Cariaga, Chylsea F.

SUNNI-SHIA DIVIDE AND THE INSTITUTIONAL COMPROMISES IN

LEBANON

CHAPTER 1

I. Background of the study

Conflict is defined to be an active disagreement between two or more opposing

parties due to different opinions and principles (Cambridge, n.d). Conflict comes in
different forms. It could be interpersonal which refers to the conflict between two
individuals. Also, it could be intrapersonal which is a conflict within an individual.
Another would be an Intragroup conflict where there are differences between
individuals within a group. Lastly, a conflict could be intergroup where there is a
misunderstanding between groups (Evans, 2013). Aside from that, there are different
causes of conflicts. Common causes of conflicts are lack of consensus, unfair
expectations, and manipulation (Beckwith, 2016). These different aspects of conflict
are mostly present in the Middle East. Conflict is present from the Individual level to
state level. Most of the conflicts in the Middle East are caused by different religious
orientation and ideologies until it evolved into something more complicated. From the
mere different religious beliefs, until it touches the political sphere. Conflicts were
caused by disputes in the territory to the dispute on who will be the right state leader
(Shah, 2006). The difference between Sunni and Shia lies where the authority is located.
Sunni believes that authority resides in the community and it is being shared among
individuals. Also, Sunni believes that Allah’s power can be manifested in the physical
world even in the political and public aspect (Harney, 2016; NewWorldEncyclopedia,
2015). This is the very reason why the Lebanese political sphere is dominated by
Sunnis. It aims to penetrate all aspects of the society such as education and social
aspects, and this kind of movement is what they called as Islamization of society
(Abdel-Latif, 2008). On the other hand, Shias believe that authority resides in
Muhammad’s descendants including their representatives. In general, it adheres to the
principle of martyrdom and sacrifice (Harney, 2016; NewWorldEncyclopedia, 2015).
Despite the presence Sunni- Shia conflict in the countries like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq,
Turkey, Yemen, Syria, and Kuwait, their government remains functional (Middle East
Policy Council, n.d). Unfortunately, this is not true with Lebanon. The Lebanese
government is paralyzed (Khatib & Gardiner, 2015). The on-going Sunni-Shia
confrontation in Lebanon has a negative implication to the Lebanese government,
especially to its Executive Branch. Thus, this study will present what makes the
Lebanese government vulnerable amidst the Sunni-Shia confrontation. Also, given the
15 years Civil War in Lebanon, this study will also dig more from the past to find out
if the Civil War had greatly contributed to the current confrontation between the two
Islamic denominations. Furthermore, this study will focus mainly on Executive Branch
of the Lebanese government to find out if the government structure itself contributes to
the instability of the government and to figure out how state leaders cope with the
conflict. Lastly, this study will figure out the possible future of Lebanon.

II. Statement of the Problem

This study seeks and aspires to answer the following:

1. What is the contribution of the 15 years Civil War to the ongoing Sunni-Shia
confrontation in Lebanon?

2.What is the implication of the Sunni-Shia conflict to the Lebanese government

particularly to its Executive Branch?

3. What is the possible future of Lebanon?

III. The Significance of the study

This study is significant especially to the following:

The United Nations that they may help to solve the country’s longtime conflict and
to prevent another civil war in Lebanon that may negatively affect the people. Also,
humanitarian aid by this international organization may be essential to the citizens of
Lebanon.

The Middle East that the whole region may help one another to solve the conflict,
not just between Sunni and Shia, but also other ethnic or religious conflicts that continue
to give damage to the Middle East countries which affects their own government and
especially the innocent citizens who continue to experience this dilemma.

The Lebanese government that they may be aware of their current condition amidst
the Sunni and Shia conflict. Through this awareness, it might help them realize that
they must establish a good relationship with each other in order to create a strong and
reliable government that can be responsive to the needs of the people and be able to
contain the conflict within the country.

To the other states, that the conflict in Lebanon may be a lesson to other countries
to prevent war and be open for harmonious discussions until both parties or more will
arrive in a consensus. Through this consensus, peace can be attainable through
harmonious means and solving domestic conflicts prevents regional and international
conflicts. It is better to solve domestic conflict ones it starts to arise so that it would not
evolve to a regional and international conflict.

Both Sunni and Shia group that these groups may realize the effects of their
conflicting interests, not just in Lebanon, but to the whole Middle East since this
conflict is not just limited to a state, but it is a regional dilemma, and even a world
problem. Hopefully, these groups may take into account the damage they cause to the
public and to their own states.

Overall, this study is significant, that everyone may know the effects of conflicts to
their own country, government and to the ordinary citizens, and how different units and
entities within a state cope and live given with existing conflicts in their country just
like Lebanon. Also, this study will serve as a new literature about the Sunni and Shia
divide and its possible implications. Another contribution of this study would be a new
knowledge, facts, and information about Lebanon.

