intention to get imperial ratification of certain clauses of the treaty -and take service under the
emperor, but that in spite of the mediation of sardars like Jay Singh, Ram Singh and others the emperor
had distrusted the whole thing and put him under arrest. This, submitted the envoy, could not be said to
have been done with a good grace. The prince protested that the emperor neither had then, nor now, any
evil intention against Shivaji. The emperor's sole motive had always been that there should be thorough
cordiality between himself and Shivaji and that the latter should seal this friendship by immediately
enlisting in the service of the empire. As Shivaji had not approved of the emperor's arrangement, the latter
had proceeded to obtain his consent by force and therefore kept him under .restraint. Shivaji had not
appreciated the kind intentions of the emperor and had effected his escape and come down to the Deccan.
The prince then explained that on his setting out for the Deccan he had 'received special injunctions from
his father not to enter upon any hostilities with Shivaji, of whose extraordinary ability he was perfectly
Assured. The emperor had told Muazzim that his own attempts to pacify Shivaji had unfortunately taken an
untoward course. Shivaji had shown he had no desire to live at Agra, but would live only in his Deccan
home. So far, so good. What the emperor now wanted was to ratify the former treaty and to enlist Shivaji's
services in the Mogul campaigns in the south. Had the emperor indeed, continued Prince Muazzim, any
hostile purposes against Shivaji, he would certainly have prosecuted his designs when the Maratha leader
was at Agra. Such being the -case, Muazzim wanted to know Shivaji's real opinion upon ibis proposal.

Upon the report of this conversation being duly submitted by Chitnis to Shivaji, the latter signified his
wishes for a treaty, when the following conditions were mutually approved of between the two parties:
(1) that there should in future be mutual peace and friendship; (2) that the former treaty be ratified; (3) that
unless and until all mutual distrust was clearly swept away, Shivaji should send no forces to co-operate
with the Moguls, and till then there should be no friendly intercourse ; (4) that on cession of territory
being duly made for the maintenance of his auxiliaries, Shivaji should furnish a contingent of 5000 to co-
operate with the Moguls ; (5) that the talukas of Avdhe and Balapur in the Berars be ceded in jahgir to
Sambbaji for the maintenance of his mansab of 5009 horse in the Mogul service as provided for in the last
treaty; (6) that Shivaji should have full power to levy the chauth and sirdeshmukhi contributions as asked
for in the last treaty ; and (7) the fortresses and territories of the Nizamshatii and Adil Shahi states now in
the possession of Shivaji should continue to be in his possession. 1 Upon the draft setting forth these
conditions the Mogul prince affixed his signature and told Shivaji to prepare as a matter of conventional
form the draft treaty in the form of a petition to the emperor, upon which he would forward it to him with a
personal recommendation for its acceptance. This was done and the prince added to it his warm
recommendation that the present offer of such a valiant warrior as Shivaji should be accepted by the
government and the bonds of friendship drawn closely together. (March, 1668). It was convenient to
Aurangzeb to accede to this request and the treaty was duly ratified. The title of Raja was conferred upon
Shivaji, the mansab conferred upon Sambhaji was confirmed, and the jahgir described in the treaty
sanctioned, the proper sanads for the same being sent down by the emperor. 3

1 According to Cnitnia'a chronicle the t went j-seven forts ceded under the first treaty had to be ceded
over again to the Moguls. > Rajwade, VIII, 17.

The management of the revenue of this jahgir was entrusted to a Brahman revenue clerk, named Ravji
Somnath who was promoted to the rank of mokasdar and sent up with proper equipments. Sambhaji
presented himself at Aurangabad as a inansabdar in the imperial army, with hi& 5000 horse, attended by
the experienced commander, Prataprao Guzar. 1 The Mogul prince received him with due honour for his
rank and assigned to him an independent place for his residence, which became quite a new ward or the
town. As Sambhaji was quite a stripling he was soon permitted to return, and Prataprao remained in the
Mogul camp in command of Sambhaji's contingent. Shivaji himself managed to avoid the servile position
of a mansabdar in the imperial army.

By this friendly peace, Shivaji again recovered possession of the districts of Poona and Supa and most of
the other territory lost under the first treaty. However the important forts of Purandar and Sinhagad still
remained with the Moguls. In offering such conciliatory terms, the emperor's plan was gradually to entice
Shivaji to the position of a dependent and so to Jure him on inevitably to his final destruction. But Prince
Muazzim had no such sinister designs. His liberality and purity of motives were incapable of any
baseness or double dealing.

It is even affirmed that some years later Muazzim, weary of the emperor's perpetual distrust and duplicity,
was prepared to rebel from his father and invited the assistance of Shivaji. Suspecting some stratagem,
the Maratha chief warily replied that in case of a serious conflict between the prince and the emperor he
would be glad to join him with an army at the out-break of hostilities. With a view to assure Shivaji of his
seriousness and to dispel his suspicions, the prince suddenly marched with his army to the north and sent
urgent messages to Shivaji for instant help, employing an officer of high rank upon this embassy so as to
impress him all

1 This occurred in October, 1667. (Jedhe Chronology, p. 188.) 1*3.21

the more with the earnestness of his request. Shivaji sent word in reply that while the prince was fighting
in the north, he would watch and defend his interest in the south, that this would be the best plan under the
circumstances, as Muazzim had an army large enough to encounter the emperor; and should fortune frown
upon his attempt he invited the iprince to come and partake of the hospitality of his dominions. Muazzim
tried once more to tempt him by offering to .place his army under Shivaji's command. But the latter was
too prudent a man to yield to such an allurement. Despairing of Shivaji's support, the prince gave up his
chimerical project and having by his abject repentance obtained the emperor's pardon, he returned to the
Mogul head-quarters a,t Aurangabad. But true to his magnanimous nature, ihe harboured no grudge
whatever against Shivaji for his -prudent refusal to join him in his rebellious folly. The event served only
to draw closer the bonds of their mutual friendship and good opinion. 1

In his despatches to the prince, Aurangzeb advised liim to encourage Shivaji to continue his invasions of
the Bijapur and Golconda territories, so that the Deccan monarchies with their foundations undermined by
these ^repeated onslaughts might fall easy victims before the IMogul invaders. Part of the territory thus
captured by Shivaji was to be ceded to him for the maintenance of his armies. Following these orders
Shivaji made repeated descents upon the Deccan kingdoms. When the Bijapur government saw how they
were caught between two fires

1 Catrou ( Manned ) tella the story of a mock rebellion ot Prince Muazzim got up under Aurangzeb's
special order, for the triple purpose of •deceiving Shivaji, testing the good faith of the Mogul
commanders, and •discrediting Muazzim incase he should at a later date seriously think of rebelling
against his father. Prof. Sarkar ( Shivaji p. 212-219 ) shows that this event, which at one of its phases
threatened to wear the aspect of a •civil war between Muazzim and the emperor, was due to a quarrel
between (the prince and Diler Khan who had been despatched in 1670 to co-operate •with the former in
the prosecution of the war with Shivaji. On this occasion Muazzim and Jaswant Singh pursued Diler Khan
into Khandeeh against the wishes of the local governor, and invited Shivaji ( with whom .they carried on
a pretended war ) to help them in the pursuit.

RE-CONQUESTS U>7

and how the invasions of Shivaji were parts of a general tolicy prosecuted with the co-operation. of the
imperial armies, they determined to make their peace with the Moguls, which they did at the price of the
cession of the fort of Sholapur and the territory adjoining to it, yielding an annual revenue of eighteen
thousand pagodas.Upon receiving intelligence of this treaty Shivaji had a private conference with
Muazzim and Jaswant Singh at which he got them to consent to connive at any expedition he might conduct
on his own account in the territories of Bijapur and Golconda. With this permission Shivaji embarked OR
a vigorous campaign to levy the chauth and sirdeshmukhi contributions throughout the Adil Shahi
dominions, until helpless before these depredations and with a view to purchase peace and security at any
price, the tired ministers of the Adil Shahi state agreed for a seconq! time in the history of their dealings
with Shivaji to pay him au annual tribute of three lakhs of rupees, a sum which some chroniclers raise to
seven lakhs. This second treaty with Shivaji like the first was a private understanding. It would have
served no useful purpose to give out the fact that, a Mahomedan state was actually reduced to the
condition of paying tribute to a Hindu chief and of living as it were on his sufferance. The haughty nobility
at the Mahomedau capital would have reckoned it an unspeakable disgrace to their manhood, and by an
unseasonable and impotent outcry would have added to the embarrassments of the government. The secret
treaty was however approved of by the sultan, who now retained Shivaji's ambassador to reside at his
court. The ambassador thus nominated to this charge was Sbamji Naik Pande. 1

1 Prof. Sarkar makes no mention of this treaty. He, however, quotes from the Factory Records, Surat, to
show that there were no acts of hostility between Shivajij and Bijapur. (Prof. Sarkar's bhivaji pp. 20* and
315.) The Jedhe Chronology p. 188 affirms that peace was made with Bijapur in May 1667. It states the
name of the Maratha ambassador at Bijapur as Bawaji Naik Pande. Shanoji Naik Pande also acted as
Shivaji's Ambassador after the secret treaty with Abdul Mahomed, the chief imnisbjr of Bijapur, (Vide
concluding portion of Oh. XIII). Pande died ats>:iO;»r:i in. Desember 1675 ( Jedhe p. 19^ ).
SOS LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

Shivaji then turned bis attention to the Golconda kingdom, making the same predatory incursions into
every province of that state. The sultan of the state scarcely possessed the resources to resist successfully
these repeated invasions, and the knowledge that Shivaji was acting on a secret understanding with the
Moguls made him realize that any such resistance would be useless. The sultan was thus reduced to the
arts of conciliation. His two ministers, Madanna and Akanna, advocated a peaceful policy. With their
mediation a treaty was made with Shivaji, the Kutub Shahi chief agreeing to pay an annual tribute of five
lakhs of rupees. Both parties were pledged to mutual friendship and alliance and the admission of
embassies at their respective courts. The ambassador deputed by Shivaji under the operation of this treaty
to reside at the court of Golconda •was Nirajirao. 1

Having reduced the two principal Deccan monarchies to the condition of tributaries, Shivaji turned his
attention to the Konkan. Here the Abyssinians and the Portuguese still wielded considerable influence,
which it was part of Shivaji's policy to wipe away and so to bring the Konkan littoral under his
undisputed power. With this view he fell suddenly upon Goa, resolved to expel the Portuguese

i Khafi Khan ( Elliot, VII 236-87 ) says that on his return from Agra, Bhivaji saw the Sultan Abdulla
Kutub Shaha and formed an alliance with him, in virtue of which he undertook to conquer for Golconda
from Bijapui some forts which the latter had wrested from the former power. Some of these forts Shivaji
gave up to Golconda and others he kept for himself. But some of the forts mentioned were obviously
conquered later and Khafi Khan himself mentions a report that Shivaji first went to Hyderabad in the first
or second year of the reign of Sultan Abdul Hassan, who came to the throne in 1672. Grant Duff bases his
account of the treaties with Bijapur and Golconda on the Marathi chronicles and Scott's Deccan. The
Jedhe Chronology under date Jeahta, Sbaka year 1594 ( June 1672), states that Niraji Ravji made a treaty
with Golconda which was to pay a tribute of one lakh of pagodas, of which he brought 66,000 to Shivaji (
Jedhe, p. 190). It would seem to have been a fresh demand on the accession to the throne of a new sultan
and is no argument against an .earlier stipulation for tribute. At any rate about 1669 Niraji Ravji was at
the Mogul head-quarters at Aurangabad, along with Prabaprao Guzar, and could not then have been
Shivaji's ambassador at the Golconda capital. ( Jedhe, p. 188 ).

from this province. He does not seem to have met with the success he had reckoned upon. The chronicles
are silent upon these operations, lending countenance to the view that no great encounters took place.
Shivaji then made a renewed effort for the conquest of Janjira, but with no greater success than on the
former occasion. The Abyssinians were seriously handicapped in the operations against Shivaji and had
to apply to the East India Company's representatives at Bombay for help. Shivaji had to return without
realizing his ambitious projects.

On the formation o£ the alliances with the Mogul, the Adil Shahi and the Kutub Shahi powers, as has
already been described in the beginning of this chapter, peaca reigned all over Shivaji*s dominions and
he had leisure t-o devote himself to the organization of his kingdom. But the subject of the re-construction
of the country on, Shivaji's own lines may be held over for a later chapter. 'Ch. XXIV)

The alliances formed for the present with the Mahomedan powers naturally created an impression that
Shivaji's ambition was quenched and that he was now going to rest upon his oars, devoting his energies to
the establishment of a regular administrative system in his dominions. For had he possessed the grit and
the resources to try conclusions with the Mogul power, why should he court their present friendship at the
cost of an implicit acknowledgment of their supremacy ? Why observe such patience with the Mogul pro-
consuls? Why keep them propitiated with a periodic interchange of presents and social amenities ? Thus it
is that Shivaji's attitude must have struck the superficial observer. But the events that were yet in the
womb of t.ime and had scarcely cast their shadow before them ought to help us to understand that this was
a delusion, and that the great Deccan warrior was but resting awhile with eyes wide awake, giving to his
exhausted countrymen a necessary period of recuperation after all their triumphs and vicissitudes. There
was a risk at all times, and never

more so than after what had happened in the matter of the defeat of Jay Singh, that Bijapur and Golconda
might make common cause and turn a united front against a Hindu power that was still in its birth-throes.
To have the imperial assurance and an asylum in the back-ground of all his political plans was, therefore,
an indispensable weapon in his defensive armoury. Shivaji could not count on that imperial assurance to
shield him in the prosecution of any extreme measures with the Deccan monarchies. The fanaticism of the
emperor would scarcely permit him to look with stoical indifference upon an infidel pressing hard upon
the kingdoms of the faithful, and the moment it was discovered that it was no longer to the advantage of
the empire to connive at his ally's forward movements, the emperor's wrath was sure to burst forth
suddenly upon his nascent enterprise. There was moreover a point beyond which the Maratha leader
could not proceed without coming into direct collision with the wishes of the emperor, who for so many,
years had looked upon the domains of the Bijapur and Golconda kingdoms as his own royal spoils and
would scarcely permit a partner in the chase . to appropriate the trophies to himself. The time was not yet
for such an open defiance.

But the Maratha-Mogul entente was not destined tc endure. The distrustful emperor soon began to suspect
that Shivaji's present humility was merely a cloak to cover his ambitious designs. He guessed that Shivaji
had managed by bribes and other arts to lead the imperial commanders to fall in with his wishes. He,
therefore, sent fresh orders, warning Prince Muazzim against the perils of Shivaji's political
blandishments and his professions of love and amity. He pointed out that Shivaji's ambition soared far
higher. He was about to pounce upon the prostrate sultanates of the south, and presently when he had
disposed of them, he would launch an attack upon the central power. It would then be too late to repel his
invasions. He was presumptuous enough, even as matters stood now, to turn to

nis own uses the revenues of forts, towns and territories-which he had won from the southern sultanates
with the active connivance of the Mogul generals, and never felt himself to be under any obligation to
account for these revenues. This was not as it ought to be. The good relations established with him by
treaty must now be broken off, the forts and territories made over to him recovered, and the auxiliary
contingent sent by him discharged, and if such a splendid chance did indeed present itself, that contingent
should be surprised and Prataprao Guzar, Shivaji himself and the other great commanders, who owned
him allegiance, must be apprehended, if possible. A reluctance to obey these orders, so the emperor
plainly hinted, would bring down his displeasure upon his head. 1 Before these despatches were actually
received, the prince got intelligence about their contents from his confidential spies and was able to
inform Prataprao Gnzar about it and advised him to ensure his safety by flight. That very night Prataprao
left the Mogul camp at Aurangabad along with the cavalry contingent in his charge and accompanied by
Niraji, Shivaji's envoy at Aurangabad, reached Poona in safety. (December 1669.) On receipt of the
imperial despatches, Prince Muazzim, to avert suspicion of any collusion, attempted a feigned pursuit of
the retreating Marathas. The pursuers returned, as was anticipated, to their general, without achieving any
success. The prince wrote in reply to his father's despatches that the ungrateful traitors, the Marathas, had
already left before receipt of the imperial firman, and in consequence could not be put under arrest, as he
had been directed to do.
1 The Bundela Memoirs give the version that the jahgir conferred, upon Prince Sambhaji was revoked on
the pretext of reimbursing the amount of one lakh of rupees which had been paid to Shivaji when he
started from the Deccan for Delhi. When the news of the resumption of this jahgir reached Shivaji, he at
once recalled Prataprao Guzar with his contingent; and his representatives in the jahgir districts likewise
returned to the south, carrying off auch booty as they could lay their hands upon. The text follows
Sabhasad, 61-62 and Shedgavkar, p. 62.

Shivaji was gratified at Prataprao'a safe return with all his party and the unmistakable proofs which he
brought with him of the imperial prince's esteem in the form of presents sent with every precaution for
secrecy and concealment. Little did he regret the interruption of his peaceful relations with the great
Mogul. He had spent two years in almost profound peace in looking after the internal organization of his
kingdom. For two years without any overt warfare he had the satisfaction of supporting a not
inconsiderable part of his forces at t.he cost of the Moguls. But now it was time again to be up and doing.

RENEWED CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MOGULS, 1670-72

THE campaigns that Shivaji now undertook were conducted on a scale to which we have no parallel in
all his previous career. The first plan was the recovery of the important forts of Sinhagadh and Purandar,
the possession of which by the Moguls enabled them to obstruct Shivaji's free communication with Poona,
Chakan and adjoining parts. Jay Singh had furnished the bravest of his Rajput soldiery to man these forts.
The garrison armies were as vigilant as they were brave and loyal. Shivaji aimed his first operations
against Sinhagad. The governor of the garrison was a brave Rajput veteran named Uday Bhanu. His
loyalty was not to be tampered with by any means. The picked men under him were tried veterans, whose
chivalrous valour had been proved on many a well-fought field. The conquest of this fort, therefore, was
one of the most perplexing tasks that ever presented itself before Shivaji, who was all the more keen
about its conquest, because, as the national ballads (powadas) of the Maratha minstrels would lead us to
infer, he had entered upon the undertaking at the urgent desire of his mother Jijabai. 1 In this perplexity,
Tanaji Malusare, the veteran general and the companion of Shivaji's youthful adventures, presented
himself before Shivaji and undertook with his younger brother Suryaji and a corps of one thousand
Mavalis of his own choosing to capture the fort. According to the ballad celebrating the event, Tanaji was
attended by a force of 12,000.

1 The powada says that Jijabai challenged Shivaji bo a game of dice and having defeated him demanded
the fort of Sinhagad as the forfeit. The fort was then under the Moguls, and thus Jijabai got him effectually
to conquer it. Tanaji Malusare was engaged in the festivities in connection with the marriage of his son
Rayaba, when the orders of Shivaji reached him to come with his Mavalis straightway to Ratgad. And so
the hero came, putting off the festivities.

About Taoaji himself almost incredible accounts are given in the native chronicles as to his valour and
personal appearance. He is described as a man of gigantic proportions, of an aspect most terrible, with
chest-nut hair and blood-shot eyes, and a marvellously long, bushy moustache. He had such muscular
strength that, we are-told, he could control the movements of an elephant, by drawing him about by the
tusks at his pleasure. On the field of war, no one would stand before him face to face. Shivaji had not his
equal. He was as versed in the theory and practice of arms, as he was distinguished for his personal
valour and physique.

Sinhagad lies on the eastern side of the great Sahyadri range. The hills projecting from Fort Purandar
extend right up to it, with which indeed by steep and narrow ridges lengthening from west to east Fort
Sinhagad conV municatee. On the northern and southern sides the fort rears itself up into a huge precipice,
with an ascent of half a mile, rising abruptly from the depths below. Arrived at this height, the traveller
finds the mountain overtopped by a craggy summit, consisting of a huge mass of black rocks upwards of
forty feet in height. Surmounting the rocky mass, arise the stone fortification and its towers. The fort is of
a triangular shape, the area enclosed being about two miles in circumference. Except at the gates, it seems
to present no entrance. The summit of the fore commands a prospect of the beautiful but narrow valley of
the Nira on the east. On the northern side a great plain unfolds itself before the eyes, ths city of Poona
being its chief attraction, while masses of undulating mountains rise on the west and south. In this quarter
rises Fort Raigad, from which Tanaji Malusare proposed to lead his faithful Mavalis.

This force of a thousand Mavalis set forth by devious paths known only to themselves. Over hill and glen
the veterans followed separate tracks until they united together at the try sting-place near the fort in the
darkness

of the night. It was the night of the eighth day of the dark half of the moon, in the month of Magh
(February). Tanaji divided his forces: one-half posted themselves at a little distance, with orders to
advance at a pve-arranged signal, and the other half took up their position unobserved at the foot of the
rock. 1 A part of the fortress most difficult of access and on that account less likely to be guarded by the
sentinel parties was chosen for attempting an escalade. Here it was that a Mavali warrior, most daring
and resourceful among his fellows, scrambled up the crag with the aid of a ghorpad or iguana and making
fast a ladder of ropes to a rock enabled his comrades to ascend the rampart one after another. As each
Mavali scaled the ladder in silence he laid himself down to prevent discovery. But scarcely had 300 of
them entered the fort 2 , when the sentinels began to suspect that some unusual event was brewing around
them, and their attention being attracted to the quarter in which the Mavali escalade had in part been
effected, one of them ran up to ascertain what was the matter. An arrow shot with deadly aim was the
silent answer to his inquiry. An alarm was now raised and presently the garrison camp became a babel of
confusion with mounting and arming in haste. The scene of panic determined Tanaji to a bold charge with
the handful of Mavalis who had made good the ascent. Soon a shower of the Mavalis' arrows was
directed towards the spot whence the out-cry proceeded. By this time the sentinels had kindled their
torches, and a blaze of light discovered the plight of the garrison and the cool intrepidity of their
assailants. A desperate conflict then ensued, reducing itself to a series of hand-to-hand encounters.
Though surprised in the middle of their plan and out-numbered by the Rajputs, the Mavalis fought with
such terrible earnestness that the enemy had to retire on all sides. Meanwhile the leaders of the opposite

According to the powada, Tanaji did the scouting himself a: a village Patil ( headman ).

The powada says that the rope gave way after fifty Mavalie-•had climbed up the rampart.

sides, Tanaji and Uday Bhanu 1 , were engaged in deadly conflict. They were both known to fame for
their perfect mastery of the science of self-defence. They had at last discovered in each other foemen
worthy of their steel. The combat was long and arduous, a succession of thrusts and parries, and much
blood was shed on both sides. At length both heroes fell mortally wounded. When the Mavalis saw that
their leader was slain and that the tide was turning against them, then for the first time they lost heart and
began to retire. The retreat had almost turned to a rout, each making for the place where the escalade had
been made, when Suryaji, the brother of Tanaji, appeared on the rampart, bringing up the remainder of the
escalading party. On learning what had happened Suryaji rallied the fugitives, pouring scorn upon them
for flinching from "the post of duty at such a crisis. He declared escape was impossible, for he had cut
down the scaling ladder, and he asked who among them was so base, such a faint-hearted craven as to
leave his father's remains to be unceremoniously dealt with by a common 'niahar (sweeper) ? For Tanaji
was as good as a father to them. " Now is the time," he exclaimed with growing animation, " to prove
your loyalty to Shivaji, to try your mettle as heroes. Come then and attack the enemy!" With a deafening
cry of " Har ! Har ! Mahadev ! ", the Hindu war-cry invoking their principal deities, the whole party as
one man again turned round upon thair pursuers : Suryaji's words had infused new vigour, new ambition,
new life into them. They steeled themselves to the task of avenging the death of Tanaji, the idol and the
hero of every loyal Mavali, and of paying their last honours to his mortal remains. The tide turned. One
victorious charge and the fort fell before them. Three hundred hardy Mavalis laid down their lives.
Nearly five hundred valiant Rajput soldiers lay dead upon the field of battle. A few—very few—kept

1 The powada describes Uday Bhanu aa the huaband of eighteen wives and father of twelve aona. A
fearful account is given of the quantity of meat he consumed at his meals.

RENEWED CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MOGULS Sir

in hiding and surrendered. Many precipitated themselves over the rampart and were dashed to pieces.

According to the pre-arranged signal the glad tidings of victory were conveyed to Shivaji by setting on
fire a thatched house in the fort. Shivaji hailed the news with joy, but when he heard that the victory was
purchased by the death of the gallant Tanaji, his joy was turned to sorrow. " The fort is taken," he
exclaimed, " but the lion is slain ! " in allusion to the name of Sinhagad or the Lion's Den which he had
given to the fort, though according to some historians the fort had up to that time been known as-Kondana,
and received the name Sinhagad after this event. The gallantry of the faithful Mavalis received handsome
acknowledgments. Every member of the expedition received a silver armlet in token of the victory. The
officers were-amply rewarded. Suryaji's services were duly acknowledged by his being promoted to the
command of the garrison of the captured fort. 1

On the capture of Sinhagad, it took little time to reduce Purandar, About a month after the victory of
Sinhagad, Suryaji led his gallant Mavalis to Fort Purandar, which was escaladed by a night attack, the
garrison cut to pieces, and Shivaji's standard planted on the flag-staff. The Rajput garrison of Purandar
knowing but too well how ineffectual had been the resistance of their comrades at Sinhagad lost heart and
with all their preponderating numbers offered little resistance. The Mavalis carried the fort without much
loss on their side.

The next move was against Fort Mahuli the conquest of which was assigned to the minister, Moropant.
This

i One of the most interesting historical novels in the Marathi language is on the subject of the conquest of
Sinhagad. The author was the late Mr. Hari Narayan Apte popularly known as the Sir Walter Scott of
Marathi Literature. In the four pages of his description of the capture of Sinhagad ( pages 'J27-31 ) Mr.
Kincaid has crowded together the romantic and fantastic incidents celebrated in the powada but in a foot-
note at page 231 he refers to the "less romantic but more probable atory" to be found in Sabhasad'a
bakhar, which in the main is followed here.

warrior surrounded the forfc and led a sudden assault. A 'bloody battle followed, in which Moropant lost
a thousand lives and was obliged to fall back. Nothing daunted by this reverse, Moropant Peshwa
continued the siege while the garrison within the walls redoubled their effort to hold out. After some rest,
Moropant Peshwa again advanced to the assault, but again a second time was he obliged to retire. The
Peshwa's siege force still continued the blockade without the least sign of irresolution, while the
defenders relying on the expectation of a relief force from the Mogul •camp at Junnar maintained the
defensive with a dogged determination. This went on for two months, neither party giving way. At length
the defenders lost faith in the ability of the Mogul commanders to efl'ect their rescue and surrendered the
fort to the Peshwa. 1 Soon after the capture of Mahuli the fort of Karnala was captured by assault and the
whole of the district of Kalyan was recovered before the commencement of the monsoons. Other stray
forts, here and there, under the Moguls, such as Lohagad, Bohida, Shivneri, fell before Shivaji's storming
parties without much resistance.

Shivaji in person had advanced against Janjira, which was subjected to all the rigour of a land siege with
ceaseless cannonading. Even with the advent of the monsoons the siege was not relaxed, Shivaji having
resolved to carry the fort before the cessation of the rains. While Shivaji spared no exertion to press home
the blockade, he tried at the same time with gold to win over the commander of the garrison.

1 According to the Bundela Memoirs Shivaji conducted the siege of Mahuli in person. The Commander of
the forfc was a Raj pub named Manor -•das. When the provision in the fort came to an end Maoordas sent
a message to Shivaji that he and his garrison soldiers were Rajputs and would not surrender the fort till
every man had fallen on the field of war. Shivaji knew the secret passages leading to the fort and tried to
escalade it by one •of these paths. But the enemy within waa on the watch and attacked the raiders in full
force, Shivaji losing many men in the contest. He had to return, raising the siege for the time being. But
eventually he made another raid and captured the forfc. The Jedhe Chronology gives the date-August 1670
for the capture of Mahuli.

Fatteh Khan, the lord of the sea-fort, at first resented these offers, but as the blockade became more and
more stringent he was glad to entertain these conditions of surrender and accept a feudatory dependence
under Shivaji. But his three principal officers scorned any suoh proposals. Theirs was an inveterate
enmity with Shivaji. Their bigoted hatred was far too pronounced to admit of -any pourparlers with the
enemy, and if they hated the Hindus in general, they had a special racial antipathy •against the Marathas.
They made up their mind to frustrate Fatteh Khan's design, enlisted the sympathy of the Abyssinian
leaders, and with their assistance apprehended Fatteh Khan. Having thus excluded the possibility of the
proposals for surrender, they opened negotiations with the Mogul governor at Surat soliciting his
intervention and promising to transfer the fort from the suzerainty of the Bijapur sultan to that of the Mogul
emperor and to make •over to the empire the services of their magnificent navy and hold their lands as in
jahgir from the emperor. 1 These proposals were duly submitted to the emperor with the iavourable
comments of the governor of Surat and were sanctioned by Aurangzeb. One of the Abyssinian petitioners
was declared the lord of the fort and placed in •command over it, with the imperial title of Yakut Khan.

The result of the Mogul intervention was decisive. Shivaji had to break up his camp and move his forces
in pursuit of objects more easy of realization. The fulfilment of .his intention to chastise the Abyssinians
had to be indefinitely .postponed. With a view to inflict an immediate and •summary vengeance on the
imperial subhedar of Surat whose intervention bad such disastrous effects upon his

1 Khati Khan gives the names of the confederate Abysainians as

Sidi Sambal, Sidi Yakut and Sidi Khairiyat. But his account is rather

•confused, for Yakut Khan seems to have been in general the title
of the Sidi admirals under the Mogul and not of a particular Sidi chief.

4Khafi Khan in Elliot VII, 889-290).

plans against Janjira, Shivaji suddenly turned round upon that wealthy town when the rains had scarcely
subsided and fell upon it unawares with a squadron of 15,000 horse Unhappily for Shivaji sudden
sickness and death had removed the subhedar from the reach of the Maratha vengeance. But the hapless
town fell an easy prey to the victorious invaders, the more easy inasmuch as a goodly proportion of the
city guards had recently been diverted by the local governor, whether under orders of Muazzim and
Jaawant Singh out of collusion with Shivaji's plan, or merely by the blind operation of chance, there is no
means to determine. And so it came that though the governor of Guzerat had prepared a large squadron of
horse to face the anticipated invasion of Shivaji, the third of October on which Shivaji reached Surat, saw
the governor of the city in command of a defence force of barely three hundred men. For some days before
the invasion news had leaked out that Shivaji had gathered a large body of light horse at Kalyan, and the
British factors at Surat had rightly conjectured that their own town was the objective of this light armed
force. They had taken steps to remove their goods to Swally,where the new president 1 Gerald Aungier
and most of the councillors of the English company had betaken themselves. The English factory and
ware-houses in the city were left in charge of Streynsham Master, who was then on the Surat council; and
afterwards governor of the Madras factory.

Shivaji plundered the city at leisure to his heart's content. The citadel was stormed, bub an attempt to
demolish it by mining was according to the English traveller Dr. Fryer beaten off by the Moguls. The
Marathas spread themselves over the whole town except the European factories. For three days the sack
of Surat continued. (3rd to 5th October 1670). 8

1 Aungier succeeded to the governorship of the Surat factory in 1669 Sir George Ozenden, the hero of the
first sack of Surat, having died in that year.

2 Accordirg to Dr. Fryer the old mud walls of Surat had by this time been replaced by a solid rampart of
masonry. According to the-

Once again the English merchants fought on the defensive and saved their possessions from wholesale
plunder. They resisted two of the invader's attacks, but in the end consented to make a small present to
Shivaji. This the company's 'agents took to the invader's tent outside the town. Shivaji told them that he
\vi&ke<-to be on friendly terms with the English and assured them that he would do them no harm. 1 The
Dutch factory lay rather isolated from the busy part of the town. Shivaj: sent a letter assuring them that no
harm would be done tc them, if they remained quiet. 2 The French by pruden: management and the
payment of a fine saved their factory. They remained neutral permitting Shivaji's troops to paefe through
their factory to attack a Tartar prince, once Kin-. of Kashgar, who having been deposed by his son had just
returned from a pilgrimage to Mecca and was-then living at Surat under the protection of the emperor.
Shivaji obtained a quantity of gold, silver, jewels and many other valuable articles in the pillage of this
unfortunate prince's residence.

On the third day Shivaji received intelligence from Barhanpur, that a great Mogul army was coming with
all e-peed for the defence of Surat. Shivaji immediately broker up his camp and evacuated the plundered
town, having left a letter to the townsmen, demanding a tribute of twelve lakhs of rupees per annum, as the
price of their exemption from future pillage.
On receipt of the news of Shivaji's invasion of Surat, -he subhedar of Aurangabad had forthwith
despatched a force of eight to ten thousand under two commanders, Mohabat Khan and Daud Khao, to the
aid of the town.

Marathi chronicles the Mogul governor m .da » show of fight; but tte i'acbory Reports state that he fled to
the castle.

1 Vide letter of the Surat Council to the Company, of 20th November 1670, quoted in Hedge'j ->iary.

' Dutch Reports, Translations, Vol. 29, quoted by Prof. Sarkar (Shivaji, p. 222 ).

L.S.22

When Shivaji swiftly pursuing his return march along the great road of Salheri had passed Kanchan-
Manchan near Chandor (Chandwad) he was overtaken by the Mogul officers near Vani-Dindori.* 1 This
he did not mind, his object being to descend upon the Kolwan by the great pass near Xasik. But when he
perceived that a large Mogul force was likewise holding this pass, he saw the situation had^become an
embarrassing one and became anxious for the safety of his booty. He, therefore, divided his forces into
four or five parties. One of these began to skirmish with she enemy posted in the front, while two others
were ordered to manoeuvre on his flanks. Another party was entrusted with the safe convoy of the
precious spoil obtained at Surat. They had orders to elude the enemy held in play by the other divisions,
to sweep across the hostile positions beyond the mountains and to make the best of their way home into
the Konkan. As Shivaji himself accompanied this division, there was a hot pursuit by the Moguls under
Daud Khan. Shivaji wheeled round on the enemy with a column of this division and kept the Moguls
engaged, while the rest of the .party successfully cleared the defile. The skilful manreuvr-ing of the
Marathas and the simultaneous attacks delivered on different sides of the Mogul divisions led to a
concentration of the Mogul forces and a pitched battle with Shivaji. Leaving Prataprao Sirnobut to defend
the Maratha rear, ^Shivaji charged the united Mogul armies, fighting and exhorting his men in every part
of the field, conspicuous •with his burnished arms and helmet, his spirited war-horse, and the mighty
sweep of the double-edged sword he wielded in either hand. Fired with the example of their chief -he
Marathas met the Mogul charge, broke it and turned it into a rout. Such was the battle of Vani-Dindori, It
lasted above three hours. Three thousand Moguls lay dead on the field. The remnant were driven into
headlong :3ight. Instead of pressing the pursuit, Shivaji turned his attention to the Mogul encamp'ment,
which yielded an J Vide Scott's Deccan, Vol. II, p. 26 & Sabhasad, 64-66»

Abundance of spoil,—horses, elephants and war-material. When Shivaji's men heavy laden with this
booty turned Cowards the defile, they found themselves intercepted by \ brave Maratha lady, Rai Bagin,
her son Jagjivan and :heir corps of feudal retainers. This lady was the wife of a brave officer in the
Mogul service, Udaram, the deshmukh jf Alahur. In a former battle the deshmukh having fallen, fighting
with great bravery, his place was taken by his wife, who exhorted her men and led them to victory.
Admiring this marvellous presence of mind and valour iu the woman, Aurangzeb had conferred upon her
the title of Rai Bagin. in appreciation of her noble service. On this occasion, the brave lady had again
with her wonted fidelity taken up arms in behalf of her impeiial master. Bub she had taken up arms in
vain. She was encompassed on all sides by Shivaji's followers. Baffled in all attempts to escape, she had
to surrender and sue for pardon. The chivalrous victor received her with every mark of respect and had
her escorted home, laden with presents of jewelled ornaments and dresses. 1

On his return from Surat, Shivaji made preparations by land and sea. Prataprao Guzar at the head of ten
thousand horse and Moropant Peshwa in command of 20,000 foot were ordered to march northward into
Mogul territory. The people of these parts were on the whole iu fairly affluent circumstances, and the
military control being lax, great hopes were entertained of a rich and easy booty. These hopes were
abundantly fulfilled. Prataprao invaded Khandesh and Berar, a region teeming with wealth and,
^considering the conditions of the time^ also with population. The larger towns were pillaged and annual
tributes imposed upon them. Written agreements were made with the leading citizens, by which the latter
bound themselves to pay a quarter of the annual tribute due to the imperial authorities into the hands of
Shivaji or

his accredited agents. The due payment of the annual

, . .—- — .—_ .—, .4.

1 Shedgavkar p. 64 and other bakhar*.

tribute was to exempt the particular towns and villages from any molestation at the hands of Shivaji's
hosts. Shivaji on bis side was to ensure their protection from incursions by any other power. This was the
first imposition of the famous chauth on a province immediately subject to the Mogul rule. The principal
incident of this expedition was the capture and pillage of Karanjia. Prataprao made A halt of three days at
this town and plundered it at leisure. 1 The citizens were found to have buried their valuables in their
houses, and Prataprao made a strict search of the houses of the wealthy, dug up their treasures, and carried
them away as prisoners of war. A few escaped in women's clothes, Shivaji's orders on the subject being
strict, that under no circumstances and on no account should a female be molested or interfered with. In
another part of the Mogul dominions, West Khandesh and Baglan, Moropant's victorious infantry carried
town after town and fort after fort. Daud Khan, the governor, was campaigning near Ahmednagar. He
came up too late to save these places. The leading conquests were those of Aundha : Patta, Salheri,
Mulheri, Trimbak and Ramnagar. Salheri was in the end carried by Shivaji in person. He invested the fort
with a force of 20,000 horse and foot and captured it by escalade, after the Mogul governor of the fort had
fallen in battle. Many new fortresses were erected in these newly conquered parts.

The fleet set in motion comprised one hundred and sixty warships. The object of the fitting up of this
flotilla was

1 The Jedhe Chronology, page 189, says that after the battle of Vani-Dmdori, Shivaji retired to Kunjargad
and in the following month proceeded to Karanjia, capturing on the way the forta of Ahiwant, Ravla-Javla
and Markanda.

According to babhasad's chronicle the sack of Karanjia was made by Shivaji in person. Grant Duff adds
in a foot-note that the East India Company's factors at Surat were under the impression that Shivaji made
the incursion upon Karanjia in person, and that of the leading people of the place fe v escaped except such
as ran away in women's clothes. From this Grant Duff concludes that the Moguls must have known Shivaji
e regulations regarding protection to females.

RENEWED CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MOGULS S35

shat the naval forces should co-operate on the coast, when the port of Broach should be attacked, as was
projected, on the landward side. But shortly after the fleet had weighed anchor from the vicinity of
Bombay, it was recalled. On the return voyage they captured off Damaun a large Portuguese warship,
which was safely brought to Dabhol creek. It is said about the same time the Portuguese brought to the
port of Bassein about a dozen of Shivaji's warships intercepted by them. These events point to the
probability of a sea-fight between the Portuguese and Shivaji's navies between Bombay and Damaun.

It would appear very strange that while Shivaji was winning these new triumphs, the Mogul authorities
should not have moved a finger. But this inactivity of the Mogul commanders is chiefly to be ascribed to
the absence of an adequate supply of troops in the southern subha. It had become an article of faith with
the mistrustful emperor that to send additibnal forces to the distant satrapy of the south was fraught with
singular danger to the empire. Whilst the Peshwa Moropant was storming Mahuli, a considerable force
was stationed at Junnar and 5000 additional troops ]ay at Surat for the defence of the country around.
There was likewise the usual quota of troops at the Aurungabad head-quarters. But these numbers were
insignificant when compared with the numbers at Shivaji's command. At any given moment, if the Mogul
armies in the south were to combine together for any initiative, it was within Shivaji's power to put up
forty thousand men to try conclusions with them. And this without any weakening of the garrison forces
maintained at each fort and station. While the deficiency of forces crippled the Mogul offensive, the
rumours and divisions in the camp made the stagnation complete. All action was paralysed by the
common report of a secret league between Shivaji and Prince Muazzim. The friendly relations between
Shivaji and Jaswant Singh were well known. The repeated applications of the prince for reinforcement
were rejected by the suspicious emperor. It is'

not too much to believe that the main object of Prince Muazzim was to make friendships in the south BO
as to pave his way to the throne on the emperor's demise. For between a Mogul prince and the grave, the
only alternative stages were the peacock throne at Agra or the prison -walls of Gwalior fort. The growing
depredations of Shi -Taji were to him a new excuse for obtaining re-enforcement from the emperor. Lack
of troops was his stereotyped answer to the emperor's complaints about the Marathas. It was to his
personal advantage to maintain good relations with a valiant chief like Shivaji, and though he could not
altogether abstain from action, he managed to send against the Maratha generals such insufficient forces
that defeat was a foregone conclusion.

But Aurangzeb was not an emperor to be thus baffled. He recalled Jaswant Singh and appointed Mohabat
Khan in his place with powers almost independent of Prince Muazzim The latter had barely a thousand
men left under his command at Aurangabad. The rest of the Mogul force took the offensive under Mohabat
Khan. Diler Khan was sent tp co-operate with him. The subhedar of Surat was charged with neglect in the
performance of his high duties. The censure was too great for the haughty subhedar to bear and he put an
end to a life that had ceased to give pleasure to himself or tc his master by poison. The new subhedar
received orders tc build a number of warships at Surat and Bombay,the object being to co-operate
actively with the Abyssinians of Janjira "with a view to extinguish the new sea-power of Shivaji.

Immediately on his arrival in the Deccan,Mohabat Khan "began the offensive. He had recovered Aundha
and Patta, when the monsoons compelled him to suspend his operations. On the opening of the fair season,
he formed his army intc "two divisions. The one under Diler Khan advanced against Chakan, which was
immediately taken and all persons within the fort above nine years of age were put to the sword. 1 Upon
this success, he received orders to start 1 Prof, Barkar (Shivaji, p. 242, Foot-note) ia inclined to think

against Rawla-Javla, and Ahiwant. His assaults or.

9
these two forts were gallantly repulsed by the Maratba garrisons, and on the approach of a relief force of
twelve thousand sent up by Moropant, he had to break up his .camp from before these forts. He next
advanced to Kanergad 1 and captured it. A gallant attempt to recover this fort was made by Bamaji
Pangare 2 , the naik or commander of the personal retinue of the governor of the fort. With two thousand
Mavalis 3 he made a mid-night attack. Observing the small force of the assailants, Diler Khan [sallied out
with a larger body. Nothing daunted, the resolute Pangare rallied the bravest of his Mavalis to the charge,
• asking only those to follow who were prepared to lay down their lives. Seven hundred Mavalis
responded to the call. A furious charge ensued. The seven hundred fell along with their brave leader, with
wounds all over their bodies, but in their fall they carried down two thousand Pathans to bear them
company. Diler Khan was Riled with admiration at this noble exhibition of valour. The rest of the
Mavalis, seized with a passionate desire to emulate the prowess of their comrades, continued the unequal
contest, but at last broke and fled.

While Diler Khan was thus occupied, Bahadur Khan, the governor of Guzerat, was directed to take charge
of Mohabat Khan's division. He advanced and laid siege tc Salheri. This position was considered to be of
high strategic value and Shivaji determined to exhaust every mode of resistance in defending the fort. A
shortage of food supplies was reported by the garrison and Shivaji had tc exercise all his ingenuity in
making good the deficiency.

that the description in the English Factory Records that "Poona Chackne'' was captured by Diler Khan
really stands for the conquest-of Poona and not that of Chakan, judging by the language used.

1 Chitnis calls the fort by the name of Konargad.

2 Chitnis gives the officer's name as Ramaji Nalage.

3 According to some chronicles the gallant officer led one thousand men only. Prof. Sarkar ( Shivaji, page
243, foot-note) would place thi* event after the battle of Salheri.

For the siege lines lay all round Salheri and it was no easy task to convey the necessary provisions to
their proper destination. Fully resolved, however, that the garrison should not be starved into surrender,
Shivaji mustered a large ?.rmy and drew nearer to Salheri as if for battle. Diler Khan, then under the
orders of Bahadur Khan, was not slow to accept the invitation. Diverting the greater part of his army from
the siege, he came readily to give battle. But Shivaji had merely practised upon the simplicity of the
Mogul general, for no sooner were the siege lines relaxed in consequence of the lure of battle, than the
baggage and ammunition trains dashed into the fort of Salheri from the aorth. Two thousand of Shivaji's
horse sent to raid Diler Khan's camp were, however, charged by the Mogul commander and cut to pieces.
The situation had become grave. Moropant was ordered from the Konkan with his personal corps to
march against Diler Khan and Prataprao had to speed with his flying columns to relieve Salheri. Thus a
force of nearly 20,000 horse was flung against the Moguls. The Mogul commander anticipating this
movement, deputed Ikhlas Khan with a great part of his forces to oppose their approach. Prataprao saw
the advancing standards of Ikhlas Khan, ordered a halt and prepared for battle. The Moguls charged.
Prataprao remained steadily on the Defensive. The battle having lasted some time, the Maratha
o *

general sounded a retreat. The Marathas dispersing like the wind, the Moguls broke order and joined
eagerly in the pursuit. Upon this Prataprao suddenly turned round in :flight, drew up his men in order and
charged straight at the disarrayed ranks of the pursuing Moguls. Meanwhile Moropant had arrived on the
scene with the troops in his command, and uniting his arms with those of Prataprao added to the confusion
of the enemy. Ikhlas Khan re-formed his forces with the addition of a few fresh troops and renewed the
battle. But again the Moguls had to sustain a Maratha charge more fiery and spirited than before. They
wavered, broke and fled. The flight became a reck-

rout. Five thousand of their bravest were killed* among them twenty-two high-placed officers. Several of
the leading commanders were wounded and fell into the hands of the Marathas. Among these were Ikhlas
Khan himself and Mukaham Singh, the son. of Rao Amar Singh of Chandawat. They were released after
some time and returned to Ahmednagar. On Shivaji's side, the loss amounted to between ten and fifteen
hundred slain. Among others they mourned the loss of Surrao Kankde, 1 a hero of many battles, who was
killed by a chain-shot. Kankde was one of Shivaji's earliest followers and was commander of a corps of
thousand Mavalis. He first earned his laurels at the capture of a Javli and afterwards distinguished
himself in the escalade of Rohida fort. Shivaji received the news of his death with great sorrow,
exclaiming that in his death he had lost an old, valiant and devoted officer. The total defeat of Ikhlas Khan
and the loss of such a numerous army took the edge from Mohabat Khan's offensive. He had no heart to
persevere in the campaign with the remnant of his army. Bahadur Khan raised the siege of Salheri and
retreated straight to Aurangabad. The Marathas hung on his rear almost to the gates of that town.

This was the battle of Salheri, 1672. The Maratha victory was as complete as it could be. The spoils of
victory were great and various. The booty comprised 125 elephants, 700 camels, 6000 horses,
innumerable draught animals, and an enormous quantity of treasure, jewellery and war material. Dresses
and presents of jewellery were conferred upon Anandrao Bhonsle, Venkoji Datto, Rupaji Bhonsle,
Khandoji Jagtap, Mansing More, Visaji Ballal, Moro Rangnath, Mukund Ballal and other distinguished
officers, for the great daring and courage they had displayed in this battle. The Mogul officers and
commanders wounded and taken prisoners were sent to Raigad with the respect due to their position, and
when their wounds were healed they

1 Sabhasad gives a variation of the name as Suryarao. The Shed-«r»vk»r bakhar calls him Surerao.

were courteously given leave to depart with the customary presents. Such of the prisoners as chose to
throw in their lot with Shivaji were gladly entertained in the Maratha service. 1

This was the most considerable victory hitherto gained by Shivaji over the Moguls. It exceeded every
other success that had previously crowned Shivaji's arms. It enhanced his prestige at every court. It made
a revelation of Maratha chivalry and generalship such as had never been witnessed in the past. The Mogul
armies were eloquent in their testimony to the fighting spirit of their opponents. The dread of Shivaji's
name pervaded every camp in SoutL India. Maratha sepoys deserted in shoals the Mogul and Adil Shahi
governments and came flocking to Shivaji's standards. Shivaji captured the opposite fort of Mulheri and
dominated the entire Baglan region. This was a permanent menace to Surat.

Fresh from the scene of this victory Moropant was ordered to march towards Surat with ten thousand
horse. As already related Aurangzeb having enrolled the Abyssinians under the protection of the empire
had given orders for the construction of a fleet at Surat with a view to making descents upon the Konkan
regions under Shivaji and destroying his sea-power. The imperial fleet at Surat was now believed to have
well approached towards completion and Moropant's instructions were to destroy the incipient naval
force before it could effect a junction with the chief of Janjira. But in this design Moropant was

1 In view of the fact that the charge of cruelty is often thoughtlessly made against Shivaji by his traducers,
it is but fair to his memory to state that these observations about his good treatment of prisoners of •war
are made by no less a historian than Grant Duff himself. Indeed the ethics of war practised by Shivaji in
the treatment of the fallen foe and prisoners, of women and children and persons of the priestly class,
what' ever their religion, and of mosques and other places of worship would pot to blush the many
examples of military and political outrage and acts of ruthless vandalism which have been recently
perpetrated upon the war fields in the west.

completely foiled, for the fleet had already wet sail for Janjira before Moropant's arrival. He now
threatened the approaches of Surat, cut off all supplies and trade communications and demanded a heavy
tribute. The governor of the city pretended to agree to this condition and extorted huge sums of money
from the leading citizens, a part of which he paid over to Moropant as tribute and put all the rest into his
own private coffers. 1

Shivaji now resolved upon reducing the territory surrounding Surat so as to bring it under his own
dominion that he might be in a position to command the approaches to that town and place it entirely under
his control. With this view he invaded the territories of two petty princes reigning at Jawhar and
Ramnagar in the northern Konkan. On the last two occasions when Shivaji invaded Surat he had marched
through their territories having purposely taken this circuitous mountain route to evade the attention of the
Mogul commanders and divert them from his real objective, which was the wealthy town of Surat. The
services of these Rajas in their dominions were handsomely acknowledged on the return of the victorious
armies. The state of Jawhar had, during the late struggle, sometimes been on the side of the Moguls,
sometimes of Shivaji. Moropant entered Jawhar at the head of a large force and captured it. He then
advanced to Ramnagar. When welcomed to the fort of Ramnagar by the local prince, Shivaji declared that
the fort must now remain permanently with himself, for this stronghold was the key to unlock the banking
house oi Surat and it was fair to keep the keys of his safe with himself. 2

The Raja had no alternative but to acquiesce in this demand. The territory of this prince comprised a few

1 According to Prof. Sarkar, the governor pocketed all the money subscribed by the citizens for a defence
force and attempted to extort farther sums for a ransom, which the citizens refused to pay.

2 The Jedhe Chronology ( p. 190 ) states that the Raja of Ramnagar fled to Damaun. The Raja Vikram
Singh of Jawhar fled to join the Mogub-»t Nasik, which place was attacked by Moropant Peshwa six
years later,

,332 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

mountain forts, the outlying territory on the sea-coast, forming the district of Damaun,being under the
Portuguese. The latter were accustomed to pay an annual tribute to the Raja, to secure their immunity from
his incursions. Shivaji having occupied these mountain forts turned upon the Portuguese power at
Damaun. The Portuguese were seized with panic. The fortress ramparts had just been completed, but the
cannon had yet to be mounted. With difficulty the garrison erected a few guns on the bastions and sent an
officer to inquire what errand Shivaji's men had come upon. They made answer, as they had been
previously tutored, that they had come to enforce and confirm the annual tribute to the lord of Ramnagar.
The Portuguese willingly consented, glad that the storm had passed without further damage.

At Aurangabad there was a fresh transfer of command, incensed with the defeat of Mohabat Khan and the
impairment of the Mogul forces, the emperor recalled both Mohabat Khan and Prince Muazzim and
appointed Khan Jehan Bahadur (Bahadur Khan) subhedar of Guzerat to take charge of the Deccan subha
with an army of 70,000 strong and to operate against Shivaji. When this governor came upon the scene of
his activities he realized that the force at his disposal was inadequate for a direct offensive against the
Marathas and determined to have recourse to Fabian tactics, warding off the Maratha incursions and
protecting the peaceful inhabitants of the Mogul dominions from these repeated attacks. This resolution
made, he planted batteries upon the mountain defiles and secured the ghat passages through which the
Maratha armies used to pour down on the fruitful plains below. The policy was not approved of by Diler
Khan, elated as he was with his cheap victory at Chakan and being on that account in the good graces of
the emperor. He was eager for an aggressive campaign. He advised Khan Jehan that there was no
advantage in station—

1678, when Vikram Shaba was defeated and killed. ( Jedhe Chronology pp. 190-194 ).

ing his men at the ghats, but that the squadrons must be hurled against Shivaji's force, one after another.
But this argument had no effect upon the new viceroy and he persisted' in his own method of warfare. The
result was that the extensive invasions upon Khandesh and other northern parts were indeed stopped, but
the Maratha armies divided into small parties kept hovering about the territories of Ahmednagar and
Aurangabad being prepared to strike a blow as occasion served. The governor went after them in various
directions but with little success and at last encamped for the rainy season at Fedgaum on the Bhirna.
where he erected a mud-fort for the defence of his camp and gave it the name of Bahadur-gad. 1

While the Khan was thus passing the time in a state of inaction, Shivaji undertook a campaign further a-
field. His envoy at the court of Golconda informed him of a plan adopted hy that durbar to embark on war
operations c.. a considerable scale against the French who had recently created trouble within the Kutub
Shahi frontiers. 2 True LO his usual plans in such operations, Shivaji observed ^reat secrecy as to his
objective, when starting upon this new campaign from Raigad with ten thousand horse. For aught that his
followers knew, Shivaji might have meant to swoop down upon Aurangabad, or Ahmednagar Dr Bijapur.
With extraordinary celerity and advancing by forced marches, Shivaji made a sudden diversion into th d
Golconda territory and presented himself all at once before the gates of Hyderabad (Bhaganagar). The
city was seized with panic. Shivaji threatened to use fire and sword unless

1 Vide Prof. Sarkar ( Shivaji pp. 248-54 ) for a detailed account; D£ these minor operations. A Maratha
light horse column 750 strong charged an imperial force of 10,000 -it Bakapur on the barriers of Berar
and was repelled by the gallant Bunclela general Subhakarn. Dr. Fryer ( I, 329-340) describes an
unsuccessful attempt on the side of Shivaji to capture Shivneri. Apparently this fort ( Jedhe p. 189 ) was
besieged, perhaps captured, by Shivaji in 1670, and subsequently lost.

J M. De La Haye, the French governor, seized St. 1 home and drove out the Golconda garrison. Upon this
the Kutub Shahi sultan prepared his army and sent it forth to recover St. Thome.

the officers and leading citizens paid a tribute of twenty lakhs D£ pagodas. They submitted to these terms,
levied what sums :hey could upon the citizens and delivered their town from the horrors of an invasion.
Content with what he received, Shivaji withdrew from the town, without further molestation to any of the
Kutub Shahi possessions, and with the same rapidity as before brought home his victorious squadrons to
Raigad. 1

While Shivaji was intent upon this expedition, the united navies of the Moguls and the Abyssinians had
made a descent upon the Konkan coast, with much destruction to the towns and villages. The Maratha
batteries at Danda-Rajpuri were stormed and destroyed, and the officer in -charge, Ragho Ballal Atre,
though he resisted bravely, was defeated and slain. 2

The Abyssinian attack was made during the Holi •carnival and the garrison soldiers were caught napping.
Sidi Khairiyat made a demonstration on the landward side and while the Maratha soldiers rushed in full
force in that direction the sea-ramparts of the stronghold were carried by Yakut Khan, with a fleet of forty
warships. There was great slaughter. The powder magazine caught fire and blew up with a number of
men, including a dozen or so of the Abyssinians. It is said that when the magazine blew up, Shivaji, who
was forty miles away, started from sleep, and said some misfortune must have occurred to Danda-Rajpuri.
He sent his men forthwith to ascertain what had happened. In the neighbourhood of this sea-port were six
or seven forts belonging to Shivaji. Yakut attacked them and six of them surrendered after two or three
days' resistance. But the quilledar of one fort held out for a week in the hope of relief from Shivaji. He
was at last obliged to surrender. Sidi Yakut granted quarter to the garrison and seven hundred of them
came out. With true Abyssi—

i -The entry at page 190 in Jedhe's Chronology baa reference to this -event.

a FWe Khafi Khan, (Elliot. VII, 290-92 )

•aian treachery, he violated his promise, made the children and handsome women slaves and forcibly
converted them to Islam. The old and ugly women he set free, but the men he put to the sword. In this way
he fulfilled his promise to the garrison to let them go without injury. He boasted the of exploit and wrote
about it in a grandiloquent vein to the Mogul commanders. The latter made themselves parties to his
perfidy and atrocities by increasing his mansab and sending him presents of robes of honour. "On
Shivaji's return from Golconda he was able to take ample vengeance. 1

The Mogul and Abyssinian admirals about this time arranged to get into Bombay harbour and make a
descent upon Coorla, then under Shivaji, and applied to the British governor of Bombay, Mr. Aungier, for
permission to disembark their troops at Bombay. This permission was not granted. Nevertheless they
made their entry into Bombay harbour by force after devastating some of Shivaji's villages and made
overtures to the Bombay government for joint action against the Maratha king. Shivaji's representative at
Bombay having got wind of these proceedings threatened the British authorities with an invasion of the
island town by the Marathas the moment they threw in their lot with the Abyssinians. In the face of these
threats Aungier considered it a wise policy to maintain strict neutrality and sent the Abyssinians about
their business.

There was war at this time between England and

"Holland (1672). A Dutch fleet of twenty-two warships under

•Commodore Reickloff Van Goen had just arrived, sailing up

the Malabar coast, with a view to attack and capture Bombay.

The Commodore applied to Shivaji for aid against the

Bombay government with a land force of three thousand

promising in return to co-operate with him with his sea—

1 Vide Khafi Khan ( Elliot VII p. 292 ). The narrative of the ereno is taken from Khafi Khan. Sorely after
this admission of a Mogul manaab-dar's perfidy and inhuman atrocities by a Mogul historian, the charges
of iperfidy and cruelty against Shivaji cannot be easily sustained.

forces against Janjira. The Dutch admiral waited for a reply, but Shivaji was engaged in a wider project
of hig own and had no leisure to attend to these proposals. The Dutch fleet is said to have returned, not
finding it easy t commence their operations without that active co-operation which they had so confidently
counted upon.

CHAPTER XXII BIJAPUR WARS RENEWED, 1673-74

As related in a former chapter the wars with Bijapur had been concluded by a secret treaty between
Shivaji and the chief minister of the Adil Shahi state, by which the latter had bound -themselves to pay to
Shivaji an annual tribute of three lakhs of rupees. From the conclusion of that treaty up to the date of the
operations described in the last chapter the Bijapur government had faithfully paid the tribute as it became
due from year to year. But Alii Adil Shaha II in whose reign this treaty was concluded having died in
1673, the sceptre had come into the weak grasp of a minor prince, five years of age, and the actual
powers of government were exercised by the regent Khawas Khan. The latter was indifferent to the treaty
obligations incurred by his predecessor, Abdul Mahomed. Khawas Khan gave himself the most arrogant
airs. The, other nobles of the court were gradually estranged from him and the durbar was split into
factions. Each leading chief had his Brahman secretaries, and through them Shivaji was kept informed
about the latest changes occurring in the state. It did not escape his watchful eye that the. dissensions and
distractions now reigning at Bijapur "gave an excellent opportunity for beginning a new campaign. A great
army was assembled at Vishalgad. The Adil Shahi commander, Abdul Karim Bahlol Khan, on the other
hand, enlisted the support of the Moguls and prepared for war.

Of the entire Maratha force, fifteen thousand were told off for the re-capture of Panhala. The siege had
just commenced, when Abdul Karim came down with a large army upon the besiegers. The battle was
hotly disputed but in the end victory rested with the Khan, who proceeded to refresh his exhausted army
by cantoning it for a short time at Tikota. But Shivaji was immediately on the scene with his relief forces.
The Marathas once more charged

L. S. 23.

S?8 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

the enemy and turned the Khan's victory into a complete rout. 1

Fresh from this triumph, Shivaji pressed forward to attack Hubli. This town was a flourishing centre of
commerce and its marts were a meeting-ground for merchants of diverse nations. Shivaji was able to
pillage it at leisure, without let or hindrance, and is said to have obtained a larger booty here than in any
other town. Among others the English factory at Hubli came in for a share of his attention. According to
their records they lost seven to eight thousand pagodas. Mr. Aungier, the governor of Bombay, who, as we
have seen, maintained friendly relations with Shivaji and avoided to the best of his power giving any
offence to the Maratha ruler, made at the next favourable opportunity a demand for indemnification as
regards these losses.' In reply Shivaji made answer that the English merchants at Hubli had not been
molested by his people, nor had they suffered such losses as were complained of. In support of his
contention Shivaji called for the inventories of the booty obtained as compiled by his commanders, and he
proved by reference to these that only two hundred pagodas' worth had been taken from the English
factory, fie undertook to reimburse the company to this extent as also for the losses they had suffered at the
sack of Rajapur. While giving these undertakings Shivaji also urged upon the company to re-establish
their factory at Rajapur. This request was subsequently complied with, but when Shivaji demanded naval
guns for the purposes of his fleet, Aungier declined to comply with Shivaji's wishes, having no desire to
provoke the enmity of the Moguls and the Abyssinians. Jn maintaining these friendly relations with the
English and promising them compensation for their losses, Shivaji

1 In Modak's chronicle of the Adilabshi state, it is stated that) Shivaji executed those of his men who had
fled from the field of battle. The Jedhe Chronology (page 190 )says that Panhala was won by Annaji Datto
by tampering with the loyalty of the garrison in March 167*.

2 Prof. Sarkar quotes Factory Reports, Surat, Vol. 87, and refers to Original Correspondence, 3779 and
3800.

was guided by a deeper purpose : he was eager to enlist :he naval help of the Company in his conflict
with the Mogul and Abyssinian fleets. Shivaji did not make any mystery about his motives but frankly
proposed to Aungier a concerted attack upon Janjira. If this were undertaken he offered to make up
immediately all the losses that had been sustained by them in his expeditions. But Aungier was too wary
to swallow the bait. The Moguls and the Abyssinians were allies. Surat was under the Moguls, and Surat
was the largest entrepot of the East India Company's trade in India. It was certainly not to the interest of
the company to court open enmity with the Mogul power and an offensive alliance between ihe English
and Shivaji would be a sufficient ground for the expulsion of the British merchants from Surat. Aungier
had likewise similar invitations from the Abyssinians against Shivaji himself and had to decline them also
on similar grounds. For Bombay was almost entirely surrounded by Shivaji's dominions and it would
have been perilous in the extreme to court hostilities with such a neighbour. It was for this reason that
Aungier adhered to his policy of strict neutrality. With both parties he behaved with equal friendship and
equal indifference. Again and again did the Abysssinians apply to the Bombay government to permit their
fleets to enter Bombay and make it the base of their operations. But he sternly set his face against such
proposals, allowing neither party the advantage of making use of Bombay harbour for naval purposes. He
had however permitted four Mogul warships to sail into the harbour, but on the condition that they must
not on any account attempt to disembark. For this impartial neutrality Aungier was in the long run highly
respected by both parties. 1

Shivaji's high ambition was to bring the western coast under his undisputed authority, and it was in
furtherance

1 Factory Records, Surat 87, Original Correspondence, Nos. S952 ami 3870 (Quoted by Prof. Sarkar in
bis Shiraji, pages 347, 445 & 447 j.

of this object that his fleets scoured the seas and made new descents upon Karwar, Ankola and other
towns. The deshmukhs in the interior were instigated to rebel against the Bijapur commanders, who in
many parts were obliged to desert their stations and save themselves by an immediate flight.

To concentrate his efforts on the Bijapur conquests and carry them through to a decisive issue, it was
imperative that he should be on peaceful terms with the Great Mogul. With this view Shivaji made
conciliatory overtures to Khan Jehan, on the old plan of beseeching the emperor's favour and forgiveness
and requesting that the rights of deshmukh all over the south should be conferred upon him and the
imperial patronage extended to hies enterprise. Shivaji also claimed the mansab promised to his son
Sambhaji, and undertook, on the fulfilment of these conditions, to serve the imperial interests truly and
loyally at all times. These petitions were forwarded by the Khan to the emperor with a request for
favourable consideration. The true inwardness of these negotiations was that Khan Jehan having failed in
his design had perforce come to a private understanding with Shivaji. He had learned by experience the
arduousness of the struggle and the impossibility of forcing the Maratha chief to surrender his conquests.
The Mogul armies had greatly suffered in strength and numbers and there was no prospect of fresh
contingents being sent by the emperor. In these circumstances the only alternative open to him was to
humour Shivaji and ward off his furious onslaughts from his province. Later when Shivaji had launched
upon this new war with Bijapur, he maintained a mysterious silence; and it would seem he himself made a
suggestion for Shivaji's present approaches to the emperor to obviate personal risks. For the present,
therefore, the war had turned its course entirely against Bijapur. Perfect peace reigned all over the south
as between tho Moguls and the Marathas.

About this time, Mian Saheb, the fouzdar (military governor) of Karwar, declared an open rebellion
against

Bijapur. Those of his Mahomedan subordinates who refused 10 be accessories to his plot were forthwith
apprehended. The deshmukhs who still held out for their Bijapur sovereign found themselves hard
pressed on all sides. The rebel chief becamo a source of general annoyance to the Portuguese subjects of
Goa and to their possessions. He made demands for a supply of guns and ammunition from the English
factory at Karwar. On their refusal to grant his request he pillaged the English factory. When the news of
these events reached Bijapur, an army of eight thousand was sent down to chastise the recalcitrant
fouzdar. Apprised of these proceedings Shivaji resolved to deal a blow while the Adil Shahi state was
agitated by these internal convulsions.

The fort of Parali 1 , which was then under the government of Bijapur, was suddenly surprised and
captured by the Mavalis. The fate of Parali put the garrison of the neighbouring fort of Satara on the alert
and the attempt to surprise it failed. Shivaji was obliged to have recourse to a regular siege. Well
provisioned with food and ammunition supplies as it was, the fort held out strenuously for four or five
months. But at length it had to surrender and a good deal of booty fell into Shivaji's hands, which wasr
duly transferred to Raigad. Then fell in quick succession into Shivaji's hands the forts of Chandan-
Wandan, Panda va-gad, Nandgiri, Tattora and others. The towns of Wai, Karhad, Shirol and Kolhapur
were his next captures, bringing Shivaji's possessions upto Hookeri Raibag. About October, Shivaji was
reported to be engaged in raising an army of twenty thousand. The Moguls, in doubt as to ita destination,
feared Shivaji might contemplate a fresh invasion of Surat and arranged to strengthen its defences. The
Bijapur government, on the other hand, feared that Shivaji intended to make common cause with their
rebel fouzdar at Karwar. The fears of both the parties proved false. A large Maratha army of twenty-five
thousand descended the

* Jedhe Chronology, p. 190.

ghats by various defiles, and having plundered Bankapur presented themselves suddenly before the walls
of Phonda which they proceeded to invest. The Bijapur army sent down against the rebels at Karwar was
seized with sudden dismay when Shivaji's host presented itself in such close proximity to them. The
soldiers lost heart, left Karwar to its fate and retreated up the mountains.

When the affairs of Bijapur were reduced to this state of hopeless confusion and the Maratha hosts were
spreading devastation far and wide, the regent Khawas Khan was at last moved to send a large army
under Abdul Karim 1 against Shivaji. Abdul Karim marched with a large force straight upon Fanhala and
laid siege to that fort. Prataprao Guzar received orders to advance against him. This general proposed to
raise the siege of Panhala by a strategic movement without appearing directly with a force of deliverance
before the beleaguered fort or engaging the besiegers under its walls. With this plan in view he moved his
force straight upon Bijapur and advanced, pillaging and destroying, to the gates of Bijapur itself. With
Guzar at the city-walls Khawas Khan was thrown into great consternation. There was no army in the city
to meet the invader. It was necessary to recall Abdul Karim from Panhala and raise the siege of that fort.
Abdul Karim returned but was intercepted by Prataprac at Umrani on the way between Miraj and Bijapur.
The Mahomedan forces were threatened on all sides and subjected to all the rigours of a blockade,
foraging and provisioning parties being cut off. No one could leave or straggle away from the Mahomedan
camp, without instant fear of being captured and put to the sword, There was at the same time a constant
skirmishing in front. The Khan was now in great extremity and, acknowledging his defeat, applied for an
armistice. Prataprao permitted him to make hie way unmolested to Bijapur. The terms of this truce are

1 The Marathi chronicles call this officer sometimes by the name Bahlol Khan or Ballal Khan, which is
properly the name of his father, an Afghan follower of Khan Jahan Lodi. He subsequently arrested
Khawaa Khan and made himself prime minister at Bijapur.

not known. Shivaji at any rate was greatly displeased at this act of Prataprao and wrote to him severely
censuring his conduct, at which he felt so mortified that out of sheer discontent he led his victorious
troops to a most remote and isolated scene of operations, an unnecessary excursion to the Pain Ghat in the
Berars. This unprofitable expedition was doubly disadvantageous at that particular time. For Shivaji
having put forth all his strength in the siege of Phonda, it was essential to have a reserve force in hand
nearer home as a check upon Bijapur., and he had expected Prataprao to fulfil this necessary function. He
had, therefore, grave reasons to regret these errant and maladroit ways of Prataprao.

While Prataprao was thus giving vent to his feelings of discontent and leading his squadrons miles away
from the actual scene of the Deccan war, Abdul Karim put together his scattered forces and again
advanced towards Panhala. Shivaji was duly informed of the revived offensive of the Bijapur authorities
but was hampered by the absence of a suitable general or army to take the field. As to himself he had
staked all his resources upon the conquest of Phonda, an enemy town between his dominions old and new,
the fall of which would make his Swarajya realms one connected, inter-linked chain, north and south.
Abdul Karim was already operating against Panhala, backed by a numerous army, when Prataprao getting
intelligence of this new move hastened into the Deccan plains and was drawing up his cavalry for a
charge, when a despatch from Shivaji was placed in his hands, couched in severest terms of censure.
Shivaji complained of his disobedience to orders. "The very person," wrote Shivaji, " whom you have
allowed to escape scot-free from the most hopeless of predicaments has turned round upon us and is now
devastating our lands. On what ground could you put faith in such a man ? Had he been crushed on the
spot, there could have been no etorm of his raising." The letter held Prataprao answer-
'344 LIFE OF SHIVAJ1 MAHARAJ

able for all this, and concluded with these peremptory words: "Never come into my presence until you
have extinguished the army of Bijapur ! " The high-souled commander was stung to the quick and
determined at once to attack the enemy. With the most fearful odds against him he charged the serried
ranks of the enemy, paying no heed to the risk he incurred. He discarded his usual methods of attack,—to
skirmish and tempt, advance and retire, draw the enemy into a pursuit and turn round and overthrow the
pursuers. These tactices which had usually stood him in such good stead he now despised in his sullen
rage and thought to redeem his laurels by an impetuous onset upon the enemy. Heavy was the price he paid
for this impulsive act 1 The Marathas broke and were cut to pieces. Prataprao himself was slain in the
general rnele'e. The death of their leader paralysed the Marathas, and the flight became a rout. Abdul
Karim pressed the pursuit with great slaughter, until the remnant of the fugitive army found shelter behind
the ramparts of Panhala, the garrison of which opened an effective fire and kept back the pursuers. But the
unforeseen was yet to happen. Hansaji Mohite, a commander of five thousand had somehow been left
behind with his division. On his coming up and learning the fate of those whom Prataprao had led to the
charge, he pushed forward and finding the enemy dispersed carelessly in all the excitement of a reckless
pursuit about the approaches of Panhala, he fell unexpectedly upon them at Jessary and changed the whole
aspect of the battle. For defeat was turned into victory and the erewhile fugitives became themselves the
pursuers. Thousands of Mahomedans were overtaken and slain. 1 Such was the battle of Jessary (1674).
With a heavy heart Abdul Karim turned his

1 Vide Sabhasad 78, 79. The Basatin-i-Salatin is silent about Jessary, but gives a long account of the
battle of Umrani. Jedhe chronology ( p. Ifcl ) says Guzar fell at Nivte. We have followed Sabhasad'a
version of the event. Prof. Sarkar following the account of Na-ayan Shenvi, British interpreter at Baigad
at Shivaji's coronation shortly afterwards, states that Prataprao Guzar with only six Maratha horsemen
rushed

foot-steps towards Bijapur, which he reached not without many impediments to his retreat.

Shivaji was highly gratified with the marvellous bravery of the man who in the hour of darkest disaster
had so triumphantly turned the scales against the enemy. He extolled the conduct of Hansaji Mohite,
appointed him to the cheif command or sir-nobut, and gave him the title of Hambirrao, by which he is
generally known. Two Illustrious warriors, whose names were destined to become immortal in the history
of Maharashtra, won their spurs in this battle under Hansaji's command. Right valiantly had they fought
and done deeds of which tales might be told. The heroes whose sterling worth was first seen and admired
in this battle were Santaji Ghorpade and Dhanaji Jadhav. They were introduced to Shivaji, who
complimented them on their noble prowess and promoted them to higher command. No one mourned the
death of Prataprao more than Shivaji himself, as he saw that his stinging words had so much to do with
that mental anguish and excitement which had moved him to head a reckless charge and court a hero's
death in battle. Shivaji felt he had lost in him one of his bravest and most devoted generals, and had now
the melancholy consolation of testifying to his gallant services by making handsome provision for his
relations and dependents and marrying his daughter to his second son, Eajaram.
Meanwhile the town of Phonda was undergoing a siege. The town had already been invested for a long
time and had so far baffled all attacks. Shivaji was now convinced

upon Bahlol Khan in a narrow passage between two hills and the gallant seven were cut down by the
swarming hosts of Bijapur, and that the general who rallied the Marathas and led them to a second attack
was not Hansaji Mohite but Anandrao, upon whom, according to this version the title of Hambirrao was
conferred. This view is apparently supported by two entries in the Jedhe Chronology, dated February and
March 1674, page 191. Narayan Shenvi's letter is dated 4th April 1674 ( Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 88
). But in a subsequent entry immediately afterwards, the Jedhe Chronology speaks of Hambirrao Mohite
as the sir-nobut, appointed as such about April 1674.

that there was little wisdom in keeping engaged such a large army for the capture of such an insignificant
town and decided to raise the siege, but while doing so, he made a treaty with the subhedar of the fort to
the effect that he should not interfere with a force Shivaji intended to station in its neighbourhood to arrest
the free movement of the Bijapur army into the ghats below. As long as they would abide by this condition
Shivaji undertook not to molest the fort or the territory within its range. It is said that for the purpose of
this siege Shivaji had purchased from the French at Surat a supply of ammunition and eighty cannons and
that this war material was brought to Rajapur. 1 During this campaign Shivaji conquered and brought
under his absolute sway the entire sea-coast from Rajapur to Bardesh, and, having arranged for the
military occupation of these new conquests, he returned to Raigad. The whole of Shivaji's cavalry
cantoned this season at Chiplun owing to a shortage of water and fodder above the ghats occasioned by a
scanty rain-fall.

