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SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED VOLUME 723

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Case Title:
LOUIS “BAROK” C. BIRAOGO,
petitioner, vs. NATIONAL BUREAU OF
INVESTIGATION and PHILIPPINE
NATIONAL POLICE, respondents. G.R. No. 203335. April 22, 2014.*
Citation: 723 SCRA 109 JOSE JESUS M. DISINI, JR., ROWENA S. DISINI, LIANNE IVY P. MEDINA,
More... JANETTE TORAL and ERNESTO SONIDO, JR., petitioners, vs. THE SECRETARY
OF JUSTICE, THE SECRETARY OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR AND
LOCAL GOVERNMENT, THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INFORMATION
Search Result AND COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY OFFICE, THE CHIEF OF THE
PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE and THE DIRECTOR OF THE NATIONAL
BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, respondents.

G.R. No. 203299. April 22, 2014.*

LOUIS „BAROK‰ C. BIRAOGO, petitioner, vs. NATIONAL BUREAU OF
INVESTIGATION and PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE, respondents.

G.R. No. 203306. April 22, 2014.*

ALAB NG MAMAMAHAYAG (ALAM), HUKUMAN NG MAMAMAYAN MOVEMENT,
INC., JERRY S. YAP, BERTENI „TOTO‰ CAUSING, HERNANI Q. CUARE, PERCY
LAPID, TRACY CABRERA, RONALDO E. RENTA, CIRILO P. SABARRE, JR.,
DERVIN CASTRO, ET AL., petitioners, vs. OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT,
represented by President Benigno Simeon Aquino III, SENATE OF THE
PHILIPPINES, and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, respondents.

G.R. No. 203359. April 22, 2014.*

SENATOR TEOFISTO DL GUINGONA III, petitioner, vs. EXECUTIVE SECRETARY,
THE SECRETARY OF JUS-

_______________
* EN BANC.

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TICE, THE SECRETARY OF THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERIOR AND LOCAL

GOVERNMENT, THE CHIEF OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE, and
DIRECTOR OF THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, respondents.

G.R. No. 203378. April 22, 2014.*

ALEXANDER ADONIS, ELLEN TORDESILLAS, MA. GISELA ORDENES-

CASCOLAN, H. HARRY L. ROQUE, JR., ROMEL R. BAGARES, and GILBERT T.
ANDRES, petitioners, vs. THE EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, THE DEPARTMENT OF
BUDGET AND MANAGEMENT, THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, THE
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT, THE NATIONAL
BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE, AND THE
INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY OFFICE-
DEPARTMENT OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, respondents.

G.R. No. 203391. April 22, 2014.*

HON. RAYMOND V. PALATINO, HON. ANTONIO TINIO, VENCER MARI
CRISOSTOMO OF ANAKBAYAN, MA. KATHERINE ELONA OF THE PHILIPPINE
COLLEGIAN, ISABELLE THERESE BAGUISI OF THE NATIONAL UNION OF
STUDENTS OF THE PHILIPPINES, ET AL., petitioners, vs. PAQUITO N. OCHOA,
JR., in his capacity as Executive Secretary and alter-ego of President Benigno Simeon
Aquino III, LEILA DE LIMA in her capacity as Secretary of Justice, respondents.

G.R. No. 203407. April 22, 2014.*

BAGONG ALYANSANG MAKABAYAN SECRETARY GENERAL RENATO M.
REYES, JR., National Artist BIENVENIDO L. LUMBERA, Chairperson of Concerned
Artists of

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the Philippines, ELMER C. LABOG, Chairperson of Kilusang Mayo Uno, CRISTINA

E. PALABAY, Secretary General of Karapatan, FERDINAND R. GAITE, Chairperson
of COURAGE, JOEL B. MAGLUNSOD, Vice President of Anakpawis Party-List,
LANA R. LINABAN, Secretary General Gabriela WomenÊs Party, ADOLFO ARES P.
GUTIERREZ, and JULIUS GARCIA MATIBAG, petitioners, vs. BENIGNO SIMEON
C. AQUINO III, President of the Republic of the Philippines, PAQUITO N. OCHOA,
JR., Executive Secretary, SENATE OF THE PHILIPPINES, represented by SENATE
PRESIDENT JUAN PONCE ENRILE, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, represented
by SPEAKER FELICIANO BELMONTE, JR., LEILA DE LIMA, Secretary of the
Department of Justice, LOUIS NAPOLEON C. CASAMBRE, Executive Director of the
Information and Communications Technology Office, NONNATUS CAESAR R.
ROJAS, Director of the National Bureau of Investigation, D/GEN. NICANOR A.
BARTOLOME, Chief of the Philippine National Police, MANUEL A. ROXAS II,
Secretary of the Department of the Interior and Local Government, respondents.

G.R. No. 203440. April 22, 2014.*

MELENCIO S. STA. MARIA, SEDFREY M. CANDELARIA, AMPARITA STA. MARIA,
RAY PAOLO J. SANTIAGO, GILBERT V. SEMBRANO, and RYAN JEREMIAH D.
QUAN (all of the Ateneo Human Rights Center), petitioners, vs. HONORABLE
PAQUITO OCHOA in his capacity as Executive Secretary, HONORABLE LEILA DE
LIMA in her capacity as Secretary of Justice, HONORABLE MANUEL ROXAS in his
capacity as Secretary of the Department of Interior and Local Government, The
CHIEF of the Philippine National Police, The DIRECTOR of the National Bureau of
Investigation (all of the Executive Department of Government), respondents.

112

G.R. No. 203453. April 22, 2014.*

NATIONAL UNION OF JOURNALISTS OF THE PHILIPPINES (NUJP),
PHILIPPINE PRESS INSTITUTE (PPI), CENTER FOR MEDIA FREEDOM AND
RESPONSIBILITY, ROWENA CARRANZA PARAAN, MELINDA QUINTOS-DE
JESUS, JOSEPH ALWYN ALBURO, ARIEL SEBELLINO AND THE PETITIONERS
IN THE e-PETITION http://www.nujp.org/no-to-ra10175/, petitioners, vs. THE
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, THE SECRETARY OF JUSTICE, THE SECRETARY OF
THE INTERIOR AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT, THE SECRETARY OF BUDGET
AND MANAGEMENT, THE DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINE
NATIONAL POLICE, THE DIRECTOR OF THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF
INVESTIGATION, THE CYBERCRIME INVESTIGATION AND COORDINATING
CENTER, AND ALL AGENCIES AND INSTRUMENTALITIES OF GOVERNMENT
AND ALL PERSONS ACTING UNDER THEIR INSTRUCTIONS, ORDERS,
DIRECTION IN RELATION TO THE IMPLEMENTATION OF REPUBLIC ACT NO.
10175, respondents.

G.R. No. 203454. April 22, 2014.*

PAUL CORNELIUS T. CASTILLO & RYAN D. ANDRES, petitioners, vs. THE HON.
SECRETARY OF JUSTICE, THE HON. SECRETARY OF INTERIOR AND LOCAL
GOVERNMENT, respondents.

G.R. No. 203469. April 22, 2014.*

ANTHONY IAN M. CRUZ; MARCELO R. LANDICHO; BENJAMIN NOEL A.
ESPINA; MARCK RONALD C. RIMORIN; JULIUS D. ROCAS; OLIVER RICHARD V.
ROBILLO; AARON ERICK A. LOZADA; GERARD ADRIAN P. MAGNAYE; JOSE
REGINALD A. RAMOS; MA. ROSARIO T. JUAN; BRENDALYN P. RAMIREZ;
MAUREEN A. HERMI-
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TANIO; KRISTINE JOY S. REMENTILLA; MARICEL O. GRAY; JULIUS IVAN F.