IV. Theory

In this study, the theory will be used is Constructivism. The focal point of this theory
is the human awareness or consciousness and its place in the international arena. This
theory gives emphasis that the important aspect of in terms of world affairs is the social
instead of the material aspect which is outside human consciousness. Also, it gives
emphasis on ideas and beliefs which shape the individual or the group’s reality.
According to Giddens, actors may shape or transform structures through thinking and
acting on them. The theory recognized that there are relative or subjective
understanding instead of having an objective and limited knowledge. This theory
believes that the world or reality is not given, but it is formed and created through ideas
and understanding or even a consensus of a group of people (Jackson & Sorensen,
2013). Furthermore, this study will particularly use Alexander Wendt’s ideas and
assumptions. Wendt asserted that identities and interests play an important role due to
the power it interpersonal and international relations. For him, identity is subjective
made within a culture and can be seen through a group’s behavior and disposition. Also,
one’s interpretation is essential of how one perceives the other. In terms of interest, a
clear identity or identification can foster the group’s interest. Apart from that, Wendt
also mentioned about national interest. Identity is believed to be subjective, and there
are countries that are very diverse. Many groups equal to many identities and many
interests. In order that a stat will not fall, the state or government must reconcile
different interests together with the national interest. Otherwise, the state or government
will fall (Behr, n.d).

The approach will be used in a manner that will stress historical and the character
of the identity of Sunni and Shia. This theory will serve as a lens of how the reality of
the Lebanese government is being shaped and transformed by the conflicting ideas and
interests of both the Sunni and Shia. Also, this theory will also be used in looking
regional affairs in the Middles East that may contribute to the Sunni-Shia conflict within
Lebanon.

V. Methodology

Historical Methodology will be used in the study. It informs how current situations
came into being and how the past will be a basis to guide the future. It can yield insights
that cannot be achieved by other means. This methodology will help us to recall past
endeavors that can evaluate and even predict emerging and current practices. It can
assist in understanding the relationships between politics, education, society, and local
and central governments. Unlike other research, this method does not create evidence
instead it makes use of what is available. In short, it collects evidence and likely to
examine both primary and secondary sources. This method gives emphasis to evaluate
the information critically. It points out explicit and implicit points from the sources. In
terms of analyzing and interpreting the evidence, it will be logical if it arranged
chronologically, there should be a theme, and the geography of the event (Duke &
Malette, 2011). In line with study, this methodology will be used since it will examine
the roots of the conflict between Sunni and Shia, and throughout the years of this
conflict, it will discuss how it shapes the reality of the Lebanese and how the sectarian
structure was affected due to the different interests and ideas of Sunni and Shia.

VI. Sources of data

As anchored in the methodology, the main source of data or evidence will be

secondary sources such as journal articles regarding the 15 years Civil War in Lebanon
and the possible future of Lebanon from its current condition today. Also, newspapers
from the independence of Lebanon up until today will be used as data source to know
the government condition of Lebanon particularly its Executive Branch throughout the
time. Secondary source materials present a particular vantage on primary sources and
may also review unread bibliographic information that should be read on the topic of
interest. Secondary sources can also help a researcher to narrow down a topic of interest
and to develop research questions (Duke & Malette, 2011).

VII. Unit of analysis

The unit of analysis will be the Executive Branch of the Lebanese government and
most importantly the phenomenon that refers to the conflict between Sunni and Shia.
This phenomenon will be based on the conflicting ideas and interests of the two Islamic
denominations, and how this phenomenon anchored from the ideas of the Sunni and
Shia shape, form, transform, and even create the reality of the Lebanese including the
sectarian structure of Lebanon which includes almost all aspects like social, economic,
and political.
 CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

This chapter is composed of literature that are related to the study. It will show
a logical flow that would help to understand the objective of this study and what it
wanted to imply. Also, it presents the synthesis to show the gap or the problematic
situation that would justify this study and its contribution to knowledge.

Conflict
Conflict is defined to be a disagreement between two parties or more because
of different opinions and principles (Cambridge, n.d). Conflict comes in different form.
First, it can be interpersonal. This kind of conflict is between one party to another given
that every person is different. Second, a conflict could be interpersonal where oneself
struggles from within. Third, is the intragroup conflict wherein group members within
a group do not agree with each other. Lastly, an intergroup conflict where one group
disagree with the other group (Evans, 2013). The main reason of why conflict exists
between different person and group is due to a lack of understanding between parties,
communication barrier, unclear or unfair expectation, and power plays or manipulation
(Beckwith, 2016).
Different classifications and causes of conflicts mentioned are right, but the
most common of all is that there is conflict because parties are just different, and
different parties adhere to different ideologies.