While Shivaji's armies were occupied with the protracted siege of Phonda, the united Abyssinian and
Mogul fleets made fresh descents upon Shivaji's Konkan dominions. Many naval encounters took place
between Shivaji's fleet and the Abyssinian sea-forces but with little success on Shivaji's side. Many of his
war-ships were captured and borne off by the invaders. There were repeated irruptions of the
Mahomedan fleets upon the territory of Coorla, and in spite of the protests made by the governor Aungier,
these fleets constantly sailed into Bombay harbour and made it the base of their operations against
Salsette. They abstained from no species of violence against the inhabitants, plundering, massacring and
kidnapping men, women and children to be sold into slavery. Aungier continued vainly to represent to
them, that by these rapacious acts, they would bring down upon him and the island of Bombay

1 The ammunition was purchased from the French East India Company founded by Colbert.

BIJAPUR WARS RENEWED S4T

the vengeful bands of Shivaji. At length an army of three thousand came down from Raigad and, engaging
the Abyssinans in a decisive contest, put them to rout. When they were thus beaten and a good many of
them put to the aword, they finally weighed anchor and quitted the harbour of Bombay, fearing lest the
victorious Marathas might enter the harbour and make a holocaust o£ their fleets.

CHAPTER XXIII THE CROWNING OF SHIVAJI, 1674

THE victory of Hambirrao over Abdul Karim had cost many lives to the Bijapur army which remained
appreciably crippled for some time. Neither was it possible to muster a new army against Shivaji, nor did
a capable general offer himself for a renewal of the contest. For a long time to come, Khawas Khan
thought it was imperative to let Shivaji alone. Nor was there any likelihood of trouble brewing from
Auraugabad. The subhedar there had, as we have seen, an amicable understanding with Shivaji and was
not over-anxious to risk his troops beyond his frontiers. He considered it a great matter for congratulation
that the periodic incursions of the Marathas were stopped and was anxious to keep good relations with
Shivaji. Aurangzeb was involved in complications in the north. He no longer considered Shivaji the
insignificant enemy he once had been inclined to believe him to be. A personal defeat at the hands of one
whom he had affected to despise would be not merely a disgrace but a danger to the empire. He
remembered too the treachery he had often practised upon Shivaji and feared the Maratha chief might seek
to avenge himself upon him. He had also heard of the valour and bravery of the generals under Shivaji and
could not help contrasting with them the knights of the sorrowful countenance whom he was able to send
upon the Deccan campaigns. Could he count on the co-operation of Golconda and Bijapur against this
incipient power ? He who had done his best to subvert them from their foundations ? Verily, the Southern
Mahomedan feared the Mogul more than the Maratha. Nay, the emperor was rather glad at the rise of the
new power, so far as it had weakened the powers of Islam in the Deccan. For he was biding his time to
sweep down upon the Deccan with the avalanche of a Mogul army and overwhelm the Deccan sultanates,
and after them the Maratha Power,—so he proposed to himself. No need then to quicken the movements

of his tardy generals or send them the re-inforcements they kept crying for. There was indeed Shivaji's
application for a treaty as mentioned in the last chapter. Th*e shrewd monarch was not to be over-reached
in this manner and saw plainly enough that it was only a make-shift alliance that Shivaji wanted. Such
being the attitude of Aurangzeb, Shivaji saw that for the present there was no fear from this quarter. The
only other power to consider was the state of Golconda. The prospect of any storm blowing from this
state had not yet arisen. As things went for the present there were good relations indeed. The annual
tribute with clock-work regularity, and the chief minister was most favourably disposed towards Shivaji.

thus no need to dread the Islamic powers, Shivaji {'thought it a favourable opportunity to assume the
insignia of royalty and be duly crowned king of his people. From the deatfi-.jof Shahaji, Shivaji had
already borne the title of Raja antf.- had struck his own coins. But it was felt desirable to consecrate his
authority by the solemn sanction of the Hindu reiYgiifla,, by goiryr Jtlwirgil the elaborate ritual
prescribed by Hindu usage for a consecrated monarchy. Unless he was invested with the visible symbols
of regal pomp and power, the throne, the canopy and the umbrella of state, there would always be an
appreciable deficiency or inferiority in the homage of his people and the respect of his enemies, in the
opinion of princes and states, and the few agents and factors of foreign powers then established in India.
Without such a religious confirmation of his power, both Indian princes and foreigners might continue to
reckon him as an exalted polygar and confound his systematic war programme with the random
depredations of a free-booting chief. These thoughts were now passing through his mind. It was necessary
to rally the Maratha nobles still serving the Mahomedan monarchies in the south or carrying on
independent wars and marauding •excursions on their own account. It was necessary to teach them that the
new power that had sprung up in their

midst was based on broader and deeper foundations and was not an isolated effort for dynastic
aggrandisement. It was necessary to unfurl the standard of Maratha unity, freedom and self-government,
rally their wavering spirits, and unite their wayward forces under the segis of a Maharashtra monarchy.
To this end he had laboured for thirty years. The standard, to which all Marathas were to rally as an
undoubted national cause, was by the nature of things required to be the standard of an independent
sovereignty.
It is rather a matter for astonishment that this stf^p should have been postponed to so late a period of /his
triumphant career. But in the first place as long as Sbi&haji lived—and he died only in 1664—Shivaji
would n"Jt have cared to have his name emblazoned with royal porrjp, while his father was content to
shine by the reflated glory of Bijapur. Had Shahaji elected to remair/in Maharashtra when he paid his last
visit to the lan<V of his fathers, it is possible that Shivaji, as was trV'be expected of his filial devdcioii
inA. his HteJiC't adherence to religious ideals and precedents, might have invested him with the
sovereign power and conducted the administration in his name. The ten years that had elapsed since the
death of Shahaji had been a period of stress and excitement, chequered with Mogul and Mahomedan wars,
when the best of his time and resources were taken up with the fortification and entrenchment of his
strongholds, the maintenance of his fleet and armies and the consolidation of his possessions. The bustle
and excitement of war allowed no time for thoughts of coronation, pageantry and ceremonial. Now that
peace reigned undisturbed over his varied realms, the thought of the assumption of the ensigns of
sovereignty again recurred to his mind.

An incident occurred at his court which led Shivaji to hasten this event. There was a dinner at his palace
to which invitations were issued to the leading Maratha nobility. Due arrangements were made in the
banquet-hall

where the guests were to be entertained. A cushioned seat or chaurang was in the centre, higher than the
rest. This seat was intended for Shivaji, and to the left and right the guests were to seat themselves at
dinner. Among the assembled guests were included the ancient Maratha nobility, the Mohites, the
Mahadiks, the Shirkes, the Nimbalkars, the Ghatges, the Jadhavs and scions of other families. On noticing
the elevated seat unoccupied, evidently reserved for Shivaji, they were chagrined in the highest degree
and their vexation was so great that they began without respect for place or person to criticise the
arrangement: " And is Shivaji now become such a great personage in the land, and have we become mere
cyphers ? We the representatives of illustrious ancient families, entitled to the princely honour of the
morchel ? x The honours and dignities we have enjoyed Shivaji's father never earned for himself. It is an
insult to us to be seated on a lower level than Shivaji. Far better for us to leave the hall than submit to
such an indignity." Muttering such complaints they were about to leave the banquet-hall, when the officers
of the household tried to pacify them, entreating them not to irritate Shivaji on the auspicious occasion but
to represent their grievance to him personally at a more suitable time. However the commotion in the hall
reached Shivaji's ears and he was considerably embarrassed at the ill humour of his guests. The
representatives of some of the second grade noble families, however, on being privately interviewed by
Shivaji said they had no objection to the banquet arrangements. Shivaji then spoke privately to the great
sardar? like the Ghorpades, Nimbalkars and others and asked what their grounds of complaint were, upon
which they made answer that they were the hereditary officers of the Mahomedan sultans for four or five
centuries past, they could not brook Shivaji's taking precedence over them at such a social function, and
that it was for Shivaji to consider the matter. Shivaji

1 The morchel was a tuft of pea-oock feathers uaed as a fan, and •raved over the heada of princely
personages at an attribute of royalty.

replied that if they made so much of their family prestige they ought not to attend his court. If need arose
for their presence, they might be invited. Those who did not like the banquet arrangements had leave to
depart. And with these words he presented " pan" to his obstinate guests, the usual ceremony according to
Indian etiquette for bidding farewell to a departing visitor. This incident more than anything else
impressed upon Shivaji the necessity of proclaiming himself a crowned king in these parts of India, since
for lack of such a ceremony even the Maratha nobles showed a certain hesitation in recognizing his
sovereign authority.

While these thoughts were revolving in his mind it is said that his tutelary deity appeared to him in a
vision and assured him that his desire to be duly crowned and invested with the insignia of sovereignty
would by her grace be fulfilled, and that one who had fought so nobly and strenuously in the cause of his
country's gods and religion deserved more than any one else the divine attributes of povereignty.
Encouraged by the thought of a^divine sanction to his proposal, he broached the subject to his mother and
on obtaining her support submitted it to others. Shivaji sent a confidential officer to communicate his
intention to Ramdas, his spiritual adviser, who cordially approved of the proposal. Other persons of sage
and saintly character in his kingdom were similarly consulted and concurred in the proposal. The acute
scholars and learned expounders of Hindu law, the pillars of the Brahman community, were next invited to
a council, with all the honour due to their L't.rning, palanquins and other conveyances being sent to bring
them to court from their residences. To this council the great nobles, commanders and ministers of state
were also summoned. The question of a solemn coronation was submitted to the meeting. They all
expressed themselves in favour of the idea and it was unanimously decided that Shivaji should go through
the coronation ceremony according to 'the Hindu Shastra& and be invested with all the insignia of royalty.

THE CROWNING OF SHIVAJI

The next question to investigate was what things were essential according to Shastric requirements for a
complete coronation ceremonial on orthodox Hindu lines. And here an initial difficulty presented itself
which rendered the traditional ceremony of a Hindu coronation well-nigh impossible. For according to
the prescription of the shastras only the twice-born who had duly gone through. ;he ceremony of the
investiture of the sacred thread were capable of going through the forms of a shastric coronation.. To all
others this ceremony was denied. The circumstance that Shivaji had not been invested with the sacred
thread placed him in the eyes of the pandits and the preceptors of the Hindu law in the category of Shudras
or serfs. The pandits, therefore, declared that in his case a shastric coronation was impossible. Shivaji
was then already far past the age for such an investiture, being now forty-six years of age, and had been
married more than once and had children by his wives. A man of such an advanced age, a husband and a
father, could by no means be capable of such investiture.

It was not easy to cut this knot, but one of Shivaji's most trusty and sagacious officers, Balaji Avji Chitnis,
suggested a remedy. He advised Shivaji not to rest satisfied with the decision of the local pandits but to
appeal.to other shastris in India. He said that hitherto with God'a grace he had triumphed over every
difficulty and achieved his highest ideals and there was no reason why he should be baffled in this one
object. He then spoke of a learned scholar of Benares, Gaga Bhatt by name, who was versed in all
branches of Sanskrit learning-the four Yedas, the six; shastras or sciences and the commentaries on the 1
aw> — an d had attained an unrivalled reputation in India for his learning. His decisions on knotty
questions of Hindu law were accepted by other pandits. His pronouncements carried almost a pontiBcal
authority with them. The officer advised Shivaji to make a reference to this learned pandit on the question
of his coronation, especially as he

US, 24

then happened to be at Faithau. He proposed that Gaga Bhatt should be invited along with the other
renowned pandits of Paithan. 1 He would not refuse the invitation, as he could not but have heard of
Shivaji's fame. Shivaji was gratified at this suggestion and Balaji Avji was deputed to invite Gaga Bhatt
from Faithan and bring him under a safe escort. A sum of ton thousand rupees and the necessary
paraphernalia of horses and palanquins were placed at Balaji Avji's disposal for this mission. 3

On his arrival at Faithan Balaji had an interview •with Gaga Bhatt and communicated to him Shivaji's
proposal. At Gaga Bhatt's instance a meeting of the pandits was held at Faithan for the discussion of this
question. After a long debate it was unanimously decided that there was no objection to Shivaji's going
through the ceremonial

1 The family of Gaga Bhatt belonged to Paithan, which was famous as a repository of Hindu learning.
Many of hia ancestors and descendants have written authoritative works on Hindu religious usages. The
family attained a celebrity for its learning and scholarship at Benares, and the descendants of the family
still enjoy their high prestige among the Hindu princes of North India.

3 According to the chronicles of Sabhasad and Chitragupta Gaga Bhatt came uninvited, hearing the
renown of Shivaji, to pay a visit to his court. He was treated with proper hospitality and pleased with
what he saw of bhivaji's court spoke as follows :—

" The forms of Kshatriya duty have been utterly extinguished during the Kali Yuga. The earth is overrun
with Yavanas ( Mahomedans ) who have usurped the thrones of kings. No spark of valour is left in the
warriors of the Solar or the Lunar race. Sacrifices are stopped ; forms of duty forgotten ; the Brahman
Dharma eclipsed ; the great shrines have lost their expiatory virtue. It is only you who have put forth great
valour, defeated the Mahomedan sultans, quieted Aurangzeb, vanquished his pro-consuls, won a great
kingdom, and maintained in your power a hundred thousand cavalry, three hundred and sixty forts, and
great wealth and possessions. This being so, you are yet without a consecrated throne. It is, therefore, my
wish and the wish of many other Hindus to crown you king and have you saluted as a king of the royal
umbrella by other rulers. Without a formal crowning a ruling king has no honour. By getting yourself
formally crowned, you will complete the humiliation of Aurangzeb and the other sultans. Do you,
therefore, indulge us in this our desire?" Those words of Gaga Bhatt induced Shivaji to take up the idea of
a formal coronation.

of a ahastric coronation after the manner of the Rajput princes of Jaipur, Udepur and other places. Gaga
Bhatt was then brought by Balaji to Raigad, where he was received with all the honour and respect due to
his learning, Shivaji himself going forward to welcome him to the fort. A procession was formed and the
pandit conducted to the mansion selected for his residence, amid pomp and music.

Shivaji then convoked another assembly of the pandits, ministers of state, and citizens of note, at which
Gaga Bhatt and the learned men of Faithan were introduced. The question of the coronation was again
taken up for discussion, and the pros and cons having been fully considered by the meeting, the learned
Gaga Bhatt delivered his decision as follows :- "That it appears to this meeting that Shivaji, a scion of the
princely stock of the Sesodia family, is of Kshatriya descent, and that though his forefathers, having
crossed the Narbada, came to be known as Marathas and gave up the investiture and other ceremonies of
the Kshatriya class, the Kshatriya character of their descendants is not thereby impaired or extinguished.
That £ as in the case of the princely dynasties of Jaipur, Udepur and others, the investiture of the sacred
thread precedes the coronation ceremonial proper, the same proceeding may be followed in the case of
Shivaji, and that such proceeding would by no means be contrary to the precepts of the shastric law or to
usage and precedent. That the fact that the original stock of the Sesodias at Udepur have always been
distinguished by the insignia of royalty is a special circumstance to be considered in the-case of Shivaji,
As to the objection that the investiture ceremony was time* barred by Shivaji's age and the circumstance
that he was already a husband and a father, it was to be understood that in this case the rite of investiture
would be wholly-exceptional, curing a defect occasioned by unavoidable adverse circumstances and to
be viewed only as a preliminary part of the coronation rites, the whole constituting

together one grand, integral, religious function." This learned decision was accepted by the pandits of
Paithan and the Swarajya dominions and it was unanimously resolved that Shivaji should celebrate the
investiture and coronation rites.

Gratified at this decision, Shivaji hastened to make all the necessary preparations for the ceremony. The
waters of the sacred rivers and the several seas, horses and elephants with the auspicious marks, the skins
of tigers and beasts of chase, the lion-supported chair of state or throne, vases of gold and silver and other
sacred vessels-all these •were provided for. The state astrologers were ordered to investigate and
determine the most auspicious time for the assumption of the title. They reported that the thirteenth day of
the first half of Jesht ( the 6th of June 1674 A, D. ) of the current year of the cyclic name of Anand was the
most propitious time for the installation ceremony.

Invitations were sent to all the notable gentry and nobility of Maharashtra, to ministers and commanders,
to subject princes as well as independent kings. To start with, it was determined that Raigad should be the
capital town of the newly inaugurated monarchy. It seemed the best of all the places in Shivaji's
possession; it satisfied approximately the shastric conditions for the capital of a great kingdom, some of
which were that the site should be sacred ground in the neighbourhood of holy places and the waters of a
noble stream, that there should be an abundant supply of water and facilities for the construction of tanks
and reservoirs, that the territory around should be fertile, and above all it should bo impregnable to the
assaults of an enemy. It was resolved that the coronation celebrations should be held at Raigad.

Shivaji had already erected a spacious mansion at

'Raigad for bis own residence, with buildings for his various

departments of stores, classified under eighteen heads.

Here were the offices and residences of the great ministers

of state and the secretariat staff. 1 The durbar-hall

* The Shivdigvijay describes many other halls which were erected

THE CROWNING OF SHIVAJI

where the throne was installed was spacious enough to accommodate thousands of spectators without any
discomfort. From all these arrangements, it appears clear that Shivaji had from the beginning intended to
make Raigad the seat of his government. When the pandits sanctioned this decision, the palace-walls were
painted and decorated in the best style of the country. The throne-room was adorned with a rich canopy
and with tapestries of rare designs and texture. The throne itself was adorned with a richly embroidered
canopy supported upon four columns plated with gold and fringed with strings and tassels of pearls. The
other public places and edifices on the fort were similarly painted and decorated in expectation of the
event. Due arrangements were made for the residence and for the comfort of the distinguished guests
invited to witness the ceremony, among whom were distinguished Brahmans and subject princes.
Spacious pavilions were erected for the celebration of coronation banquets and other functions. Persons
showing any kind of skill were liberally patronized on the occasion. Indian musicians, both vocalist and
instrumental, professional dancing girls, and entertainers of all kinds were called in large numbers for the
amusement of the guests. As the feasting of Brahmans is always a special feature of such auspicious
ceremonies, large pavilions were erected at more than five places, each pavilion accommodating at one
and the same time more than four thousand guests. At each banquet-hall, a separate staff of cooks, waiters,
attendants and overseers was appointed, and these men had orders to alter their menus and principal
dishes from day to day. Separate pavilions were set up for the banqueting of friends, relations, officers
and ministers of state.

such as the Vivek aabha for the debates of learned pandits, the Pragat aabha for giving audience to the
poor and hearing their disputes, the Nyaya aabha the audience of Justice, the Prabodh aabha the hall of
Kirtans and Puranas, the Ratnagar sabha for connoisseurs of gems and jewels, the Nit. sabha for giving
audience to distinguished foreigners etc., likewise also halls to serve as seraglios, chapels, baths etc. etc.

The fort and its lower slope were thus crowded with tents and pavilions. A staff of supervising officers
maintained a general control over the stores, with clerks in charge of each camp, who were under
instructions to supply the needs of each guest, small or great, and for that purpose heaps of grain and other
provisions were brought together. These officers were carefully trained in their duties, which they
discharged under fixed regulations. The result was that the vast assemblage of guests were entertained in
a style of hospitality which evoked universal admiration.

On the fourth day of the opening half of the month of Jesht the ceremony of the investiture of the sacred
thread was commenced. It lasted for two days, and during this period a hundred thousand Brahmans were
feasted and received a dakshina of a rupee each, Brahmans versed in the Vedas and the shastras receiving
the honorarium befitting their position and learning. Upon the celebration of the investiture rites, the
proper preliminaries of the coronation ceremony were taken in hand, commencing with the sixth day of
Jesht. With propitiatory rites in honour of the God Ganpati, with which every religious rite must
commence according to Hindu usage, and of the stars and the planets, the coronation sacrifice was duly
begun. During these days, till the final consummation of the sacrifice, both Shivaji and the officiating
priests observed a rigid fast subsisting only on milk and fruit. But throughout the week while the host
observed a fast there was a continual round of feasts to the Brahmans, fifty thousand of them being daily
entertained, with frequent changes in the dishes. The other guests received the same hospitality, and wore
entertained with musical concerts and other social amusements. Song, dance, and revelry reigned supreme
in all parts of the fort.

At length came the auspicious day, the 13th of Jesht. There was a large assemblage present to witness the
Abhiahek or solemn religious bath, the principal feature

•of the coronation ceremony. As partners in the labours of the state, the chief ministers likewise had to
undergo similar solemn ablutions. In the first place, therefore, the eight ministers of state were duly
appointed or confirmed in their several high offices. Next after them the nominations of the king's two
principal secretaries, or personal amanuenses, were made. The functionaries in charge of the various
departments and stores, as also the commanders in charge of towna and provinces were each either
appointed or confirmed. All these functionaries went through the preliminary consecrated bath along with
Shivaji. More varied and elaborate ablutions prescribed by religious sanction were then performed by
Shivaji; such as the bath with various kinds of earth, the bath with a compound of milk, ghee, etc. called
the panch-gavya dissolved in water, the bath in the water of the sacred rivers like the Ganges, and on the
top of them all, the bath with the panchamrit or the nectareous bath, in which milk, curds, ghee, honey and
sugar were blended together. These solemn ablutions over, the bathers were arrayed in robes of silver
white, with flowers and wreaths, gold and jewelled ornaments, and the sacred sandal-wood or gandha
mark impressed upon their foreheads. Shivaji then took his seat upon a gold-plated little stool made of a
particular kind of wood, the wood of a pulpy tree like that of the genus Ficus being specially
recommended by the shastras. When Shivaji was seated upon this quaint little stool, which was just a
cubit and a quarter high and the same in width, the senior queen and the heir-apparent were asked to sit by
his side. 1 The principal ministers of state then stood in the prescribed order around their king. First of all
the Peshwa or chief minister with a gold vase filled with ghee stood due east of Shivaji; Hambirrao
Mohite, the commander-in-chiet', with a silver vase filled with milk stood due south

l The senior queen who took part in the Abhiahek bath was Soyara-bai, the mother of Prince Bajaram and
the heir-apparent waa of course Prince Sambhaji.

liamchandra Nilkanth, 1 the Amatya (or Muzumdar i. e. finance minister), with a copper vase full of curds
stood due west and Raghunathrao, the ecclesiastical minister with a gold vase filled with honey stood due
north. Next to these were large earthen jars filled with the waters of various rivers and seas. 2 The four
cardinal points thue adjusted,the remaining four ministers of state stood mid-way between them, north-
east, north-west etc., one of them holding the royal umbrella, another the fan imperial and the other two
waving each a chamar or fly-whisk, ensigns of Indian royalty. 8 Facing Shivaji stood before him two
personal amanuenses, Balaji Avji and his brother Chimnaji, to the right and left respectively, displaying
writing materials in their hands. Next to these ministers to right and left stood the other functionaries of
state. and next the subject princes, the nobility and the gentry. The real ablution or Abhishek proper was
then begun. A capacious urn of gold, with a hundred holes drilled at the bottom, was filled with scented
water and the streaming urn held above Shivaji's head, and at the same time the contents of the various
vases held by the ministers in their hands were poured out upon him, to the accompaniment of the sacred
chants recited by the assembled priests This was the final ceremony of the Abhishek, which wae followed
up by a wild outburst of flutes, trumpets and drums and the singing and dancing of the singers and nautch-
girls present. After this Shivaji was bathed

1 He was the son of Nilo Sondev. Sabbaaad gives the name aa Naro Nilkanth.

3 The great rivers, the water of which was thus used, were the Ganges, the Jumna, the Krishna, the
Godaveri and the Cauveri.

8 These ministers were Annaji Datto (the Pant-s»chiv J, Janardan Pandit Hanmante ( the Sutnant ), Dattaji
Pandit (the Mantri ), and Balaji Tandit (the Nyayadhiah or lord chief justice.) But some of the ( names are
differently given in the different versions. For instance, Chitnis gives the name of Trimbak Sondev instead
of that of Janardan Hanmante and Sabhasad givos the name of Ramchandra, the son of Trimbak instead of
that of Hanmante. Sabbaaad gives the name of Niraji instead of Datfcaj: Pandit ( Mantri), and Chitnis
gives the name of Niraji Ravji instead of. that of Balaji Pandit ( Nyayadhish ).

again and the auspicious arti —a quaint platter with lighted wicks—was waved over him by the matrons,
and he was-made to view himself as reflected in a bronze ewer filled with ghee and as also in mirrors
before he was permitted to put on his dress—which was pure white—for the final installation ceremony.
The throne was a piece of splendid workmanship, constructed according to the precepts of the shastras.
First of all, the basal platform was made of planks of banyan and fig-trees, wood considered sacred in the
shastras, and especially prescribed for coronation purposes. This dais was decorated with gold plate,
engraved with devices of silvan beasts on its four sides, the lion, the tiger, the hyena, the cat and the ox.
On the golden dais stood eight columns each supporting a lion in gold, upon which the cushioned seat was
placed. The columns bore in embossed relief devices of flowers, leaves, trees and creepers or birds and
fishes, or figures representing nymphs dancing to the accompaniment of string instruments. 1 The cushion
consisted first of deer-skin and tiger-skin, with a layer of gold coins between them. Upon this was piled
up a soft cushion of cotton-down encased in velvet, with the back and side cushions embroidered in gold.
From the basal pedestal upwards there rose an ornamental silver plate called the prabhaval forming the
back of the cushioned throne and surmounting it with a metal canopy of gold, studded with brilliants and
fringed with pearls. Above all rose a canopy of cloth of gold raised upon outer pillars and glittering with
pearl tassels. At the entrance of the durbar-hall a horse and an elephant chosen for the auspicious marks
upon their bodies were standing in readiness, decked with gold trappings and embroidered housings. As
the auspicious hour drew near, Shivaji performed a solemn puja or worship 1 of the God Vishnu, a golden
image being used for the purpose, and when the puja was

1 Some chronicle writers affirm that the gold columns and sculptures-upon the throne required gold of the
weight of three candies, thirty-two seers, and thirty-two masas i. e. nearly four candies weight of gold*

over he held the image in his right hand. At last when the inauguration time came, Shivaji saluted the
Brahmane and received their benedictions amid Vedic hymns. He made his reverent salutation to his
mother, who acknowledged it with a stream of affectionate blessings. And now holding the image of
Vishnu still in his right hand Shivaji advanced to the throne. Approaching the right hand side of the throne,
Shivaji made a slight genuflexion with the right knee, saluted the consecrated throne, and with his face to
the east, ascended it without touching it with his feet. The eight ministers of state took their stations at the
eight columns of tha lion-throne, standing with their hands clasped in reverence. First in order the
ecclesiastical minister Panditrao took his post on the right and the chief minister or Peshwa on the left.
Next behind them, the commander-in-chief ( sir-nobut ) on the right and the Amatya ( finance-minister ) on
the left. Behind them stood the other four ministers, the Sumant ( or Dabir i. e. foreign secretary ) and the
Sachiv ( or Surnis i. e. record-keeper) to the right and the left, and the Mantri ( or Waknis i. e. home
secretary and lord privy eeal ) and the Nyayadhish ( chief justice) also to the right and the left
respectively. The moment the installation was completed, the air was rent with the mingled din of drums
and trumpets. The musicians and nautch-girls struck up t their rhythmic melodies. The roar of cannon
resounded from Raigad which was taken up by the guns of the surrounding hill-forts, as previously
arranged, one after another. Thus every fort in Shivaji's dominions joined in the jubilant boom of guns.

After ascending the auspicious throne, Shivaji changed his white robes for scarlet, decked himself with
the usual ornaments of Indian royalty, the necklace, the plume, the pearl-crest, the pearl pendants etc, and
consecrating his sword and bow and arrows with solemn chants and puja, took the weapons in his hands.
Thus attired he came out to have flowers of silver and gold showered upon him and

the auspicious arti waved around him by a group of sixteen Brahman matrons, who received rich presents
of female costumes and ornaments. The concluding ceremonies after the enthronement were now taken in
hand and the benedictions of the officiating priests were received. Munificent presents were made to
them. Gaga Bhatt received an honorarium of one lakh, besides valuable presents of wearing apparel and
jewellery. The priests presiding over the coronation sacrifice received five thousand each, the officiating
chaplain rupees twenty-four thousand. Brahmans of learning and eminence received honorariums ranging
from two hundred to one thousand rupees each; Brahmans of the rank and file rupees twenty-five per head.
Ample largesses were also bestowed upon gosavis, hermits and mendicants of all kinds ranging from two
to five rupees each. Persons of saintly character and Brahmans of pre-eminent piety received grants of
inam land. Finally, after the manner of great Indian sovereigns, Shivaji was weighed against gold and the
precious treasure equivalent to his weight, amounting to sixteen thousand 1 pagodas, was distributed
among the Brahmans.

The ministers of state, subhedars and the various departmental officers, both public and private, received
their titles and robes of office with various personal decorations. All moreover received the sanads or
patents of their various offices. The presents made to the eight ministers of state included gold-
embroidered state robes, pearl crests and pendants, sword and shield, horse and elephant, the chief
minister receiving besides the special insignia of his high position, viz. a jari-patka (a cloth of .gold
banner, an honour also conferred upon the chief commander), a nobut or state drum, and a pair of gold
handled chowries (ornamental hair tassels) to be waved about him on state processions. When the state
ministers came forward to greet him with their salutation, presented

1 These 16,000 pagodas amounted to about one hundred and forty pounds in weight.

their nazars (loyalty offerings) and received their patents of offices, Shivaji bestowed upon each of them a
lakh of pagodas. Balaji Avji was then invested with the robes of Chitnis or personal secretary, with
similar presents, and next after him Chimnaji Avji.Balaji's brother and colleague. For each of the eight
ministers a mutaliq ( deputy ) was appointed. They also came forward to receive their special robes. The
lesser officers on the civil and military establishments received their respective honours.

When the distribution of honours and presentation of nazars was at an end and the levee was dissolved,
Shivaji went in a royal procession for a solemn thanks-giving at the temples of the gods. He mounted a
horse with gold and jewelled trappings and rode into the outer court, where dismounting from the horse he
got into a golden howdah borne by a magnificent elephant gaily decked with gold and rich embroidered
housings, fringed with pearls. At the head of the elephant the chief commander of the forces took his seat,
holding the trident in one hand and with the other waving the morchel ( a brush of pea-cock feathers
waved at royal processions before the king.) In the rear part of the howdah, the prime minister took his
seat, waving the morchel from behind. The other ministers and their deputies joined the procession, each
riding his own elephant as also the select nobility and commanders, on elephants or horse-back. In the van
of the whole procession were the elephants bearing the two principal standards of the state, first the
Jaripatka or the grand ensign of cloth of gold and secondly the Bhagva-zenda or the orange-ochre ensign.
Behind them marched the ensigns of the Peshwa (prime-minister ) and the Senapati ( chief commander )
also supported on elephants. Immediately after rode the commanders of the royal horse and officers of the
horse guard musketeers with their steeds accoutred with gold and silver trappings, inarching gallantly
muskets in hand and forming the vanguard. After this cavalcade followed gun-carriages with artillery,
horse-carriages and

distinguished generals on elephants or horse-back. After them came on foot slingers, swordsmen, archers,
lancers and miscellaneous classes of foot-soldiers and behind thenx the squires and bodyguards of
commanders and a division of musketeers. Then followed military drums, tabors, tambourines and other
warlike musical instruments; next them fifty led elephants; then a corps of one hundred cavalry and sky-
rockets mounted on camel transports: then again another troop of fifty led elephants, and behind them the
softer and more melodious music of clarions, hautboys, drums mounted on horse*back, horns and
trumpets. Behind them marched bards, minstrels, and Indian troubadours; next after them, flag-staff-
bearers, ensigns, spearmen, macebearers and ushers with staves; and after them came gymnasts, athletes
and champion wrestlers of the Maharashtra palaestra, mounted upon elephants. Behind them all came
Shivaji in bis gold howdah,a company of brave Mavalis, gaily accoutred and glittering with ornaments,
serving as an immediate bodyguard and surrounding his elephant at a respectable distance. Behind the
king marched the elephants of the ministers and departmental chiefs and an infantry force brought up the
rear.

It is needless to say that in expectation of the coronation procession, the streets were cleansed and
decorated, and in many places were washed and beautifully laid out* with picturesque designs in
coloured powders or rangoli, an accomplishment of high class women in India. The houses were painted
in gay colours and beautifully draped with tapestry. Flags, buntings, arches were seen everywhere. The
procession went from temple to temple, making offerings to the gods and liberal largesses to the
Brahmans. On the return journey, married women stepped forth from their threshold and waved the arti at
different places on the road or scattered flowers and durva grass from the/ windows and balconies. At the
palace gate Shivaji changed into a chariot and on arriving at the court-yard into a palanquin and so came
on to the durbar-hall, where at hia

entrance be went through a quaint little Indian ceremony for appeasing or counter-acting the influence of
the evil eye after all this triumph. 1

Entering the inner apartments he first paid hie •worship at the chapel of his tutelary deity, and then
proceeded to salute his mother. He then visited the ladies' apartments where he was welcomed and
honoured with auspicious arti by his queens, who received from him royal tokens of his regard and
affection. Returning to the hall Shivaji again mounted the throne and held durbar. The courtiers offered
nazars and made their salutes with humility. The durbar was dispersed with the distribution of pan,
flowers and attar of rose. The Brahmans were sumptuously banqueted, and Shivaji dined in company with
his friends and guests. The solemn rites were now over. Every detail of that extraordinary and well-nigh
obsolete ceremonial and pageant had been worked out with marvellous precision. The subject princes and
other visitors took their leave, having received from Shivaji many a token of his esteem and affection. The
different artistes and musicians who had enlivened the entertainments with their various talents received
ample rewards for their labours. The spectators went home singing the praises of Shivaji and his
greatness. The whole celebration is said to have cost a crore and forty-two lakhs of pagodas.

From the date of the coronation a new era was inaugurated, 2 which was to be observed in all public
business and by all people throughout Shivaji's dominions. The

1 A jar of water and a handful of salt, lemon, pepper etc. are waved up and down the person of him from
whom the evil eye is to be taken off and poured out on the ground.

2 The new era was known as the Coronation Shaka, not called personally after his name as Shivaji Shaka.
According to Mr. Sardesai ( Marathi Riyasat, 1915 edition, page 362 ) this era was used in public papers
and proclamations in the Maratha state for about 104 years. Mr. Sardesai's statement is based upon certain
papers published in the Report. of the Bharat Itihas Sanehodhak Mandal of Poona for the Shaka 1835.

date of the coronation and the inauguration of the new era was the 13th day of the first half of the Hindu
month of Jesht in the year 1596 of Shalivahan and corresponds to the 6th of June 1674. Shivaji now
adopted the name and style of "Kshatriya Kulavatansa Shri Raja Shiv Cbhatrapati," the meaning of which
title is, "the Ornament of the Kshatriya Race, His Majesty the Raja Shiv, Lord of the Royal Umbrella."
The noble resolve of his youthful years, the labours of a life-time, were crowned with rich fruition,—a
free kingdom, a crowning, the inauguration of a new era.

It is not needful to describe with what sad thoughts the Mahomedan monarchies must have received the
news of this solemn enthronement. Up to this date they had endeavoured to persuade themselves that
whatever Shivaji's triumphs and laurels, he was after all a polygar chief, not an anointed sovereign like
themselves and that in consequence his name could not stir the depths of national loyalty in the people's
Heart. When his rebellion was crushed his name would sink into oblivion and no land-marks of his
memory would be left behind. From this pet theory of theirs they were rudely awakened. Not conquest,
but union, was the real key-note of his success or the end of his ambition. That Shivaji should conquer the
fairest provinces and the strongest fortresses in the country and sit down with folded hands without
endeavouring to unite the affections of the people towards himself and sealing the enduring compact of
relationship between sovereign and his subjects, for the attainment of which a solemn consecration and
coronation seemed to be the only road, was quite unthinkable. When the Brahmans of Maharashtra seemed
to waver in their opinion and make mountains of shastrio difficulties, he attained the crowning glory of his
noble ambition with the help of the learned exponents of the law at Faithan and Benares. Sooth to say, no
Brahman or pandit of the time had a doubt about his Kshatriya origin, except that a few purists

vainly attempted to rank him as a Shudra as being what '.n the language of the law amounted to a non-user
of Kshatriya rites and privileges. To clear the mist from their eyes the clear logic of Gaga Bhatt and other
scholars was necessary. But to the great people reposing beneath v the shade of the Sahyadri, with that
strong common sense and gratitude which have at all times been the back-bone •of their national
character, it could scarcely have been matter of doubt, despite the croaking of a few idlers, that he, who
had delivered Maharashtra from the yoke of Islam and given his country-men the first taste of freedom and
independence, deserved the name of Kshatriya more than those who masqueraded under it. It was an
evidence of great foresight on his part that Shivaji established beyond the shadow of doubt the
foundations and ensured for all purposes the stability and permanence of a puissant Hindu <monarchy, by
the solemn pomp and magnificence of his enthronement. He immediately acquired greater prestige in the
eyes of the Rajput princes of the north and of the European settlers domiciled in the country, whether
French, •or British or Portuguese. Even Mahomedan powers— Bijapur, Qolconda, and Delhi—had now
to show greater deference towards him. Heretofore his name had been a terror, now it became a terror not
unmingled with respect.

While the coronation festivities were still running 'their course, a tragic event took place which put an end
'to the revelry. This was the death of the aged Jijabai. She did not long survive the coronation. Her work
was done. The seed she had sown had borne abundant fruit. The early stimulus she had applied to her son
had awakened into life a whole people. Her sags advice had accomplished more constructive work than
councils and cabinets. She had seen step by step the realization of her dreams; she had seen her son*s
career of victory; she had seen, the crowning triumph of a united people enthroning •her son in their
affections more firmly than an earthly .throne and the final inauguration of a new era. She had

THE CROWNING OP SHIVAJI

seen all this and now closed her eyes in peace. She succumbed to a sudden illness within ten or twelve
days after Shivaji's coronation. Coming so suddenly upon the crest of the coronation triumphs, her death
overwhelmed Shivaji with grief. That his mother should rejoice with his joys and triumph in his triumphs
was the highest of his personal ambitions. Without her, these joys and triumphs seemed to have no savour,
his kingdom seemed a wilderness, his wealth as dross. And so he mourned. How intense his love and
affection was towards his mother was now seen by all his people. The solemn obsequies were performed
and lakhs of rupees were spent on the funeral ceremonies. The four months of autumn that followed her
death, Shivaji spent at Raigad, where she had died. These four months were spent in mourning. During
this long period, Shivaji never once sat on the throne. It was on the fifth day of the first half of Abhvin
(October) that he sat in durbar, mounting the throne again after an auspicious ceremony. After this, in
company with the eight ministers and army he left Eaigad to offer his worship at the temple of the Devi
(goddess) at Pratapgad, whence he proceeded to visit his spiritual preceptor Ramdas Swami, and make
pilgrimages to the temple of Mahadev at Shikhar, and to that of Khandoba at Jejuri, and again returned to
Raigad

L. S. 25.

IT is proper at this stage to review the institutions of Shivaji and the organization of his administrative
machinery. The enthronement ceremony helped to deepen the foundations of his power; his constructive
genius, to broaden •and regulate it. In attempting this survey from such scanty material as is at our
disposal, we may preface it with the observation that the administrative system hereinafter described was
not introduced abruptly after the Coronation but was slowly and tentatively evolved and .practically
received its final form at the inauguration of the coronation era. To a certain extent indeed it will be no
exaggeration to say that a certain faint outline of the future plans was already conceived and partially
acted upon before the gathering of armies and territorial con-•quests. 1

To start with, Shivaji was fairly familiar with the contemporary administrative systems, both Hindu and
Mahomedan. He had also a fair acquaintance with the ancient Hindu systems as gleaned from the Furanas.
He had weighed well in his own mind the merits and demerits, of each system and from a study of their
methods evolved for himself a system in harmony with the spirit of his age, the need of the country and the
highest average good, as he conceived it, of the ray at. It will again be no exaggeration to say that it will
be hard to find a parallel, either in ancient or in modern history, to the extraordinary far-sightedness and
.constructive skill with which he evolved his methods and principles of government. To the qualities of a
successful general and conqueror he joined an administrative genius and statesmanship which have
seldom proved so fruitful

A That ia almost as early as 1746 if not earlier. At the earliest period, •the days of Dadaji Kondadev,
Shivaji had his Peshwa, Muzumdar, Dabir And Sabnis ( Vide Sabhasad p. 7). The Bir-riobub was added
in 1647 4 Sabhasad p. 8 J. Other officers were added from time to time, the constitution was settled about
1667, and probably revised ia 1674.

of active benevolence. Considering the needs of the time and the evils of pre-existing and contemporary
Indian monarchies, Shivaji saw two extremes, viz: a monarch solely swayed by the counsels of a
favourite minister or one self-willed and governed by his single caprice. In either case, it meant disorder,
injustice, misrule,-in, one word, tyranny-tyranny with the best or the wickedest of intentions. No single
individual, however capable or intellectual, could keep in touch with the varying events in all
departments of life jver the whole country. No single ruler, however just and even-minded, could decide
with impartiality and unerring precision on all administrative questions. The interests of one department
must often clash with those of another. One may often trespass on the domain of another. This friction and
overlapping had often led to discontent, and discontent had always been the parent cause of the overthrow
of great monarchies. Shivaji saw all this and proposed to steer clear of these dangers and misfortunes. He
entrusted the direction of public affairs to a cabinet of eight officers who were to assist him in the conduct
of the government. This institution of a cabinet was a feature of Shivaji's government for which there was
no precedent in any contemporary system. It was also unique in this sense, that after Shivaji the institution
more or less fell into desuetude. On the rise of the Peshwas when the king-became a titular puppet, it
came under a total eclipse. An approximation to that system may however be seen in the more advanced
and developed government of our own times under the aegis and direction of the British power.

Each of these eight ministers had direct charge of a department of government. A few details of this
system, are given below. The names of the incumbents of the various offices at the time of the Coronation
have already been mentioned in the last chapter.

(1 ) The Prime Minister (Mukhya Pradhan) or

. Peshwa, was next in rank after the king and was the.

head of the entire administrative system, civil and military.

( 2 ) The Senapati or Sir-nobut was the head of the military department. There were two Senapatis-oue
over the cavalry and the other over the infantry. Of these the former seems to have had precedence and
control over the Senapati of the infantry. The latter had no place in the cabinet.

( 3 ) The Pant Amatya or Muzumdar was the head of the finance department. He examined all civil and
military accounts and the separate accounts of each fort. The local audits of all parts of the kingdom came
under his scrutiny, and the strict control exercised through his office had a wholesome restraining
influence upon the spending propensities of local commanders and reduced the evils of speculation and
embezzlement of public money to a minimum-. The sanction of any extraordinary expenditure or reduction
beyond normal li-nits was granted by the king upon the recommendation and by the advice of this minister.
In consequence the officer had a very extensive department of clerks and accountants under him and he
maintained many supervisors of accounts for each separate district, fort, or regiment.

( 4) The Pant Sachiv or Surnis was keeper of the government records, superintendent of the department of
correspondence and examiner of all letters and despatches from local officers, commanders and
governors of the fortresses. Government despatches to local officers also passed under his scrutiny. He
was likewise the registrar. of all grants, inams, sanads and commissions conferred upon civil and military
officers in the provinces. This minister had also a large establishment. Without his seal and attestation no
public document was valid. Both the Pant Amatya and the Pant Sachiv sent their representatives from
province to province to examine and report on the work of their respective departments, viz : the
department of accounts and that of records. These inspecting officers were empowered to make severe
awards of fines and penalties to offending local subordinates. The principal departmental

ministers at times paid visits to the provincial centres to make a personal scrutiny.

( 5 ) The Mantri or Waknis was keeper of the private records and correspondence. He was also
superintendent of the household troops and establishment. In this were included the various private
departments of stores and treasure, separated under the heads of the eighteen Karkhanas ( warehouses,
arsenal, commissariat &c. ) and the twelve Mahals or Koshas (treasury, mint, stables, parks &c. ).

( 6 ) The Sumant or Dabir was minister of foreign affairs. He superintended all business in connection
with foreign states, such as the receiving and sending of letters and messengers.

(7) The Nyaya Shastri or Panditrao advised on, ecclesiastical, matters and expounded the shastras. He
superintended state ceremonies and religious charities from the public funds. It was also his duty to see
that the penalties awarded in criminal trials were in keeping with the precepts of the shastras. He was
also the censor of the public morals.

( 8 ) The Nyayadhish, or the Chief Justice superintended the administration of justice both civil and
criminal. Appeals to the king from the decisions of the local panchayats or prant officers (i. e. subhedar )
were heard by this minister, who on a revision of the evidence gave his decisions.

In this manner the different departments of government were entrusted to different ministers. It was a point
of honour with each minister to put the best of his energy and ability into his work. In intricate cases the
minister in charge of the department concerned would discuss the matter with the king. If it appeared to be
a matter of much gravity, it might be then referred to the cabinet or council and be subjected to a full
discussion. Questions of policy affecting the whole kingdom were generally

subjected to a full council discussion, and a final adjustment arrived at with the concurrence of all. The
confidence thus reposed in the ministers and the value thus placed upon their opinion was a further
incentive to their devotion and industry and bound them to the interests of the king and the state as to their
own.

Of these ministers of state, barring the Fanditrao and the Nyayadhish all were required to serve in the
army and were leaders of great experience. Shivaji and his state lived in the midst of constant alarms. The
sword was rarely sheathed. At the slightest notice any one of these officers, though mainly in churge of
civil establishments, had to gird sword and buckler and march to the scene of war. To meet such
emergencies, each of the state ministers had a deputy or mutalik who exercised full authority during his
principal's absence in the field. They had the authority to affix their principals' seals of office, but in
matters of special importance they had to submit their decision to the approval of their principals. Under
the deputy or mutalik, each department had a staff of officers as follows :—( 1 ) A Muzumdar holding
charge of the departmental audit; ( 2) a Phadnis who was. an assistant to the Muzumdar ; ( 3 ) a Sabnis in
charge of the departmental record ; (4 ) a Chitnis, in charge of the departmental correspondence; (5 ) a
Karkhannis, in charge of the departmental stores; ( 6 ) a Jamdar, or office curator and ( 7 ) a Potnis or
cashier. Besides these officers there was a full complement of clerks varying with the character of the
department and the volume of work passing through it. On the personal staff of Shivaji, there was a
Chitnis or private secretary for correspondence, a Phadnis or accoun tant, a Parasnis or Persian translator,
and a Potnis or treasurer. The Chitnis, as has often been mentioned in the foregoing chapters was Balaji
Avji, a Prabhu. Shivaji's first personal Phadnis (or Muzumdar) was Balkrishnapant Hanu-mante, a close
relative of the Raja Shahaji's chief minister of that family. The name of the Parasnis or translator is not
known. His duty was to interpret letters or documents couched*

iii the Persian language or to translate them into that language when necessary for despatch. Shivaji's
Potnis was a grandson of Seshava Naik Pande of Shrigonde, at whose house the Raja Maloji is said to
have concealed the treasure he had discovered in an ant-hill and to whom according to tradition he had
made promise that when he came to have that sovereign power of which there was an augury he •would
make him the Potnis or treasurer of his realm. The grandson of the promisor made good the promise by
conferring the post on the grandson of the promisee.

Besides this organization of the public departments, for the proper administration of the various crown
possessions different stores establishments were created. These were private or quasi-private
departments of the crown and at the head of them all stood the Waknis or Mantri. These establishments
came under two groups, which wer& further elaborately divided into twelve Mahals and eighteen
Karkhanas or Shalas. Among the Mahals were comprehended the zenana, specie, grain stores, horse
stables, cows' parks, the mint, palanquins, private palaces, the wardrobe, the private bodyguard, and
general purvey department. In the latter class, the Karkhanas, came elephant parks, gymnasium, public
granaries, music, artillery and arsenals, medical stores, drinking water, camels, tents and carpets, hunting,
jewellery, kitchens, armoury, betel-nut etc., carriages, stationery, singing and dancing, and miscellaneous
stores. Over all these thirty departments, there were darogas or superintending officers, clerks. guards
etc.

There was a separate establishment for Jijabai. To he household were attached capable servants, male
and female There were peons and foot-soldiers, maid-servants, pujaris or private chaplains, puraniks or
readers of the puranafe and other Brahmans to officiate at religious functions. A sum was set apart for
Jijabai's expenses and religious charities. Her affairs were administered by a household staff consisting
of a diwan or general manager, chitnia

( secretary), a phadnis (accountant ), and a potnis (treasurer ) with a number of subordinates. Shivaji was
very anxious to provide for the comfort and happiness of his mother.

Shivaji's army was recruited chiefly from two sources, the Mavalis on the ghats and the Hetkaris in the
Konkan beneath the ghats. The Mavalis were crack swordsmen and the Hetkaris marksmen of repute.
Each was armed with sword, shield and musket. They were to provide themselves with their own arm?,
the ammunition being supplied by the state. Their dress consisted of a pair of breeches coming half-way
down the thigh, a long band, about a span in breadth girt tightly about the loins, a long scarf worn over it
round their waist, a turban and sometimes a frock of quilted cotton. The Mavalis and Hetkaris were born
and bred among the mountains and in consequence found themselves quite at home whether they had to
thread their mazy way over an intricate defile or scale the frowning heights of an inaccessible precipice;
and it will be no exaggeration to say that few races in other parts of the world could equal them in agility
and swiftness of movement.

In each decury of ten foot-soldiers there was a Naik, that is to say, each decury consisted of nine infantry
men under a Naik or corporal. Over five such decuries a Havaldar was in command. Over two Havaldars
a Jumledar 1 and over ten Jumledars a Hazari or commander of one thousand.* There were also Panch
Hazaris or commanders of five thousand and they were immediately under the orders of the Sir-nobut or
chief commander. 3 Some

1 Chicnis says that in the Mavali infantry there was a Jumledar over five Havaldars and a Uazari over
five Jumledare. This would make an infantry battalion of 1250 foot-soldiers.

9 A corps of one thousand under a hazari constituted an infantry battalion.

8 Mr. Ranade ( page 122) says seven hazaris made a sir-nobut's charge for the Mavali infantry. Mr.
Kinoaid ( page 275 ) follows Mr Ranade. Mr. Sardeeai ( Marathi Riyasat, 1915 edition, Pages 4?5-76 )
say five hazari battalions served under a sir-nobut.

of the foot-soldiers used bows and arrows, double-edged swords, spears, and javelins, and some merely
carried the ariias of their masters. The rule was that each soldier should wield the arms in the use of
which he had acquired dexterity. Each soldier and naik drew a salary per month ranging from one to three
pagodas. A jumledar received a hundred pagcdas per annum, and a hazari five hundred.

The cavalry were of two kinds : the Bargirs and the Shiledars. A body of horse of the first class were
called the Paga or state cavalry, for their horses belonged to the state and were the property of the royal
household and were looked after by state officers. The shiledar furnished his own horse and looked after
it himself, for which an extra allowance was granted by the government. The shiledar horse had been a
feature of the Mahomedan monarchies in the Deccan. Shivaji did not place so much reliance on cavalry of
this description as on the Bargir class. The shiledars did not always care to keep their horses in proper
condition for war and when tired of service might gallop away from the field. Hence Shivaji's policy was
to reduce the number of these private cavalry-men, but he had to enlist them as at the time many a Maratha
would only serve on this condition. When a shiledar offered to sell his horse to government, the horse
was added on to the paga and the soldier served in that department of cavalry. The paga horses were each
branded with the state stamp on the rump. The cavalry soldier was dressed in a pair of tight breeches and
a frock of quilted cotton. He wore a scarf round the waist and a turban, one fold of which was passed
under the chin so as to fasten and prevent it from falling down when he was in full career. 1 The sword
was girt with the scarf round

1 The practice of the Maratha bargir or shiledar cavalryman to pass a fold of the turban under his chin is a
good commentary on Virgil's description of the dree a of. Aeneas, ( Aeneid IV, 216, Maeonia mtntutn-
mitra crinemque tubttexta ) viz. " Hia chin and hair bound with a Maeoniao turban."

the waist, the shield buckled at,the back. The spear was thenational weapon of the Maratha cavalry-
soldier, but some also carried a match-lock. They were, as a general rule, tc furnish their own arms, the
shiledars had to bring their own ammunition, the bargirs received their supply from the state.

Over every troop of twenty-five horse-soldiers of either description there w-is a havaldar. Over five
havaldars there was a jumledar and over five jumledars there was a subhedar. 1 - Over ten such
subhedars there was a panch-hazari and over them all stood the sir-nobut. 2 The cavalry sir-nobut was
distinct from the similar officer in chief command of the infantry. For every corps of twenty-five horses
there was a "water-carrier and a farrier. The havaldar had to look after the feeding and grooming of the
horses under him and the proper care of their trappings and equipments. The bargir drew a salary
according to his grade from two to five pagodas pef mensem, a shiledar from six to twelve, a jnmledar
twenty. 3 A subhedar's salary was a thousand pagodas per annum and he had besides a palanquin
allowance. A panch-hazari of horse had a salary of two thousand pagodas and a palanquin and an
umbrella-bearer's allowance. A subhedar of a shiledar contingent held command immediately under the
sir-nobut. Each subhedar, panch-hazari and sir-nobut had an establishment of couriers scouts and spies.

Besides this cavalry and infantry Shivaji maintained a brigade of five thousand horse for his personal
bodyguard, and this was composed of the flower of his army. Shivaji's

1 According to some authorities, a bazari held command over tea jamledars and a panch hazari over five
bazaris. This arrangement is followed by Mr. Ranade and Prof. Sarkar. Under this plan a cavalry
regiment-would consist of 1250 horse and a panch bazari brigade of 6250 troopers.

3 Mr. Sarde:ai gives the same sab-divis'ons of the cavalry brigade as described here in the text. We
follow Chitnis.

9 According to Sabhasad a jumledar received five hundred pagoda* ( annual pay ) and a palanquin
allowance.

THE WHEELS OF GOVERNMENT S7»-

hostilities with the Mahomedan powers endangered his life-at all times and his bodyguard had to be on
the qui vive day and night. Shivaji had chosen his bodyguard from the pick of the Mavali youth. These
were divided into companies of thirty, forty, sixty or one hundred men and placed under the bravest and
most loyal of his commanders. The bodyguard of foot had a rich uniform provided by the state, to be worn
on state occasions, consisting of a gold-embroidered turban, a woollen mantle and a scarf of checkered
silk or a Paithan shawl. For ornaments they wore sometimes gold armlets, sometimes necklaces of silver,
sometimes of gold. For their swords they had scabbards with gold-mounted ends and gold-fasteners to
secure their musketE. There was also a bodyguard of horse, consisting of the cream of the bargir cavalry.
They numbered five thousand and were distinguished from the rest by their gold and silver trappings. For
the personal use of Shivaji, there was a private stable comprising about a hundred noble steeds, with
housings and trappings of the most superb order. When Shivaji set forth on an excursion, the bodyguard,
both horse and foot, attended him as an escort, marching in front and in the rear, or to his left or right,
always observing the prescribed order and keeping fixed intervals between them.

At the recruiting season, Shivaji personally inspected every man who offered himself for service, whether
in the cavalry or the infantry and took security from some persons already in the service for the fidelity
and good conduct of those who were to be enlisted for the first time. The sureties executed bonds for the
good conduct of their proteges. None was appointed or promoted to the rank of jumledar or subhedar,
hazari, or panch hazari, who had not given proofs of his bravery and chivalry, and of proficiency in arms
as well as of his family connections. These officers were Marathas. Every subhedar and hazari had under
him either a Brahman subordinate as sabnis or muster-keeper and a Prabhu officer as karkhannis or store-

keeper,. or a Brahman muzumdar or accountant and a Prabhu sabnis or despatch clerk. In the same way,
under a panch-hazari there was a diwan, a sabnis and a karkhannis. Under these officers there were
inferior subordinates, and beyond the prescribed number, the commander could appoint clerks and other
subordinates at his own charge. Commanding officers, subhedars and hazaris were under strict regulations
to observe punctuality in the due payment of salaries and allowances to their subordinates.

Shivaji possessed at this time about two hundred and eighty hill-forts. These forts played a very important
part in Shivaji's military system and he attached a special value to their defence and equipment. Whatever
war or invasion menaced the country Shivaji had been able to defy the enemy in campaign after campaign
by the help of these forts. From a skirmish or a raid upon the enemy in the camp or the plains below he
could swiftly lead his hosts to the bafctlemented heights of his forts and laugh to scorn the impotent rage
of his pursuers spending itself in vain against their rock foundations. Rarely could a hostile army
dominate for long the country within range of such a fortress. A hostile occupation would in its nature be
temporary being subject to the fire and descents of the garrison of the neighbouring fort. In short the fort
was the most salient point of Shivaji's military system, both as regards offence and defence. No outlay
was too great whether to repair or restore old fortifications or to build new ones in positions of natural
advantage or strategical value. The organization and discipline of the forts were the most efficient and
strict to be found anywhere under his dominions.

The governor or commander in supreme charge of a fort had the title of havaldar. He was usually a
Maratha officer of distinguished bravery, loyalty and position. Under him was a sir-nobut, or commander
of garrison troops and a tat-sir-nobut or commander of the ramparts. There was besides a staff of the
usual officers, a

subhedar, a sabnis, a phadnis, and a karkhannis. Of these latter the first three were generally Brahmans,
the karkhannis or commissary of stores was commonly a Prabhu. These officers were selected with care
for their talents, loyalty and devotion. The ministers of state or distinguished nobles stood security for
their-good conduct. The final responsibility for the safety of the fort being vested in the havaldar, the other
officers had strictly to obey hia orders. He held the keys of the fort. He passed orders for commissariat
supplie8,ammunition and food provisions. He held the seals of the fort and papers were received or sent
in his name. He had finally the supreme charge of the garrison army. The subhedar administered the
revenue in the outlying villages and acted in consultation with the havaldar. The sabnis kept the records
and correspondence of the fort and the muster of the garrison* forces The karkhannis kept accounts of
stores and commissariat. He was also the pay-master and supervisor of the public buildings in the fort.
The division of work among men of different castes, as also the system of checks and counter-checks, was
a successful provision against fraud and treachery. The forces maintained at each fort were in proportion
to its size and importance.

The hills beneath the fort and the sloping declivities from the foot to the summit were guarded by sentinels
whose duty it was to watch the movements of a possible invader and guard the hilly woods. At the foot of
the fortress, there were outposts at the cross-ways and commanding positions where bodies of Ramosis,
Parwaris, Manga or Mahars were stationed on guard. They also acted as scouts and brought to the
governor of the fort secret intelligence of any stir or excitement or anything unusual taking place in the
neighbourhood, put the enemy's spies or scouts inquiring about the conditions within on a wrong scent,
and made sudden attacks on straggling parties from a hostile army loitering in their neighbourhood.

Under the strict regulations of Shivaji it was the duty

:382 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

of the havaldar to see that the portals of the fort were

• closed at nightfall. He had to assure himself in person that they were properly locked up, and he could
under no circumstances part with the keys, but have them under his pillow when he went to sleep. The
commanders in the fort by turns went* their appointed rounds all over the fort during the night. The sir-
nobut had general control over the patrols, but the watches at important positions over the defences were
under the supervision of the tat-sir-nobut,

or commander of the rampart. The havaldar was expected to be on guard at head quarters, with a posse of
armed men. The officers of each department were furnished with distinct

• regulations for their conduct, from which they were under no circumstances to deviate. Nor were they
permitted to
'interfere with the duties of any brother-officer, being strictly limited to their own. Unnecessary tampering
with the duties of another and indifferent attention to one's own was visited not merely with a stern
animadversion and censure, but a punishment which was alike rigorous and exemplary.

The fort regulations provided for punctual payment of their salaries, whether in cash or kind, to the
officers and men in the garrison. Provisions of food supplies and fodder, fuel, arms and ammunition, brick
and mortar, were made on a liberal scale, in quantities to last for two years or more at a time. Each fort
had its own scale for these supplies, based upon its particular needs and circumstances. Easy slopes and
passages up the forts were

• rendered steep and inaccessible by cutting down the rocks, or by mining and artificial defence works. It
is unfortunately not easy to ascertain the scale of salaries of the

.havaldar, subhedar, tat-sir-nobut and other garrison officers. The havaldar was at any rate entitled to the
privilege and allowance of a palanquin and torch-bearer. The garrison troops drew their salaries on the
same sea 1» as other soldiers. Besides the regular garrison army,.

<there were the skirmishers, sentinel guards and the irre-

THE WHEELS OF GOVERNMENT

gular and nondescript soldiery stationed at the outposts beneath the fort. These were recruited from
various castes and hill-tribes, such as Ramosis, Parwaris, Mahars, Mangs and Berads. They did not
receive fixed pay but had lands settled upon them in the neighbourhood of the fort, where they were to
have their allotted dwellings, subsisting on the produce of the fields they tilled and held as their own. All
these men came under the general •appellation of gadkaris or garrison men. The object of this plan was to
make the gadkaris, especially these nondescript members of the garrison, feel a personal interest in the
safety of the fort committed to their care, which was alike the source of honour and of livelihood to them.
In consequence of this arrangement, as the years elapsed, a breed of brave and loyal warriors was reared
up at each fort. The veteran soldier looked for no higher honour • or reward at the hands of Shivaji than to
be placed in command over one of these forts or promoted to the higher garrison appointments. The fort
was under the general administrative sphere of the taluka next adjacent to it and the talukdar or
rnamlatdar, as the case might be, was under orders to supply the necessary provisions with the advice of
the prant-subhedar. The dismissal or restoration to office of any of the garrison officers depended on
direct orders to that effect from the sovereign.

The organization of the artillery was in the hands of separate officers, about whose names or grades the
authorities are silent. Cannon were stationed at suitable points in the different fortresses. The field
artillery was *novad from place to place by means of waggons, arms and ammunition were conveyed in
carts, both being drawn by teams of oxen, of which a special breed was reared. When the aimy was on
march, each cart or waggon had a double team of oxen, one relieving the other when necessary. A party of
mechanics accompanied the army—smiths, .Carpenters, tanners, gunners and the like. The artillery

officers were to keep their ammunition and equipments ready for any emergency. The mounting and
dismounting of guns being an operation of great skill and labour, the best experts only had these duties
assigned to them. Besides the fort artillery planted in stationary batteries, there were about two hundred
field guns mounted on carriages. The artillery was purchased from the Portuguese, French and English
merchants or obtainsd from them under the special articles of the treaties concluded, with their
representatives.

For the purpose of administration the entire territory under Swarajya, or Shivaji's direct control, was
divided into a number of circles or districts called mahals and prants. A mahal comprised territory or
villages yielding an annual revenue of from seventy-five to a hundred and twenty-five thousand rupees.
Two or three such mahals went to form a prant or subha. The officer in charge of a mahal was the
mahalkari. He was also called a turufdar or talnkdar. This officer was generally a Brahman or Prabhu by
<*aste. Over each mahal likewise there was a havaldar, Maratha by caste. The officer presiding over a
subha was the subhedar. He was also called mamlatdar. The subhedar's jurisdiction often extended over
one or two forts. The officer in charge of two or three villages was called a kamavisdar. He supervised
the collection of revenue in his own little circle under direction of the mahalkari, or talukdar, his
immediate superior, and submitted his accounts at the headquarters of the subhedar concerned. The
headquarter's staff of the subhedar consisted of a muzumdar, a chitnis, phadnis and a daftardar or »••
cord-keeper, together with the necessary establishment of clerks and assistants. The mahalkari
superintended tlm work of the kamavisdar, the subhedar that of the mahalkari The subhedar heard cases.
In criminal matters he gave <iecision himself. In civil matters he got the cases submitted to a village
panchayat and enforced their decision The; frontier districts were subject to many disturbanc », and

the subhedars in charge of such districts were assisted by a contingent of infantry and cavalry. The
revenue levied, whether in cash or in kind, was conveyed for safe custody to the strongest fort within the
district limits. The subhedar's salary was four hundred pagodas per annum and he had also an allowance
for a palanquin and umbrella-bearers. The muzumdar in charge of a subha or pranfc drew a salary of one
hundred to oue hundred and twenty-five pagodas, and the other officers at the district headquarters in due
proportion. As to the salaries and allowances of the sub-divisional officers, the mahalkari and the
kamavisdar, there is no information available.

An elaborate survey of the entire Swarajya territory was taken in hand and the land record in the da/tar of
the mahalkari gave the names of the owner of each agricultural holding. The unit of field measurement in
Shivaji's system was the pole or kathi which measured nearly six cubits in length. 1 A cubit was fixed at
fourteen tasus or inches in Shivaji's system and eighty such tasus went to make a kathi. Twenty kathis
made a bigha and one hundred aud twenty bighas made a chavar. The produce of the holding was
determined by a survey of the standing crop. Of the assessed produce three-fifths were left to the
cultivator of the field and two-fifths formed the amount of the land tax, which was payable either in. cash
or in kind.J Annual kabulayats or agreements were entered into with the rayat with reference to the
payment of the government dues. In times of scarcity tagavi advances were made on a liberal scale which
were repayable by instalments during the four or five years following after the period of agricultural
distress. When allotments of uncultivated land were made to new tenants for the first time, with a view to
their being brought under the plough, grants of agricultural cattle and seed were made at govern--ment
expense and advances of corn and cash to the holder

1 The strict measure of the kat/u was live cubits and tire muthis. A muth is equal to the breadth of the
closed palm.

L. 8. 2b

.-W6 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

-of the virgin soil, till the first harvest was gathered. The amount thus advanced was to be re-imbursed to
the state ia the course of a few years. Thus the lands were settled upon the rayat with full proprietary
rights, and all soil that could boast of any degree of fecundity was brought under the plough. The revenue
officers were under strict .regulations to apportion the -tax to the produce and render the burden of
government dues as light as possible.

One important modification introduced by Shivaji in the ravenue usages of the Mahomehan states calls for
special notice. Under the Mahomedan regime each mahal and village had its revenue lord, deshmukh or
deshpandya, desai or patil, kulkarni or khot, mirasdar or zamindar, as the case might be. The government
officers had no direct dealings with the cultivator or rayat, but only with the revenue lords, who collected
the revenue dues from the individual cultivator. The grievous result of this system was that the cultivators
were always at the mercy of •these rapacious chiefs, who fleeced the unresisting multitude at their sweet
will. Was the government's share over the village produce two or three hundred rupees ? Off went the
rack-renting mirasdar to levy two or three thousand ! Sic vos non vobis mellificatia apes I The drones
carried away all the honey, the industrious multitude groaned, and the officers of government looked on
helpless, the state coffers being as low as ever for all the exaction. The revenue lords were surrounded by
their own satellites, swordsmen and musketeers. They lived in fortified residences and secured their
villages with mud-£orts and ramparts. When the government took notice of their exactions and raised the
assessment, they did nob scruple to defy the sovereign power or even appeal to arms. The consequence
was that the whole country was seething with sedition on account of these rebellious polygars.

This was entirely changed. The taxes were to be collected from the rayat under the direct supervision of
the paid officials of the central power. The usurping mirasdars and

THE WHEELS OF GOVERNMENT

38?.

zamindars were divested of the tyrannous powers under which the peasantry had groaned for centuries.
They were now entitled to fixed grants based on an average estimate of their just claims in the old regime,
and these were to be levied no longer from the cultivators but-r'rom the district officers representing the
central government. True indeed, the revenue lords subsided into an idle rentier class, digesting their
incomes and bearing-no burden in the economy of the state. But the harpies of extortion had been at worst
turned into harmless grasshoppers. Their pensions were subject to yearly confirmation, a procedure
which guaranteed their good behaviour towards the stafce. The peasantry, freed from, their grinding
greed, breathed more freely. The thrall in practice became a free agent towards the state, the lowly serf
began to hold up his head. Desai and deshmukh became simple subjects. Their forts and walls, their
strongholds and donjons were everywhere rased to the ground, their feudal bands dispersed, their private
wars and depredations put down with a strong hand. The district and taluka officers watched all their
movements. .It is easy to understand how these insolent nobles smarted with discontent under the new
discipline. But that .smouldering discontent was never allowed to blaze into-a fire. Wherever practicable,
the old nobility found congenial employment in Shivaji's army and in the civil service; and as they waxed
in dignities and emoluments they got reconciled to the new regime. Though servants of the state while-they
drew their stipends, their hereditary rights and their annual claims over the village revenues were at the
same timev assured to them. The dragon of anarchy WAS slain, the cultivator went happily about his
smiling meadows and the. arts of peace and thrift no longer languished in the land.
A word may be said about Shivaji's field regulations. The continuance of Shivaji's independence and of
tho> sovereign domains he had wrested from the reluctant Mahomedan pov/ei?j9 depended entirely upon
the army and

necessitated the maintenance of large bands of warriors ready to take the field at the shortest notice.
Never did any prince, whose power rested so vitally as Shivaji's did upon the upkeep of his army,
practise a more rigid system of economy and discipline. Rigid however though the system was, the
military organization he had to maintain in order to meet the constant alarms of war was too great to be
entirely supported upon the slender resources of the Swarajya revenue. A certain portion of the army was
stationed at the various forts, and maintained upon the revenues of the neighbouring villages. The
remainder of the necessary armaments required, therefore, to be supported at least in part on other
resources than state revenues. Added to these was the constant drain of wealth involved in the
interminable struggle with the Mogul and the Adil-ehahi sultan. These circumstances conspired to give
rise to the Maratha practice of sending out, year after year r a definite portion of the army upon a
campaign of invasion on the enemy's territory. 1 This was called Mulukhgiri or active service on hostile
soil. While the soldier was serving out his campaign he supported himself at the cost of the enemy and at
the end of his campaign brought home his spoils to replenish the state treasury. Another consequence of
these ceaseless campaigns, which no doubt was aimed at by Shivaji, was that the Mahomedan powers
subjected to the distracting war grew more and more feeble and inert, and gradually relaxed their control
of the country, surrendering one district after another. This, as we have seen, was the ruling idea of
Shivaji's life.

The sir-nobut of the horse went fjrth on these campaigns for eight months in the year. He levied the
chau'ch and sirdeshmukhi dues in the Bijapur and Mogul dominions and sacked the wealthy towns in the
hostile territories. When setting forth on the campaign, inventories were duly made of the goods and
chattels belonging to each soldier required by him on his march, and valuations 1 Sabhaaad, page 2y.

of these were made and entered in the regimental books, the object being to compare on the return of the
campaigners the valuables belonging to each soldier with those he had taken at the commencement of the
march, to make him accountable for anything found in excess and confiscate it to the public coffers as part
of the general booty or, as an alternative, deduct its value from his stipend. On the other hand, if a soldier
was found to have come by losses or impairment of his property the same was made good at the charge of
the state. If a trooper of the shiledar class lost or disabled his horse while on active service in the
campaign, he immediately received compensation at the rate described in the original inventory. No
females, servant-maids or prostitutes were permitted to accompany any soldier on a campaign. 1
Distillers or vendors of spirituous liquors were* also prohibited from joining the regiment on march. An,
infringement of these rules was punished with death. The> reason was plain. A strict disciplinarian like
Shivaji knew by intuition the value of temperance and sobriety on field service.

No sacrilege or interference with Brahmans was permitted on a campaign. No kine were ever to be
carried away in plunder nor oxen except as draught cattle according-to requirement. Females and peasants
were not to be> interfered with. Wealthy Mahomedans or Hindus in a, position of dependence on the
Mahomedan chiefs and able* to pay the war contributions might be arrested and taxed proportionately to
their fortunes, but immediately on their payment of the stipulated sums they were to be set at liberty. The
rest of the poor population suffered nothing by the invasion. Women and children had perfect immunity
under all circumstances. Pending the payment of contributions; hostages might be taken, never a Brahman,
a Mahomedan by preference.
The campaign had to be concluded before the rains,, when the squadrons were to rejoin their cantonments.
On

1 Vide tthedgavkar bakhar, page 39.

*3SO LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

arrival at the frontier of their own state, a search was made into the goods or chattels carried by each
trooper, iu comparison with the previous inventories, leading tc restorations or confiscations, where it
might be thought necessary. Elaborate inventories were also made of the spoils taken from the enemy.
Embezzlement of the public spoils was summarily dealt with. The returned cavalry resumed their ordinary
places in the cantonment, of which there were two or three centrally situated, with long lines of stables
and residences for the troopers. The brigadier bad to provide the fodder and veterinary aid to the beasts,
examine the musters of his regiment, and make up the salary bills for the men under his command.

When the inventories were fully nmde up and tallied, the sir-nobut waited on the king presenting the
spoils of the war for his gracious acceptance. The accounts were then audited and the balances credited to
the royal treasury or warehouses. Jewels, precious apparel etc. were cleaned or polished as required and
arranged in the proper cabinets with the estimated prices put upon them. It was open to officers and
soldiers to make a bid for any of these articles at the assessed prices, which could be deducted from their
salaries. Individual soldiers and officers recommended for special gallantry were now introduced to the
king by the sir-nobut upon the advice of the respective subhedars for promotion or rewards of merit. The
widows and orphans of those that had fallen received their fixed grants from government. Soldiers
disabled by grievous wounds had their life pensions settled by the state. Medical grants were liberally
made to those invalided in the service by wounds or disease. The condition and grievousness of the
wounds received determined the amount of compensation and entitled them to promotion or other marks of
honour. Officers in the army found unfit for the duties to which they were appointed were not summarily
dismissed but •transferred to another sphere or relegated to the civij service. Breach of discipline or
disobedience on a campaign

led to a court martial and punishment and a repetition of the offence, to dismissal from service.
Misappropriation of the spoils or plunder obtained in a campaign was visited \vith condign punishment. In
all these disciplinary matters, the sir-nobut was to act under the order of the sovereign, not on bis own
responsibility.

About the end of the monsoons, on the auspicious day of Dasara ( a great Hindu holiday in the early part
of October), the squadrons of horse were to start again on a new campaign. The celebration of Dasara
was one of ihe most festive periods in Shivaji's calendar and of great significance in his military system.
Hindu traditions of hoary antiquity and from the epic period downwards recognized it as the most
auspicious day for the opening of a campaign. On the day of Dasara, shiledar and bargir and whoever else
had a desire to join Shivaji's cavalry or infantry appeared before the sovereign and gave a display of their
agility and physique and skill in arms. Shivaji supervised the tests in person, and those who were found
fit for service were immediately enrolled and appointed to duties for which they showed special
aptitudes. The forces to be launched out on the new campaign were personally reviewed by the sovereign.
Shivaji examined every horse taken out on the expedition. The lists of accoutrements and appurtenances of
each soldier were made out once again. The sir-nobut and the leading commanders came to have their
farewell audience of the monarch. The final orders were given and taken and the generals led forth their
eager.hosts into those hostile territories which were decreed to be the scene of their activity for the year.
Under Shivaji's system the generals and superior officers drew their salaries in advance at the time of the
mobilization of their squadrons. The rank and file of the regular army and the irregular camp-followers
received their accumulated wages at the end of the campaign. From-the salaries thus received in a lump
sum they were to provide for their families for the T?hole year. The stipends

due for the period of inactivity while the forces were cantoned during the monsoons appear under this
system to have been payable in a lump sum at the time of Dasara. While on campaign the soldier had
scarcely any payment to make for his subsistence. Shivaji spared no expense to keep the army happy and
contented at all times. Never was there a mutiny, sedition, 'or conspiracy in his camp. The passion that
dominated every breast, every regiment, every camp flying Shivaji's standard was to put forth the very
best of their valour and daring, and to earn the applause and admiration of their master. This was the
occupation of their thoughts, this the noble emulation that inspired them.

In the other departments there was great punctuality in the payment of all salaries to public officers. At the
end of each year the salary bills were made up and paid and the standing instructions were to leave no
balances for the next year. The punctuality thus observed kept the men in the public service in sympathy
with the government, their families well supported even in the absence of their chiefs, and the entire
civilian class free from fear of indebtedness. Shivaji knew from the condition of other governments of the
time that irregularity in payment was the root cause of sedition among public officers, of indifference to
duty, of dullness, of ineptitude. Hence the great care with which he endeavoured to extirpate the least
signs of indebtedness from the public service. The spectre of debt took the edge from all ambition and
enterprise, robbed life of all its savour and drove the distracted victim to every kind of vice and iniquity.
All this Shivaji saw and he wisely made provision for his officers to enable them to avoid these fears.
But he saw that there were occasions, like marriages and other festive functions, when not only the poor
but even the most affluent were forced to borrow. Such being the ci&e a rule was made that public
officers on such occasions might apply for aid from the state funds, and such aid was granted on a scale
determined by the applicant's position and services. At

the same time when an officer was found improvident or extravagant and in consequence overwhelmed
with debt, he was discharged from the service.