CABIGON; BENRALPH S. YU; CEBU BLOGGERS SOCIETY, INC. PRESIDENT
RUBEN B. LICERA, JR; and PINOY EXPAT/OFW BLOG AWARDS, INC.
COORDINATOR PEDRO E. RAHON; petitioners, vs. HIS EXCELLENCY BENIGNO
S. AQUINO III, in his capacity as President of the Republic of the Philippines;
SENATE OF THE PHILIPPINES, represented by HON. JUAN PONCE ENRILE, in
his capacity as Senate President; HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, represented by
FELICIANO R. BELMONTE, JR., in his capacity as Speaker of the House of
Representatives; HON. PAQUITO N. OCHOA, JR., in his capacity as Executive
Secretary; HON. LEILA M. DE LIMA, in her capacity as Secretary of Justice; HON.
LOUIS NAPOLEON C. CASAMBRE, in his capacity as Executive Director,
Information and Communications Technology Office; HON. NONNATUS CAESAR R.
ROJAS, in his capacity as Director, National Bureau of Investigation; and P/DGEN.
NICANOR A. BARTOLOME, in his capacity as Chief, Philippine National Police,
respondents.

G.R. No. 203501. April 22, 2014.*

PHILIPPINE BAR ASSOCIATION, INC., petitioner, vs. HIS EXCELLENCY
BENIGNO S. AQUINO III, in his official capacity as President of the Republic of the
Philippines; HON. PAQUITO N. OCHOA, JR., in his official capacity as Executive
Secretary; HON. LEILA M. DE LIMA, in her official capacity as Secretary of Justice;
LOUIS NAPOLEON C. CASAMBRE, in his official capacity as Executive Director,
Information and Communications Technology Office; NONNATUS CAESAR R.
ROJAS, in his official capacity as Director of the National Bureau of Investigation;
and DIRECTOR GENERAL NICANOR A. BARTOLOME, in his official capacity as
Chief of the Philippine National Police, respondents.

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G.R. No. 203509. April 22, 2014.*

BAYAN MUNA REPRESENTATIVE NERI J. COLMENARES, petitioner, vs. THE
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY PAQUITO OCHOA, JR., respondent.

G.R. No. 203515. April 22, 2014.*

NATIONAL PRESS CLUB OF THE PHILIPPINES, INC. represented by BENNY D.
ANTIPORDA in his capacity as President and in his personal capacity, petitioner, vs.
OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT, PRES. BENIGNO SIMEON AQUINO III,
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, DEPARTMENT OF INTERIOR AND LOCAL
GOVERNMENT, PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE, NATIONAL BUREAU OF
INVESTIGATION, DEPARTMENT OF BUDGET AND MANAGEMENT AND ALL
OTHER GOVERNMENT INSTRUMENTALITIES WHO HAVE HANDS IN THE
PASSAGE AND/OR IMPLEMENTATION OF REPUBLIC ACT 10175, respondents.

G.R. No. 203518. April 22, 2014.*

PHILIPPINE INTERNET FREEDOM ALLIANCE, composed of DAKILA-
PHILIPPINE COLLECTIVE FOR MODERN HEROISM, represented by Leni Velasco,
PARTIDO LAKAS NG MASA, represented by Cesar S. Melencio, FRANCIS EUSTON
R. ACERO, MARLON ANTHONY ROMASANTA TONSON, TEODORO A. CASIÑO,
NOEMI LARDIZABAL-DADO, IMELDA MORALES, JAMES MATTHEW B.
MIRAFLOR, JUAN G.M. RAGRAGIO, MARIA FATIMA A. VILLENA, MEDARDO M.
MANRIQUE, JR., LAUREN DADO, MARCO VITTORIA TOBIAS SUMAYAO, IRENE
CHIA, ERASTUS NOEL T. DELIZO, CRISTINA SARAH E. OSORIO, ROMEO
FACTOLERIN, NAOMI L. TUPAS, KENNETH KENG, ANA ALEXANDRA C.
CASTRO, petitioners, vs. THE EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, THE SECRETARY OF
JUS-

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TICE, THE SECRETARY OF INTERIOR AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT, THE

SECRETARY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF
THE INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY OFFICE, THE DIRECTOR OF THE
NATIONAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, THE CHIEF, PHILIPPINE NATIONAL
POLICE, THE HEAD OF THE DOJ OFFICE OF CYBERCRIME, and THE OTHER
MEMBERS OF THE CYBERCRIME INVESTIGATION AND COORDINATING
CENTER, respondents.

Criminal Law; Cybercrime Law; Penalties; Section 6 of the cybercrime law imposes
penalties that are one degree higher when the crimes defined in the Revised Penal Code and
certain special laws are committed with the use of information and communication technologies
(ICT).·Section 6 of the cybercrime law imposes penalties that are one degree higher when the
crimes defined in the Revised Penal Code and certain special laws are committed with the use
of information and communication technologies (ICT). Some of the petitioners insist that
Section 6 is invalid since it produces an unusual chilling effect on users of cyberspace that
would hinder free expression.
Same; Same; Compared to traditional crimes, cybercrimes are more perverse;
Cybercriminals enjoy the advantage of anonymity, like wearing a mask during a heist.·
Compared to traditional crimes, cybercrimes are more perverse. In traditional estafa for
example, the offender could reach his victim only at a particular place and a particular time. It
is rare that he could consummate his crime without exposing himself to detection and
prosecution. Fraud online, however, crosses national boundaries, generally depriving its victim
of the means to obtain reparation of the wrong done and seek prosecution and punishment of
the absent criminal. Cybercriminals enjoy the advantage of anonymity, like wearing a mask
during a heist.
Same; Prescription of Crimes; Prescription is not a matter of procedure over which the
Court has something to say. Rather, it is substantive law since it assumes the existence of an
authority to punish a wrong, which authority the Constitution vests in Congress alone.·
Prescription is not a matter of procedure over which the Court has something to say. Rather, it
is substantive law since it assumes the existence of an authority to punish a wrong, which

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authority the Constitution vests in Congress alone. Thus, there is no question that Congress
may provide a variety of periods for the prescription of offenses as it sees fit. What it cannot do
is pass a law that extends the periods of prescription to impact crimes committed before its
passage.
Same; Libel; Libel, like obscenity, belongs to those forms of speeches that have never
attained Constitutional protection and are considered outside the realm of protected freedom.·
The majority of the movants believe that the CourtÊs decision upholding the constitutionality of
Section 4(c)(4), which penalizes online libel, effectively tramples upon the right to free
expression. But libel is not a protected speech. There is no freedom to unjustly destroy the
reputation of a decent woman by publicly claiming that she is a paid prostitute. As early as
1912, the Court held that libel is a form of expression not protected by the Constitution. Libel,
like obscenity, belongs to those forms of speeches that have never attained Constitutional
protection and are considered outside the realm of protected freedom.
Constitutional Law; Freedom of Speech; Freedom of the Press; As long as the expression or
speech falls within the protected sphere, it is the solemn duty of courts to ensure that the rights
of the people are protected.·The constitutional guarantee against prior restraint and
subsequent punishment, the jurisprudential requirement of „actual malice,‰ and the legal
protection afforded by „privilege communications‰ all ensure that protected speech remains to
be protected and guarded. As long as the expression or speech falls within the protected sphere,
it is the solemn duty of courts to ensure that the rights of the people are protected.
Criminal Law; Cybercrime Law; Cyberlibel; Online libel is not a new crime. It is essentially
the old crime of libel found in the 1930 Revised Penal Code and transposed to operate in the
cyberspace. Consequently, the mass of jurisprudence that secures the freedom of expression from
its reach applies to online libel.·The movants argue that Section 4(c)(4) is both vague and
overbroad. But, again, online libel is not a new crime. It is essentially the old crime of libel
found in the 1930 Revised Penal Code and transposed to operate in the cyberspace.
Consequently, the mass of jurisprudence that secures the freedom of expression from its reach
applies to online libel. Any

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apprehended vagueness in its provisions has long been settled by precedents.