Importance of Ideology

Most of the social scientists assume that ideology is both normative and
generative. According to Downs (as cited Martin, 2014), an ideology is intrinsically
normative since it is defined as the verbal trademark of a certain society and an
important means of constructing such a society. It serves as the foundation and the
standard of a certain community which became their basis on their actions and behavior,
and this concurs with the twentieth-century definition of ideology which is referred as
a system of beliefs on human nature that considered by some group of people as their
way of life (Warraq, 2017). Second, ideology is generative which facilitates our stand
on a particular issue. Ideology affects our decision making as an individual. It helps to
shape our morale and be able to distinguish right from wrong (Martin, 2014).
According to Davis et al. (as cited in Chen, 2017), ideology varies across
contexts. For example, in the study of Piurko and colleagues including that concurs
with the study of Schwartz (as cited in Chen, 2017), they found out that over 20
countries there were differences in terms of values and ideological self-replacement.
This implies that different countries and even different communities within the states
have different definition and notion of what it means to be in the “left” and “right”
(Chen, 2017). Different ideologies are not only manifested in the broader entities like
states and nations. It is also present even to the subgroups within the communities like
the two Islamic denominations, the Sunnis and the Shias. Though both of these groups
came from one Islamic community, they have a different ideology that they wish to be
recognized and be embodied by others. The difference between the two will be
discussed in the succeeding paragraphs.

The Sunnis and the application of their ideology

Sunni Islam which is one of the two predominant branches of the Islamic
religion. It was estimated that 80 % of the whole population of Muslims are Sunnis.
The Sunnis believed in the idea that the whole community of Muslims must choose the
Prophet’s successor known as the caliph, Abu Bakr. This Islamic denomination
emphasized the power of Allah and the determination of human fate. Also, Sunnis are
believed to be more inclusive than other Islamic denominations such as the Shias. Also,
Sunnis believed that the role of religion can be or must be manifested in public and
political life with great emphasis on the Islamic Law or known as the Shariah Law
(“Sunni Islam,” n.d). Since Sunnis find it more significant to serve in public especially
in the political sphere, most Islamic countries like Algeria, Saudi Arabia, United Arab
Emirates and many more are led by a government which is predominantly Sunni. In
short, there are more Islamic countries led by Sunnis than Shias (Shaikh, 2018). Other
than being active in the political aspect of the society, in times that Sunnis felt
marginalized, they rise through insurgency like the rise of the Islamic State (IS) or
commonly known as ISIS which stands for Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham. The
latter is a Salafist-Jihadist group which is a reformist and extremist movement within
Sunni Islam. As aforementioned, they give emphasis on the strict implementation of
Shariah Law in terms of governance and political decisions. This means that ISIS view
that their religion and the state are bound together (Jasko et al., 2018). Also, ISIS’ goal
is the extension and establishment of the caliphate. In the application of ISIS ideology,
this created resentment and power vacuum in Irag, especially during the fall of Sadam
Hussein that allowed growth of militant resistance against the United States and Shia
rule (“An Overview of ISIS, 2016). Aside from that, since Sunnis wanted to strictly
implement the Shariah law based on their interpretation because they believed that this
law is absolute, they consider other people who do not adhere to this law as apostates
which refers to those who renounce their religious and political belief, and these people
must be put to death (Jasko et al., 2018). Sunni applications based on their ideology
also include the practice of damaging home bases of their enemies like the Shias
(Knights, 2017). It is not only the Sunnis who are aggressive when they felt they are
being left out in the society, but it is also quite the same with the Shia.

Shias and the application of their ideology

Rather than the Prophet Muhammad, Shias adhere more on Prophet’s cousin
and son-in-law, Imam Ali. Shias continue to follow the ways of Imam Ali just like how
Christians follow and worship Jesus. Shias give emphasis on their Imams as they
perceive the latter as sinless and similar to a prophet. Also, Shias regard an Imam as
who has extraordinary attributes and has a divine mission as Allah’s representative in
the world. Aside from that, they Shia believe in the doctrine called Taqiya. This means
concealing their true belief, that is why it is difficult to know what they truly believe.
Lastly, Shias believed in the idea of sacrifice and martyrdom (“Sunni vs. Shia,” n.d).
As mentioned, it is not only Sunnis who are offensive when they felt they are
treated as inferior in the community; this is also true in the context of the Shias. For
instance, in Lebanon, the Lebanese government is composed and dominated by Sunnis
and Shia wanted to gain cabinet seats in the government, so that they can also avail the
benefits that the Sunnis experience. An example of these government benefits is the
veto power. In line with this desire by the Shias, a group was formed known as the
Hezbollah as opposition against the Sunni government in Lebanon (Etheredge, 2011).
For Shias, they perceive themselves as alienated and are situated in a disadvantaged
position, and they believed that their rising radicalization is the way to free from that
less well-off position. Also, this protest against the Sunni government is a form of
bravery and martyrdom for Shias (Etheredge, 2011; Hunter, n.d).
Both Sunnis and Shias’ behavior are similar especially when they are in an
inferior position. Both Islamic denominations are being aggressive whey they think
they are being excluded in the community and manipulated by others. Both groups are
deeply embedded in their doctrines and ideologies. In this case, since both of them
follow a different belief, when applied in real-life situations, their actions are definitely
conflicting.