The superior officers received their salaries in cash or by orders for payment on the revenue officers. The
latter paid in cash or in kind according to the order received, which they had to follow to the letter.
Punctuality of payment was the out-standing feature of the system. These orders on the treasury were duly
audited from year to year. When a paid servant of the state happened to be a holder of an agricultural
estate, the land-revenue chargeable on his holding was deducted from his stipend and the balance made up
by a*i order on the treasury, which was duly paid off in cash or in kind. No military or civil officers
received assignments of village lands, as the whole or part of their salaries. Such assignments of the
revenues of entire villages or a portion of them went under the name of mokasa. The grant of mokasa
lands had become a regular feature of Mahomedan rule, and a prolific source of every form of
oppression. What with the zamin-iar and the mokasadar, the subjects of these unhappy governments were,
as it were, ground down between two mill-stones Under pretence of government service they impressed
any amount of forced labour. To avoid these evil practices, therefore, Shivaji took care, that, where
orders on tho revenue were made in payment, they should be addressed to and made payable by the
revenue officers concerned, and debited to the revenue account, and that the recipients should under no
circumstances exercise any kind of proprietary rights or claims on those villages to the revenue of which
their salaries were debited.
In the same manner were jahgirs suppressed. Jahgirs were fiefs conferred on great nobles of the state in
recognition of services performed. The holders of the jahgirs collected the revenues of these fiefs by their
own agents, and were responsible to the state for paying a small percentage of their receipts as tribute or
in lieu thereof had to serve

in the field with ft prescribed number of followers. WitL a tenure that presented such a wide latitude for
freedom of action and independence and placed such multitudes under their autonomous sway, these jahgir
feudatories appeared more in the character of ruling princes than, obedient vassals in allegiance to a
common sovereign. The cultivators looked upon them as their sovereign masters. They had their own
militia of jahgir forces. They lived in fortified strongholds and secured their fiefs with many a fortress,
tower and parapet. The fiefs descended from father to son in right of succession. The zeal and loyalty of
the founder of the family in the service of the central power could not in the nature of things be transmitted
unimpaired along with the family fortunes to the generations that followed. The strain of virtue and valour
that had distinguished the first fief-holder was rarely to be discovered among acions of the same blood.
Contempt of the central power and insolent disobedience to its commands were the natural consequences.
The spirit of defiance had become the element in which they lived and moved. The signal of a foreign
invasion might be expected to gather their forces for the defence of the central power; but it more often
proved a trumpet-call for mutiny and rebellion.

Shivaji was so conscious of the festering evils to which, the jahgir system gave rise in the commonwealth,
that he set his face sternly against the practice. Where it happened that in territories newly brought under
his flag the old practice was found to exist and the jahgirdar aristocracy of the ancient regime had in some
form to be recognized, the lands held in jahgir from times of yore by these families were no longer
considered as held in proprietary right, and a percentage of the revenue was all that waa conceded to
them for the continuance and glory of their ancient pedigrees. And this, with the additional precaution that
they should not interfere with the rayats, who were, responsible only to the government officers of the
villages.

concerned. Divested of all shadow of authority and power to work their will upon the suffering multitude,
the more capable and talented of these nobles found a free arena for the exercise of their virtues and
genius in Shivaji's army and civil establishments. Their ancient forts were levelled to the ground. No
castellated residences were any longer assigned or permitted to them. Down went buruz and parapet.
They were required to occupy ordinary unfortified residences. The stronger fortifications over all the
jahgir dominions of course passed bodily under Shivaji's military officers as parts of the ordinary
defences of th& country.

Thus was crushed the many-headed hydra that had turned the fairest parts of the country into a morass and
poisoned its substance. For whatever name it assumed— khot, deshmukh, deshpande, desai, zamindar,
mokasdar, mirasdar, jahgirdar—the evil was the same, irresponsible rapine. It was an attribute of the
highest statesmanship on the part of Shivaji that though he deprived them of their voracious propensities,
this brood of hawks could yet be successfully tamed for the public service. The discontinuance of the
jahgir practice by Shivaji has had one unfortunate result: the names of the illustrious leaders and
statesmen, who so nobly seconded their sovereign's efforts for the redemption of the liberty of their
country, have fallen into an unseemly and unmerited oblivion. In any age, in any country, the names of
Moropant Pingle, Abaji Sondev, Tanaji Malusare, Yesaji Kank, Baji Fasalkar, Baji Prabhu, Netaji Palkar,
Prataprao Guzar, Hambirrao Mohite and a host of others would have shone in the national galaxy like
stars of the first magnitude. To-day they are under an unnatural eclipse. True to his principles Shivaji
conferred no jahgirs upon these illustrious partners of his labours in field and in council, though nobody
else in all the land could be said to have had a better claim for any mark of recognition than these tried
veterans. But not even in these cases was the " no jahgir " rule to be broken. Had the

gallant services of these men received any such recognition, who knows but perhaps these great names
might still have survived the ravages of time, not indeed quite unscathed but still with the family honours
and the family estates ?

Another important rule of Shivaji's discipline was that no public office, civil or military, was to become
hereditary. However capable or brilliant the career of the father had proved to be, this was no reason in
itself for the succession of his son to the same office. If the great services of the father were at all to be
acknowledged by a compensatory preferment of the son, it was strictly conditioned by the capacity and
character the latter had revealed in his career. Without such ability, the gates of royal favour or preferment
were closed, not only as regards succession to the paternal dignities, but to any official appointment. This
put an end to all manner of nepotism in the public service. The public offices never became the close
preserves of a small ring of families. The duties of the state were discharged with efficiency and with
unfaltering regard for the right. This is the more remarkable when we consider the sterling character, the
selfless devotion, the unwavering rectitude of Shivaji's gallant companions in arms and in council, the
pillars of the empire, its builders, its defenders. Remarkable again because no one,—no, not even the
worst caviller,—traces the rigour of the new system to a lack of appreciation or to insolence or
ingratitude. Not indifference but a just appreciation governed all these actions, no phlegmatic disregard
but a keen instinct to discern merit. So lively was this sense of fair dealing as between officer and officer,
so strict the measure of justice, whether distributive or retributive, that Shivajididnot hesitate,where duty
required it, to rebuke the greatest of his generals, to discharge or supersede them, when the least act of
insubordination or dereliction of duty was brought home to them in the exercise of their trust. The fact that
these great ministers and commanders held no jahgirs and were backed by no feudal militia made their
removal or supersession from office

comparatively easy. Such was the new regime, the discipline of the renaissance of the Maratha power. No
prototype-of it can be found in the contemporary Mahomedan governments of Shivaji's time or in the
fossilized systems of Hindu medievalism that had preceded it. Unhappily for the Maratha Renaissance all
vestiges of the new system disappeared after the advent of the Raja Shahu and the usurping domination of
his Peshwa ministers,—with what dire results is too well known to the student of history.

While the conduct of the great officers and commanders was subject to the constant scrutiny of the
sovereign and his principal ministers, there was a secret intelligence corps or service of scouts which
maintained a constant watch on the actions and the movements of the local officers at each fort, mahal. or
subha, each cantonment and campaigning regiment. The head of this corps of scouts was Bahirji Naik, a
man in the complete confidence of Shivaji. Secret officers kept an eye on the movements of commanders
despatched on a campaign, watched the booty taken and the contributions levied and reported any attempts
at misappropriation or underassessment of the spoils of war. The detectives maintained their silent watch
upon the manner in which the garrison officers discharged their trust> gave warnings of any attempted
collusion with the enemy, reported on the revenues levied and actually submitted to the treasury, and
generally took notice of cases of oppression or misrule. But the intelligence service had not only this
sphere of activity. More important was the detective work they rendered the state by reporting on the
movements of the enemy, the camp news in the Adilshahi, Kutub-shahi or Mogul territories, the latest
ministerial and other changes of office, the latest developments in policy or plans. They were ubiquitous;
they went in all manner of disguises; they saw and detected everything. The secret despatches thus
received from these officers were read out in the privacy of the royal palace by Shivaji's personal
secretary, Balaji Avji Chitnis. A reported case of insubordination or breach

of discipline on the part of an officer was subjected to a close investigation, and,if at the end of the
enquiry he was found guilty, he was immediately punished with the penalties attached to the offence. This
exercised a wholesome restraint upon the other officers and made them more amenable to duty.

Shivaji did not consider there was a necessity for a separate judicial service throughout his dominions.
Inland disputes or contractual disagreements about transfer of property, the cases were referred to
panchayats by the mahal and district officers. The village panchayat system flourished in all its vigour and
vitality, and, being the cheapest and most immediate, it was, at the same time, the most convenient system
to the inhabitants. Shivaji, therefore, retained the system with a right of appeal to the sovereign. The
advantage of the system was that the parties concerned had not to go a long way from their homes to reach
the court, the trials took place where the causes of action arose, and decisions were given by persons who
could make a personal investigation of the facts and indeed bring their ocular knowledge and local
experience to bear upon the question at issue; and, over and above this, there was the undeniable
advantage that being of the people they decided for the people without charging any fees or salaries. It
was for the mahalkari and the subha officer to see that the decisions of the panchayat were duly respected
though the party dissatisfied with the judgment of the panchayat court could appeal to the king. Such
appeals were heard by the Nyayadhish or the chief justice, one of the ministers of the Ashta-Pradhan
cabinet. Criminal jurisdiction was vested in the subha officer, against whose decision a reference could
be made to the sovereign for revision, when the case was called before the court of the Panditrao or the
ecclesiastical officer, who revised the case in the light of the shastric law. Cases of insubordination in the
army or breach of military discipline came for .investigation before the military subbed ar or other higher

officer, which could be appealed from to the sovereign, when . decision was given by the sir-nobut or
commander-in-chief.

In the territories now reduced under Shivaji's dominions, there had once prevailed much disturbance from
thieves and dacoits. This peat of thieves was considerably mitigated and in parts utterly suppressed by
Shivaji. Thieves and criminal tribes such as Berads and the like, were hunted down and executed when
arrested. Some were given lands within gunshot of some strong fortress or other and the commander of the
fort kept them under a strict surveillance Some were indeed enrolled among the irregular infantry of the
fort garrisons and the temptation to urime cured by the prospect of a fixed salary. Where a village had
earned a notoriety for frequent dacoities, it 'was placed under the sentinel watch of a person of the Berad
class, who was made responsible for the safe-guarding of the village properties and was bound to trace
the theft or pay damages. If he committed a theft himself "he was straightway led to execution.

Charitable grants to shrines and temples coming down from long antiquity were continued in the new
regime, and where the grants formerly made were found inadequate, additional grants were sanctioned.
Fresh grants -were made by cession of agricultural lands to many religious institutions which had thus far
struggled on without any state aid. These places of religious sanctity were placed under proper
procurators and managers, and an audit was to be made of the expenditure incurred from the state grants
by priests and pujaris. These audits were subject to annual inspection by state officers. Persons of high
reputation for sanctity or righteousness residing at the holy pilgrim places received annuities. For the
celebration of recurring solemnities and religious festivals, assignments of village lands were made to
shrines and holy places.

It was not Hindu shrines only which came in for •a share of the royal bounty, but the Mahomedan mosques
and

shrines and the tombs of the pirs and saints of Islam, throughout the Swarajya dominions continued to
draw the revenues assigned to them by the Mahomedan powers. Shivaji was so far from confiscating
these mortmain properties of the church of Islam, that, on the contrary, he even transferred fresh lands to
Mahomedan shrines and made new assignments of revenue. Shivaji'a enthusiasm for the faith of his fathers
does not seem to have led him into a bigoted hatred of anything and everything that belonged to the
Mahomedan religion. Among the numberless campaigns he led in person or under the generalship of his
great commanders, there is no instance mentioned of any act of sacrilege or violation of any Mahomedan
shrines. And this is the more to-be admired since the perpetuation of any such sacrilegious crime would,
among the scenes of religious frenzy into which the followers of Islam were being constantly betrayed in
his times, have appeared comparatively excusable. But Shivaji's was an enlightened policy of religious
tolerance, which made any form of persecution impossible. 1

The settled sway of Islam over the plains of Maharashtra had crushed out all life and vigour from the
indigenous studies of the Vedas and other branches of Hindu philosophy. With a view to encourage and
revive these fallen studies, Shivaji instituted a new system of patronage for the exponents of Hindu
learning and philosophy. Under this system the month of Shravan, which coincided with the season of the
autumnal cessation from warlike activities, was devoted to giving audiences to learned Brahmans from all
parts of the country, who were invited to make a display of their learning and submit themselves to
prescribed tests conducted by the ecclesiastical minister, the Pandit Rao. The candidates coming out
successful from the tests received rewards in corn, from one

1 Even Khati Hbau had to acknowledge Shivaji'a tolerant) policy towards the Church of ishim. Vide his
remarks on the character of Shivaji ( Elliot, VII p. 305 et passim. )

to ten maunds, according to the quality and standard of their attainments. Great scholars and exponents of
the Vedas and of the Indian school of astronomy, were accorded the welcome due to their position.
Honorariums were given them on a royal scale. Scholarly Brahmans from across the frontiers of the
Swarajya kingdom were honoured with presents in cash, those domiciled within the Swarajya limits
received drafts for so many maunds in corn on the local treasury of the district in which they were
domiciled. Along with the patronage of Sanskrit learning, state aid was granted to the performance of
religious sacrifices and other celebrations when undertaken by learned Brahmans on their private
initiative on a scale of magnificence requiring such support. In short, it was a principle of Shivaji's
government to make much of the existing virtue, piety and learning in his kingdom and not to cast it adrift
in search of an alien patronage. Free alms-houses were opened for maintenance of the deserving poor and
arrangements made for the banqueting of the Brahmans at the important temples on auspicious occasions.

Herds of kine were maintained at the state expense in select pasturages in the valley of the Bhima, in
Mandesb and other places, and an army of state dairymen and cattle attendants looked after their up-keep.
A high class breed of commissariat oxen was reared in these cattle farms. Farm cattle were likewise
supplied to agriculturists from, public stalls. There were likewise parks of state buffaloes. These were in
charge of shepherds and dairymen who were to reside in meadows teeming with herbage among the
valleys and the mountains. The herds were surveyed from year to year and the annual contributions in
butter or ghee were settled on each individual shepherd as also the quantity of milk each of them had to
supply at the public feasts of the Brahmans on state occasions. A similar arrangement was made for state
flocks of sheep and goats which were allotted in groups of twenty or twenty-five to the charge of
individual shep—

L. s. 27.

herds subject to the same method of surveying and registering and the same scale of contributions on state
occasions.

It may be of interest in this place to glance at the daily routine of Shivaji's life in times of peace. He rose
"with the dawn which was ushered in by beating the palace <lrutn and with songs of divine praise sung by
the palace minstrels to the accompaniment of instrumental music. Awakened amid these strains the pious
king offered to Heaven his morning prayers. Then followed the ablutions of the face and hands, the
worship of the sacred kine, the morning bath with water mingled with sacred sprinklings from the Ganges
and other purificatory streams, the rosary, the prayers and other acts of worship. After this some time was
devoted to readings from the sacred puranas. Those acts of religious merit were generally «nded by 7-30
A. M., after which the Maharajah usually put on his full dress. He gave himself for a brief interval to his
daily exercise of target-practice, and came to the audience hall. The secretaries and officers were by this
time ready in their places to receive orders and confirmations. Strangers admitted to the levee made their
salutes. A smile to this minister, a word to that, a charge to a third drew all hearts towards the king as by a
subtle magic. There -was none present there but thought that he alone was basking in the sunshine of the
royal favour. Men of talents obtained ready admission and left with many an acknowledgment of their
sovereign's esteem and patronage. [The session in the audience hall lasted till 10 A. M.; then an
adjournment was made to the office chambers for confidential consultation with one or other ministers of
state. At 11 A. M. the usual number of Brahman guests was entertained to dinner, and the king himself sat
down to his morning meal, with a select company of guests. After the dinner and pan-supari the king came
again to the secretariate and had the correspondence of the .day read out by his private secretary and
replies dictated and drafts presented for approval and confirmation.

Urgent proposals were then taken up and a provisional audit made of the previous day's receipts and
disbursements, as also the estimates for the morrow. Then the king retired to his private chambers for the
afternoon siesta, after which he came back again to the audience--iall, reviewed the recent doings of the
various quasi-public establishments of the mahals and the karklmnas, considered appeals or references
from the judicial officers, and passed anal orders thereon. About an hour before sunset, the king used to
leave the palace, to pay a visit of inspection to this or the other private establishment, visits to the temples
Or the private parks, or for equestrian or other forms of exercise, after which he returned again to the
audience-hall for the evening levee. About 7 p. m came the time for night devotions, prayers and readings
from the puranas to be followed in due course by the evening meal, and deliberation with a minister. After
all this audience was given to secret spies and scouts, and the nicer details of foreign diplomacy and
private correspondence were attended to. Such was the ordinary routine of a life subject to an
extraordinary stress of public events and surprises, the punctuality and regularity of which amid the
manifold disturbing events that beset his career on all •sides, cannot fail to excite our admiration. The
punctilious precision of the king in all things could not but impress the same virtues upon the minds of his
ministers. Sloth and procrastination found no place at his court.
While Shivaji thus diffused all round among his courtiers this keen regard for precision and punctuality,
he also encouraged among them a love of noble enterprise ami an ambition to rise in their own
departments by dint of perseverance, enthusiasm and self--help. For these were the qualifications to win
distinction and promotion in his service, not the arts of the flatterer or the parasite, or the encomiums of
interested friends and partisans. Thus the court, became the training-ground for virtue and talent;
mediocrit v •and inefficiency had no place within its hallowed precincts.

During the hours of business at Shivaji's durbar, indulgence in any form of raillery or banter was
forbidden. Professional jesters, entertainers and sycophants were denied admission at the durbar
sessions. Vulgar or obscene conversation was impossible at his court, and the rake and the voluptuary
avoided his presence. His serious thoughts were occupied at all hours with discussion of arms and
horses, war and conquest. In leisure hours he was capable of witty and humorous discourse in the
company of his chosen confidants, nor was he a stranger to the intellectual delights of poesie, but revelled
in the impromptu effusions of the court poet, Bhushan Kavi, and other bards. Shivaji was always prepared
to give an audience to musicians and preachers of distinction, who never failed to receive at his hands the
reward due to their talents, learning and eloquence. Nor was the art of dancing altogether discouraged.
There was no puritanical embargo on all forms of song and dance. But there was a studied restraint and
discrimination in these forms of amusements. They never became a master passion with him to the
exclusion of graver pursuits. The same measure of restraint was observed in the amusement of the chase.
As an ordinary accomplishment and a recognized obligation of the Kshatriya or warrior caste, Shivaji
indulged in this sport at intervals of one or two months, hunting big game as a rule and sparing bucks and
deer, except when venison was occasionally needed for the anniversary oblations to the manea of his
ancestors and other quasi-sacrificial occasions.

A noteworthy feature of Shivaji's discipline was the spirit of friendliness and social intercourse that
subsisted among the ranks of his officers. There rarely was any envy or friction among the different
members of the state-service. They were required to abstain from intervention in departments not falling
under their immediate care and avoid sowing discontent among their brother officers out of spite or
jealousy on failing to attain their •wishes. When owing to any cause, the social relations

between any of the great ministers of state were found to be strained, Shivaji promptly interfered and
effected a restoration of the friendly accord and good feelings that previously existed between them. To
make the reconciliation complete, where the parties belonged to the same caste, Shivaji got them to seal
the restoration of harmony by a matrimonial alliance. Juniors in the service were required to behave
deferentially with the senior officers. No royal valet or personal attendant, however high he might stand in
the king's favour or confidence, dared abuse his position to whisper slander in the ruler's ear and
prejudice his opinion against any minister or officer in the public service. The acts of administration were
a forbidden subject to the menial staff, nor were they allowed to turn the conversation to the subject of
their own or their friends' advancement in the king's service. No petitions or" complaints of this nature
were directly to be placed before the king, but to be submitted in due course through the heads of their
departments. This injunction was strict and universal, and even the great nobles of the court and the
personal relations of the king did not escape from it No claims for preferment found an avenue to the
king's foot-stool except through the natural gate-way of the department concerned. When in spite of this
rule some great officer or other did plead for preferment in the royal presence, he was invariably told that
the reply to his petition would be sent through the minister concerned. Complaints against public officers
were not encouraged and unless an investigation clearly proved a serious lapse on the part of a state
officer, he incurred no blame or distrust in the mind of his sovereign. This mistrustfulness on the part of
the king against his own ministers and officers was a common weakness of Indian potentates, and many a
slanderer was to be found in every principality to impose upon the credulity of the prince and turn him
against the truest and most steadfast of his servants. Shivaji knew well the seamy side of human nature and
the knavery of officious back-biters and informers. The

knowledge that their king was above that meanness whicL. scents suspicion on every side and gathers
around him a corps of officious, eaves-dropping and meddlesome informers inspired Shivaji's officers to
give of their best both as regards service and advice, in the serene confidence that there was no
possibility of a misapprehension as to the purity of their motives and the integrity of their work, no
alienation, in short, unless there was a grave dereliction in the discharge of their duties.

The bikhars give a picturesque account of the style of Shivaji's durbar when he sat in audience for the
discharge of solemn business and to decide on public affairst as also of the pomp and circumstance of the
state processions which were held from time to time. The forms observed at these public functions were
nearly the same as have been de-cribed in the last chapter in connection with the coronation festivities. In
the centre of the audience-hull was the royal throne and the canopy ; behind, the bearers, of the morchel
and other attendants; in front standing in two rows were the blood-relations and officers of the bodyguard.
Next sat in due order of precedence on either wide, the great ministers of state, commanders, members of
the revenue and diplomatic services, representatives of foreign powers and select nobles. 1 The deputies
and secretaries to the great ministers of state sat behind their chiefs. Then came the heads of various
stores and treasury establishments. Two macebearers or sergeants guarded the entrance, saw to the proper
salutes being made by those presenting themselves at the durbar, gave them their seats according to the
degree of their precedence and ushered and announced strangers coming to the durbar.

o <-?

The sentinel posts in front of the audience-hall were in charge of these sergeants, and when anybody's
presence was specially wanted at the durbar they sent one of the

* The Peshwa, the Amatya, the Sachiv, the Mantri and the Ghitni-ttood to the right of the throne; the
i'anditrao, the Senapati, the Sumant,, the Nyayadhish etc. to the leit.

peons or troopers under their command to deliver thfc summons for attendance to the person concerned.

At the solemn processions, on the auspicious occasions* in the Hindu calendar, the order was very much
as described in t*e last chapter. Right in the vanguard of the entire procession came the elephants bearing
the dual standards of the empire, the Jaripatka or the cloth-of-gold flag and the Bhagwa-zenda or orange-
coloured banner. Behind these came the two cloth-of-gold pennants of the Prime Minister and the
Commander-in-chief also mounted on elephants, followed by the standards of each separate regiment of
cavalry and infantry, with officers of the king's guard and the shiledar corps riding immediately behind as
the general custodians of their regimental flags. Then followed trains of artillery and ammunition,
squadrons of horse and elephant-corps, the skirmishers in the infantry, light-armed slingers, javelin-
throwers, archers and musketeers. Behind came the war-bands, drums, horns and trumpets with their shrill
war music. Behind them again came the paga or household horse and mounted police, followed by the
softer music of flutes and pipes, and minstrels and troubadours. Then followed other bands of spearsmen,
mace bearers, peons and attendants, wrestlers and gymnasts following on foot, and lastly the elephant
bearing the royal howda, surrounded by a ring of chosen attendants and Mavalis. Immediately behind,
followed the ladies of the royal family, then the ministers of state according to their usual rights of
precedence, the secretariate officers and their deputies, and nobles and commanders. The royal drum
escorted by the chief commander and other officers brought up the rear of the procession.

The bakhars give a very interesting story illustrating Shivaji's fame among his contemporaries as a patron
and admirer of genius, and of his anxiety to retain such men to adorn his court by their presence. At Delhi,
at the imperial court, there was a poet of the name of

Chintaraani, 1 whose business it was to entertain the emperor by singing or reciting his odes. This bard
had a brother, who was also a gifted poet, but who unfortunately unlike his more fortunate brother did not
enjoy the imperial patronage. He depended on his brother until somebody insulted him as an idle, stay-at-
home fellow, when he* determined to leave Delhi, and resolved never to live any more on the bounty of a
Mahoinedan. In the course of his wanderings he came to the court of a raja among the mountains of
Kamaun and had the good fortune to obtain his patronage. Having spent a few years in that principality, he
asked for permission to leave, upon which the prince as a sign of his appreciation presented him with a
sum of one lakh of rupees, accompanying his farewell present with the observation that the poet would not
find on earth a donor so bountiful and appreciative as himself. This expression of conceit irritated the
poet who replied then and there to the Raja: "There may be thousands on earth to equal, nay surpass, you
in munificence, but scarcely a beggar, I think, who would thus spurn a present, though a lakh of rupees,
accompanied by such an arrogant boast."

With these words, the imperious bard put down the gold and left the country without any recompense for
his poetic labours. In the course of his peregrinations the rising fame of Shivaji reached his ears and
induced him to come down to the Deccan. Seeking an interview with Shivaji he declared to him his
intention of living under the auspices of one who had no love for Mahomedans. Upon this, Shivaji
retained him in his patronage and settled a maintenance grant upon him. His forte was to make poems on
diverse subjects in the Braja-bhdahct, a dialect of the valley of the Jumna, with which he used to

1 Chintamani is said to have previously lived under the Bhooale Raja Makarindshah of -Nagpur for
several years.

2 This poet is said to have at first lived under the patronage of the Raja Chhatraeal of Pannah for about six
months and left him in 1664 to

join Shivaji'e court. ( Kavyetihas Sangraha. )

entertain Shivaji. His principal poem is a sort of epic celebrating the exploits of Shivaji, the Shiv-Raj-
Bhushan Kavya or the poem on the glories of Shivaji. 1 Shivaji was quite charmed with this poem. After a
long sojourn in Shivaji's territories, he announced his intention to return home, upon which he was
rewarded with ample presents and pressed to return again, which he willingly promised to do.

When the news of the bard's return to Delhi, 2 laden with wealth and tokens of Shivaji's favour, reached
the envious ears of Aurangzeb, he bade Cbintamani introduce his brother to the imperial court. Bhushan is
said to have attempted some sort of protest declaring that the emperor was a declared enemy of his
patron, and as a loyal vassal what would he have to do with such a one, since nothing could escape his
lips but the praises of Shivaji, which would only irritate the emperor ? However on the insistence of
Chintamani, our bard undertook to attend the durbar, on a condition proposed and accepted, that should he
be required to recite a poem, the theme would be the glories of Shivaji. Some time after the first
introduction, Aurangzeb bade Bhushan recite some verses. The poet said, " Your Majesty had better wash
your hands first, for after the erotics of my brother, which excite a voluptuous languor in your heart, I am
going to raise my song to a heroic pitch, which, I am afraid, must needs raise Your Majesty'* hands again
and again to your august mustache. Hence wash your

1 This poem was published in the Marabhi Magazine Kavyetihag Sangraha many years ago. It is said the
poem was completed the year before Shivaji's coronation. It proposes to discuss the figures of speech etc.
in Indian works on rhetoric and in the illustrative verses chosen on the subject, the poet describes the
glories of Shivaji's achievements. Prof. Sarkar thinks that Bhushan's Granthavali (Hindi, edited by Shyam
Bihari Mishra and Shakdev Bihari Mishra—Nagari Prachariai Sabha, Benares, 1907) is full of "fulsome
flattery of Shivaji, by a variety of similes and parallels from the Hindu scriptures and epics", but at th«
same time useful "as showing the atmosphere and the Hindu mind of the time."

2 Probably Agra, but Delhi is used loosely of the Mogul durbar.

hpnds I aay !" " All right," said the emperor, '« and if thou failest, thou shalt answer with thy head ! " With
thie. threat, he bade him commence his verses. Bhushan began to recite the glories of Shivaji's
achievements. The emperor bade him sing his own greatness, celebrating his suzerainty over all princes
and the enormous streams of tribute flowing to the imperial treasury from subject vassals. Upon this
Bhushan began with a simile comparing the vassal princes to trees and the emperor to a butterfly rifling
the sweets of every tree. In presenting this similitude, Bhushan likened Shivaji to the champak tree, and as
the butterfly abstains from the champak tree alone, as it is believed, the poet expressed in recondite terms
his meaning that whatever success the emperor might have achieved against other princes and whatever
tribute he might levy from them, his attempts had all failed before Shivaji. Then the emperor reminded
him of the preliminary condition and told him he had got him to wash his hands in vain. The poet
continued five or six stanzas, in which some martial scenes were rendered in such lively strains, that at
the end of the sixth stanza the emperor spontaneously raised his hand to hie mustache. Upon this the poet
concluded his recitation and the emperor, gratified with his exquisite skill and poetic faculty, bestowed
upon him many marks of honour and patrpnage. Shivaji's agent at the imperial court sent full particulars of
the incident to his royal master, which was indeed very gratifying to Shivaji. He wrote in reply to his
agent to send the bard Bhushan again to the south, and it ia said that at sight of his letter, Bhushan returned
once more to live at Shivaji's court.
CHAPTER XXV
RENEWED WARS WITH BIJAPUR AND THE MOGULS, 1674-1676

WE have already described in a previous chapter how Shivaji had made his reconciliation with
Aurangzeb by prudent relations with Khan Jahan Bahadur, the subhedar of the Deccan, who had
forwarded to the imperial presence Shivaji's memorial for a peace, drafted in the conciliatory style which
characterised his relations with the Moguls, while giving up nothing that was of practical advantage to
him. The Mogul arms had been rusting for some time, but it was not to be expected that the armistice
would be anything but of short duration. It was no pleasant news to Aurangzeb when he heard of the
solemnities of Shivaji's coronation and the realization of the great Maratha's ambition, the formal re-
establishment of a Hindu sovereignty in the south. He found fault with the continued neutrality of his
subhedar and suspected that he was acting in collusion with the Maratha leader. Soon afterwards Diler
Khan of Guzerat marched into Shivaji's territory upon a campaign of invasion. The Peshwa Moropant
advanced against him, but instead of confronting the forces of Diler Khan, made a diversion into the
Mogul territories, conquering one station after another. Moropant recovered passession of Aundh and
Patta which ,had fallen into the hands of the Moguls. While Moropant was thus keeping the Moguls busy
in the south, Hambirrao, the ccmmander-m-chie? of Shivaji's forces, ascended the ghats near Surat and
dividing his forces into different bands sent them to ravage the Mogul dominions in different directions.
One of these bands crossed the Narbada, entered the district of Broach, and levied heavy war
contributions upon the inhabitants, The result of these Movements was that Diler Khan had to call away
his forces from Shivaji's territories for the defence of his own province.

On the retirement of Diler Khan, Moropant lay en-

camped at Kalyan with a force of ten thousand men. He beat off a large body of Kolis and Bhils from
Dharam-pur, who had invaded the Kalyan district at the instigation of the Moguls and opposed the
Maratha march northward. From the camp at Kalyan Moropant sent his envoy to the Portuguese at Bassein
to demand a quarter of the revenue of all their territories around Bassein. This demand of a quarter, or, to
give it its more famous Marathi name, chauth of the revenue on the Portuguese government seems to have
been made by Shivaji now for the first time. By the treaty made on a former occasion with the Portuguese,
the latter had undertaken to supply Shivaji's government with guns and ammunition every year and they
had hitherto fulfilled the terms of that agreement. Religious persecution was at its height in' the Portuguese
territories around Bassein. Many Hindu families were forcibly converted to Christianity. To those
unconverted the alternative was the prospect of constant interference with their civic and religious
liberties. The report of this persecution was the cause why the Hindu king levied the chauth contribution
upon the Portuguese government. From the information now available it can only be inferred that the
Portuguese government could net at this moment have dismissed Moropant's envoy with a summary
refusal. For there is no record of hostilities on this occasion between Moropant and the Portuguese, nor
were the latter in a position to challenge the encamped forces of Moropant to a decision on the field of
war. Moropant, on the other hand, is not reported to have caused any damage to the Portuguese territories.
It, therefore, stands to reason that the Portuguese government must have devised some sort of expedient to
temporize with the Maratha.

While Moropant thus lay encamped at Kalyan, right opposite to the island of Salsette, the Abyssinians at
Jan-jira had much reason for anxiety, nor were they very much cheered by the report that came soon
afterwards

RENEWED WARS WITH BIJAPUR AND THE MOGULS 41S

that Shivaji was about to descend in person to the coast by the western ghats. The Abyssinian fleets lay at
anchor near Bombay harbour. The Abyssinians were afraid that the Marathas might not hesitate to set their
fleet on fire, and hastened to remove it to a safe port with great precipitation. On the other band at Surat
the news of Moropant's encampment at Kalyan awakened similar apprehensions, and the prospect of a
fresh invasion of that prosperous town appeared more immediate by reason of the near presence of
Hambirrao's light horse in the territory around Broach. Surat seemed to be menaced from two directions
simultaneously by two Maratha armies.

While hia two ministers were thus engaged in two different theatres of war, Shivaji himself had not been
inactive. The Maratha hosts were streaming continually down the ghats and regiment after regiment was
arriving to swell the ranks in Moropant's cantonment. The objective of these gathering hosts crowding
together in the camp lines at Kalyan was for a time kept secret. When the numbers under Moropant's
standard had accumulated to twenty-five thousand, Shivaji left Eaigad for the Konkan, with the ostensible
object of personally inspecting the arrangements of Moropant's camp. None could fathom the real object
of Shivaji's sudden march to the Konkan. The fact is that the Mogul hosts had mustered at Junnar to the
number of forty thousand, and it was no secret that their object was to force their way into Shivaji's
territory on a fresh campaign of invasion. The king was rightly informed about these movements of the
enemy, and the mysterious gathering of the Maratha squadrons at Kalyan was a movement in anticipation
of the Mogul attack. No sooner did Shivaji come down to Kalyan than he took the command of his forces
and before the enemy could have so much as a suspicion of his plans, his dust-stained squadrons were
scouring the plain of Junnar. A fierce battle followed, in which the Moguls were completely

routed, suffering on the field ten times the number of Shivaji's casualties. The Moguls fled confusedly in
all directions. Shivaji's troops divided themselves into columns and pressed the pursuit with vigour. A
number of Mogul horses and a quantity of useful war material fell into the hands of the pursuers. The
conquering hosts destroyed and plundered the Mogul territory they passed through in pursuit of the
fugitives. The chase continued as far as the town of Brahma-puri. The market-towns on the way yielded a
good deal of booty to the pursuing conquerors. Piquets of cavalry were stationed on the great trade route
to Surat to intercept the merchandise and bring it down to the Maratha camp.

It was,however, not so easy to carry the fort of Shivneri, which overshadowed the town of Junnar and
which after the cavalry engagement Shivaji had proceeded to besiege. One assault was tried after another.
Still the fort continued to elude his grasp. Two of Shivaji's men planned a stratagem, which was to climb
up the ramparts in secret and throw the gates open. But the garrison discovering the stealthy attempt in
time killed the treacherous assailants, rolling down upon their heads huge stones from the fortress walls.
This success became a revelation of strength to the garrison who determined to pursue this method,
hurling stones and rocks on the siege-lines below. In this way Shivaji lost many men and the remainder
lost heart and began to flee away. The Moguls were emboldened at the panic they had caused among their
assailants, and with great animation set up a pursuit. But the pursuit proved more disastrous than they had
bargained for. For the flight of the Maratha soldier was merely guerilla warfare. Retreat and fighting
followed by turns and the fugitives rallied and turned upon their unwary pursuers again and again. These
tactics made a thorough rout impossible, as the Moguls now discovered to their loss. However Shivaji
had enough experience of fort-fighting to see that it was up-hill work to lead his rallied forces to a fresh
assault upon Shivneri He, therefore, ordered a rotreat to Raigad.

RENEWED WARS WITH BIJAPUR AND THE MOGULS 415

On his return to Raigad Shivaji learnt that Mahomed Khan, the subhedar of Phonda had taken advantage of
•bis campaign at Junnar to break the former treaty and again acknowledge the hegemony of the state of
Bijapur, and to show his zeal in the service of that government, ho was molesting Shivaji's outposts in the
military stations on that side of the western ghats. Shivaji was now-resolved to teach a severe lesson to
the governor of this fort. He prepared a large army which he conducted in person and laid siege to the fort
of Phonda. The garrison held out relying on the strength of their fortifications. 1 Shivaji made many
assaults without success. At last Shivaji ordered mines to be laid under the fortress walls, which being
simultaneously exploded, a large breach was made in the rampart and a considerable loss was inflicted
upon the garrison. Shivaji carried the breach and a fierce encounter took place within the walls of the
fortress. The governor of the fort fell in the general melee, and with his death the garrison lost heart and
surrendered. A Mahomedan officer on Shivaji's side named Ibrahim Khan distinguished himself by the
impetuosity of his attack on this occasion. Shivaji complimented him on his bravery and appointed him to
the command of this fort. This waa the first occasion on which a Mahomedan in Shivaji's service was
appointed to the .position of a havaldar or governor of a garrisoned fort, his usual practice being to confer
these positions of trust on responsible Maratha officers. This promotion bears eloquent testimony to the
confidence Shivaji reposed in the loyalty and devotion of this Mahomedan commander. The governorship
ot an important fortress, and that ^too on the frontiers of his dominions, could never have been conferred
on an ordinary individual. (May, 1675) 8

On the reduction of Phonda fort, Shivaji brought the neighbouring country under his complete sway, and to

i Siege of Phonda, from 9bh April 16<fl to 6th May 1675 (Prof. •Sarkar : Shivaji p. 325-27 J.

a Jedho Chronology, p. 192.

perpetuate his hold upon these parts he had two additional forts built, Bhimgad and Pargad, and strongly
garrisoned them against the enemy. The Marathas then pushed into the district of Sunda, capturing several
hill-forts. Ankola, Shiveshwar and Kadra (Kodra) fell in rapid succession. The governor of the fort of
Karwar would not surrender the citadel. Upon this Shivaji gave orders for the town of Karwar to be
committed to flames. There were a few English merchants, representatives of the East India Company,
who were treated with deference. Their factories were not interfered with. The whole territory upto the
boundaries of the province of Kanara was brought under Shivaji's flag. The sovereignty over parts of
Kanara was then vested in the dowager Rani of Bednor and Shivaji did not think it fair to her sex to
invade her dominions. But the princess sent a petition with the usual nazar offerings and solicited his help
against her ministers and relations, who were usurping her authority. 1 In response to this petition Shivaji
willingly detached some of his forces to bring succour to the distressed princess, who was soon delivered
from her unhappy predicament.

While Shivaji was thus operating in the district of Phonda, two Maratha nobles in the service of the
Bijapur government, Nimbalkar of Phaltan and Ghatge of Malwadi, subdued all the military outposts
maintained by Shivaji between the forts of Panbala and Tattora and expelled his soldiers from these parts.
The territory around these forts was recovered and restored to Bijapur. Thus on his return to the ghats
after the successful campaign in the south, Shivaji had once more to recover these outposts and territories
and, to prevent the possibility of similar events in future, Shivaji erected a chain of fortifications between
Panhala and Tattora. The new forts thus created were Vardhangad, Bhushangad and Sadashivgad. Not

1 The principal ot these chiefs was Timayya who was the minister and commander of Bednore at Shivaji's
first invasion, the Rani being the qaeen-regent and guardian of the infant prince. ( Vide Chitnis 70. )

that these forts were exceptionally strong, but their situation near one another contributed very materially
to the security of the territory around them.

Meanwhile Hambirrao, the chief commander, had carried on a vigorous offensive in Guzerat. He had
gathered an immense booty in these wealthy parts of the Mogul dominions and was now preparing to
retreat with his spoils. Diler Khan watched his movements. Hambirrao's great object was to elude the
Mogul army and make good his retreat to the south with the spoils of his conquests, The Khan was
however soon upon him and gave chase with great vigour. It was however to no purpose. Hambirrao
eluded the pursuit and brought home to Raigad all his booty in safety. Diler Khan had to return
disappointed. On the close of the rainy season Hambirrao again entered the Mogul territory and repeated
his onslaughts. No Mogul commander came forth to challenge him. For the Mogul and Bijapur powers
were again involved in mutual hostilities, and this circumstance was very favourable to Hambirrao's
designs.

The affairs of Bijapur were then conducted by Khawa& Khan. When he saw the Mogul arms concentrated
against Bijapur, he proposed a treaty to Khan Jehan on the basis that the young Adil Shahi king should
continue to reign on the footing of a feudal relation with the Mogul power,, and the minor king's sister,
Padshah Bibi, be given in marriage to a son of Aurangzeb. But this treaty was not approved of by the
leading nobles of the court, who conspired against Khawas Khan and put him to death. The leader of the
conspiracy was Abdul Karim, 1 who now seized the reins of government into his own hands and prepared
for hostilities with the Moguls. Khan Jehan took the field in

1 Khawaa Khan was the leader ot the Abyssinian party and Abdul Karim B> hlol Khan the leader of the
Pathan or Afghan party at Bijapur. Vide Jedhe, page 192, where, however, by some corruption of the text
the contrary statement is. apparently made that Bahlol Khan was Arrested by Khawas Khan. It appears to
be a case of a lapmt

L. S, 28

person and came down upon Bijapur. Many skirmishes followed, in most of which the Adil Shahi arms
were crowned •with success. With these signs of Mogul failure before him Diler Khan proposed terms
and the armistica soon gave place to a ratified treat} 7 . By this time Shivaji had established his
undisputed sway over the Konkan regions overlooked by the ghats. The Moguls and the Abyssinians had
At times carried on desultory wars over these territories, but had never proved themselves equal to
wresting them ipermanently from his iron grasp. The Moguls looked with envious eyes upon the fair
provinces cf Coorla, Kalyan and other parts bordering on the frontiers of the Portuguese territory near
Bombay. When Khan Jehan came down u^)on the Konkan and began tentative incursions, Shivaji got him
cheaply out of the way at the price of ten thousand pagodas. Pleased with this argument of corruption and
gold, the venal Khan transferred his mimicry of war to his old theatre above the ghats. But the Abyssinian
chief had no such hankering for gold. He put his naval squadrons in motion and began a campaign of
systematic depredation on the coast towns and villages owning allegiance to Shivaji. He descended upon
Vengarla, plundering or burning every thing that came in his way. The B\RcK'h%d a factory at the town,
which, though attacked Abyssinians, is said to have been defended with bravery by the European factors.

• ^ Shivaji'sYfleet, being fitted out for the war at the ports

of Vijaydurg,and Rajapur, weighed anchor and put out to sea in pursuit;'»but though they scoured the
coasts north and south in quest of the elusive enemy, the wily Abyssi-mians showed no. trace of their
presence anywhere. At length the Maratha fleet blockaded Jarjira by sea, when the Abyssinian warships-
made all sail and hastened to the relief of their capital. This brought about an engagement between the
rival fleets, but wiih^an indecisive result. The Maratha squadrons raised the siQge-and retired.

On the retirement of the I&tigul subhedar from the*

RENEWED WAB3 WITH BIJAPUR AND THE MOGULS 419

Konkan, Shivaji saw the necessity of maintaining a fortified outpost in the district of Salsette, 1 to
overawe the Portuguese, his immediate neighbours in those parts, and at the same time to serve as a sort
of watch-tower with such ample range that he might easily keep an eye on the movements of the
Portuguese and other foes. Now the Portuguese had just such a fort named Seebon 2 not far from Bassein,
and Shivaji resolved to have a corresponding fort on his side right in front of the Portuguese stronghold.
The Portuguese made many attempts to interrupt the work. But they proved abortive and the fortification
works were very rapidly proceeded with.

About this time Shivaji fell ill and was confined to his sick bed for seven or eight months at Satara. This
circumstance sufficed to give currency to all sorts of baseless rumours that the great king had died, having
succumbed to poison administered by his son, Sambhaji, during his illness. However the report was not
generally believed among the people, for this was not the first time when such mendacious tales about
Shivaji's death had gone round. In his active career of well-nigh thirty years, this seems to have been the
first important sickness of Shivaji. There is no previous record of such a protracted illness in his eventful
life. After the stress of so many labours and adventures by which he had paved his way to the realization
of his hopes, even his Herculean strength might well flag and demand peace and rest. But the rest that
Shivaji wanted it was impossible to obtain. The malignant influences of the hostile powers in the Deccan
were at work on all sides. He had always to maintain a vigilant watch against them. The rest that was thus
long denied to him, nature exacted in this protracted illness. It was in this time of enforced inactivity that
the deep-laid plans for a new campaign were evolved in . Shivaji's mind > destined to be prosecuted in
person, as soon

1 The district of Salsette in the neighbourhood of the island of Bombay, not; the district of similar name in
the neighbourhood of Paojim in Goa.

as his health permitted it. This was the invasion of the Karnatic, the story of which may be held over to be
told in » a separate chapter.

While Shivaji was pondering over these plans at Satara, Moropant Pingle marched to Kalyan with a force
of ten thousand strong. Arrived there he detached a few men, •with a gang of masons and labourers to a
dismantled fort called Parnel (Parner). The fort was forthwith occupied "by Moropant's men and the work
of strengthening the fortifications commenced in right earnest. The policy •which seems to have prompted
this capture and renovation of a ruined fortress seems to have been this, that thereby he might obtain
control over the Portuguese communications with Damaun and expose to attack one of the trade-routes to
Surat as well as ths movements of the Mogul armies in those parts. The Portuguese government looked
languidly upon this rising menace to their freedom of communication, being as incapable of resistance
now, as a few months before they had been in the case of the fort in Salsette. On his restoration to health,
previously to his embarking on the Karnatic campaign, Shivaji made a tour of inspection to this fortress,
thus restored and equipped for such important purposes.

CHAPTER XXVI THE KARNATIC CAMPAIGN, 1676-78

WHILE Shivaji was taking rest during his sickness at Satara, the Karbhari or administrator of the jahgir
estates of Venkoji, Raghunath Narayen Hanmante by name, came to pay him a visit. This officer was the
son of Shahaji's trusty minister, Naro Trimal Hanmante. Raghunath Hanmante had on his father's demise
succeeded to his position in Shahaji's government. On the death of the Raja Shahaji, he was succeeded by
his younger son, Raja Venkoji, and the estates were administered for him by Raghunathpant Hanmante. But
some years later, tha infatuated Venkoji took a fancy to hold the reins of his affairs in his own hands, to do
very much as he liked in every thing, and not consult any of his father's veteran ministers and counsellors.
From the time when Venkoji took over the administration into his own charge, Raghunathpant's influence
became quite negligible in his jahagir. Venkoji governed as the vulgar satellites who surrounded him were
pleased to advise, and Raghunathpant was constantly treated with insults and abuse. The minister saw that
to live any more with Venkoji had become impossible. He was answerable to Shivaji for the maintenance
of his father's prestige. Helpless as he felt himself to avert the wreck and ruin of Shahaji's jahgir, he could
not expect to shake oft' his moral responsibility in the eyes of his illustrious master's more illustrious son.
To prevent that reproach he must completely sever his connection with Venkoji and devote the rest of his
life to the observances of religion, in some secluded retreat or place of pilgrimage. Thus he thought in
silence and even with that silent thought, a blush of shame overspread his features. His mind faltered. Was
it right that he should stand an idle spectstor of the waning fortunes of his young master and cover up his
bitter disappointment under the specious pretence o£ retirement ? Was it not due to his loyalty to

continue his service with a view to the greater glory of Shahaji and the Bhonsle name ? Yes, to bear with
patience the slings and arrows of his present misfortune and the more outrageous shafts of his prince's
ingratitude ? He would serve the prince and in spite of the prince steer his courss to safety, to the best of
his abilities.

Thus fortified in his mind, he once more made bold to expostulate with Venkoji. " Your Highness knows,"
said he, " I am a hereditary servant of the family, and I know DO other standard of service than my
patron's welfare. Ah I woe is me, that my dutiful offices are distasteful to Your Highness! My heart bleeds
to see you misled by the counsels of fickle and mean-spirited creatures. Bethink you, sir, of the glory and
valour of your father, bethink you of the world-wide fame and the noble triumphs earned by your brother
Shivaji! Follow in their wake, I pray, and earn the same laurels. Shivaji will look to me to lead you to the
path of noble emulation trodden before by himself and by Shahaji. Rightly does Shivaji expect it of me
and sorely will he blame me if he finds it otherwise. Be it yours to command and mine to obey. Men and
money Your Highness has in abundance, but they are both rusting together, and your false friends help you
only to squander away your treasure. It is only by adding to the ample glory of your ancestors that Your
Highness can repay the obligations of high birth." But these discourses were lost upon Venkoji. He shrank
from them as from poison. He was quite tired of his company and did not hesitate openly to express his
contempt.

Disgusted with the growing insolence of Venkoji, Kaghunathpant wrote a letter of warning to his brother.
Upon this the latter wrote to Venkoji, giving him friendly advice. The purport of the letter was somewhat
as follows. Shivaji wrote that it had come to his ears that Venkoji was indifferent to the duties of
administration and was a tool in the hands of vile and unworthy men; that the parasite and the pander
throve at his expense, while men of
worth who deserved well of his family and had given their lives to its service were languishing in utter
neglect This was not as it ought to be. Shivaji hoped his brother would turn over a new leaf, and
hearkening to the advice of Raghunathpant and other experienced and capable counsellors, would consult
his own welfare and the expansion of the family fortunes. But even this letter did not serve to open
Venkoji's eyes. He continued his usual course of life, such was the strength of his infatuation and the
ascendancy of evil company upon his feeble mind. He was, if anything, even more incensed with
Raghunathpant as having had the temerity to complain of him to his elder brother. Raghunathpant had now
drained the cup of loyal self-abasement to its very dregs and his patience was exhausted. He resolved to
proceed to the court of Shivaji, and leaving his family behind, he started upon his journey.

Raghunathpant knew well Shivaji's ambition to expand his dominions and in order to further these aims of
expansion he concluded alliances to that effect with the local chiefs before leaving the Karnatic, his
object being to invite Shivaji to that province that he might bring Venkoji to his senses. To facilitate these
plans, knowing that Shivaji might have to march through the Golconda territories, Raghunathpant took
steps to bring about a harmonious alliance between the Maratha and the Kutub Shahi governments, so that
no delay or distraction might hinder Shivaji's movements.

The leading ministers of the Kutub Shahi government about this time were Akanna and Madanna, who
were not only both Hindus, but sons of the same Hindu family.. These two men had the control of all
Kutub Shahi affairs in their hands. Raghunathpant determined to visit the distinguished ministers, but
instead of interviewing them abruptly in his own person and setting forth his diplomatic objects, he
thought of making his first acquaintance with them in the disguise of a pandit. For the ministers had

a fair repute for piety and hospitality and religious benefactions. Raghuuathpant left his retinue behind him
at an obscure village and entered the capital alone, presenting himself as a pandit at the residence of the
ministers about the hour they usually devoted to their purificatory bath and morning worship. It was their
rule when a pandit appeared at their house to welcome him with every mark of respect and bestow upon
him such patronage as became his learning and position. True to their principles they received
Raghunathpant with open hospitality. Other pandits were already in the house and debate had started
among them on the relative superiority of Shaivism and Vaishnavism. Raghunathpant also took part in the
debate. Being himself a staunch Vaishnavite, he proceeded first to argue for the superiority of Shiv,
refuting every objection. Having established the strength of the Shaivite creed, he turned the tables upon
his antagonists by suddenly espousing the cause of Vaishnavism and demonstrating its truth with a display
of dialectical skill equally unanswerable. Madanna was impressed with this exhibition of argumentative
talent and was convinced that he must be a person of extradrdinary learning and attainments. Accosting
him, he said he was glad to have come across a person of such learning and sanctity, and asked him where
he had come from and with what object. Raghunathpant replied that he had not at all come with the
expectation of gold or land, but as his hosts were persons of such -wisdom and piety, he would feel
himself much flattered to have a private audience with them. Upon this the two brothers took him apart for
the interview he desired. Raghunathpant declared that he was no itinerant mendicant pandit, but an officer
in Shivaji's service, proceeding to •wait upon his royal master with certain delicate questions of Karnatic
politics, questions which might bring down Shivaji's hosts into these parts. But Shivaji required,
continued Raghunathpant, the sympathetic aid of the {Jolconda ministers, during this campaign, and now
he had

some at Shivaji's orders to intercede with them and their sovereign with a view to an alliance of mutual
support and amity between Qolconda and Shivaji. Raghunathpant then addressed himself to their religious
instincts, pointing out the labours of Shivaji for the advancement of the Hindu religion, which made it a
sort of obligation on their sense of piety and religion to advance Shivaji's great purposes, the more so as
it involved no treason and no detriment whatever to the interests of their own sovereign. 1 The ministers
were pleased with the proposal thus introduced, being already prepossessed in favour of Shivaji by the
loud and repeated acclaims with which the Deccan people had greeted his incomparable triumphs. They
had been, as has been already described in Chapter XX, instrumental in bringing about a happy
compromise between Shivaji and their government, by which the latter had engaged to pay an annual
tribute to the Maratha power. They gave their full assent to the proposal for further strengthening the
friendly relations with Shivaji and introduced Kaghunathpant to an interview with their sultan, when the
terms of the alliance were settled and ratified. Shivaji was to proceed upon his Karnatic campaign, for so
it was arranged, by way of the Kutub Shahi capital, Bhaganagar, the modern Hyderabad (Deccan), and
there the two kings were to have a conference for a further discussion of their relation and the
perpetuation of their existing alliance. Kaghunathpant was given an enthusiastic reception, banqueted by
the minister brothers, and presented with suits of honour and personal decorations at the time of his
departure. He was also charged with the delivery of a personal epistle from the sultan addressed to
Shivaji.

From the successful diplomatic mission to Bhaganagar, Raghunathpant came to Satara, where, as stated at
the commencement of this chapter, he met Shivaji. The latter went forth to welcome the loyal veteran who
had rendered such invaluable services to his father and led him 1 Shivdigvijay, 290-93.

to the palace with a display of cordiality and ceremonial splendour that was but rarely witnessed at
Shivaji's court.* Raghunathpant laid at Shivaji's feet the many curioufe specimens of Karnatic art and
"precious jewellery that he had brought with him, which gave immense satisfaction to Shivaji as the
evidence of that profound loyalty towards his family which had become hereditary with the veteran
minister. Shivaji congratulated himself upon the accession to his cause of one who had gained such
distinction in Shahaji's service. He heaped upon him all the honours at his command and proposed to
confer on him the office of Amatya or Muzumdar. It is said that the incumbent of that office, a certain
Ramchandrapant, was made to vacate his place in favour of Raghunathpant. 2

As observed in the last chapter Shivaji was at this time chafing against the restraints of an enforced
idleness occasioned by his ill health. To this was added the season of the rains, which extended the
period of rest by four months. During these months of leisure Raghunathpant related to Shivaji in full
detail the story of Venkoji ; s

1 The Raid bakhar atatea that on bis way from the Karnatic, Raghunathpant went to Bijapur, where the
sultan offered to him the post of grand vizier. When Shivaji learnt about this offer, he wrote to
Raghunathpant that, aa long as he lived, it would not do for a trusty servant of his family to serve a
Mahomedan prince. He should come to him without any fear, where he would be welcomed with all the
honour due to his position and services.

2 Chitnis says that Raghunathpant made a request that the honoured post of Muzumdar which he had held
in the Bhonsle family in hereditary succession, should be conferred upon him and that upon this request
Shivaji appointed him to that high office. But the Rairi bakhar sta.'>ea that Nilo Sondev the Muzumdar
had just then died, and the place left vacant by his death was conferred upon Raghunathpant.

Nilo Sondev was Amatya or Muzamdar from 1647 to his death in 1672. He was the brother of Abaji
Sondev the conqueror of Kalayan from Mullana. Like the Hanmantes, the family of Nilo Sondev had tf
hereditary connection with the Bhonsles.

The Jedhe Chronology states that Raghunath Narayan was made Muzumdar in Ashwin, Shaka 1599 i. e.
October 1677, or after the Kama-tic campaign was half completed.

mismanagement and urged upon him the duty and necessity of a campaign in the Karnatic to place his
father's fortunes on a basis of security. He laid bare before Shivaji the alliances he had already formed
with the local naiks of the Karnatic to promote the plan of the prospective campaign and the results he had
achieved in his self-imposed mission to the court of Golconda. He told Shivaji that he could claim his
right to a moiety of Shahaji's estates, under the Hindu law of inheritance and that by embarking on this
campaign on the plea of vindicating his rights, he could save the wreck of Venkoji's heritage and put
together Shahaji's dismembered fortunes, and in addition to this acquire new territories and provinces
which the chances of war might throw in his way.

The times were favourable for such a campaign. There was no objection to his marching through the
Golconda kingdom into the Karnatic. Golconda paid tribute and the two ministers were favourably
disposed towards Shivaji. Their friendship had been further strengthened to a more permanent alliance by
Raghunathpant. The recent friendly overtures between the Mogul and the Adil Shahi state had thrown
Golconda into ill-humour with both those powers. That peace had been arranged between Diler Khan and
the Adil Shahi premier Abdul Karim, 1 who happened to be drawn to each other by some family
relationship. But Diler Dhan was a sworn enemy to Golconda and to Shivaji alike. Thus the alliance
between these latter powers was alike inevitable and enduring.

It only remained to take the usual precautions against a surprise attack by the Moguls upon his territories.
With this view, the judicial minister, Nirajipant, was deputed on

1 At any rate both were Afgan nobles. Abdul Karim was the leader of the Pathan party at Bijapur and had
to hold hia own against the Abyssinian and Decoani party. He had got Khawas Khan, the leader of the
Abyssinian party and former prime minister.out of the way by assassination. Khawas Khan had been on
friendly terms with Khan Oehan Bahadur, the Mogul governor of the Decoan.

a special embassy to Khan Jehan, the Mogul subhedar. Having experience of his venality, the one great
weakness of that otherwise great proconsul, Shivaji loaded him with presents of gold and jewellery and
extracted a promise not to interfere with his territories. To make assurance doubly sure, Shivaji paid a
large sum as tribute to the Mogul emperor, thus admitting a relation of feudal dependence. It is said that on
this occasion he undertook to pay a tribute of four lakhs of pagodas to the emperor and to serve him in
war with five thousand horse, remarking that it was but an oil-cake thrown to the milch-cow. Aurangzeb
approved of the treaty. The emperor was engaged in a campaign against the rebel Afgan tribes on this side
of the Indus. He sent word to his heir-apparent that it was not the time for war with Shivaji, a peace was
most expedient and such a peace as would not injure Mogul prestige. 1

Thus profiting by the venality of the Mogul subhedar Shivaji had secured his diminions from Mogul
attacks. On the southern frontier he had by this time completed a chain of barrier forts, well-manned and
equipped, to ward off the spasmodic forays of the Ghatges, the Nimbalkars and the other Maratha barons
of the Adil Shahi kingdom. The Konkan was the weak spot in Shivaji's system, exposed as it was to the
inextinguishable enmity of the sea-faring Abypsinians. To guard against this menace and nip in the bud the
first signs of active hostilities on the part of these «ea adventurers, Annaji Datto, Pant Sachiv, was
detached with a large force to take general charge of the sea-board forts from Kalyan to Phonda and the
territories surrounding them. These forts were equipped and reinforced in such a splendid style that in
case any of them became the object of an assault on the part of the enemy help poured in instantly from all
quarters, and the garrison could defend themselves without the thought of a parley, secure of ultimate
deliverance. With these precautions taken for Sabhasad, 85.

immunity from foreign attack, the whole kingdom wad committed to the safe management of Moropant, the
Peshwa, and other ministers and commanders were ordered to defer to him in everything.

It was about the end of 1676 that Shivaji with a force of 40,000 foot and 30,000 horse started upon his
Karnatic campaign. 1 To lead such a numerous army over such distant parts was a very expensive
operation and Shivaji's aim naturally was to draw upon the streams of supply from without his treasury.
He proposed to levy fresh contributions upon Golconda, a country which already paid him tribute and
which was not, therefore, to be treated with violence. The ministers Madanna and Akanna had already
been sounded previously by Raghunathpant and were prepared for the sacrifice. Shivaji, therefore, wrote
to his envoy at that court, Pralhad Niraji, 2 that as he was about to commence his Karnatic campaign, he
expected the Sultan Tan Shaba to contribute towards the expenses and to arrange for a personal interview
at his capital, when he came there on his march. This communication caused much agitation at the
Golconda capital. The sultan was overcome with fear. The presence of Shivaji with his army at his
capital seemed to strike him as a contingency fraught with grave peril. He consented to the contributions
demanded of him in money and in order to avert the danger that threatened his capital, he consented to the
demand with excessive alacrity, professing to the Maratha envoy that his king "might command anything
without putting himself to any trouble and deviating from his route merely for the purpose of a formal
interview. Pralhad Niraji communicated this offer to Shivaji.

1 The total force is variously given in the chronicle* of Sabhasad, Chitnis, and the Shivdigvijay. The East
India Company's representative • calculated it at '20,000 horse and 40,000 foot.

2 He was the son of Niraji Ravji, the sir-nyayadhish. In the reign of Rajaram, the title of Pratiridhi was
conferred upon him. At the time of this campaign he was the resident ambassador at Golconda.

But Shivaji, pursuant to the arrangement made by Ragbunathpant with the Golconda ministers had already
started for that town at the head of his army, having despatched Raghuuathpant and Pralhad Niraji before
him to inform the sultan of his near approach for the favour of a personal conference. The near presence
of Shivaji and his warrior bands alarmed the sultan. The town was in a panic. But Raghunathpant and
Pralhad Niraji assured the court on oath that Shivaji's arrival had nothing hostile about it and that he was
only taking the opportunity, being near at hand, for a friendly interview. Madanna and Akanna felt the
sincerity of these assurances and endeavoured to persuade the sultan that the proposed interview was
likely to lead to possibilities of infinite advantage to his state. With difficulty did the timid monarch allow
the bold persuasion of his ministers to outweigh his fear and tried to nerve himself to face the inevitable
ordeal.

On entering the Golconda frontiers Shivaji passed strict orders to his soldiers to abstain from every act of
hostility towards the people and not to harass them in any way. At every halt they were to procure food,
fodder, and fuel by free purchase. No booty, no violence; any one committing a breach of these orders was
to receive exemplary punishment. When in a few cases these orders were found to have been
transgressed, the culprits had their hands or fingers cut off, and in a few cases, were actually executed.
This stringency of discipline gave perfect security of life and property to the subjects of Golconda, and
even the sultan was so far reassured as to revive his drooping spirits. 1 On Shivaji's arrival within easy
reach of the capital, Madanna and Akanna went forth with a suitable retinue to receive him and escorted
him into the royal city with great pomp and eclat. The next day was fixed for Shivaji's audience with the
sultan.*

1 jjabu isad. 8d ; (Juibuia 13tf.

a Ihe jedhe Chronology gives the date of this interview as March 1677.

Shivaji started in a procession with a chosen retinue, arrayed in robes of state and mounted on horses and
elephants, specially decorated for the occasion. The town had, under the sultan's express orders, put on its
gala aspect. The streets were adorned with flags and festoons of flowers, gay toran decorations were to
be seen at every turn, and musical instruments discoursed liquid melodies. Amid such pomp and
splendour the procession slowly wended its way to the royal palace, the Hindu subjects of the sultan in
particular turning out in great crowds into the streets, fired with an intense desire to catch a glimpse of the
great Hindu raja. Loud acclamations greeted him on the way, the people enthusiastically showering
flowers upon him from windows and balconies. The king had been bountiful of his alms among the poor
and the fakirs of the town that morning. To the citizens greeting him on the way with floral decorations and
the like Shivaji paid his thanks by presentations of select articles of dress or jewellery as tokens of his
good will.

The royal conference took place at the Dadmahal, , the Palace of Justice) where sumptuous arrangements
had been made for a grand reception. On Shivaji's arrival within the precincts of the palace, the retinue
halted outside, and the king with a few chosen officers entered the gates. As the sultan prepared to
descend the grand staircase to receive him, Shivaji sent him word that he might spare himself that trouble.
On reaching the upp^r floor the two monarchs joined in a mutual embrace and took their seats on the same
couch. Madanna and Akanna seated themselves next to them, while the rest of the omrahs remained
standing. The officers accompanying Shivaji, the most conspicuous among whom were Baburao
Dhamdhere, the sir-nohut of the guard, Raghunathpant, Pralhad Niraji, Datto-pant the Waknis and Balaji
Avji, the private secretary, were desired to be seated. 1

1 babbasatl adds to this IISD of otftjers present at the Uidmibctl recep--ion the names of 6omji Naik
Vasaaagar aud Jaaardinpaat.

Then followed a friendly conversation between the two rulers. The great officers accompanying Shivaji
were introduced to the sultan and received suitable compliments from their royal host, each according to
his rank. The sultan was pleased with the smart appearance and accoutrements or Shivaji's body-guard.
Distribution of pan, attar and flowers duly followed, together with the offerings of nazar,the sultan
bestowing valuable presents of jewellery, horses, and elephants upon Shivaji. It is said that at this
reception the sultan presented attar and pan to his distinguished guest with his own hands, a circumstance
that, the chronicle-writers have thought it worth while to record. Thus the reception lasted for two or
three hours,at the termination of which Shivaji bade farewell to his host and returned to his tent.

It is said that Shivaji made a halt for a month at Bhaganagar, during which many questions of foreign
policy were discussed with the sultan through the medium of Madanna. There was a round of feasting and
banqueting Madanna inviting Shivaji and his courtiers to a grand dinner, when the usual offerings of
nazars took place; and Shivaji returning the compliment with a sumptuous banquet in honour of the
minister brothers, with gifts to them and their officers. Shivaji also entertained the sultan and his omrahs
on a magnificent scale, when valuable presents of wearing apparel and jewellery were bestowed upon the
guests according to their positions in the state. Shivaji also cultivated friendly intercourse with the
leading citizens and mansabdars of the state.

An amusing incident in connection with this visit is related in one of the bakhar chronicles. 1 On one
occasion in the course of his conversation with Raghunathpant, the sultan of Golconda remarked to him
that he had heard so much in praise of the prowess of Shivaji's soldiers, that he was eager to see a proof
of their prowess with his own eyes. Upon this Raghunathpant is reported to have answered that there were
soldiers in Shivaji's 1 The Shivdigvijaya.

army each one of whom was equal in strength to an-elephant. " If so," exclaimed the sultan, " will they
fight with an elephant ? " " Why not ?" quoth Raghunathpant, " what is there impossible about it ? They
don't fear an elephant." "How could they fight with an elephant?" asked the eultan, " Well! I should like to
witness such a fight. Do you'bring one of these veteran soldiers of Shivaji!" Raghunathpant informed
Shivaji of the conversation he had with the sultan, and it was arranged that YessajiKank should select ten
of his stalwarts to undergo the test in presence^ of the sultan. The soldiers were introduced by
Raghunathpant to the sultan, who received them with the usual honours and presents and forthwith ordered
an infuriated elephant to be freed and let loose upon them. The tusked monster came straight upon Yessaji
who did not falter for a moment but drawing his sword smote the charging beast with such a tremendous
force that he severed his trunk from the tusks downwards. The sultan was filled with admiration at this
exhibition of physical strength and inviting Yeasaji into his presence, he praised him for his valour and
presented him with a set of a soldier's armlets and necklaces. Not only that, but he was going to confer
upon him an inam estate of five thousand rupees, but Yessaji, informed of the sultan's royal pleasure, made
a respectful salute and declined the proffered lands, replying, with marvellous firmness of mind, that he
considered the bread he ate, of Shivaji's giving, to be no less of the Sultan's bounty. By Shivaji's order he
had shown the valour of his arm to the sultan; it was not, therefore, becoming in him as a loyal servant to
accept of inam lands at the sultan's hands, for did he not receive enough and to spare at the hands of
Shivaji ? Were he to accept of the present offer, he might become incapable of true and loyal service to
his king. The sultan might signalize his favour by presenting what he wished to his patron. His duty was
only to serve and obey. It is unnecessary to say what a profound impression the disinterested loyalty of
this veteran officer must have made upon the sultan,

L.S. 29

-434 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

At the end of this long sojourn at Bhaganagar, in the midst of this gay pomp and hospitality, Shivaji
communicated to the sultan his intention to depart and asked leave to do so. A farewell durbar was held in
honour of the event and a fresh bestowal of presents followed. The two parties undertook on oath to aid
one another on all occasions, defensive or offensive. 1 The sultan paid the pecuniary contributions
required by Shivaji for the campaign.* Among the articles of the treaty that was now finally concluded
was one by which Shivaji undertook to cede to Golconda a moiety of all the territory which he should
conquer in the prospective campaign exclusive of the jahgir estate of Shahaji. The sultan was to send the
Golconda artillery to cooperate with Shivaji. The sultan even offered to place a portion of his army at
Shivaji's disposal, but this was nob accepted. It is naid that there was also an additional article in the
treaty by which it was provided that Shivaji should have the authority to restore any Karnatic territories
which he should have wrested from the Bijapur government in the forthcoming campaign, on condition
that that government should discharge its present prime minister Abdul Karim and appoint Akanna of
Bhaganagar in his place. 3

With a plentiful supply of money and an efficient artillery Shivaji continued his march in the direction of
the Karnatic. On the way, Shivaji came to a small principality, namely that of Karnul-Kudappa, on the
banks of the Tungabhadra, the chief of which* promised to pay a tribute of n've lakhs of pagodas to
Shivaji. From Karnul at a distance of some twenty-five miles there

I At this interview, according to the Kairi bakhar, Shivaji declared •to the sultan, that if Golconda and
Bijapur would cooperate with him ha •\vould conquer the whole of India for them. Kutub Shaba had to
pay a subsidy at the rate of 3000 pagodas a day. Fart of it was taken in advance.

a According to Wilks, the sultan presented to Shivaji the sum of tea lakhs of pagodas in cash and some
jewellery besides. The Rairi bakhar .mentions five lakhs of pagodas only.

8 Vide the Shivdigvijaya, 302.

4 Wilks gives his name a? Anandrao Deshmukh.

is the confluence of the Krishna with a tributary stream, the Bhavnashi, called the Nivritti-Sangam. Here
Shivaji bathed in the sacred waters and crossed the Krishna. While the main body of his army advanced
slowly by the route of Kudappa, Shivaji, with a body of cavalry,struck off to the eastward.f or the purpose
of performing his devotions at a celebrated pilgrim resort, the shrine of Shail Mallikarjun. 1 Leaving his
troops behind at the inner town, Shivaji proceeded with a few companions to the river-bank. Here the
scenery is most rich and.sublime,—the mountain towering high into the air, with its perpetual dower of
dark woods arid forests,and the silver sheet of the Krishna rolling seawards down the eastern slopes. The
lovely scene thrilled Shivaji with a feeling of spiritual calm and exaltation. It seemed to him like a Kailas
on earth, the Olympus of the god Shiv. It stirred into a wild commotion the spiritual impulses of his heart.
It kindled a frenzy of divine love, a desire to lay down and sacrifice all earthly and evanescent things at
the foot-stool of the Eternal. Under the elation of that enthusiasm he drew his sword to sacrifice himself.
Bu tthe enthusiasm reacting into a convulsive fit, he fell into a stupor and, as the chronicle-writers piously
relate, he was possessed of the spirit of his tutelary deity, Bhavani, who made fresh prophecies to the
effect that that was not the way for final salvation, as many more duties were waiting for fulfilment ; his
life was dedicated to the defence of the faith; it was not for him to run such hazards. On reviving from this
paroxysm, his officers communicated to him the bidding of Bhavani, and Shivaji gave up the thought of
committing this act of self-slaughter. However the holy calm of the place operated so powerfully upon his
high-strung emotions that he resolved to spend the rest of his life as a recluse in these sacred haunts, and
addressing his officers he said to them, " By the grace of Bhavani, we have well-nigh achieved the
wildest of our ambitions; now do we will and resolve to leave the cares of this temporal world and
devote

1 Grant Duff and Wilks call it Parvatam (the mountain titmue j; Sabhasad calls tbe place Shall Parvat.

ourselves to holy and pious thoughts and^he realization o. eternal life. Do ye now put an end to this
campaign already at this stage and, installing our son on the throne conduct the government in his name."
This was very embarrassing to the king's officers. They tried their best to dissuade Shivaji and
represented that true self-realization lay in following the lines laid down by Bhavani. But all their efforts
failed. Shivaji put on the dress of an anchorite and smeared himself with ashes. He gave himself to
meditation and solitude, spending his days like a sanyasi, oblivious of everything but meditation on the
Supreme. The companions of Shivaji were filled with anxiety and kept a constant watch upon his actions.
When he was free from meditation and had intervals of calm reasoning, Kaghunathpant used to argue with
him, quoting authorities from the Hindu scriptures, to prove that such a life was not meant for Kshatriyas,
or men of the warrior class, like Shivaji. This aversion to material things and estrangement from the
worldly life lasted for nine days. 1 Then Eaghunathpant's persuasions began to prevail and Shivaji
became convinced of the futility of this life of penance and prayer and meditation. Shivaji now scattered
alms and feasted Brahmans, had a ghat or embankment erected on the river, called the Shri Gangesh Ghat,
and built many cells for devout hermits to dwell in and practise their penances. Having thus spent eight or
nine days more in these religious and charitable purposes, Shivaji proceeded upon his march.

Shivaji's infantry had already entered the Karnatic, descending the Pain Ghat by the Pass of
Vyankatraman-giri. 3 Overtaking the main body of his army, he left the infantry and the heavy baggage
behind to come up by easy stages, while he pushed forward with the cavalry and a body of Mavalis.
Passing by the route towards Madras, 3

1 Vide Wilka, History of Mysore.

2 Col. Wilks calls it the Damulcherry pass.

3 The English Records at Madras mention that Shivaji passed Madras in the first week of May. ( Records,
Fort St. George 1677, pp. 112-15. ) The Madras Council seat presents to Shivaji.

he reached Chandi 1 (Jinji) and proceeded to plant batteries for a regular siege. The fort belonged to the
Bijapur government and was in charge of Rauf Khan and Nazar Khan, the sons of Amber Khan, 2 with
whom Raghunathpant had made one of his secret agreements before coming to Satara.

The capture of the fort, therefore, occasioned no difficulty. 3 The fort was placed under the governorship
of Ramji Nalage, one of Shivaji's loyal Mavali commanders, with Timaji Keshav as sabnis and Rudraji
Salvi as kar-khannis, or superintendent of stores. This distant fort was

1 Chandi or Chanji of the Marathi bakhars, called Jinji or Ginji by •Grant Duff and other historians.

2 Some Marathi bakhara call him Khan. Khan i. e. Khan Khan an, and Prof. Sarkar thinks it was Khawas
Khan, late premier of Bijapur.

3 The Rairi bakhar has the following story aboub the conquest of thia fort :—Shivaji informed the
governor Amber Khan that he had come down after making treaties with Bijapur and Golconda. He
should, therefore, :ome to see him. The governor of the fort believed this and came out to see Shivaji with
his eight sons, when they were all arrested and the fort captured. The Shivdigvijaya says that Amber Khan
came with a nazar to Shivaji, who told him to surrender Jinji, if he cared for the tranquillity of hie district,
or as an alternative to stay in his camp and not return to Jinji, •so that the Marathas might capture the fort
in any manner they pleased. Upon this he promised to surrender the fort and made a deed of surrender,
thinking that his safety lay in keeping good relations with Shivaji. But his eight sons who were in the fort
refused to relinquish it and prepared for resistance. However Raghnnathpant had intrigued with the
.garrison and the governor's sons found that very few people were on their side; upon which they got
terrified and consented to surrender the fort. Shivaji assigned to them some villages for, their maintenance
and in return they were to serve Shivaji with their vassals.
Wilks says that on his march to Jinji, Shivaji did not molest the people and gave it out that he was
marching southwards as a friend and ally of Bijapur. When Amberkhan sont his envoy bo Shivaji, the
latter told him that he had made his peace with Bijapur and declared himself to -have accepted the
supremacy of that state. Under this pretence he induced the old governor and his sons to visit him in his
camp, put them into arrest and captured the fort. The bakhars speak of Rauf Khan as Rup Khan. Prof.
Sarkar is of the opinion that Rauf Khan and Nazar Khan were the eons of Khawas Khan of Bijapur. He
disbelieves the story of the fort having been taken by treachery ; and quotes a Jesuit priest of Madura ( La
Mission du Madure ), to prove that Shivaji carried the fort a<i •the first assault.

subjected to the same regulations and discipline as the fortt in Maharashtra, The adjoining territory was
reduced tc subjection and Vithal Pildev Goradkar 1 appointed as subhedar over all these districts, with
orders to introduce the revenue system already adopted in Maharashtra. Rauf Khan and Nazar Mahomed
had grants of land or revenue settled upon them.

