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CHAPTER - III

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS UP TO 1700

The economic activities of the Pudukkottai region had a

direct bearing on historical development. The megalithic burial

sites at Sithannavasal and the presence of tombs in large

numbers were the evidences of early human activity in this


area. The occupation of the natural caves by the ascetics of

the Jain order, references to places and chiefs of this region


in 'Sangam
Literature' and the discovery of Roman coins in
3
Karukkakurichi indicates that it was a region inhabitated by
people from early times.

In accordance with the physiographic classification,

Pudukkottai is mainly mullai (jungle) tract with small hillocks

found here and there. EXjring summer it would degenerate into


palai (desert) ccnditicns because of the scarcity of rain. 4

According to Tamil literary tradition Kalians and Maravars were

the people of palai region, while the pastoral people, the ayar

occupied the mullai land. The Kurumbars were another group

of people who migrated into this


were living tract and in the
5
Kolathur region of the princely state of Pudukkottai.

Ttie resojrce base of the Pudukkottai tract was not very


scAjnd. The lands were not fertile. Rivers are only seasonal
streams and the tanks are mainly rainfed. So agriculture had
always been difficult, if not an impossible task. The
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eco-system and the conditions that prevailed here partially


fi 7
corresponded to Stein's Intermediate nadu. Baker's plain and
o

Dirk's marginal economy zone, which were neither dry nor wet.
As a result, the natural resources were exploited by rudimentary
agricultural operations in the beginning. It gave way for
g
attacks and plunders between peasant and non-peasant
inhabitants. To eke out a living, cultivation of crops on land

and rearing of cattle were practiced.

The Vellala peasantry from the neighbouring wet zones


initiated agrarian practices on the tract watered by Vellar. It
is claimed that along with them eighteen castes of people were
brought for settlement. They Included potters, washermen,

barbers, scribes, tailors, garland makers, shepherds and b a r d s .


Along with them joined five classes of kammilars, three classes
of vanniars and valayars. The often quoted Terkkattur
manuscript reveals that the Vellalars of Konadu were brought
to this area by the Chola king and the Vellalars of Kanadu were
settled by the Pandya kings. To Dirks, the settlement pattern
Indicates the stimulating role of the king to promote
12
settlement. The community thus settled gradually evolved

themselves into a medieval agrarian order. Vellala farmers were

bent over the plough and so there came into existence farms and
settled villages in the Vellar basin.
39

The developed agricultural and mercantile activity had

a natural advantage of the tract which resulted in prosperity

and power. The pastoral-agrarian form of social life led to the

worship of Murugan, the god of war and fertility to whom


13
offerings of rice and blood were made. The peasants could

produce paddy, cereals, vegetables, condiments and fruits through

agriculture.

Farming necessarily meant ownership of land. The copper

plate grants referred to the Vellalars of this region as

Nilattarasu (rulers of the soil), as opposed to Mudiarasu

(crowned kings). It was assumed that the crowned kings were

a reference to the Cholas and the Pandyas.

In places of settlement different workmen got their

subsistence in various ways. The smiths, potters and washermen

received annual assignments of paddy, soon after harvest. 15


Agricultural and agriculture supporting classes gradually reached

a stage of maturation and material occupation during the early

centuries of the christian era. The internecine disputes about

the use of land, temples, tanks and rights to the waters of

Vellar. disturbed the peace of the region. The bareness of the

land and the famine conditions were the reasons behind the

attacks and counter attacks among them. Paddy cultivation

needed the help of others for sowing, transplanting and harvesting

operations. So agriculture depended upon the ability to command


and control others to work on the soil.
40

The peasant settlement as indicated by Inscriptions, refers


17
to tanks, wells, sluices and land grants. With the expansion
of agriculture, local assemblies began to show keen interest in

the reclamation of virgin lands, renovation of tanks and ayacuts.


The local population decided the type of local assemblies like

the Sabhi of the brahmins, the Ur of the agriculturists and the


18
Nagaram of the merchants. The assemblies were rooted on land

and tried to sustain agriculture against drought or floods. There


were regions where land was not surveyed but held jointly. The
19
produce was shared among themselves. The local assemblies
maintained records to show the extent of lands held, riparian

rights, sluice use particulars and the taxes levied or exempted.

The local assem^blies, were forced to shoulder such responsibilities.

Custom and collective vigil facilitated


the working of collective
20
management of land by the local assemblies.