The Clash: Sunni vs. Shia

Before, the conflict between Sunni and Shia is rooted way back on the
immediate death of Prophet Muhammad on 632 AD. The conflict between the two
Islamic denominations boils down in terms of who will be the successor of Prophet
Muhammad that shall lead the whole Islamic community. For Sunnis, they believed
that Abu Bakr shall lead the Muslims and shall be the rightful successor of Prophet
Muhammad since Abu Bakr was the trusted friend and advisor of the Prophet. On the
other hand, Shias believed that Imam Sali, Prophet Muhammad’s cousin and at the same
time the Prophet’s son-in-law, was appointed by Allah to lead the Muslims (Withnall,
2016).
The clash between Sunnis and Shias is more on political rather than religious.
In the succeeding years, after the death of Muhammad, Shias lost early in the
competition in terms of political power and in gaining allegiance from Muslims. Shias
retreated since this is the advice given to them by their Imam, Ja’ar Sadegh. Many are
Shia minorities, though there are countries wherein their population is dominated by
Shias, but their political leaders are composed of Sunnis. There is a competition of
influence and power between the two dominant Islamic denominations where one
wanted to retain their power (Sunnis), and the other is striving for emancipation (Shias).
There are interstate tensions between the two groups especially in countries like Iran,
Iraq, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and others (Hunter, n.d; Withnall, 2016).
The Sunni-Shia confrontation is a regional conflict. For instance, Saudi Arabia
and Iran are fighting for regional dominance in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia is a
leading Sunni Muslim power while Iran is largely to be a Shia Muslim. Saudi Arabia
perceives itself has a Muslim leader that wanted to spread its power beyond its national
borders, but this goal was challenged by Iran in 1979 where it introduced another type
of state in the Middle East. Its been 15 years since this conflict begun and it triggers
and spread to other Middle East countries as other states choose their sides especially
today that Saudi Arabia is doing its best to contain Iran from winning the war and
preventing its influence to spread from other countries. As a result, Saudi Arabia
together with its allies like Syria continue to create havoc to contain Iran (Marcus,
2017).
Another regional conflict concerning Sunni and Shia is the war between Iran
and Iraq. This conflict was more on political disputes regarding territory. Since Iran is
an oil-producing country, Iraq wanted to avail that resources and plan to subjugate
Iran’s territory. Part of Iraq’s attack on Iran is to contain the latter’s revolutionary
government with a majority of its Shia leaders. This conflict heightened when countries
like Saudi Arabi and Kuwait support and financed Iraq, but the confrontation did not
last long as both countries agreed to have a peace negotiation and agreement
(Encyclopedia Britannica, 2018).
The Sunni-Shia conflict is also present in Turkey wherein President Erdogan
was forced to participate in the conflict because of the established personal relations
with Syria, Iran, and Iraq. Turkey supported popular uprising in countries like Egypt,
Libya, and Syria regardless of the sect of the leaders within these countries. Turkey is
in a defensive stance while Iran and other allies take care of the offensive attack against
its enemies and rivals (Kuru, 2012).
In Yemen, the Sunni-Shia conflict is much more complex since the country is
suffering from a regional conflict of Saudi Arabia and Iran, and at the same time,
Yemen is suffering from internal conflict with Houthi rebels which is composed mostly
of Shia minority and together with the presence of Al-Qaeda which is a Sunni militant.
Yemen is viewed as part of Saudi Arabia’s cold war with Iran as the latter wanted to
share borders with Yemen since of its fear of Iran’s expansionism in the country. Since
the start of the war in 2017, the Al-Qaeda continues to launch attacks against the
Houthis (Al Jazeera News, 2018).
The Sunni-Shia conflict is not just a regional dilemma, but it is also present in
the national or domestic level. For instance, due to the regional tension of the conflict,
it affects Syria as it became one of the battlegrounds of the conflict. Syria is the clear
sectarian line in the Middle East where the Sunni axis led by Turkey and Saudi Arabia,
and on the other hand, the Shia led by Iran. Today, Syria conflict triggered by regional
conflict continues to exacerbate (Ben-Meir, 2012).
In Kuwait particularly in its capital, Bahrain, the conflict got worst in 2011
where government opposition composed of Shia and government supporters composed
of Sunni. It is believed that Shia triggered the conflict because of its continuous protest
against the government. Shias assert that they are discriminated by the Sunnis especially
in the workplace, and they are underrepresented in the government and in the military.
This assertion by the Shia was denied by the Sunnis. The Sunni led government is open
for a peace agreement with the Shia civilians, but the latter wanted more than that
(Erlich, 2013).
The conflict in Bahrain, Kuwait is similar to Lebanon. Within the latter’s border,
the political sphere is dominated by Sunnis wherein Shias also wanted to gain
opportunities to be part of the political arena (Etheredge, 2011). This kind of tension in
Lebanon was overlooked by many. In 2008, violence escalated in Beirut, the capital of
Lebanon. In the ongoing crisis in Lebanon, Hezbollah, the Shia group opposition
against the Sunni backers of the Lebanese government, does not resolve the crisis. The
conflict fostered even more because of the speech of the Hezbollah leader, Hassan
Nasrallah, in which he stated that militant groups would respond with force to any
attacks. This proliferates the sectarian confrontation. There were scenes of intense
fighting that went beyond the capital. There were clashes and gunfires in other districts.
The clash lasted for more or less two weeks (Stewart, 2008). After the 2008 clash, the
tension and fight continue, and it spread elsewhere in the country since other people
from other states are joining the state conflict in Lebanon. Supports are coming but not
on peacemaking, but rather these supports help to proliferate the conflict (Sly, 2013).
In 2014, the bombing occurred in the again Beirut, particularly in the capital’s southern
part. This was carried out by a suicide bomber who was a Lebanese citizen and a
university student. The bomber was also the first agent of ISIS to target the Hezbollah
in the Lebanese soil. The cause was believed to be the radicalizations of Sunnis and the
entry of Al-Qaeda from Syria to Lebanon (Corbeil, 2014). The conflict still widens, and
it was perceived that it might lead to another civil war in Lebanon (Slim, 2012).
When there is conflict beyond, and within the national borders, the
government’s legitimacy, authority, capacity, and functionality is being challenged.
This is true to the Middle East countries where Sunni-Shia conflict is present.
The response of Middle East government with regard to Sunni-Shia conflict