At the commencement of the Karnatic expedition Shivaji gave it out that the campaign was conducted
under the auspices of Golconda, having drawn so largely upon that government for money, and hoping to
draw more in future. Shortly after he threw this pretence to the winds and administered in his own name,
by the agency of his officers, the provinces he had captured. When the sultan of Golconda came to know
of this conduct, he stopped all contributions. Shivaji had, therefore, to depend on the plunder of the
country under occupation for the expenses of the campaign. The depredations thus begun caused great
consternation, an idea of which can be formed by the fears recorded by the English merchants of Madras
at the time. They have recorded that when Shivaji came into the Dravid country,the people in all parts
were seized with panic. He had the reputation of being a very dreadful man, who carried fire and sword
over the provinces of western India, and whom the people dreaded on that account. Every one was afraid
lest he should fall into Shivaji's hands. He had a knack of discovering where wealth was hidden and
whom to attack in order to obtain it. The people believed that he learnt this by some supernatural power
and that this was the cause of his universal success.

After the reduction of Jinji, Shivaji moved his forces to Trinomali, 8 a district which was then in charge
of Sher Khan, a commander of 5000 horse. He was a loyal veteran

A The Shivdigvijaya gives Garud as the surname of Vithal Pildev, * Chitnis gives Trimalli as the name of
this district. Sabhasacl

calls it Trivadi (Trivady).

Trivadi (Tiruvadi) was, however, an important forb in the Trinomali

district «s also was Vellore. Jedhe, aa also some of the bakhary, call the

of Bijapur and inarched upon Shivaji, the moment tfce Maratha forces entered his district. But in the battle
that followed he was outnumbered and completely surrounded on all sides. The gallant commander was
wounded and a good deal of booty and horses and elephants fell into the hands of Shivaji.

At this stage Shivaji was joined by the Raja Santaji, a natural son of Shahaji. He had hitherto lived under
the protection of Venkoji, but disgusted with his conduct he now came to throw himself on Shivaji's
protection. Shivaji gave him a cordial welcome and enrolled him in his service, where distinguishing
himself ere long by his bravery, loyalty and abilities, he was appointed in course of time to the
governorship of Chandi ( Jinji. )

In the meantime the remaining part of Shivaji's army which had been left in the rear had invested the
fortress of Vellore. 1 This fort was very strongly fortified and defended by a moat so wide as to enable
large crocodiles to move about freely in the water. The width of the fortification walls was so great that a
pair of waggons could pass each other on the ridge of the ramparts. The siege waa conducted by
NarhariBallal with considerable skill and ability. He erected his batteries, on two little adjacent hillocks,
which he playfully named Sajara and Gojara, the pretty hill and the tender hill, and concentrated his fire
on the principal citadel. The cannonade did such an execution that in the end the garrison were compelled
to surrender. 3

fort Tripati. For the wounding and capture of Sher Khan Vide Jedhe p. 193. Prof. Sarkar following the
Factory Records, Fort St. George, 87 gives a graphic account of the event. Sher Khan escaped on a dark
night to a neighbouring town, bat was pursued and surrounded by a Maratha column. The East India
Company's Brahman agent, Nellore Ramana, was in Shivaji's camp.

1 This fort is also called Vellur and Yellur by other authors. It lay in the Trinomali district. The
Shedgavkar bakhar, pp. 88, calls it Yesur instead of Yelur, the letter 'a' having evidently crept in instead of
T.

3 The Basatin-i-Salatin asserts that Shivaji took the fort by paying a bribe of 60,000 pagodas to Abdulla
Khan, the governor of the fort. As a matter of fact the siege lasted till the middle of August 1678, i. e. for

-UO LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

While the main body of his army was engaged in the siege of Vellore, Shivaji halted his cavalry at
Tirumalvadi, on the banks of the Cauvery ( the Coleroon), whence with a view to open overtures with the
Raja Venkoji, he sent a message that, in order to bring about a peaceful accommodation, Venkoji should
send down to his brother's camp three of his ministers, named in the letter, Govind Bhat Gosavi,
Kakajipant and Nilo Naik. 1 These officers were accordingly sent to wait upon Shivaji. On their arrival,
Shivaji made a feeling speech, the purport of which was as follows: " It is now thirteen years since the
demise of our father. All the fortunes of Shahaji were handed over by Raghunathpant to the Raja Venkoji
and he entered upon the heritage as the sole inheritor. But all the same it is our patrimony and we claim
our moiety. This moiety, which we ought to have claimed long ago, we have suffered Venkoji to enjoy
alone. The great distance at which we lived did not permit of our coming over here to claim it. We said to
ourselves 'Venkoji is Shahaji's son. He has a vested right in his fortune. He may enjoy it for the present.
We may make our demand at our leisure.' • So we thought and waited these thirteen years. Affairs of state
took us recently to Golconda, and being there we resolved to come over here into the Karnatic. What
provinces have fallen to our sword since our coming hither, is already well known to you. We, therefore,
ask Venkoji to inform us without loss of time whether be is prepared to yield to us the moiety of our
patrimony without a protest. It will be a great shame for the world to see us at war. For after all, though
our father be no more, we are children of the same flesh and blood. United should

fourteen months and the fort was ultimately captured by Raghunathpanb and Anandrao ( Vide Jedhe p.
194). From the Records of Fort Sfc. George, Diary and Consultations, 1678-79, page 105, quoted by
Sarkar, it appears that Abdulla Khan held out the fort as long aa he could, but when he could DO more
postpone his surrender, he stipulated for a personal payment) of 30,000 pagodas.
•.ve stand, sharing mutually in each other's good fortune and ill fortune. Nobody ever profited by
senseless discord." Addressing Venkoji's ministers in this strain, Shivaji gave them leave to depart
sending some of his own ministers to accompany them to Venkoji's court. These people communicated
Shivaji's wishes to Venkoji.

But the evil advisers of Venkoji misled the prince, urging that he should not yield tamely to Shivaji's
demand for partition. He should show that he was a man and could put forth a manly fight. Venkoji was
also instigated by the chief of Madura and the Raja of Mysore to defy Shivaji, they assuring him of their
support. He, therefore, turned a deaf ear to these demands and dismissed Shivaji's men without an answer.
Venkoji attempted to move his forces and put them in readiness for a battle. But the allies on whose
assurance he had counted began to draw back at the last moment. Unaided he did not feel himself equal to
a contest with Shivaji. Raghunathpant entangled the Naik of Madura in the meshes of his diplomacy and
induced him to give up his partisanship with Venkoji. 1

The Naik left Venkoji in the lurch at a critical point. Venkoji was at the end of his resources. He had to
consent to an interview with Shivaji. 2

Shivaji received him with great affection. Venkoji was accompanied by three natural sons of Shahaji,
Raja Bhivji, Raja Pratapji and Raja Rayabhan.

1 It appears from the Factory Correspondence and the letter of the East India Company's Brahman agent,
Nellore Ramana, to the Madras Council that Shivaji opened the negotiations with the Naik of Madura,
who was in the end induced by Raghunathpant to pay a tribute of six lakhs of pagodas ( Vide Sarkar's
Shivaji pp. 389).

2 The Rairi bakhar states that Shivaji sent a message to Venkoji to the effect that they had not met for many
years, and that he had come thus far for a meeting, wherefore he would be greatly delighted if he would
come to see him. Upon this Venkoji came with his army for an interview. The two brothers met in a temple
of Mahadev and dined out of one dish.

They were also received with fitting honour. Venkoji enjoyed the hospitality of Shivaji's camp for fifteen
to twenty days, but during this time he did not care of his own accord to broach the subject of the partition
of Shahaji's estates. Shivaji saw he must open the discussion, and, calling him to a private chamber, made
a very feeling appeal to his obstinate brother. Shivaji reminded him of the brotherly affection that must
always subsist between them and said that, for thirteen years since the death of Shahaji, Venkoji had
enjoyed the whole paternal estate, knowing well the equal share he had in that patrimony. He did not
demand a share of any personal acquisitions of Venkoji, much as he would like to see him make
acquisitions of his own and much as he prayed to Heaven to grant him such thoughts. But to administer the
estates of Shahaji,—he could not do so without his brother's consent. He was prepared to show to Venkoji
any concession, if only he showed him the papers concerning the estates. He would help him in times of
stress and difficulty. Venkoji might rest assured upon this head. Such was the substance of Shivaji's
exhortation, but for all the persuasion he used with his brother, no impression seemed to have been
produced. Venkoji merely ejaculated a monosyllabic "Yes' 1 now and then, as Shivaji went on speaking.
But he made no decisive reply to the proposition placed before him.

Shivaji made many attempts to draw him out, but at every attempt Venkoji evaded an answer. He would
not give the least inkling of his decision either to Shivaji or to any one else in his camp. On one occasion,
however, Venkoji is said to have observed to some of the ministers that if Shivaji cared to give him a
moiety of his conquests, he would find his way to give him a moiety of the territory in his power. On
Shivaji's side the answer was, and naturally there could be no other answer, that the territory in his
possession was all of his own acquisition, while that held by Venkoji was all earned by Shahaji, and no
addition whatever had been made thereto by Venkoji. Under

the circumstances the demand for a moiety of Shahaji's estate was perfectly justified by the rules for the
devolution of ancestral property according to the principles of the Hindu Law. 1

Thus all this time was lost in vain. Nothing would move Venkoji to a peaceful settlement. At this
continued obstinacy Shivaji's first impulse was to put him under arrest and take his own share of the
inheritance by force. But calmer thoughts pervailed. Shivaji reflected on the impropriety of any form of
violence towards one who was his younger brother. It would be a disgrace to his family and to his
reputation as a king. He would exhaust first all the arts of conciliation at his command. But Venkoji took
fright and fled from Shivaji's camp in the darkness of the night, with only five attendants. 2 Next morning
Shivaji learnt of his brother's flight. He could hardly restrain his indignation at the pusillanimous conduct
of his brother, which meant distrust in his promise of safety. His first impulse was to arrest a few of
Venkoji's officers who were left behind. But he presently set them at liberty and sent them back to Tanjore
3 with presents and robes of honour usual on such occasions. Shivaji once more sent messengers to
Venkoji with a fresh proposal by which Shivaji demanded that his brother should give up to him half of
Tanjore and one or two of Shahaji's forts as his share, promising that he would be quite satisfied with this
and desiring him to maintain a friendly attitude. But Venkoji was governed by the advice of his short-
sighted friends, and among these were a few Mahomedan. depen—

1 Prof. Sarkar relying on the Factory Records, Fort St. George and Nellore Ramana's letter to the Madras
Counci!, states that Shivaji claimed three quarters of Shahaji's possessions and treasures to himself and
offered to Venkoji only the remaining quarter. (Sarkar: Shivaji pp. 390-91).

2 In the text we follow Sabhasad's version. It is corroborated by the Jedhe Chronology, p. 13. Other
bakhars state that Shivaji permitted Venkoji to return to Tanjore and gave him an escort. The Shedgavkar
bakhar, p. 87, says that Venkoji's officers induced him to escape.

8 This place is also called Chandawar and Chanjawar by the bakhar writers.

dants of Bijapur. These advisers said: " What though Shivaji be your elder brother ? Is he not a rebel to
your liege lord, the sultan of Bijapur ? Reflect on the distress which your brother's rebellion brought on
your father; how on one occasion his life stood in the greatest jeopardy on his account. It is due to your
loyalty and obedience to your father, that the sultan has permitted the jahgirs to continue, or else he would
surely have annexed all the territory. What right then has this rebel to demand as a patrimony, what you
merely enjoy by an exercise of grace on the part of Bijapur ? Moreover these jahgirs are the guerdon of
loyal service done to your feudal sovereign and it is as a vassal of Bijapur that you enjoy them. What part
could this rebel, this foe of Bijapur, pretend to have in them ?" Thus did these short-sighted, brainless
creatures continue to mislead Venkoji, who finally sent word through Shivaji's officers, whom otherwise
he treated with every mark of honour, that he was willing to hand over to Shivaji a moiety of all the
movables,-horsQB, elephants, jewellery etc.—from among the possessions of Shahaji, to be assessed by
Raghunathpant as falling rightfully to Shivaji's share, in accordance with certain lists and inventories,
about which that minister had the best knowledge and which he might explain to him ; and that, if for so
many days he had not spoken frankly on the subject, it was because he did not wish to appear immodest in
his answer to his elder brother.
It is even said that on this occasion Venkoji wrote to the Bijapur government informing them of Shivaji's
demand of an equal share in the paternal estate which, he contended, was the reward of Shahaji's loyal
services, and applying for that government's orders as to whether he should comply with this demand. The
Bijapur government is reported to have made answer to this effect:—" The .Raja Shahaji was a loyal
officer of this government, and in appreciation of his loyal services the jahgir lands were conferred upon
him, to have and to hold and to transmit

in hereditary succession; it was on this sanad that Shivaji's demand was based. For his acts of rebellion,
the government were responsible to call him to account, but it was not for Venkoji to deny his brother's
right, cause a family feud and refer it to the arbitration of the government. Were the government to decide
against Shivaji's claim, they would incur the utmost bitterness of his hostilities and expose their territory
to his incursions. Hence they laid it down that in case Shivaji should make his claim to the jahgir
inheritance, the tenure of military service, the same should be made over to him. Shivaji was indeed at
present at war with their government, but were he to offer to enter into an alliance with them, they would
be prepared to welcome it. At any rate, Shivaji was the elder son and had a right of priority to the
inheritance." This rescriptum Gaesaria carried little weight with Venkoji, whose mind had been poisoned
by his designing satellites, in particular by the Mahomedan chiefs in his service, and they represented to
him that "Shivaji wa& a rebel and a traitor, and the sultan, their suzerain, spoke under fear and constraint.
But what of that ? Venkoji held the territories in his hands and was master of his own will. He should not
hesitate to draw the sword in defence,. He must try the chances of war. While they lived, they would not
permit him to cry for mercy and to surrender. What was it Venkoji feared ? Had Shivaji only sucked, a
true mother's milk ?"

The obstinate reply from Venkoji and the knowledge that he was governed entirely by the interested
counsels of the factious Mahomedan nobility kindled Shivaji's wrath and he prepared to invade Venkoji's
territory and carry on a vigorous campaign. On second thought, however, Shivaji saw that such a
campaign between brothers of the same flesh and blood was nothing if not ridiculous and would in the
long run bring little-profit and less honour, especially when such a multitude of towns and territories lay
all

around him, owing allegiance to alien chiefs, whom it would be both a gain and a glory to conquer.

From Trivadi (Tiravadi), where the fruitless interview had taken place with Venkoji, Shivaji broke camp
and moved to Vellore, and making it the base of his operations he proceeded to reduce the different forts
in the neighbourhood, among which Maharajgad, Jagdevgad and Karnatakgad are mentioned. 1 Shivaji
then proceeded to ascend the ghats in those parts, and poured his armies into the distant, outlying districts
of Shahaji's jahgir. Among the districts thus overrun could be counted Kolhar, Balapore, Bangalore Shirta
( Sera ? ), 2 and Vaskot, all forming parts of the jahgir dominions of Shahaji. Many smaller forts and
citadels fell before Shivaji'd sword, and new defence works and fortifications were raised in places of
advantage. The lawless polygar barons scattered over many a straggling castle and stronghold in the
surrounding country were for the first time cowed into humble submission. A few of these irregular chiefs
consented to make terms, binding themselves to pay an annual tribute. Those who refused to submit had to
face a relentless war,were chased from stronghold to stronghold, and were finally extirpated. The fort of
Ami had been entrusted by Shahaji to the charge of a trusty Brahman, Vedo Bhaskar, and was at this time
in the charge of his two sons. These two youths now came to Shivaji's camp to present the keys of Ami.
Shivaji was pleased with their loyalty and good offices and confirmed them in command of the place,
with an adjoining territory yielding an annual revenue of three lakhs of pagodas. Mansingh More and
Ranganath Kelkar wore detached with a small force to restore order and -discipline to these parts.
Shivaji then advanced through Shrirangapatam and other districts, exacting tribute.

While Shivaji was winning these laurels in the south and exacting tribute from fort and town, his agent at
Delhi

1 The Jedhe Chronology mentions Jagdevgad and other districts.

2 The ancient Chera. Vaskot is also called Uskotta, and by similar fanciful names in the bakbars.

(Agra) wrote that a storm was gathering in the north and the news was confirmed by Shivaji's scouts. This
was nothing less than a plan for launching the imperial armies upon the Deccan under the leadership of the
emperor in person. Upon the receipt of this startling news, Shivaji prepared to leave the Karnatic in great
trepidation. The fortress of Jinji (Chandi) and the outlying territory which had previously been placed
under the viceroyalty of Santaji was reinforced by a reserve contingent under Raghunathpant and
Hambirrao, the commander-in-chief, and with 1 the rest of his forces, Shivaji gave orders for a general
retreat. His resolve to brin,g under his victorious arms the whole of the south down to the ridge of
Raineshwararn had, at a time when every moment was drawing him nearer to the goal of his wishes, to be
abandoned on account of the sudden alarm that required his immediate presence in the midst of his
affectionate people of Maharashtra, the starting point of his fortunes, ambitions and projects. 1 *

The real facts about politics in the north were,however, materially different from what had been reported
to Shivaji. Aurangzeb's suspicions about Khan Jehan Bahadur's venality had come to a head and he
expressed bis disapproval of the peace made with Shivaji. Diler Khan had submitted certain proposals,
which seemed to recommend themselves to the emperor. Diler Khan's suggestion was that the Mogul
government should join hands with the Bijapur government, dominated as it then was by the personality of
its chief minister, Abdul Karim Balhol Khan, and making united war on Golconda, overthrow that
monarchy before Shivaji's return from the south. This arrangement received the imperial sanction, and
Khan Jehan Bahadur was recalled.

The pretext for this combination against Golconda was

A On retreating to Maharashtra Shivaji left word to the Maratha com* manders left behind to raid and
capture the Dutch and British settlements at Paliacot, Sadras and Madras, but to leave the French at
Pondijhery unmolested.

naturally the treaty which that government had recently made with Shivaji. The growing amity between
Shivaji and Golconda was viewed by both the Mogul and Adil Shahi powers with anxious eyes as a
sinister conjunction against their future expansion. Madanna watched the signs of the times, was informed
of the changed aspect of the political powers, and prepared for the worst. When the storm burst, Madanna
was able to put a sufficient army into the field and after a hard-fought battle repelled the invaders. 1 The
rout had destructive effects on the Bijapur army. It was quite disorganized. With their defective
arrangements for supply and transport, the soldiers began to starve and die. Those that remained
clamoured for arrears of pay or for want of it deserted and fled. The soldiers defied their officers, the
officers, their government. To aggravate the whole situation, Abdul Karim himself fell ill and died. The
court was now in a state of complete demoralization. Diler Khan took upon himself the cleansing of these
Augean stables. He met and interviewed the omrahs and forced them to put a stop to the growing anarchy.
He chose one of the wealthiest of tha nobles, Masaood Khan, to be chief minister. 2 This Masaood Khan
was a son-in-law of Sidi Johar, and his wealth was the principal factor that guided Diler Khan in
selecting him for the premiership. For he undertook to carry out Diler Khan's terms, which were to restore
peace and order at Bijapur, liquidate his government's liabilities to the Moguls, make up the arrears of
pay in the army, and have no intercourse whatsoever with Shivaji. The minister's personal wealth
appeared a sort of guarantee that he would carry out these engagements. He did carry them out to the best
of his powers, excepting the one relating to the arrears in the army. The state of the finances of his
government

1 Bat Jedhe (p. 193) says that Maaaood Khan and Golconda combined to fight with Diler Khan, who had
to retire to Naldurg.

2 Prof. Sarkar quotes a letter of the Rajapur factors to Surat (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 107) showing
that Masaood Khan seized pos=ession of Bijapur by a coup d'etat at a time when a traitor minister was
negotiating to hand over the capital and sultan to Shivaji'a protection. Jedhe, p. 184 aays that Bijapur
came under Masaood Khan, who became minister.

obliged him to give their discharge to many of his cavalrymen. These shiledars or adventurous
cavalrymen, suddenly thrown out of employment in large numbers, scoured the-country, scaring and
plundering the hapless inhabitants. Many of them, however, were taken by Moropant Pingle into Shivaji's
service, to the great relief of their former government.

Now Shivaji kept himself duly informed about these changes in the politics of the Deccan kingdoms.
When the combined armies of Bijapur and Diler Khan invaded the Golconda frontiers, Shivaji
accelerated his march so as to be at home in time to parry a possible attack upon his own dominions.
Shivaji's van reached the barriers of Gadag-Lakshmeshwar. There was some execution here, two forts
falling before Shivaji's arms. The ruling chief Khan Gouda Desai took fright and fled. The province was
easily added to Shivaji's spoils. 1

While his forces were thus rapidly hastening, a party of foragers were attacked on the line of march by the
garrison soldiers from the fort of Belwadi 2 which was then in charge of a woman named Malvai, 3 the
widow

1 i'or the itinerary of fehivaji's return journey we follow Cbitnis who differs slightly from Sabhasad. The
latter makes Shivaji reach Kopal before coming to Lakshmeshwar. According to the bakhar accounts (e. g.
Shedgavkar p. SS). Khan Gauda seems to be the name of a man, not of a place, as imagined by Prof.
Sarkar, who complains that he cannot trace ib in the m&ps(bhivaji, p. 400, foot-note). The Desai fled to
Sampgaum, wh : ch the Shedgavkar bakhar calls Satgaum.Sampgaum is in the Belgaum district.

2 Other names used in the bakhars, ar? Balwed, Belwada. Belwadi means a grove of Bel trees, the leaves
of which are sacred to the God Shiv. Grant Duff confounds ib with Bellary in Madras Presidency.

8 The name of this lady is given as Lalbi by Sabhasad. The Shivdigvijaya gives the lady's name as
Sa^itribai. Her husband Yesprabhu had been killed in a previous encounter. Shivaji's commander on the
occasion was also a Prabhu officer, viz: Dadji Raghunath Prabhu Mahadkar. Her story and Shivaji's
subsequent chivalry towards her will remind the reader of the bravery of another heroine, Kai Bagin,
described in chapter XXL Bub Sabhasad and the Shedgavkar bakhara say that she was captured and
punished, while the Tarikh-i-Shivaji says that she was captured and dishonoured by Sakhuji Gaekwad,
whom Shivaji punished imprisonment, when he heard of his misconduct towards the lady. L.S. 30
"' the original Desai, or revenue-lord of the fort. Shivaji erected batteries and prepared for a siege. The
lady of the fort maintained the defence for a period of twenty-seven days. But at last she found herself at
the end of her resources and was obliged to surrender. The lady was brought a prisoner of war before
Shivaji. But she experienced the same clemency and forbearance which the chivalrous instincts of Shivaji
had trained him to observe towards all woman-kind. She was dismissed with the usual presentations and
ceremony, and two villages from Uie fort domains were sequestered and conferred upon her, as a grant of
inam for her maintenance. From Belwadi Shivaji proceeded home by forced marches and coming up to
Kopal, a fort of considerable strength, besieged and captured it in about a fortnight. The country within
range of that fort was quickly reduced, the neighbouring •fort of Lakshmeshwar 1 captured, and the
irregular polygars of the district compelled to acknowledge his sovereignty. To bring this part of the
country under permanent control, Janardanpant Sumant, one of the ministers, was kept behind with a
detachment of forces. Shivaji hastened onward clearing stage after stage, when two commanders of the
Bijapur government, Hussain Khan Maina and Lodi Khan threw themselves upon him with a force of ten
thousand horse. 2 These were repulsed, and forces

1 It would seem from Chibnis that the operations around Lakshmesh-•war in the Gadag district were
resumed or were being still carried forward simultaneously with the operations at Belwadi and Kopal,
after the first success gained over the local Desai. In short there were more than one campaign round
about Gadag and presumably also Kopal, which accounts for the different versions.

2 The Shivdigvijaya gives a long account of the battle which took place in the valley of the Tungabhadra
at its junction with the Krishna. In the Shivdigvijaya the Adil Shahi commander is called Yusuf Maina.
The Jedhe Chronology (p. 192) says that already as early as January 1677 Hambirrao defeated Hussain
Khan Maina (or Miana) near Yalgedla and captured some elephants and 2000 horses. The same
chronology later on states that about May or June 1677 Shivaji conquered Gadag and returned to Raigad
and finally in March 1679, the Peshwa Moropant gained possession of the fort of Kopal ( about a hundred
miles due south of Bijapur >

were detached under Niloji Katkar 1 against a third commander, Bavli Khan Pathan, who was attempting
diversions at Kolhapur, Tarala, and certain other districts that had recently fallen before Shivaji's sword.
Katkar overtook the Pathan at Turumba and routed him. The-victors received the usual acknowledgments
from Shivaji, special embroidered robes and the soldier's decorations of gold and pearls, along with an
elephant and a pair of horses, which were bestowed upon Katkar.

Shivaji made a halt on arriving at Torgal, when despatches from Raghunathpant were placed in his hands.
From these Shivaji learnt that Venkqji had created a diversion in the newly conquered territories, taking
advantage of his absence. The news was alarming enough to induce Shivaji to suspend his march for the
present and put up a stationary camp at Torgal. For Shivaji learned that the moment Venkoji came to know
that he had withdrawn from the Karnatic, he, with his Mahomedan friends, had marched down upon
Santaji Bhonsle, Raghunathpant and Hambirrao, whom Shivaji had left behind as his representatives, 2
with the object of bringing under his complete sway the conquests recently made by hinu Shivaji's
commanders, apprised in time of Venkoji's invasion, put their forces in battle order. Overtaking the
invader at Balgodapur, Raghunathpant made fruitless attempts to persuade Venkoji to come to terms, but
the latter would not recede an inch from his position, and the bravado of his Mahomedan instigators being
kindled into

through the son of Hussain Mains, whereupon the latter was released from captivity and took service
under Shivaji. All this would go to show that there were two or three campaigns in the Tungabhadra
region and explain why some chronicles like Sabhasad and the Basatin-i-Salatiu describe the conquest of
the district before the invasion of thcj Karnatic, while Chitnis and the Shivdigvijaya date it after that
event.

1 Instead of Katkar the name Kate or Kothe is also found.

2 According to the Rairi bakhar, Venkoji did not make the attack in person but sent his minister
Jagannathpant and other officers to attack Raghunathpant and the sir-nobub. The scene of the battle. was
Balgodapur or Waligondapuram.

a blaze, by the attempts of Shivaji's people to make peaceful overtures, a battle ensued, in which
Venkoji'e party was completely overthrown. 1 In this battle Shahaji's natural sons, Pratapji and Bhivji,
were wounded and taken prisoners. Venkoji saved himself by a headlong flight with one or two hundred
fugitives. It would have been possible to press the pursuit and capture the fugitive band, but the feeling
that Venkoji had once been his patron and Shivaji himself might not be overpleased with any sort of insult
or harm done to his brother prevented Raghunathpant from keeping up the pursuit. Thus Venkoji, with a
handful of followers, was enabled to make good his escape.

Such .were the grave contents of Raghunathpant's letter in answer to which Shivaji's brief reply ran as
follows: " Venkoji is our younger brother. He may act like a naughty boy, but for all that he is our brother.
It is our duty to take care of him. You must not harm his principality." A longer letter was addressed to
Venkoji, expressing his vexation and disappointment, the drift of which was to this effect: "We regret to
learn," wrote Shivaji, "that, misled by Turkish knaves, you made war upon our people, a war in which
you have lost much, in which our half brothers Pratapji and Bhivji were taken prisoners, and several of
your chiefs wounded. You be-icg our brother, your losses are our losses, your reputation is our reputation.
It was not well done—by this foolish act to have thus published your ill fame to the •world ! What you
have thus done was not done of the free motion of your mind. The men whose wicked counsels have led
you to this act have already received condign punishment by the decree of Heaven. The prejudices
instilled in

i Col.Wlike states that in the first encounter Santaji Ehonsle was repulsed, at which he was so much
vexed, that) he gathered his men at night aud led them to a second attack, resolved to conquer or perish in
the attempt. The sudden raid of Santaji against Venkoji's forces, at a -time when they were off their guard
in the exultation of the day's victory, threw them into a complete rout.

your mind against us have led to this step. Had you relied -on us, instead of giving yourself to your
Mahomedan advisers, it would have been to your own advantage. Now you will have to render us our
share and bear this disgraca into the bargain. Our father's fortunes were of his own earning. That you
should have entertained a doubt, on what title to yield us our share, was not fair to us. On your restoring to
us our share, it is for us and the Bijapur government to discuss this question. They will not care to make
you a reference. That being so, you are acting like a naughty boy. Hereafter follow the precedents laid
down by our father. Leave not virtue, leave vice, with reason for your guide. Make war upon the wicked,
pour blessings on your subjects. Forget not that you are the son of Shahaji, forget not the debt of noblesse
oblige. And yet the thought of discriminating between sin and righteousness does nob enter your mind. But
this will surely bring you to misery. Without a sharer thus far have you alone enjoyed the common estate.
Now at length yield to us our share. Live in peace and prosperity, yielding us our dues. By the grace of the
Bhawani of Tuljapur, victory shall always crown our arms, and remembering this you ought not to have
rashly embarked on war with us, infatuated by the advice of your Mahomedan counsellors. You should not
have acted, as Duryodhan of the Mahabharata acted, so as to dig the grave of your own people. By tasting
defeat at the hands of a servant of your family, you have only disgraced yourself in the eyes of the world.
The losses in the war we consider as our own. Hereafter at least don't allow a repetition of such scenes.
Court not new acquaintance by disregarding the old. Those who have grown gray in the service of our
father, you must respect as elders and family friends. The bitter fruit of spurning such old friends and
conducting yourself according to your own caprice, you are now tasting and shall have to taste in future.
Think not that, by Kaghunathpant'a coming over to us, this mischief is done. The claiming or

yielding of the family partition must always have come sooner or later. There was no escape from it.
There is nc need that you should be taught this by some one else. Advice given to you in good part you
took in evil .part. This has brought upon you this misfortune. Regard old servants of the family as family
elders. Keep them in service and victory will smile upon you and your fortunes will prosper. Hemember
this and play your part in the future. Ami, Bangalore, Kolhar, Vaskot, 1 Shirta and other districts are
already ours. Chandawar 2 likewise shall you cede to our men. Of cash and jewellery inherited from our
father you shall grant us half. Act honestly by us and we shall grant you, on the other side of the
Tungabhadra, territory worth three lakhs of pagodas, in the Panhala district, of our own acquisition. Or in
lieu thereof, we shall procure for you, from the Golconda Kingdom, territory worth the same amount.
There is no profit in kindling a family feud. That would only mean misery to you and to us. Hereafter at
least let us remain as friends. What we tell you, as an elder brother, if you hearken to in good part, you
will bless yourself for the rest of your life. Act in opposition to us, and you will •work your woe without
a cause." 8

After this letter to Venkoji, Shivaji wrote again to Baghunathpant, not to protract war with Venkoji and
widen the gulf between them. Nothing was to be done that would injure Venkoji's self-respect. Being after
all the son of Shahaji, it mattered not, if he monopolised the whole heritage to himself. Nothing should be
left undone

1 Vaskob is elsewhere called Iskot or Haskot.

9 The same as Tanjore.

* We follow the Shivdigvijaya chronicle which practically quotes the greater part of Shivaji's letter. The
original letter, which was in the hand-writing, of Balaji Avji Chitnis was examined by Grant Duff. It was
recovered from the Hanmante family, in whose possession it was, by a descendant of the Chitnis family at
Satara and it was published by Rao Bahadur Parasnis in the Itihas-Sangraha (Volume I, J912, p. 36 )

for a restoration of peace and amity. Upon these despatches of Shivaji, Raghunathpant called back the
army that was sent after Venkoji. Meanwhile Venkoji was plunged into sad reflections at Shivaji's epistle.
He felt he had merited the fraternal rebuke. He reflected on the rout of his forces, the capture of his horses
and elephants, the men slain, the orphans and widows who came down to curse him at the doors, the
shiledars clamouring for new horses in exchange for beasts slain in war, the wounded and disabled
starving for food. How was he to please or console them all ? On the other hand there was Iris elder
brother who would not renounce his just rights by any means. There was Raghunathpant to give the
claimant Shivaji a full inventory of Shahaji*s fortunes. What was he now to do ? Carry on war to the end
? It would bring misery, ignominy and ruin. All his pride of wealth would go and only the bitter
recollection of hostility would remain behind. He had acted madly from beginning to end ! Had he
behaved humbly and listened to the reasonable wishes of his elder brother when called to the interview,
these depths of ignominy would have been spared! Good fortune had always attended on his career. But
he had given ear to evil counsellors and made war with such a brother !

Venkoji was now filled with remorse. He could not think of food or sleep. For hours together he sat
moodily buried in thought. At last his wife, Dipabai, began to inquire what acute anxieties distracted him
so much ? Venkoji replied, " Shivaji's generals have remained in these parts; they have reduced the
polygars and brought the sultan's forts under their power. They fight every day. They know no defeat!
Where the sultan himself has retreated before them, what could we do with our slender forces ? Where is
the good of such a fight ? And yet we did fight, to our infinite loss ! " Upon this his wife spoke in very
feeling terms. "After the death of the Maharaja," (meaning her father-in-law), said she, " Shivaji is to you
in the place of a father. You have been deceived by the

advice of evil-wishers. When it was time to think soberly, you failed to care about it. Shivaji is a
righteous man and a hero. Behave well with him, and he will not reject your wishes. What does Shivaji
care for your fortunes ? He has won his own independent kingdom and made the fortunes of so many
followers. What would you have lost if you had submitted to him ? Is it your own possessions he claims
to share ? What additions have you made to the family fortunes ? And what do you accuse him of ? When
he made no estrangement of his affections, how strange that you should have taken up arms against him
and widened the breach! Raghunathpant, an old servant of the family who should be cherished a« a
relation and an elder, was humiliated and despised ! The only man who could have kept things going and
assured your joy and happiness, was driven from your presence ! Knaves and impostors were invited to
help to fritter away your estates. Even yet, bury your hatred, yield to Raghunathpant, and obey his advice,
and he will free you from the obstacles in your way. Persevere in your false pride and you will add only
to your dishonour. Or if you would not submit to Raghunathpant, and vanity stands in your way, go, throw
yourself upon your brother's mercy. Learn humility, even at this hour, and he is sure to protect you. That is
the best you can do. There is no help without it."

This advice made a great impression upon Venkoji and h» resolved to act upon it. He invited
Raghunathpant to eattle the terms of a treaty between himself and Shivaji. But Raghunathpant wrote in
reply that he was awaiting orders from Shivaji and would act according to those orders, without which he
could not come to see him. On receipt of Shivaji's orders, he proceeded to meet Venkoji, informing him
previously that as he was an officer and representative of Shivaji, and Shivaji was his elder brother, the
conference must take place on something more than a basis of equality. This was agreed to by Venkoji.
The place .for the conference was then determined, and pavilions were

srected at the chosen spot. The two proceeded on elephant-back from their respective camps to the
spacious pavilion. 1 On Venkoji's dismounting from his howdah, Raghunathpant got down, and the two
entered the pavilion hand in hand. Two chairs of state had been installed within, and the two chiefs
approached them together on a footing of equality, when Raghunathpant folding his hands in a respectful
attitude exclaimed that he was a servant of that throne, and Venkoji only was competent to be seated upon
it. So saying, he helped Venkoji to his seat, made a humble salutation to the occupant of the chair, and
seated himself a little apart. Raghunathpant then continued as follows: " You are to me the same as
Shivaji. When I quitted your service, I declared to you I was quite as good a man to occupy your seat, and
I had to do all this to demonstrate to you the truth of my words. Not being like the general run of servants,
my services were welcomed by Shivaji. You are free to employ me again, if you please. I would freely
give up my life rather than do any thing to injure you. But if my patron goes astray, I shall not cease to try
to bring him round. You listened to the advice of narrow-minded fools and heaped insult and ignominy
upon my head. I had, therefore, to appeal to Sbivaji and suggest to him the occupation of the Karnatic. He
is a true soul of valour and has vowed to bring about the restoration of free religion and government and
the expulsion of Mahomedan tyrants from the country. He endorsed my views and brought his squadrons
from such a great distance to the Karnatic, and in a short space of time he has made conquests worth three
to four crores a year. And yet he has a great love for you. His love

1 The Shivdigvijaya says that the this meeting took place at Chanda-var (i. e. at Jinji, or Tanjore ). At the
urgent request of Venkoji and Dipabai, Raghunathpant proceeded to Chandawar without waiting for
Shivaji'a order, when he had a private audience with them, whereat both husband and wife prostrated
themselves at his feet, exclaiming that he had the knife, he had the head, he might slay or save ! When
Raghunathpant saw this proof of humble repentance, he made a treaty with them.

is boundless. He shows it in his epistles to us. Hereafter do you behave sincerely with him. Think of the
devotion of Lakshman towards Bamchandra, in the epic poem.andhold it up before yourself as the mirror
of brotherly respect and affection. Let this be your study, your emulation, Do thus and you shall prosper.
Whatever peril may menace you at any time, do but send me word and I shall come flying to your rescue
and deliverance. That you may achieve at least a fraction of Shivaji's valour and glory is all the desire
that now remains to me." With such exhortations, Baghunathpant proceeded to state the terms of the
compromise. Venkoji was to remit to his brother half the annual revenue of Shahaji's jahgir domains,
divide the family jewels and make a cash contribution towards the expenses of the campaign. On
Venkoji's acceptance of these conditions, Shivaji was to allow him tc retain Tanjore and restore the other
jahgir districts that he had conquered. 1

On receipt of the documents concerning the treaty. Shivaji wrote a lengthy letter to Baghunathpant, the
purport of which was as follows:—

" It is well," wrote Shivaji, " that Dipabai ha& brought round her husband, and that with your help a treaty
has been made. This was what we had been seeking from the first, but Venkoji would not listen. It is good
that now at length he has seen through his false friends and the scales have fallen from his eyes. Now you
have only to see that Venkoji carries out the terms of the treaty. Should you so prefer it, it is open to you to
reside there and conduct the administration on behalf of Venkoji. Janardanpant, the Sumant, 8 might be
given charge of Chandi ( Jinji ) and»the adjoining districts, and you might keep your eye on important
matters from time to time.

1 The Rairi bakhar states that Venkoji ceded on this occasion the forts or districts of Kolhar, Balapore,
Maharajgad, Jagdevgad and Karnatakgad to Shivaji. These places, as already stated, had been captured
by Shivaji daring this campaign.

2 He was a brother of Raghunathpant Han man te.

On the assumption that you would choose to reside with Venkoji, we specify below certain particulars of
administrative details, to which we invite your special attention. These articles are as follows:—

Art. 1:- The privileges etc. of the relations of the royal family and the titled nobility ( mankaris) to be
preserved ; their degrees of precedence etc. to be respected. No onerous duties to be assigned to them.

Art. 2:- The officers and commanders to be consulted in important matters. Loyal and competent officers
only to be appointed to positions of trust. Promotions to be made according to merit, and strife among
state officials to be discouraged by all possible means.

Art. 3:- The private suite of Raja Venkoji to consist of good, loyal and upright servants who shall give
sureties for their good behaviour ; no favourites; all to be under equal rule.

Art. 4:- Agents and envoys to be stationed at surrounding courts, whether friendly or hostile; and
arrangements to be made for prompt and secret intelligence about all changes.

Art. 5:-Cavalry, both paga and shiledars, to be properly organized. Horses and men to be both in
readiness. The shiledar force as much as possible to be converted into paga. Artillery and cavalry to be
both in readiness to meet a sudden invasion.

Art. 6:- Professional thieves, rowdy and riotous people, drunkards, lawless tribes, assassins etc. to be
expelled from the kingdom, or if allowed to stay, under proper security, both in cash and by sureties. Such
people to be properly watched.

Art. 7:- Quarrels among high and low, concerning boundary rights, contracts, treaties etc. to be
discouraged. The poor and the needy to be succoured in difficulty and saved from the oppression of the
rich and the powerful.

Art. 8:- Religious grants from the state, benefactions etc. to temples and holy places to be continued and
on no account to be violated.

Art. 9:- Suits of creditor and debtor relations, partitions and successions to inheritances to be decided by
specially constituted panchayats, and the administration of civil justice to be conducted in the best
interests of the people. Corruption of justice by bribery to be prevented, and justice to be free and
gratuitous to all. As regards justice the state is to consider the poor as being under its special patronage.

Art. 10:- Promises of pardon and reprieves to be strictly adhered to. The contrary has never taken place
in our family.

Art. ll:-The fort of Arni, with the adjoining district, having been granted by Shahaji to Vedo Bhaskar, to be
confirmed in the possession of his eight sons and heirs, without any molestation, whether they take service
under Venkoji or not.

Art. 12:- The jahgir and other lands held under sanad from the Bijapur government by Shahaji; as also
those acquired from the Daalatabad authorities (Nizam Shahi state) when he came over to the Bijapur
service; and thirdly the territory privately acquired by him by conquest of the polygars, to be investigated,
classified, and separately accounted for. Secondly, under the tenure of feudal service, Shahaji was under
obligation to serve the Bijapur government with a force of five thousand strong; which tradition must
continue with this modification that by the treaties made by «s ( i. e. Shivaji ) with that government, the
feudal covenant of service has been commuted into an •engagement to render occasional aid, and this
modification having been made in the life-time of Shahaji, Venkoji would now be under no obligation to
campaign for Bijapur except under special circumstances, being released from a perpetual covenant of
service by our treaty, and he would

be responsible to us for the fulfilment of this occasional obligation ; in default of which, should we ( i. e.
Shivaji ) have to campaign under the auspices of Bijapur, Venkoji shall be held liable to pay us the
expenses of the campaign.

Art. 13::- As to the hereditary patilships and deshmukh rights over Varghati Hingni, Beradi, Devulgaum
and other places, descended in the family, we would exercise them unchallenged, by right of
primogeniture.

Art. 14:- Officers or members of our court proceeding on duty or for personal reasons to Venkoji's court,
and vice versa, to be treated in a spirit of mutual hospitality and enabled to return to their respective
places, on. the transaction of their business.

Art. 15:- Of the territory ceded back to Venkoji, the districts of Bangalore, Vaskot and Silekot yield an
annual revenue of three lakhs of pagodas, which may be improved to five. These districts are hereby
assigned in perpetual grant by us to Dipabai as a pin-money allowance, indefeasible by any right.or claim
on the part of Venkoji or his heirs. After Dipabai the revenues to descend to her daughters as pin-money,
and so on in the female line, from generation to generation. Venkoji's government only to administer the
districts and revenues in commendam.

Art. 16 :—Of the territory ceded around the fort of Chandi, districts to the value of seven lakhs of
pagodas are hereby assigned in perpetual grant to "Raja Venkoji as a personal appanage, to be transmitted
from generation to generation. A schedule of these districts to be submitted to us for sanction and for
grants of sanads.

Art. 17 :—Raghunathpant, being a tried and loyal veteran and hereditary servant in our family, and
himself of no mean lineage, shall have an inam ceded from the Tanjore territory to the value of one lakh of
pagodas, to hold and to transmit from generation to generation.

Art. 18 :—There is to be a right of extradition as-between our kingdom and the court of Venkoji,for the
arrest

and conviction of thieves, robbers and other run-away criminals.

Art. 19 :—Venkoji to make monthly grants or assignments for the proper maintenance of music, clerks,
soldiers, horses and other equipments and honours at the tomb of Shahaji.

We shall be happy to hear that the Raja Venkoji approves and promises to abide by these nineteen articles,
in token whereof a due acknowledgment of the same should be submitted to us. 1 "

Raghunathpant presented this letter with the nineteen articles to Venkoji, to whom also Shivaji had written
a personal epistle, giving him further assurances. It was finally settled that Raghunathpant should remain
behind to administer Venkoji's jahgirs, as also to supervise the administration of the districts recently
conquered by Shivaji. On the ratification of these last arrangements, Shivaji broke up his camp at Torgal
and continued his inarch to the north, and sent orders to Hambirrao to follow with his army.

Meanwhile Ghatge and Nimbalkar had overrun the barrier province of Fanhala, and laying waste the
country, went plundering the people up to Karhad. When Shivaji received intelligence of these events, he
was still encamped at Torgal. He despatched Niloji Katkar with a small detachment to repel the invaders.
Katkar overtook the foe at Koorli and attacked him with such force that he was completely routed. Katkar
was able to recover from the fugitives a great part of their plundered spoils, which, as being the property
of the king's own subjects, was scrupulously restored to the ascertained owners, not a farthing of it being
permitted to find its way into the royal exchequer.

1 The Shivdigvijsya gives a detailed account of this treaty, from •which this account is taken. This treaty
is an unimpeachable proof of the high statesmanship of Shivaji. The articles on extradition and feudal
service to Bijapur show how delicately he attempted to deliver Venkoji from his subservience to Bijapur
and bring him under the. hegemony of Maharashtra.

On the conquest of Kopal, Janardanpant had been left oehind in command of that fort; and news having
been received that there was likelihood of a threatened attack by Bijapur in that quarter, some troops were
detached to reinforce that commander; and shortly afterwards, with -a small force to escort him, Shivaji
himself reached Raigad in safety.

It will be remembered that on the conclusion of the treaty with Venkoji, Hambirrao, who till then had
cooperated with Raghunathpant, had received orders to retire to Maharashtra. Janardanpant, apprised of
his approach, projected a combined attack upon the Bijapur forces, and Hambirrao entering heartily into
the plan, a concerted attack was made on the Bijapur militia in the basin of the Krishna and the
Tungabhadra. The attack succeeded most admirably. The Bijapur forces were put to utter rout, five
hundred horses, five elephants and the commander of the enemy falling into the hands of the victors. The
whole of the country was. overrun and subdued. The refractory deshmukhs in the neighbourhood of Kopal
and Belvadi who had for a long time shirked payment of their feudal dues to Bijapur and made themselves
undisputed lords of their holdings, were brought to book by Janardanpant and compelled to submit to the
feudal suzerainty of Shivaji. The Bijapur government never attempted thereafter to recover these districts
from Shivaji. The exhaustion of that state in the wars with the Moguls and with Golconda and the
practical annihilation of their cavalry by war and desertion made a show of arms almost impossible, and
had there been any such disposition on the part of that government, the flooded condition of the country, on
account of the rains that set in soon afterwards, precluded all hopes jf an effectual campaign.
Janardanpant and Raghunathpant turned the enemy's delay to the best account and brought the whole
country under their permanent control.

Hambirrao continued his march to the north, attack-Ing the fort of Devur which lay on his line of march.
The

Bijapur government sent a force of ten thousand under Hussain Khan to repel the attack. But Hambirrao
defeated this force and captured the fort. Another force wa& then sent under Lodi Khan, but he too was
defeated and taken prisoner. 1 The forts of Gondal and Bahadur-banda were attacked and captured with
the like success. Thus capturing fort after fort, he reached home in triumph and •was received by his
sovereign with many acknowledgments of gratitude for his conspicuous services throughout the campaign.
Among his lieutenants, who had likewise covered themselves with glory by their distinguished bravery
and valour in the field, were Dhanaji Jadhav and Bayaji Ghorpade. Shivaji expressed his warm
congratulation* to these young officers and conferred upon them inams and military decorations in
recognition of their gallant services. All other officers who had distinguished themselves in the campaign
came in for a proper share of the royal bounty and acknowledgments.' Thus was this great campaign
finally concluded, having covered a period of eighteen months from the start 'to the finish.

Some days thereafter a letter was received from Ragbunathpant about affairs in the Karnatic. "The Raja
Venkoji,' 5 wrote that trusty administrator, "has given himself to a settled gbom and melancholy. He closes
his eyes, avoids conversation, has grown indifferent to food and drink, sulks by himself in solitude, gives
curt answers or none when I approach, and gives anything in alms that the Brahmans require. We have
waited and watched for six months, in the fond hope that there might be some alteration. But there has
been no improvement at all during all this time, and now I think it necessary to inform you about it, hoping
to be excused for keeping you uninformed so long. It is for Your Majesty to decide what is to be done."
Upon this Shivaji wrote to Venkoji as follows :

1 These generals had already been defeated once by Shivaji's retreating columns. An entry in the Jedhe
Chronology under date Chaitra (April-May ) ehaka year 1601 ( 1679 A. D. ) would go to show that
Moropant had something to do with these conquests.

*' Raghunathpant has returned from a visit to you. The particulars he has given in his letter about you have
filled us with sadness. We are sad to think that yon should give yourself to melancholy. ^ Reflect that you
and I are brothers of the same flesh and blood,prepared to stand by one another in every misfortune. If you
would be pleased to let us know the fears that have driven you to this sadness we will at least endeavour
to eradicate the cause. Do not be deterred by any sense of reserve from confiding in us. Whatever your
wishes, they shall be readily fulfilled, Be assured that we will spare no pains to gratify your wishes. Do
inform us, by all means, of the cause of your mental malady. Do not be so disconsolate in future, or else
we shall have to bring you here under our immediate protection, and in that case you will not be able to
return thither again. Please bear this in mind and act fairly by us. Be governed by Raghunathpant's advice,
for that means your welfare; beyond that as you please."

This letter had much effect upon Venkoji, who began again to take an interest in his affairs.

L. S. 31.

CHAPTER XXVII THE FINAL CAMPAIGNS, 1678-1680

THE news of the great victories and conquests of Shivaji in the Karnatic campaign gave anything but
pleasure to the haughty Aurangzeb. Shivaji had purchased his non-interference by an undertaking to pay
tribute. He had bought over the Mogul governor Khan Jehan Bahadur and had been able to get him to play
the tune he wanted. Aurangzeb did not make much of this armistice in the beginning. He was absorbed in
his campaign against the Afghans of the north-west frontier, and was not in a position to send any
reinforcements to the governor of the Deccan subha. Later on though the treaty was cancelled and Khan
Bahadur reprimanded for his share in it, the campaign of Diler Khan was not directed against Shivaji, but
against the state of Golconda. Nor had that campaign produced any tangible result, except losses and
misfortunes for the Mogul army. It only unfitted the Mogul arms, more than ever before, to carry home the
rigours of a war of invasion against Shivaji. This was not what the great emperor had been calculating
upon. He had flattered himself with a picture of Shivaji's arms beaten and battered by a'long and arduous
campaign in the distant plains of the Karnatic,-a dispirited king, a demoralized army ready to sink to the
ground before the throwing of a lance. And he thought he might bide his time when to throw that lance. But
this pleasing prospect had now melted away. Shivaji had returned laden with honours and victories. The
terrors of his name had not a whit diminished ! He had given above all a new check to Bijapur. " Now
will he, "• thought Aurangzeb, " draw the cord tight round that prostrate state and after strangling its
power lead his squadrons to the ridge of Rameshwaram ; and our dreams, our deep-laid plans to
overthrow the divided sultanates of the south, and unite together, under one rule, all the country down to
the southern sea, have become void and fruitless." Thus groaned the emperor. To forestall the worst
conse-
quences, he had, at Diler Khan's suggestion, conceived a project to subvert Golconda, ere Shivaji
returned from the south. But it did not succeed. Bahadur Khan was recalled from the Deccan, and Prince
Muazzim was sent down a second time.

In consequence of the adjustment made between Diler Khan and Masaood Khan of Bijapur, Moropant
Pingle had to keep himself on the alert and secure every position from a surprise attack on the part of the
combined forces of the Mogul and the Adil Shahi governments. There was besides no mitigation as
regards the continued descents of the Abyssinians on the Konkan coast, an account of which may be
deferred till the next chapter.

Aurangzeb was displeased with the peaceful settlement that had been just concerted between Diler Khan
and Masaood Khan. The emperor reprimanded the subhedar and ordered him to force tha Bijapur
government to pay up the arrears of pay to their troops, to win over the leading members of the Adil Shahi
nobility to the Mogul interest, to bring their affairs under his direction, and in i short to bring that state
under the protection of the Mogul power. Diler Khan set to work to carry out these instructions and
succeeded well enough in detaching the Afghan nobility of the Bijapur state to the Mogul side. But there
was a party in the state to whom the great Mogul was an abomination. They could not be brought over by
any means. The Mogul agents made a formal demand for the person of the sultan's sister, Padehaha Bibi,
who, as it had been previously arranged by Khawas Khan, 1 was to be given in marriage to a son of the
emperor. The present minister agreed to bring about the marriage alliance. But a large faction in the state
was against it, and when the Mogul envoy came to demand the princess, there was a violent outcry and
threats of resistance. The pro-Mogul party, on the contrary, urged strongly the fulfilment of the promise
that had been made, and both parties were on the brink

* Fide Chapter XXV, p. 417

of civil war, when the princess herself appeared on the scent and offered to go to the Mogul camp. 1 This
decision paralysed the opposition of the anti-Mogul faction. The princess was welcomed at the Mogul
camp with all the honours befitting her rank and escorted with a suitable retinue to Agra.

But Diler Khan was not satisfied with this sacrifice. He had already begun a campaign of invasion,
breathing vengeance against Masaood Khan for non-compliance with the terms of the treaty. At this
critical juncture the latter had no other resource but to supplicate Shivaji's aid. This decision was taken
not without a considerable mental struggle. Shivaji's attitude towards Bijapur could not be that of sincere
^friendship. Whether he would respond to the appeal favourably or otherwise, there was no means to
conjecture. Bat he was himself en no friendly terms with the Moguls, and an appeal might be made to the
family connection of Shivaji with the Bijapur state, under whose auspices he had risen to greatness.
Struggling amidst these doubts and hopes, he finally applied to Shivaji for immediate help with the
message: "The Mogul hosts are almost at the gates of Bijapur ! This sultanate is yours. Come to instant
relief 1"

On receipt of this urgent request, Shivaji turned tc march towards Bijapur, when, to his consternation,
news was brought that his son, Prince Sambhaji, had escaped and taken refuge with Diler Khan. a Upon
this Shivaji ordered Hambirrao to proceed to Bijapur with the army and himself came away to Panhala,
lost in a hundred

1 Scott's Deccan, 11, 52.

* The order of events followed here is on the whole based on Jedhe's Chronology and the Basatin-i-
Salatin, which confirm one another in a surprising manner. It differs slightly from the order of events as
given by ehitnis and the Shivdigvijnya and as followed in our original Marathi edition. The principal
difference i.. that in the usual bakhar accounts the flight of Sambhaji and the siege of Bhupalgad take place
after the plunder of Jalna and battle with Ranmast Khan, while according to Jedhe these events took place
in September-October 1679, «1 i • the flight of Sambhaji took place in November 1678 and the fall of
Bhupalgad in April 1679.

TBE FINAL CAMPAIGNS . 469

Joubts, how to recover Sambhaji from the hands of the enemy.

It is necessary at this stage to unravel the story of Sambhaji's infatuation. Every provision had been made
lor the education of the young prince. The best pandits had been engaged to act as his tutors, and they had
spared no pains to cultivate his mind and heart. But these labours had been spent in vain. He was, and he
always continued to be, a wanton, fro ward, violent-tempered youth. The efforts of his father to inculcate
in him the qualities of a good statesman, administrator and ruler were all wasted. In order to get him
proclaimed as the heir-apparent to the throne, the prince had been made to undergo the ceremony of the
investiture of the sacred thread. But his insolent and licentious ways became steadily more aggravating.
There was once a festive celebration 1 at the palace, in honour of the goddess Gauri, when the ladies of
the royal harem were entertaining all the matrons of the town. At such functions only ladies assemble and
the hostesses honour their guests with the distinguishing marks of red and yellow powders or pastes,
which are considered auspicious and conducive to a long life of matrimonial bliss. Among the ladies
invited on this occasion was a young Brahman female of exceptional beauty. Sambhaji saw her, was
smitten with her beauty, and, managing to have her taken to his room, violated her chastity. Shivaji was
extremely wroth at the news of this atrocity. He said the prince was the heif to the throne and yet was
guilty of such a heinous sin,-the violation of a Brahman lady, a female of the sanctified class,— the basest
crime possible. To the king all subjects must be like sons and daughters. The prince must receive condign
punishment in proportion to the grossness of his crime. His being a son of the blood royal could not pro—

1 Called " Hsldi Kunku," or the consecrated red-powder and yellow turmeric, distributed amongst
married women, the application, of which to the forehead, under the auspices of the goddess Gauri, ia
supposed to have the virtue of lengthening conjugal felicity.

cure him a pardon. If he persisted in such a violent course he must perforce disown such a son. 1 And
saying so, Shivaji ordered the prince to be incarcerated in the fort of Panhala; and though released from
strict imprisonment after a lapse of time, he was still detained at the fort in a sort of informal custody.
This was most galling to a man of wild and violent nature like Sambhaji. Assured that his father was
engaged with the Moguls at a distance, he planned an escape to the Mogul camp, having sent previous
intimation to Diler Khan of his meditated flight. Diler Khan was naturally pleased to see this rebellion in
Shivaji's own house and gave orders to Ikhlas Khan to start with a force of three to four thousand horse to
welcome and escort Sambhaji to the Mogul camp. ( November, 1678).

Shivaji at once despatched search parties in various directions in pursuit of Sambhaji; but the prince had
by this time already joined Ikhlas Khan's party about four miles from Supa and thrown in his fortunes with
the Moguls. The Marathas who came in pursuit of him saw the enemy's force was too strong to be
attacked. They, therefore, returned in despair to Shivaji.
Diler Khan communicated to the emperor how Sambhaji had come over from Shivaji and how he had
accorded to him a cordial welcome. The commander congratulated the emperor upon what ho considered
a piece of rare good fortune, that there was at last some chance of a division in Shivaji's camp, for some
nobles of the Maratha kingdom were now sure, said Diler Khan, to come over and join Sambhaji. The
cleavage thus commenceu would cripple the Maratha power and the confusion of the foe would redound
to the interest and glory of the empire. For by putting Sambhaji at the head of a Mogul detachment and
sending him against his father, forts and provinces under the Maratha sway would fall in no time. But the
emperor did not approve of this suggestion,

1 Some bakhara state that on hearing these angry words, Sambhaji fled away with his wife that very night.

suspecting, as he did, that Sarabhaji might be playing a part in collusion with his crafty father, as a
prelude to some stroke of policy. It might be that Sambhaji was come to sow sedition in the Mogul camp
or tempt the Mogul armies into some deep-laid trap and lure them to their own destruction. But Diler
Khan had already put his suggestions into practice before the arrival of Aurangzeb's protest, and Sambhaji
had advanced, supported by a Mogul corps, against the fort of Bhupalgad. This was the easternmost
outpost of Shivaji's defence system, almost projecting into the Mogul dominions, and as such was well
fortified against a surprise attack on the part of the enemy and always equipped with an abundant supply
of war material. The garrison prepared for an obstinate resistance. In normal circumstances they would
not have minded the utmost rigours of a Mogul siege. But the presence of Prince Sambhaji, the heir-
apparent to their state, not only among the enemy, but at the head of the assailing column, filled the
garrison with dismay. Was it proper to open fire upon a prince of the blood royal? If not, how were they
to defend the castle ? But there was no time to think. Sambhaji called aloud from without and threatened
the havaldar of the fort with death, unless he instantly threw open the gates. The garrison soldiers were
perplexed at this conflict of duties, and in their consternation took fright and fled in all directions. The
governor of the fort was Firangoji Narsala, the same who in the campaign with Shaista Khan had won his
laurels by his brilliant defence of Chakan fort. 1 But on this occasion fortune seemed to frown upon the
prospect of a successful resistance. It was impossible to rally his soldiers for the purpose of a protracted
defence. Many of them fled, and nothing could restore his authority over their wavering minds. To open a
cannonade was out of the question, as Prince Sambhaji was the most exposed of all. Did his authority
over the castle entitle him to do an act which involved the sacrifice 1 Vide: Chapter XVI, page 223.

of the life of the crown prince of his kingdom ? This was the dilemma, and there was no getting out of it v
except by a precipitate retreat. In the dead of the night the governor fled away, and the fort fell easily into
the hands of the assailants. (April, 1679 ). The Moguls put under arrest the remnant of the garrison still
found at their posts. The Mogul commander sentenced the inoffensive captives to horrible punishments,
mutilation of hands and feet. Many were sold into slavery. Sambhaji naturally protested against this
wanton cruelty, for which apparently there was no reason, except the belief that the fate of these helpless
defenders would strike terror into the hearts of the defence garrisons of other forts. On Shivaji'e being
apprised of this event, strict orders were issued to the governors of other forts that Sambhaji had revolted
and fled to the Moguls and should he advance against any fort, he should be treated, without the least fear
or respect for his position, as a traitor and an enemy. No surrender should be made on any account.

Shivaji sent one of his confidential agents to persuade and win back the errant prince. The agent protested
against the conduct of Sambhaji and dilated on the suicidal character of his secession. What could have
provoked Sambhaji to this step by which he now helped the Moguls to reinstate themselves in their lost
possessions ? Whose was the loss ? As for Shivaji, he had no motive now left to think of temporal things
for himself. He might as well now retire to some solitude or the banks of some holy river and spend the
remainder of bis life in devout meditation at the feet of some godly saint like Eamdas. If Shivaji continued
to care for affairs of temporal interest at his advanced age, surely it was not gut of personal interest, but
solely for the sake of his son and heir. What folly it was then that that son and heir should draw his sword
against such a father. Such was the manner in which the interceder pleaded with this headstrong Absalom.
But persuasion had no effect upon his heated mind.

Shivaji however did his beat to come to the rescue of Masaood Khan. ' The cavalry was ordered to
muster at Panhala, whence a force of seven thousand pushed on to Bijapur. The orders given to these
troops were that they should immediately occupy and take charge of the fort of Bijapur and maintain a
close watch, while with the rest of the cavalry Shivaji surprised the Mogul on his rear. When pursuant to
these orders Shivaji's cavalry came to Bijapur, 1 they were asked by Masaood Khan to make their camp
on the banks of the Atang. The Maratha commanders refused, and, coming up to the town, pitched their
camp at Khanapur and Khusraupur, sending word to the Khan to put one fortress gate and tower into their
charge, and they would defend it with their lives. But Masaood Khan would not comply with this demand
and refused admission to the Maratha army, with the exception of the great commanders. The Maratha
force then went down to Joharpur (Zuhrapura) and encamped in an open plain opposite the city-walls.
After they had lain a few days outside the walls, some of them managed to enter the city under pretence of
buying supplies and provisions for the army. Loading their baggage oxen with sacks, which securely
concealed their
oo o *

swords and muskets, one cavalry man after another entered the city leading his ox and joined to form
parties in out-of-the-way parts of the town. It did not take long to discover the stratagem. However
Shivaji's commander represented to Masaood Khan that, on the invitation of the Bijapur government, they
had come out of their way and only found themselves exposed to the enemy. It was a great hardship for
them, since in case of an attack they would find no .cover within the walls of the city. But Masaood Khan
would not listen to this argument. He had no faith in their professions; he believed it to be a trick, as it
probably was, to gain possession of the Bijapur capital. What the Maratha army could not gain by
conciliation, they attempted to carry by a show of arms, making concerted attacks upon

1 This happened about August 1679. Diler Khan's siege of Bijapur became rigorous about September
1679. Vide Jedhe P. 195.

the city, pillaging the suburban towns of Daulatpur (Daulat-pura ) and Khusraupur ( Khusraupura ), and
putting the wealthy merchants of the exposed parts under arrest. A similar assault was made upon
Joharpur and the repelling force put to rout. The Maratha army lost some officers in the action. The
Bijapur garrison replied with a violent cannonade from the city walls, which compelled the Marathas tc
give some ground, but they did not relinquish their attempts for some time to carry the town by assault.
When they lost all hopes of capturing the fort by storm, they won over the commander of the garrison with
a bribe of fifty thousand pagodas. Masaood Khan required the governor of the fort to give up the bribe,
when the latter shielded himself behind the back of a great commander of the Bijapur court, Sarje Khan
(Sarza Khan).

Scarcely had the Marathas thus forced their entrance into Bijapur, when the Mogul foe arrived on the
scene. Shivaji had not been idle. He had kept his eye steadily on the movements of Diler Khan. The
Mogul commander encamped outside the city and prepared to deliver an assault. This event put a decisive
end to the hostilities between the Maratha and the Adil Shahi troops within the walls of Bijapur. Masaood
Khan had to make fresh petitions to Shivaji for help, in most pathetic terms. Shivaji approached to within
eight koa ( i. e. about twenty miles ) on the rear of the Mogul camp, with a view to surprise and carry it by
storm. But he soon discovered that Diler Khan's forces chiefly consisted of picked Pathan soldiers,
numerous enough to make impossible the chances of a successful raid on the Mogul lines. He thought it
more prudent to lead his forces to nmke a diversion in other parts of the Mogul territory. With this view he
wheeled round and, swiftly crossing the Bhima, made a terrific onslaught upon the Mogul territory. But
Diler Khan neither relaxed the siege nor sent men after him. Shivaji's squadrons ravaged the Mogul
territory from the Bhima tc the Godavari, plundering all the country. Forcing bis way

into the town of Jalna in Khandesh, he plundered it uninterruptedly for three consecutive days. Prince
Muazzim lay close by at Aurangabad, but Shivaji did not allow this circumstance to disturb him in the
least. He had skill to detect the exact places where the people had hidden their treasures. On this occasion
it is said that Shivaji's troops did not spare even the cloisters of the fakirs, a departure from the usual
practice, it being one of the principles of his military discipline not to do any violence to persons, no
matter of what faith, who had devoted their lives to religion. There is no record, however, of any soldier
or officer of Shivaji being sentenced to any of the usual penalties for any such breach of his rules of
discipline, as is alleged to have occurred upon this occasion. 1

When Shivaji, laden with all this booty, prepared to retire and conduct the spoils in safety to Raigad,
Prince Muazzim sent a force of ten thousand horse under the lead of Ranmast Khan to harass his retreat.
Ranmast Khan followed in close pursuit and came up with Shivaji at San-gamner, and a fierce encounter
followed between the two forces. Santaji Ghorpade rather overacted his part and the result of his
foolhardine'ss was a momentary confusion in his division and the loss of a distinguished commander,
Sidhoji Nimbalkar. But Shivaji did not lose heart at the temporary set-back, rallied his men, and
regardless of his personal safety, flung himself upon the enemy. The Maratha soldiers inspired by the
example of their king, occupying the post of danger in the forefront of the field, recovered confidence. The
Maratha columns hurled themselves upon the Moguls. At this onslaught, the enemy

1 Khafi Khan says that on this occasion Shivaji molested the Mahomedan saints and fakirs, and in
consequence died soon afterwards. Khafi Khan states that Shivaji's hosts entered Khandesh and plundered
Dharangav, Chopra and Jalna, a prosperous commercial town in the Baleghat ( Khafi Khan, Elliot VII, pp.
304-5 ). Shivaji's general orders as regards military discipline are described in Elliot VII, 305. The
alleged excesses of the Maratha troopa may be explained by (1) military tactics to raise the siege of
Bijapur, (2) excitement caused by the desertion of Sambhaji, and (3) the savage treatment of the Maraoha
garrison of Bhupalgad.

broke and ran. 1 Shivaji again claimed the victory and attempted by a forced march to convey his booty
beyond the reach of any further attempts on the part of the enemy. But to reinforce the scattered bands of
Ranmast Khan,the Prince despatched another force under Kishen Singh of Jaipur. 1 With this addition to
their strength the . Mogul fugitives rallied once more and again overtook Shivaji at the head of a defile.
Shivaji was about to file through the gorge, when he was called upon to face this new danger. He knew
his men 'were so exhausted with the fatigue of the march and the encounter they had just had with the
enemy, that they had scarcely any life left to face an enemy who came fresh and with -unimpaired spirits.
In this dilemma, a plucky scout from Shivaji's reconnoitring corps, Bahirji Naik, presented himself before
his master and undertook to lead both army and booty down the defile without coming in contact with the
Moguls. And he was as good as his word. The whole night long the Maratha army marched through the
defile, at a distance from the gorge where they had been stopped by the Moguls. The Moguls knew not
when the Marathas had vanished. But when they noticed that the position taken up by Shivaji was
unoccupied, they hastened forward to discover where the enemy had disappeared. But they could find no
trace of the Maratha army, being unable to discover the narrow gorge by which Shivaji had escaped. They
again returned to the head of the defile where they had expected to entrap Shivaji, and poured down the
gorge into the vale below. But Shivaji had already 3

1 According to some chronicles Hambirrao Alohite was wounded in this battle. The Jedhe Chronology
dates these events about October or November 1679; but Prof. Sarkar dates the events in December 1679,
•Boon after Sambhaji's return from the Mogul camp.

2 He was a grandson of Jay Singh. Sabhasad gives his name as Keshar Singh. Chitragupta states that this
Keshar Singh pitched his camp three Koa from Shivaji's and sent him a private message that since he
looked upon him as a brother, he desired him to clear away by forced marches before he could overtake
him.

8 Sabhasad gives Pavangad as the* name of the fort to which Shivaji retreated.

reached Patta, and in commemoration of the fact that the walls of that citadel gave him a much needed
asylum from the hot pursuit of the Mogul foe, the Maratha monarch had its name now changed to
Vishramgad or the Asylum Fort. The safe retreat that Shivaji found behind the hospitable walls of Patta,
threw his Mogul pursuers into despair, and they returned disappointed to Aurangabad. Aware of the
valuable services of Bahirji Naik on this occasion, but for whom the campaign was likely to have had a
tragic conclusion, Shivaji conferred an adequate inam upon that gallant scout. During the days of rest
spent at Patta, Shivaji conceived the plan of subduing the numerous forts that surrounded it, and thought
that the present juncture of events, when Diler Khan was involved in a fierce struggle with Bijapur, was
the fit moment to put this plan into execution. Moropant was charged with these operations, with a
complement of infantry recalled from the Konkan and a body of horse to second his efforts. Moropant set
about his work very briskly, carrying fort after fort, according' to his master's instructions. ( November
and December 1679.)

While Shivaji lay at Patta Masaood Khan sent an express courier with a request for urgent intervention
against the Moguls. The purport of the missive was as follows: " By your loyal behaviour with our durbar
at this time of tribulation you have indeed proved yourself a worthy son of Shahaji. You have repaid the
price of the salt that Shahaji ate of our durbar. Forgetting your enmity with the durbar, you have hastened
to our aid. You have made every effort to relieve us. That was a grand idea of yours, to deliver us by
diverting the war tc the enemy's own country and surrounding him on all sides. Following this plan you
have done him much harm and inflicted on him one or two stunning defeats. Likewise in our own capital
your men have proved to be of considerable assistance to us. But Diler Khan is obstinately resolved not
to leave the siege of Bijapur, whatever the cost of

Mogul disasters in the south. He will not raise the siege by any means. He has advanced close to our
walls. We cannot think of any other deliverer at this crisis except yourself. Wherefore we pray that,
leaving all other thoughts aside, you hasten to the rescue of the Adil Shahi dynasty."

Meanwhile Hambirrao Mohite and Moropant had led their arms to Bijapur and, though overtaken by
Ranmast Khan with a squadron of eight to nine thousand horse, had already rendered a good account of
themselves. Mohite and Anandrao made for the Mogul camp and began a series of raids cutting off their
food and fodder supplies and starving the besieging armies that surrounded Bijapur. Men, horses and
elephants fell off for want of food. Diler Khan was at last forced to raise the siege for the present and fall
back westwards to Aurangabad, making good his arrival at that place with difficulty. He left the
neighbourhood of Bijapur in the middle of November 1679. The foiled chief wreaked a bloody revenge
upon the hapless subjects of the Adil Shahi state. Men, women and children were carried off as slaves.
The wives of both Hindu and Mahomedan subjects committed suicide by jumping into wells. Villages and
towns were sacked. At one Tillage alone 3,000 inhabitants were sold into slavery. 1 At Athni, a
prosperous centre of trade, the town was burnt down and the Khan sold the inhabitants, who were all
Hindus, as slaves. (November, 1679. ) Even Prince Sambhaji who accompanied the imperialists
protested against the meditated cruelty but his protests were vain. These acts of ruthless rapine, however,
served to open Sambhaji's eyes to the iniquity and unrighteousness of his own conduct. 8

1 The Basatin-i-Salatin, 426-480; Factory Recorde, Surat 108, Bombay to Surat, 1 Jan. 1680, quoted by
Prof. Sarkar.;

With such a record of Mogul cruelty and rapine, which likewise had characterised Shaista Khan's
progress in Maratha territory, it is absurd to make a pretence of virtue and speak of Shivaji's cruelty and
plunder.

2. Prof. Sarkar's view is that, disgusted with these cruelties, Sambhaji fled away to Bijapur and thence
came to join his father at Panhala, Sabhasad says, Diler Khan connived at his escape.
But the Marathas were close at Diler Khan's rear. The disproportionately smaller forces of Hambirrao
and Anandrao prevented them from provoking the enemy to a pitched battle. They had to content
themselves with guerilla warfare, but they inflicted no little loss upon the retiring Moguls.

After plundering Athm and carrying off the doomed inhabitants to be sold as slaves.DilerKhan crossed the
Krishna and, invading the Karanatic, commenced a campaign of wholesale plunder. 1 Dividing his army
into two parts he directed them into two different parts of the Karnatic, being himself the leader of one of
them. Janardanpant 2 , the governor of Shivaji's possessions in that quarter, was apprised of the
unimpeded march of Diler Khan's plundering armies and mustered a force of six thousand strong to
oppose him. As the result of this encounter not only was the further career of Diler Khan's division
completely arrested, but be was himself beaten back with considerable slaughter. Janardanpant then
turned upon the other division which likewise experienced the same misfortune as the first.