Sereno, CJ., Dissenting and Concurring Opinion:

Constitutional Law; Freedom of Speech; View that freedom of speech is the nucleus of other
rights. That is why it is the first right that is curtailed when a free society falls under a
repressive regime. That is also why the Supreme Court has acknowledged freedom of speech as
occupying a preferred position in the hierarchy of rights.·I maintain my dissent insofar as the
application of Section 6 to libel is concerned because the one degree higher penalty it imposes
creates a chilling effect on the exercise of free speech. Hence, while a solitary sentence to that
effect would have sufficed, I respectfully but vigorously reassert my dissent, considering the
far-reaching effects of Section 6 on the lives and liberty of the Filipino people. Freedom of
speech is the nucleus of other rights. That is why it is the first right that is curtailed when a
free society falls under a repressive regime. That is also why this Court has acknowledged
freedom of speech as occupying a preferred position in the hierarchy of rights.
Criminal Law; Penalties; View that penal statutes cannot be facially invalidated on the
ground that they produce a „chilling effect,‰ since they are intended to have an in terrorem effect
to deter criminality. However, when a law provides for a penalty that goes beyond the in
terrorem effect needed to deter crimes and impedes the exercise of freedom of speech, it should be
quashed at once without hesitation.·As a general rule, penal statutes cannot be facially
invalidated on the ground that they produce a „chilling effect,‰ since they are intended to have
an in terrorem effect to deter criminality. However, when a law provides for a penalty that
goes beyond the in terrorem effect needed to deter crimes and impedes the exercise
of freedom of speech, it should be quashed at once without hesitation. As I previously
demonstrated, the increase in penalty under this seemingly innocuous provision of Section 6,
insofar as it is applied to libel, indirectly but absolutely results in chilling the right of the
people to free speech and expression. Therefore, it is unconstitutional.

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Same; Same; Cyberlibel; Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012; Qualifying Aggravating

Circumstances; Information and Communication Technologies (ICT); View that Section 6 of the
Cybercrime Prevention Act introduces the use of ICT as a qualifying aggravating circumstance;
Section 6 doubles the maximum penalty for online libel.·Section 6 of the Cybercrime
Prevention Act introduces the use of ICT as a qualifying aggravating circumstance, thusly:
SEC. 6. All crimes defined and penalized by the Revised Penal Code, as amended, and special
laws, if committed by, through and with the use of information and communications
technologies shall be covered by the relevant provisions of this Act: Provided, That the
penalty to be imposed shall be one (1) degree higher than that provided for by the
Revised Penal Code, as amended, and special laws, as the case may be. (Emphases supplied)
Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code, provides for libel the penalty of prisión correccional in
its minimum (from 6 months and 1 day to 2 years and 4 months) and medium (from 2 years, 4
months, and 1 day to 4 years and 2 months) periods. However, with the increase in penalty by
one degree under the Cybercrime Prevention Act, libel qualified by the use of ICT is now
punishable by prisión correccional in its maximum period (from 4 years, 2 months and 1 day to
6 years) to prisión mayor in its minimum period (from 6 years and 1 day to 8 years). Therefore,
Section 6 doubles the maximum penalty for online libel.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; View that Section 6 effectively creates an
additional in terrorem effect by introducing information and communication technologies (ICT)
as a qualifying aggravating circumstance.·Section 6 effectively creates an additional in
terrorem effect by introducing ICT as a qualifying aggravating circumstance. This
burden is imposed on top of the intended in terrorem effect of the original penalties imposed by
the Revised Penal Code. Thus, the public will now have to take this additional burden into
account in their calculation of penalties. As if the need to weigh the costs and benefits of
whether to exercise freedom of speech is not burdened enough by the possibility of a libel suit,
the public will now have to additionally mull over their use of ICT in the exercise of this
freedom through ICT.

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Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; View that before the Cybercrime Prevention Act,
the imposable penalty for libel under Art. 355 of the Revised Penal Code, even if committed by
means of information and communication technologies (ICT), was prisión correccional in its
minimum and medium periods. Now, under Section 6 of the Cybercrime Prevention Act, the
imposable penalty for libel qualified by ICT has been increased to prisión correccional in its
maximum period to prisión mayor in its minimum period.·Before the Cybercrime Prevention
Act, the imposable penalty for libel under Art. 355 of the Revised Penal Code, even if
committed by means of ICT, was prisión correccional in its minimum and medium periods.
Now, under Section 6 of the Cybercrime Prevention Act, the imposable penalty for libel qualified
by ICT has been increased to prisión correccional in its maximum period to prisión mayor in its
minimum period. Consequently, it is now possible for the harsher accessory penalties for
prisión mayor to attach. These are: the deprivation of public offices and employments even if
conferred by popular election, the deprivation of the right to vote, disqualification from offices
or public employments and the forfeiture of retirement pay. Undeniably, public office and
employment as well as the right to vote, and retirement pay are not trifling privileges that one
can easily risk losing. Hence, the public will now have to factor in these severe consequences
into their calculations. The exercise of freedom of speech through ICT is thereby further
burdened.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; View that when this very beneficial technology is
made a qualifying aggravating circumstance that guarantees imprisonment, the in terrrorem
effect of libel is further magnified and becomes unduly oppressive to the exercise of free speech.·
Given the basic postulate animating our penal laws that humans are calculating beings who
weigh the perils of their actions, it is possible that people may risk a conviction for libel, since
they may avail themselves of the privilege of probation. They may find that the exercise of
their freedom to speak and to express themselves is worth the threat. But when this very
beneficial technology is made a qualifying aggravating circumstance that
guarantees imprisonment, the in terrrorem effect of libel is further magnified and
becomes unduly oppressive to the exercise of free speech. Furthermore, it should be
noted that offenders will now lose the additional benefit of probation · the suspension of
accessory penalties.

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Same; Cyberlibel; Prescription of Crimes; View that while a charge for ordinary libel may be
filed within the limited period of only one year from its commission, the charge for online libel
can be instituted within 15 years since under Article 90 that is the prescription period for crimes
punishable by afflictive penalties, other than reclusion perpetua and reclusion temporal.·
Before the passage of the Cybercrime Prevention Act, the State waives its right to prosecute
libel after only one year. With the increase in penalty by one degree pursuant to Section 6 of
the Cybercrime Prevention Act, however, the penalty for libel through ICT becomes afflictive
under Article 25 of the Revised Penal Code. Accordingly, while a charge for ordinary libel may
be filed within the limited period of only one year from its commission, the charge for online
libel can be instituted within 15 years since under Article 90 that is the prescription period for
crimes punishable by afflictive penalties, other than reclusion perpetua and reclusion temporal.
This is not a trivial matter since, in effect, the threat of prosecution for online libel lingers for
14 years more. Similarly, the prescription period for the penalty of libel through ICT is
increased from 10 to 15 years.
Same; Same; Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012; Freedom of Speech; View that it is not
difficult to see how Section 6 subjugates freedom of speech through its combined effects · longer
prison terms, harsher accessory penalties, loss of benefits under the Probation Law, extended
prescription periods, and ineligibility of these penalties to be offset by mitigating circumstances.
·A qualifying aggravating circumstance like the use of ICT increases the penalty by degrees,
not by period as a generic aggravating circumstance does. Moreover, while a generic
aggravating circumstance may be offset by a generic mitigating circumstance such as voluntary
surrender, a qualifying aggravating circumstance is more onerous in that it cannot be similarly
offset. Hence, since Section 6 now punishes the offender with a higher range of penalty ·
prisión correccional in its maximum period (from 4 years, 2 months and 1 day to 6 years) to
prisión mayor in its minimum period (from 6 years and 1 day to 8 years) · the period of
imprisonment will remain within this higher and harsher range. It is not difficult to see
how Section 6 subjugates freedom of speech through its combined effects · longer
prison terms, harsher accessory penalties, loss of benefits under the Probation Law,
extended prescription periods, and ineligibility of these penalties to be offset by
mitigating circum-