The government of Saudi Arabi remains steadfast amidst the Sunni-Shia

conflict. Saudi Arabia’s government is one of the strongest government in the Middles
East, no wonder why it wanted to dominate the whole Middle East. They are
empowering their military backed by the United States. The latter continue to sell
military equipment to Saudi Arabia as the United States wanted to avail Saudi Arabia’s
source of energy in return. Also, given that both countries have bilateral agreement
(Blanchard, 2018).
Despite the Sunni-Shia conflict in Iran, their President Hassan Rouhani
continues to take the initiative to uplift his own country without giving up the war and
tension with its rival namely Saudi Arabi. Iran’s government that does not rely too much
on the United States like other Middle East countries. Iran is trying to stand on its own.
A strong Executive leader reflects how strong Iran is (Middle East Policy Council, n.d).
Iraq’s government is different compared to the other strong government
mentioned like Saudi Arabia and Iran. It is believed to be that Iraq's government is
poorly functional. Though it is poorly functional, it is still functional in the sense that
Iraq ministers continue to move and influence. Iraq’s government continue to take the
initiative to uplift its own government like building partnership and stronger ties with
its people or the civil society. Also, the most important thing is that Iraq’s government
continue to provide basic needs and jobs to its people amidst the Sunni-Shia conflict
(Omar, 2013).
Turkey’s government is also enduring amidst the Sunni-Shia conflict. Turkey
remained to be defensive rather than being offensive. Turkey’s government is
functional as it is led by their competent leader, Erdogan. The country’s security
improved to make sure that they can survive any attack coming from its enemies both
beyond and within national borders, and part of its strategy is to support countries like
Libya and Syria so that these countries can also help Turkey in times of difficulties
(Kuru, 2012).
In Yemen, though it is the poorest state in the Middle East, its government is
functional despite the Sunni-Shia conflict. The country formed their own government,
and one factor that this country continues to endure is that it has natural resources such
as oil and gas. Also, these natural resources help Yemen to uplift their economy
(Botelho, 2015).
 In Syria, its government is also enduring as their President Basher Al-Assad
takes the lead. It tried to contain the conflict, and any national problems through brutal
and violent means, but the good thing is that Syria’s government is functioning. Also,
the country produces chemical weapons necessary to defend themselves or even using
it as defensive equipment (Ben-Meir, 2012). How the government is Syria works is also
the same with Kuwait (Aaronson, 2016).
Most Middle East countries mentioned depicts that their government continues
to function despite the Sunni-Shia conflict, but this is not true with Lebanon since the
latter’s government is depicted as paralyzed (Khatib & Gardiner, 2015). This study
wants to find out why the Lebanese government is weak and dysfunctional. Thus, this
study wanted to dig in through its history from the Lebanese Civil war in 1975-1900
until the current situation of Lebanon in order to figure out what contributes to the
dysfunctionality of the Lebanese government.

Synthesis

Conflict comes in different classifications, and it has different causes of why

such conflict emerged. One of the classifications of conflict is intergroup which is
manifested in the conflict between Sunni and Shia. Also, the causes of conflict are the
parties’ difference per se since different person and group adheres to different
ideologies or ideas. Ideologies are important and relevant since this is considered to be
the basis of our action and the foundation of our everyday endeavors in life. Ideology
varies in different sociocultural context. This is true especially in the Islamic
community specifically Sunnis and Shias who strictly embody their beliefs, though
these two groups belong in the same type of community, but their belief differs. Sunnis
believed in Abu Bakr while Shias believed in Imam Ali. The former gives emphasis on
the public and political life while the latter believes in the principle of martyrdom and
sacrifice.
Sunnis and Shias have different interpretations and belief, and their conflict
stems back to the time immediately after the death of Prophet Muhammad. The conflict
between the two is more on political rather than religious. Both of them wanted to gain
influence and power, and when both of them felt marginalized, insurgencies started to
rise. When there is conflict within or beyond national borders, the government’s
legitimacy, authority, capability, and functionality is being challenged. This is true to
most Middle East countries, but despite the presence of the Sunni-Shia conflict in the
countries like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq,Turkey, Yemen, Syria, and Kuwait, their
government remained steadfast, but this is not the case in Lebanon. The Lebanese
government is paralyzed, and this is what the study wanted to find out what contributes
to the dysfunctionality of the Lebanese government.
 CHAPTER 3
Findings