On the news of these defeats, the emperor gave vent to his indignation that Diler Khan, instead of guarding
the interests of his governorship, should have plunged into a reckless war with Bijapur. He also ordered
him to send Sambhaji under arrest to Agra, considering it dangerous to permit him to entertain him as a
commander in the Mogul camp, lest he might instigate a spirit of discontent or disaffection among the
Mogul soldiers and insidiously work mischief to the empire. These orders of the emperor were most
displeasing to Diler Khan, who caused Sambhaji to be informed about his master's intentions, whereupon
the Maratha prince quietly stole away from the Mogul camp and came to rejoin his father in the vicinity of
Panhala, where Shivaji had personally proceeded. 3

1 Grant Doff Vol. I, Ch. IX.

2 He was Sumant or foreign secretary and the brother of Raghunathpant Hanmante.

3 Sabhasad, 93 ; Shedgavkar, p. 91. Shivaji had at this time considerably strengthened Fanhala and
concentrated his forces there against

After the first embraces of welcome, Shivaji reprimanded? the errant youth in words that must have
seared the very soul of Sambhaji. He pointed out to the repentant prodigal the great risk he had run in
committing himself into the hands of Diler Khan, the inveterate foe of the Maratha state, at a time when the
hostilities between the Maratbas and the Moguls were rekindled. He owed it to the protecting hand of
Heaven that he had escaped alive. For this at least, once in his life, Diler Khan had earned his fervent
gratitude. It would never do for Sambhaji to forget that he was the heir to the fortunes of a noble house,
the residuary claimant tc all that Shivaji had won and earned. Recognising the responsibility of his
position, how could he at all have thought it consistent with his honour and understanding to curry favour
with Diler Khan, as a refugee and an exile 1 His destined succession to the throne required him to
exercise a due sense of ditcipline and a paternal solicitude for the interest and welfare of the citizens of
the state. He was expected to be the defender of the lives, the fortunes and the honour of his people. And
if the guardian himself turned upon his wards and robbed them of all they held most dear and precious,
what friend under heaven could they look up to r ' What tyranny more gross than the violation of female
chastity 1 What more subversive of past merit and reputation « He must bethink himself of the fall of
Ravan and other despotic rulers of epic fame ! To cure him of this heinous offence he had sentenced him
to a short term of imprisonment.-sentenced him with a heart bleeding and charged to overflowing with
love. He had replied by an act of treacherous desertion. Now at length he must return to his senses and no
more seek to gladden the hearts of the enemy by dividing his house against himself. If Sambhaji had a
desire to wield the sceptre before his time, he might parcel out his dominions into two equal lots, giving
to Rajaram the territory from the Tuugabhadra to the Narbada, and

a possible attack upon it by Sambhnji and Diler Khan. The forty pieces of artillery received from the
French, aa described in a previous chapter, were mounted among the batteries ot Panhala fort. See foot-
note (2), p. 478..

that from the Tungabhadra to the Kaveri, to Sambhaji; and as to himself he might dedicate the last few
days of his life to peaceful devotion by the banks of some holy river, or to meditation on the Most High at
the feet of Ramdas Swami. Pending these arrangements Sambhaji had to be kept under restraint at
Fanhala. After celebrating Rajaram's nuptials in the fort of Raigad, 1 the rest of the arrangements might be
completed. So Sambhaji again found himself safely ensconced behind the walls of Panhala fort, with a
district of three lakhs of rupees assigned for his maintenance and his affairs managed on his behalf by
Vithal Trimbak Deshpande, under the'name and styh of khasnix or special steward. 8

The defence of the fort was entrusted to three officers of proved loyalty : Somaji Naik Banki, Bawaji
Naik Samsher Bahadur, and Bawaji Dhamdhere. The officers, both civil and military, were instructed to
soothe Sambhaji's hurt mind and by wise discourses to wean him gradually from his disaffection and
discontent. But they were not in any case to permit the prince to leave the fort, the havaldar or resident
commander of the fort being armed with special powers to overrule Sambhaji. The administration of the
territory assigned as Sambhaji's appanage was vested in Janardan Narayan Sumant, who also exercised a
general surveillance on Sambhaji's movements.

The repulse of Diler Khan by Shivaji's forces and the-deliverance of the Adil Shahi durbar from the
tightening siege-lines of the Mogul armies evoked from the sultan's government an appreciative
acknowledgment of the priceless services of the Maratha power. While tendering their thanks the Adil
Shahi court wrote to Shivaji: " It is due to your generosity and nobility of spirit, that we have been
delivered from the deadly grip qf our enemies, and to the

1 Rajaram was married at Kaigad, March 1679 (Jedhe p. ib5), to-Tarabai, daughter of Prataprao Guzar.
The Shivdigvijay wrongly makes her a daughter of Hambirrao Mohite.

3 He waa a grand'son of Murar Baji Deshpande, the hero of Purandari see p. 257.

L. S, 32

timely succour and adequate re-inforeements we have all along received from you. You have truly
acquitted yourself in our hour of peril of the debt of filial obligation towards your father, the Raja Shahaji.
That in the face of the interminable feuds that have hitherto raged between yourself and our government
and in the face of the unmerited persecution to which we subjected Shahaji for your misdemeanour in the
past, that in spite of all this you should have forgiven old scores, repaid unkindness with kindness and
hastened to our rescue and deliverance, has carried your fame to the ends of the earth." Such were the
contents of the epistle presented to Shivaji by the envoy of the Adil Shahi state together with the
customary nazar of rich raiments and jewellery, horses and elephants. Shivaji replied in terms of equal
appreciation of the favour of Bijapur. "We have to thank you," wrote Shivaji, "for that magnanimity which
prompted your government to continue the jahgirs and honours of Shahaji, the moment you were freed
from your suspicion that Shahaji had any complicity in that programme of active operations which has
yielded to us such a large slice of the Adil Shahi territory. The same acknowledgments of gratitude are
due to your government for the continuation of Venkoji in our father's estates and honours. It is under your
kind auspices and patronage that we have risen to greatness, and nothing has given so much satisfaction to
us as the fact that the fortunes we have built up have proved to be of some service at least to you in your
day of tribulation. That you have won the final triumph is due entirely to the auspicious fortunes of your
sultan. We did what lay in our power to contribute to that triumph. Hereafter in the day of trouble do you
call upon us for help, without entertaining any misgivings on the subject". Shivaji sent an envoy to
Bijapur, conveying this reply with the complimentary presents to the reigning sovereign of that state, as
also an important document, the protocol of a new treaty with that state, based on the following
conditions:—
•1st. That the forts of Kopal and Belvadi with the adjoining territory, in theKarnatic, be ceded to Shivaji.

2nd. That the Adil Shahi State renounce all claims and rights upon the conquests made by Shivaji in the
Dravid country, i.e. the southern part of the peninsula.

3rd. That the Adil Shahi state renounce its sovereign rights over Tanjore and the other districts
constituting Shahaji's jahgir and that the said rights be exercised by Shivaji.

4th. That both parties agree to render mutual assistance in time of danger.

These conditions were accepted by Masaood Khan and a treaty was ratified upon these lines. Shortly
afterwards Shivaji paid a visit to Masaood Khan at Bijapur for a secret discussion on the future policy of
the two states.

But Venkoji took with an ill grace the news of the compact between the two powers by which the
sovereignty over the Karnatic and the south was transferred to Shivaji. He thought he was now divested of
all liberty of action. He was already vexed in spirit at the supposed loss of independence by that coup d'
etat on the part of Shivaji which had set Raghunathpant over his head and placed him over his affairs,
which meant Shivaji's influence and Shivaji's policy permeating everything. And now on the heels of that
had come this surrender of authority on the part of Bijapur, an event which blighted all the prospects of
Venkoji's being able sooner or later to redeem himself from his brother's yoke with the help of the Adil
Shahi forces. He gave himself to a settled melancholy. Affecting indifference to all routine business, he
acted like a recluse. Raghunathpant communicated to Shivaji the change that had again come upon his
royal brother. This communication elicited from Shivaji the following epistle to the chief of Tanjore:—

141 Many days have elapsed without my receiving * This epiatle IB given in extemo by Grant Duff (
Chap. IX ] whose

any letter from you; and in consequence, I am not in comfort, Raghunathpant has now written that you,
having placed melancholy and gloom before yourself, do not take care of your person, or in any way
attend to yourself as formerly : nor do you keep any great days or religious festivals. Your troops are
inactive, and you have no mind to employ yourself on state affairs. You have become a bairagi, and think
of nothing but to sit in some place accounted holy, and let time wear away. In this manner much .has been
written to me, and such an account of you has given me great concern. I am surprised when I reflect that
you have our father's example before you—how did he encounter and surmount all difficulties, perform
great actions, escape all dangers by his spirit and resolution, and acquire a renown which he maintained
to the last ? All he did is well known to you. YOU enjoyed his society, you had every opportunity of
profiting by his wisdom and ability. Even I myself, as circumstances enabled me, have protected myself,
and you also know, and have seen, how I have established a kingdom. Is it then for you. in the very midst
of opportunity, to renounce all worldly affairs and turn bairagi—to give up your affairs to persons who
will devour your estate—to ruin your property and injure your bodily health? What kind of wisdom is this
? What will it end in ? I am to you as your head and protection ; from me you have nothing to dread. Give
up, therefore, all this and do not become a bairagi. Throw off despondency, spend your days properly;
attend to fasts, feasts and customary usages, and attend to your personal comforts. Look to the employment
of your people, the discipline of your army and turn your attention to affairs of moment. Make your men do
their duty ; apply their services properly in your quarter, and gain fame and
translation of the same is reproduced here, with only a few alterations in spelling. Grant Duff has almost
literally translated the original letter, which is in the hand-writing of Balaji Avji Chitnis. Grant Duff
characterises this letter as being "full of energy and sense/' The Marathi original was published by Rao
Bahadur Parasnia in hia "History of the Tanjore Dynasty", in the "Itihas Sangraha" ( page 42).

'renown. What a comfort and happiness it will be to me to hear the praise and fame of my younger brother.
Raghunathpant is near you, he is no stranger to you, consult him on what is most advisable to be done, and
he will consider you in the same light as myself. I have placed every confidence in him. Do you the same.
Hold together for your mutual support, and you will acquire celebrity and fame. Above all things, be not
slothful; do not allow opportunity to slip past without receiving some returns from your army. This is the
time for performing great actions. Old age is the season for turning bairagi. Arouse! bestir yourself. Let
me see what you can do. Why should I write more? you are wise."

This must have been probably the last letter addressed by Shivaji to Venkoji. For soon afterwards, Shivaji
fell ill,—an illness from which he did not recover.

FOOT-SOTE top. 475 :—The fakir plundered at Jalna was Sayy id Jan Muhammad. In the belief that holy
men were systematically spared by Shivaji's troops, moat of the wealthy citizens of Jalna had fled to his
hermitage for shelter, with their money and jewels, —a misuse of the " right of sanctuary," as understood
in mediaeval Europe. No wonder, if under -_hese circumstances the right was not respected. The very fact
that the Khandesh people had such faith in the expeditionary principles and practice of the Maratha Army
is itself no small compliment to its creator, though Khafi Khan and the Bundela Memoirs attribute
Sbivaji's death to the Sayyid's curses. If Hambirrao Mohite took part in the battle with Ranmasb Khan
after the sack of Jalna ( see Shedgavkar bakhar p. 90, where he is wrongly' reported as killed in the battle
), he must have accompanied Shivaji throughout the Khandesh expedition, leaving Anandrao in charge of
the operations against Diler Khan in the south. For this purpose Shivaji, divided his forces into two
columns in November, 1679. For Anandrao and Hambirrao, see footnote at page 344 and Appendix II at
the end.

CHAPTER XXVIII THE ENGLISH AND THE ABYSSINIANS

SHIVAJI had sacked Rajapur in 1661, Surat for the first time in 1664, Karwar in 1665, Surat again in
1670, and Hubli in 1673. At all these places the British East India Company maintained factories, which
came in for a share of the general misfortune, on account of the victor's plunder or enforced contributions.
The factory at Rajapur was abolished, soon after the passing of that port under Shivaji. In 1668, the
Company's representatives at Surat established a factory at Bombay island 1 and, making it their
headquarters, opened trade relations on a larger scale, with the country around them.

Adjoining Bombay harbour is Salsette, which was then under the Portuguese flag. The Portuguese
residents of those parts could not easily reconcile themselves to the loss of Bombay and began to hate the
English merchants. They refused permission to the English to have any kind of trade relations with their
subjects in that neighbourhood. The English could procure no food or other supplies from Salsette and had
to depend for food provisions on other provinces. With the exception of Salsette, the boundaries of
Bombay marched with those of Shivaji's dominions. It was natural under the circumstances for the
company to maintain a friendly attitude towards the Maratha monarch. Nor had Shivaji any reason to look
askance at the Company's power. He had a good opinion of their enterprising spirit both as regards
commerce and navigation. Their commerce, Shivaji knew, was to the advantage of his countrymen.
Besides, in his frequent wars with the chiefs of Janjira, he expected to benefit by
1 The island of Bombay bad been conterred by the king of Portugal upon King Cbarlea II of England, in
1661, as a part of tbe dowry of his daughter Katharine at her marriage with the Stuart King. The latter
bestowed it upon the East India Company subject to an annual rent of £ 10. The transfer was made in 1668
to Sir George Oxinden, the Company's president or governor at Surat, who, as we saw, had. bravely
defended the Surat factory at Shivaji's first invasion in 1664.

their naval assistance. Their navy was powerful and their ships were large and strong. They might
provide him with warships of superior strength. They might send him supplies of muskets, artillery and
ammunition. Such were his calculations, nor were they unfounded in fact. Then there was always a
prospect of the Abyssinians in concert with the Mogul power forcing their way into the British territory
and delivering their attacks upon the contiguous district of Coorla which was under the Maratha flag. Had
Shivaji so resolved, it would not have been beyond his means to expel the British merchants and plant his
standard in their harbour-town; and it is only reasonable to believe that he did not consider it expedient to
give needless provocation to the merchant-adventurers, or to place any obstacle in the way of their
thriving trade with his subjects. Shivaji's higher ambition, no doubt, included within its scope the
complete subjugation of the western coast of the peninsula. But he knew that the realization of this plan
depended essentially on the raising of a capable naval contingent, and he could not afford to treat with
discourtesy those mercantile powers, whom he looked upon as the most competent to contribute to his
naval resources. From the same motive he acted in a conciliatory spirit towards the Dutch and the French.
With the Portuguese too his original attitude was friendly. But the growth of fanaticism among these
representatives of European commerce and the religious persecution of their Hindu subjects which they
embarked upon, alienated his sympathy, and in the end he did not even attempt to disguise his enmity
towads them. For a long time, however, the Portuguese obtained a respite from his hostilities by their
regularity in carrying out the treaty obligations they had incurred with Shivaji and the punctual delivery
into his kingdom of the stipulated quantities of arms and ammunition from year to year. Had Shivaji lived
a few years longer, he would probably have delivered his country from the oppressive yoke of the
Portuguese power.

While the headquarters of the British Company were at Surat, under the segis of the Mogul government,
there was little expectation of Shivaji's being able to derive any active assistance from the English. In
consequence he had not scrupled to pillage their factories along with the rest of the enemy possessions.
But when at a later period, as mentioned above, the British transferred their principal settlement on the
west coast to Bombay, the relations between the two powers became somewhat more intimate. To
contribute to this result, the appointment of Mr. Aungier to the governorship of the western presidency
came as an auspicious omen. 1 He was a clever and far-seeing statesman and, coming at once to the
conclusion that a friendly alliance with the Maratha ruler was a condition for ensuring the stability of
British trade and authority in these parts, he immediately set to work to bring about this desirable end. On
the other hand the Janjira chief wan casting about for British alliance, with a view to turning Bombay into
a base for his intended naval operations, from which to make his attacks upon Goorla and other territories
under Shivaji. He acknowledged the hegemony of the great Mogul and was indeed the chief admiral of the
Mogul power. Relying on the protection of that government he had made repeated attempts to force his
way into Bombay,—attempts that had only failed on account of the fortitude and adroitness of Aungier.
The Mogul governor of Surat made repeated requests to Aungier to admit the Abyssinians to Bombay, but
the latter persisted in his refusal, pleading the fear of reprisals from Shivaji in excuse. This

1 Sir George Oxenden was governor of the factory at Snrat from •1663 to 1669, Gerald Aungier was
governor from 1669 to 1677, at Snrab and Bombay. Aungier came down from Surat to Bombay in 1671,
and returned to Surat about 1676. Daring the intervening period he was mostly in Bombay. The Sidi
invasions and the embassies to Shivaji's court belong to this period. However the factory at Bombay was
generally in charge of a deputy governor, while the governor himself resided at Surat, (Dr. Fryer.). This
was reversed in the regime of Sir Josia Child, when Bombay became the British headquarters of Western
India, about 16S3.

unbending neutrality on the part of Aangier won. the highest respect from Shivaji. 1

When Shivaji commenced fortification works in his territories contiguous to the Portuguese territory of
Bassein and prepared for a decisive struggle against the Sidi, Aungier fearing that the English in their turn
might be molested by him, sent an embassy* under Lieutenant Ustick to arrange a treaty with Shivaji. But
this envoy preferred a demand for the re-imbursement of the English losses at Rajapur, to the amount of
thirty-two thousand pagodas, as one of the articles of the proposed treaty, and as Shivaji would not yield
on this point, the scheme fell through on that occasion. The following year (1673) Aungier sent one Mr.
Nichols 8 as his ambassador,and he opened communication through Prince Sambhaji, for repayment of
losses at Rajapur and Hubli, but again with no better result. Shivaji undertook to re-imburse the
Company's losses at Rajapur, but refused to admit that the Company had suffered any such loss at Hubli as
they now professed. In order to assure the envoy on this point, Shivaji produced the inventories of the
booty obtained at Hubli. This difference of accounts between the two powers as regards the Company's
losses at Hubli came in the way of a permanent treaty. 4 There

1 The bidi's raids began about 16; 2.

3 Shivaji made a demand for ammunition, which was refused ; upon which the king closed the Konkan
forts so that the Company's boats could get no fuel. Ustick was sent to put Shivaji under hopes, bub not to
commit the Company to an immediate agreement to supply ammunition and to negotiate for an indemnity
for the Company's losses in the sack of Rajapur. Lt.Ustick was also to obtain a firman for freedom of trade
n the Maratha territory, paying a uniform two per cent customs duty. The president had written from Surat
that no definite agreement should be made to supply ammunition or help against the Sidi. Bub Shivaji
should be kept in suspense with promises, which were not to be fulfilled. (Factory Records, Surat 87,
quoted by Prof. Sarkar, Shivaji pp. 439, 441).

3 This envoy waa Capt. Nichols ( Thomas Niccolls} who was appointed the first English judge in
Bombay by Aungier. In 1677 be was sent as an ambassador with a letter from King Charles II to Go a. <
R, & O. Strachey : " Reigwios's Rebellion, " pages 14 and 15).

4 The Company assessed its losses at Hubli at 7894 pagodas, but

was also another difficulty. Shivaji demanded a supply of cannon from the English, which, from their fear
lest it might give offence to the Moguls or the Abyssinians, they refused to provide.

Sometime later the Sidi of Janjira regardless of any permission of the Bombay government appeared with
his fleet in Bombay harbour and commenced a series of naval raids upon Shivaji's territory. But Aungier
proved himself equal to the occasion, forbade the Sidi to turn the harbour into a base of hostile
operations, and expelled his fleets from the port. Shivaji learnt about the bold step taken by the governor
against the Sidi and congratulating him upon it proposed that a new embassy be sent to his court to remove
the existing misunderstanding and arrange a permanent treaty. But just at this time the Mogul governor of
Surat sent repeated demands to Aungier, that permission be granted to the Sidi so that his fleets might
spend the coming monsoons in the safe shelter of Bombay harbour. This was very embarrassing to
Aungier, as non-compliance with these orders meant the risk of the English factory being stopped at Surat.
On the other hand, Shivaji getting wind of these orders informed the governor that were he to grant any
such facilities to the Sidi to turn Bombay harbour into a centre for the Abyssinian raids to be directed
against the Maratha possessions, he would undoubtedly fall in with the scheme of the Dutch Company
who had projected an attack upon Bombay and had sent their emissaries inviting Maratha co-operation
with a force of ten thousand to conquer the island. 1 The Sidi had meanwhile already brought up his fleet
and anchored it

Shivaji produced his inventories and assessed their losses at lets than 200 pagodas. There most have been
underassessment by Annaji Datto and over-assessment by the British factors.

1 This was between 167^-74, when Holland and England were at war. The Dutch commodore ReickUws
Van Goen opened negotiations with Shivaji requesting his co-operation against the English at Bombay and
promising help to recover Danda-Rajpuri from the Sidi. Shivaji, however, had more faith in his English
friends and distrusted the Dutch proposal.

in Bombay roads. Aungier required them to leave the precincts of the Company's possessions. But the Sidi
defied these orders and sent up some of his vessels into the creeks to make good their landing north of
Sion, expelling the inhabitants and occupying temporary cantonments for the rains. Aungier's soldiers,
however, drove them away. Upon this the Sidi embarked five hundred armed men upon boats, who
approaching the harbour at Mazagon attempted to land. But they were received by Aungier with such a
cannonade that they had to run away in a panic. By this time news was received that the Dutch squadron
which was advancing northwards upon Bombay had been scattered by adverse winds in the
neighbourhood of Vengurla, a part of it being carried down towards Ceylon, a part towards Surat, and the
rest adrift towards the Persian Gulf. This news filled the drooping hearts of the little garrison at Bombay
with fresh courage, with the result that they were induced to make light of Shivaji's threats. Though the
Sidi had failed to make good a landing in the harbour, his fleets still occupied their anchorage off
Bombay. His insistence upon his unjust demands finally forced the Bombay government to come to a
compromise, it being stipulated that the Sidi might be permitted to disembark a land-force of not more
than three hundred to remain under British surveillance, provided they undertook not to make any
incursions into Shivaji's territories on the landward side of the harbour, in which case they would be
liable to summary expulsion and prohibited from entering again.

Shivaji's envoy, 1 who came down to Bombay for the express purpose of arranging a treaty with the
Bombay government, communicated to his master the details of the

1 Bhimaji Pandit, who along with the Company's interpreter.Narayan Shenvi, had been sent from Baigad
to Bombay to settle the indemnity dispute, which was finally adjusted at 10,025 pagodas. This amount
was agreed to by the Surat Council, but Shivaji being soon engaged in the Kolhapur and Fanhala
compaigns, the treaty had to be held over. (Factory Records, Surat, 1C6).

compromise arrived at between the Sidi and the Company. Shivaji was satisfied with the conduct of the
Bombay government and wrote to them to send their ambassador to Raigad for the purpose of concluding
the long-pending treaty. Upon this Aungier sent an envoy 1 with a proper escort to Kaigad, but upon his
arrival in sight of that fort, he was refused permission to continue his journey, as Shivaji was tHen away
from Raigad. Shivaji was at this time absorbed in the preparations about his coronation, and had just then
proceeded to Fratapgad to make his devotions at the shrine of his tutelary deity upon that fort, as a
preliminary to the imposing ceremonial that was to follow. 3 The British ambassador was informed by the
fort authorities that he would obtain permission to enter Raigad upon Shivaji's return to that place, and he
had to encamp meanwhile at the village of Pachada 8 under the shadow of the fort. The ambassador wrote
to the British interpreter, Narayanji Pandit, 4 about the object of his embassy, and on the latter coming to
interview him on the subject he showed him his credentials from Aungier and the nazar with which he had
provided himself for presentation to Shivaji and the ministers of his court. Narayanji was satisfied with
all he saw and undertook to bring about an interview with Shivaji on his return from

1 Mr. Henry Oxenden, afterwards deputy governor of Bombay, 1877 to 1679. The authorities for the
aooount of this embassy of Oxenden ( or Oxinden ) are " Oxinden's Narrative of the Negotiations with
Shivaji, 13th May to 13th Jane 1674" quoted in Bruce's Annals; and Dr. John Fryer's "East India and
Persia-Nine Years' Travels 1672-1631."

2 Dr. Fryer gives a detailed account of this embassy and incidentally of the coronation. He says that
Shivaji took an offering weighing one and a quarter maund in gold to be presented to the goddess at
Pratapgad.

8 The name of the Tillage is given as Puncharra by Fryer. It is also spelled Pachad or Pachada and
Panchad or Panchada. It was at this village that Jijabai died soon after the coronation.

* This Pandit acted as interpreter to Mr. Oxenden, and generally aa an interpreter to the English at
Bombay. He is mentioned as Naran Sinai or Narran Sunay ( Shenvi or Saraswab Brahman ) in Bombay
Records ( Forrest, Home Papers 1,80,99), as an interpreter employed in other negotiations with Shivaji.

Pratapgad. The ambassador showed Narayanji the draft articles of the treaty to be submitted to Shivaji
and asked him to express his opinion upon them. One of the draft articles was to the effect that Shivaji
should make his peace with the Sidi. Upon this Narayanji Pandit advised the envoy to omit this article
altogether, as Shivaji could never agree to it, the destruction of the Abyssinian power and the reduction of
their stronghold of Janjira not being a scheme of yesterday, but the dream of Shivaji's life, pursued with
good success or bad success since the year 1648. Shivaji had made a heavy sacrifice in this enterprise,
but the peace and safety of the Konkan seaboard being at stake, he was determined to prosecute the war at
all costs, sparing neither men nor money, till the extermination of the Abyssinian power. t: Even now "
said Narayanji, " Shivaji has laid siege to Janjira; supplies of arms and ammunition, men and money are
flowing daily to the front; and under these circumstances, this demand of yours will scarcely be palatable
to Shivaji." This demand was, therefore, waived by the envoy, who next began to argue that Shivaji must
throw open the trade routes throughout his dominions, the Baleghat route which had been closed to trade
should again be opened, and that facilities for transport would encourage the merchants to bring their
goods to port, which in the long run would be of advantage both to Shivaji and to the Company. "Shivaji,"
said the envoy, " having spent his life in the alarms of war, does not perhaps comprehend these matters of
peace ; but it is the duty of men like you-to explain these things to him.'- To this Narayanji replied that all
this would be done in good season, now that the war with Bijapur seemed fairly to be on the way to come
to an end. That government had now come to the end of its resources and had often sent envoys to sue for
peace. This peace was bound to come in two or three months at most, when prosperity would again reign
in the land and merchants would have all the freedom of trade and security of property. " When Shivaji is
crowned

king," continued Narayanji, <: be sure that he will pursue the highest ideals of kingship, the protection of
the subjects and the promotion of industry and trade. While his mind has been diverted into the constant
wars with the Moguls and with Bijapur, he has not had the leisure and peace of mind required to attend to
these things." At the end of this interview, the British envoy bestowed a diamond ring on the Pandit, with
a similar present to his eldest son, and requested him to bring about a meeting with Shivaji as early as
possible

On the return of Shivaji to Raigad permission was granted to the envoy to come up the fort and a
bungalow was assigned to him for his residence. On the strong representations of Narayanji Pandit on
behalf of the British envoy, a day was fixed for an audience four days from that date. At this audience, the
envoy explained the draft articles to the king, and he signified his approval of them, promising that the
English merchants were perfectly at liberty to trade in any part of his dominions, and that there was no
fear of any harm either to their persons or their property. The ambassador replied that this was the very
reason why he had been deputed to Shivaji's court as an envoy by the president-in-council of the Company
on this side of India and that the privileges requested by the Company were exactly the same they had
already obtained from the political authorities in Persia and the sea-port towns of India. Shivaji again
replied in a reassuring manner and had the draft articles submitted to the Peshwa Moropant for
examination and report. With this the special audience came to an end.

The ambassador now learnt he could not expect final orders on the proposed treaty until after the
conclusion of the coronation festivities. He consulted Narayanji Pandit as to what should be done about
the na/ar presentations that were to be made to the ministers of the court. The latter replied that the nazar
to Moropant should be taken over to the minister's residence by the ambassador in

person, as to the rest there would be no objection to send them by his orderlies. However he advised that
the presents proposed to be sent were scarcely adequate for the position occupied by the ministers and
that fresh ones should be ordered from Bombay to make a proper impression on the court; especially if he
desired a full and speedy success in his mission. The ambassador on his part thought it also more prudent
to act handsomely by Shivaji's officers, even at some cost to his government, rather than be detained for
three or four months on the fort after the commencement of the monsoons.

It is said that the draft treaty contained twenty articles, of which eighteen were agreed to by Shivaji.
These articles provided, among other things, that Shivaji should pay ten thousand pagodas as damages to
the Company for the losses they had sustained during the sack of Rajapur ; that the Company be permitted
to open factories at Rajapur, Dabhol, Cheul and Kalyan ; that the Company should have perfect freedom of
trade throughout the dominions of Shivaji; that they should have complete freedom to fix their own rates,
without any artificial maxima or minima; and that the customs duty on British imports into Shivaji's state
be fixed at two and a half per cent, ad valorem. Among the articles objected to one was to the effect that
British money should be declared legal tender in Shivaji's dominions. This was rejected, the king pointing
out that any coinage was legal tender which the people accepted, that there was no legal prohibition of
any kind, and that on the other hand it would be an act of tyranny to compel his people to accept any
description of money-tokens against their will, when they thought it to be to their disadvantage. An
assurance was given to the envoy that if the British coinage was of the same weight and fineness as the
Mogul, there would be no difficulty for it to gain currency in the Maratha kingdom. 1

1 Shivaji may have known that the coinage in use at Bombay was debased and fluctuated in value, which
was a partial cause of the two mutinies which took place on the island between 1674 and 1683,

The other article objected to by Shivaji was in connection with the restitution of British vessels wrecked
by storm or otherwise and carried adrift to the Konkan coast, and the flotsam and jetsam of their cargoes.
The Company claimed that these be restored to them hereafter by Shivaji's government. To this Shivaji
replied that this was not the lex loci so far as the Konkan coast was concerned. All wreckages and
derelicts of drifting cargoes belonged by immemorial usage to the ruling sovereign, and he did not see his
way to relinquish this time-honoured prerogative of royalty ; for were he to abate his privilege ever so
little in favour of the English, their rivals, the French and others, would insist on the same indulgence
being extended towards them. 1 Such being the firm resolution of ShivajL the ambassador could say
nothing in support of the claim. However Narayanji Pandit assured him that there would be little difficulty
to have this privilege granted, since the Mogul and Bijapur governments had extended this favour to them,
and a way could be found to represent to Shivaji that he too should follow where the other powers had
led the way.

After a good deal of discussion, all the articles were in the end agreed to by Shivaji, 2 and soon after the
Coronation, the treaty was sealed and signed by Shivaji and

1 tehivaji declared that so far as the crews of the stranded ships were concerned, he undertook to assist
and protect them.

2 Grant Duff says that eventually all the articles were agreed tc by Shivaji. This view is followed iq the
text. According to Orme the two disputed articles were not sanctioned. Dr. Fryer states that some days
later ( i. e. after the coronation ) Naranji Pandit informed the ambassador that all the articles except that
relating to currency had been signed by Shivaji. The treaty was signed on Isith June 1674.

Mr. Bajwade has published a paper describing the articles of the treaty, in which it is stated that the
English made demands for four concessions of which two were granted. The concessions demanded were
(1) Free trade in Shivaji's dominions; (2) Freedom from customs duty for English goods; (3) British
coinage to pass current in Shivaji's dominions; and (4) Destitution of British wrecks and cargoes. Of these
the first two were granted, and the last two were refused. (Rajwade VI1I,49. ).

the eight ministers of the Aahtapradhan council. As to the Company's claim to be indemnified to the extent
of ten thousand pagodas on account of the spoliation of their factory at Rajapur, a compromise was finally
arranged that for three years in succession the Company should purchase from Shivaji goods to the extent
of five thousand pagodas, paying only half the cash price. This would clear seven thousand five hundred
pagodas at the end of the term of three years and for the remaining two thousand five hundred pagodas
owing by Shivaji, the British imports at the port of Rajapur, after the Company had opened a factory there,
should be allowed to enter duty-free, until the accumulated duty so exempted amounted to two and a half
thousand pagodas, which would liquidate the whole claim. When the treaty was thus finally ratified, a
copy of the document was handed over to the British envoy by Narayanji Pandit, who expressed to him
Shivaji's parting words to the effect that he had ratified this friendly treaty from the firm conviction that it
was ta the interest and prosperity of his subjects, that the British should establish their settlements in their
neighbourhood and continue their thriving trade within his kingdom, and that ho strongly hoped that this
mutual friendliness would endure.

During the coronation festivities this ambassador attended the durbar as the representative of the governor
of Bombay and on that occasion he presented in the name of his government a diamond ring to Shivaji. He
had an opportunity to approach the king as he sat on his throne of state and has given a picturesque
account of it. 1 " On the two sides of the throne," writes Oxenden, " there were gold spears, the points
whereof supported many an allegorical device emblematic of temporal power. Those to the right bore two
large gold fishes with horrid jawa ; those to the left bore representations of horses' tails ; two lofty spears
poised upon their sharp points in even balance

1 Slightly paraphrased from Uxenden's Narrative. L. S. 33

a pair of weighing scales made out of gold.the fish betoken-ino- the mastery of the sea, the horses' tails,
the sovereignty over the land, and the golden scales, unswerving scales of justice. "

Mr. Oxenden, the British ambassador, spent about a month at Eaigad. Dr. Fryer, the English traveller, who
-was then in India, has given, in his Travels, Mr. Oxenden's account of Raigad and the buildings and royal
mansions there. 1 Mr. Oxenden's conduct during the embassy and his enlightened outlook upon affairs
created in Shivaji's mind a very favourable impression about the English. Pursuant to this treaty, the
English Company shortly afterwards re-established their factory at Rajapur, 2 but it had a short career,
and it is doubtful, therefore, whether the •Company were able to recover all the indemnity they had
obtained on paper. Three years after the treaty Aungier died at Surat, 3 and his mantle fell upon a
successor who possessed neither the talents nor the far-seeing wisdom of that able statesman. 4

Of the Sidi's methods of warfare against Shivaji, by •which he converted Bombay into a base of
operations,

* Dr. Fryer records and Mr. b.incaid reproduces the story of the native butcher who came up the fort to
have a sight of his English patrons, who in one month had eaten more of his meat than all the .people of
Raigad together consumed in a year.

2 Sir John Child ( afterwards deputy governor of Bombay, 1079-81, governor of Surat, 1682-90, and
finally general with control over all the Company's affairs in India,) was appointed chief of the newly
revived factory of Rajapur. The factors did not fare well at the hands of Annaji Datto, the governor of the
Konkan. But the king gave them many reassurances ( Rajapur Letter, 20th April, 1675, Factory Records,
Surat,88). Another embassy was sent and the Company threatened to close the factory. Offers were made
to pay. the indemnity in batty, fodder, or betel-nuts. A part only was thus paid, after the Khanderi-Underi
war.

3 Grant Duff says he died at Bombay in 1676; R. & 0. Strachey in 41 Keigwin's Rebellion" give the date
of his death as 30th June 1077. He died at Surat. •

A Aungier'a successors were Thomas Rolt at Surat and Pettit and Oxenden ( British envoy at Shiraji's
coronation ) at Bombay. There were many intrigues at Bombay, owing to the ambition of John Child, who
succeeded Oxenden in 1679.

mention has already been made in more than one place in this Chapter. A constant feature of these frontier
raids on the part of the Sidi was the violent arrest of peaceful inhabitants, the ruthless slaughter of male
adults, and the kidnapping of women and children to be sold into slavery. The rapacity of these ruthless
raids had reached a climax in 1673. Do what the English might to counteract the Sidi's excesses, they had
in the end to look helplessly on at the perpetration of these iniquities. They feared the Moguls who had
taken the Abyssinians under their winge. They dared not openly make war upon these troublesome
proteges of the imperial power. The JBombay government; once wrote to the directors of the Company for
permission t-o effect the conquest of Jaujira, open a factory, and transfer their headquarters to that
stronghold. But permission was refused. The Bombay government feared the Sidi's raids might one day
bring them into conflict with Shivaji. Steering their course evenly between Shivaji and Aurangzeb, they
maintained for the present an uncertain neutrality.

We have already spoken of Shivaji's great preparations for a renewed war with the Sidi. Danda-Rajpuri
erstwhile captured by the Sidi with the Mogul's aid was attacked by land and sea and the district around it
reduced. From Janjira to Goa the Konkan seaboard was cleared of the Abyssinian power. The Sidi's
fleets were pursued from the Konkan waters northward upto the port of Surat. Janjira itself was subjected
to a rigorous investment both by land and sea in 1675. But though the assaults were renewed time after
time, the stronghold defied all the efforts of tha besiegers, and in the end, Shivaji had to raiye the siege
and come away. The Sidi had suffered considerable loss, but he again retrieved his fortunes under the
protection of his Mogul master.

The departure of Shivaji upon his campaign in the Karnatic presented an opportunity to the Sidi chief,
Samba! by name, for a renewal of his naval raids upon the Konkan

coast,, with the concurrence and co-operation of the Mogul navy. Falling suddenly upon Jayatapur, he set
it on fire ; but when the garrison turned upon him and presented a, resolute front, he had to stop hia
advance up the creek. Shivaji's warships then came in pursuit. He eluded them, betook himself again into
Bombay waters, and effecting a landing at Mazagon, encamped on British territory. 1 Here a treacherous
Brahman from Coorla came to meet Sidi Kassim and offered, if ably supported, to betray some
respectable Brahmans of that district into his power. The Sidi naturally lent himself to this plot, and,
entrusting him with a few men in a boat, sent them forth upon the secret raid, taking care that the
Company'^ government should remain ignorant of the whole proceeding. The traitor succeeded in
betraying and seizing four fellow-Brahmans, who were brought down and kept close prisoners by the Sidi
upon his warships. When Shivaji's subhedar at Cheul came to learn of these proceedings he addressed a
peremptory letter to the Bombay government for the immediate surrender of the four Brahmans, who, he
asserted, were unjustly detained in custody within the sphere of their jurisdiction, and threatened, in case
of their failure to comply with this requisition, to lay an embargo upon all transport of food, fodder and
fuel supplies to their port, at the same time gravely hinting that this would not be the worst. At this
ultimatum the Bombay government set on foot an inquiry into the subject-matter of his grievance. The Sidi
at first pretended ignorance of the whole event, but as the Bombay government became more insistent, he
tried to excuse himself, but was at length obliged to liberate the prisoners he had kidnapped. Eleven
members of the crew concerned in the abduction of tae Brahmans were put under arrest by the British
authorities, of whom

4 There was at this stage a quarrel between the two Sidi chieis, Sambal and Kasaim. 'Ihe Moguls had
transferred the admiralahip to the latter. The former refused to surrender bis authority, but was at length
compelled to do so, and then transferred his services to Shivaji. (Orme's Fragments.)

three were led to execution, and the rest deported to St. Helena. 1

On Shivaji's return from the Karnatic, Moropant and the other commanders represented to him the
misdeeds of Sidi Kassim and the liberties taken with the Brahman residents of Shivaji's dominions and
called loudly for summary chastisement of the authors of this iniquity* They pointed out that the Janjira
fleets lay skulking in Bombay harbour, the authorities of which, in awe of the Mogul government,
permitted them to spend the autumn lying off Mazagon. The ministers suggested an expedition in full force
to set tha Sidi's fleets on fire. Shivaji entered heartily into the proposal and about the month of July sent
his naval commanders, Darya Sarang and Daulat Khan, with a contingent of four thousand men to Panvel
to cross over into Bombay harbour. But at Panvel they found no boats or facilities for transport, and the
rainy season being at its height, they could procure no boats, from other quarters to take them over. Under
these circumstances they had to give up the original plan of suddenly appearing before Mazagon.
However Daulat Khan not liking to be thus frustrated in his purpose made a forced march to Kalyan and
applied to the Portuguese government for a free passage through their district of Thana. His object.it may
be presumed, was to cross over from the Thana district by way of Mahim creek into Bombay island and
surprise the Sidi camp and their vessels drawn up on the Mazagon shore, and, having collected the local
craft,to strike boldly forward against the Abyssinian fleets anchored in the harbour and set them on fire.

The news of the arrival of this force at Panvel caused a flutter of excitement at Bombay. The small
defence force

1 This event took place in 1677, when Mr. John Pettit ( who had distinguished himself at Shivaji's first
invasion of Surat, 1661 ) was deputy governor of Bombay. ID December 1677 he left Bombay for Persia,
where he held the place of the Company's agent. St. Helena had been recaptured from the Dutch and made
over to the East India Company in 1673. (Orme's-Fragmeots, and B & O. Strachey: Keigwin.)

of the island was brought up to garrison the Mazagon shore. On the news of Daulat Khan's presence at
Kalyan, the field force was removed to Mahim and a frigate was brought up to defend the creek. But
happily for the Bombay government these precautions proved needless, on account of the intervention of
the Portuguese government. The latter, affrighted by the near approach of Shivaji's forces, became anxious
for the security of Salsette. The Portuguese governor marched up with a select force to Thana and
advanced a fleet of forty armed vessels into the creek. Daulat Khan found himself checked at Thana, broke
off the meditated march, and, with a view to turn to some account his baffled expedition, he diverted his
men into the exposed parts of the Portuguese dominions, plundering and laying waste village after village.
His troops had scoured the Portuguese coast up to Damaun and Surat, when he received peremptory
orders to return to Raigad, which he could not but obey.

Shivaji was naturally roused to indignation by the protection granted to the Sidi by the Bombay
government. Their conduct was at variance with the peaceful alliance recently made by Aungier. Under
that able officer, the Sidi obtained little countenance at Bombay and this was clearly the policy required
of them by the last treaty. But after Aungier's death, fear of the Mogul government had, in the eyes of his
successors, outweighed the advantages of neutrality, and, acting in collusion, they had harboured the Sidi
at Mazagon during the height of the rainy season. Shivaji knew the helpless condition of the Bombay
government 1 and how reluctantly they had been compelled to admit the Sidi into their port, and he had no
desire to bring matters to a crisis with a power whose commercial operations contributed so vitally to the
material prosperity of his subjects. He looked forward to the time when he could enlist the Company's
powerful co-operation for the

1 Mr. Henry Oxenden had succeeded Pettit in 16/8 and remained, deputy governor till 1681.

improvement of his naval resources, and in order that they might do this without fear of the Sidi or the
Mogul, it seemed necessary that these powers should be first deprived of their naval strongholds, such as
Surat and Janjira. On the subject of avoiding giving any cause for irritation to the Company's government,
Shivaji's scruples at times bordered on the extremity of tenderness. The following incident illustrates this
solicitous attitude. The subhedar of Cheul had some credit accounts against the deputy governor, Mr.
Pettit, for goods and stores supplied. There were also similar outstandi.ngs against one of the English
agents at Surat. These officers, under one pretext or another, had, in spite o£ constant demands for
liquidation, put off payment. The governor of Cheul, having failed in all his attempts at recovery of the
debts, proposed to take violent measures, imagining that his action would be supported by his master, who
had failed in his recent attempt to set on fire the Sidi fleets in Bombay harbour. Having determined on this
plan of action, he seized all the British vessels which were at the time engaged in peaceful trade on the
rivers and ports within his jurisdiction. Upon this the Bombay Council fitted 1 out four warships manned
with sixty armed Europeans and sent them to Cheul to release the British vessels. The British force
attacked the governor's crews guarding the interned vessels and succeeded in extricating most of them.
When the governor complained to Shivaji upon this subject and urged that the Maratha power was
insulted and required to be avenged, Shivaji wrote in reply, that he had been rightly served and that he
must forthwith restore any British ships or property which might still be detained by him. And these
orders had to be obeyed.

Once again at the end of 1678 Shivaji fitted out a strong naval force under Daulat Khan for the siege of
Janjira and opened a terrible cannonade from the sea-ward

1 By this time Henry Oxenden bed succeeded Pettib to the deputy governorship.

side. The Abyssinian chief, Sidi Kassim, was then encamped at Bombay. His followers were
discontented on account of their pay being in arrears. The Sidi was at the end of his resources. His
demands on the treasury at Surat had not yet been honoured. He could not lead his discontented marines to
the relief of his capital. But such was the strength of its natural defences, that Daulat Khan was not able to
make any impression on the stronghold and was once again compelled to raise the siege and return
disappointed.

Shivaji now thought of devising an expedient for checking by one and the same stroke of policy the Sidi
and the Mogul in their overt alliance and the Bombay government in their covert collusion with these
Mahomedan powers. About twelve miles from Bombay, right opposite to its harbour, are two little islets
Khanderi and Underi 1 at a distance of two or three miles from one another. These islands were
uninhabited and entirely covered with woods, whence the British settlers in Bombay, now and then
procured fuel. Nor were they supposed to be of use for any other purpose. Shivaji saw that the possession
of these islands would enable him to keep an observant eye upon every vessel entering or leaving
Bombay harbour and the movements of any enemy stationed in that neighbourhood. He resolved,
therefore, to carry the islands by storm and strengthen them with fortification works, and with this view
ordered a body of three hundred soldiers with an equal number of masons and artificers, with the
necessary instruments of their crafts, to the islet of Khanderi, and commenced the fortification works with
great expedition and despatch. The British government heard of these preparations with dismay; for they
knew what these operations betokened to their safety and freedom and the secrecy of their political moves
in the future. They, therefore, hastened to change their attitude, at

1 Kenerey and Henery in Grant Duff, also spelt " Kendry", -«' Hendry " by other authors.

first pleading that the islands were aleady their own, having been transferred to them by the Portuguese
with the island of Bombay. The Portuguese on the other hand took their cue from the English and
maintained that the islands for many years past were in their possession, that they had not transferred their
rights over them to the English, and that they had even meditated forming a settlement there, but the
absence of drinking water, notwithstanding their attempts to dig wells, had compelled them to give up that
plan. Shivaji paid no attention to these disputes and went on with his fortification works.

But the Bombay authorities did not think it was a moment to sit down with folded hands. They launched
three armed ships with forty Europeans on board, with instructions to prevent Shivaji's boats from
approaching Khandcri and to order Shivaji's garrisons to evacuate the island. They were met with the
reply that the work could not be stopped without Shivaji's orders. The British warships kept hovering
round for ten or twelve days, till at last they were forced, on account of a storm, to return to Khanderi.
They came reinforced by a frigate, the Revenge, carrying sixteen guns. Again they began cruising round
the island. A lieutenant on board one of the Company's warships got drunk one day to such an extent that
not minding the difficulties, he brought his vessel alongside the island and landed with a few of his
sailors. A scuffle ensued between this party and Shivaji's men. The lieutenant with some six of his
comrades was killed in* the affray and the rest were taken prisoners. 1 The ship itself was hauled up and
secured by cables to the shore. The other British ships could scarcely come to the rescue of their
companions, as a fierce gale was blowing and the sea was running high. Later when the wind fell and the
sea had ebbed, they did not feel courageous enough to venture near Khanderi.

Nor were the British warships more successful in

1 The lieutenant was named Thorpe. (Page 38 P. 4 O. Strachey, Keigwin ).

£06 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

patrolling the sea and keeping off the Maratha boats from approaching Khanderi. The light boats of the_
Marathas continued to dart into the island, under cover of night, with cargoes of provisions and building
materials for the fortification works, leaving again as quickly as they had approached it. The British
warships were unable to overtake the swift Maratha barques which were so lightly constructed, both as
regards their hull and rowing arrangements, that they could move swiftly independent of wind and tide,
unlike the sailing craft of the Company. The latter were also handicapped by the smallness of their number
and debarred from attempting a resolute 1 attack on the Marathas. The British commander applied for
reinforcements. These were granted 3 the Company having hired some vessels for the purpose, so as to
augment the English force to eight vessels, 2 including a frigate and a fighting contingent of two hundred
European soldiers, besides some sailors.

The naval force under Daulat Khan was anchored at Cheul just opposite to Khanderi, whence every now
and then emerged his light craft with their cargoes of victuals, darting to and fro and eluding pursuit. Once
Daulat Khan did weigh anchor and advance upon Khanderi. But so swiftly did he sail past the British
vessels that they had scarcely time to haul up their anchors. While slipping past, Daulat Khan seized a
solitary British ship that had strayed away from the main body and carried her away in tow. The fate of
this member 8 of their force threw the

1 The British commander was Captain Keigwin, who was in charge of the Revenge. He was captain-
lieutenant of the small squadron of cavalry enrolled by Pettit. Before coming to Bombay he had been
governor of Saint Helena. He rebelled against Sir John Child in 1683.

- The reinforcements permitted to the Revenge frigate comprised two grabs ( or gurabas ) of two masts,
strengthened by three shebars (or shibars), and two munchuaa ( or machavan ), the last being described by
Orme as a " stronger kind of trading vessel." The crews were strengthened by 200 European soldier.-, that
is, the entire garrison of Bombay.

* This was the Dover under Sergeant Maulverer and a certain Mr.
rest of the British vessels into a panic. They put back in headlong haste, all but the Revenge. This ship
found herself surrounded by the Marathas. But she pretended to surrender. The enemy came to board her.
She fired upon him by treachery. The Marathas quailed before her fire.losing, it is said, five of their
vessels. 1 While this duel was going on in one part of the sea, the opportunity was seized by the Maratha
transports elsewhere to carry further reinforcements, both troops and fortification materials and food
supplies, to the island. Thereupon Daulat Khan satisfied with the successful execution of his main purpose
2 put back

Grape who struck their ensign and top-sail out of cowardice when two miles away from Daulat Khan. Mr.
Gape was a factor and afterwards a member of the Bombay Council,

1 A. spirited account of the stand made by Capt. Keigwin and Capfc. Minchin of the Revenge is given by
R. & O. Strachey at pages 38, 39 of their " Keigunn's Rebellion." Keigwin and Minchin, however, made
use of' treachery towards the Marathas.They hauled down their sails, so as to make the Marathas believe
that the Revenge had struck in the same manner as Mr. Gape's vessel. Shivaji's admiral thinking that the
Revenge was going to surrender advanced with twenty-four grabs ( yurabas ) within pistol-shot and
prepared his boats to board the English vessel, when the latter unexpectedly opened fire and in a short
time repulsed the Marathas. Minchin and Keigwin of course " covered themselves with glory ", but the
exploit of a captain striking his sails under pretence of surrendering and fchen firing upon the enemy as he
advanced to accept the surrender-would have covered him with another sort of " glory " at the hands of
the British admiralty, had the battle taken place in European waters. But in their harangue to their crew the
English captains had admonished them against "the disgrace of Christians being taken prisoners by
Heathens," and they perhaps believed that the laws of naval war might also not be observed by Christians
towards "Heathens." And the example of the Portuguese was before them. It is significant that Messrs. R.
& O. Strachey have not a word of censure about the stratagem. As English historians have accused Shivaji
of fraud and treachery, it is melancholy to observe that in the only recorded battle between him and the
British authorities, it was the British captains who deceived Shivaji's admiral by an abuse of the
elementary laws of naval warfare. What would have Grant Duff and other English historians said, if
instead of the English captains using the stratagem, Shivaji's admiral had made uae of it against the
English? Vide Keigwin'a own report of the battle, ( reading it in the light of Mr Gape's surrender ), aa
given at pages 38, 39 of R. & O. Strachey: " Keigvnn'» JiebeUion." and Appendix HL

9 The Marathas captured five English ships that had ran ashore. If

into Nagotna roads and stood at anchor. The Revenge followed him in pursuit and only desisted when she
found herself completely out-distanced. At Nagotna, Daulat Khan played the same game as at Cheul,
repeatedly sending his light boats with the needed provisions to Khanderi, without any effectual hindrance
on the part of the British squadron cruising about.

The naval skirmishes around Khanderi were at their height, when Shivaji ordered a force of five thousand
to march to Kalyan with instructions to make a diversion upon the landward side of Bombay. But the
Portuguese authorities as before refused them permission to march upon Bombay through the Thana
district. The news of the approach of Shivaji's forces towards their northern barriers again spread
consternation at Bombay.where it was feared that, should the Portuguese grant the required passage or
should the Marathas be able to obtain the necessary transports to cross over by water, in either case, the
island-town would be doomed to undergo all the horrors of an invasion. Nor had they enough troops to
spare to make a show of defence on the Mahim barriers as they had effectively done on the former
occasion, occupied as all their available forces already were, both naval and military, in operations
around Khanderi. Under the circumstances the Bombay government found no other course open to it but to
send an envoy to Raigad with proposals for a fresh treaty.

By this time the fortification works upon Khanderi were nearing completion and the batteries newly
mounted upon the island-fort had already begun to give a good account of themselves. The British vessels
already

to this is added the <J r ' t " sui rendered by Mr. Gape, it would mean that Daulat Khan had captured -ix
out of the seven larger vessels that formed the reinforcement of the Revenge, or including that vessel six
out of the total English force of eight larger ships. Certainly Daulat Khan had accomplished bis main
purpose, and Keigwin and Minchin had " covered themselves with glory," Vide R. & 0. Strachey : "
Keigwin 1 a Rebellion, '' •page 39.

driven to stand beyond the range of Khanderi guns found themselves suddenly strengthened by a fresh fleet
from Surat, which included another frigate, the Hunter carrying sixteen guns and a complement of thirty-
six Europeans. This unforeseen change emboldened the British squadron at Khanderi to assume the
offensive and posting themselves at the entrance of Nagotna creek they attempted to bar the way of the
light cargo-boats of the Maratha navy. But it was all lost labour. For the creek had another outlet on the
opposite side, whence the Marathas could pass in and out with impunity. The British captains planned a
forced entry into the creek and the destruction by fire of the Maratha fleets lying at anchor. But such an
atrocious plan did not commend itself either to the president or council at Surat. 1 These levelheaded
statesmen saw the folly of wantonly embittering the feud with Shivaji, who could easily retaliate upon
them for any such excesses with a thorough-going precision, celerity and effectiveness. They placed their
hopes on the chance of an amicable settlement and looked eagerly forward to the success of their
embassy.

The fortification works which were going on apace at Khanderi, the frustration of all British efforts to
counteract them, and the sustained neutrality of the Portuguese power were a combination of
circumstances that evoked the liveliest terror and consternation in the camp of the Mogul governor at
Surat. Hitherto, thought the Mogul governor, Shivaji had been able to carry all before him on land ; now it
seemed he stood a fair chance to grasp the mastery of the sea, and the Mogul arms were threatened with a
double leaguer, by sea and land. Was Surat going to abdicate her commercial pre-eminence in favour of
Shivaji ? Was he to capture the overseas trade and menace the security of Surat and the other ports ? And
the Sidi

i The deputy governor of Bombay, John Child, waa in favour of defiance, but the authorities ab Surat
required him to take up a conciliatory attitude.

had his own fears for the security of his stronghold of Janjira. It seemed that the sea-girt fortress must
after all vail its standards before the naval triumphs of the Maratha power.

Fain would the Sidi have mustered together all the resources of the Abyssinian power to obstruct the
triumphs of Shivaji's navy. He was deterred by the mutinous spirit of his mercenary hordes, discontented
as they were by their pay having long remained in arrear. He made many requisitions upon the Mogul
authorities for financial aid at a juncture so critical in his affairs, but the Moguls returned no decisive
answer to his entreaties. It was only when the Moguls saw the advantage Shivaji had achieved by their
apathetic disregard of the Sidi's remonstrances and the decisive menace his newly acquired station on the
western sea presented to the naval position of the paramount power, that they were awakened to a sense
of the gravity of the situation and hastened to atone for their past neglect by freeing the hands of the Sidi.
An imperial subsidy was immediately sanctioned to relieve his financial distress and the imperial fleets
were put in motion to act in co-operation for a concerted offensive against the Marathas. The Sidi put into
Bombay harbour with his naval forces and had an audience with the Bombay council. Whatever the result
of the conference, he proceeded towards Kbanderi, ostensibly to support the British squadron. He cruised
round the rocky sea-fort, examining it very narrowly, and assured one of the British officers present 1 that,
should the British second his efforts,he would conquer the Maratha fort for them. The British officers,
however, did not seem very much to encourage the idea, having reason to suspect his ulterior objects, for
they thought that he might indeed with British assistance compel the Marathas to evacuate the fort, but at
the end of the campaign instead of relinquishing it to his British allies, he might appropriate it to himself
and prove a worse neighbour than Shivaji. With these 1 Capt. Keigwin.

fears to deter them, they fought shy of the very thought of a concerted campaign with the Sidi.

Disappointed in his expectation of a British alliance, the Sidi, relying on his own resources, opened a
vigorous cannonade on the Maratha fort,to which the Marathas made a vigorous reply from their newly
planted batteries. The British vessels remained severely neutral, passive but not uninterested spectators of
the phases of the war. The Maratha vessels in their turn lef t the British squadron alone, and poured their
broadsides on the Abyssinian foe. The Sidi had come to learn by this time that a British envoy was
already at Raigad, negotiating a treaty. To discredit his pacific intention and prejudice the Marathas
against a British alliance, at this particular juncture,he forced his way with some of his warships into
Bombay harbour, treating the port once more as a base for his naval raids into •Shivaji's territory. Four
villages were put to fire and sword and a goodly number of peaceful inhabitants were seized and brought
as prisoners to Bombay.

Daulat Khan, who all this while was anchored at Nagotna, employed in his well-directed plans of sending
victualling and ammunition boats to Khanderi, now determined to face about and with this resolution
advanced to the head of Nagotna creek, No sooner did the Abyssinian and British vessels notice the
Maratha squadron emerging from the creek than they made all sail to anticipate and arrest their
movements. The Maratha commander finding his way barred signalled a retreat, leaving a few vessels at
the entrance to prevent the enemy from entering the creek. The Sidi, fearing lest these vessels might under
cover of night approach his warships and set them on tire, quietly withdrew his fleet, and the British
squadron remained alone on the scene to watch the Marathas. The Sidi returned again to his onslaughts
upon Khanderi and kept up a sustained cannonade, which did not seem however to make much impression
on the Marathas.

At last baffled in this enterprise, the Sidi determined to make himself master, of the opposite islet of
Underi 1 and fortifying it with a sufficient garrison and fortress batteries, he notified to the Bombay
authorities his intention to take permanent possession of that island. Upon this Daulat Khan at last
emerged from his retreat at Nagotna and came down upon the Sidi. A sustained but indecisive encounter
took place. The British vessels presented themselves at the scene of battle just after the end of the
conflict. Daulat Khan took up his position on an elevated part of the shore and opened fire upon Underi,
ably seconded by the batteries of the rival fort of Khanderi. After this had lasted for some time with
indecisive results, Daulat Khan again advanced to tempt the fortune of a close encounter with the Sidi.
The battle lasted four hours, with disastrous results to the Marathas, who lost four larger and as many
smaller vessels, with five hundred men, besides a large number taken prisoners by the Sidi. Daulat Khan
himself was severely wounded in the battle. The Sidi's losses are said to have been light. The remnant of
the Maratha fleet fell back towards Rajapur, with the wounded admiral on board his flagship. At Rajapur
the battered fleet was again put. into fighting trim and with fresh additions to their crews again came forth
to battle.

In the meantime the British ambassador at Raigad found the Maratha monarch agreeable to the peace
proposals presented by the authorities at Bombay, 2 and a Maratha envoy was sent down to Bombay to
confirm the articles of the treaty. In view of these pacific arrangements, the Bombay government recalled
their squadron from Khanderi and disclaimed any partiality they might be suspected to have had for the
Sidi in his recent triumph. The Sidi on his part attempted indeed to hinder the conclusion of the treaty for
which the Maratha envoy had expressly come

1 Ib may be remarked that on account of the similarity of name» Grant Duff confounds Khanderi with
Underi and vice versa. Orme, wha uses the right namts in one place, inverts them in another.

a Vide : R & 0. Strachey, page 40.

down to Bombay. With this view he sent to Bombay harbour for sale the Maratha vessels he had captured
as the prizes of his recent victory, and applied at the same time for permission to enter the Bombay waters
at the head of his squadron. This was naturally refused by the Bombay government, upon which he forced
an entrance into Pen creek, carrying fire and sword into the villages on either side of the channel. In the
course of this raid he is said to have seized and carried away more than a thousand inhabitants.

Amid these exciting events the new treaty was concluded in March 1680 between Shivaji and the Bombay
government. By this treaty the conditions of the peace of 1674 were affirmed, and the British authorities
bound themselves to grant no anchorage to the Sidi's vessels within the limits of the Bombay harbour
during the monsoons, or if at all they did so, they were to permit it under special covenants on the part of
the Sidi not to cause any annoyance to Shivaji's dominions.

But Shivaji did not long outlive these events. Whatever naval schemes he might have evolved in his own
mind, for which the conquest of the sister isles was to be the starting-point, were destined to be brought to
a sudden end with> his death at Kaigad, which took place soon afterwards.

L.S.34

CHAPTER XXIX WITH SAINT AND SEER.

THE story that we have hitherto traced of this noble career is found chequered with many an incident of
marvellous heroism, of romantic enterprise, of generous magnanimity, and^of filial affection. It remains
now to present succinctly in a brief review a few illustrations of the intense piety and spiritual
experiences of the great king.

The religious enthusiasm and fervour which characterized the king in all his life had their germ in the
associations of his earliest childhood. Brought up under the watchful eye of a loving and pious mother, he
had imbibed from his infant years a growing passion for the recitals of the puranas, those eloquent records
of the Indian ideals of chivalry, of self-surrender, of the triumphs of faith and devotion. The religious
instinct which thus at an early period was impressed upon his plastic mind was cherished and developed
in the critical period of adolescence under a guide and philosopher of the undeviating rectitude and -
conscientiousness of Dadaji Kondadev. The spiritual bias that was given* to his mind at this stage of
growing in-quisitiveness and rationalism remained unobliterated to the end of his life. He was always
haunted with an ever-present feeling of the vanity of earthly splendours and the wealth of spiritual hopes
and promises. The religion of love had been fervently preached by many generations of .saints among the
people of Maharashtra, and the consolations of this creed had been made accessible to all castes and
classes of society. Of Mukundraj, 1 of Dnyanadev,* of

i Mukundraj lived between 1200 and 1300 A. D. He is generally reckoned as the first saint -poet to write
in pare Marathi. Ilia chief works are Paramamrit (the Highest Nectar) and Viveka Sindhu (the Ocean of
Reason). "The poems deal with the problem of spiritual salvation.

> Dnyanadev (1271 to 1296 A. D.,) was one of a quartette of three brothers and one sister, all noted for
the purity and aaintliness of their lives and the extraordinary extent of their intellectual powers. They all
died under thirty years of age. Dnyanadev's chief work is the Dnywiesli-near*, which is a commentary on
the Bhagwat-Gita and one of the

Namdev, 1 of Eknath, 8 of many other saints and bards of the olden Maharashtra, Shivaji had heard from*
the eloquent lips of preachers and rhapsodists,-he had heard both the sweet persuasiveness of their
rhythmic strains and the subtle rhetoric of their gentle deeds. In his own days the names of Mukteshwar, 8
of Ramdas, 4 of Waman, 5 of Tukaram, 6 of Jayaram Swami, 7 of Ranganath Swami, 8 of

greatest poetical worka in the Marathi language. Dnyanadev and his brothers were born at Aland! and
were subjected to much persecution ad che hands of the orthodox Brahman community at Paithan, where
they lived afterwards, on account of the circumstance that) their father Vithal-pant having bcome a
sannyasi or hermit had renounced his sanyaaa and lived with his wife again, and in that state had begotten
his children, which was considered to be incompatible with orthodox law and custom.

1 Namdev (about 1275 A. D.) belonged to the Shimpi or Tailor caste. He wrote in the Abhanga metre or
stanza. His Abhangas are popularly believed to have run to a crore 1 Devotion to Vithal and contempt of
all manner of fraud and hypocrisy are the distinguishing features of his poetry

2 Eknath, (1528—1599,) published a commentary on the eleventh chap ter of the Bhagwat in the Ovi
metre, tie was a disciple of Janardan Swami governor of the fort of Devgiri or Daulatabad, under the
Aizamshah. sultans.

8 MuktesVwar, (1609-53,) was a grand-son of Eknath and a master oi the Ovi metre, and of pure poetical
effects. He translated parts of the Mahabharat.

4 Bamdas (1608—82,) the spiritual preceptor of Shivaji, and the author of the Das-Bodh, a poem unique
in Marathi literature as being almost the only work in which spiritual ideas are blended with political
aspirations, eventually the result of (1) the contemporary triumphs of Shivaji and o£ (2) his intimate
intercourse with him. Vide Prof. Bhate's Marathi work, " Sajjangad and Samarth Ramdas. '

6 Waman Pandit (1636—96) is said to have been for some time a disciple of Bamdas Swami. He was a
Sanskrit scholar of considerable attainments and wrote in the different varieties of Shloka metre.

6 Tukaram (1568—1649), was a native of Debu, near Poona, He was a Maratha Kshatriya by caste and a
Vaishya or tradesman by vocation. He continued his father's grocery trade, but lost heavily in business. He
was a most pathetic figure, and the most popular poet in Maharashtra. He wrote Abhangas and like
Dnyanadev and Namdev was a votary of the god Vithal of Pandharpur.

* Jayaram Swami died about 1672. He was a disciple of Bamdaa.

8 Ranganath Swami.lived near Naeik, about 1606 and wrote commentaries on the Bhagwat Git a eto.
Another Swami of the same name lived af> Nazare near Pandharpur and was the uncle ot the later poet
shridhar. He and Keshav Swami were followers of Bamdaa.

£16 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

Anand Murti, of Keshav Swami, and of a host of other saints, poets, 11 and litterateurs had fallen upon his
ears. Nor'was he quite a stranger to their poetry. There was an all-pervading religious awakening
throughout Maharashtra, the visible symbols of which were the vast congregations that assembled twice a
year at Pandharpur, chanting songs of praise in honour of the god Vithoba, 2 in the hallowed strains of
Dnyanadev, Namdev and other poets. The religious renascence, which stirred all Maharashtra society to
its deptha, could not but operate with an intensity of spiritual enthusiasm on a mind already instinct with
religious emotions, like that of Shivaji.

Almost within the bounds of the new principality which he planned for himself, marking the first stage of
his scheme of empire, lay the hallowed towns of Alandi and Dehu, consecrated to the memory of the poet-
saints, Dnyanadev and Tukaram. It was natural, therefore, that from his early boyhood Shivaji should
come to hear of the stories and anecdotes told about these saints and listen to the recitations of their soul-
stirring verses. As regards Tukaram, Shivaji had the additional advantage from his childhood of listening
personally to his religious discourses and abhangas as uttered by his saintly lips on the inspiration of the
moment. He had thus conceived at a very early age a high admiration for Tukaram, a saint who was not
only the prince of the psalmists and religious orators— kirtankdra —of his time, but who was also
endowed with a faculty of melodious and inspired verse, the product of his profound religious experience
and the earnestness of his message of love. Shivaji took a keen delight in the kirtans or psalmodic
discourses of Tukaram, who often came to Foona to deliver them. On such occasions, as also when word
was brought that the saint was going to address

1 The English reader will find more information about some of these <*ints in Chapters XI and XVII of
Mr. Kincaid's " History of the Maratha People". Vol. I.

3 Vithoba. Dr. Bhandarkar in his "Vaishnavism and Shaiviam" derives this name from Vittu, a Canareae
corruption of Vishnu.

an audience in one of the outlying villages around Poona, Shivaji attended his discourses. The following
story is an apt illustration of the great fascination Tukaram's oratory and personality exercised upon
Shivaji.

Once on a time Tukaram was invited by some of his ardent admirers to Poona and a programme of his
kirtans was arranged from house to house. Shivaji was then residing at Sinhagad, but on hearing of the
kirtan cycle commenced by Tukaram among the citizens of Poona, he made it a point to attend every night,
returning again to Sinhagad on the conclusion of each kirtan. 1

His Hahomedan foes came to learn about this and prepared an ambush to capture him by surprise. The
Mahomedan governor of Chakan Fort received detailed information that on a particular night Shivaji was
to be present at a kirtan of Tukaram which was arranged to be performed at the house of a certain Banyan.
The commander detached forthwith a body of two thousand Pathans to surprise and arrest Shivaji. The
Pathans came and surrounded the Banyan's house, but ignorant as to the identity of Shivaji they prepared
to lay hold of every man present and take them away prisoners. Aware of the peril with which they stood
menaced, the audience got frightened and excited, and on Tukaram inquiring into the cause of the
disturbance, they explained the situation and requested that they might be permitted to ensure Shivaji's
safety by flight. But the saint protested against that idea, maintaining that it would not do to leave the hall
in the midst of prayer and on that day in particular, it being the day of the ekadaahi,* an auspicious day for
fast, prayer, or solemn meditation. Death on such a day while listening to the praises of God, exclaimed
the saint-poet, was a thing to be desired. Such a death would assuredly lead to salvation

1 It is stated by another bakhar that these kirtans took place ab Lohagaum. The Dumber of the Pathana is
exaggerated.

8 The eleventh day of the firab or second half of the lunar month. '.s regarded as a fast day by pious
Vaiahnavas.
Sit LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

and put a period for ever to the travails of future births. Thus he exhorted his audience to remain in their
places. The poet addressed himself to a solemn invocation of the Almighty, praying for an instant
intervention in the moment of trial, and the audience hall rang with the cry of " Vithal • Vithal I " Shivaji
decided not to leave the kirtan—hall under such circumstances but to await patiently the sequel, whatever
it might be, without moving from his place, One of his faithful followers, however, devised a brilliant
plan to rescue his master and executed it with the utmost composure and adroitness. He donned Shivaji's
ornamented crest and head-dress and swiftly mounting his horse galloped away, obtruding his action
deliberat01y on the notice of the Pathans. The latter saw him escaping in this stealthy manner and mistook
him for the prince Shivaji. Away they hurried in pursuit, putting spurs to their horses. Under a moonlit
night the chase lasted a long time while they could see the Maratha cavalier flying before them. But he
eluded their pursuit until the moon set and under cover of the darkness he became invisible. The few
Pathans who had remained at the banyan's house joined in the pursuit, and the persons assembled at the
kirtan returned safely to their respective homes. Shivaji too paid his respects to the preacher and returned
to Sinhagad that very night. 1

Here is another anecdote illustrative of the powerful impression Tukaram's exhortations could make on
the youthful Shivaji. Once on a time when Tukaram was conducting a series of kirtansatLohagaum, Shivaji
attended one of them with his retinue. As the kirtan began Shivaji was thrilled with Tukaram's delivery of
the opening verses. The same effect was produced on the pious audience who

1 The credulous people of Shivaji's time believed that the Deity saved -Shivmji by assuming his form and
luring away the Fathans in a vain, pursuit. Mahipatiand Chitnis in their respective works have followed
this legend. But in Shivaji's time there was no dearth of loyal servants to risk their lives for the sake of
their master.

were exalted to such an impassioned frenzy of divine love, that forgetting all thoughts of self, of place and
.circumstance, they sprang to their feet in a state of spiritual ecstacy, uttering the cry, Vithal ! Vithal!,
clapping their hands and dancing rhythmically. Such a scene, so full of the spirit of divine love, had never
before been witnessed by Shivaji. The preacher proceeded to expound the text he had chosen for his
thesis. His exposition turned on the glorification of the ascetic ideal and its true tests and character, and he
concluded with a demonstration of the greatness of Vithal, than whom nothing is greater, and he exhorted
his audience to leave all other paths and to love Him and cleave to Him, if they would have the crown of
human life, life's full worth. These earnest precepts he illuminated with apt quotations from the great
masters and ever and anon with the inspired out-pouring of his own melodious and impromptu verses. The
impressive oratory of the preacher, exposing the evanescence of worldly pomp and vanity, the evil of
sensual gratification, and the transitoriness of human life, wrought powerfully on the imagination of his
audience and created a change of outlook in Shivaji. Endowed with the liveliest religious emotion as he
was, he was enraptured with the thrilling eloquence of the preacher and he resolved to follow his
spiritual advice and act upon his precepts to the very letter, in all his actions in life.

When, therefore, at the conclusion of the kirtan, the audience dispersed and Shivaji returned home, he
betook himself to the woods and began to meditate on the words of the preacher amidst the solitude of the
wilderness. His counsellors sought to dissuade him from this course of life, representing to him the
impropriety of pursuing such an ascetic ideal at this time of his youthful career. But with all their
reasoning and advice, they could not persuade Shivaji to change his mind. He dismissed them from his
presence, saying that they might dispose of his worldly possessions as they pleased, he was no longer
interested i n

them and that, life being short and evanescent, he was resolved to spend every minute of it in thoughts of
eternity, which he would forfeit, if he allowed himself to be entangled in the labyrinths of war and
politics. The ministers were in great perplexity and communicated to Jijabai the whole story as it had
occurred. She forthwith came down in a palanquin to Lohagaum and, obtaining an audience of Tukaram,
besought him to bring round her son to a sense of his temporal duties, relating to him how he had retired to
the woods and was spending his days there, brooding on the exhortations of the saint. She urged upon the
holy man that there was no one else to look after the state, the watchword of which was the restoration of
freedom, civil and religious, from the oppressive Mahomedans. Tukaram listened to her humble appeal
and bade her depart with a contented mind, assuring her that as Shivaji was expected to be present at that
very night's kirtan, he would snatch the opportunity to address to him a few words and make him again
attend to the duties of his vocation in life.

That night Jijabai attended the kirtan. Shivaji too came as usual. The preacher expounded the concept of
Karma, or a life of action, its necessity, its true meaning. He defined duty as action according to one's
vocation in life. There was no imperative necessity to retire from temporal interests and betake oneself to
the solitudes of the wilderness for the true worship of God. It was a test of true manhood to live in the
world and carry on one's affairs in the spirit of integrity and humanity and to labour day and night for the
welfare, be it ever so humbly, of mankind at large. To see the absolute wretchedness and misery of the
people every moment of one's life.and to turn away from the forlorn multitude and seek the shades and
solitudes of caves and of mountains in quest of salvation—this was not the true spirit of human duty and
conduct. To live in the world in order to improve it, there was nothing so effective as the family life.
Those that leave the world, and child

and wife, and mortify the flesh, smearing themselves with ashes, are constantly tried by temptations, and
as the frailty of the flesh rarely permits them to resist for long, they only expose themselves to the ridicule
of society. Such a man forfeits all honour on earth. He forfeits his hopes of salvation in heaven. This
luminous exposition of the doctrines of Karma and Dharma, Action and Duty, was followed up by a
dissertation upon the duties of a king. The orator set forth the lines of princely beneficence and social
service that could be fitly exercised by a sovereign who was virtuous in his private relations and had the
welfare of his subjects at heart. He quoted the great examples of puranic fame—of Ambarish, of Janak, of
Dharma, each one of whom had earned the title of a royal sage ( rajarshi ) by his holiness and wisdom,
and proved by these examples that even a king had no necessity to abdicate his sovereignty in order to
cultivate the love of God and the pursuits of virtue. This exhortation, illuminated by many an apt
illustration and enforced with religious fervour, enthralled and captivated the mind of Shivaji. He was
impressed with the truth and sincerity of the precepts and determined to practise them in his conduct in
life. Prostrating himself in devout affection at the feet of Tukaram and Jijabai, he returned home to his
palace, and resumed his career of conquest and empire.

Having such faith in the sanctity and worth of Tukaram, it was but natural that Shivaji should feel a strong
desire to live in close contact with the saintly man and enjoy the constant opportunity of listening to his
inspiring discourses. With this view he addressed a letter of invitation to the saint and despatched it by a
civilian officer, who took with him a horse, an umbrella, and other state paraphernalia to escort the saint
to Shivaji's court with due honour and ceremony. Much as he appreciated the prince's motives, the saint
declined the invitation in verses that are well known among his countrymen, and some of the stanzas may
well bear translation :—

" God has created the world, full of strange wonders-and devices.

11 The wise pkilospher is the inspirer of the intellect, . but only by faith does one attain and love his
guide.

" Seeing the writing in your letter, I see you have some affection of that sort.

" Rightly are you named Shiva, a holy name, lord of the umbrella, the wielder of the reins of the universe !

" You have passed through the probation of vows, rites t penances, meditation, and mystic arts,

" You are now bent on meeting me : this is the import of your letter.

" Hear then the answer, Sir King; hear our most sincere request.

"Aimless let us wander the woods ; in appearance, mean and repulsive.

" Sparely clad, our person is smeared with dust; sparely fed, we live on fruits.

" Our limbs are lean and crabbed and no fit display for anybody's eyes.

" Tuka makes a friendly request, talk not to him of a visit.

" What's the good of our coming to your presence ? It will only tire our legs.

" For food, alms suffice ; for raiment, rags.

" For sleep, a couch of stone; for covering, the sky.

" Then why need I fix my hopes on any body ? It would be a mere waste of life.

" Should we, for honour, go to court, contentment dwelleth not there.

" At the king's palace, the rich are honoured : honour for others is none.

" But the sight of men gaudily decked and apparelled, is death to us.

" Hearing this though you should grow estranged, still Qod is never indifferent to us.

" This is the secret we would disclose unto you, no greater happiness than to live upon alms.

" Fettered by desire the great live miserably, performing vows, penances, and sacrifices.

''• But, says Tuka, we are the rich in mind, the rich inheritors of divine love, the accumulated merit of our
past lives." 1

This frank refusal put an end to Shivaji's solicitation, and though his desire remained unquenched, he did
not feel any resentment towards the great ascetic. Far from feeling any anger, his respect and admiration
for him were all the more heightened. And as long as the saint was alive Shivaji never wasted a single
opportunity of paying him a visit or listening to his discourse. It was his great desire to settle a permanent
grant upon the holy man and ease the last days of a life which had been spent in the midst of worldly
misfortunes. But before Shivaji could do anything in this direction, the great master had died. However as
a humble acknow^dgment of the words of wisdom that had flowed from the copious springs of his poesie,
and the noble lessons of virtue and faith he had inculcated upon the masses all through his strenuous and
self-denying life, Shivaji made a grant of three villages tc his son. The revenues of these villages are still
enjoyed by his descendants. 3

Shivaji's desire to make Tukaram his guru or spiritual

1 The epistle, as it has come to as, consists of six stanzas or Abhangas. Some of the stanzas, however,
refer to the constitution of the Ashta Pradhar Cabinet and to Bamdas Swami, and the author is persuaded
to believe that these are interpolated. The constitution of the Ashta Pradhan was not completed at the time,
nor had the meeting between Shivaji and Bamdas taken place. It is now almost certain that Tukaram died
in 1649. Mr. Kinoaid quotes five of these stanzas from the pen of Messrs. Nelson Faaser and Marathe.