121

stances. We cannot turn a blind eye to this and turn our backs on the Filipino people. I am
convinced more than ever of the unconstitutionality of Section 6, as far as libel is concerned.
Same; Same; Same; Qualifying Aggravating Circumstances; Information and
Communication Technologies; View that the mere use of Information and Communication
Technologies (ICT) by itself should not automatically make it aggravating. It has to be purposely
sought to facilitate the crime, maximize damage or ensure impunity.·The mere use of ICT by
itself should not automatically make it aggravating. It has to be purposely sought to
facilitate the crime, maximize damage or ensure impunity. It must be established that
the otherwise beneficial nature of ICT was selected and intentionally sought, deliberately and
consciously adopted to advance the perpetration of the crime. That is the only way to
attribute greater perversity on the part of the offender in using ICT and to justify
the imposition of a penalty one degree higher. If there is no such intent, there can be
no aggravation. If the mind is innocent as to the adoption of a particular means,
there can be no aggravating circumstance. This malicious intent, like the elements of the
crimes itself, must be proven beyond reasonable doubt. If not so proven, the ICT cannot qualify
the crime, and the criminal cannot be penalized one degree higher.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; View that it is puzzling that the Supreme Court is willing
to uphold commercial speech than the preferred right to free speech of citizens.·We cannot be
complacent. The very fabric of our democratic society is in danger of being slowly torn apart.
The Court staunchly defended the right to commercial speech of advertisers by declaring
unconstitutional Section 4(c)(3) which simply regulates the sending of unsolicited commercial
communications even as it admits that commercial speech is not accorded the same level of
protection as that given to other constitutionally guaranteed forms of expression. On the other
hand, it does not give the same steadfast protection for freedom of speech which Section 6
clearly chills. Hence, it is puzzling that the Court is willing to uphold commercial speech than
the preferred right to free speech of citizens.
Same; Same; Same; View that the majorityÊs insistence that Section 4(c)(4) of the
Cybercrime Prevention Act cannot be imple-

122

mented without at the same time imposing the higher penalty provided by Section 6 · with its
invidious chilling effects · constrains me to hold that Section 4(c)(4) is wholly unconstitutional
as well.·I had earlier voted with the majority to uphold Section 4(c)(4) on cyberlibel · save for
its application to those who merely react to a libelous post · on the presumption that Section
6, which imposes a one degree higher penalty on crimes committed using ICT, would be
declared unconstitutional insofar as it is applied to cyberlibel. However, in view of the ultimate
ruling of the majority affirming the constitutionality of Section 6, I consequently conclude that
Section 4(c)(4) is wholly unconstitutional. The invalidation of Section 6 would have removed
the heavy burden on free speech exercised online. Indeed, Section 6 is completely incompatible
with free speech. To reiterate, the majorityÊs insistence that Section 4(c)(4) cannot be
implemented without at the same time imposing the higher penalty provided by Section 6 ·
with its invidious chilling effects discussed above · constrains me to hold that Section 4(c)(4)
is wholly unconstitutional as well. If free speech is to be truly defended as a right with a
preferred position in the hierarchy of rights, its online exercise should also be vigorously
protected.

Brion, J., Dissenting Opinion:

Criminal Law; Libel; View that jurisprudence has long settled that libel is not protected
speech, and that Congress, in the exercise of its power to define and penalize crimes, may validly
prohibit its utterance.·At the outset, allow me to clarify that I do not think that libel per se
is unconstitutional; neither is its application in communications made through ICT
violative of the Constitution. Jurisprudence has long settled that libel is not protected
speech, and that Congress, in the exercise of its power to define and penalize crimes, may
validly prohibit its utterance. Increasing the penalty of libel when committed through ICT,
however, is another matter. I submit that Section 6 of the Cybercrime Law, insofar as it
qualifies the crime of libel, violates freedom of speech because it unduly increases the
prohibitive effect of libel law on online speech. My reasons are twofold: first, I do not believe
that there is sufficient distinction between libelous speech committed online and speech
uttered in the real, physical world to warrant increasing the prohibitive impact of penal law in
cyberlibel. Second, the increase in the penalty of libel when committed through computer
systems can have

123

the effect of imposing self-censorship in the Internet and of curtailing an otherwise robust
avenue for debate and discussion on public issues. In other words, over-penalizing online
speech could overreach into matters other than libelous and can thus prevent protected speech
from being uttered.
Same; Cyberlibel; Freedom of Speech; View that increasing the penalty of cyberlibel could
curtail speech in the Internet.·The publicity element of libel in the Revised Penal Code does
not take into consideration the amount of audience reached by the defamatory statement.
Libelous speech may be penalized when, for instance, it reaches a third person by mail, or
through a television program, or through a newspaper article published nationwide. All these
defamatory imputations are punishable with the same penalty of prision correccional in its
minimum and medium periods or a fine ranging from 200 to 6,000 pesos or both. I do not see
any reason why libel committed through ICT should be treated in a harsher manner. I submit
that we cannot rule on the basis of extreme, outlying situations, especially since, as I would
explain in my succeeding discussion, increasing the penalty of cyberlibel could curtail speech in
the Internet. If we must err in this decision, we must err on the side of protecting freedom of
speech, a fundamental right ranking high in the value of constitutional freedoms, so cherished
because it is crucial to the functioning of a working democracy.
Same; Same; Electronic Violence; Words and Phrases; View that Electronic Violence has
been defined as any act involving the exploitation of data that „can cause or is likely to cause
mental, emotional and psychological distress or suffering to the victim.‰·As a final point in the
matter, I note that despite the Cybercrime LawÊs passage, bills punishing cyber-bullying and
electronic violence have been filed in Congress. As filed, the bills penalize cyber-bullying, or the
act of using social media to „harm or harass other people in a deliberate, repeated and hostile
manner.‰ Electronic Violence, on the other hand, has been defined as any act involving the
exploitation of data that „can cause or is likely to cause mental, emotional and psychological
distress or suffering to the victim.‰ To my mind, these bills represent CongressÊ intent to
penalize the extreme situation that the ponencia contemplates; at most, these bills are a
recognition that cyberlibel has not been intended to cover such extreme situation, but only to
recognize and clarify that the crime of libel may be committed through computer systems.