In this chapter, data will be presented and will be elaborated together with its
implications and the application of the theory. The question to which this study is
concerned with will be answered in this chapter. It will start on the contribution of the
Civil War to the ongoing Sunni-Shia conflict. Second, the implications of the conflict
to the Lebanese government particularly to its Executive Branch. Lastly, this chapter
will present the possible futures of Lebanon.
The Contribution of the 15 years Civil War to the ongoing Sunni-Shia conflict

Prior to the Civil War, Lebanon was controlled by the Ottoman Empire which
established the confessional representation of Lebanon. This representation is
embedded in the idea that all 18 different religious sects in Lebanon will be
proportionally represented in the Lebanese government. After World War I and the fall
of the Ottoman Empire, Lebanon was colonized France. The latter strengthens the
confessional nature of Lebanese politics through the “National Pact,” this is an
agreement between Christians and Muslims. Also, under French rule, a parliament rule
was established and was able to cut the ties between Lebanon and Syria. After Lebanese
independence, the first constitution was drafted wherein it states that the Executive
Branch is composed of a President represented by a Maronite Christian and a Prime
Minister representing the Sunni Muslim while the Parliament speaker will be
represented by the Shia Muslim. Though majority of the population is dominated by
Muslims particularly by Sunnis, the ratio (6:5) in terms of government representation
was favored to Christians because the latter was closely associated with Europe when
it was still under French rule (Khatib & Gardiner, 2015; Sahin Mencutik, n.d; Global
Security, n.d).

Lebanon Civil War foster due to the Arab-Israeli conflict where Lebanon
became the battleground. The Christians resented the conflict involving Lebanon, but
the Sunni Muslim supported the Palestinian Resistance Movement. As a result, there
was resentment in the 6:5 ratio of government representation, and later, the
representation was shifted in favor of the Sunni Muslims. The relationship between
Lebanon and Syria was restored since the National Pact was revised as Syria was the
official guarantor of peace of and assumes to gain military and political control over
Lebanon. There was a tension between Christians and Muslims due to the reason of
government representation, and upon Sunnis control of the government, some of them
disagree to the idea of restoring the Lebanon-Syria ties since some Sunnis who later on
became radical wanted to have an independent state free from external interventions.
Also, Shia Muslims felt marginalized where they believed to have less power in the
government. The Civil war ended where the Shia dominated group called Hezbollah
was able to defeat the Israelis. Due to this, Hezbollah’s weapons were allowed to be
kept under the hands of the group to protect the country against the Israelis. Later on,
this group became the opposition against the Lebanese government (Khatib & Gardiner,
2015; Statton & Stewart, 2008).

The 15 years Civil War fosters the different tensions and conflicts in Lebanon,
and one of these is the Sunni-Shia divide. The Civil War contributes to the alarming
Sunni-Shia confrontation. First, due to the shift of the ratio of the government
representation, Sunnis dominated the Lebanese government where it occupies most of
the government’s seats, and it has veto power. Sunnis perceive the Shias as a group
who belong in a lower caste. Due to this, Shia felt marginalized and wanted to gain
more seats in the government and also to be able to exercise veto power like the Sunnis.
The shift in the government representation after the Civil War from a government
biased to Christians to a government which is in favor of the Sunni Muslim fosters the
Sunni-Shia tension which later became a serious conflict (Harney, 2016).

Second, the group Hezbollah was able to overpower the Lebanese government
many times since the group’s weapon was not confiscated after the Civil war, and these
are used against the Lebanese government. For instance, the group was able to
undermine the legitimate authority of the Lebanese government by freely and violently
shouting and firing weapons in Beirut (the capital city of Lebanon) in 2008. The
influence of Hezbollah is so powerful that the Lebanese government cannot even
implement new laws and election. Also, some of the Sunnis who continue to be loyal
to the government were no match to its Shiite rivals, and they were given the order not
to fight wherein they felt humiliated (Worth and Bakrimay, 2008). Hezbollah can deem
the Prime Minister illegitimate (Statton & Stewart, 2008). Today, Hezbollah continues
to attack and defend the Lebanese government especially when the latter open the
debate about the confiscation of Hezbollah’s weapons (Khatib & Gradiner, 2015). In
2017, Hezbollah upon its victory, alleviated their representative, Michel Aoun, to be
President of the Lebanese government.

Third, the confrontation continues to foster because of external intervention

which started in the Civil War. Syria and Iran continue to support Hezbollah and Arabs
continue to be with the Sunnis (Naggar, 2013). Internal conflicts in Lebanon drive in
other countries, and external conflicts like in Syria can also trigger the conflict within
the country. When there are state-to-state or even regional conflicts in the Middle East,
Lebanon usually became the battleground, and some sects within Lebanon usually
choose in which side they will support. Different sects in Lebanon supports different
actors in the regional conflict which resulted in domestic conflicts in Lebanon. This
continuing confrontation of Sunni-Shia resulted in negative implication to the Lebanese
government, especially to its Executive Branch.