2 This narrative about Tukaram is taken without any material Alteration from Mr. Keluskar's biography
(in Marathi) of that poet.

preceptor, and spend his days in holy communion with him was left unrealised owing to the premature
death of the saint. There were many other saintly men among his contemporaries, but none equalled
Tukaram or appeared capable to fill .the void created by his death. It is an accepted creed of orthodox
Hinduism that without the guidance of such a spiiitual mentor, the attainment of salvation is impossible.
This was impressed upon Shivaji, at a Jcirtan, which he happened to attend at Mahad, when the preacher
described the triumph of spiritual fortitude by the classical example of the Prince Dhruva, which
however, as Shivaji saw, was not • realized without the mediation of his preceptor, the Sage Narad. But
having experience of the unrivalled sanctity and the spiritual faith of Tukaram, his standard of
preceptorial requirements was much too high to be approached by other sages. Nor was Shivaji, with all
the distractions of state affairs, able to find time to cultivate any thing like a deep intimacy with the saintly
personages of his time or enroll himself as a disciple of any great spiritual thinker. It was just to fill up
this void that he had invited Tukaram to come and reside at his court. But that great man could not be
induced by the king's pomp or importunity to give up his ascetic ideal. From this Shivaji inferred that the
true saint cares for nobody and seeks nobody's patronage, and that it would, therefore, be difficult for him
to come across a man of sanctity who would answer his highest expectation and yet deign to reside at his
court. But he never gave up the pious hope of being able to discover such a man and to live in his society.
With this view, wherever persons of acknowledged sanctity were known to live, Shivaji did not fail to
pay them a visit and provide for their earthly comforts.

Ramdas Swami was a saint of this order. An ascetic of the most austere habits, he wandered over woods
and mountains, having nothing like a permanent dwelling-place. Hearing that he was generally to be found
at a certain hermitage and temple of Rama, in the glen of Chafal, Shivaji proceeded to this place to pay
his respects to the

holy man. On his arrival there, the civilian officer of the place, Narsomalnath, came to receive him and
said that the Swarni did not habitually reside at the hermitage, but generally led a lonely life in the forest
and that at that moment he was to be found at Bahiravgad, near the ravine of Kondwan. As Shivaji was
making further inquiries about the sage, two of his disciples, Vithal Gosavi and Bhanji Gosavi, appeared
on the scene and presented offerings of fruits and flowers to Shivaji, as a mark of propitious favour on the
part of the deity of the temple. Accepting the sacred offerings, Shivaji asked the disciples who had built
the temple, and expressed his surprise that though the Swami had resided so long at that place, he had not
till then come into his presence or rendered him any service. Upon this the disciples of the Swami made
answer that though he had indeed not yet come to the presence of their master, all the same the money
spent upon the temple had come from him. At this, the king was astonished and saying that it was only
their courtesy that made them say so, he asked when and how he had supplied the funds for the erection of
the temple. The disciples reminded Shivaji of a forgotten incident, how on one occasion he had attended a
kirtan at the house of his family priest at Foona, when a certain Giri Gosavi Nasikkar preached in such a
charming style that he was pleased to make him a present of three hundred pagodas, which the preacher
hermit had refused as he had nothing to do with the money, and how, on Shivaji's declaring that the money
having been offered to him he might dispose of it for any charitable purpose, the preacher had
recommended that the sum be forwarded to Ramdas Swami, who was erecting at Chafal a temple in
honour of Kama. This sum, said the disciples, had been duly remitted by Shivaji through Narsomal-natb,
the mamlatdar or revenue officer. Shivaji now remembered the incident and proceeded to inspect the
foundations, which, he found, were endangered by a brook flowing from the north of the temple grounds.
Narsomal-

nath was commanded to divert the course of the current and erect a bridge over it and debit the charge to
the limit of five hundred pagodas to the treasury. Having Sjiven these orders, Shivaji proceeded to the
ravine of Kondwan in quest of the hermit, but here too he was disappointed. Upon this Shivaji returned
dejected to Pratapgad, thence he proceeded to the holy shrine at Mahablesh-war, from which he
descended again to Wai, where he .performed many acts of piety and charity, and came away to Mahuli.
At Mahuli Shivaji was engaged in similar acts of piety, it being deemed a holy place on account of the
confluence of the Krishna and the Vena, when a letter from Ramdas, expressed in the Ovi metre, was
placed in his hands. It was to the following effect :—

" O Meru 1 of resolution, the support of many people, the institutor of a changeless order, rich master
mind!

" O thou, whose benefactions form a mighty pile; no rival to thy virtues.

" 0 Lord of men, of horses, of elephants; 0 Lord of forts, of land, of water ; of «cities and thrones, thou
beiirest these burdens on thy massive shoulders.

" Thou art victorious and glorious, mighty and meritorious, holy and virtuous, a king of wisdom.

" Thou art rich in thought and action, in charity and religion, in knowledge and good behaviour towards
all.

" Thou art brave and magnanimous, prompt in thy chivalry; by thy statesmanship thou hast spurned the
princes.

11 The holy shrines were lying desolate; the Brahman resorts, polluted; the earth, in convulsions; religion
was nought.

" To save the gods, the rites, the Brahmans, Narayan enthroned himself in thy heart and inspired it.
" Countless pandits and puraniks, poets and vedic scholars, logicians that lead the assembly .thrive at thy
court. J Meru is the fabled mountain at the centre of the earth.

" On the face of this earth, there is none to defend religion; the Maharashtra religion has lingered in some
measure owing to thee.

" Other pieties cease not, under thy rule; and many seek thy patronage. Honour to thy glory that has
pervaded the universe !

" Some wicked ones are slain, some are trembling with fear, others again are pardoned; blessed is the
king Shiva !

"I have lived in thy country, but thou hast failed to ask for me ; whether, by the mystic law of fate, thou
hast forgotten me, I know not.

" But wise are thy counsellors and they are images of piety. What more need I say ? Keep alive thy glory
as the establisher of religion.

" The strain of state-craft has distracted thy mind. Pray excuse me for writing thus, without occasion."

Shivaji eagerly perused this epistle and courteously entertained the disciple who had brought it to him. He
composed a reply to this effect •- " Great sage, I plead guilty. Your heart abounds with forgiveness. Your
benedictory epistle has filled me with joy. How can I describe it ? You have sung my praises, but I am not
at all worthy of them. For many days I have had an ardent desire to see ,you. Even now I propose to come
forth into your presence. May you be pleased to receive me in your presence and appease my enduring
thirst." This reply he presented to the disciple and inquired of him where the holy man was then residing.
The disciple replied that the Swami was then at Chafal, but there was no knowing where he would be, as
he changed from place to place, as it pleased his fancy. With these words, the disciple departed bearing ;
Shivaji's reply.

Next day, Shivaji proceeded to Chafal with his suite, and paying a devotional visit to the temple of Bam,
he .made his inquiries as to the whereabouts of the saint.

The disciples present told him that the Swami was at the temple of Hanuman at Shinganwadi and that his
letter which had reached them the previous day about sunset had been taken ovar to him that very morning,
by his disciple Kalyan Qosavi. They suggested, moreover, that he should not hasten his journey to the
place where the Swami was at the moment, but that he should partake oi the dishes which were being
prepared in honour of the deity of the temple, and after they had been duly offered up to the god, he should
then proceed in a leisurely manner to pay his homage to the saint, whom in the meantime they would
inform of the Rajah's arrival. Shivaji however replied that, as that day was Thursday, a day specially
dedicated to the worship of one's preceptor, he was resolved not to taste a particle of food before seeing
the Swami. Upon this the disciples present advised Shivaji to go without a big retinue, lest the noise
should scare away the holy man. Upon this Shivaji proceeded with only two officers of his suite and one
of the disciples of the saint, Divakar Bhat, for his guide. In this way he came to the temple of Hanuman at
Shinganwadi, where he learnt that Ramdas Swami had descended to the garden below. Shivaji directed
his foot-steps thither. The Swami was found seated beneath a fig-tree. He had just been reading Shivaji's
letter delivered by Kalyan Gosavi and had broken into a ripple of laughter, when Shivaji presented
himself, Divakar Bhat leading the way. Shivaji advanced before the sage, presented the votive cocoa-nut,
and having prostrated himself humbly to the ground, stood silent before him. The Swami, in great
amazement, addressed himself to Shivaji, observing that he had come at the same moment with his letter, a
thing that bespoke his impatience. The Swami went on to say that he had been living for a long time in
Shivaji's kingdom, and the king had not seemed to care much for him during all that time. He wondered
therefore, why he had called on him that day. Upon this, Shivaji made an apologetic reply to the effect that
he had

been seeking for a long time to come into his presence, bub had not succeeded till that day, and he could
only beg to be forgiven for his misfortune. He then requested him to be good enough to initiate him
solemnly into the circle of his spiritual disciples, a favour he ardently longed for and which it was in the
power of the Swami to bestow^ upon him. The Swami acceded to the request, and upon the suggestion of
Kalyan Gosavi, Shivaji ordered the sacramental requisites for the initiation ceremony to be immediately
procured. When these were ready, Shivaji underwent a purificatory bath and then went through all the
solemn rites of a puja in honour of the preceptor of his choice, Divakar Bhat, the guide, officiating as
priest at the ceremony. As the solemn rite was completed, Shivaji bowed his head upon the feet of the
master. The latter then delivered into his ears the mystic words which were to be the mantra for his
spiritual meditation, accompanied by an exhortation, which, it is said, has been incorporated under the
name of the "Laghu Bodha" or the Brief Instruction in the magnum opus of this poet, viz. : the "Das-Bodh"
or the "Counsel of Ramdas." It forms the sixth samas or section of the thirteenth dashaJc or chapter of this
great poem.

The exhortation of the preceptor wrought an immediate change in Shivaji, and addressing himself to the
Swami he exclaimed he was now tired of the labours of empire and desired to spend the rest of his life in
peace, in the society of the sage, serving him in whatever capacity along with the rest of his disciples, and
he prayed that he might be permitted to live, as he desired, in immediate attendance upon the sage. This
provoked a strong remonstrance from the Swami. " Is it for this," said he, "that you have come hither, a
suppliant ? Your proper vocation is that of a Kshatriya. The Kshatriya or warrior has to defend the
country and keep the people from harm. It is also a part of the Kshatriya's duty to serve the gods and the
Brahmans. Many great exploits are yet expected of your hands. The alien Mahomedan has overrun the
earth. It is for you to

L. S. 35.

-><0 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

deliver the land from them. Thus does Rama will. Bethink yourself of the sage advice that Shri Krishna
gave to Arjun in the song of the Bhagvad-Gita. It is the warrior's path that you must tread in general. The
stories of the sage kings of antiquity have doubtless come to your ears. The valorous deeds of your
immediate ancestors have doubtless not escaped your understanding. Remember them and mould your
conduct on the true pattern of a warrior. Ifc is scarcely to be thought that you should turn away into any
other course." These counsels quieted all the uneasiness in Shivaji's mind and he returned home, having
for the present given up all intention of becoming a hermit.

After this event Shivaji used to visit Ramdas from time to time, snatching every opportunity when he
could do so without detriment to state affairs. He listened to the spiritual discourses of the sage with great
interest, and had the highest faith in his teaching. However the worries of his active life and the
.capricious wanderings of the sage irom place to place prevented Shivaji from meeting him as often as he
liked. He had first to send his couriers to make sure about the whereabouts of the holy man, and thus only
could he propose to himself the consolation of direct communion with him. With these difficulties in the
way of a more frequent intercourse, Shivaji desired to give a nearer place of residence to the Swami and
often urged him to adopt such a place for his abode. At length the Swami complied with his request and it
was arranged that he should reside at a place called Parali. Shivaji brought the sage with great ceremony
to this fort. There was a mansion upon the fort which Shivaji proposed should be the saint's residence, but
the latter refused saying that it was old and dismantled, and asking that a new one should Jbe erected. "
Meanwhile," said the saint, "we shall stay in the chambers to the north of the castle-gates."

This fort had but recently come into Shivaji's hands and its administrative arrangements were yet in a
disorganised state. These things were now first settled and

an officer named Jijoji Katkar was appointed havaldar, with instructions to aot in all instances under the
orders of the Swami. The garrison in the fort and the civil population immediately within and without it,
were under similar orders to obey the saint. The village of Vavardare was assigned to meet the
maintenance charges of the little spiritual colony at Farali, the revenue accounts being looked after by a
civilian officer, Kondopant by name, who was always to reside at the fort near the person of the Swami.
On Ramdas taking up his residence upon it, the fort came to be known as Sajjangad, the Sage's Fort. Holy
men from various parts began to frequent the fort, coming on purpose to pay their homage to Ramdas
Swami and thus incidentally the circle of Shivaji's acquaintance with such saintly men began to expand.
Gradually the colony of the disciples and followers of the saint became so large that the revenues
assigned for their maintenance were found to be insufficient. In consequence, Shivaji augmented the
annual grant, and it is stated in the bakhar of Ramdas Swami that the-addition to the previous grant was
made in the same year in which Shivaji embarked upon his Karnatic Campaign. It follows, therefore, that
this addition was made in 1676. 1

This bakhar or biography of Ramdas Swami gives stories of the different occasions on which the king and
th» sage were brought together. But as most of these> narratives are full of fables and miracles of the kind
thafc abound in the orthodox legends of Indian saints in general, it seems more appropriate, considering
the nature of this work, to pass over them in silence. But from all these accounts, however credible or
otherwise, this inference may

1 Prof. Bhate publishes from the Chandorkar papers a Ltter from Dattaji Trimal, the Waknis or home
secretary of Shivaji, giving a schedule of inam lands conferred by Shivaji upon the Swami for the benefit
of the temple and hermitage. The letter bears the date 3rd September 1677, but it expressly states that the
gift was made in the previous year, bub that the sanad papers had not been executed, which being
prepared in 1677 were by this letter communicated to the local subhedar, Venkaji Rudra. ( Vidi Bhate's
Monograph on Ramdis, pp. 123-125 ).

be safely drawn that Shivaji was capable of an intense love towards his preceptor, of an ardent faith in
religion, and of a very high order of character in private life, and that by reason of these virtues he had
captivated the heart of such a blunt and out-spoken person as Ramdas Swami.

Tradition has it that Ratndas Swami prescribed three tasks to Shivaji. First, as Shivaji was a devotee of
Shiva, he was asked every year in the month of Shravan (July and August), to consecrate a crore of sand
images in honour of that god, and celebrate the event by banqueting the Brahmans. Secondly, as it was
Shivaji's wont to do honour and extend his patronage to learned Brahmans in the realm, the month of
Shravan she aid be fixed as the season for the concourse of the learned, to receive the doles of the royal
favour. As described in Chapter XXIV, at this time of the year the assembled pandits submitted themselves
to the prescribed tests of learning under the supervision of the Panditrao, and bore away the palms of
merit, each according to his intellectual attainment*. Thirdly, the Hindu subjects in Shivaji's state should
discontinue the practice of doing johar in saluting their equals or superiors, and should use the words "
Ram ! Ram!" by •way of salutation, that is to say, they should call upon the name of God Rama, instead of
any earthly lord, which is the meaning of the word "johar"; 1 and the new style of salutation should also
be adopted in correspondence. However the practice of saluting a person with the greeting, " Ram !
Ram!" is according to some authorities of a much older origin. In connection with the institutions derived
from Ramdas, there is one more subject that calls for comment This is the Bhagwa Zenda or orange-
brown standard of Shivaji. The tradition is that Shivaji's standard assumed this particular colour from the
orange-coloured robes worn by the ?great sage, and in connection.

1 The literal meaning of johar ia given by Moleeworth as "O Warrior !" Ic, therefore, seems to be a mode
of salutation by which ao inferior greeted a superior, or which at best was used between equals.

with the translation of the colour from the robe to the standard, the following incident is usually related.
Once on a time, when Shivaji was at Satara, Ramdas Swami came to that town, with his disciples, and
passed from door to door, begging for alms. Not aware that the king was then in the town, he came with
his mendicant procession to the mansion, where the king had taken up his quarters. The king being
informed of the circumstance, got his private secretary, Balaji Avji, to write a brief deed of gift to the
effect that all the kingdom he had hitherto won by his labours was hereby granted and dedicated as alms-
money to the sage. Having signed the document, the king came forward abruptly and making a profound
salutation to the holy man put the deed in his alms-bag. On the saint inquiring what sort of letter he had
dropped into his wallet instead of the usual handful of corn, the king replied, " Ib is as it should be, it is
something worth being made over in charity." The sage asked his chief disciple, Kalyan Qosavi, to read
the paper and on hearing the contents exclaimed, '' You have given away your kingdom in charity, what do
you now propose to do?" Shivaji replied, he would spend his days in waiting upon his preceptor, serving
him like the rest of his disciples. The sage then dissuaded him from such a course reminding him of the
noble kings, Rama and Janak, who were great in earthly as well as in spiritual glory, and impressed upon
him the true nobility of a great king, discharging his royal responsibilities according to law and religion.
He bade him return and carry on the government as before in his name. Shivaji obeyed and changed the
colour of his standard to orange, that all might know that he was conducting the government on behalf of
Ramdas. 1

This story does not find a place in any of the recognised bakhars, or chronicle histories about Shivaji.
Even Cbitois who sajs so much about Ramdas in his bakhar is silent about it; and Prof. Bhate infers that
he must have deliberately ignored the incident aa unauthenticated, Vick Bhate's Monograph, pp. 93-91

It is necessary at this stage to return to a controvercia! point. On the basis of the acknowledged fact that
Shivaji enrolled himself as a disciple of Bamdas Swami and had the highest faith in his teaching, it has
been maintained that the Swami was his constant mentor in affairs of policy and statesmanship. Much
insistence is laid on this assertion in the extant biographies of the Swami, which ante-date the spiritual
allegiance of Shivaji to his preceptor as early as 1649 A. D., when they say Shivaji was formally
'enrolled as i disciple of Bamdas Swami and from which date they attribute his success in political affairs
to his preceptor's counsel. But in the first place, the assumed date, 1649 A.D., when Shivaji is alleged to
have joined the select circle of Ramdas's disciples, is absolutely incorrect. The chronology of most of the
dates mentioned in these biographies 1 is for the most part unreliable. And the suspicion irresistibly
forbes itself upon our mind either that from the amiable motive of aggrandizing the glory of the object of
their adulation, the biographers have deliberately perverted the real facts of the case, or, at best, that
following blind tradition as their guide in the most uncritical spirit they have put their faith in idle and
exaggerated tales and given to them a semblance of truth by incorporating them in their biographies. These
old writers pursuing the biographical methods of the Marathi poet Mahipati have retailed the most
mythical romances and miracles in their so-called histories. This circumstance alone may be taken as a
fair index of their love of historical truth. It being the fancy of the lay mind in India that the life of a great
saint must be full of miraculous incidents, the chronicler of such

1 The leading bakhar of Bamdas is the biography of the saint by Hanuman Swami, upon which Messrs.
Kincaid and Parasnis in their "History of the Maratha People, Vol. I" have relied so much. The
tmtrnstworthiness of this book for purposes of history is exposed by Prof. Bhate in his recent monograph
and has been severely criticised by other scholars. Messrs. Dev and Rajwade, however, foUow the
chronology adopted in this bakhar. Mr. Sardesaf, author of "Marathi Riyasat" ia now in almost complete
accord with the views of Prof. Bhate «nd Mr. Keluskar.

a life is irresistibly drawn into the temptation of the most absurd exaggeration, bat the tinsel products of
such minds cannot stand for the sterling gold of history. However a good deal of truth may be found
mingled with the fable& of these histories of the saints ; and a sympathetic and critical faculty has to be
actively exercised to separate the one from the other. It is not, however, all modern critics who are
mindful or capable of this function. The delusions of superstition thus continue to triumph over the feeble
minds of the multitude.

A word must be said here as regards the orthodox date of Shivaji's first enrolment into the circle of the
Swami's disciples. The first meeting of the king with the guru took place, as we are told in these
biographies of Ramdas, in the glen of Chafal. Further we are assured that this place then belonged to
Shivaji and was actually administered by one of his mamlatdars or revenue officers. It is also related that
Shivaji on his way to Chafal passed through Karhad, Wai and Mahuli, and that at the last two of these
places Shivaji made many religious charities and gave banquets to Brahmans. It would seem, therefore,
from these chronicles of Bamdas that at the time when Shivaji first visited the saint to obtain the favour of
spirtual discipleship, he possessed and ruled over the localities mentioned above. But the facts of history
actually are that these districts were conquered by Shivaji not earlier than 1672-1673 A. D. 1 They were
never before in his possession. Further, we are informed that one or two years after Shivaji's admission to
the circle of the saint's disciples, the latter was invited to take up his residence at Parali Fort, and that the
celebrated transfer by gift of Shivaji's kingdom took place at Satara. But both the forts of Parali and
Satara were first captured by Shivaji in 1673. These historic dates cut down like cold steel right across
the whole web of fiction spun together by the romancing admirers of the Swami.

1 Vide Chapter XXII, p. 341, supra.

On the other hand the authentic chronicles of the career of Shivaji are singularly free from excrescences of
myth and miracle and, on the whole, present a continuous narrative of the events of history. Their
credibility, therefore, is beyond suspicion. But in none of them is there any record of Shivaji's having
consulted Ramdas in state affairs. To be absolutely correct, we may except one case, viz. the coronation
ceremony in which matter, it is said, Shivaji did consult Ramdas. 1 As against this, it may be objected,
that two of the chronicles of Shivaji, viz. Chitnis's bakhar and the Shivdigvijaya, have given the date 1649
as the year when Shivaji became the Swami's disciple. There is but one answer and that a decisive one to
this question. That is that the date in question is borrowed by these chroniclers on the authority of the
romancing biographies of Ramdas. A circumstance that lends great support to this view is the fact that the
other old and authentic chronicles of Shivaji make no reference to Shivaji's becoming a disciple of the
saint at all. 2 The final decision upon the disputed date has been given by the publication of certain
authentic letters in the possession of the descendants 3 of Divakar Gosavi, the disciple of

1 Chitnis also states that Shivaji visited Ramdas before starting for Delhi. (Agra). But even he omits the
incident mentioned in Harm-man's bakhar of Shivaji's visiting the sage at Parali immediately after the
tragedy of Afzulkban and of giving him certain lands in inam. As will be seen fiom the text such a visit
was impossible. However by a strange perversity Mr. Kincaid, accepting the date 1649, not only believes
in the visit of Shivaji to Ramdas after the Afznl Khan incident but ao ually makes it the principal argument
to exculpate Shivaji from the charge of murder ! Vide Kincaid, p. 164.

2 The oldest chronicler, Sabhasad, wrote his bakhar only 14 years after the death of Shivaji. He does not
refer to Ramdas at all. Chitragupta lefers to Ramdas only twice, and the only serious statement made by
him is that Ramdas gave counsel to Shivaji on the "Duties of a King", after his coronation i. e. 1674. Vide
p. 92.

* These lebters have been published by Mr. 6. K. Chandorkar in his letter published in the Marathi
weekly, the Kesari, in its issue of 26th June, 1906. From these two passages may be briefly quoted here :
—•

(a) Reply of Keshav Gosavi to Divakar Gosavi :-"! understand what you write, viz: that the Raja Shivaji
Bhonsle is coming to visit the

Ramdas who figures in the orthodox version of Shivaji's first personal interview with the Swami. These
letters establish the date of this interview and of the consequent enrolment of Shivaji as a disciple of the
sage at 1672, and that of the Swami's taking up residence at Parali in 1676. Against this view, it may, of
course, be urged that though the year 1672 may be accepted as the date of Shivaji's first visit to Ramdas,
he might have come to know about him much earlier. To this it may be answered that there is positive
evidence that at any rate before 1658, he had no knowledge whatever of the gre^t sage, 1 and even

Samariha (i.e. Ramdaa. ) It is hia first visit „ 1 understand

what you write about there being nobody to make arrangements. Engage the people of the Wadi i i. e.
village of Shinganwadi ? ) to

make arrangements " dated the 1st of the latter half of Chaifcra,

of the Shaka 15,4 (i. e. 4th April, 1^72 A. D.)

(bj Extract from Shivaji's letter to Jijaji Katkar, the havaldar karkun at the fort of Sajjangad:—"Shri
Ramdas Gosavi residing at Shivthar, will come for a tew days to the fort, when you shall permit him to do
so, to live as long as he pleases, and leave when he pleases

to leave dated, 8 jamadilakhar, -van stba tabnin 1.77, of the

Shako, 1538, t i. e. 1676 A, D. )

1 Letter of Bhaskar Gosavi to Divaksr Gosavi:—" vVe went to beg for alms at the residence of the Raja
Shivaji. He asked, ' vVho and whence are you ?' Upon which we replied we were the disciples of the
Shri Samarth Ramdas and lived at Chafal. He a_ked where Ramdas lived and whence be originally came
from. We told him he was originally a resident of Jamb on the banks of the Ganga (i.e. Godavari) and that
at present he had formed a hermitage at Chafal with a temple of God Rama, and having instituted solemn
worship and celebrations there, had bidden us all go forth for alms for the performance of the solemn
rites; wherefore we were thus rambling about. On oar saying this, the raj) wrote a letter to Dattaji Waknis
to grant an annual sum of two hundred pagodas for the celebration of the temple solemnities. The money
will reach in time. Be this known. Dated, the 2nd of the first half of Falgun, of the Shaka 15bO" ( 13th
February 1659 A. D.) This letter has been published at page 4 6 of the preface of Mr. Dev's edition of the
Das-Bodh. It is worthy of remark that the annuity of two hundred pagodas mentioned in this letter is not
referred to in the interesting conversation between Bhivaji and the Swami's disciples *t the former's first
but unsuccessful visit to Chafal (Vide page 526 lupra. ) It my also be observed that the dialogue etc. given
on that page are based on the authority of the orthodox bakhars of Ramdas. Mr. -handjrkar, in his letter to
the Kesari referred to in the preceding

for some years thereafter, he does not seem to have kept in his memory a strong impression about him.
For, as we have seen, when Shivaji first made his fruitless journey-to Chafal to visit the saint, he asked in
surprise, as recorded in the orthodox bakhars of the Swami, " How it was he had not yet rendered any
service to the sage ?" And this lapse of memory as regards whatever knowledge he ever had about the
Swami is further confirmed by the language used by the latter at the end of his poetic letter to Shivaji: "
Thou hast failed to ask for me; whether by the mystic law of fate, thou hast forgotten me I know not.'' Such
is the plaintive note sounded in that epistle. Further, the praises lavished upon the king by Ramdas in that
celebrated letter are scarcely such as by any stretch of imagination Shivaji could be said to have merited
as early as 164i*, or for the matter of that, even for fifteen years or more thereafter. 1 In short, we may
conclude that till 1672, at any rate, Shivaji had no direct personal interview with Bamdas. Whether
immediately after the first interview the king entered into a relation of spiritual discipleship under
Bamdas is more than can be stated in definite terms. Beading the orthodox story of Shivaji's first
introduction to his preceptor in the light of history, it would seem that the conquest of Wai, Karhad etc.
took place in 1672. and the capture of the forts of Parali and Satara may be put down at 1673 A. D.
However an independent piece of

note, observes that among the eanads granted to the Swami by Shivaji there is not one earlier than the
Sbaka 1594 (i. e. 1672 A. D.) From this it follows that the annuity mentioned in Bhaskar Goaavi's letter,
as quoted above, was perhaps not regularly paid and at any rate not) settled in perpetuity by a regular
sanad or deed of grant.

( However the annuity is referred to in the letter of Keshav Gosavi to Divakar Gosavi in 1672 from which
a portion is quoted in the note to p.536.)

1 Prof. Bhate rightly points out that the expression %t JcUapati''' or " Lord of water " ia used with
reference to a period after he had equipped a navy and erected his sea-forts, which activities belong to the
year 1663-64. The expression "Some wioked ones are slain" evidently suggests knowledge of the king's
triumphs over Afzul Khan and other Mahomedan generals, and the sentence "Thou hast spurned thfr
princes" certainly points to a much later period than 1649.

evidence, a letter from Divakar Gosavi, the disciple of Ramdas, addressed to his son Bhairav Bhat, 1
expressly states that the Rajah Shri Shivaji Bhonsle was admitted to spiritual discipleship at the
hermitage at Shinganwadi, in the year with the cyclic name Pdridhavi. The Shaka year of that name in the
period with which we are concerned coincided with 1672 A. D. Assuming that it lasted till the beginning
of 1673, that is to say, till about April in the latter year, this would perhaps coincide almost exactly with
the date of the conquest of these districts adopted by us on chronicle authority in Chapter XXII.

It may however be sought to establish the orthodox view upon the answer sent by the poet Tukaram to
Shivaji's letter inviting him to come and reside at his court It is urged that in Tukaram's reply, out of which
two stanzas have been given above in translation form, there was a reference to Ramdas Swami, and an
exhortation to Shivaji that he should devote his attention solely to that saint; and from this it^ is argued that
Shivaji must already, previous to the date of this epistle of Tukaram, have seen

1 An extract from this letter is published by Mr. Chandorkar in his letter referred to above. The letters
published by Mr. Chandorkar were obtained by him from the descendants of Divakar Gosavi, who was
for some time the manager of the hermitage at Chafal in the life-time of Ramdas and even after his death.
When the Chafal estates were finally made over by King Shahu to a descendant of Ramdas Swami's
brother, for the maintenance of the hermitage etc. in hereditary succession, in order to put a stop to the
existing quarrels between some of the Swami's disciples, the original papers relating to the hermitage at
Chafal remained in the family of the Gosavi, the quondam manager, along with his personal papers. Prof.
Bhate in his monograph on Ramdas declares that he has examined the papers bearing upon this question
and that he is quite satisfied about their authenticity. He reproduces them in full at pages 1U8 to 119 of his
monograph. Though the protagonists of the earlier date, (viz. the year 1649 as the date of Shivaji's
becoming a disciple of Ramdau j like Mr. Dev of Dhulia and Mr. Rajwade still cling to the traditional
view by trying to explain away the objections and difficulties raised, there cannot be any doubt that these
letters completely establish the view taken by Mr. Keluakar. Prof. Bhate enforces it with greater wealth of
argument and illustration. ( Vide Bhate pp. 96 to 105 ).

Ramdas and entered into a pupillary relation with him in matters spiritual. Very little reliance, however,
can be placed upon this part of Tukaram's epistle to Shivaji, as long as the foregoing historical evidences
remain unanswered. Secondly, if the orthodox date 1649 indicates truly the time when Shivaji was
acknowledged as a disciple of Ramdas, it will have to be admitted that this event took place in the same
year as Tukaram's death. But if we admit the authority of the orthodox version in the matter of the date of
the discipleship, we shall have further to take for gospel truth the legends of various meetings between
Shivaji, the Swami and Tukaram after Shivaji's enrolment as a disciple, and in particular the story of a
great solemnity at Parali which Tukaram is alleged to have attended. In consequence, the date of
Tukaram'a death will have to be deferred to an indefinitely later time, but it is now proved to a certainty
that this date cannot be extended beyond 1649. Thirdly, it is natural to suppose that Tukaram's letter to
Shivaji must have preceded his death by a few days, bub according to the bakbar of Ramdas, a fairly long
time must be taken to have 'elapsed from the discipleship of Shivaji down to the date of Tukaram's epistle.
In Chitnis's bakhar of Shivaji, the same version is given as regards the post-dating of Tukaram's letter
after the date of Shivaji's enrolment in the circle of the disciples of the Swami. More than that, here we
have proof of a more elaborate process of tampering with the simple message of Tukaram, if we examine
the manner in which it is presented in this bakhar. The stanzas constituting the epistle are here divided into
two groupa The first group consisting of two stanzas is here quoted as Tukaram's answer to Shivaji's
solicitations at a time prior to his coming in contact with Ramdaa The second groud of four stanzas is
quoted as an answer to fresh importunities for a visit on the part of Shivaji after the latter had entered into
bonds of discipleship under Ramdas. A proceeding that stands discredited by the very nature of things !
For
if at the time Shivaji had such a firm faith in Ramdas, why go running after the elusive Tukaram ? If
Shivaji, after acknowledging the discipleship of Ramdas desired nothing more than just to see Tukaram,
where was the necessity of sending a special mission to invite and escorb him to his capital ? For at
various times upon his tours and otherwise Shivaji had found numerous occasions to see and hear
Tukaram. The account in Chibnis's bakhar must, therefore, be condemned as a transparent gloss.

It is more natural to assume that at the time when Shivaji was importuning Tukaram to satisfy the spiritual
hunger of his soul, he probably had not even heard of the name of Ramdas. Bub then what about the fact
that the name of Bamdan does occur in Tukaram's epistle ? The answer to this is that some of the stanzas
alleged to constitute a part of Tukaram's epistle are decidedly spurious, or to speak without equivocation
were subsequently interpolated—interpolated undoubtedly after Shivaji's coronation by the blind
admirers of the Swami, as is amply borne out by the epithet " Chhatrapati " ( Lord of the royal umbrella or
sovereign of a canopied throne), used of Shivaji, and by the allusion to the Ashta-Pradhan or Shivaji's
cabinet of eight ministers. For as long as Tukaram lived, Shivaji had never assumed any such title and the
constitution of the regular Ashta-Pradhan was not so much as dreamt of. However admirable the motives
of these interpolators might have been—and it was misdirected zeal to promote the glory of their great
preceptor—their glosses and perversions of the truth have led to the deplorable consequence of
circulating throughout Maharashtra a hypothesis that depreciates the glory of Shivaji by transferring it to
the credit of another. For the hypothesis is that whatever Shivaji did accomplish in the direction of the
restoration of a national government and the national religion to Maharashtra, he accomplished by the
inspiration and under the guidance of Ramdas Swami.

There is one more objection to be considered ere we

•close this discussion. Jf it is held that Shivaji's first interview with Ramdas took place iu 1672, and his
enrolment as a disciple in that or the following year, it may be asked what must be the date of the
composition of those chapters in the Das-Bodh that deal with politics and other cognate subjects, and
which evidently seem to have been compiled for the purpose of giving him advice ? tor it appears from a
letter of Divakar Gosavi addressed to one Bahiram Bhat 1 that from the Shaka 1576 (1654 A. D. ) for ten
years onwards the Swami was engaged in the composition of the Das-Bodh. The letter in question was
written in the Shaka 1576 and the passage that has bearing on this subject is as follows:—" Shri Samarth
(i.e. Ramdas Swami ) has proceeded with Kalyan Gosavi, Chimanabai, Aka, ( the last two being female
disciples of the Swami), and Ananta Kavi, ( i e the poet Ananta ) to the ravine of Shivthar, to stay there
for ten years, for the purpose of literary composition/'* The answer to this objection is that of the twenty
dashakas, or chapters of the Das-Bodb, as accepted by the orthodox, the first eight comprise the original
Das Bodh, which consisted only of these parts, and the others were composed subsequently and
superadded to the original, either by the disciples or by the Swami himself as occasion arose. Mr. S. S.
Dev in the preface to his edition of the Das-Bodh, has succinctly stated the reasons and arguments that
lead to this conclusion. They may be briefly restated as follows:—

(1) There is a sustained and continuous flow of argument in the first eight chapters, without any
repetitions. It is after the eighth chapter that frequent repetitions occur. The object of Ramdas's counsels
was to make a dissertation on spiritual welfare. The first eig;ht chapters comprehend

J Bahiram Bhab is probably the same as Bhairav Bhat and was the oame of the son of Divakar (?osavi.
The word chira-i-jiv is used in this letter ( which is quoted by Frof. Bhate at p. 103 of bis Monograph, )
showing the relation between the parties to the correspondence.
2 In the letter of Mr. Chandorkar referred to in the previous footnotes, this letter is quoted as authentic.

-nothing within their scope except spiritual wisdom. The word "rajkaran " or politics obtrudes itself
nowhere upto these eight chapters. The stream of thought induced by contact with Shivaji has not yet
mingled itself with the flow of the argument. In the ninth chapter for the first time, the word "rajkaran"
does occur and that in a casual manner.

(2) The 42nd verse of the tenth section of the seventh chapter reads as follows:—

" The jingle of words is come to an end : the work is come to its conclusion. Herein we have given a
clear dissertation on the love of one's spiritual preceptor." And indeed the work was now ready for a
conclusion, except for the chapter on spiritual knowledge, which would have been the final chapter of the
entire work.

(3) The second verse of the sixth section of the ninth -chapter runs as follows :— "This has been
discoursed upon in the Das-Bodh ; it has been made clear in the section on spiritual knowledge; the five
primary elements have been described in their primordial condition." It is clear from the portion
italicized that this verse and the chapter of which it is a part, were not composed originally as forming a
part of the Das-Bodh. 1

The same law must be applied to the chapters that follow ; and inasmuch as it is said that the latter twelve
chapters contained here and there counsels addressed to Shivaji, it must be inferred that these chapters
were composed after 1672. From the whole disquisition, therefore, it would follow that the counsels
which are made so much of by the admirers of the Swami were really addressed to Shivaji at a time when
he had almost completed the establish—

1 Prof Bbate in his monograph on Ramdas makes a similar analysis and comes to a similar conclusion viz.
that the portion of the Das-Bodh from the 9th Chapter onwards must have been wi'txn separately from the
first seven and also from the eighth, which last he thinks mnst have been written independently by itself. (
Vide Bhate's monograph, pages 26 to 40. ) He Also shows that some of the political or quasi-political
dissertations are apparently addressed to the life-members of the Ramdas's conventicles.

ment of national independence and the freedom of religion, and the composition of them was perhaps
made possible by the enlivening effects which the triumphs of the great king produced on the poetical
imagination of Ramdas Swami. The attempt to transfer to the poet-saint the whole credit of the warrior
king's achievements is a part of the same campaign that has led certain modern scholars to attribute the
first beginnings of his power to Dadaji Kondadev, nay, even to the ministers and advisers of the Raja
Shahaji, a refutation of which has already been attempted at the beginning of the sixth chapter. 1 And we
hope that the array of facts and dates, that we have been able to bring together in the present chapter, will
enable the reader to arrive at an impartial decision, as to the extent of Shivaji's indebtedness to his
preceptor, in the matter of the foundation and consolidation of his power.

It is pleasant to turn from this controversy to the policy of liberal tolerance which Shivaji extended
towards Islam and which he sought in vain from Aurangzeb. At the time of the defection of Sambhaji, in
the midst of hie last campaign against the Moguls, the great king made a stirring appeal to Aurangzeb
against the imposition of the Jazia. This letter reveals a lofty outlook on religion and is a passionate plea
for tolerance. Shivaji reminds Aurangzeb that even in the Koran God is styled the " Lord of all men, " and
not the " Lord of Mahomedans " only. " If it be a mosque, " wrote Shivaji, " the call to prayer is chanted in
remembrance of Him. If it be a temple, the bell is rung in yearning for Him only. To show bigotry for any
man's creed is really altering the words of the Holy Book " 2 .

1 None of the recognized bakhars of Shivaji quotes specific instances? of the kiog consulting Ramdas
Swami for his advice before starting upou any particular enterprise ( the consultation, with reference to
the proposed coronation, which by the way comes after i672, being alone ezcepted ). Chitnis does
mention, however, that before going to Delhi ( Agra ) Shivaji visited Ramdas for the favour of his
benediction. But there has been enough criticism of Chitnia.

2 Sarkar'a Aurangzeb, Vol. Ill, 325-329.

CHAPTER XXX THE END, 1680

SHORTLY after the fortification of Khanderi, word was-brought to Shivaji that a large amount of treasure
was being sent under convoy from Delhi to Aurangabad, for the military operations of the Mogul power.
Upon receipt of this intelligence, Shivaji set out with a chosen body of horse and veiling his movements in
the greatest secrecy, attacked the convoy and securing the whole of the treasure from the enemy, returned
by forced marches to Kaigad. The violence and rapidity of these movements brought on a reaction, that
prostrated Shwaji. The extreme exhaustion was attended with pain in the chest, fever and haemorrhage
from the mouth. 1 The disease became more and more malignant from day to day. !£he officers at the court
spared no remedies to restore the health of their king. The prescriptions of the most renowned Indian
physicians, vows to the gods and prayers at the temples, magic and astrology were tried in vain, without
any alleviation of the malady.

Shivaji had given strict orders to his people not to give out the news of his mortal illness. Nor would it
have been easily believed in abroad, as rumours of his death had often been spread before, which,
according to the Mahomedan chroniclers, had often turned out to be the preludes of some important
campaigns. And at this very time a part of the forces of Shivaji had invaded the Mogul territories upto the
walls of Surat, which had already commenced to feel the

1 The chronicles of Sabhasad and Chitragupta state that Shivaji suffered only from an ague. Chitnis and
the Kairi Bakhar assign the cause of death to fever. Grant Duff describes the mortal disease as an
inflammation of the knee-joint. The Bundela chronicler attributes it to the wrath of heaven occasioned by
the curses of the fakirs at Jalna, who are said to have been looted at ahivaji's last attack upon that town.
The curses, so it is said, brought on the illness to which he at last succumbed. The Shivdigvijaya gives a
still more romantic legend, viz., that tihivaji was poisoned by his second wife, Soyerabai, that her son
Bajaram might succeed to the throne, while prince .Sambhaji lay imprisoned at Fanhala. In the present text
as given above the author follows the versions of Dr. Fryer, the traveller, and the historian, Orme. L.S, 36

brunt of their assaults. The inhabitants of Surat apparently imagined that Shivaji himself led these
invading hosts and the dread memory of previous invasions had thrown them into a panic. The British
merchants had sent their valuables to their boats down the Tapti. The Mogul governor of Surat at last paid
a heavy tribute and purchased his peace. Moropant, the Peshwa, returned homewards with these spoils.
Shivaji's original plan was himself to go upon the campaign. His mortal illness prevented this project. On
his return to Raigad, rich with the fresh spoils and tributes, Moropant found the king's malady aggravated
beyond cure.
Do tf

Convinced that his end was drawing near, Shivaji •summoned his ministers and intimate relatives to his
bedside. Among the dignitaries who answered the call were Moropant the Peshwa, * Pralhadpant f the
Chief Justice, Balaji Avji Chitnis, Bamchandrapant the Amatya, Ravji Somnath, Suryaji JMalusare, Baji
Kadam, Mahadaji Naik Panf-ambal and others. Addressing himself to them, Shivaji said that he had now
arrived at the end of his life; the hour of his death was approaching apace. His physical endurance could
hold out no more. A patrimony of forty thousand pagodas he had converted into a kingdom of a crore. A
cavalry guard oi eighty thousand was maintained by him in his service. He left no son competent to
preserve and defend this wide kingdom with valour, with courage, with strategy. Kajaram was only a
minor, and if he grew to man's estate he might protect and augment his dominions. Sambhaji the elder son
was of age, but he •was not governed by reason. He had thought of partitioning the kingdom between his
sons, but Sambhaji had not •consented to the compromise. But with all that if he 'divided the kingdom, the
great lords and dignitaries of the state would take opposite sides, and the end would be rivalry and
dissension instead of growth and advancement. There would be no order and obedience. The law of
succession was that the elder should succeed to the throne, and the

younger obey and serve his elder brother. Bat he could see little chance of his sons confoiming to that law.
Sambhaji would occupy the whole kingdom after his death. The brave officers in the army would go over
to his side> as the elder ; Rajaram as a minor would command li> t!e> support from the army. The
civilians and the ministers would go over to Rajaram. This would create factions. Sambhaji would cause
men of worth and position to be arrested and executed. The great nobles of the state would be subject«d
to indignities and insults. His reign would be a triunrijf* for the base and the vulgar. The honoured leaders
and nobles who had shared his toils and enterprises would b» laughed at and insulted, and the noble
discipline of his stat« thrown into disorder. Given to habits of dissipation as h» was, his reason would be
clouded and he would be governed by his passion in the insolence of power. The state would be at the
mercy of rash and cruel people. As to himself ha» had always tried diligently to discern and cherish
merit^ and with the support of such men he had built up the* fabric of hia state. These men of worth and
character would be degraded and down-trodden under Sambhaji and they would have to fly the kingdom.
With such anarchy reigning in the land Aurangzeb would find it convenient to subvert the new power. The
emperor had preserved peace* owing to the awe of Shivaji's name. He would be emboldened by the
disorders in the Maratha state to launch a new army of invasion. He would extinguish the tottering powers
of the Adil Shahi and Kutub Shahi dynasties and then lead his triumphant hosts against the Maratha state.
Sambhaji would prove unequal to the tahk of defending the state*-from the invader. Aurangzeb would
bring utter de^truction upon him. Habits of dissipation easily briug a man to ruin. If Rajaram survived,
then only was there som&-hope of recovering the kingdom from the enemy. No other way of safety
seemed to open itself before his mind.

These words of final despair overwbe med the min i» of hia listeners and brought tears to their eyes.
Sotiug-

them>in this agonized state, Shivaji bade them be of good

cheer. For death was the appointed goal to human life.

This was a world of mortality. He that was born was

destined to die. To none on earth was given the gift of

immortality. Wealth, son, wife, valour, victory, self were

'illusions and must be left behind. He that loved them and

'•was at one with them gave himself to needless agitation.

: It" fetched no profit. The way to salvation was to take the

'fortune of the moment and to act disinterestedly. They

'•were all brave. It was their clear duty to put forth their

highest efforts and save the state. It was for them to act

unanimously. They had exhausted their efforts for curing

'his malady. Their human efforts had proved to be of no

'avail. They must now stop these efforts. He had reached

the bourne of his life and was now prepared for a flight to

heaven. Theirs it was now to observe every precaution

and to defend the state by deeds of valour. It was his keen

•desire to subdue the Indian continent, capture Delhi,

liberate the Ganges from the yoke of tribute, extend the

empire beyond the Attock and govern it by law ; but these

higher aims had remained unrealized. The streams of his

life had been exhausted. They must not repine with

a sense of this grief, but control their mind.balancing it with

reason. Having thus consoled them, he bade them retire

from his presence.

Shivaji now gave himself entirely to the performance of the last rites of religion in the few hours of life
that were yet left to him.

He had a purificatory bath in the holy water brought from the Ganges, and sacrificial ashes were smeared
over his i body He wore upon his person necklaces of the sacred vudrakaha beads and wreaths of Tulai
(basil) leaves. Seated on a part of the floor strewn with darbha grass, asbociatod a^ • ays has been in
India with holy
nu-'.ita*' oual thought, he invited great pandits

&L i as resence, and discussed with them the

pruble-tal destiny and salvation. Resigning

earthly thoughts, he devoted the few moments of life that yet remained to the glorification of the Holy
Name, listening to the readings from the sacred books and the exhortations of the kirtankars. The charities
usual on such occasions were dispensed to the Brah mans, the dying Hng personally going through the
solemn rites and, where he could not stand the fatigue, making solemn vows to that effect. Recitations
from the Bhagwad-Gita and songs of divine praise were ordered to be chanted. In this manner, amidst the
sacred chants of the Brahmans that surrounded his person, with a mind profoundly impressed with a
deepening feeling of spiritual repose, expired the great king, the hallowed name of Shriram still hovering
on his lips. It was on a Sunday, at noon-tide, on the full-moon day of the month of Chaitra, in the Shaka
1802, corresponding with the 5th of April 1680 A. D., that the great king closed his earthly career. 1 He
died in the pride of power, in the meridian height of his earthly splendour; and yet he died without any
feeling of regret or repining; at quitting the scene of his terrestrial glories, thus exhibiting in his death the
greatest of earthly triumphs, the triumph over the temptations and frailties of our human nature. That
serenity of his last moments was begotten of faith and fortitude. It was an earnest desire of his, and it had
recurred to his mind again and again, even in this life to quit the scene of his earthly splendours, following
in the foot-steps of the saintly kings of yore, whose names are enshrined in the pages of Hindu legend and
history. He had fondly hoped to be able like these great kings to abdicate the throne in favour of his son
and devote the autumn of his life, without hindrance or interruption, to meditation and prayer and the
service of God. But a great part of his ideal, the complete over-throw of the Mahomedau hegemony and
the exaltation of the Hindu power still' remained to be realised. His heir-apparent had betrayed
1 Jedhe ( p. 195 ) states he died on Saturday, bat he gives the same month, hour, and year.

qualities in direct antagonism to the virtues of an ideal ruler. Under these circumstances, the thoughts of
abdication and the assumption of the life of a wandering recluse or a cloistered saint appeared too heroic
and extravagant to be of any practical value. His wakeful anxiety for th« good of his subjects and his
prophetic fears of an untimely wreck of his life's work, the disgrace of which would recoil on his name,
rendered the entertainment of such ixlfas impos>-ible and reconciled him to a continuance of a life of p
>litical endeavour, relieved by such opportunities, as H presented, for well doing and spiritual thought,
chastened by the precepts of virtue and religion, and illumined by the inspiring society of great sages.

The death of the great leader was a grievous blow to the ministers and nobles of the state and the relations
of the royal family. All classes of society mourned the loss. Tli ministers took the precaution to close the
castle gate «n<l prevent the publication of the tragic news. The funeral of the great king was celebrated
with royal pomp and honours. The third wife of Shivaji, Putlabai, performed the sati rite upon the funeral
pyre of her husband. T:,« ubwequies were performed by a member of the Bhonsle H ,-use, Sabaji Bhonale
of Shingnapur 1 , assisted by Prince Rajarain, the latter being too young to perform all the rites himself.
Religious charities in honour of the event were dispensed on a liberal scale.

Shivaji married seven wives. Sayibai, the mother of Sam bhaji came of the Nimbalkar family; Soyerabai
the mother of Rajaram was a daughter of the Shirke family. Putlabai, the third wife, who performed the
sati rite on the death of Shivaji, had no issue. The fourth wife 35akwarbai came of the Gaikwar family. 2
She gave birth 4o Kamaljtbai, who was married to Janoji Palkar. The

1 Grant L>utf gives his Dame as Shahaji Bhonsle. 8 If the entry at page 181 of Jedhe'a Chronology refers
to this lady, abhivaji married her in i«57. It was probably this wife of Shivaji who died. About March
167 *, as we learn from Narayan Shenvi's letter to the deputy ^governor of Bombay.

fifth wife Lakshmibai died childless. The sixth Sagunabai had a daughter Rajkuwarbai who was given in
marriage to Qanoji Raje Sbirke Malekar. Of the seventh wife Gunwant&l>ai, nothing is known except that
she died childless. 1

Sayibai gave birth to prince Sambhaji in 1657. The character of this prince has already been sufficiently
indicated in the foregoing pages. Rajaram, the second son of Shivaji.was born in 1664. 1 He was a prince
of good character which augured well of his future, and Shivaji had high hopes about him. Sayibai died in
165^. She was a wise woman and a loyal consort to Shivnji, who loved her fondly. In fact after her death,
he does not seem to have quite enjoyed the blessing of a happy family-life. Soyerabu is said to have been
an intriguing woman. It was her ambition that her son R&jaram should succeed to the throne, and she bad
been working in this direction even in Shivaji's life-time. She had won over most of the ministers to her
side. Annaji Datto the Sachiv in particular was the leader of this faction. The thoughts of Shivaji with
reference to Sambhaji, weie, as we have seen, most despondent and pessimistic. The ministers decided to
join the party of Soyerabai and exalting Rajaram on the throne, to conduct the affairs of government in his
name. With a view to carry out these plans they attempted to suppress the news of Shivaji's death till
Prince Sambhaji, who was only a prisoner at large within the limits of Panhala, was made secure and kept
under a strong guard. Janardanpant, the Sumant, was sent with a body of troops to Panhala; the fort of
Raigad was strengthened with an addition to the usual garrison, a force of ten thousand cavalry was
posted at Panchwadi,* and Hambirrao, the Commander-in-chief, was ordered to encamp with his army, in
a state of alertness at Karhad.
1 See Appendix at the end of this chapter.

2 Some bakhara give 1661 (A. D. ) as the date of the birth of Rajaram.

8 Panchwadi ia the same aa Pachad, where the English ambassador-Jiad to halt at the foot of Raigad.

As these operations were likely to take some time to mature despatches were forthwith sent to Hiroji
Farzand, the governor in charge of Sambhaji, instructing him how he was to behave in reference to his
ward. Notwithstanding all the ministerial precautions, it would seem that the news of the death of Shivaji
had already leaked out and found its way to Sambhaji, or at least thatlie had a very strong suspicion on the
subject. For when the bearer of the ministerial despatches reached Panhala, Sambhaji intercepted the
courier and compelled him, on pain of death, to deliver the despatches to himself. Upon this the courier
seeing no other remedy to save himself, handed over the despatches to him. Apprised that the secret
despatches from the ministers had fallen into Sambhaji's hands, Hiroji Farzand took fright and fled to the
Konkan. Sambhaji first put himself in possession of the fort and executed two of the officers who triad to
offer resistance. He put the fort in defence order and waited to hear of further developments on the part of
the ministers. Janardanpant Sumant, informed of the change of situation at Panhala Fort and seeing that it
was impossible to enter it tried to besiege the fort, but shortly after leaving his troops to continue the
blockade, he withdrew to Kolhapur.

Meanwhile the ministers had installed llajarain on the throne and conducted the government under his
name. But there was no cordiality of feeling among the ministers. The rivalry between the Peshwa and the
Sachiv which had already commenced during the life of Shivaji now developed into a mutual hatred. .
Hambirrao had not been admitted into the secret cabal of the ministers and felt estranged from them. That
Janardanpant withdrew from the siege of Panhala and voluntarily retired to Kolhapur was perhaps due to
some similar cauee. Sambhaji won over to his side some of the soldiers, who had been stationed around
Panhala, and upon Janardanpant arriving there, the prince with a body of Mavalis raided his camp and
brought him prisoner to Panhala Fort. Hambirrao was delighted

with this exploit of Sambhaji, which went to show to him that the young prince was.a chip of the old
block, and he determined to throw the weight of his authority on the side of one whom he took to have
inherited the valour of Shivaji. On the news of the capture of Janardanpant reaching Raigad, Moropant
Pingle came out with an army ostensibly to fight and liberate Janardanpant. Oh arrival at Panhala he
forgot his warlike intentions and threw in his lot with Sambhaji, who, satisfied with his conciliatory
attitude, confirmed him in his office of Peshwa. Hambirrao came to Panhala and joined the prince with all
his army. With his cause thus strengthened, Sambhaji came down upon Raigad, but already before his
arrival the fort guards had declared on his side and made prisoners of his opponents. The troops cantoned
at Panchwadi likewise came over to Sambhaji. Under these circumstances Sambhaji did not experience
the least difficulty in making himself master of Raigad. The first order he issued on entering the fort was
to put the Sachiv, Annaji Datto, into irons and confiscate his property. Rajaram was imprisoned, and his
mother, Soyerabai, was arrested and, when brought before Sambhaji, insulted in the grossest manner. She
was accused of having poisoned Shivaji, and ordered to be put to a cruel and lingering death. The officers
attached to her cause were beheaded, and one of them, who had perhaps been more zealous than the rest,
was ordered to be hurled down the rock from the ramparts of Raigad. By these acts of cruelty and revenge
he overawed all opposition, and seated himself on the throne in August 1680. Happily for us the recital of
the manifold atrocities that disfigured A reign commenced in so inauspicious a manner, lies beyond the
scope of the present narrative.
APPENDIX SHIVAJI'S WIVES AKD DAUGHTERS

GRANT DUFF mentions four wives, " a fourth wife whose name and family are unknown." ( Chapter IX
). Dr. Fryer says that Shivaji married a fourth wife at the time of his coronation, (Vol I, Lotter II, Chapter
IV). Prof. S*rkar quotes from Henry Oxenden's letter of 27th May 1674 to the effect that Shivaji was then
busy with his coronation and married two other women. (Factory Records, Surat, VoL 88 ). This is
supported by an entry in the Jedbe Chronology, which states that on the 4th of the first half of the month of
Jeshta ( May ) Shivaji was invested with the sacred thread and on the 6th of the month, just two days later
t he was married with the Vedio mantra rites; and another entry states that the Coronation took place on the
12th Jeshta, i. e. six days later, and it is easy to believe that in the same manner in which the thread
ceremony was completed by a Vedic rite of marriage, similarly also the coronation ceremony of the 6th of
June 1674 (properly speaking 13th, not 12th of Jeshta) was followed by a marriage with vedic rites, to
which Henry Oxenden's letter of the 8th of June 1674 refers, citing that "the Rajah was married to a fourth
wife," to which reference is also made by Grant Duff. The interpretation to be put on the words "fourth
wife" probably is that the bride married after the coronation ceremony became the fourth living wife of
Shivaji, and not the " fourth wife' married in the same season. And yet Prof. Sarkar speaks of Shivaji "
marrying three young women, though he had two or three other wives, and two sons living." ( Sarkar's
Shivaji p. 428 ). Prof. Sarkar probably assumes that Shivaji married two wives in May 1674 and one in
June 1675, but that does not explain how the last mentioned bride could be the " fourth wife " if " two or
three " other wives were living and three new ones were married. On the other hand Prof. Sarkar makes
an [apparently contradictory

statement at page 281 of bis " Shivaji," which is probably a correct representation of the facts of the case.
At page 281 Prof. Sarkar states, " On the 8th ( June ), Shivaji took a fourth wife without any state or
ceremony. Shortly before he had married a third." The sarcastic reference of Prof. Sarkar in the foot note
at page 281 to the desire of Shivaji to assert his right to hear vedic mantras ib sacramental ceremonies
really furnishes to us a clue to the mystery of these late marriages. However this would limit the number
of Shivaji's marriages in 1674 to two, one after the thread ceremony and the other after the coronation,
and not three as stated by Prof. Sarkar at page 42S. He had lost one of his wives about the month of March
in that year. (Narayan Shenvi's letter, Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 8fc ).

In the bakhar of Ramdas Swami, there is a statement that besides three wives Sayibai, Soyerabai and
Sagunabai, Shivaji had two concubines. Sabhasad states that besides Sayibai, Shivaji had tix other wives;
but he (Toes not mention the names. This statement is not corroborated in any of the bakhars. Mr.
Rajawade in his " Sankirna Lekh Sangraha" printed from the Granthamala states on the authority of a
paper found at Tanjore that Shivaji had «iyht wives. The paper describes the names and parentage of only
six of them, whence it is concluded that the other two were concubines. The date and authority of this
document are doubtful.

Mr. Kincaid following the genealogical tree of the Shedgaokar Bhonsles gives the names of seven wives
of Shivaji (1) Sayibai, daughter of Vithoji Mohite Newaskar, (2) Putlabai who committed sati, (3)
Soyerabai of the Shirke family, mother of Rajaram and of a daughter Dipabai, married to a Maratha noble
named Visajirao, (4) Sakwarbai, mother of Kamaljabai who became the wife of Janoji Palkar, (5)
Lakshmibai, (6) Sagunabai, mother of a daughter named Nanibai, the wife of Qanojiraje Shirke Malekar,
and (7) Qunawantabai. Of this list Putlabai,,

Lakshmibai and Gunawantibai are described as childless. Besides the daughters, Dipabai, Kamaljabai
and Nanibai, Kincaid mentions a daughter of Shivaji by his first wife Sayibai, who was given in marriage
to Harji Raje Mahadik of Tarale, governor of Jinji, and he mentions a fifth daughter in a foot note also to
Sayibai. This princess was Sakhubai, given in marriage to Mahadji Naik Nimbalkar of Phaltan, from
which family came Dipabai the wife of Maloji Bhonsle. As regards this marriage, the Phaltan state
records tell an interesting story. Bajaji Nimbalkar had become a Mahomedan, and wanted to come back to
Hinduism. Jijabai, the mother of Shivaji, interested herself in the subject and got the priest of Shinganpur
to re-admit the Maratha Mahomedan to the fold of his religion and caste, and in order that no doubt might
be left on the subject she brought about a marriage alliance between him and Shivaji, whose daughter
Sakubai by his first wife Sayibai ( who according to most accounts herself came from the Nimbalkar
family) was, at Jijabai's instance, given in marriage to the son of Bajaji. This story illustrates the solid
work done by Jijabai in the matter of Hindu unity and religion. Shivaji purchased the patelship of a
village in Taluka Purandar for 1200 pagodas and conferred it upon his son-in-law.

Mr. Sardesai names three wives and three daughters of Shivaji in the genealogical table at the end of his
Riyaaat and in this list Rajkuwarbai is given as the name of the princess who in the genealogy followed
by Mr. Kincaid is named Nanibai and is described as the wife of Ganoji Raje Shirke. Nanibai was
perhaps the pet name of Rajkuwarbai.

CHAPTER XXXI SHIVAJI'S FORTUNES AND POSSESSIONS

THE life story of Shivaji has been told in the preceding chapters. It is proposed in the present chapter to
make an attempt to estimate the extent of his power, possessions and wealth at the time of his death. Nor
should it be quite an uninteresting subject to make such an audit of his wealth and possessions, seeing that
it furnishes an index to the measure of his success in his ceaseless toils of over thirty-six years, in that
war of redemption which he had embarked upon against the despotism of the Mahomedan rulers of the
country. At the time when the Rajah Shahaji transferred his allegiance from the fallen house of the Naizam
Shahi sultans to that of the still prosperous Adil Shahi dynasty and in the service of that government
entered upon the sphere of his proconsular authority in the Karnatic, he had lef o his Maharashtra jahgirs,
as we have seen, under the able administration of the loyal Dadaji K'ondadev. These jaghir estates
comprised the districts of Poona, Supa, Indapur, Baramati and a portion of the Maval eomntry. This was
the sole patrimony derived by Shivaji from his illustrious father at the time he embarked upon his political
career. Even these districts were held on the sufferance of the Bijapur government and were saddled with
feudal burdens. That government was in a position to have cancelled or annexed these jahgirs at any time.
To what extent, on entering personally upon the possession of these jahgirs/as a representative of his
father, -jahgirs which had originally been conferred as rewards of service and pledges of the gracious
favour of the reigning sultanSj-Shivaji turned them into the nucleus of an independent kingdom*, and what
final proportions that kingdom had assumed at the time of his death, this is briefly the survey we enter
upon in this chapter. It is necessary ta acknowledge the fact that anything like an exact survey is
impossible. However the different chronicles about Shivaji furnish us with most valuable material for
such a survey, in

the shape of the lists and inventories they have compiled of forts and territories, of specie and jewellery,
and the family and state fortunes of Shivaji's kingdom. And there is reason to surmise that these
inventories had been practically prepared during the life of Shivaji. For young Sambhaji had proved a
scapegrace, had already committed treason and joined his father's enemies, and it was feared that sooner
or later he would wreck his father's estates. Shivaji had, therefore, these lists compiled, so as to facilitate,
when it should be deemed necessary, a partition of all his estates and possessions between Rajaram and
Sambhaji, and it appears from some of the chronicles that he had been thinking of such a plan. 1

Taking the account in Chitnis's bakhar as our guide, we may make fourteen divisions of Shivaji's
territorial possessions. Chitnis describes at full length the number and names of the forts comprised in
each division. The full lists of these names are reproduced in the original Maratha text by Mr. Keluskar,
but in this English version it has seemed advisable to abstain from a dreary catalogue of names, although
it has its historical value, and to indicate only the most important positions falling in each territorial group
or division. The territorial divisions 2 mentioned in the bakhar above referred to are as follows:—

(1) The Maval territory situated among the Sahyadri mountains or the Western Ghauts. This region
comprised the modern talukas of Maval, Saswad, Junnar, and Khed. This territory included, in all,
eighteen hill forts. The more famous among them, which have often been referred to in

1 Vide, hen's Shira Chhatrapati, extract from Sabhueaa page 13-and the lists from page 133 to page 149.

* Each of these territorial units constituted a point, ( or a cubha according to the Mogul terminology, ) aud
was governed by a subhedar, who exercised the jurisdiction of a modern district collector and magistrate.
As regards area some were almost as large as a modern dis'rict, others only equal in size to a district sub-
division, DUD in a military sense the latter would often constitute a more important charge than a Frant of
a relatively larger area.

foregoing narrative, were :—Rohida, Sinhagad (or Kondana ), Kelna, Purandar, Lohagad, Rudramal,
Rajgad, Rajmachi, Torna, Vi&apur, Wasota and Shivneri.

(.) The territory of Satara and Wai. This division comprised eleven forts, of which the following have
played An important part in the preceding narrative, viz., Satara, Parali or Sujjangad, Paudavgad,
Wandangad and Chan* dangad,

(3) The territory of Karhad, which comprehended four forts, viz., Vasantgad, Macchindragad, Bhushangad
and Kasaba Karhad.

(4) The territory of Panhala, which comprised thirteen forts, conspicuous among which were Panhala,
Khelna ( Viahalgad ), Pavangad, Rangna and Bavda.

(5) The territories of Konkan Bandhari and Naldurg. This extensive division included fifty-eight forts, of
which the most noteworthy were the following:—Sindhudorg, Vijayadurg, Jayadurg, Ratnagiri,
Suvarnadarg, Khaaderi, Underi, Kolaba, Anjanwel, Revdanda, Raigad, Pratapgad, Prabalgad, Mahal i
and Lingana. Most of the for la mentioned in the beginning of this list were sea-forts.

(6) The territory of Trimbak, which comprehended twenty-five forts, among which those of Trimbak,
Ghaadwad and Siadhgad may be mentioned.

(7) The territory of Baglan, which comprised seven forts, among which were included Saleri ( Salheri ),
Muleri, and Nahava.

(8) The territory of Vangad etc., which included a great part of the modern district of Dharwar. This
division comprised twenty-two forts, including Chibradurg, Kauchaugad &C.

(9) Tue territory of Phonda-Bednore, which comprised twelve forts, the chief of which were Phouda,
(taiburga, Mangrol and Kriuhnagiri.

^lU) The territory of Kolhar-Balapore, whicu comprised tweuoy-sevea forts, amoag whica cae follosvm^
in*y

be mentioned, viz., Kolhar, Shriwardhangad and Bednore-kot.

(11) The province of Shrirangapattan, which included twenty-two forte.

(12) The territory of the Karnatic and Jagdevgad. It comprised eighteen forts, among which Jagdevgad,
Mallikarjungad^ and Ramgad may be mentioned.

(13) The territory of Vellore, which included the modern district of Arcot. It comprised twenty-five forts^
chief among them being Arcot, Trimal, Trivady, Sajara, Gojara &c.

(14) The territory of Chandi (Jinji) which included six forts.

As previously observed, Chitnis gives the whole catalogue of these forts, seriatim, classified under tha
fourteen territorial divisions. Besides these, a long list of other forts can be gleaned from the other
chronicles, which ChitniH seems to have overlooked. Of all these forts—and the total for the fourteen
divisions in Chitnis's list alone exceeds two hundred and sixty—one hundred and eleven are stated to
have been erected by Shivaji himself, by one of his chroniclers, who also gives a full list of such forts ;
but other authorities concur in restricting the number of such forts to eighty-four.

1 The contents of Shivaji's treasury at the time of his

1 Prof. Jadunath Sarkar has published in the Modern Review ( January 1910 ) under the heading "The
Legacy of Shivaji", extracts from the Tarikh-i-Shivaji, a Persian manuscript The extract under reference
gives an inventory of the various kinds of property left behind by Shivaji. Prof. Sarkar thinks from the
internal evidence that the Persian manuscript is a translation from Marathi sources and was composed
about 1/80.

Prof. Sarkar divides Shivaji's " Legacy " under the headings, treasure, wardrobe, specie, jewels, grain,
rice, dal, armoury, stables and slaves. Under the heading treasury are described quantities of various
metals, and specie. The number of hons or pagodas given in this list is about 381 lakha only. There were
besides gold ornaments and blocks of copper, silver j bronze, steel, ironware and lead vessels. Under the
second heading are catalogued various kinds of kinkhabs, dupetas, silk shawls etc., also paper,, running
up to 6,000 quires. Under specie are also included various kinds-

death are described by the chronicle writers with Overflowing details. Diverse kinds of gold and silver
coins, representing the coinages and devices of distant nations, are mentioned in these lists. Of the gold
coin, called gubbar, gumbar or gadar, we find an estimate of one lakh: of gold mohurs, two lakhs; of putlis
(worth about five rupees each ), three lakhs ; of imperial or padshahi pagodas thirteen lakhs and a half.
Then follow different kinds ol pagodas viz: Sangiri pagodas, twelve lakhs and three quarters; Achutrai
pagodas, two lakhs and a half; Devrai pagodas, three lakhs; Ramchandrarai pagodas one lakh; Gooti
pagodas, one lakh; Dharwad pagodas, twelve lakhs: miscellaneous gold coins ( consisting of pagodas of
twelve^ other species ), three lakhs ; Satlam pagodas, one lakh; Ibrahim pagodas, one lakh : Shivrai
pagodas, four lakhs; Cauveri pagodas, fifteen lakhs: Pralkhati pagodas, two lakhs; Painnaik pagodas one
lakh : Advani ( Adoni ) pagodas, three lakhs; Jadmal pagodas, five lakhs; Tadpatri pagodas, one lakh and
forty thousand : Tuti ( Tuticorin ? ) pagodas, one lakh; Vellore pagodas, half a lakh; Sailya Ghat pagodas,
two lakhs : pagodas with the pennant device, five lakhs ; and gold ingots, equal to twelve and a half
candies in weight. Among the silver coins are mentioned rupees, five lakhs; asarpadi coins, ten lakhs: the
mosque-inscribed silver currency of Dabul, of Gheul, of Busrah, twenty-five, ten, and five lakhs
respectively ; ot" silver ingots and plate, ten lakhs of pieces, fifty candies in weight. As regards jewellery
and precious stones, it is said to have been of the then value of two crores of pagodas. All kinds of
precious stones are mentioned in these lists, vizi-rubies, emeralds, turquoises, sapphires, pearls, corals,
topazes, and diamonds. Besides one crore of pagodas' worth of valuable cloth is reported to have been
stored in the treasury.

of scented oils and perfumes sod the quantities vary from one candy to 50,(KO candies. Then come
jewels, including all kinds of precious stones. Under the heading grain are also included ghee, mica,
indigo, sulphur etc. The list of armour is interesting and includes cotton, resin and Under the heading of
stables, we hare a total of 37,000 horses ot' sorts. Slaves are also mentioned.

L. S. 37

As to the army, the private paga mustered a cavalry •force of eighty thousand, and the shiledar or cavalier
horse, twenty-five thousand. The infantry force of Mavalis and Hetkaries included one hundred thousand
men. This number does not include the garrison soldiers detailed on duty at the various forts. Detailed
lists of cavalry and infantry officers are to be found, which it is not convenient 'to reproduce in extenso.
Among the cavalry officers >rnay be mentioned Hambirrao sir-nobut, Anandrao Hapt •hazari ( sapt hazari
or commander of seven thousand), Netaji Palker, Manaji (Man Sing) More, Swarupji ( Rupaji) Bhonsle,
Gondji Jagtap, Khandoji Jagtap, Santaji Jagtap, Dhanaji Jadhav, Netoji Katkar, Kankde, Kathe, Santaji
Ghorpade, Telangrao Nimbalkar, Venkaji Jumledar, Gangaji Shirke, Maloji Nimbalkar, Krishnaji Powar,
Bhalekar, Udaji Powar, Parsoji Bhonsle, Nemaji Shinde, Krishaji Ghatge, Birje, Tambe, and many
distinguished scions of the historic families of the Mohites, the Shirkes, the Bhonsles, the Nimbalkars, the
Powars, the Angres, the Pansambals, the Mahadiks, the Thoratsand other noble houses. Among the
distinguished infantry officers may •Vie mentioned, Yessaji Kunk sir-nobut, Suryaji Malusare JMal
Sawant, Vithoji Lad, Bhikji Dalvi, Trimbakji Prabhu, Kondji Farzand, Tanaji Malusare, Subhanji Naik,
Bajirao Pasalkar, Baji Prabhu Deshpande (of the Hardas Mavai country), Baji Murar Deshpande (of
Mahad), Hiroji Farzand, Krishaji Bhonsle, and many others. This list contains the names of many Prabhu
officers. As to the naval squadron of Shivaji, one or two chronicles mention a classified list, from which
it would appear there were at least six hundred and forty of such vessels, smaller or larger, as could be
fitly used for war. However other chronicles, without going into particulars, state that Shivaji had above a
thousand vessels on the sea. Of the largest class, which the chronicles call 1 yurabas, there were * These
are the grubs of the English records.

SHIVAJI'S FORTUNES AND POSSESSIONS $%$.

thirty ; next after them of -the-galbat 1 class, or ships of :he line, one hundred; of mahagireca, or ship-
castles, one hundred and fifty; of smaller gurabas, fifty; of transports, sixty, and of smaller craft, of
various sizes and ienominations,' two hundred and fifty. The sea.-forts were, as we have seen, an
important feature of Shivaji's naval policy, some of which have already been mentioned in the catalogue
of the Konkan forts. But they may bear repeti-r ion here. The principal of these naval forts were Kolaba,
Khaaderi, Underi, jAnjenwel, Ratnagiri, Padmadnrg, Sarjakot, Vijayadurg, Gahandurg, Khakeri,
Suvarndurg, Rajkot and Sindhudurg. Shivaji'a naval forces generally lay anchored under cover of these
fortresses of the sea. But the names only of a few of the jaaval commanders are mentioned in the bakhars.
Among those mentioned are Darya Sarang, Mainaik Bhandari, Ibrahimkhan and Daulatkhan. 3 There is
reason to believe, though the names are not extant, that many families of the Koli.and Bhanda,ri castes
distinguished themselves by their aaval service under Shivaji, as in the neighbourhood of these eea-forts,
many distinguished families belonging to these two .castes are found to have risen into prominence about
that time.

Of the Brahman officers who rendered sueh conspicuous service to Shivaji, a few may here be mentioned,
yi/ : Moro

* Called galwets or gallivats in English records.

2 Such as pal, jag and machavas ( i. e. munchwaa of the English records ).

3 Of these naval commanders some were Hindus and others Mahomedans. Sabhasad describes Daria
Sarang as a Mahomedan and Mainaik as a Hindu of the Bhandari caste, Ibrahimkhan and Daulatkhan were
evidently Mahomedans-. Prof. Sarkar tries to show ( Shivaji p. 337, foot-note) that the name of the Darya
Sarang is a Hindu name, bub it might as well be the name of a Konkan i Mahomedan as the suffix " rjv> "
or " ji " in \ r entget, is used both by Hindus, Parsis,' and Mahomedans on the Bombay Coast. Further,
contemporary - European r.athorities have mutilated Indian names to such an extent, that it is difficult
exactly to say what Indian name the name " Ventgee" really stands for. For the bravery of Daalatkhan, see
the end of Chapter XXVIII. .uarya Sarang is Persian for M -admiral ofthf ocean "and Afaiavik -is mixed
Arabic and Sanskrit for captain of the wn,for. Mainaik la a common name among Koli-j and Bhandaris.

Trimal Pingle, Nilo Sondev, Apaji Sondev, Ramchandr&' Nilkant, Raghunath Narayan Panditrao, Annaji
Datto, Balaji Raghunath, Narhar Ballal Sabnis, Ravji Somnath Subhe, Janardhanpant Hanmante,
Dattajipant Waknis, Shamji Naik Punde Potdar, Shankraji Nilkant, Raghunath Ballal Korde, Krishna
Joshi, Narhar Anandrao, Niraji Ravji, Pralhad Niraji, Dattaji Gopinath Bokil, Timaji Keshav Naik,
Krishnajipant Mathure and others of the same family, and a host of others. One of the bakhars gives a list
of Prabhu officers in Shivaji's service, mostly civilians. Among the prominent names in the list are Balaji
Avji Chitnis, Chimnaji Avji Daftardar, Shamji Avji Karkhannis, Trimbak Vithal. Khasnis, Chando
Narayan, Ragho Ballal and Nilkant Yessaji Parasnavis. 1

The lists in the bakhars, whether as regards the statistics of Shivaji's wealth or the names of his gallant
officers ; civil and military, cannot be regarded as final or exhaustive, nor have we attempted to quote
them here in extenso, but only as specimens of what is to be found in the Marathi authorities upon this
subject. Fuller lists can be found in the Marathi original of this biography, some of them having been
patiently reconstructed from a careful study and comparison of the various bakhars. And in concluding
this survey it is but fair to observe that the names of many a gallant commander of Shivaji's hill-forts have
been lost to posterity.