124

Leonen, J., Dissenting Opinion:

Criminal Law; Libel; View that it is not enough that we proclaim, as the majority does, that
libel is unprotected speech.·It is not enough that we proclaim, as the majority does, that libel
is unprotected speech. The ponenciaÊs example, i.e., „[t]here is no freedom to unjustly destroy
the reputation of a decent woman by publicly claiming that she is a paid prostitute,‰ fails to
capture the nuances of criminalizing libel in our jurisprudence and in reality. It is a precarious
simplification of the issue inferred from one imagined case. This obfuscation practically neuters
the ability of this court to do incisive analysis in order to provide the necessary protection to
speech as it applies to the internet.
Same; Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012; Freedom of Speech; View that the text of Section
4(c)(4) of the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 is a swing towards lesser protection of the
primordial right to speech.·The majority now condones the same 1930s text definition of libel
effectively discarding the carefully crafted exception painstakingly built from the assertion of
fundamental rights in this court. This condonation reveals the legislative blinders to the
radically different context of the internet. The text of Section 4(c)(4) of the Cybercrime
Prevention Act of 2012 is a swing towards lesser protection of the primordial right to speech.
The position taken by the majority deserves a second hard look, if only to ensure the
constitutional guarantee that our people truly have freedom of expression as a means to assert
their sovereignty and governmental authority in cyberspace.
Same; Same; Cyberlibel; View that criminal libel has an in terrorem effect that is
inconsistent with the contemporary protection of the primordial and necessary right of
expression enshrined in our Constitution.·The chilling effect on various types of speech with
just the possibility of criminal libel prosecution compared with the consequences of civil
liabilities for defamation presents another dimension that have been glossed over by the main
opinion and the resolution on the various motions for reconsideration. We have to acknowledge
the real uses of criminal libel if we are to be consistent to protect speech made to make public
officers and government accountable. Criminal libel has an in terrorem effect that is
inconsistent with the contemporary protection of the primordial and neces-

125

sary right of expression enshrined in our Constitution. The history and actual use of criminal
libel should be enough for us to take a second look at the main opinion in this case. The review
should include a consideration of the nature of cyberspace as layered communities used to
evolve ideas. Such review should result in a declaration of unconstitutionality of criminal libel
in the Revised Penal Code and in the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012.
Same; Same; View that the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 does not prohibit advertising.
It simply requires that whoever advertises must be accountable to the user, not use false
identities and allow for opt out mechanisms so that the user will not continue to receive
unwelcome advertising ad nauseum.·I view the current provisions as sufficiently narrow and
tailored to meet legitimate and compelling state interests. It protects the ordinary internet
user against unwarranted intrusions. Certainly, freedom of expression should not evolve into a
fundamental and protected right to badger. The Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 does not
prohibit advertising. It simply requires that whoever advertises must be accountable to the
user, not use false identities and allow for opt out mechanisms so that the user will not
continue to receive unwelcome advertising ad nauseum.

MOTIONS FOR RECONSIDERATION of a decision of the Supreme Court.

The facts are stated in the resolution of the Court.
Jose Jesus M. Disini, Jr., Rowena S. Disini and Lianne Ivy Pascua-Medina for
petitioners in G.R. No. 203335.
Victor C. Avecilla for petitioner Louis „Barok‰ C. Biraogo in G.R. No. 203299.
Berteni Cataluna Causing, Cirilo P. Sabarre, Jr. and Dervin V. Castro for
petitioners in G.R. No. 203306.
Teofisto DL Guingona III, Dante Xenon B. Atienza, Alex O. Avisado, Jr., Raymond
M. Cajucom, Ronald Michel R. Ubaña, Maria Cristina B. Garcia-Ramirez, Rose Anne
P. Rosales, Herbert Matienzo and Rhenelle Mae Operario for petitioner in G.R. No.
203359.
126

H. Harry L. Roque, Jr., Romel Regalado Bagares and Gilbert Teruel Andres for
petitioners in G.R. No. 203378.
James Mark Terry L. Ridon for petitioners in G.R. No. 203391.
Julius Garcia Matibag, Carlos Isagani T. Zarate, Gregorio Y. Fabros, Maria
Cristina P. Yambot and Minerva F. Lopez for petitioners in G.R. No. 203407.
Melencio Sta. Maria, Sedfrey M. Candelaria, Amparito Delos Santos-Sta. Maria,
Gilbert V. Sembrano, Ryan Jeremiah D. Quan, Maria Patricia R. Cervantes, Ray Paolo
J. Santiago and Nina Patricia D. Sison-Arroyo for petitioners in G.R. No. 203440.
Ricardo Sunga for all petitioners in G.R. No. 203453.
Paul Cornelius T. Castillo and Ryan D. Andres for petitioners in G.R. No. 203454.
Kristoffer James E. Purisima for petitioners in G.R. No. 203469.
Rodel A. Cruz, Rico A. Limpingco, Arthur Anthony S. Alicer and Michelle Anne S.
Lapuz for petitioner in G.R. No. 203501.
Edsel F. Tupaz and Neri J. Colmenares for petitioner in G.R. No. 203509.
Michael J. Mella and Bobby Gaytos for petitioner in G.R. No. 203515.
John Paolo A. Villasor, Renecio S. Espiritu, Jr. and Kelvin Lester K. Lee for
petitioners in G.R. No. 203518.
Sheryl L. Olaño for R.V. Quevedo and W.H. Torres.
John Paolo Roberto L.A. Villasor for petitioner Noemi Lardizabal-Dado.
Juan Alfonso P. Torrevillas for petitioners-in-intervention Ephraim Hans Manzano
Ocampo, et al.

127

RESOLUTION

ABAD, J.:
A number of petitioners seek reconsideration of the CourtÊs February 18, 2014
Decision that declared invalid and unconstitutional certain provisions of Republic Act
10125 or the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 and upheld the validity of the others.
The respondents, represented by the Office of the Solicitor General, also seek
reconsideration of portions of that decision. After going over their motions, however,
the Court sees no substantial arguments from either side to warrant the reversal of its
February 18, 2014 Decision.
The point about the legislative bicameral committeeÊs insertions of certain
provisions that were neither in the House bill nor in the Senate bill is something that
the Court is not inclined to investigate since insertions are within the power of those
committees to make so long as the passage of the law complies with the constitutional
requirements.1 The Cybercrime Prevention Act went through both houses and they
approved it. Any issue concerning alleged noncompliance with the governing rules of
both houses regarding committee insertions have to be internally resolved by each
house.
In any event, the Court will briefly address certain aspects of the decision that drew
the most objections.
Section 6 of the cybercrime law imposes penalties that are one degree higher when
the crimes defined in the Revised Penal Code and certain special laws are committed
with the use of information and communication technologies (ICT). Some of the
petitioners insist that Section 6 is invalid since it produces an unusual chilling effect
on users of cyberspace that would hinder free expression.

_______________
1 Tatad v. The Secretary of the Department of Energy, 346 Phil. 321; 281 SCRA 330 (1997), citing
Tolentino v. Secretary of Finance, G.R. Nos. 115455, 115525, 115543, 115544, 115754, 115781, 115852,
115873 & 115931, August 25, 1994, 235 SCRA 630.

128

Petitioner Bloggers and Netizens for Democracy insist that Section 6 cannot stand
in the absence of a definition of the term „information and communication
technology.‰2 But petitioner seems to forget the basic tenet that statutes should not be
read in isolation from one another. The parameters of that ICT exist in many other
laws. Indeed those parameters have been used as basis for establishing government
systems and classifying evidence.3 These along with common usage provide the needed
boundary within which the law may be applied.
The Court had ample opportunity to consider the proposition that Section 6 violates
the equal protection clause via the partiesÊ pleadings, oral arguments, and
memoranda. But, as the Decision stressed, the power to fix the penalties for violations
of penal laws, like the cybercrime law, exclusively belongs to Congress.
In any event, Section 6 of the cybercrime law merely makes the commission of
existing crimes through the internet a qualifying circumstance that raises by one
degree the penalties corresponding to such crimes. This is not at all arbitrary since a
substantial distinction exists between crimes committed through the use of ICT and
similar crimes committed using conventional means.
The United Nations Special Rapporteur,4 Frank La Rue, acknowledged the material
distinction. He pointed out that „[t]he vast potential and benefits of the Internet are
rooted in its unique characteristics, such as its speed, worldwide reach and relative
anonymity.‰ For this reason, while many governments advocate freedom online, they
recognize the neces-

_______________
2 Motion for Reconsideration, p. 2357.
3 AN ACT PROVIDING AND USE OF ELECTRONIC COMMERCIAL AND NON-COMMERCIAL TRANSACTIONS,
PENALTIES FOR UNLAWFUL USE THEREOF, AND OTHER PURPOSES, Republic Act 8792, June 14, 2000.
4 Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and
expression.