Using the theory of Constructivism, a group’s identity is valuable. Thus, in

general, the Sunni-Shia confrontation is a matter of identity that both Islamic
denominations wanted to pursue. Both denominations wanted their identity to be
represented and recognized especially in the political sphere. As Alexander Wendt said,
identity is deemed to be subjective made within a culture and can be seen and
manifested through the group’s behavior and disposition. A clear identification fosters
the group’s desire and interests. The Sunnis interests are embedded on their ideology
that Allah’s power is manifested even in the political and public sphere, that is why
after the Civil War, the ratio of government representation shifted in favor of the Sunni
Muslim. It aims to penetrate in all aspect in life such as education, health, and others.
One of the Wendt’s assumption that identity goes beyond the personal level since
understanding one’s identity also depends on others’ understanding and representation
of it. This is true for the Shia. Sunnis understanding towards Shia is that they are
considered to be a lower caste hence Shias felt marginalized. The interest of the Shia is
based on the idea of how Sunnis treat them. Therefore, their interest is emancipation
from the Sunni led government. Since Shia also believed in sacrifice and martyrdom,
they pursue their interest as being the government’s opposition even in the on-going
conflict of Hezbollah and Lebanese government would cost so much damage to the
other people and the Lebanese state as a whole. Ideas play an important role in this
conflict. For instance, the mere perception of the Sunnis to Shia as a lower caste trigger
the latter to go against the government. Also, the different ideologies of the two drive
them to pursue what they want and resulted in an unending conflict (Behr, n.d).

The implication of the Sunni-Shia conflict to the Lebanese government

particularly to its Executive Branch

First and foremost, the confessional system of the Lebanese government

became its weakness instead of being the solution to have a harmonious relationship
among the sects. Due to lack of consensus among different sects representing the
government and power vacuum which means that the government is in the situation
where its central authority is not identifiable, the confessional system established by
Ottoman Empire did not work. Also, instead of seeking national identity, different sects
pursue their basic needs and identity formation (Khatib & Gardiner, 2015). Within the
Lebanese government, it is the Executive branch which is most affected. The
confrontation led to the assassination of Prime Ministers and Lebanese Presidents. It
started with Lebanon’s first Prime Minister Riad Al Solh who was gunned down in
Jordan in 1951. After many years, in 1982, the former President-Elect Bachir Gemayel
died due to the bomb implanted in his car. Rashid Karami, a former Prime Minister,
was assassinated when a bomb exploded in his helicopter in Beirut in the year 1987.
Similar to the death of former President Gemayel, President Rene Moawad also died
due to the bomb implanted in his car in 1989. Lastly, in 2005, Prime Minister Rafik
Hariri together with Minister Basil Fleihan due to the bombing in Beirut (Karam, 2006;
Campbell, 1982; Jaber, 1989; Boucher, 2005). Aside from assassinations, the
Presidency has been vacant for two years from 2014-2016 and another five months
since the parliament cannot reach its required two-thirds votes to elect its President until
President Michel Aoun was elected in 2016. Upon the death of Rafik Hariri, his son
Saad Hariri became his successor, but many disagree with it since Saad lack political
know-how because he engaged more in business rather than politics. In 2017, Prime
Minister Saad Hariri wish to resign amidst the regional conflict between Saudi Arabia
and Iran. His resignation was due to the reason that there is a threat in his life, and he
did not elaborate more (Al Jazeera news, 2017). After a month, Hariri suspended his
resignation since the situation has been resolved when all government officials agree to
stay out from the affairs of the Arab Nations (BBC news, 2017). It's not just Hariri who
attempted to resign as Lebanon’s Prime Minister, but also former Prime Minister Najib
Mikati. Unlike Hariri who withdrew his resignation, Mikati eventually resigned since
he confessed that Hezbollah was very difficult to handle (Saab, 2013).

Lebanon’s Executive Branch is not stable. This further implies that this
important branch of the government is vulnerable. The opposition, Hezbollah,
continues to challenge the legitimacy of the Lebanese government. Through the
assassinations of Prime Ministers and President, this implies that the government
cannot protect itself and how much more its people. Executive functions have been
compromised to the point that the government cannot implement its laws. Due to the
conflict, many unconstitutional executive decisions were made by the parliament and
cabinet members cannot handle properly the administrative services (Khatib &
Gardiner, 2015). Also, due to resignations by Prime Ministers, it implies that no one is
man enough to take care of the situation. Even with the continuing presence of Saad
Hariri as Lebanon’s Prime Minister, the Executive Branch remains to be vulnerable.
The government itself confessed that Hezbollah is too strong, and it cannot be
controlled since it is backed with Iran. As a result, Lebanese government remains weak
without a strong and stable central authority, and as mentioned, even the Lebanese
government has a permanent central authority, it remains weak under the confessional
system with the idea that no sect can overpower the other hence making the central
authority weak. The worst is Lebanese security became fragile since at the first place
the Lebanese government does not have a stable Executive Branch to be able to
command and lead. The lack of guidance by the Executive Branch to the Lebanese
Armed Forces made the latter unable to effectively police and mediate the Sunni-Shia
tension (Corbeil, 2014). This implies that the conflict continues to be uncontrollable
given that the government cannot even impose its own authority, and since the
opposition cannot also be contained. Apart from that, since the Executive Branch is not
strong enough, it can hardly build international ties with other countries which can be
an essential means to uplift the country’s situation and be able to provide assistance that
can probably end the conflict.