> Of course the Dames of many Prabhu officers in the cavalry and • infantry are include' 1 in the
preceding Ueta.
CHAPTER XXXII CHARACTER
WHILE tracing the record of this eventful career, which we have endeavoured to present, to the best of
our ability, by a lacid exposition of the chronicle histories and other material bearing on the subject, the
thoughtful reader can ponder in his own mind upon the talents and virtues that claim his tribute of praise,
and pronounce an impartial iudgment upon those faults and short-comings which hostile critics have
sought to discover in the character and career of our hero. We cannot however altogether refuse to take
upon ourselves the burden of a comparative estimate and a critical examination of the conduct and
character of Shivaji, and to summarize briefly the result of the inquiry. Further, in taking the reader over
the mazy 'episodes of this narrative, the author has had to refrain from criticism and comment, for fear of
diverting attention from the

* o

story. As a set-off to the restraint observed on those occasions, we deem it both a duty and the exercise of
a right.now that we have arrived at the endof the narrative, to make a few general observations on the
great character and career revealed in these pages, and to set forth our views on the legacy of thought and
action, of wisdom and inspiration, that this noble career has left behind as .a common heritage to the
people of Maharashtra and perhaps of all India. It is hoped that the estimate now presented to the reader
will be accepted in a kindly spirit and any errors that may have inadvertently crept into the account will
be generously ignored.

Nil ex omni parte beatum. This ancient earth of ours has yet to produce a perfect man. Perfection cannot
be expected of the children of men. No hero, however great or virtuous, can be an exception to this law.
From thia point of view, our hero may have had his faults and deficiencies, which but proclaim a human
origin and human, rrailty and enlist sympathy and forgiveness. With, an

€00 LIFE OF 8HIVAJI MAHABAJ

expanding circle of duties and responsibilities and a widening, intercourse with persons whose interests
are in perpetual conflict, conflict of duties must often arise and culminate in actions which at first sight
may appear censurable. But until a proper scrutiny of such actions is made by an austere and unbiassed
judge, the author of them can never attain liis true place in the estimate and opinion of men. Those •who
have benefited by his actions will continue to praise him at all times, those who have lost by them will
nevei cease to revile his memory. And both these parties m doing as they do seem but to follow the
common instincts of human nature. It is only when a neutral and strictly judicial mind comes to examine
the two sides of the question and calmly establishes the true character of the person concerned, that the
latter obtains his real place in history. Shivaji has not yet had the good fortune to have his actions studied
and scrutinized by a rigidly dispassionate but competent historian. 1 The present writer cannot claim such
a position. He does not aspire to formulate a final verdict. He frankly professes himself to be a
Maharashtrian at core, and he would make no secret that he is too enthusiastic an admirer of Shivaji, to
pose as an independent critic. But he feels himself constrained to state here at

i Mr C. A. Kincaid ID hid " History of the Maratha People " Vol. I has vindicated Sbivaji from the attacks
of his foreign critics and traducers, especially as regards his conduct in the Chandrarao More and
Afzulkhaa tragedies. He displays a more genuine sympathy for the Marathaa and :he great Maratba leader,
than is done by Prof. Sarkar, who under a guise of analytical critici&m traces almost all the actions of
Shivaji to the love of plunder and belittles hi.s institutions, though the same analytical exam; • nation
would go to show that a good many things he has said in the earlier part of his biography are unsaid by
him in the last two chapters, especially in the last tea pages. Compare for instance Sarkar'a remarks at p.
114 and in the foot-note ab pp. 366-67 with the confession at page 493, and the imputations of cowardice
at pages 223 and 225 with the remarks at pages-490 and 492. On the whole the impression produced
while perusing Sarkar's book is not that he is writing a Life of Shivaji, but that he is following the
movements of the Mogul armies or interpreting the ill-informed opinions of the European factors at Surat,
Rajapur, Bombay or Madras.

some length what the voice of Maharashtra has generally to say about Shivaji, and what answer she has to
make, and has been making, to the strictures passed by Mahomedan historians and blindly followed by
British imitators. 1

THE CHARGE OP REBELLION.

The first charge is ingratitude and treason towards the Adil Shahi State of Bijapur. This, according to the
hostile critics of Shivaji, places him in the same category as the lawless and rebellious polygars, or the
refractory barons, of the time. These critics dwell upon Shivaji's ingratitude towards a power that had
taken bis fugitive father under its protection at a critical juncture in his life, his baseness in abjuring the
authority of such a power, his insolent and unprovoked defiance. What then ? Was the sense of family
obligation to press upon him like a dead weight and crush out of existence all finer sense of manliness and
independence ? And was it to be imputed to him as a fault if he-refused to endure the yoke of a life-long
servitude, under the scourge of an alien tyranny, while the rayats were oppressed, while the faith of his
fathers was trodden under foot ? Was it dignified for one, who was animated by a spirit of true devotion
to his country, by a feeling of common interest with the rest of his compatriots, and an enthusiastic fervour
for the national religion, to wear the mask of peaceful sloth or dedicate himself to a life of passive and
listless pleasure, depending on the capricious bounties of an alien dynasty towards his house ? Or was it
rather the case, that this time-serving indulgence was a

1 The following remarks of Mr. Kincaid, ( History of the Harath* People, Vol. I page 271 ) bear out our
contention :—" Shivaji has by a curious fate suffered more at the hands of historians than any other
character in History. They have one and all accepted as final the opinion

of Grant Duff, which again was based on that of Khafikhan And while

judging Shivaji with the utmost harshness, they have been singularly indulgent to his enemies. The
thousand basenesses of Aurangzeb, the appalling villainies of the Bijapur and Ahmed nagar nobles have
been passed over with a tolerant smile. The cruel trick by which Ghorpade betrayed Shahaji has
provoked no comment. Shivaji, however, is depicted as tha incarnation of successful perfidy, a Cesar
Borgia etc."

passing phase, an uncertain and slippery advantage, which he might be called upon to relinquish at any
moment ? And with such feelings dominating his breast, was he still to address himself to the venal arts of
a court parasite or glib-tongued loyalist ? Or was he not rather more true to the better side of his nature,
when, feeling the power within himself and spurred by its compelling force, he devoted himself entirely
to the meditation of plans and labours for the emancipation of his countrymen ? The history of the world
clearly demonstrates that founders of great dynasties are rarely free from the stain of rebellion. But the
blot on their escutcheons is more than compensated for <by the splendour of their triumphs. The stain is
forgotten, the glory only remembered. So ought it to be with Shivaji. That he extricated his country from
the mortal grip of an ^alien despotism and gave his countrymen their first cordial draught of liberty after
centuries of misrule, is of itself no small service to the people of India. It is a permanent debt, nor can we
ever hope to repay it. That this independence did not endure upto our generation is in no sense a fault of
Shivaji. The fault, if any, must be laid,as students of history know, at the doors of those who succeeded
him in the sacred duty of conserving the liberty he had won at such a heavy sacrifice. Had Shivaji failed
in his heroic enterprise of laying broad and deep the foundations of an indigenous and independent power,
towards which the revolt from the Adil Shahi state was to be a stepping-stone, our hostile critics would
not have remained satisfied with pouring out the vials of their virtuous rage upon his " rebellion", but
would have exhausted upon him every weapon from the armoury of calumnious reproach. But jiis success
having saved him from such an open attack, rbey still fling against him the reproach of rebellion, content if
they can succeed, be it ever so little, in tarnishing his glory. A charge of this kind would appear more
graceful and even pardonable from the pen of a Mahomedan .historian; but when European historians,
who know or

ought to know no other allegiance than that which is paid to the ideal of liberty, make themselves parties
to the reproduction of the same language of calumny, their conduct cannot but appear ridiculous. It would
have been according to the fitness of things for these historians to have given an impartial verdict upon
one who so dauntlessly and triumphantly asserted the liberties of his country. Bat it is difficult to preserve
the balance of impartiality in ill things and at all times, and it is evident that had we continued to possess
that independence for which Shivaji bled and toiled, these historians would have hesitated to pronounce
such a sweeping indictment.

THE CHARGE OB TREACHERY.

The second charge brought against Shivaji is his alleged treachery and cruelty. To a superficial observer
of Shivaji's record, and in particular to a Mahomedan observer, it would seem that there was much to lend
countenance :o such a view. 1 But when we survey the vastness of his enterprise and the limited resources
at his disposal, we of Maharashtra cannot but vindicata the expediency, the opportuneness and the ripe
wisdom of his plans and stratagems. For a mere jahgirdar to take up arms against

1 The Romans found consolation for bhe defeats inflicted upon them •>y Hannibal by charging him with
treachery and cruelty. But what modern historian does now seriously believe in the " Pcrfidia plus quan
Puiiica " with which Livy charges him ? As to the charge of cruelty, who now thinks it sustainable, having
regard to the conditions of ancient warfare? And yet in this case an Aryan nation accused aShernitic
comman-ier of cruelty. In the case of Shivaji historians of a Shemitic bias have flung the charge of cruelty
against an Aryan enemy. It needs no answer. It is at leaet satisfactory to note that not even the worst of his
hostile critics nave found a weak spot in his character so a? to level against him the other accusations
which Roman prejudice rightly or wrongly fastened upon Hannibal: " Nihil veri, nihil sancti, nullus deum
metns, nullum ius . urandum, nulla religio" ( no truth, nothing sacred, no fear of the gods, no regard for
oaths, no religious scruples ). Verily Shivaji has not fared much better at the hands of his Mahomedan
critics than Hannibal did at the hands of his Roman historians. And yet the modern world gladly
Acknowledges Hannibal'-* greatness : So must it be with Shivaji.

the triple powers of the Bijapur, the Golconda and th* Mogul States was at no stage a light matter, and to
th* contemporaries of the youthful Shivaji its rashness presented itself in its most disheartening form. The
very guardian of Shivaji, Dadoji Kondadev, shuddered to think of the probable consequences of the wild
and quixotic adventures of his patron's son, and the reader knows how this anxiety exhausted the strength
of this loyal veterar, and brought him to death's door. It was, therefore, a foregone conclusion that
stratagem and policy were indispensable tools for the pioneer labours of deliverance Without an
appreciable measure of these qualities, and certainly in the total absence of them, Shivaji could never
have succeeded in accomplishing even the least of the amazing exploits of his wonderful career. Much
less could he have given to his Maharashtra countrymen, if only for a temporary period, the joyful
experience of liberty. With the Bijapur government past the zenith of its power, with the Mogul emperor
making tremendous strides towards paramountcy over all India and pouring out his mighty armies and
unlimited resources to accomplish the destruction of Shivaji, his armoury of stratagem proved equal to
every occasion, furnished the means of ready defence, and enabled him by a process of ceaseless
corrosion to dissolve and wear out their authority. But this must not delude us into the belief that he knew
no arts save those of stratagem or that he practised them against all persons and on all occasions. Those
that lent a willing ear or made offer of loyal am manly service for the promotion of his noble enterprise;
experienced nothing but frank and honourable treatment at his hands. To meet Afzul or Shaista Khan on a
fair field of battle, with the overwhelming hosts that marched under their command, was beyond the scope
of any practicable method of defence on the part of a general like Shivaji, operating as he had to do with
forces quite out of proportion to those of his antagonists. There were but two alternatives to choose from,
either to lead his scanty army to certain

death and massacre at the hands of a relentless invader, to relinquish for ever the higher aims and
purposes of his life and to court infamy and ridicule in the eyes of all people, or by a bold and skilful use
of strategy and guile to cut the ground from under his opponents' feet, entrap their forces and annihilate
their power. And if he chose the latter of these alternatives, we at any rate, the people of Maharashtra,
cannot afford to be censorious. Treachery of a deeper dye has disgraced the records of other conquerors,
treachery the whole purpose of which was the violation of the liberties of innocent nations and the lust for
foreign territory. Shivaji's conquests were redeemed from this stain by the nobler purposes by which they
were inspired, the sacred cause of the redemption of his people's liberty, their deliverance from a foreign
yoke. His stratagems were bound to wear the complexion of treason and treachery in the jaundiced eye of
the Hahomedan sovereignties, who were compelled most relunctantly to acknowledge the sovereign
independence of the people of Maharashtra. Had Shivaji stickled for the point of honour, when horror
upon horror menaced the tranquillity of his people, the fury of Islam would have ridden triumphant over
all, and the name of Maratha would never have been blazoned broad in the world's history. With the
invader thundering at the city-gate and breathing revenge and destruction, while meek morality is
quivering helplessly amid a scene of blank desolation and dismay, there is no choosing between the furies
and engines of war. The political wisdom of the world and the standards of practical morality have
recognized the necessity, under such circumstances, of repelling the enemy by every means at one's
command. Besides where defeat is sure to carry down into irretrievable disaster and destruction not only
one's own self but thousands of dependents and followers, the crisis requires the commander inexorably
to put aside the ordinary ethical standards for the time, and ensure the safety of the lives and liberties of
his people, even at the sacrifice of the ordinary rules of human conduct. Add

to this a state of society in which for centuries together there had been no peace, in which the standards of
political morality were not the refined standards of modern times. Consider how Afzul Khan would have
gloried, if he had succeeded in his treacherous plots to murder or imprison Shivaji. Consider to what
depths of iniquity Shaista Khan would have descended, in order to arrest or otherwise get rid of the
elusive Maratha warrior. It will then be seen that the killing of Afzul Khan or the raid upon Shaista Khan,
far from redounding to Shivaji's discredit, claim, by the boldness and brilliancy of the plans employed, no
small tribute of praise and admiration. Ifc is but natural that those, who smart under a sense of loss by
reason of the sensational escapades and stratagems of Shivaji, should, in season and out of season, revile
his memory. But there is no excuse for European historians to follow blindly in their lead. 1

THE CHARGE OF CRUELTY.

Let us now consider the charge of cruelty and vindic-tiveness. Even a superficial survey of the career of
Shivaji

1 Withoub prejudice to the defence of Shivaji in his dealings with More and Afzulkhan ( vide pp. 141-143
and pp. 152-172 ) \te may say that similar instances of stratagem and treachery are feo be found in
plentiful •abundance in the history of the time on the side of the Moguls and the Oeccan sultanates. We
may instance the unsuccessful attempt of the Adil Shahi chief, Baji Shamraj, with the aid of the Mores of
Javli, to entrap Shivaji on his return from Mahad; the successful trick of Baji trhorpade against Shahaji;
the proposal of the Raja Jay si ngh to arrest or murder Shivaji, after his escape from Agra ( Vide Sarkar's
Shivaji pp. 197-98 ). The most atrocious instance is Aurangzeb's plot to capture Golconda in 1657 by
sending Sultan Mahomed with an army, which was admitted by the unsuspecting Golconda chief as a
marriage escort to accompany the Mogul prince to Bengal. Nothing could exceed the meanness of the
fraud employed by Aurangzeb on that occasion or the ruthless rapacity of the Mogul army. As to treachery
between the British and Shivaji, we have he treacherous aid the Rajapur factors gave to Bijapur when
Shivaji was personally besieged at Panhala in 1680, while all the time the factors professed neutrality,
and the worse instance of the abuse of the rules of naval warfare by Keigwin and Minchin in the battle
round Khanderi island. Mr. Rinoaid draws attention to the slaughter of the Macdonalds of. •'.tlencoe, in
the comparatively refined times of William III.

will suffice to convince us that this charge is absolutely unfounded. It was a settled principle with Sbivaji
never to cause wanton bloodshed. The prisoners of war taken by Shivaji were never cruelly treated. 1 On
the contrary they were often entertained in a manner befitting their rank, furnished with articles of apparel,
horses and travelling expenses, and permitted to return home. In fact Shivaji's generosity towards
prisoners of war was suoh as to put to blush the vaunted civilization of modern nations. The Mahomedan
rulers of the time used to practise the vilest barbarities upon their victims, forcing them to embrace the
faith of Islam, detaining them in prison and even selling them into slavery. 3 No instance of such barbarity
can be urged against Shivaji. Towards the foe who surrendered his arms and gave himself up
unreservedly to his mercy, Sbivaji showed such an absolute courtesy and generosity that the erstwhile
foeman blushed at his eiiuiity aud gladly took service under such a leader. And it has already been seen in
the preceding narrative how such foemen when turned into devoted servants spared neither their fortunes
nor their blood in their loyal association with the great cause. It would, therefore, appear that the charge
of cruelty cannot be maintained. This unfounded opinion about Shivaji's cruelty might have arisen in
consequence of the vengeance wreaked upon Baji Ghorpade, and some are prepared to admit the
savageness of the revenge taken upon him. They admit that Baji Ghorpade deserved punishment, but

1 Vide reference to Grant Duffs remarks in the foot-note to pages 324 and biu and the testimony of
Khafikhan himself in the foot-note to p. 33").

2 Compare the campaigns of the Sidi, the initial campaign of Shaistakhan, ar.d the last campaign of
Dilerkhan, 1678 to 80. Dilerkban's cruelties ( Vid-i Sarkar p. 419 ) caused even the most cruel of the
Maratha kings, Prince Sambhaji, to protest against then?. How many Mogul campaign-againot Shivaji and
Bijapur were stained with enslavement of helpless women and children ? As against this, what has
Khafikhan to say as regards Shivaji's conduct towards women and children ? ( J'tdt Sarkar'.-Shivaji pp.
6^-63 for a sample of Aurangzeb's orders fcr a campaign of whol«;»le cruelty against Shivaji':) people. )

they hold it as an unwarrantable cruelty that for one man's £uilt, the male adults of his family, his relatives
and iependents, should hava all been put to the sword. But the heinousness of Baji Ghorpade's guilt must
likewise be considered. For the aggrandisement of his family and to tvin favour in the eyes of his
Mahomedan sovereign, he had undertaken and carried out the most nefarious betrayal of a Maratha
compatriot, and that too of one who was of the noblest rank among his countrymen. To what dire results
the treachery was likely to lead is already known to the reader. As a loyal and affectionate Ron, Shivaji
would have been obliged entirely to give up his plans of liberty and independence. As it was, for nearly
four years, till Shahaji was at complete liberty, he had almost to sit down in an attitude of passive silence.
When these things are borne in mind, the fearful revenge taken upon Ghorpade, under the overbearing
impulse of two dominant passions, an intense fervour of filial affection and a devouring love of
independence, 1 may find some mitigation, if not excuse.

THE CHARGE OF FREE-BOOTING.

The third head of accusation against Shivaji is an inordinate greed of money, which it is alleged, led him
to a perpetual campaign of plunder and devastation against the peaceful subjects of the Mahomedan
powers. And it is further contended that this rapacity of plunder led to manifold disturbances and to
insecurity of property. Some Maharashtra writers have themselves admitted that there is a partial truth in
this allegation. Bat a knowledge of the real character of Shivaji's actions will exonerate him from that
degree of culpability with which these objectors have been wont to charge him. In the first place we must
give him this credit that from first to last in his deep-laid schemes of independence, the free-booting
campaigns he pursued were inspired by higher motives than the mere

1 It is clear from the Shivdigvijay that Shivaji raided Mudhol at 'tis father'^ express order. Vide Shivaji's
let'.er in Kincaid, Appendix

?.'178.

-accumulation of private wealth. He had to face simultaneously the concerted fronts of three hostile
monarchies, and what sacrifices in men and money were involved in the continual and . unyielding
struggle with their immense armies can be better imagined than described. How but with the hope of
pecuniary reward was he to maintain the .oyalty and devotion of his soldiers, if he expected them
anstintingly to co-operate with him in the realization of his ideals, holding their lives cheap and seeking a
deathless martyrdom in the deadly struggle with the powers of Islam ? Then again, Shivaji could not but
increase the strength and efficiency of his armies to the best of his resources. How was he to meet the vast
army charges which the maintenance of such a large force was bound to entail ? How was he to maintain
at the height of military efficiency those hundreds of forts upon which ^he security and expansion of his
independent power depended ? How was he to increase the number of these forts, when his defensive
programme made the erection of them in their tens and their hundreds a matter of imperative necessity '
How was he to maintain these equipments on the slender revenues of his own sterile dominions ? And if
that was not possible, what then? Should he not levy contributions on the dominions of his enemies by
what in every form and feature must have appeared as plundering campaigns•? It was inevitable. The
avenues of public credit which are available to modern nations were not open to our leaders in the
mediaeval times of Indian history. •Great wars may now be embarked upon with the help of public credit,
depressing the subjects in perpetuity under the yoke of the national debt and the exhausting burden of
ncreasing taxation. 1 The appalling statistics of the national debt among the leading nations of the modern

1 The reader should clearly understand that this opinion was

•expressed in Mr. Keluskar's original Marathi edition of 1907. This

bs-ervaticn applies to the whole paragraph. The author was scarcely

aware when he wrote this in 1907 that Germany was shortly afterwards

.going to famish a concrete illustration of the truth of his strictures.

world cannot be contemplated without a gasp and &:. ominous presentiment that either these nations must
be overwhelmed by a general bankruptcy or their helpless multitudes ground down for ages under the
crushing mill.-stones of a monstrous taxation. And yet can it be maintained for a moment that the giant
wars of these nations are all entered upon for the purposes of defending their integrity from aggression or
wresting their independence from the thraldrom of a tyrant { What is the cause of these international
feuds, but the folly, ingratitude, and perfidy of some tyrant prince or lustful, minister, for waoe<r wicked
sport or ambition thousands and hundreds ol thousands of innocent subjects perish and lor whose
saturnalian carnivals millions of groaning, tax-ridden bondsmen have to pay the price, from generation to
generation ? It is but fair to Shivaji to contrast his plundering but regulated methods of replenishing his
war treasury in the prosecution of his patriotic war of independence, intended for the benefit of unborn
generations of his countrymen, with the unjust and unlimited spoliation ol unborn generations, for the
purpose of supplying the sinews of unjustifiable wars, which modern finance has made easy to the modern
tyrant, for the wanton violation of the liberties of other people. He did not fetter hia poor subjects in
perpetuity by the imposition of an impossible burden of taxation in order to vindicate their liberty. He
chose rather to fulfil the just and unerring law of nemesis, forcing the alien spoliators of his people's
fortunes and liberties to pay the price of their spoliation in direct proportion to the cost of redemption,
and in that repayment those of his Hindu compatriots had to join as contributories who had risen to the
height of their affluence under an alien patronage.

And if these exactions and benevolences were expended upon the sacred cause of independence and
became the principal feeders of his war exchequer, we, the people of Maharashtra, again can scarcely
call him to a strict account or tax him with immorality. To expatiate on tha<

immorality of procuring money by the tactics of plundering campaigns is, under the circumstances,
tantamount to aaying in so many categorical terms that he ought not in any case to have devoted himself to
the task of redeeming the liberties of his countrymen and conferring on them the blessing of an
independent sovereign state. If we consider how heavy must have been the annual expenditure for the
maintenance of a hundred thousand cavalry and infantry in a state of effective readiness aud to keep all
contented, from the meanest foot-soldier to the highest commander, by a system of prompt and punctual
cash payments, and how small a proportion of that outlay could at that period have been safely met by
taxation from the territories under Shivaji's permanent occupation, we can readily conclude that nothing
short of an importunate necessity drove him to this system of predatory war. Add to this the consideration
that a storm of invasion had been brewing for a long time and was bound to burst with unmitigated fury
when Aurangzeb found himself free to let loose the avalanche of his northern armies upon the fruitful
valleys of the south and whelm every landmark in the general deluge. A wise king like Shivaji had to
make a decent provioioi against that upheaval. And if this were called avarice, it would be an abuse of
words. In short, who would place Shivaji in the category of those sovereigns that wallowed in sordid
avarice like Mahtuud of Gdzni, with his seventeen invasions of India and his hoarded heaps of countless
wealth, and the sorrowful tears he shed at having to part, at the hour of death, with those untold treasures .'

THE CAMPAIGN REGULATIONS

Whether these plundering campaigns were carried on, in a blind and unregulated style, or were subject tc
a system of regulated discipline, is a subject that now claims our attention. In a foregoing chapter 1 we
have seen the the campaigning regulations of Shivaji. We have noticed the strict regulations for protecting
the peasant and

A Vvle Chapter XXiV, pp. 3«d-3tfi. L. b. 38

cultivator from harm, the permanent injunction against the arrest or abduction or violation of the modesty
of women and children, the studied observance of respect for mosques and temples, saints and fakirs,
imposed upon the soldiery. No small measure of wholesome restraint was exercised upon the
campaigning hosts by the severe regulation that all booty obtained in the course of the campaign ,bad to be
accounted for to the state treasury. In consequence, as neither soldier nor officer had an opportunity of
appropriating to himself the spoils of the campaign, he had so much the less temptation to lay violent
hands on anything and everything that came in his way. It was im-ipossible for them to seek to enrich
themselves by robbing the helpless inhabitants of their possessions. The evil hordes that disgraced the
Peshwas' campaigns at a later epoch of history, those vampire hosts of Pindaris and plunderers that
followed in the wake of the regular army and spread havoc and desolation wherever they went, venturing
not seldom to cut off the food and fodder supplies of the regular expeditionary forces themselves, this
class of free-booters could never thrive under Shivaji. Moreover, lit is pertinent to observe that those
chiefs and merchant iprinces of the enemy country who quietly paid the contributions levied upon them in
proportion to their fortunes and made no attempts to evade their burden by hiding their treasures, never
came in for any sort of rough treatment at the hands of Shivaji's followers. Then again those •burghers,
who voluntarily subscribed among themselves the tribute demanded by the invaders and paid it at the city
gates were never disturbed by the invading forces, who HS a rule withdrew straightway from the walls,
the moment their demand was satisfied. Those rulii g chiefs and princes who had bound themselves to pay
an annual tribute, purchased a permanent immunity for their territories from the hardships attending upon
these campaigns. At a later stage of his career, when the Bijapur and the Golconda kingdoms undertook to
pay a fixed annual tribute,.

CHARACTER
:here was a cessation of these hostilities against their terri-:ories. When again these same states broke
their treaties and desisted from the payment of the stipulated tributes, •hese campaigns were renewed, to
the great loss of the wealthier part of their population. Nor could it be said t-hat Shivaji's followers
carried fire and sword wherever -hey went. The naked sword, the flaring fire-brand were never used
against the houses of the poor. Such wanton Cruelty was never practised by his troops. The scouts brought
faithful reports as to the possessors of hoarded wealth, and only such men, as a rule, experienced the fury
of his soldiers' onslaughts, to escape scatheless in their turn on surrendering their wealth. Judging by these
facts, we must conclude that to denounce Shivaji as a cruel and rapacious marauder is to cast an
unmerited slur upon his character.

THE UNDERLYING PURPOSE OP THIS POLICr. Another circumstance which serves to explain the
employment of this policy is its effectiveness for the purpose intended, a fact not often appreciated at its
true vorth .by Shivaji's critics. The continual incursions a,nd ixaetions of tribute and plunder, with the
resulting diminution in the revenues of the Mahomedan powers, sapped their strength by a slow process of
attenuation, and •ompelled them to seek a friendly reconcili ition with an enemy possessed of such
powers of punishment, if they wished to ba left unmolested in their government. The treaties with Bijapnr
and GolcoDda, by which these kingdoms agreed to pay fixed tributes, were, as we have seen, the
immediate consequences of this policy. In addi« tion to these tributes Shivaji, in consequence of the
arrangement made with the Mogul government, exercised the claims of chauth and sirdeshmukhi upon the
territories under Bijapur. 1 He intended to make similar levies upon

1 As Mahomedan historian* have m*ue the charge ot £nun lormy ( European critics following °uit ), it is
pertinent to observe that a Main.-.i.edan emperor nob merely sanctioned hut enconra^ei abivaji's
plundering ne long as it was directed against the enemi/?* of the «mp:re. This waft

. Golconda, but bad to postpone bis plans for a time

account of the campaign in tbe Karnatic. Further thai, that, he was continually endeavouring to get similar
claim-acknowledged over the Mogul provinces in the Deccan, and bad he lived longer, there seems little
reason to doubt that he would have succeeded in getting those claims allowed. That this policy of
crippling the revenues of the Mahomedar. powers by the demands of chauth etc. was sure to lead to their
decay and deprive them of their very teeth and claws, while Shivsji's own state waxed proportionately in
strength and resources, is so evident, that we must give him the credit of having intended it as a means to a
higher end. And the policy was justified by its fruits.

But was it not wanton wickedness, while attempting to cripple the Mahomedan powers, to harass their
poor and innocent subjects ? The answer to this question is that the subjects of these powers were never
indiscriminately harassed. Shivaji's vengeance fell on the rich, a part of whose wealth he sought to
transfer to the sacred cause of liberty and independence. It was the wealthy Mahomedans who generally
Buffered, and the few Hindus who had enriched themselves under their tyranny. They were forcibly
required to pay their contributions. No amount of persuasion would have induced the subjects of the
Mahomedan powers to part voluntarily with a portion of their supeifluous wealth. If then a few Hindus
were required to make a sacrifice under compulsion for the permanent benefit of all, this cannot be
pronounced wicked. "We must always have a regard for the ultimate object of 48hivaji, and in the light of
it no stain of dishonour can be seen in these actions.

IMPERIAL GREED.

But then it is objected that sordid love of empire was

done under the bolemn sanction of treaties; witness the treaties with. Jay ttingh Jaswaut bingh and
Muazim. In theory at least it waa. not plunder, but contributions exacted under the names of chauth and
eirdeshmukhi Tbe Emperor did not like the exactions when the were levied from bis territories.

•
-he motive cause, and that for the excesses of political greed no excuse or extenuation is possible. This is
a sweeping charge and calls for a restatement of the true character of the life-work of Shivaji, One
original motive for the foundation of an independent power was no doubt to win his personal
independence from the Mahomedan monarchies, and it may be freely admitted that when Shivaji started
upon his Herculean labours he had this object before him. But to say that this was the sole aim of all his
labours and that the higher purpose of accomplishing the emancipation of his Hindu brethren from •he long
night-mare of the Mahomedan thraldom never came within the range of his thoughts and political vision, is
to make too large a demand upon our credulity. The men whose sympathies and services he first enlisted
for jhe realization of an almost chimerical enterprise, would never have permitted themselves to be
harnessed to his cause regardless of self or personal fortunes, had he not instilled into their hearts the love
of liberty and kindled an enthusiasm for independence. When we contemplate the secret of Shivaji's
success in winning over the -Brahman envoy of Afzul Khan and the Rajput princes, Jay •Singh and
Jaswant Singh, we cannot but conclude that in every case it depended on his skill in impressing upon
these persons the nobility of his mission to overthrow the power of the Mahomedan monarchs and in
stirring up their latent patriotism. These persons were not so utterly lost to a sense of honour, as to have
otherwise, however strong she temptation, connived at and shown sympathy with Shivaji's enterprise.
Those who accuse Shivaji of an inordinate love of power, must needs be reminded how on three or four
different occasions, even at the height of hie glory, he was laid hold of by tremendous spiritual transports,
that alienated him for the time being from affairs . of state and diverted his mind exclusively to meditation
on spiritual things. And let them think too of .*;be difficulties of the perplexed ministers, who on the
occasion*

SSJ,' LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

of thoso spiritual transports found it a very difficult task to bring him round to a just appreciation of his
temporal duties. To compare him with Alexander, Tamerlane, Babar Aurangzeb, and other ambitious
conquerors is to misjudge the man. The fields they piled with slaughter, in their career of blind ambition
and aggrandizement, at the expense and sacrifice of the liberties and fortunes of independent nations,
arouse universal horror and can never obtain our forgiveness. Shivaji's ambition was redeemed from this
taint. It was natural to hold that Hindustan was for the Hindus and that the Hindus only had the right to rule
in Hindustan. It was natural to consider it a grave sin against v nature that the stranger and the alien should
enter and dominate over the land and persecute the children of the soil. To expel such unjust and
oppressive tyrants from the motherland and vow to make it again the scene of a free and prosperous
indigenous sovereignty, was in itself a blessed and righteous undertaking. And what wonder is it, if he,
who voluntarily embarked upon this enterprise, has laid all India under a permanent debt of gratitude ?
Not personal ambition itself can detract from the merit of such an achievement. Apart from the motives
with which a person sets out to accomplish an object, the accomplishment itself, if it conduces to the good
of society, has an inherent title to obtain our gratitude and admiration. On this hypothesis, granting for the
moment, that personal ambition and aggrandizement were the springs of conduct that inspired Shivaji, we
cannot see that even such a view of his life's work detracts from the merits of the actual accomplishment.
The few foreigners that suffered eclipse from the higher grandeur and glory of his deeds might vent their
spleen upon him and Iting at him every term of reproach and ridicule. It is all ineflectual bluster. The
founders and champions of liberty, in all the world's history, have always received their meed of praise at
the hands of impartial and disinterested historians. They have earned the historians' ungrudging applause
for building their

nation's happiness on the firm basis ol liberty. Among such patriots Shivaji has every right to take a
prominent place. And he will keep it.

THE CHARGE OF SELFISH AMBITION.

He has been accused of an inordinate thirst for power : he has been charged with self-seeking and self-
love. Self' love nev. r made a man think of the weal or woe of another. Self-love consults nothing but self-
interest at all times and places. What particular aspect of selfishness is seen in Shivaji, and in what part
of his career can it be discovered ? Had his end been merely to attain an empire for no higher gratification
than the instinct of selfish pomp and pleasure why should he have carried forward even to the darkening
shadows of death the laborious prosecution of an ephemeral enterprise ? Why rather should he not have
given himself up to the voluptuous enjoyment of the wealth that he had got together by years of toil ? With
all the means of sensual gratification at his command, why did not the epicurean philosophy of life
commend itself to his attention even for a moment ?* When we survey the daily routine of his life, we are
impressed with his austere regard for duty, which scarcely left a moment unclaimed to be turned to the
service of pleasure. His duties towards the public, the administration and good government of his state,
the defence and expansion of his kingdom engrossed all his physical and intellectual faculties. As can be
seen from a close scrutiny of his career,he scarcely ever took a holiday to recoup the continual strain upon
his mind and body. Against one who showed this stern resolvo to deny himself all rest and relaxation,
until he had accomplished the liberation of his country from the tyranny of Islam, this imputation of
motives of self-seeking and self-exaltation, appears peculiarly extravagant. His overflowing wealth

1 Mr. Kincaid speaking of the period when Shivaji made bis youthful decision to take upon himself the
task of liberating his country, aptly contrasts him with the Trojan Paris on Mount Ida, caring not for the
promise of Hera or the smiles of Aphrodite, bat without a single backward glance, placing the golden fruit
in the hands of Pallas Athene ( page 132.)„

>4 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAUARAJ

*nd resources were scarcely employed, if at all, for purposes of personal pomp ani splendour. His dress
wa» of a severely simple style, nor had he a weakness for jewellery. That style of magnificence in his
state processions and durbars, which was indispensable to maintain his position in the eyes of foreigners
and of subjects alike, was all that was observed. Nor can the selfishness of avarice be urged as a charge
against one who was most munificent in rewarding merit. The disposition to practise false economy by
doling out inadequate remuneration to the officials in the service, without regard to the positions they
occupied in i.he state, never occurred to his mind. There was no failure to please those by whose labours
he had purchased his fortunes. But above all the paramount feeling in his breast with regard to his
material gains was that they were to be invested for the defence and expansion of an independent power,
for the welfare and advantage of his people, and for the vindication, if possible, of the liberties of the
land of the Bharatas from the tyranny of Islam. It is no exaggeration to affirm that he was thoroughly
imbued with the idea that he held his wealth in trust for his conntrymen, to guard and augment it, not to
fritter it away in personal enjoyment. When such were the guiding principles of his career, principles held
to firmly from first to last, the charge of selfishness mu'st certainly fall to the ground.

Ambition is no ambition unless wedded to selfishness. The ambitious monarch is he who is actuated by an
uncontrollable desire to achieve greatness, to extend his sway over multitudes of vassal princes, and to
spread the fame of his name to all the quarters of the globe. And at first sight, it would seem excusable to
argue that Shivaji became a victim to this infirmity of noble minds. Were it so, however, the moment this
absorbing passion was itself absorbed into the wider scheme of the restoration of Hindu autonomy, the
passion was transfused into patriotism and ambition surged of its baser dross. However a correct estimate
of the

sum total of Shivaji's achievements cannot but lead us to the belief that almost from the moment of the
inauguration of his noble enterprise, he was animated by a conscious purpose .nd governed by an
irresistible impulse bidding him, as it were, go forth into the world and turn the night into day, till the
restoration of liberty and independence should be accomplished. And it would be no exaggeration to
affirm chat be believed this was the mission of his life and the measure of his success in achieving this
object was also the measure of his fulfilment of life's duties. And from that fervent faith sprang those
deeds of heroism and valour which the world will never cease to admire.

The charge of ambition is sometimes based upon the fact that at the time Shivaji set out upon his campaign
of freedom, he had to overthrow the power of many i Hindu baron who had set up an uncertain
independence on his own account. And it is asked, if Shivaji's object was to establish his independence,
why should he have drawn the sword against Hindu brother chiefs labouring in the same direction ? Does
not this circumstance in itself prove his selfish determination to have independence for himself and deny it
to others ? And do not these instances conspire together to brand the unrighteousness of his ambition ?
These objections are again based upon a misconception of the real inwardness of Shivaji's labours. If the
deliverance of his countrymen from an alien yoke was the true objective of the hero's enterprise, the
dismemberment of the country to be delivered into innumerable groups of independent principalities,
waging endless wars with one -another or leading their brigand forces into the territories of the alien
rulers they had seceded from, would have been a fatal caricature of his plans. The tenure of power by
such lawless barons is at best of uncertain duration, and che government they have revolted from is sure
to find an occasion to overthrow them, one after another, and so to vanquish all. If then Shivaji thought it
necessary to win uver to his cause the unruly strength of these lawless chiefs

and revolted barons, or, failing that, to attack and annihilate their strongholds so as to clear the path for
the expansion of his own advancing power, in either case the result wag its own justification. The same
can be said of Shivaji's attitude towards those towering figures of the Marathtt nobility that owed their
allegiance to the Adilshahi dynasty. Their opposition had to be disarmed either by the methods of
persuasion and peace, or by means of war and devastation. If the labours of Cavour and his compatriots
for the restoration of a united and independent Italy from the anarchy and the conflicting claims of the
European powers, or if the successful organization of the German empire on the basis of national unity by
the Kaisar William I,—if these achievements have elicited the approbation of all right-minded and
impartial historians, the labours of Shivaji, upon which such criticisms are made, are certainly entitled to
the same respect. It is not at all fair to seek to belittle his work by harping upon hi& ambition or his
selfishness. Without these occasional act& of apparent injustice on his part, the people of Maharashtra
could never have drunk deep at the fountain of liberty. For the greater and more lasting happiness of the
greater number, if a few had to undergo temporary hardships, such actions cannot be altogether
condemned.

THE CHARGE OF COWARDICE.

And when the objector comes to the end of his arguments, he flings the reproach of cowardice against
Shivaji. This charge of cowardice is made against him, by a train, of syllogisms somewhat as follows:—
Had it not been for his cowardice, he would not have resorted to artifice and stratagem. The truly valiant
man fights and wins hi& victories by challenging his foe face to face and never resorts to snares and
wiles and hidden ambuscades. Shivaji followed the baser tactics of this sort. Ergo he^ cannot be ranked
as a brave warrior. A perusal of the preceding narrative will clearly prove that this sort of reasoning is a
ludicrous travesty of the facts. This argument presents

in the form of a caricature what is undoubtedly true of Shivaji s generalship, viz. that a great part of his
victories he earned by his strategy rather than by his valour. He wan always cautious and circumspect in
all he did. Rashness and blind daring had no place in his science of war. On every occasion he made a
calm calculation of his strength and of that of his enemy. What could be easily accomplished, without
shedding the blood of his people, he usually contrived to accomplish by right manoeuvring and stratagem.
It was his invariable principle to avoid bloodshed as much as possible. And had he not possessed a
fertile mind quick to devise and invent what the varying needs of the hour demanded, there would have
been no-occasion to-day to chronicle the events of his life or to write a history of the Maratha people.
Before the masses of his enemies, his scanty troops would certainly have melted away in no time. The
labours he had begun would have ended in failure. His very name would have been numbered among the
numerous tribes of outlawed rebels

and irregular polygars. In short, instead of the unanimous praises, echoed from lip to lip, rendered to him
as the founder and architect of Hindu liberty and independence, his name would have passed current as a
bye-word for failure and reproach. Need we dwell any longer on the historical purblindness that would
confound strategy with cowardice, and discover in it an imaginary cause for censure ? The folly itself we
can never censure too much. ANOTHER SCHOOL.

Let us now turn to another school of critics, and this time the critics are themselves Maharashtrians. Some
of their pet hypotheses are calculated to lower, in however modest a measure, the greatness of the life-
work of Shivaji. We propose, therefore, to review at some length some of the leading theories formulated
by this school of historians. THE BHAGWAT DHARMA AND NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE.

The first of these hypotheses may be restated briefly as follows. The spread of the Bhagwat Dharma (the
Bhagwat

•religion, i. e. religion as expounded in the Bhagwat), in all parts of Maharashtra, obliterating in a great
measure the distinction of high and low, tended to a fusion of castes and consequent unity. With .a
deepening conviction that all mankind are the children of a common father, and that but one road to
salvation lay open to all, the feeling was more largely spread among the thinkers of the time, that as in
spiritual, so likewise in temporal matters, it was proper for them to exert their united endeavours for the •
advancement of any cause that represented the common .good of all the people. It is further alleged that
the name Bhagwat Dharma came to be changed into Maharashtra Dharma (i. e. the Maharashtra religion)
by the saint Ramdas Swami, who constantly inculcated the fostering protection and expansion of the faith
upon Shivaji and other leaders of Maharashtra. Therefore, was it, according to this theory, that Shivaji
and his followers were able to accomplish the arduous task of resuscitating the liberty and independence
of their country.

The first point to be considered is whether in the time of Shivaji or in the period immediately antecedent
to his career, the ethical creed of the Bhagwat Dharma had generally spread throughout the length and
breadth of Maharashtra. For all over Maharashtra were to be found the pharisaical representatives of the
orthodox Sanatan Dharma engaged in a campaign of bitter persecution against the exponents of the
Bhagwat faith of Love, as described in the biographies of the poet Mahipati. Then again the devotion of
the saints of the Bhagwat school clustered round the shrine of the god of Pandharpur, which they -
magnified as an earthly Elysium above all holy places, but <it can never be said that all Maharashtrians at
the r time acknowledged such a belief or joined in such an estimate. It will be extremely rash to maintain
that ^the god Vithoba of Pandharpur, who was the object .of the iingle-hearted devotion and allegiance of
these Bhagwat saints—saints who co-ordinated a firm belief in

CHARACTER SB '

the abstract principles of Vedantism with devotion to a concrete image of the Deity—was in an equal
degree an object of worship and devotion to all the people of Maharashtra. For contemporaneously with
the faith of the Bhagwat saints there flourished other cults in Maharashtra. Secondly, the religion of faith
and love associated with the Bhagwat saints was not in all respects antagonistic to the orthodox Sanatan
Dharma dogmas. It could not, therefore, be said that the Bhagwat Dharma was in any form revolutionary.
What could be truly said about it is that it was widely propagated by the saints of the Maharashtra school
beginning with the times of Dnyandev. Nor is it in any sense a historical fact that the labours of these
saints extinguished the differences of caste and that such an extinction of caste differences kindled the
flame ot a strong feeling of Maharashtrian unity. For a hypothesis of this kind there is absolutely no
warrant in the actual state of Maharashtra society in those times. If the saints and other votaries of
Vithoba, when engaged in the spiritual duties at the holy shrine itself, showed a slight disregard for the
strict observance of caste obligations, still who would solemnly affirm that on returning to their homes
and villages they persevered in their indifference to caste rules and continued the heterodox usages in
their ordinary social life ? Like the orthodox people around them, in the matter of food and drink and in
the settlement of marriage alliances, they observed the distinctions of high and low, sanctioned by the
precepts of orthodox Hinduism. It would, therefore, follow that the liberal principles of the Bhagwat
school professed by the saints of Maharashtra had not materially altered the condition of Hindu society at
the time. How could it be maintained that if this creed had never come into existence, those that supported
Shivaji would never have been inspired to support him ? Could it be said that any of his great co-adjutors
was a votary of that type who annually made a pilgrimage to the shrine of Pandharpur or otherwise an
active supporter of the

Bhagwat creed ? No historical evidence to this effect is dztant. The Maratha chronicles themselves have
nothing to say on this point. As to Shivaji himself and his forefathers, the worship of Shiva and Shiva's
consort, Bhavani, under various names, seems to have been hereditary in the family, and on the most
critical occasions Shivaji was in the habit of consulting the oracular decrees or utterances of that tutelary
goddess. From this it could be seen that his faith was not anchored firmly or exclusively in the Bhagwat
creed, but that to his death he was likewise a votary of the goddess Bhavani. In the latter part of his
career, indeed, by reason of contact with Bamdas Swami and the effects of his spiritual precepts and
society, it may be concluded that some change might have been wrought in his sentiments of devotional
allegiance. Even Ramdas himself had specially enjoined upon him to cultivate his usual devotions to
Shiva and to make and worship in honour of that god a crore of votive images of sand and so to merit the
special grace of that deity. And as a faithful disciple he must be credited to have fulfilled the mandate of
his preceptor. From this it must be inferred that Shivaji was originally a staunch follower of the Shaiva
creed—the worship of Shiva—and that latterly by eomr munion with Ramdas his allegiance to the god
Shiva was .livided with other objects of worship. As, however, Shivaji died not long after the spiritual
intimacy between the disciple and the preceptor had sprung up, it is very difficult to speculate with
certainty as to what would have been its ultimate effects, had it lasted longer. As Shivaji himself was a
Shaiva with a pronounced bias for the worship of the goddess Devi (or Bhavani), so were his followers
from the Maval country, from the Ghaut uplands, from the Konkau Rowlands—whether they were Maratha
shiledars, bargirs, or hetkaris—mostly of the Shaiva bias, with their special tutelary deities, the god
Khandoba of Jejuri and the goddess Bhavani of Tuljapur. The images of these deities under various names
are to be found consecrated in various

parts of Maharashtra, and in praying for their propitious grace and favour, the people thought, lay their
chief duty in this life, as could be seen from their religious rites and ceremonies and social usages. To
take an example, with what eclat and enthusiasm the Marathas observe the feast-day of Dasara is known
to all l It follows, therefore, that the theory that the people of Maharashtra flocked to Shivaji's standard,
on account of the general leaven of liberal ideas caused by the Bhagwat school in the social conscience of
Maharashtra, is fundamentally erroneous. Can it even be Raid that the great leaders of the Brahman and
Prabhu castes, who so enthusiastically co-operated with Shivaji in the great cause of freedom, did so or
were able to do so, either because they were Vaishnavas and followers of the Bhagwat school or because
of any effects the Bhagwat school might have wrought upon their minds ?

THE BHAGWAT DHARMA AND ITS NATURAL FRUIT.

We must therefore conclude that the multitudes that thronged to Shivaji's banners and the national work
upon which he directed their labours were inspired, not by the teachings or the propagation of the
Bhagwat faith, but by the personal magnetism and enterprising spirit of the hero himself. To ascribe even
a part of the merit of the great achievement to the Bhagwat faith and its propagators is —and with a heavy
heart we have to say it—to misrepresent the actual circumstances of the case. The truth is that the self-
denying spirit inculcated by the saints of Maharashtra had for well-nigh three centuries crushed out of
existence the spirit ol self-assertion. The sages who identified Bam and Rahim, the saints in whom a huly
calm and a self-less spirit predominated over all impulses of the human heart, the zealous enthusiasts
whose minds were estranged from the glamour of this world and dedicated to the service of the Most
High and the quest of salvation,—the«e were not the men to think of the bubble * The Dasara ia the
auspicious day following upon the Deri Puju (OBtival o' nme days and nights. JVacarafra ;.

glory of this world, but only of delivering themselves from the world's trammels. To them temporal joys
and sorrows were alike; this was the burden of all their exhortation to mankind. Such gentle spirits were
not the men to exhort their followers to take up arms against Islam. If we exclude the work of Ramdas
Swami, this sort of advice can nowhere be found in the writings of the saints of Maharashtra. To them,
that regarded the world as H mere bubble, with all its panorama of earthly things, how could the mundane
thought of a political revolt suggest itself ?' This ascetic and self-denying habit of mind had been sc
deeply ingrained in our people, that for three centuries together, with the accumulating horrors of the
Mahomedan misrule, no doughty Maratha with his valiant arms, nor sagacious Brahman with his ripe
statesmanship, came forth for deliverance. What little morsel in the way of emolument or advancement the
Hahomedan princes flung to them they were content humbly to accept. All the while the trumpet voice of
the Bhagwat faith was ringing in the air but if they did prick up their ears and listen, it was not to be
inspired to start upon an impetuous race for the goal of freedom and independence, but to be the more
confirmed in their slavish v indolence and self-satisfied vassalage. Nay, when the cry of freedom was
taken up in earnest and the standard of independence unfurled by Shivaji, we know-how many were the
nobles and statesmen, both Maratha and Brahman, who tried to damp his enthusiasm. Can the advocates of
this hypothesis point to a single instance of a great warrior or statesman who was inspired to join the
standard of Shivaji, under the impulse of the awakened feeling of national unity born of the Bhagwat faith
?

Had the impulse of such a national consciousness been in existence from before Shivaji's times, the great
leader would have been spared the harsh measures, which at the commencement he had to take against
certain contumacious Brahman and Maratha sardars,—measures which in the opinion of rigid moralists
cannot square with the abstract

CHARACTER
standard of moral rectitude. The Brahman statesmen 01 the order of Moropant Pingle, Abaji Sondev and
Dattaj: Prabhu, veterans of the calibre of Balaji Avji, Baji Prabhu Deshpande, and Murar Baji; Maratha
commanders of the chivalrous gallantry of Tanaji Malusare, Prataprao Guzar. and Hambirrao Mohite,—
this great muster-roll of glorious names,—were each and all attracted to Shivaji's standards,
spontaneously by the ambition to carve out a fortune and a name for themselves, and gradually, as the lotus
blossoms and displays itself in sympathy with the rising orb of the sun, were the more generous passions
and enthusiasm of their heart kindled and set aglow by the supreme influence of their leader's noble spirit
and character. To trace the causes of the national triumph to the lives and teachings of those saints and
ascetics who turned their backs upor: all social intercourse is unwittingly to deprive the author! and
vindicator of our national liberties of a portion of that I glory to which he is fully entitled.

SHIVAJI—A DEFENDER OP THE NATIONAL RELIGION.

And here a question may be raised : Was there, or was there not, at the basis of Shivaji's stern resolve to
free his country from the oppression of that Mahomedari misrule under which it lay gasping, a faith born
of a patriotic enthusiasm for his own and his people's religion ? The answer to this question is an
emphatic "Yes". From his earliest infancy, the love of the national religion had been implanted in the
tender mind of Shivaji : to the hour of his death, the buoyant religious enthusiasm of his early years
continued to sway and dominate his mind. Nor would it be too much to affirm that it was precisely owing
to this dominant feeling that the anti-Hahomedan sentiments of the starting-point of his career were first
excited in his breast. But side by aide with the love of religion arose the love of political independence
and it ever grew stronger and stronger, as the years passed on. The kindled flame of the twin-patriotism,
love of country and love ot the country's gods, inflamed his soul, and with an iron wi&

L. 8. 39.

*94 LIFE OF SHIVAJ1 MAHARAJ

quickened enthusiasm he applied himself to the accomplishment of his great exploits. But it will never do
to forget that mere religious enthusiasm without the •quickened stimulus of national liberty, could not, of
itself, have accomplished much : the kindred enthusiasms, the passion for religious freedom and for
poJitical freedom, even blended into one, could not have, accomplished .much, unless they had been
accompanied, as they •were accompanied in the case of Shivaji, by the important casset of an unrivalled
creative spirit and an enterprising and organizing faculty. The effective combination in the same person of
these three forces, — enthusiasm, patriotism •and a creative faculty , -has given us as the resultant of their
joint operation a glorious record which is an inspiration and a legacy to the world. But it cannot be said
that 'Shivaji's enthusiastic love of religion was engendered in aim only on account of the propagation of
the Bhagwat faith. For the lives 01 the Bhagwat saints were full of .gentleness and love. Theirs was a
catholic generosity and -deration. In their hearts was no room for pride or hatred. A religion that
consistently identified Ham with Kahirn could admit of no parochial or even national patriotism in
religion. Nor is there any evidence to show that Shivaji himself was an active propagator of this Vaishnav
cult. His faith was deeply rooted in the Sanatan IDharma, with the result that, to the moment of his death,
his simple piety and failh in the goddess Bhavani never faltered or forsook him. If he did instill in his
followers and supporters a passionate love of religion along with the worship of liberty, it was not by any
means with any material aid of the Vaishnav or Bhagwat Dharma. The religious love and pride he
inculcated in them was the love of the orthodox or Sanatan Dharma, with its belief in the sanctity of kine
and Brahmans, its injunctions for the observance of caste distinctions, its recognition and encouragement
of idol worship, and its exhortation urging •the value and necessity of all ceremonial usages. And it
cannot

oe disputed that the conduct of Shivaji himself personally

ind that of .moat of his followers was in full accord with

he precepts of the orthodox religion, inasmuch as in none of

the extant bakhars is there the least evidence to the .contrary. 1

It may, of course, be objected that in those districts Thich were chiefly the scenes of Shivaji's great
activities, there was a goodly number of Vaiahnav or Bhagwat saints ike Tukaram, that the noble events of
the peaceful lives of '-ome of them, at any rate, were daily coming before his eyes, and that as to/Tukaram
himself ^he was held in the highest esteem and reverence by Shivaji. If such was the case, the objector
proceeds, could it be held that the Bhagwat faith of spiritual love wrought no effect upon the mind of
Shivaji ? The answer to this objection is that the saints including Tukaram were, on account of the
stainless purity and sanctity of^their lives, objects of reverence and veneration to Shivaji, who lost no
opportunity to listen to their eloquent discourses or to enjoy the privilege of social or spiritual intercourse
with them. But the idea that these holy men had anything to teach or impress that exceeded the scope, or
was in any way incompatible with the teachings of the Sanatan^Dharma, or that their manners were in any
regard subversive of the accepted traditions of thei The first effect of the freedom and revival of religion
was in the-direction of orthodoxy. This ia clearly shown by the opposition of the Shastris to the
coronation of Shivaji, their bigoted attitude in calling bin. a Shudra, and their refusal to allow the
Kayastha Prabhus the rites' of Kshatriyas until Gaga Bhatt taught them their folly. Prof, sarkar finds

n these caste differences the root cause of the Marat ha failure and think* the seeds of that disunion were
noticeable enough already under Shivaji and that the " cohesion of the peoples in the Marathn state was
nob

rganic but Artificial, accidental and precarious, dependent on the ruler's t xtraordinary personality, " and
that it "disappeared when the countrv ceased to produce supermen." Prof. Sarkar fails to find in Shivaji's
rule «n organized attempt at communal improvement, the spread of education or the unification of the
people. But surely it is too much to expect t Shivaji to have set himself up as a social and religious
reformer. Is it possible to believe that Babar could have combined in himself the functions 11 Akbar,
Chandragupta of Ashoka, Guru Govind of Guru Nanak, Georg* Washington of Abraham Lincoln, or
Cromwell of Calvin ?

orthodox faith, never once occurred to his mind ; neither did these saints themselves believe there was
anything new or startling in the doctrines they propounded. 1 The differentiation of their doctrines from
the traditional modes of thought belongs to the modern critic. The charge of a conscious participation in
the active process of revolutionizing the traditional modes of religious thought can in no sense be laid at
the door of the simple, pious and unassuming generations of those times. Why speak of the past ? Even in
our own days, though the Vaishnav modes of thought are still current, though in nearly every Maharashtra
village, the votaries of the Pandharpur god are yet to be found, though at seasons of the annual pilgrimages
hundreds of thousands of pious pilgrims repair to the holy shrine, none ever thinks there is anything
particular about it,-none has ever observed that the practice of the pilgrim rites has in the least conduced
to liberalize the minds of the devotees or to wean them from the trammels of caste or caste-pride.

1 The late Justice Ranade lent the weight of his great scholarship to the support of the theory that the
teachings of the Maharashtra saints and the revolution in religious thought which they brought about by
their teachings were a determining factor and a powerful operative cause of the political revolution
brought about by Shivaji. The idea underlying this theory is that juat as ia Europe and particularly in
England the reformation in religion was followed by political reform or revolution, a similar event took
place in Maharashtra in the time of Shivaji. As regards the theory of a revolutionary change in religion
attempted by the Maharashtra saints, it is interesting to notice that Mr. Rajwade ( who attributes Shivaji's
work to the inspiration of Ramdas ) observes that "Th. kind of religious reform reterred to by Mr. Ranade
can nowhere he seen in the writings of the saints. These saints did not mean to torn their backs upon gods
and temples, and differences in caste, religion and language. Mr Ranado's dissertation about the saints is
without any foundation and does discredit to his historical research. He does not seem to have grasped the
true meaning of the phrase "Maharashtra Dharma." He has fathered upon the saints ideas which they never
even dreamt of. Mr. Ranade credits them falsely with advocacy of the ideals of abolition of castes,
abolition of idol worship, interdining between Brahman? and Mahars etc." Though we do not agree with
Mr. Rajwade over the Bamdas question, we agree with him in repudiating this doctrine of a revolution in
religious thought brought about by the aainta of Maharashtra,

CHARACTER S97

RAMDAS SWAMI NOT AN INSPJRER OP SHIVAJI. To say, therefore, that on account of the liberal
ideas propagated by the Bhagwat School, and on that account only, either Shivaji himself, or the
counsellors and warriors who supported him were inspired to undertake the cause of independence, is to
say more than can be borne out by the actual circumstances of the times. 1 Further than this, we have to
examine the claims made in the latter part of the above hypothesis that the credit of the whole achievement
belongs fundamentally to Ramdas Swami. For, says the hypothesis, the Bhagwat Dharma was described
by the Swami as the Dharma of Maharashtra and Shivaji was exhorted by him to his dying day to protect
and foster it, with the result—impossible otherwise even to dream of— that the great hero applied himself
to the great cause of liberty and successfully carried it through. That this •claim is impossible to maintain
we have conclusively proved towards the end of Chapter XXIX. We cannot retrace the whole ground
again. Our modern critics have based this claim upon the current belief that Shivaji entered into bonds of
spiritual vassalage to Eamdas Swami so early as the year 1649,—a belief propagated by the fantastic
biographical narratives about the Swami and confirmed, on the blind authority of those narratives, by the
chronicler Chitnis and the author of the Shivdigvijaya. But the traditional date of the first meeting of
Shivaji with Kamdas, and, in consequence, of the solemn enrolment of Shivaji among the circle of the
Swami's disciples, has been proved to be false and unfounded, and the most authentic and convincing
evidence has now been brought before the
1 From this disquisition it should not be assumed that in our opinion the Bhagwat Dharma is not superior
to the Sanatan Dharma. It is beyond doubt that those who follow it and consistently act up to the principles
they profess are likely to be a hundred times more liberal in thought and action and feel more keenly the
equality of man and man than the followers of the orthodox system. • The object of the present disquisition
Is only to ascertain how far the claim, made by the modern partisans of tho Bhagwab School, that the
creed in question contributed vitally to the revival .political independence of Maharashtra is justifiable.

£08 , LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

people of Maharashtra, which brings down the date of the first interview with Ramdas Swami, and the
consequent discipleship, to twenty-three or twenty-four years later. The whole fabric based upon the
assumed traditional date must, therefore, topple down and, great as the other merits of Ramdas Swami
may be, not the least particle of Shivaji's glory can be rightfully transferred to his account. Granting,
however, that the authentic evidence now forthcoming was not accessible and we had still to go upon thu
orthodox tradition, even upon this basis it does not appear the right sort of thing to award such a large
share of the glory of the great achievement to Ramdas Swami. For it is clear that even prior to the year
1649, at least some five or six years before that date, Shivaji had decided upon his noble project and
commenced his pioneer labours. However the eulogistic character of the first epistle of the Swami to
Shivaji clearly shows that the latter could not have, as «arly as 1649 or even for fifteen or twenty years
thereafter merited those praises which are there recited about him. Further, the towns or villages of Wai,
Karhad, Satara, Parali etc., which are mentioned in the traditional accounts as the scenes where the first
meeting between the preceptor and the disciple and the initiation ceremony took place, -were not
conquered by Shivaji till the year 1672-73. The Das-Bodh, the magnum opus of the Swami, the contents of
which have supplied such a strong support to the hypothesis, does not seem to have been analytically
Examined by its advocates. That with all these difficulties, -and improbabilities serious historians should
have given the credit of Shivaji's restoration of the religious and .political independence of his
countrymen to the exhortation or inspiration of Ramdas Swami seems passing strange to us. 1 If, as it has
now been proved, the first meeting

1 The last of these historians are Prof. H; G. Rowlinson in his " Life

'Of Shivaji "and Mr. Kincaid in his ««History of the Maratha People"

VoL I. It is strange that these historians accept the date 1649 as the*

"year of Shivaji's meeting with Ramdaa. The latter reproduces some of

the miracle stories about the saint and follows for all purposes the bakhai

CHARACTER
between the guru and the disciple took place in 1672, it follows that Shivaji had already come very near
his goal, before he was able to avail himself of the Swami's advice. It may, of course, be alleged that
supposing Shivaji had not personally met the Swami, he might have heard of him and received
instructions from one or the other of the Swami's disciples. But this position again is quite untenable. For
the orthodox bakhar of the Swami itself says that Shivaji had heard about him only once or twice and that
the little he had heard he had forgotten before the first meeting. Therefore, it follows that the imaginary
endeavours for a "political regeneration " ascribed 1 to Ramdas Swami had

or chronicle of Hanmant, called thn Ramdas Charttra, with all its farrago of truth and fiction. Prof. G. C.
Bhate in his Marathi work, "Sajjangud and S <m-.rtha Ramdas " has thoroughly exposed the unreliable
character of this bakhar. ( See especially pages 91 to 105 of this work. ) Prof. Sarkar dismisses the whole
controversy with the remark that the evidence produced by the Ramdas coterie is neither adequate nor
free from suspicion.

1 In the first number of the sixth volume of the Marathi Magazine " &hri .<aras ti-a ti Mandir" ( viz. the
number for Ckaitra, Shyfa 18-8 ) Mr. V. K. Rajwade states as follows:—" In Shaka 1600 ( i. e. 167^ A. D.
> all over Maharashtra, there were 1200 followers of Ramdas Swami. propounding his ideas and
prosecuting the campaign of his work; that when one reflects on the fact that in Shaka 1600, one thousand
and two hundred men were actively engaged in the propagation of one creed and the fulfilment of one
cause, it can be conceived what an engine for the political regeneration of the country had been created by
the Swami; and that the conclusion is irrepressibly forced upon us that in Shaka 160', the entire
Maharashtra was completely permeated with the ideas and the work of the Swami ". ( page 33, ibid> m ).
To what conclusion this statement is intended to lead us, the acute reader can see at & glance. In effect, it
means that the whole credit of the political regeneration of the country is to be assigned to Ramdas
Swami, that Shivaji was a mere tool and puppet, who did not actually contribute much to the achievement.
We are, therefore, called upon to believe that till this engine of the Swami was in motion, all that Shivaji
had toiled for upto 16/2-78 A. D. was merely labour lost; till then Shivaji's followers had no zeal for
liberty, till then Shivaji's labours had not inspired his liegemen to sacrifice their lives for the attainment of
that noble object! In abort, here we have a curious specimen of a biassed historian driiting away from the
truth. Upon the authority of this statement, another admirer of Ramdas Swami has been induced, in an
article published in the issue of the Marathi weekly, " Shri Sayaji Vijaya " of the 24th November 1906,
under the title " Ramdaai Sampradaya" or the Ramdas School, to indulge in

•.600 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

till this date, viz. 1672, not yet been inaugurated, nor can it be seen, judging from the biographies of
Ramdas Swami or the bakhars of Shivaji, how far further they were prosecuted after this date. Of course,
one is at liberty to close his eyes to the facts of history, to give a free play to the creations of his fancy,
and even to give publicity to his wild speculations. But when the attempt is made to give currency to such
fanciful theories under the guise of historical research, we can only deplore the credulity of our people.

THE MAHARASHTRA DHARMA.

A collateral part of this hypothesis is that the Swami gave the designation of the Maharashtra Dharma to
the Bhagwat faith, and that the Swami having himself propagated the faith by his teaching and exhortation,
the ambers of patriotism were re-kindled in all hearts throughout Maharashtra. But in the first place, it is a
debatable question, whether the Vaishnav or Bhagwat cult of the votaries of the Pandharpur god was in all
respects congruent with the creed of Ramdas Swami, or acceptable to him. An analytical examination of
the Das-Bodh reveals the fact that the creed of him who composed that work was in some respects
different from the cult of the Vaishnavae. Moreover from this time forth when the cult of Ramdas began to
spread in Maharashtra, it was with certain specific

further travesty of the subject. It would seem that the frenzied adulation of the Swami's votaries has now
reached its boiling point, and the pity of it only is that the distinguishing symptom of the fever should be a
desire •to distort the truth and to belittle Shivaji. It may be here remarked Mrith reference to the above
extract from Mr. Raj wade that the latter proceeds to state that the Ramdas conventicles were to be found
throughout Shivaji's kingdom, even at Tanjore. It should, therefore, rather be inferred that the spread of
Shivaji's power encouraged the propagation of the Ramdas School. This seems in fact a more credible
view to maintain than the opposite view that the Ramdas School propagated the expansion of Shivaji's
dominions. Mr. Sardesai in his ' Marabhi Riyasat' ( 1915 edition ) page 111, makes the emphatic statement
that "it was Shivaji's enterprise that inspired the political thoughts in the Das-Bodh and to say that it was
the Das-Bodh that inspired Shiraji's labours for Swaraj} a is to ;misrepresent cause and effect."

differences from the Vaishnav cult. The followers of the IRamdas cult, as a rule, were not sworn devotees
of the Pandharpur god, and made no annual pilgrimages to that shrine. Nay the story is well known, to
those at least who have read the orthodox biographies of Bamdas Swami, of -he miracle that took place,
when he was once taken under pressure to Pandharpur. 1 It follows, therefore, that the 3asy creed of the
guileless Vaishnav saints of Maharashtra was to some extent different from the school founded by
Ramdas, though to all practical purposes based upon the orthodox or Sauatan religion. But surely it also
follows rhat the designation " Maharashtra Dharma" could not have been used by the Swami with special
reference to the • Vaishnav" creed as forming a distinct system of religion by itself. It is impossible to
understand the words "Maharashtra Dharma " as meaning the " Duty " of " Maharashtra " AS if there were
some well-defined and exclusive system of Maharashtra Duty. It is strange that our critics should follow a
wrong scent, leaving out of sight the plain and straightforward meaning of the expression. The present
writer takes the Marathi compound, "Maharashtra Dharma" to mean the Dharma of the Maharashtra
people. This compound expression, used by the Swami, first in his eulogistic epistle to Shivaji, and later,
in his exhortative epistle to Sambhaji, cannot bear any other meaning. At the time when the first epistle
was composed, Shivaji had conquered a great part of Maharashtra and as the result of the overthrow of
Mahomedan dominion, the people of those parts, as in many other matters so also in religion, had become
independent of Mahomedan interference. It is with reference to this desirable order of things in
Maharashtra that the Swami praises Shivaji, in his epistle to him ; while in the one addressed to
Sambhaji, he exhorts him to foster and promote this liberty of religion. Had Shivaji been a native of the
Karnatic, and being so, had he founded an

1 The miracle referred to here is the story chronicled by Mahipati And others that the God Vithoba
transformed himself into the God Ram-ithaadra ID order to please Ramdas.

independent kingdom in that province and fostered the liberty of religion among the people of that soil, the
Swarm would assuredly in that case have testified to the fact that the Karnatic Dharma, had, in some
measure, survived owing to Shivaji, in the same manner as he did actually affirm in the epistle under
consideration, that the Maharashtra Dharma had survived in some measure on his account. Moreover,
there is the interesting circumstance to be considered, that the compound form " Maharashtra Dharma "
does not occur in any other poems of Ramdas Swami. It was, therefore, used by the Swami, only in these
contexts, while expressing his appreciation of the work of Shivaji. With such a flimsy basis, to say that the
term " Maharashtra Dharma " was purposely brought into vogue by the Swami for the express purpose of
stirring the depths of Maharashtra patriotism, seems to us an unwarrantable presumption. As to the epistle
to Sambhaji, the words, " Muster together all the Marathae you may, extend the Maharashtra Dharma etc."
1 seem to have been the Sveami'g first and last address to the young king on the subject. For the Swami
died soon after in the same year in which this epistle was addressed to Sambhaji, 2 and there is no record
that after his demise his disciples any further prosecuted the enterprise suggested in this epistle. The
admirers of the Swami must not forget that mere speculation is out of court in the investigation of such a
historical question. To

1 The words here quoted " Master together all the Mar thaa you. may, extend the Maharashtra Dharma "
do not occur in Ramdas Swami'a epistle to Sambhaji, as it has been published in the edition of an old,
bakhar of Ramdas Swami, printed and published by the Jagadishwar Press. These words do not also
occur in the epistle, as it has been published, in the printed and published edition of Mr. Chaubal's Life of
Ramdas Swami. It is difficult to imagine why such an important passage should have been omitted or
eliminated, unless indeed it was thought to bo an interpolation in the authentic text of the poem,
subsequently introduced by some over-zealous admirer of Ramdas Swami.

2 The epistle in question was composed in Shala 1603 (i. e. end of 1681 A. D. or commencement of 1682
) in the month of Fausb, (December-January). Ramdas died in the month of Ma<jh (January-February in
the same Shaka.

CHARACTER «03

conclude, the contention that the sentiments of patriotism. love of religion, of independence, of liberty,-—
the contention that these passionate feelings were, for a long time to come, kept alive in the hearts of the
Maharashtra people by the precepts of a recluse like Ramdas Swami, has a smaller share of probability
and credibility about it than the claim made for Shivaji, that it was principally on account of his solid
achievements and the trails of glory he left behind, that these noble virtues sprouted and thrived in the
hearts of the Maharashtra people. On the capture and execution of Sambhaji, when Aurangzeb conquered
and almost crushed the fair provinces of Shivaji's kingdom, the indomitable heroes who for nineteen
weary years continued the ceaseless war of independence, with such spirit and pertinacity, and who in the
end by their forays brought the exhausted invader to his knees,—these dauntless heroes could surely not
have owed much guidance or inspiration to the conventicles of the followers of Ramdas Swami s
especially when the beacon-light of Shivaji's example burned steadily before their eyes, to direct and
inspirei when the warriors and statesmen trained in Shivaji's stern discipline stood amongst them, to
counsel and execute. His alone the glory! A heedless spoliation to assign a particle of it to any magic
verses of Ramdas Swami! THE OLD MARATHA ARISTOCRACY.

There is yet another hypothesis on the subject of Shivaji's achievements. It may be stated as follows:— In
the various provinces of the Bahamani kingdom, many Brahman civilians and Maratha warriors had risen
to eminence with a new sense of power throbbing in their hearts. When these men saw in Shivaji a leader
of promise, gifted with the talents and the wisdom for the foundation of an independent state, they
gradually came over to hi* side, with the result, that, by their active co-operation, Shivaji . was enabled
to lay the foundations of an independent monarchy.

It cannot be said that a close scrutiny of Shivaji's whole career reveals any grounds for such an
assumption. Not one among the great circle of his counsellors could have claimed an apprenticeship in the
Mahometan service or boasted of a father or grand-father who had gained his laurels in the Mahomedan
monarchies. Not one of his great generals had ever held a substantial jahgir under the Mahomedan
sovereigns. 1 There is no authority to assert that Netaji Palkar, Prataprao Guzar, Hambirrao Mohite,
Santaji Ghorpade, Khanderao Dabhade, Dhanaji Jadhav, and the other great warriors who surrounded
Shivaji had aver held any hereditary jahgir fiefs before rallying to his flag. Most of them must have been
petty deshmukhs or mokasdars, many of them must have rallied to Shivaji's flag, when the revenue rights
of deshmukhs and mokasdars were gradually abolished in the Swarajya territory, and by dint of their
valour and service under the flag, they must have slowly paved their way to rank and honours. The great
representatives of the ancient Maratha chivalry of Shivaji's time were the Nimbalkars of Phaltan, the
Ghorpades of Mud hoi, the Manes of Mhaswad, the Savants of Wadi, the Surves of Shringarpur, the Mores
of Javli, the Shirkes and the Dalvis. These remained to the end loyal vassals of Bijapur; these constantly
fought for Bijapur against Shivaji, the first three families especially ; and none of the rest would ever
have cared to join Shivaji, had not the latter forced them at the point of the sword. It is thus not true to say
that Shivaji got the cheap assistance and the unbought experience of the great jahgirdars for the
prosecution of his plans. The nobles and counsellors who supported his throne had deliberately elecced
to serve him from the ambition to improve their fortunes. At the time when they rallied round hia standard,
they were not moved merely by the impulse of patriotism, the altruistic impulse to throw the weight of
what little power they possessed on the side of one

1 Except that in hia temporary secession from Shivaji, Netaji Palkar held a mansab of five thousand in the
Mogul army, but, as Prof. Sarkar observes, was sbill supposed to be attached to the army of Shivaji.

who had embarked upon a national cause for the common good of them all. Such an estimate of the
movement is not supported by the sources of information that are available to us. These impulses of
patriotism were gradually excited in them, the more they came in contact with their great leader. He
impressed them with his faith ; he inoculated them with his ideas; he charged them with his hopes, his
surging passion, his buoyant enthusiasm for liberty and independence. This is, therefore, one of those
theories which attempt vainly to diminish the glory of Shivaji's achievements. 1 .

" SWARAJYA " NOT CON-TERMINOU3 WITH MAHARASHTRA.

And yet another assumption before we have done with, this part of the subject. This last hypothesis is that
Shivaji's endeavours for freedom and the foundation of a free state were predetermined by the great king
to be restricted to Maharashtra. This again is not true. It is clear that Shivaji was inspired with the high
desire of emancipating all India from Mahomedan thraldom and had vowed the restoration of liberty of
religion for -the Hindus and a Hindu paramountcy over all India. 2 Had his ambition been restricted to
Maharashtra, it is difficult to see why he should have conducted an eighteen months' campaign into the
heart of the Karnatic, and brought those conquests by means of forts and out-posts under a permanent
occupation. 8 Again in 1679-80, when he made the important treaty with Masaood Khan, the Prime
Minister of Bijapur, why should he have stipulated for a declaration of the independence of his father's
jahgir and taken it into his possession ? The present author is inclined to believe that the statement of
certain bakhar writers that Shivaji had

1 Of course, Shivaji had many officers who had gained experience under Shahaji,

2 Mr. Sardesai in his Marathi Riyasat (1915 edition), pp. 381-82, expresses the opinion that Shivaji
seems unquestionably to have intended to establish his Swarajya even beyond the confines of
Maharashtra.