129

sity to regulate certain aspects of the use of this media to protect the most vulnerable.5
Not infrequently, certain users of the technology have found means to evade being
identified and for this reason have been emboldened to reach far more victims or cause
greater harm or both. It is, therefore, logical for Congress to consider as aggravating
the deliberate use of available ICT by those who ply their wicked trades.
Compared to traditional crimes, cybercrimes are more perverse. In traditional
estafa for example, the offender could reach his victim only at a particular place and a
particular time. It is rare that he could consummate his crime without exposing
himself to detection and prosecution. Fraud online, however, crosses national
boundaries, generally depriving its victim of the means to obtain reparation of the
wrong done and seek prosecution and punishment of the absent criminal.
Cybercriminals enjoy the advantage of anonymity, like wearing a mask during a heist.
Petitioners share the Chief JusticeÊs concern for the overall impact of those
penalties, being one degree higher than those imposed on ordinary crimes, including
the fact that the pre-

_______________
5 La Rue accepts that „legitimate types of information ⁄ may be restricted [such as] child pornography
(to protect the rights of children), hate speech (to protect the rights of affected communities), defamation
(to protect the rights and reputation of others against unwarranted attacks), direct and public incitement
to commit genocide (to protect the rights of others), and advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred
that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence (to protect the rights of others, such as
the right to life).‰ (Citations omitted) (A/HRC/17/27, p. 8); see Maria Luisa Isabel L. Rosales, Today the
Internet, Tomorrow Cable TV?: Situating the Internet as a Human Right, 57 ATENEO L.J. 463, 484-85
(2012).

130

scriptive periods for the equivalent cybercrimes have become longer.6

Prescription is not a matter of procedure over which the Court has something to
say. Rather, it is substantive law since it assumes the existence of an authority to
punish a wrong, which authority the Constitution vests in Congress alone. Thus, there
is no question that Congress may provide a variety of periods for the prescription of
offenses as it sees fit. What it cannot do is pass a law that extends the periods of
prescription to impact crimes committed before its passage.7
It is pointed out that the legislative discretion to fix the penalty for crimes is not
absolute especially when this discretion is exercised in violation of the freedom of
expression. The increase in the penalty for online libel creates, according to this view,
greater and unusual chilling effect that violates the protection afforded to such
freedom.
But what the stiffer penalty for online libel truly targets are those who choose to
use this most pervasive of media without qualms, tearing down the reputation of
private individuals who value their names and community standing. The law does not
remotely and could not have any chilling effect on the right of the people to disagree, a
most protected right, the exercise of which does not constitute libel.
The majority of the movants believe that the CourtÊs decision upholding the
constitutionality of Section 4(c)(4), which penalizes online libel, effectively tramples
upon the right to free expression. But libel is not a protected speech. There is no
freedom to unjustly destroy the reputation of a decent woman by publicly claiming
that she is a paid prostitute.

_______________
6 Philippine Bar Association, Motion for Reconsideration, p. 2397; Bloggers and Netizens for
Democracy, Motion for Reconsideration, p. 2362.
7 People of the Philippine Islands v. Parel, No. L-18260, January 27, 1923, citing Fiore, Irretroactividad
e Interpretacion de las Leyes, pp. 426-428.

131

As early as 1912, the Court held that libel is a form of expression not protected by
the Constitution.8 Libel, like obscenity, belongs to those forms of speeches that have
never attained Constitutional protection and are considered outside the realm of
protected freedom. As explained by the US Supreme Court in Champlinsky v. New
Hampsire:9

Allowing the broadest scope to the language and purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment, it
is well understood that the right of free speech is not absolute at all times and under all
circumstances. There are certain well-defined and narrowly limited classes of speech, the
prevention and punishment of which have never been thought to raise any Constitutional
problem. These include the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or
„fighting‰ words · those which, by their very utterance, inflict injury or tend to incite an
immediate breach of the peace. It has been well observed that such utterances are no essential
part of any exposition of ideas, and are of such slight social value as a step to truth that any
benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and
morality. „Resort to epithets or personal abuse is not in any proper sense communication of
information or opinion safeguarded by the Constitution, and its punishment as a criminal act
would raise no question under that instrument.‰ (Emphasis supplied)

The constitutional guarantee against prior restraint and subsequent punishment,

the jurisprudential requirement of „actual malice,‰ and the legal protection afforded by
„privilege communications‰ all ensure that protected speech remains to

_______________
8 Worcester v. Ocampo, 22 Phil. 41 (1912), cited in Bernas, S.J., The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of
the Philippines: A Commentary, 3rd ed., Rex Book Store, Manila, 2003.
9 315 U.S. 568 (1942), cited in Gorospe, R., Constitutional Law: Notes and Readings on the Bill of
Rights, Citizenship and Suffrage, Vol. I, Rex Book Store, Manila, 2006, p. 672.

132

be protected and guarded. As long as the expression or speech falls within the
protected sphere, it is the solemn duty of courts to ensure that the rights of the people
are protected.
At bottom, the deepest concerns of the movants seem to be the fact that the
government seeks to regulate activities in the internet at all. For them, the Internet is
a place where everyone should be free to do and say whatever he or she wants. But
that is anarchical. Any good thing can be converted to evil use if there are no laws to
prohibit such use. Indeed, both the United States and the Philippines have
promulgated laws that regulate the use of and access to the Internet.10
The movants argue that Section 4(c)(4) is both vague and overbroad. But, again,
online libel is not a new crime. It is essentially the old crime of libel found in the 1930
Revised Penal Code and transposed to operate in the cyberspace. Consequently, the
mass of jurisprudence that secures the freedom of expression from its reach applies to
online libel. Any apprehended vagueness in its provisions has long been settled by
precedents.

_______________
10 In the Philippines, the following laws were enacted to regulate the access and use of the Internet:
Electronic Commerce Act of 2000 (Republic Act 8792), Access Devices Regulation Act (Republic Act 8484)
and the Anti-Bullying Act of 2013 (Republic Act 10627). The United States, on the other hand, enacted
the following laws: (1) to combat Internet fraud: (a) 15 U.S.C. §§ 45, 52 (Unfair or deceptive acts or
practices; false advertisements; (b) 18 U.S.C. §§ 1028, 1029, 1030 (fraud in connection with identification
documents and information; fraud in connection with access devices; and fraud in connection with
computers); and (c) 15 U.S.C. § 1644 (credit card fraud). (2) For Child Pornography, Child Luring and
other Related Activities: (a) 18 U.S.C. § 2251 (sexual exploitation and other abuse of children), and (b) 18
U.S.C. § 2421 (transportation for illegal sexual activity). See US Federal Cybercrime Laws, retrieved at
http://digitalenterprise.org/govemance/us_code.html (last accessed April 3, 2014).

133

The partiesÊ other arguments in their respective motions for reconsideration are
mere reiterations that the Court already considered and ruled upon when it
promulgated its earlier Decision.
WHEREFORE, the Court DENIES with finality the various motions for
reconsideration that both the petitioners and the respondents, represented by the
Office of the Solicitor General, filed for lack of merit.
SO ORDERED.