Lebanese government institution cannot be functional, effective and sufficient

since the government officials themselves cannot even arrive in a consensus. Also,
given the fear brought by the opposition, many officials come and go in their positions.
As a result, as internal and external threats are rising in Lebanon, its political institutions
continue to decline (Khalib & Gardiner, 2015). With a weak government, the latter also
failed to satisfy the social and economic needs of its people (Harb, 2017). Currently,
Lebanon finds it difficult to uplift itself because of its economic deficit and continues
to perform with inadequate public service. The country has battered infrastructure and
suffers great indebtedness (Issa, 2018). In short, the Lebanese government is paralyzed
(Khatib & Gardiner, 2015).

Using the lens of Constructivism, a state that has different identities equates to
have a different interest. This means that the national interest of a state is being
challenged since it should cater the subjective interests of the different groups. If the
state cannot bring the subjective interest in line with the objective interest on the state,
it can lead to the fall of the state (Behr, n.d). This assumption is true with Lebanon
given that there are 18 different sects in Lebanon, this corresponds to 18 different
identities and have 18 different interest. Throughout the years, among the 18 sects, two
of the interest prevails which brings chaos to the whole state. The Lebanese government
cannot even establish its own national interest given that their government structure is
complicated due to the confessional system, how would they reconcile the Sunni and
Shia subjective interests into the state’s objective national interest. Thus, it eventually
results in the continuing downfall of the Lebanese government.

The possible future of Lebanon

The possible future of Lebanon was depicted to become worst compared before
and today. Since Syrian conflict is unlikely to end and with the continuous participation
of the Hezbollah from Lebanon, it is most likely that the crisis in Lebanon will continue
(Chaitani, n.d). As long as any domestic entity from Lebanon continues to choose sides
in any regional conflict, its internal crisis will not end. Second, it is believed to be that
Sunni-Shia tension will continue since there is increasing trauma from the Sunni
community with regard to Hezbollah’s dominance (Chaitani, n.d). Since Hezbollah
leader, Hassan Nasrallah, declared its victory in Syria against the Lebanese government
because it was believed that Saudi Arabi became a mere observer and did not help the
Lebanese government (Harb, 2017). The feeling of being marginalized shift from the
Shia to Sunnis. As both groups continued to prove themselves and wanted to gain
dominance over the power, the conflict is most likely to continue. Third, the Lebanese
government continues to be unstable even after the Shias attained their desire to have
more government seats (Chaitani, n,d). There is still difficulty with regard to the
decision-making process since the government officials still cannot arrive in a
consensus.

According to the 54 years old religion teacher named Fadlallah, who is known
in the near the border of Lebanon, peace is possible in Lebanon as long as the country
will focus and concentrate on its own political issues and stop intervening to the issues
of others especially to its neighboring country, Syria (Naggar, 2013). Though if
Lebanon will veer away from the conflicts of its neighbors, these neighboring countries
themselves continue to provoke and thus keeping Lebanon directly involved to any
regional conflict. Sunni-Shia tension will continue, and it depends on the situation
across borders (Naggar, 2013).

Using the Constructivist approach, the theory assumes that reality is not given,
but it is socially constructed. In the case of Lebanon, the internal reality of the state
depends and shapes by the other countries or the regional situation in the Middle East.
External situation triggers that Sunni-Shia conflict in Lebanon. The reality in the
regional level affects the domestic situation in Lebanon.
 CONCLUSION

A government is an essential entity within a state. It serves as the mediator if

there are any conflicts and serves as the provider of the people in terms of basic needs
and social needs, but if the government is being compromised and overpowered by
other illegitimate entity within the state, that may cause to its downfall. Currently, this
is the situation within the borders of Lebanon. The Lebanese government is being
overpowered by the opposition group, Hezbollah. The Lebanese government became
ineffective since the opposition became more influential. For instance, the Lebanese
government cannot successfully impose laws if ever the opposition does not agree with
it. This dysfunctionality of the Lebanese government trace back to the state’s 15 years
Civil War, and the Executive Branch of the Lebanese government continued to be
challenged by the opposition. In conclusion, as said by the influential religious teacher
near the border of Lebanon, the latter’s domestic dilemma will continue if it will not be
detached from the regional conflict or from participating to the conflict of other Middle
East countries. If ever the national government of Lebanon continue to be powerless
and unable to contain its own problem, therefore, this country needs the help of other
states to be able that the Lebanese government can stand again on its own and can be
functional again to be able to provide the needs of its people, and most importantly that
the Lebanese government may gain its authority and legitimacy again that will able the
government to lead its country.
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