3 Prof. Sarkar affirms that Shivaji's object was only to g,et plunder, and the quarrel with Venkoji was a
mere excuse for a plundering campaign. Surely this would be a feeble motive for an enterprise; of such
pith and moment. Nor does the ascription of such a motive ascojd with Sarkar"? estimate ab pages 492-
93,

determined to carry his victorious arms down to the promontory of Kameshwar and keep the conquests
under his permanent occupation has more credibility about it; and it is more than probable that had he
been allowed a longer lease of life he would have realized his object. It is slear that an important motive
for the prosecution of the Karnatic compaign was to bring about a delimitation of the southern boundaries
of the Bijapur state, in the manner that by his earlier campaigns he had delimitated its narrowed frontiers
on the west and the north. And in this there was the ulterior design of crippling its power for good and
preparing it for a final extinction, when the proper opportunity should present itself. Another object which
the campaign was designed to secure was to checkmate the authority of Gclconda from the south. Even
when Shivaji retired from the Karnatic, the generals left behind in that province were charged with
instructions to extend their conquests eastward to the Madras coast and reduce the country under the
Maratha flag. Thus he seems to have deliberately chosen a policy of extinguishing both the Deccan
sultanates by a process of continued abrasion

of their southern as well as their northern frontiers. For

the complete domination of the western coast, he had equipped a strong naval force, and he was always
casting about for plans to make it stronger and surer from day to day. What but the desire of undisputed
domination over the western sea could be the significance of those endless wars with the Sidi, those
desperate struggles for the extermination of the Abyssinian power ? Shivaji's flags were floating in
Guzerat; upto Daman and Surat he had advanced his military stations. Between 1670 to 1680 scarcely a
year elapsed without the tramp of Shivaji's light - horse being heard in the .valleys of Guzerat. The Mogul
reigned over those valleys, still intoxicated with a sense of power, and Shivaji knew a single false move
on his part would imperil his whole position in that province. With his usual policy of a cautious advance
and bis consistent refusal to tempt fortune, where he knew the

odda were against him, he refrained from attacking the central head-quarters of the Moguls at
Aurangabad, though many a time he had led his victorious squadrons, scouring and plundering the country,
right upto the gates of that city. But from this it would be wrong to infer that the overthrow of the Moguls
was beyond the scope of his ambition. Consider how he conducted himself towards Jay Singh, when the
latter came down upon him for the conquest of the Deccan. No stratagem or intrigue was employed against
Jay Singh, as against his predecessor, Shaistakhan. The one was conciliated, the other entrapped. The
difference between the methods pursued in the two cases is surely an eloquent testimony to the difference
in the policy intended. For how did the situation stand ? There was Diler Khan battering the walls of
Purandar fort. He had battered the fort a long while, without solid success. That one fort had kept a large
division of the Mogul army in play, not without inflicting some punishment upon it. There was Jay Singh
who had shot his last bolt and had ftiled to take Sinhagad. Shivaji was not yet driven to desperation. He
cDuld still have afforded, had he been so minded, to play fort against fort, army against army.. And with
all this he personally visits Jay Singh's camp, plays a studiedly humble part with the proud Diler Khan,
aues for a treaty, and accedes to the request of Jay Singh to visit Agra. Surely there must have been some
policy in all this. And he knew Aurangzeb,-knew him to be a perfidious man, a crafty ruler, a relentless
enemy. When with all this knowledge, he deliberately ran the risk of putting himself in the power of such a
formidable man, knowing his hostile feelings towards himself, we must needs presume he did so out of
some deeper design. To the present writer the whole event appears as a part of a profound and far-
reaching policy. This policy was to win over to his cause a powerful Rajput prince like Jay Singh,
cultivate friendship with other Rajput nobles and through the intercession oi Jay Singh win their sympathy
with a view to the further prosecution of hid enterprise, to obtain a proper insight
into the political situation in the north, and procure sanction of the Mogul power for a complete
subjugation ot Bijapur and Golconda. The story of his career reveals to us that more or less successfully
he accomplished all hi objects. As the Maratha jahgirdars of the Decoan had passed completely under the
suzerainty of the Mahomedane and never thought of uniting together for the common object of setting up a
free and independent government, so also had the Rajput princes of the north dwindled into feudal vassals
under t!ie Mogul throne, looking no farther than to their individual interests. 1 Shivaji doubtless desired to
bring before the eyes of these indolent princes the ideal of independence he was endeavouring to realize
in the south and to inspire them with a determination to follow in the north the example of his brilliant
accomplishments, with his full support and co-operation. In the light of such a purpose we can well
understand those last expressions of regret and disappointment, which according to the bakhar writers, as
described in chapter XXX, he gave vent to, while the shadows of death were fast closing around him. Nor
could it be said that the laudatory description of Shivaji's objects and achievements, which the Raja
Shahaji, on returning to the Karnatic from his valiant son, gave to Venkoji by way of exhortation, was all
mere rhetoric and hyperbole. Small matters these, but they servo to throw much light on the breadth of his
political purposes and outlook. That he did not live long enough to accomplish his ulterior object is no
reason for narrowing the bounds of his vision and aspiration.

1 It is interesting to observe that these views of the author are corroborated in almost every particular by
Mr. Sardesai in his ' Marath Riyasat' ( 1915 edition, pages 382-84 ). Among the Rajput princes who
caught the inspiration of Shivaji's struggle for independence was the Raja Chhatrasal of Bundelkhand who
moulded his career upon that of Shivaji. Chhatrasal visited Shivaji's court in the winter of 1670-71 and
offered to aerve him against the emperor. The Maratha king asked, him to start a campaign of
independence in his own country. ( Vi>! Chhatraprakash, Canto 11, which deala with Chhatrasal's visit to
Bhivaji, also Prof. Sarkar, Shitaji, pp. 236-37 ).

Thus far we have considered the criticisms made upon Shivaji and his work by critics of two divergent
schools: first the alien scholar who would fain discover many a blemish in his character and
accompliHhment.an ) secondly the Indian scholar, often betrayed into sweeping generalizations that tend
to impair Shivaji's greatness We have endeavoured at some length to show the falsity or super* ficiality of
the estimates of both these schools of criticism. TRAITS OF CHARACTER.

It only remains to review, in a final estimate, some of the leading traits of the character ot this great
leader. Some aspects of that glorious character have already been touched upon in the foregoing part. For
a lucid treatment of this part of the subject, we propose to estimate his conduct, from four different points
of view, viz: his conduct in politics, his conduct in private life, his family affections, and his religious
sensibilities.

CONCILIATION AND MAGNANIMITY.

In politics, it will be difficult to exaggerate the boldness and enterprise, the valour and strategy which he
displayed in carrying through the arduous task of opposing three Mahomedan powers and up-building in
their place an independent power of his own creation. Illustrations of these high virtues are to be found so
abundantly on every p ige of his glorious record, that we may save ourselves the trouble of dilating
separately upon them. 1 But for the successful foundation of an enduring empire, other virtues are needed,
besides those mentioned. For one who proposed to himself the accomplishment of an enterprise that bore
at

* 'ihe testimony of Aurangzeb, the inveterate enemy ot Suivaji, would suffice to prove his greatness :—
Aurangzeb exclaimed on hearing the news of Shivaji's death :—" Ha was a great captain, and the only one
who has had the magnanimity to j-is-e a new kingdom, while I have been endeavouring to' destroy the
ancient sovereignties of India ; my armies have bten employed at;ain«t him for nineteen years, and
nevertheless his state has heen always increasing." And this estimate of Shivaji was made by a man who
had farmerty called him " a mountain rat! "

L. 8. 40

first view such a visionary and impracticable aspect, the faculty of the highest importance was the art of
enlisting popular sympathy and conciliation. This was possessed by Shivaji in a degree scarcely equalled
by any leader of men in the world's history. His gentle and persuasive discourse had in the earliest prime
of his youth captivated the hearts of the lesser gentry of the Maval country and of other neighbours and
secured their cordial participation from the commencement of his whole enterprise. This sort of
fascination Shivaji was able to exercise upon all persons who once came in contact with him, instilling in
them feelings of love and respect towards himself and rousing them to a sense of appreciation of the great
cause he had taken in hand and a patriotic resolve to help it forward, to the best of their endeavour. With
this personal magnetism Shivaji never failed to find either loyalty or integrity among friends and
supporters. This quality was strengthened by another, which plays no small part in the friendships of
political leaders, especially in retaining them. This was liberality. Few rulers could have equalled
Shivaji in his open-banded liberality towards his followers. Rewards and presents were scattered with a
bountiful profusion according to the respective deserts of officers and men. dibtinguishing themselves.
Their stipends were regularly paid. On great occasions in their families they received extraordinary
allowances and gifts of his royal bounty. .Shivaji was always careful to make adequate provision for the
families of those who laid down their lives in his wars. The nearest heir of the deceased,—son or brother,
—if found fit, was admitted to the service of the state, according to his position and capacity. Thia feeling
of security about their families and dependents was an added spur to his soldiers to give of their best in
the service of their master, even at the sacrifice of their lives.

IMPARTIALITY AND ApPRECIATIVENESS. Another quality that goes a long way in securing th« •will
and enthralling the hearts of the enthusiastic multi*

iude is the faculty of discerning and appreciating merit. This again was possessed by Shivaji in an
eminent degree. With an instinctive precision he assessed the true worth of his servants and officers and
entrusted them with duties according to their level. In proportion as their rising valour and virtue
displayed themselves, they earned their titles and promotions, without fear of partiality. The reservation
of places of high honour or emolument for personal friends or relations was not known in his system. The
claims of merit were in all cases duly weighed ; there was no fear of unfair supersession. Thus the even
chance of promotion was a present stimulus to every loyal heart. Another high principle regulating the
relations between this leader and the multitudes he led was his unrivalled capacity of rousing and
developing the feelings of probity and loyalty among his followers. When he charged a man with a duty,
however arduous or important it might be, he depended upon him to execute it, with ,a sense of security
and confidence. In choosing the man for the duty, ho had measured his aptitude and trustworthiness. Upon
entrusting the duty to the man there was no ground fur distrust or misgiving. Personal envy or malice couhi
harm no loyal servant in the opinion of such a master. Such men had no access to Shivaji's ear. When the
public chaiacierof. an officer of state was such as to give some cause for {suspicion, his practice was
first to institute a private investigation through the machinery of his secret service, and upon the result of
this information to order a public inquiry and a just scrutiny of the evidence produced. This feeling of
trust in fche honour and integrity of his veterans inspired high and low with a serene confidence that a
Joyal perseverance in the diligent discharge of their duties was a bufficient guarantee of their continuance
in their respective offices. With the growing sense of security, the virtues of loyal'.y, integrity and
devotion took root and blossomed in all their glory.

FRIENDLINESS AND CANDOUR. His chosen advisers shared his secrets ami participated

in all his plans and projects. He courted their criticism of every measure, he appreciated the suggestions
they deemed it proper to make. Their opinions were not merely followed but were eagerly sought after.
Against his friends and ministers, he practised no mask or disguise. His aims and purposes stood
transparent before them. The insolence of power never misled him into any act derogatory to the self-
respect of his counsellors. In him his ministerial circle never found a conceited dictator, but a sincere and
affectionate friend, Thus was loyalty reconciled with the spirit of self -respect, and the sense of personal
prestige thus preserved, flowed back into a general stream of loving pride and loyal reverence for the
throne. PERSONAL INDUSTRY.

The trust and confidence he frankly reposed in his

men was never abused. The friendly attitude involved no

forfeiture of authority. The cultivation of the spirit of

self-respect among his servants and courtiers did not lead

him to connive at abuse of power or proved negli—

gence. Retribution in proportion to the fault descended

irrevocably upon the offending minister, however high hie

office. The strictness of his justice made him dreaded as

his courtesy made hiua loved. It ensured a continuity of

loyal but efficient service. It rendered effective the control

and domination exercised upon such a numerous body of

officers and made them amenable to any service that might

be demanded of them. Hie personal example was a source

of perennial inspiration to his officers. Inured to habits

of industry and patience from his earliest years, he had

developed in himself every virtue and faculty, both for

the acquisition and the administration of a kingdom. 1 On

the field of battle, it never was his wont, as ia the case with

many princes and generals, to place himself as an idle

spectator in a position of security and watch his squadrons

i This aspect 01 iho character of the hero-king will remind the reader of the wonderful charactcr-aketch of
Hannibal as portrayed by Livy, { Livy XXI, 4 ;.

nurling themselves upon the enemy. Sword in hand he took the first place in the field and put forth before
his admiring hosts the most dazzling examples of bravery, of courage, and of art. No commander in all his
army could have the vanity to boast of a better display of military qualities. He was not a king who sent
forth his armies on distant and perilous campaigns and contented himself with lolling upon his couch in
slothful ease enjoying the fruits of his generals' triumphs. Bence no general, flushed with triumphs under
his auspices, could create a faction atShivaji's court and dictate terms to his liege lord and sovereign.
Such a thing was impossible with Shivaji. The campaigning season saw him always engaged in active
arms in one or the other theatre of his wars. He was never given to idling away a moment of hia life. The
glory of his greatest generals paled before his, their vaunted valour was dimmed'in the splendour of his
exploits. The same was true of the character of his leadership in civil affairs. In the administration of
forts, in the organization of the land revenue, in the tact and finesse of diplomacy, be was never excelled
by any of the distinguished men who served under him. This perfect balance of virtues, this aggregation in
the same person of such diverse and opposite elements of strength, this unique versatility of faculty set
him far above the most towering personalities of his court. It was this that the sage Ramdas Swami meant
to express, when, in his epistle, he addressed Shivaji as " Sarvadnya, '* or lord of all science.

PERSONAL MAGNETISM.

This versatility is, therefore, the secret of that extraordinary personal magnetism he exercised upon his
servants. This is the key to that rivalry of good deeds and loyal service he inspired among his people.
This is why to the ilaratha soldier praise from his lips became the greatest palm of victory and the
sacrifice of blood and life too cheap a price for the honour. In presence of that unique personality, they
were right willing to be his thralls, for therein,

they fancier], lay tho consummation of their lives. And ae gradually the loftiness of his views and the
sacredness of his patriotic purpose dawned upon their vision, a sense of religious piety diffused itself in
their conception of loyalty and honour, which held disloyalty a sin, and treason, a pollution. Penetrated
with these feelings of loyalty and patriotism, never a shadow of disaffection or treachery crossed their
minds. 1 During the captivity at Agra, when for eight months the light of Shivaji's presence was cut off
from hie Swarujya domains, during the events and vicissitudes of the Karnatic campaign which for
eighteen months detained him on a distant soil, no commander or counsellor in the home country ever
thought of defection. The full significance of this circumstance can be appreciated by us only if we pause
to consider what troublous times those were and how contagious of anarchy. But this mystery is easily
resolved when we consider-aud only when we consider-the iron grip by which Shivaji held men's hearts
and affections, by the splendour of his personality and heart-ravishing virtues.

ORIGINALITY.

Originality, as in every great leader of men, played no unimportant part in .moulding his great career. The
idea of the foundation of an independent Hindu power, in the times in which it was conceived, required
the exercise of a noble faculty of imagination. Under the auspices of the Mahomedan powers such a
number of Maratha warriors had risen to high command and become the founders of so many jahgir
seigniories, and yet none had ever conceived the thought of an independent Hindu monarchy. Could it be
said that the love of country, the boast of national religion, the horror of Islam were in all cases alien to
their thoughts and feelings ? It is clear that the cause of that sluggish contentment which made them willing
to hug the bonds of

* The defection of Netaji Palkar described by Khati Khan was a temporary affair and he again served
under Shivaji, and it wan because he was such an able servant of Shivaji, that the Moguls ab Aurangabad
had him arrested, on the flight of Shivaji from Agra. A doubtful case is that of Sambhaji Kavji in the war
with Shaista Khan.

their servitude was want of imagination. It was eminently the possession of this faculty that led Shivaji to
conceive his proud ideal and devise plan after plan to achieve that noble end. That imagination he had
developed from his youthful years. That imagination is the index of his intellectual calibre. His mind was
quick to grasp and inquisitive to observe. As there were no limits to his observation, his knowledge of a
practical subject was always up-to-date. His own observation and experience of things was being con-•
stantly supplemented by the experience and observation of others; and the impressions that checked,
confirmed and enriched his original ideas were ineffaceably registered in his mind. Nor was it a mere
retentive faculty in which he excelled : his reason was equally acute and penetrating. It was this
combination of intellectual faculties that enabled him to direct his knowledge and experience of things
upon the successful prosecution of his noble enterprise. It was this that made him a master of resources,
an audacious wielder of giant plans and projects. It was the secret of his patience, the basis of his
perseverance, the soul of his enterprise. That imagination flowed from a copious stream and failed not of
ready response in times of greatest exhaustion. It enlisted for him even as an inexperienced tyro the
sympathy and co-operation of men grown hoary with experience and knowledge. They rallied to the cause
of the young warrior so wise for his years. They lent themselves whole-heartedly to turn his plans into
deeds, his dreams into reality. This profound faculty again and again came to his rescue in every crisis of
his career. It was the driving force in all his character, its essence, its vital principle.
LOVE OP INDEPENDENCE.

Another important element of his character was independence of spirit. This has been the characteristic of
exalted genius in all ages. Such spirits cannot thrive in an atmosphere of dependence. Their regard for
self-respect is so fine and exquisite a quality that it instantly revolts from any cause that would bring it
under an eclipse.

Cl« LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

Theira is the philosophy of a, crust of bread with liberty. The golden trappings of servility are distasteful
to their restive spirits. Shivaji envied not his father, he disdained his liveried pride, his purple servitude.
Thus though he knew that in his efforts for independence there was a certain risk of failure, he prosecuted
them with the utmost vigour from his constitutional abhorrence of a life of gilded dependence. And this
though an elder of the authority and experience of Da>.aji Kondadev was constantly dinning into his ears
the advantages of a golden-mediocrity and the dangers of his high-soaring pursuits. But he adhered to his
purpose Even when soon afterwards, the life of his father, dearer to him than his own life, stood in danger,
by reason of his steadfast adherence to his high resolve, he refused to disavow that purpose, relying on his
masterly resourcefulness to deliver himself from his immediate difficulties. The episode of the captivity
at Agra is a vivid illustration of this trait in his character. In the presence of the emperor, in full view of
the assembled court, in the emperor's own capital, he gave vent to his feelings of injured dignity at the
mean treatment accorded to him. It was a quality of a heroical magnitude, for it does honour to every here,
and a total absence of that virtue reduces man to a nonentity. Shivaji guarded against insult, against injury,
against insolence. Hence that roll of glorious deeds, elevated above the level of common mediocrity,
hence that triumphant illustration of the glory of an exalted spirit translated into the exaltation of an entire
nation. Into this focus of a splendid independence, converged together his valour, his chivalry, his
enterprise, his equity, his temperance, in short, every single ray of his virtue, both public and private. It is
a characteristic of such an exalted virtue to keep up a ceaseless endeavour for the promotion of all those
qualities that add to its brilliance and the elimination of those faults and blemishes that however partially
eclipse its grandeur. Further than that, such a noble spirit learns, by personal

experience, that the true seat of supreme felicity lies in the happiness of the multitude, and the
consummation of his brilliant career, in the growing prosperity of the people committed to his charge. It is
for the reader to judge how brilliantly the career of Shivaji stands this supreme test of a magnificent
character. That magnanimity of spirit gave us for a while the superlative gift of national independence and
its exquisite glory, transcending and surviving our fall, still stands before the world to bear eloquent
testimony to the national spirit and grandeur of the Maharashtra people.

AS AN ADMINISTRATOR.

As a civil administrator he presents himself as the friend of the people. It is unnecessary to recapitulate in
this place the administrative reforms already described in a previous chapter. He was at all times
studiously anxious for the happiness and prosperity of the cultivator, the artisan and the tradesman. He
laboured hard to deliver them from the harpies of extortion and misrule; he was solicitous to give them the
facilities of an easy and efficacious, and at the same time, expeditious system of judicature. To promote
the smooth and regular working of the wheels of administration, avoiding every possibility of friction or
overlapping jurisdiction, he had devised, as a preventive against every form of anarchy, the system of the
Ashta Pradhan cabinet, a constitution that had suggested itself to DO
no Indian king before him. The differentiation of the various labours of administration and assignment of
each specific head of duty to a separate minister, the joint supervision of the entire cabinet, with his
personal vigilance superimposed upon all, seemed to his mind the most absolute guarantee of a just and
salutary administration for the equal benefit of all classes of his subjects. 1 With this view he divided 1
Prof. Rawlinson in his " Life of Shivaji " criticises the council aa a bureaucratic system of administration.
Supposing it were so, it gave a better guarantee of deliberation in those exciting times and certainly a
better and more orderly form of government. But the supervising presence of a responsible king made all
the difference. The king bore a large measure ef responsibility himself. This prevented the constitution
from sinking into a bureaucratic machine, while the existence of the council

his own jurisdiction and allotted shares of co-ordinate authority to his great ministers of state, spreading
the fame of their names and their proven merit and chivalry, along with his own, to all the corners of his
kingdom. However high-placed an executive officer in his service might be ; he never failed to receive
condign punishment, upon being convicted of oppressing the people. While the affairs of the
administration of each local chief were subject to the supervision of the cabinet minister in charge of the
department, his conduct as an administrator was also watched and reported upon by a staff of confidential
agents in the secret service of the sovereign. These were always on the move, each in his appointed circle
in the Swarajya territory, watching, detecting, reporting the conduct of officials in public life. The
government officials thus lived in the constant dread that their sovereign would not fail to have due
information and exact the prescribed penalties should they oppress the people pr exceed their authority in
any way. This check upon the official reacted to the advantage and security of the multitude. We have
moreover seen in chapter XXIV the various regulations of Shivuji's government for the encouragement of
agriculture and the protection of the agricultural population.

A BENEVOLENT RULER.

An outstanding feature of Shivaji's administrative system was the equality and impartiality of his
government towards all subjects; and it will be no exaggeration to assert that scarcely has any sovereign
equalled him in the practice of this virtue. Of course his subjects were divided into castes; but
employment in the state service was open to all castes and each according to his compe- • tence was
eligible for the fulfilment of offices in the state.

prevented the kingship from sinking into an irresponsible despotism. Prof, fcarkar points out that Shivaji's
council was in no sense a cabinet) and that it lacked the solidarity of the British Cabinet. Naturally so,
because there wa? ao parliamentary institution. A " British Cabinet without a Parliament" would be a
most monstrous form of bureaucracy that could be imagined.

Thus all castes were gratified and contented with his rule. He never showed any undue partiality towards
men of his own caste. Even in the case of Hahomedan subjects there was no caste prejudice as regards
state service. Those who were loyal amongst them and capable of carrying out their duties, were
appointed to positions of trust and honour. 1 It was largely owing to this impartiality as regards caste, that
thore were no mutinies or treason in his government. To subjects of all castes he was an object of equal
veneration.

IN PRIVATE LIFE.

As regards his private life, it must be stated that the chronicle-writers, for the most part occupied with a
recital of political changes, have scarcely left any record of Shivaji's private life. In consequence, very
little can be said upon this subject. But it may be affirmed that he led a pure life. He was simple in his
dress and habits. Free from any vice, he did not even indulge in any sort of levity or jests. His great
passion was to listen to the recitals of the poets, the kirtans, and the readings of the puranas. For other
forms of entertainment he had neither the inclination nor the leisure. Men of special talents, attainments
and learning were handsomely entertained and remunerated. The services of such men were permanently
engaged about the court, when their talents were found to be of utility. Shivaji was likewise careful in
extending hospitality to friends and relations, nobles and princes, according to the degree of their position
and status. The insolence of pomp and power did not estrange him from the duties and relations of private
life, nor did the giddiness of success betray him into any form of excess or iniquity.

FAMILY AFFECTIONS.

Turning to Shivaji's family life, we must again complain of the scanty record left by the bakhar-writers.
We have seen in many parts of the preceding narrative the proofs and the extent of his filial affections
towards both 1 It will be noticed that Shivaji's admiral in the naval war with the Bombay Government in
1678 was a Mahomedan ( Vide Chapter XXVIII).

his parents and his fraternal solicitude, after his father's death, for his only surviving brother. Though the
successful architect of his own fortune and the founder of a noble state, neither vanity nor conceit ever
betrayed him into any act of disrespect or inattention towards his parents or of insult or violence against
his brother. And this at a time when Aurangzeb reigned at Delhi, when the excesses of filial revolt and
fratricide had passed into a gospel of political necessity. It is unfortunate that we have no record of
Shivaji's relations with his wives. But in the absence of any indication to the contrary, we may positively
affirm that he was not uxorious, and never led himself into any improper acts upon their advice. 1 It was
hia firm belief that women should not interfere in politics. Even his mother was not permitted to do so,
much less his wives. From this, however, it cannot be inferred that he had no affection or respect for them.
As to his senior queen, Sayibai, the bakhar-writers tell us he loved her to adoration. For womanhood in
general he had a chivalrous regard and veneration. Hence the standing regulation of his army not to molest
any woman on any account, with the result that violation of female modesty or any outrage against them
has never been charged against his soldiers. Shivaji's own example in this matter, from his early yooth,
was an abiding inspiration to his soldiers. The case of the daughter-in-law of Mullana, the governor of
Kalyan, cannot have been forgotten by the reader. If such was his general attitude toward the weaker sex,
it may be surmised that he could not have been disrespectful or indifferent to the feelings of his wives.
For his sons he had naturally 1 The picture which frof. Sarkar ( pp. 427-24 ) draws of intrigues within
Shivaji's harem, in the closing years of hia life, ia drawn largely from imagination and for the rest
dependa on the partisan vaponringa of the Shivadigvijaya. This chronicle displays a pecular bias against
Soyarabai and what is stated in it as her wicked plots against t*ambhaji, and even against Shivaji, must be
taken with caution. All that can be said with certainty ia that Shivaji's last days were saddened by
Sambhaji's revolt and wayward manners and that Boyarabai tried adroitly to use the prejudice against
Sarabhaji to advance the prospects of her own son fiajaram.

a strong feeling of affection, and he had taken care to give them a proper education and train them for the
duty of governing the state he had created for them. With all this when his elder son began to sow his wild
oats and tnrn to all manner of wickedness, even to the extent of oat-raging female chastity, he would not
permit to his son a license he denied to others and straightway ordered the scape-grace prince to
imprisonment. In short, the brief survey we can afford to make of Shivaji's family relations sets him forth
before us as a good son, a good husband, a good father, and a good brother. RELIGIOUS EN1HUSIA3M.
With a brief notice of Shivaji'a religious attitude, we may conclude this sketch of his character. At
different stages of his biography, and especially in chapter XXIX, we have made observations on his
religious temperament. Without repeating those observations, we need only state here that the impulses of
religious pride and enthusiasm implanted in his render mind from his earliest years went on expanding
apace as he grew older. How absorbing the religious passion of Shivaji was can be best ascertained from
the three or four recorded crises of his religious experience, when he prepared to turn his back upon his
labours of independence and dedicate himself for the rest of his life to spiritual pursuits. The reader will
doubtless remember the convulsive spasms of spiritual agony which shook his whole being at the s-hrine
of Mallikarjun, on his way to the Kamatic, upon his southern campaign, and how v at the height of that
paroxysm, he resolved to lay down his life as an offering to the deity. We have also seen how eager he
was to pay proper respect to sages and saints, to supply the needs of the learned and the pious, to spend
his treasures upon shrines and temples, upon firahmans and the expounders of the sacred books. And to
his intimate counsellors it was always a standing menace, that this religious enthusiasm might at any time
get the better of all hie secular aspiiatious and dominate his mind to such an

G22 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

extent as to withdraw him altogether from temporal cares. Bat the tradition of the vision seen by Maloji—
when the tutelary Bhavani appeared to him in a dream and assured him that it was ordained that an
illustrious conqueror would be born of the Bhonsle name,to inaugurate a new era of independence and to
deliver the children of the soil from the oppression of Islam,—this tradition was always before his mind
and that of his mother, and the feeling gradually arose within him that his people were destined to see the
fulfilment of that prophecy in himself, that his genius stood above the ordinary level of human beings, that
his life was a mission for the gratification of the intense longings of the Aryan land and its crOwn of glory
was to persevere till death in the vindication of the liberties of the Aryan people from the yoke of Moslem
despotism, by the foundation of an independent empire. The conviction that the tutelary Bhavani spurred
him on towards this goal incited him at every crisis of his career, to present his fervid vows before her
throne. This devotion was rendered from a heart filled with a fiery faith and zeal, with the effect, as it
seemed to him, that he was always near her and delivered himself, under her oracular inspiration, of
prophecies of deliverance and victory. From this hip unsympathetic critics have rushed to the conclusion
that this was a piece of hypocrisy and simulation, practised on purpose to gull the multitude and play upon
their superstitious credulity, so as to win them over to his side. In short it is alleged that personally
Shivaji did not believe in this sort of foolery and used it as a tool to delude the masses. As regards this,
we have only to observe thatShivaji did not seek deliberately to practise imposture upon the people. He
was himself quite as sincere a believer in the divine communications as any of his people. In his time it
was a universal practice throughout Maharashtra to conjure up the spirit of one's tutelary deity and consult
the person who was supposed to be the medium of her spiritual presence, for an oracular expression of
opinion or advice in any difficulty, and traces of this prac-

fcice still survive in many parts of the country. It cannot be said that this " spiritual mediumship" is in all
cases founded on conscious hypocrisy. The depths of this "psycho-pathia spiritualis" have yet to be
scunded. From this point of view it would appear that the exciting cause of these oracles was something
deeper than simulation : it was excess of piety, it was credulity, but sincere and earnest. In the throes of a
great dilemma which taxed the wits of his counsellors, when the intellect became overcast and saw no
way towards safety, the great leader had recourse to prayer, under the stress of his excitement; and in that
state of abstraction, thought mingled with devotion, until he seemed to glow under an unearthly influence
and finally uttered, in that exalted condition of mind, his trenchant decisions, amidst a world of travail.
These utterances were taken down by the attendants, and both the leader himself and his followers
regarded them as an oracle of the tutelary goddess Such was their confidence in what they assumed as her
mandate, that they set about the most audacious project or enterprise, without the least misgiving about the
ultimate victory. When their operations were, in such cases, repeatedly crowned with success, experience
confirmed the pious multitude in the belief that their hero was under the special favour of the goddess
Bhavani, and produced in them the fullest confidence in his victory. In short, it is scarcely just to apply the
cold standard of modern rationalism in speaking of an extravagance of religious faith and experience that
characterized the social psychology of those times, or to attribute it to conscious hypocrisy or fraud.

We have so far essayed to estimate the character of Shivaji and examine the various criticisms passed
upon it. It may be admitted that to some of our readers this estimate may appear oiassed, but it seems to us
to be our duty to set forth in all sincerity the Maharashtra view of the worth and greatness of the hero of
this biography, and we cannot pause to consider, whether or not, this view of our hero's

character may square with the arbitrary standards and prejudices of others. It is an undisputed fact that the
venerable name of Shivaji is the most beloved name and the most treasured possession in the hearts of all
the Maharashtra people, if not of all India. The question by what force of character and endearing virtues
he has thus enthroned himself in our hearts has not yet engaged that share of attention which it deserves. In
consequence of this neglect, many a prejudice has gathered round bis name, and a good deal of
ungenerous prudery and divergent criticisms have been paraded against him. If the present work may
contribute to however small an extent to clear away these trivialities and superficialities of prejudice, to
bring home to people's mind the full image of his real greatness and to perpetuate on a firmer and clearer
basis our sentiments of pride and gratitude towards him, that will be taken by us as an ample return for
our labour.

And here we pause. The object of this sketch is in the first place to confirm that awakened enthusiasm for
the great name of ShivHJi, which has taken possession of all Maharashtra and almost the whole of the
Indian continent, and secondly to give the reader a more vivid insight into his constructive genius than has
hitherto been possible. Such a complete insight is impossible of attainment without concentrating our mind
and bringing it into focus upon the whole of that career as a constituted unity. Two centuries and a third
have rolled sinco his demise. During this long period his name has been celebrated by diverse writers,
both in prose and verse. No small number of Mahornedan and European historians have written about
him, according to their lights. He still lives in his fame. But no systematic attempt has yet been made .to
bring his actions and glory into one focus, to examine their synthetical effects, and then to estimate the
character of those maculae or dark spots that are said to stain the lubtre of his career and to eclipse his
glory. This attempt the present author has made according to his lights and ability. It is for the reader, and
the Indian reader in particular, to appreciate it.

APPENDIX I MALOJI AND SHAHAJI

Jx an article on this subject in the first number of the Quarterly ( Marat hi) of the Bharat Itibas Sanshodhak
Mnndali, 1921, Mr. Vasudev Shastri Khare has examined the careers of Maloji and Shahaji and made
certain speculations on the part played by Shahaji as the inspirer of ShivHJi's programme, which in part
corroborate and in part conflict with the views expressed in the text. Mr. Khare supports the claim of the
Bhonsles to consider themselves Rajputs and points out that Maloji's father, Babaji ma-le use of the title
Bojo, ( Raj wade XV, Extract No. 307 ), before Maloji had earned any honour from the Nizamshahi state.
Mr. Khare controverts the view that Maloji began service under Lukliji Jadhav on such a low salary as
tive pagodas per month, holding that if his fortunes were so depressed as to compel him to serve on such
low terms, he coul J not have married the sister of such a chief as Vangoji Naik Nimbalkar of Phaltan. He
believes that Maloji muht have taken service with the Nizamshahi state and hia corps was then transferred
to the Jadhav family, as the latter were the head of the \larathaforcesattached to the Nizamshahi state, and
he thinks it probable that this connection with the Jadhav family sprang up in the regime of the father of
Lukhji Jadhav. He thinks that the person who forced Lukhji Jadhav to give his daughter Jijabaito Maloji's
son in marriage was, not go much the reigning sultan, Murteza Nizamshaha II (alia* Buran Nizainshaha ),
who was a minor and a puppet, but Malik Arnbar, who was already then ( A. D. 160-i) the mainstay of the
Nizamshahi state. He holds that the Maratha Bakhars and other historians are wrong in stating that the
marriage of Jijabai with Shahaji took place in the .sultan's presence at Daulat'abad (vide p. 14. supra). He
maintains that it must have been celebrated at Perinda (Paraude), which was then the Nizamshahi capital,
since Malik Ambt.r who had revived the state after the fall of Ahmednagar and the capture of Bahadur
Nizamshaha (the ward of L, S. 41

Chand Bibi) in 1600, installed his puppet prince at Perinda until the foundation of Khadki (the modern
Aurangabad near Daulatabad. in the year 1607, when this new towa became the Nizamshahi capital. As to
this, it must be eaid that the Mahomedan chroniclers like Ferishta also give the date 1600 or 1601 for the
revival of the Nizamshahi state by the Ahmednagar nobleri and state that the capital of the puppet king -
was Perinda ( Parande or Parenda ), but it is doubtful whether at so early a period as 1600 or 1601 Malik
Ambar had become the de facto king of the Nizamshahi state. Such a position he must have attained by the
year 1609, when he re-conquered Ahmednagar for the Ni/amshahi state. In the Modern Review, Vol. XXII
No. 129, ( p. 247 ), Prof. Sarkar states that " Buran Nizamshaha ( Murteza Nizamshaha II) became a
puppet of Malik Ambar about 1609." There were strong factions in the Ahmed nagar 'state, (Vide p. 17
supra) and Malik Ambar could not have all at once made himself a de facto king, but must have risen,
slowly, as the power of the other nobles declined. His chief wars with the Moguls were fought in the
reign of Jahangir, rather than of Akbar. Malik Ainbar died at the ripe old age of eighty in 1626 and he
must have been a leading noble of the state in 1600 s though he began his career as an Abyssinian slave.
There is nothing impossible in the view that the patron of Shahaji at the age of 30 years should have also
been a patron of Maloji at a time when Shahaji was 10 years of age, but it is not so easy to believe that he
was already then a de factc king. Mr. Kbare himself states in his article ( p. 9 ), that till Malik Ambar
became fifty-four or fifty-five 7 ears of age (i. e. till 1600 or 1601 A.D.) he was quite an obscure person.
On the authority of a bakhar in the Tamil language entitled the " Shiv JBharat", Mr. Khare thinks that
including Shivaji, Jijabai bore six children to Shahaji, of whom the first four died in childhood, (
Shedgavkar p. 11 ), the first to grow into manhood being Sambhaji,' the fifth child, born in 1623 ( Vide p.
51 supra and foot-note), Mr-

Kkare thinks the date of the birth of Shivaji given in the Jedhe Chronology, viz : March 1630, to be more
correct than the date given by most of the bakhars t viz : April 1627. Mr. Khare ridicules the theory that
Shahaji married hia second wife, Tukabai Mohite, on account of any disfavour with Jijabai and is so far
happily in agreement with our view on this subject ( Vide pp. 55 and 66 supra, ). He holds that this
marriage with a daughter of a Bijapur noble, celebrated at Bijapur, in honour of which he received certain
grants of land from the Bijapar durbar (Shivadigvijaya p. 53)imust have taken place after Shahaji had
taken up permanent service under Bijapur, i. e. after 1637. But he makes this marriage an important thread
in a speculative web about Shahaji'e purposes which he weaves in the rest of his article. He says this
marriage was purposely contracted by Shahaji, in order to throw dust into the eyes ot* the Bijapur
authorities, so that while in one direction, Shivaji could go on laying the foundations of an independent
power under his own secret guidance and inspiration, he could easily disclaim all responsibility, hy
saying that he had quarrelled with Shivaji and Jijabai. The theory is too subtle to believe in. It is
impossible to believe that even a great master mind like Shahaji should enter upon a simple event in hia
family life like a second marriage, with such deep-laid political schemes in his head. The rest of the
article is taken up with the attempt to show that from beginning to end Shivaji entered upon his task, under
his father's inspiration. So far as this theory gives the death-blow to the popular view, sanctified by Grant
Duff, that Shahaji was opposed to the plans of Shivaji, it is acceptable to us and has been maintained in
these pages. But it is too much for us to view Shivaji's labours as the mechanical execution of ready-made
schemes presented by his father. The officers lent by Shahaji were of great; service to the youthful hero,
the example set by Shahaji was even of still greater service, the many proofs of his father's encouragement
and assistance, which he received

t28 LIFE OP SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

from time to time, were most valuable in stimulating his enterprise : but it is difficult to believe that the
whole plan was laid out by Shahaji already as early as 1637 or 1689, (or even 1643 as sometimes
alleged) and entrusted for execution, with an insufficient army and with hopelessly inadequate financial
resources, to a promising but after all u raw and inexperienced boy like Shivaji, who in the year 1639
was, according to Jedhe, scarcely nine years of age,— "even if by any gift of observation or prophecy it
could be predicted that that boy would turn out a prodigy of genius, and even if that boy were assisted by
Shahaji's officials. It seems to us more natural to assume that the ideas of liberty and independence, which
were implanted in Shivaji by nature, were fostered by the sympathy of his mother and the example of his
father, and with that example before him, he carved out his career and made his preparations t'rom about
1643 to 1648, when the wisdom and the bravery and the perseverance he displayed evoked from the
sagacious father cautious acknowledgments of his sympathy^ approval and encouragement. ( Vide foot-
note to pp. 94, 95) As to the reflections of Mr. Khare about the motto of Shivaji's seal and the use of it at a
time when Shivaji was barely ten years of age, nothing more need be added to our remarks in the foot-
note at pp. 107, 108 supra.

APPENDIX II ANANDRAO BHONSLE AND HAMBIRRAO MOHITE

THE perplexing question as to the identity of Anandrao, one of Shivaji's great generals, has been referred
to in the foot-note to pp. 344, 345. Sarkar ( Shivaji, p. 260 and foot-note ) identifies Anandrao, the
lieutenant of Prataprao Oezar, with Hambirrao, who succeeded Prataprao to the office of Sir-nohut, when
the latter was killed in the battle of Jessary. tie says " Anandrao, a lieutenant of Prataprao, rallied the
disheartened army of his chief. Shiva ( Shivaji) appointed him Commander-in-chief in succession to
Pratap*

ANANDRAO BHONSLE AND HAMBIRRAO MOHITE 629—

rao, gave him the title of Hambirrao, and ordered him not to return alive without defeating the enemy." In
his foot-note to this passage, Sarkar says, " I here follow the account of Narayan Shenvi (interpreter to the
East India Company, Bombay ), written at Raigad only a month later, on information supplied by Shivaji's
ministers." Sarkar adds that Sabhasad and Chitnis give the new commander-in-chief's name as Hasaji
(Hansaji) Mohite. With full knowledge of this, Sarkar identifies Hambirrao with Anandrao. He is quite
consistent in this identification throughout his account of the Karnatic corapaign, but breaks down all of a
sudden when he comes to describe the last operations against Dilerkhan, when £he latter was besieging
Bijapur. For here he speaks of Hambirrao and Anandrao as different individuals. He describes Anandrao
as baing in command of 2,500 men sent to relieve Bijapur (p. 417) and again mentions him as being in
charge of a cavalry force of 10,000 operating in the south, while Shivaji himself marched with the other
half of his army into Khondesh, plundered Jalna and on the return fought with Ranmast-khan, in which
battle Hambirrao was wounded. This would show clearly that in this context Anandrao is taken as quite a
different individual from Hambirrao and to this extent Sarkar is inconsistent with his former account.

Whence came this Anandrao all of a sudden, a general of such acknowledged merit and experience, as to
have been put in command of a squadron of 10,000 horse against such a redoubted Mogul general as
Dilerkhan, while Shivaji himself, with Hambirrao, was carrying his flying columns into another theatre of
war ?

The fact is that this Anandrao was not a new general who then blazed into a sudden glory, but is the same
Anandraa whom Sarkar had previously mentioned at page 260 of his Shivaji, the only mistake being his
identification of this general with Hambirrao Mohite. This Anandrao was a Bhonsle. There are many
references to him in Sabhasad -and Shedgavkar, as well as in Jedhe. He was probably

the same general who figures in most of the bakhar lists -as Anandrao Haft-hazari, or commander of
7,000, rather an unusual distinction in Shivaji's army, the more common rank under the Sirnobut, being that
of the Panck-hazari or commander of 5,000. There must have been a special reason for this unique
distinction of Haft-hazari, which almost stands on a parity with the Sir-nobutship itself. Verily the status
of Anandrao becomes a case of " A Sirnobut and no-Sir-nobut", i. e. a commander who was as good ELS
a Sirnobut without the title.

The first mention of Anandrao in Sabhasad is at page 63. There this general is named Makaji Anandrao.
Every where else Sabhasad speaks of him simply as Anandrao. At page 63 Sabhasad says :—" And
Makaji Anandrao, the natural son of Maharaja Shahaji, and Venkoji Datto, a Brahman, a great military
sardar of renown, who had left the service of the Maharaja ( i. e. of Shahaji ) and come to the Raje ( i. e.
Shivaji ), these th« Raje exalted and invested with the rank of Panch hazari. And Prataprao Sirnobut and
Venkoji Datto and Anandrao and other Sardars

these he (Shivaji) took with him and marched straight

to Surat." It follows then that Anandrao was a natural «on of Shahaji and had served under his father, and
began service under his brother as a Panch-hazari, at least about 1670, if not earlier. Jedhe seems to hint
at his serving, under Prataprao Guzar a year earlier in the Maratha contingent that co-operated with Prince
Muazzim at Ahmednagar. He is often mentioned as a brother officer along with the Brahman Venkoji
Datto, taking part in the same exploits, both having come over together to Shivaji's court from the service
of Skahaji. This would mean either that they came in the life-time of Shahaji, L e. before the end of 1664
or that they came from Tanjore after his death. There is, however, no reason why Sabhasad should not be
taken literally when he describes them as " leaving the service of Shahaji", so as to mean that they left him
in his life-time. This subject is further discussed at the end o£

ANANDRAO BHON3LE AND HAMBIRBAO MOHITE 63*

Appendix IV and we will provisionally hold that Anandrao joined Shivaji before 1664.

Later on Sabhasad mentions him as second in command under Prataprao Guzar, sharing in .his exploits,
being in fact a sort of "fidua Achates " to him. He took part in the battle of Vani-Dindori after the plunder
of Surat and is mentioned among the four honoured victors on the field of Salheri. At a later stage
Sabhasad describes him as accompanying Shivaji in his retreat from the Karnatie (p. 91 ) and here
Anandrao is clearly indicated to be a different individual from Hambrrrao, since the latter was 3eft
behind to co-operate with Raghunathpant Hanumante. According to Sabhasad, Anandrao accompanied
Sbivaji to Kopal and Lakshmeshwar upto Sampgaon (Belgaum district >, while Manaji More ( one of the
great officers who bad also accompanied Shivaji ) was left behind at Kolhar. The Shedgavkar bakhar
corroborates all this, giving additional details. At page 63 (and Errata p. 2 ) he is described as a " palak
lek " or illegitimate son of Shahaji and as coming over, along with Venkoji Datto, to Shivaji's service as a
" Panch-hazari", accompanying him to Surafc and serving in the battle of Vam-Dindori. At page 76 he is
mentioned under the name " Anandrao Farzand Bhonsle '* and is described as having been honoured
among the greatest victors of the battle of Salheri. At pages 88, 89, he is Jefcribed as accompanying
Shivaji in his retreat from. Jinji, when Raghunathpant and Hansaji Mohite ( Hambirrao ) were left behind.
It should be noted that this bakhar always speaks of Hansaji Mohite as Asoji Mphite. While speaking of
some of these events tl\is bakhar mentions Anandrao under the name Anandrao Farzand Kuwar (i. e.
kumar or prince ), so that there is no doubt that the same Anandrao is meant as the one who took part in
the battle of Salheri and who is there called Anandrao Farzand Bhonsle. The Jedhe Chronology
corroborates this with more details. At p. 188, we are told that on the cessation of peace with the Moguls,
Prataprao and Anandrao left tho

€32 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHABAJ

camp of the Shahazada ( prince Muazzim) at Aurangabad and came away to Raigad. At p. 190 we have an
account of the battle of Salheri and we are there told that Prataprao and Anandrao captured Bahlolkhan (i.
e. Ikhlas-khan, the son of Bahlolkhan) and Mahakam Singh, and Darkoji Bhonsle, together with eleven
elephants and horses. At p. 191 we are told that Prataprao Guzir Anandrao fought with and defeated
Bahlolkhm (i. e Abdul Karim) near Bijapur. This was the battle of Umrani On the same pau;e Jedhe
records the battle of Nivte iLor, Jessary) in which Prataprao fought with Bahlolkhan (Abdul Karim) and
was killed. But within one month after that battle, as related by Jedhe, Anandrao defeated Khidarkhan ( i.
e. Khizarkhan ) at Sampgaon. Now this bittle Prof. Sarkar has transferred to the credit of Hambirrao
consistently with his mistaken identification of Anandrao with that hero. But according to Jedhe ( as also
Sabhasad and Shedgavkar ), the constant companion of Prataprao in almost every engagement was
Anandrao, not Hambirrao, and the latter, as been from other statements of Sabhasad and Shedgavkar was
a different individual altogether from Anandrao. According to Jedhe, about two months after the battle of
Jessary ( or Nivte ), Shivaji reviewed his army at Chiplun, where it was cantoned tor the rains and then it
seems that the title of Sirnobut was formally conferred upon Hambirrao.Mohite. Sabhasad (p. 79 ) also
expressly states that ".Shivaji came in person to the army, went with the forces to Chiplun, and remained
there. Then after reviewing his army, he looked for a man for the Sirnobut-ehip and lighted on one Hansaji
Mohite and conferred on him the title of Hambirrao and apppointed him Sirnobut." This is repeated by
Shedgavkar, page 79. It is possible that during this interval of two or three months between the battle of
Jessary (Nivte) and the appointment of Hambirrrao Mohite, Anandrao, who had all along been second in
command under Prataprao Guzar, had to act ae Sirnobut, and he perhaps deserved to be promoted to that
post, as the man who had always been next under Prataprao

ANANDRAO BHONSLE AND HAMBIRRAO MOHITE G3£

and who had rallied the Maratha forces after the death of Prataprao. ( The accoont given in the text that
Hansaji Mohite rallied the army of Prataprao Guzar and was immediately appointed Sirnobut with the
title of Hambirrao is based on the version of Chitnis, which requires to be corrected in the light of these
facts). But the bar sinister of illegitimacy perhaps stood in the way of his being admitted to the permanent
rank of Sir-uobut, which carried a place in the Ashtapradhan Cabinet, and Shivaji with his orthodox
notions and having a regard for the feelings of the high minded Maratha nobles in his command, may have
deliberately conferred the appointment finally upon Hansaji Mohite. The temporary command of
Anandrao might have led to the mistake of XarayanShenvi, which has misled Prof Sarkarinto wrongly
identifying Anandrao with Hambirrao Mohite. It is true that on a later occasion another illegitimate son of
Shahaji was made viceroy at Jinji, but he was kept practically under the control of Hanurnante and had no
place in the Ashtapradhan Cabinet. It was perhaps on this occasion that the extraordinary mansab of Haft-
liazari, or command of seven thousand, was conferred upon Anandrao, so that he had practically the
power of a Sirnobut, though that dignity was not formally conferred upon him.

According to Jedhe, Anandrao accompanied Shivaji on the Karnatic expedition, and was with him on the
return march, while Hambirrao was left behind with Hanumante at Jinji. He was present at the capture of
Gadag-Laksh-meshwar. He completed the capture of Vellore in conjunction with Hanumante (August
1678). He captured Balapore in April 1679. At this time perhaps a junior officer of the name of Anandrao
was rising into prominence, for at this point, the captor of Balapore is described by Jedhe as the " senior
Anandrao." No further entries about Anandrao are recorded by Jedhe; but Prof. Sarkar describes his
exploits in the final war between Dilerkhan and Bijapur, at a time when Shivaji and Hambirrao began to
plunder

Khandesh, in order to divert Dilerkhan from the siege of Bijapur.

It is clear from this sketch that Anandrao was one of the greatest generals of Shivaji, one who next to
Shivaji 'himself had inherited the best of Shahaji's valour. It is a mystery how his exploits came to be
buried in oblivion. The reason was probably the same which, as surmised above, had deterred Shivaji
from conferring the honour of 'the Sirnobut upon him.

[Shivaji's son Rajaram was married to a daughter of Prataprab Guzar and also to a daughter of Hambirrao
Mohite (Shivadigvijay, p. 287 and Sardesai's Riyasat -Genealogy p. 2). Our foot-note to p. 481 should be
•corrected in this light ].

APPENDIX III THJE BATTLE OF KHANDERI

WITH reference to the account of the battle of Khanderi at page 507 and foot-note, it seems to us
advisable to quote the original account of Keigwin himself in reporting the battle to the British authorities.
An extract from his ietter is given below in his own English, without altering his spelling, punctuation
marks and capital letters.

Let us prefix to this quotation a brief account of the "beginning of the battle. At daybreak on the 18th
October 1679, "Shivaji's Armada ", as Keigwin calls it, bore down on the small English squadron with
sails and oars, firing as they came from Cheul. A grab ( or guraba ) in charge of a Mr. Gape was the
nearest to Shivaji's armada. Mr. Gape was a civilian and the naval or military commander of the vessel,
(which was a guraba christened the Dover), was Sergeant Maulverer. Next to the Dover was the Revenge,
a British frigate, under the command of Capt. Minchin, a sea-captain in the Company's service and Lt.
Keigwin, commandant of the Company's land forces in Bombay. The British force comprised eight
vessels in all. Soon,
after the commencement of the battle, Mr. Gape struck his colours and surrendered to the Marathas.
Speaking of jfchifi act of Mr. Gape, Keigwin writes in his letter, " What accident befell him (Mr. Gape) I
know not, but half a mile before the enemy was up with him, his ensign and topsail was struck ". On
seeing this act of cowardice, the rest of the English squadron were seized with panic and fled, and the
Revenge was left alone to face the enemy, one ship against about forty Maratha vessels. The Revenge is
usually described to have fought gallantly and to have sunk five of the Maratha vessels and to have
pursued the rest to Nagotna. Quite a miraculous feat in the history of naval warfare, which the history of
Orme, the Bombay Gazetteer XIII and above all Sarkar's Shivaji require us to accept without questioning!
But the report of .Keigwin himself betrays the cloven hoof. His report of the battle was written on the
evening of the day of his triumph, no doubt after he had helped himself to copious libations of " that
accursed Bombay Punch " compounded of our home-brewed Bombay bevada. Here goes Keigwin's
account of his own treachery: " Seeing ourselves alone, Captain Minchin and my •selfe encouraged our
Souldiers and Seamen admonishing them what disgrace it would be to Christians to be prisoners *o
heathens, bat courageously to defend, and fight the enemy bravely they unanimously said they would live
and dye with us, wee promised to show ourselves forward for their example, we hal'd up our sailes the
Enemy thinking we were as easily swallow'd as the other, came up our sterne, with 24 Grobs I know not
how many Galwets, I ordere'd our men not to fire until the word of Command, Soe when they came within
Pistoll Shot, and they finding us mute, thrust themselves forward in their boates to snter, but wee
discharged our Sterne Chase with Round Shot and Patridge, and presently our blunder buses and small
shot so smartly ply'd, that checkt their drums and Pipes, and in halfe an hour, wee beat them from their
Guns and Musqueta and biought them by the Lee."

This passage shows the dodge played by Keigwin and Minchin. Although they did not ''-strike their ensign
avd topsail", as Mr. Ga^e had done, they, to all intents and purposes, put Daulatkhan and the Marathas
under the belief that they were going to surrender, as Mr. Gape had done, and when the Marathas
advanced to board their frigate and accept their surrender, they treacherously opened fire. No wonder that
the Marathas quailed before this unexpected offensive. Our only regret is that Prof. Sarkar, who has made
so liberal a use of the British authorities should have failed to quote just this passage, which is to be
found in the India Office Library, Original Correspondence, No. 4665. As it is, Prof. Sarkar's reflections
at page 358 of his Skiraji are absurd.

Capt. Minchin had a few years before fought a duel with a Mr. Hornigold, British factor; and President
Aungier had occasion to denounce the event, attributing it to the use of the "accursed Bombay Punch : ',
indulgence in which was too notorious, " to the shame, scandal and ruin of our nation and religion ". Both
Capt. Minchin and Mr. Hornigold had been fined fifty " zeraphins >' each, a "zeraphin" being equal to
twenty pence. Keigwin afterwards rebelled but though the governor, John Child, spoke of him as a "
notorious, noughty rascal" and wanted to have him hanged, he managed to escape and died in an attack oa
a town in St. Christopher, in the West Indies.

APPENDIX IV

RAGHUNATH BALLAL KORDE THEKE are two officers of Shivaji, who are constantly confounded
with one another. Both are spoken of as Raghunath Ballal or as Ragho Ballal. The surname of one is
Korde and that of the other Atre. Even Mr. Kincaid has confounded them. The Bakhars rarely use the
surnames and hence the uncertainty. The title Salmis is often found used of each of them. An attempt is
here made to separate the exploits of these two men. Both wera
apparently Brahmans. The name Korde also occurs in the Kayastha Prabhu caste, which has led Mr. B. A.
Gupte in Sen's Sabhasad (p. 69) to conjecture that Raghunath-^awf Korde being a Prabhu.the name is a
mistake for Raghunath-i'ao Korde. The point is well argued in the ' Vividhdnyan-Vittar' ( Marathi),
February 192!, p. 70 This Korde was a brother-in-law of a Brahman officer of Shivaji.

Of these two officers, Korde entered into Shivaji's service earlier and served him longer. Sabhasad says (
p. 7 ) that Raghunath Ballal was one of the officers whom Shahaji sent from Bangalore, along with
Shamrao Nilkant (Peshwa), Balkrishnapant (Muzumdar) and Sonopant (Dabir). Raghunathpant came to
Poona as Sabnis or paymaster. The name Korde is first mentioned at page 47, where we are told that he
was a brother-in-law of Sonaji-panfc Dabir. Korde besides being a Sibnis was constantly employed
under Shivaji on the duties of a Dabir, or plenipotentiary. We find him employed in Shivaji's earliest
overtures with the Moguls at the time of Shahaji's captivity. (See foot-note to p. 126 and 130). Sabhasad
tays he was engaged on the mission to Chandrarao More and that he killml him and his brother. We have
seen Jedhe has quite a different story to relate (Jedhe p. 180-181 ) and we have shown ( Vide pp. 141-
142 ), that Chaudrarao More was not inunlered, but executed. Korde was probably sent to Javli to bring
about a settlement of the dispute. When Sonopant Dabir, who acted as Shivaji's vakil to Shaista Khan. (
Jedhe p. 185 ), died in 1665 ( Jedhe p. 187 ), the duties of foreign diplomacy fell upon Korde, for he went
on an embassy to Aurangzeb at Agra, afcer the armistice made with J^y Singh ( Sabhasad p. 47 ). although
in treating with Jay Singh, the Panditrao was employed. Shivaji was accompanied to Agra by Trimbakji
tiondev (the son of Sonajipant Dabir, a relation of Korde ) and was met thereby Korde himself (Sabhasad
p. 47, 48). Trimbakji and Korde were practically fulfilling the duties of Dabir and when. Shivaji escaped
from Agra, both Trimbakji and Korde were*

«88 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

seized and imprisoned. (Jedhe p. 188). They had been, left behind on diplomatic business at the time of
the flighfc of Shivaji. It is possible that on account of the captivity of these two kinsmen of the late Dabir
Sonaji Pant, the. vacant office of Dabir was at last conferred upon Somnath-pant. The two kinsmen were
freed about eight months later, when a new treaty was made with the Moguls (Jedhe p. 188). While
recording this event Jedhe speaks of Trimbak Sondev as Trimbak Sondev JDafo'r,'but it is not clear
whether that title was ever actually conferred upon him. At p. 57, Sabhasad states that Pralhad Niraji was
made a Deputy to the Sabnis or Deputy Paymaster of the Forces. Korde perhaps still held the office of
Sabuis, though more often employed on other duties. He was again sent on a mission to Muazzim at
Aurano-abad (Sabhasad p. 60), the result of which was the grant of a Mogul mansab to Sambhaji.
Thereafter the office of Sabnis was conferred upon Pralhad Niraji, about 1668. Korde is now neither
Sabnis nor Dabir. What was he promoted to ? There is reason to believe that he now served on the
Konkan coast. In 1669 Shivaji began, a desperate war with the Sidi. Korde had already once fougbt
against Sidi Fatten Khan of Jaujira, ( Vide p. 182 supra ). The hand of Korde may possibly be seen,
though the name does not appear, in that intrigue by which Fatten Khan, the Sidi Chief, was won over in
1670 to surrender the sea-fort of Janjira. (Vide p. 319 supra). But the plot was nipped in the bud and the
rival chiefs put Fatteh Khan in chains, transferred their allegiance to the Moguls, and saved Janjira (1671
). Ten years before the Sidis had lost Danda-Rajpuri to Raghunath Ballal Atre ( not Korde). In 1671 the
Sidi chiefs made a determined effort to recover Danda-Rajpuri ( vide p. 334 supra and Khafi Khan in
Elliot VII 290--92). Korde was the Maratha governor oi Danda-Rajpuri. Korde was taken by surprise
during the-Holi carnival and was defeated and slain. The garrison were-cut to pieces and the women and
children sold as slaves,. The name Atre given at page 334 is due to an oversight.
Atre, the original conqueror of Danda-Rajpuri, had died long before this event. Both Messrs. Kincaid and
Sardesai have frequently confused Atre with Korde. Mr. Kincaid not only speaks of Atre as having baen
killed by the Sidis at Danda-Rajpuri in 1671, but he mentions Atre as Shivaji's ambassador to Chandrarao
More.

Raghunath Ballal Atre was the man who was put in command of the corps of 700 Pathan mercenaries who
came to seek service under Shivaji, ( vide page 147 supra ). He distinguished himself by his defence of
the fort of Panhala after Shivaji's escape to Vishalgad, in 1660. For this he was highly honoured ( pp.
191-192 ). He was next appointed to lead the Maratha forces against the Sidi of Janjira. The first Peshwa
Shamraj Ranzekar had been defeated by the Sidi ( p. 148 supra ), and though some ground was regained
by Moro Trimal Pingle, the Sidi had raised his head again (p. 178 supra). Atre was sent against Janjira
with a large army. ( Vide Sabhasad p. 67 and p. 192 supra ). He retrieved the Maratha losses, and
captured the'harbour-town of Danda-Rajpuri ( p. 192 supra ). He died soon after this in 1660 and the
Abyssinian power began to rise again. ( Sabhasad, p. 67 ). The name Korde occurring in the text at page
J96 should be changed into Atre.

Unfounded statements are sometimes made that Korde's prospects in Shivaji's service were cut off on
account-of his unauthorized murder of Chandrarao More. It is argued that Korde and Sambhaji Kavji
murdered Chandrarao by an unauthorized act, that Shivaji was not a party to th& murder, and that in
consequence Korde was not appointed to any position of trust after that event. But More was -not
murdered and this defence is fantastic. Even Mr. Kincaid has tripped by taking up this line of defence.
This defence was urged by Mr. P. B. Joshi in a paper read before a Marathi literary conference and is the
subject of a foot-note in Sardesai's Riyasat, p. 238. Nor did Sambhaji Kavji, whose name is also
mentioned in that affair, come

'640 LIFE OF SHIVAJI MAHARAJ

into disfavour with Shivaji, till his desertion at Shaista Khan's invasion. ( See p. 224 and foot-note ).

A word may be added about Atre's successor in the Janjira war. This was Venkoji Datto, the companion
of Anandrao Farzand Bhonsle. Sabhasad (pp. 67, 68) says that this commander went and utterly
devastated the Sidi dominions and annexed their land. In a battle that followed, he killed 300 Abyssinians
and captured their horses. This took place in August, 1660.

[ A doubt arises here. Did Venkoji Datto and Anandrao, who according to Sabhasad ( pp. 63, 64 ) came
together to join Shivaji's service, leaving that of Shahaji, actually come in the life-time of Shahaji ? That
wouid be before 1664, the date of the first sack of Surat. But Sabhasad mentions them as immediately
employed in the second sack of Surat, 1670. But Veukoji Datto was employed under Shivaji already as
early as 1660, as we have just seen, i. e. even earlier than the first invasion of Surat. We have a shrewd
suspicion that somehow or other the Marathi Bakhars have made a jumble of the two invasions of Surat.
They remembered only the particulars of the latter invasion, while their calculation of the amount of booty
brought C " five crorea of hons " according to Sabhasad ) is likely to be more true of the first sack of
Surat rather than of the second. The very fact that the bakhars are otherwise silent about the first sack of
Surat is suspicious. There is certainly some confusion. The statement that Anandrao and Venkoji Datto left
the service of Shahaji and were soon afterwards employed in an invasion upon Surat, joijed to the fact
that Venkoji Datto had been in Shivaji's service already in 1660, would lead us to infer, that
Sabhat>ad,while giving the particulars of the second invasion of Surat (1670), is thinking confusedly of
some matters that belong to the first invasion. ]
GLOSSARY OF INDIAN TERMS.

Amatya—A minister, the head of the finance department.

Amir—A nobleman.

Aryavarta—India,ao called because it WHS first settled in by the Aryas.

Ashta Pradhan—Eight ministers, or the cabinet of eight ministers.

Itakshi—A paymaster of the forces, also commander.

Bairagi—A recluse.

Hargir—A trooper that is mounted and equipped by the state that employs him, opp : to Shiledar.

llhagwa Zenda—The red-ochre coloured ensign.

Chamar—A fly-whisk ensign of Indian royalty.

Cbampak tree—A kind of flower tree.

Chitnis—A secretary.

Cboutb or Chauth—One quarter of the land revenue of a district.

Chowries—Ornamental hair-tassels.

Dabir—A foreign secretary, or envoy.

Daftar—A record, a register.

Dakshina—A present to Brahman*.

Daroga—A superintending officer, clerks, guards &c.

Dasara—A grand Hindu holiday in the early part of October.

Ucsai—A hereditary officer, the head of a district. He is the same as deskmutk.

Deshmukh -A hereditary oflicar, the head of a district (paragaim). His duties in the district correspond
with those of the patil in the village.

Deshpande—A hereditary officer of a mahal. He is under a desh-mukb. ilia olfice nearly corresponds
with that of kulkarni under a patil.

Devi— Ajjoddess, usually the consort of the god Shiva, also called Gauri, lihavani and by other names.
42

Dewan—A minister.
Dbarmasbala—A rest-house.

Divali—A great festive Hindu holiday in early November, the Feast of the Lamps.

Durbar—A royal court.

Durva—A kind of grass reckoned holy.

Fakir—A Mahomedan anchorite.

Firman—A mandate, a fiat.

Fouzdar—A garrison commander or police officer.

Qadkari—A garrison man in connection with a fort.

Qaodha—A pigment for the forehead or body ( of aandal wood, saffron, &c.).

Ghatmatba—A table-land on the Suhyadri mountains, or the Western Ghauta.

Gborpad—Iguana.

Qosavi—An anchorite.

(iuru—A spiritual preceptor.

(iuraba—Galley with strong deck, and two or three masts, of 300 tons, a naval ship.

Haft-bazarl—( Hapt-hazary ) A commander in charge of seven thousand soldiers.

Havaldar—A commander of five decuries ; a chief otlicer in charge of a fort.

Hazari—A commander of one thousand soldiers.

Inam—A grant in perpetuity without conditions.

Jabgir—An assignment by Govern ment of lands &c.

Jamdar—Office curator, the officer in charge of the treasure and jewels.

Janjira—Maritime fortress. Jari-patka—A cloth of gold bauner. Jumledar—A commander over two
havaldars.

GLOSSARY OF INDIAN TERMS

Kabulaynts—Agreements.

Kalawant—A singer or musician.

Kamawisdar—A civil commissioner in charge of a town.

Karbhari—An administrator of a jahgir-estate etc.

Karkhana—Ware-house, an arsenal, commissariat etc.

Karkhannis—A a officer in charge of departmental stores.

Karkun—A clerk or petty revenue officer.

Khan—Honorary suffix to Mahomedan nimes.

Kasba—A chief town of a mahal (district).

Khasnis—A special steward.

Killedar—An officer in charge of a fort.

Kirtan—A religious service in honour of a god with music and singing, and moral discou rses.

Kos—A measure of distance, equal to about 2^ miles.

Kosha or Mahal—Treasury, mint, stables, parks etc,

Kotwal—A chief officer of police or constabulary of a town.

Kulkarnl—'An officer of a village under the patil. His business is to keep the accounts of the cultivators
with government and all the public records.

Mahar—One of the depressed classes.

Mang—One of the depressed classes.

Mahalkari—A taluka officer.

Masa—-V measure equal to the 12th part of a tola.

Mansabdar—An officer holding a rank or command in the cavalry etc.

Mantri—( Waknis ) one of the ministers whose duty was to keep the private records and correspondence.

Miragdar—An hereditary officer

usually holding some land in a

village ; petty landlord. Mohur—A gold coin worth from Ra 15 toRs. 20. Mokasdar—A farmer of the
revenue

of villages given in inam. Morchel—A brush of peacock feathers. It is waved over idols,

rajas etc. Alouza—A village. Mulukbgiri—Active service on hostile soil.

Mutaliq—A deputy. Muzumdar—Accountant-general. Nagarkhana—A bandroom. Naik—Commander or
captain or corporal of a company. Nazar—'A state present. Navratra—The nine nights devoted to the
worship of Devi, preceding

Dasara.

Omrah—A nobleman. Pagoda—The same as lion or Hun,

a gold coin worth about 3 to 4

rupees. Paga—A body of horse under one

commander ; the state cavalry. Padres—Christian missionaries. Panch-hazari—A commander of five

thousand soldiers.

Panchayat—An assembly of arbitrators ( usually five ). Pandit—A learned man. Pant—Honorary sumx to
names of Brahmans.

Pant-Sachiv—One of the eight ministers keeper of government/

records.

Parasnis—Persian translator. Patwarl—An officer of a village, a land steward &c. Pawada or powada—
A ballad. Peshwa—A prime minister. Peshkhush—A premium by annual instalments. Phadnis—An
assistant to the

Muzumdar.

GLOSSARY OF INDIAN TERMS

043

Pir—A Mahomedan saint at whose shrine vows are made and offerings presented.

Potnis—A cashier.

Polygar—A revolted rayat setting himself up as a chieftain living in woods and fastnesses and employ-ins
himself in levying contributions and marauding.

Prabhawal—An ornamental silver

plate.

Prant— district.

PHJa—Worship of an idol, or priest-Pujarl—A priest. Quilledar—An officer in charge of a fort. Rao—

Honorary suffix added to

proper names among Deccani

people.

Ramoshi—A hill tribe. Rang-Pancbami—The fifth day of

festivities during the Holi holidays.

Riyasat—A regime. Sabnis—A paymaster. Sachiv—A minister, same as Surnis. Salaam—A salnte. Sanad
—A sealed paper of authority or patent.

Sannyasi—An ascetic. Saranjam—Military grant for the

maintenance of an army corps. Snrdar—A nobleman. Sati—A woman who burns herself with the corpse
of her deceased

husband. Senapati—A chief general, same as

Sirnobiit.

Shalas—Karkhanas. Shaivism—A sect devoted to the

worship of the god Shiva. Shakas—An era which commences

from the birth of Shalivahan i. e.

about 78 A. D. Shastras—Hindu scriptures which

lay down duties in life. Sbiledar—A horse soldier who provides his own horse. Sbimga—A great Hindu
holiday, the same as Holi. Shirastedar—A head clerk. Sirdeshmukhi—One tenth of the revenue.

Sir-lashkar—Chief commander. Sir-Naik—-Chief commander. SirNobut—Commander-in-chief.

Subhedar—Military officer over five jumledars ; a governor. Sumant-; Dabir)—A minister of foreign
affairs. Surnis—A record-keeper. Swarajya—Self-rule. Tat-sirnobut—Chief Commander of the ramparts.
Toran—A lintel from which leafy

branches, garlands of flowers &c.

are hung ; a festooned arch. Turufdar-Talukdar—A revenue officer under the mamlatdar. Vaishnavism—A
sect devoted to th e worshio of the god Vishnu. Vakil—(Bokil) an agent; an envoy. Vatan—Grant of land.
Viziership—Premiership. Waknls— Record-keeper ; a home secretary.

Zemindary—lhe rights of a hereditary officer who collects land dues etc. Zenana—Harem.

Note:—The terms Chitnis, Phadnis, Sabnis, Mur.umdar denote major or minor offices, according to the
context. When attached to the whole realm or the Axhtn-jsradhan cabinet, the terms denote high ministerial
or secretarial posts ; when attached to a fort or regiment, they denote minor offices. Sabnis may be
Paymaster of the Forces (a secretarial post) or paymaster to a regiment or company.

EKRATA.
Page 14 Doulatabat should be Perinda, or Parinda.

Page 45, foot-note, Jonathan Scott should be Scott Waring.

Page 196 Korde should be Atre.

Page 237 Is lost should be was lost.

Page 334 Atre should be Korde.

Page 365 Next them should be next after them.

Page 387 Though servants of the state should be As servants of the state.

Page 387 While they drew should bo though they drew.

Page 481 Foot note (1) should be corrected in the light of the concluding paragraphs in Appendix II.

Page 543, foot-note, The Ramdas's conventicles should be the Kamdas conventicles.

Page 593 Dattaji Prabhu, veterans should be Dattaji Pant; Prabhu veterans.

Page 624 Systematic should be systematic.

There are some minor typographical errors.

Opinions on the Life of Shivaji Maharaj.

The Bombay Chronicle (Bombay':—" We warmly recommend this work to oar readers. It is a book for all
time and deserves to be chewed and digested."

The Marathn (Poona):—" The work is certainly more substantial and more readable as an historical work
than both the monographs of Prof. Rawlinson and the legend-laden history of the Marathas by Mr Kincaid.
We welcome the advent of an author possessing each abil : ty nnd command over the English language »s
Prof. Takakh.iv and feel sure that his present book will supply a long-felt want ..English comoosition is a
very useful weapon lor practical warfare with English critics and for hacking onr way out through the
thick lines of prejudices with which Maratha history is surrounded "

The Statesman (Calcutta) :—'• There is nothing bub well deserved praise for the way in which Prof.
Takakhav has acquitted himself of his self-imposed task -...The book is well printed and singularly free
(for books in English printed in India) from typographical errors."

The Civil and Military Gazette (Lahore! :— " The lovers of impartial history will be grateful for a book
which gives us an account of the leader who did more than any Hindu within historical times to weld the
Hindus into a nation-.-...The views expressed in this chapter ion the character) are very interesting and the
author certainly adduces many points in support of his contentions. 1 *

The Century Review (Allahabad):—" It is interesting to find a worthy life of the Great Shivaji, written in
the finest style, and containing many illuminating details. The author is to be congratulated on the very
comprehensive work he has produced. Shivaji has hitherto been known as a marauder and a wandering
brigand. To-day he is differently known and respected. The fa?t that His Royal Highness the Prince of
Wales only recently unveiled the statue of this great Indian must give Shivaji a permanent place among the
great rulers of India. He worked to a great and roble end and his life shows him to be an empire-builder
of no mean stamp, with a statesmanship possessed by few indeed. The book is worthy of careful perusal,
especially by those who wish to learn more of the great leader of India."

The Educational Review (Madras):—"The book before us makes the laudable attempt of constructing a
life of Shivaji with sufficient fullness from infernal sources, that is, the native chronicles and bakhar.i,
subjecting the information gained from these to adequate criticism in the light of the external sources of
information available so far The work shows acquaintance with the most recent work done upon various
parts of Maratha history and exhibits a ready tendency to criticise every conclusion arrived at from the
Maratha sources alone, by Persian sources „

We commend the performance on the whole a* a satisfactory efforb ab a life of the Great Maratha Hero.
.... \Ve need hardly say more than commend the book to the consideration of all students of his&ory, for r [
3 ]

careful etudy and sympathetic criticism The work ia welcome as ib is brought ont ato a time when the
memorial to Shivaji received its foundation from the hands of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales."

The United India and Indian States (Calcutta^:— " The biography rightly contradicts the accepted version
about the tragedy of Afzal Khun and vindicates Shivaji who met) guile with superior guile -It is a
welcome addition to the biographies of the famous hero mainly written from an Indian stand-point and we
recommend the book to all lovers of Indian history."

The Simla Times—" One of the chief merits of the biography is that Sbivaji lives in its pages. He does not
appear therein as a mere figure of bis times or as a creature of environment, but his personality dominates
the entire scene and his character gives colour and animation to his surroundings In the pages of this book
may be read what Shivaji's dauntless courage, persevering energy and practical wisdom actually
accomplished during his life-time."

The Mysore Patriot —"In the present work Shivaji is depicted as the director and entrepreneur of the
greatest movement for the assertion of national liberty and independence that India has known in pro-
British times. His character, his institutions and the greatness of his work are set forth at length very
excellently and elaborately in the succeeding chapters of this valuable publication We can say that the
present! work is an attempt to give a faithful likeness of Phivaji and an estimate of his great work chiefly
based upon the indigenous bnklinr chronicles of the Marathaa. Tbo book under review gives a complete
account of the career of Shivaji and a critical exposition of attitude towards tho hero. We confidently
recommend this valuable publication "

The London Times -"It is time to revise the traditional English estimate of Shivaji's work. As Dr.
Macnicol saya in his 'Foreword', we can no longer regard him as having 'won his supremacy by treachery,
assassination and hard fighting'; for, even if we make allowances for the partiality of Marathi historians,
upon whom this history admittedly relies, Shivaji stands out as a man of immense determination, of
unlimited resourcefulness, of great powers of administration and of high military genius When the writer
weeks to wipe out every stain from his hero'a character, he proves too much ; the greatness of Shivaji'a
achievement is his sufficient epitaph, and, like ether great men, he is not without blots upon his
escutcheon. For all that, the author has in many respects shown us the founder of the Maratha Empire in a
new light, and that, we take it, was his object" t Jj /1

St Xavier's College Magazine (Bombay):—" This story of Shivaji's life is related by Prof. Takakhav with
great brilliancy and ability bub with a bias for his hero . ..Prof Takakhav's book is a contribution of
permanent value to the study of the real character of Shivaji. It stands midway between Mr. Kincaid's
history and Prof. Sarkar's 'Shivaji', which are good ei*mples of two opposite extremes of historical
method and research..., .. Prof. Takakhav's book is for all time."

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