Leonardo-De Castro, Peralta, Bersamin, Del Castillo, Villarama, Jr., Perez and
Reyes, JJ., concur.
Sereno, CJ., See Concurring and Dissenting Opinion.
Carpio, J., I vote to declare Section 6 constitutional. I reiterate my Separate
Dissenting and Concurring Opinion.
Velasco, Jr., J., With prior inhibition.
Brion, J., See my Dissent.
Mendoza, J., I join the position of CJ. on Section 6 and other positions taken by J.
Brion.
Perlas-Bernabe, J., No part.
Leonen, J., See Dissent.

DISSENTING AND CONCURRING OPINION

SERENO, CJ.:
Freedoms such as these are protected not only against heavy-handed
frontal attack, but also from being stifled by more subtle governmental
interference.
Justice Potter Stewart1

_______________
1 Bates v. City of Little Rock, 361 U.S. 516 (1960), as cited in Healy v. James, 408 U.S. 169, 280-281
(1972).

134

Nothing can be more plain and unambiguous than the Constitutional

command that „No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of
expression, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble
and petition the government for redress of grievances.‰ The ConstitutionÊs
mantle of protection is not limited to direct interference2 with the right to free speech;
it prohibits anything that as much as subtly chills its exercise.
I maintain my dissent insofar as the application of Section 6 to libel is concerned
because the one degree higher penalty it imposes creates a chilling effect on the
exercise of free speech. Hence, while a solitary sentence to that effect would have
sufficed, I respectfully but vigorously reassert my dissent, considering the far-reaching
effects of Section 6 on the lives and liberty of the Filipino people. Freedom of speech is
the nucleus of other rights. That is why it is the first right that is curtailed when a
free society falls under a repressive regime.3 That is also why this Court has
acknowledged freedom of speech as occupying a preferred position in the hierarchy of
rights.4
Unfortunately, the questioned provision was discussed only cursorily in the CourtÊs
Decision, · through a single paragraph, · and again in the resolution of the motions
for reconsideration, despite the gravity of its consequences. The Decision dismissively
disposes of the issue by 1) stating that Section 6 operates only to make commissions of
crimes through the Internet a qualifying circumstance; and 2) substantial distinctions
justify a higher penalty for crimes through information communication technology
(ICT). I believe that it is the CourtÊs constitutional duty to explain to the people its
decision exhaustively, especially when the issue has broad

_______________
2 Healy v. James, 408 U.S. 169, 280 (1972).
3 ISAGANI A. CRUZ, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, pp. 198-199 (2000).
4 Ayer Productions Ptd. Ltd. v. Capulong, G.R. Nos. 82380 and 82398, 29 April 1988, 160 SCRA 861.

135

implications on the national life. Indeed, if the majority had only thoroughly examined
the implications of Section 6, at least as far as its application to libel is concerned, they
might have seen how the provision subtly but surely endangers the preferred right to
free speech.
It is also the CourtÊs duty to address the confusion that may have resulted from its
Decision when the matter of such confusion is raised in a motion for reconsideration.
Especially so when several parties raise the issue, since it would show how widespread
the misconception is. Failure to do so may create and propagate unfounded fears with
inevitable adverse effects. If the Court takes the time to resolve moot and academic
cases when doing so will be instructive to the bar and bench and the public, and when
the issues raised are of paramount public interest,5 all the more should it endeavour to
allay the concrete fears of the population, no matter how absurd, by clarifying and
untangling the confusion that caused them. This I will do in relation to the wild
conclusions some parties hold about the nature of ICT in Section 6.
I had fervently hoped that this conscientious reiteration of my reasons for asserting
the unconstitutionality of Section 6 insofar as its application to libel is concerned
would have the effect of convincing those who take a contrary position · within and
outside of the Court · to reconsider their strongly-held position on Section 6. It would
be a glimmer of hope should this reassertion even as much as nudge them slightly to
be open to this different view being offered in the marketplace of ideas. Incidentally,
the marketplace has moved into cyberspace which we must now protect, not for its
own sake, but for the vast possibilities for robust exchange of ideas it has opened,
especially those pertaining to politics and

_______________
5 Province of North Cotabato v. Government of the Republic of the Philippines Peace Panel on Ancestral
Domain (GRP), G.R. Nos. 183591, 183752, 183893, 183951 & 183962, 14 October 2008, 568 SCRA 402.

136

governance. ICT has proven to be an ally of democracy. Hence, nowhere is the

protection of free speech more imperative than in this ubiquitous medium.
I also explain my position on the validity of regulating the transmission of
unsolicited commercial communications under Section 4(c)(3). I believe that the
regulation prevents harmful conduct that may interfere with an e-mail userÊs
enjoyment of his e-mail. Consequently, the interference may possibly affect his online
exercise of his right to free speech, free expression and free association, that e-mail
services facilitate.
Urgent need to remove the chilling
effect of Section 6 insofar as its ap-
plication to cyberlibel is concerned.
The Court had struck down unconstitutional provisions of the Cybercrime
Prevention Act, in the exercise of its duty as the ultimate guardian of the Constitution.
However, it has left Section 6 completely unscathed. In doing so, the Court would
appear not to have completely slain the beast still poised to attack the right to freedom
of speech. Perhaps it is the deceivingly simple and innocuous wording of the provision
that has successfully masked its invidious repercussions. Or perhaps, it is because of
the provisionÊs indirect, rather than frontal attack on free speech that has left the
majority unconcerned. Indeed, it is often the quiet and creeping interference upon
fundamental rights that succeeds in absolutely undermining liberty. It is the CourtÊs
duty to examine and expose to light this hidden peril and rouse the complacent from
her complacency.
I believe that the Court should now closely scrutinize Section 6 anew if it had failed
to do so the first time around.
As a general rule, penal statutes cannot be facially invalidated on the ground that
they produce a „chilling effect,‰ since

137

they are intended to have an in terrorem effect6 to deter criminality.7 However,

when a law provides for a penalty that goes beyond the in terrorem effect
needed to deter crimes and impedes the exercise of freedom of speech, it
should be quashed at once without hesitation. As I previously demonstrated, the
increase in penalty under this seemingly innocuous provision of Section 6, insofar as it
is applied to libel, indirectly but absolutely results in chilling the right of the people to
free speech and expression. Therefore, it is unconstitutional.
Section 6 creates an additional
in terrorem effect on top of that
already created by Article 355
of the Revised Penal Code.
Our Revised Penal Code is based on the premise that humans are rational beings
who refrain from criminal acts if threatened with punishment sufficient to outweigh
any expected gain in committing the crime.8 This consequence is the intended in
terrorem effect of penal statutes.9 Hence, in their exercise of freedom of speech, people
circumspectly weigh the severity of the punishment if the speech turns out to be
libelous against the possible benefit to be derived from it.
However, additional in terrorem effect may be validly created by law to discourage
resort to greater perversity in the commission of a felony. Hence, under the Revised
Penal Code the imposable penalty is increased when there are aggravat-

_______________
6 Southern Hemisphere Engagement Network, Inc. v. Anti-Terrorism Council, G.R. No. 178552, 5
October 2010, 632 SCRA 146.
7 The Philippine Railway Co. v. Geronimo Paredes, 64 Phil. 129 (1936).
8 RAMON C. AQUINO, THE REVISED PENAL CODE – Vol. I, p. 3 (1961).
9 Id., at pp. 8-11.

138

ing circumstances showing a greater perversity in the commission of a felony.10

Section 6 of the Cybercrime Prevention Act introduces the use of ICT as a qualifying
aggravating circumstance, thusly:

SEC. 6. All crimes defined and penalized by the Revised Penal Code, as amended, and
special laws, if committed by, through and with the use of information and
communications technologies shall be covered by the relevant provisions of this Act:
Provided, That the penalty to be imposed shall be one (1) degree higher than that
provided for by the Revised Penal Code, as amended, and special laws, as the case may
be. (Emphases supplied)

Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code, provides for libel the penalty of prisión
correccional in its minimum (from 6 months and 1 day to 2 years and 4 months) and
medium (from 2 years, 4 months, and 1 day to 4 years and 2 months) periods.
However, with the increase in penalty by one degree under the Cybercrime Prevention
Act, libel qualified by the use of ICT is now punishable by prisión correccional in its
maximum period (from 4 years, 2 months and 1 day to 6 years) to prisión mayor in its
minimum period (from 6 years and 1 day to 8 years).21 Therefore, Section 6 doubles
the maximum penalty for online libel.
Thus, Section 6 effectively creates an additional in terrorem effect by
introducing ICT as a qualifying aggravating circumstance. This burden is
imposed on top of the intended in terrorem effect of the original penalties imposed by
the Revised Penal Code. Thus, the public will now

_______________
10 Id., at p. 277; Luis B. Reyes, The Revised Penal Code – Criminal Law, Book One, p. 328 (2008).
11 See REVISED PENAL CODE, Art. 61 (on rules for graduating penalties); Reyes, supra note 10 at pp. 705-
706; Cf.: People v. Medroso, No. L-37633, 31 January 1975, 62 SCRA 245.

139

have to take this additional burden into account in their calculation of penalties. As if
the need to weigh the costs and benefits of whether to exercise freedom of speech is not
burdened enough by the possibility of a libel suit, the public will now have to
additionally mull over their use of ICT in the exercise of this freedom through ICT.
Every individual, including those of us in the judiciary, who rely heavily on the use
of ICT can easily see how burdensome this state of affairs is. Significantly, the
statistical facts show that the Philippines depends greatly on ICT as a means of
communication and of expression. As pointed out by Justice Leonen in his Separate
Dissenting and Concurring Opinion to the main Decision, a global study of internet
users showed that 78% of Filipino respondents said that they access the Internet
several times a day, while 79% used e-mail at least once a day.22 Additionally, 72%
used social media at least once a day. This shows the inextricability of ICT from our
national life. Indeed, we do not need statistics to convince us of this fact. What office or
establishment or individual can function without the Internet nowadays? Given this
reality, it is inevitable that the increase in penalty per se will effectively chill the
exercise of the preferred constitutional right to free speech.
Worse, as will be shown below, this increase in penalty has domino effects which
combine to create a behemoth that treacherously tramples over freedom of speech ·
the imposition of harsher accessory penalties, the neutralization of the full benefits of
the law on probation, the increase in the prescription periods for the crime of
cyberlibel and its penalty, and the fact that the aggravating circumstance cannot be
offset by any mitigating circumstance. Additionally, all these extra burden can be
easily imposed since the use of ICT per se, without need to prove criminal intent,
automatically calls for the application of a penalty one degree higher.

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12 Dissenting and Concurring Opinion of Justice Leonen, p. 546.

140

The increase in penalty also

results in the imposition of
harsher accessory penalties.
As explained earlier, before the Cybercrime Prevention Act, the imposable penalty
for libel under Art. 355 of the Revised Penal Code, even if committed by means of ICT,
was prisión correccional in its minimum and medium periods. Now, under Section 6 of
the Cybercrime Prevention Act, the imposable penalty for libel qualified by ICT has
been increased to prisión correccional in its maximum period to prisión mayor in its
minimum period.13 Consequently, it is now possible for the harsher accessory penalties
for prisión mayor to attach. These are: the deprivation of public offices and
employments even if conferred by popular election, the deprivation of the right to vote,
disqualification from offices or public employments and the forfeiture of retirement
pay. Undeniably, public office and employment as well as the right to vote, and
retirement pay are not trifling privileges that one can easily risk losing. Hence, the
public will now have to factor in these severe consequences into their calculations. The
exercise of freedom of speech through ICT is thereby further burdened.
I also note that these accessory penalties hit public officers hardest. This can be
troubling because it is often public servants who know about and may expose
corruption within their ranks. Such harsher penalties will certainly discourage public
servants from exercising their freedom of speech to denounce wrongdoing. We are
therefore depriving ourselves of a potent check against official abuse.
The increase in penalty neutral-
izes the full benefits of the law
on probation, consequently
threatening the public with the

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13 Supra note 11.

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guaranteed imposition of im-

prisonment and the accessory
penalties thereof.
Under Presidential Decree No. (P.D.) 968 or the Probation Law,14 qualified
offenders who immediately admit to their liability and thus renounce the right to
appeal are given the chance to avoid the stigma of incarceration by making them
undergo rehabilitation outside prison instead. However, Section 9 of the law
excludes those sentenced to serve a maximum term of imprisonment of more
than six years from its coverage. Since the maximum penalty for libel
committed through the use of ICT has been increased two-fold to 8 years, a
convicted offender may now be disqualified from availing of the benefits of
probation.
Given the basic postulate animating our penal laws that humans are calculating
beings who weigh the perils of their actions, it is possible that people may risk a
conviction for libel, since they may avail themselves of the privilege of probation. They
may find that the exercise of their freedom to speak and to express themselves is
worth the threat. But when this very beneficial15 technology is made a
qualifying aggravating circumstance that guarantees imprisonment, the in
terrrorem effect of libel is further magnified and becomes unduly oppressive
to the exer-

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14 Probation Law; Francisco v. Court of Appeals, 313 Phil. 241; 243 SCRA 384 (1995); and Baclayon v.
Mutia, 241 Phil. 126; 129 SCRA 148 (1984). See: Del Rosario, Jr. v. Rosero, 211 Phil. 406; 126 SCRA 228
(1983).
15 According to the 2012 Global Internet Survey, 91% of Filipino respondents agree that the Internet
does more help to society than it does to hurt it while 93% have indicated that their lives have improved
due to using the Internet. Additionally, 96% agree that the Internet is essential to their knowledge and
education. See Dissenting and Concurring Opinion of Justice Leonen p. 547.

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cise of free speech. Furthermore, it should be noted that offenders will now lose the
additional benefit of probation · the suspension of accessory penalties.
Section 6 increases the prescrip-
tion periods for the crime of cyber-
libel and its penalty to 15 years.
Before the passage of the Cybercrime Prevention Act, the State waives its right to
prosecute libel after only one year. With the increase in penalty by one degree
pursuant to Section 6 of the Cybercrime Prevention Act, however, the penalty for libel
through ICT becomes afflictive under Article 25 of the Revised Penal Code.
Accordingly, while a charge for ordinary libel may be filed within the limited period of
only one year from its commission, the charge for online libel can be instituted within
15 years since under Article 90 that is the prescription period for crimes punishable by
afflictive penalties, other than reclusion perpetua and reclusion temporal.26 This is not
a trivial matter since, in effect, the threat of prosecution for online libel lingers for 14
years more. Similarly, the prescription period for the penalty of libel through ICT is
increased from 10 to 15 years.
These increases in the prescription periods are additional factors in the rational
calculation of whether or not to exercise freedom of speech through ICT. Obviously,
this adverse change further tilts the scales against the exercise of freedom of speech.
ICT as a qualifying aggravating
circumstance cannot be offset b
any mitigating circumstance.
A qualifying aggravating circumstance like the use of ICT increases the penalty by
degrees, not by period as a generic

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16 See also TSN dated 15 January 2013, pp. 80-81.

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aggravating circumstance does.17 Moreover, while a generic aggravating

circumstance may be offset by a generic mitigating circumstance such as voluntary
surrender, a qualifying aggravating circumstance is more onerous in that it cannot be