The chola inscriptions at Munisandai dated about 870 A.D.


and 941 A.D. respectively refer to the Ainnurruvar, a merchant
guild of five hundred members. They were traders who visited
different towns of South India. The merchant guild Kodumbalur
Manigramam was very active and they participated in the
socio-economic activities like construction of temples and renovation
of tanks. The Pudukkottal region, because of its route character,
played a vital role in the inter as well as extra local level of
trade. The presence of itinerant merchants of the Ainnurruvar
41

and Manlgramatn associations, clearly attest to the prevalence of

over-seas trade.

Some times the nature of the local assembly changes because

of castes, which started originally


occupational asgroups.
22
References to this fact are found in many inscriptions, ajbbarayalu

mentions about communal corporate bodies, the Ur, the Sabhii and

the Nagaram. The Ur was the corporate body of the Vellala land
holders in Vellan Vagal villages, the Sabha was the corporate body

in the brahmin
villages and the Nagaram was the corporate body
23
in the mercantile villages. The economic status was an important

factor connected with land holding. Vellila landlords granted

laids to Brahmins andtemples at Tlruvarangulam, Kuduraiyanmalai,


24
Kunnandarkovil, Vadavalam and Kalasamangalam.

Epigraphlcal evidences mention the cultivated varieties of


paddy like Sambha, Adikuruvai, Aippasl kuruvai, Chithirai kuruvai
25
and Naviral. The principal dry crops were Tinai (Satarla

Italica), Varagu (Paspalum Scorbiculatum), Keppai (Eleurine

coracana) and Samai (Panicummiliare}. The most important

ncn-cereal crop was Gingili (Seseamum indicum). On rotation,

Payaru (Phaseolus), Mango and Horsegram iDolichos bifforus) were

cultivated. Betel is mentlcned in many inscriptions. The common

vegetable crops were Brinjal (Solamum melong^ia). Yam (Typhonium

irilobatum). Pumpkin (Cucurbita peopaj. Turmeric (Curcuma longa)

and Ginger (Zingiber officinala) . Sugarcane was also cultivated.

Pusanl was probably grown in the off season. Regarding fruits.


42

the tract produced Mango (Mangifera Indies),


Jack Artocarpus
26
(Integri folia), Coconut (Cocoanucifera) and Arecanut, There are
only few references to cottcn in the inscriptions of this tract.

The absence of references to indigo and groundnut in the

inscriptions of the region, is indicative of their late entry.

Cultivation of crops and their yield depend upon regular

seasonal rains. But in Pudukkottai, rainfall was mostly too little

which led to the dislocation of the agrarian system. So water

is an important input that matters much In agricultural producticn.

Demands on water caused It as a scarce commodity in many areas.

This dictates the


necessity to have an efficient use of this
27
precious commodity. Tank irrigation emerged as a wise answer

to the onslaught of drought down the centuries. Tanks were

formed by forming a low bund across a shallow valley to hold

the run off water from its catchment. As Pudukkottai depends


mainly on monsoon rainfall, the idea of holding rain water by

constructing a chain of tanks was being practised for a long time.

Maintenance of tanks by the villages was an essential feature to

be looked into. If tanks were not properly maintained the entire

region would show a barren look. Only because of their

maintenance the areas were irrigable.

The extant sources reveal the existence of village committees

which looked after the maintenance and operation of water

distribution of the tanks to the beneficiary farmers. These


28 —
committees were called as Eri Variyam (Tank committee). There
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was also a system of kudimaramath wherein the farmers themselves

voluntarily did the physical work to clear the irrigatlcn channels

and maintain the tank system. To release water from the tank,

devices like madai, kalingu. mathaku. thumbu and kumili were

used.

When tanks breached, the ayacuts were deserted and the


lands became fallow. If the streams were in spate, the feeder

channel, tank bund, surplus channel and the ayacut lands were

affected. So adequate attention was given to ^s"*^ maintaiance.

Land grants were given to guard the tanks. Sluice operators were

appointed. Village community as a whole participated in

strengthening the embankment, desilting, sluice repairs and

removing unwanted vegetation in the tank bed. Generally,


enjoyment of fishery rights were linked with tank maintenance.
Equitable distribution of water to fields had become an issue of
tank maintenance. To tackle such problems of distribution, ancient
custom to muraj^ vilukkadu (turn system) was followed en ayacut
lands under the ayacut area of a tank.

With the decline of political authority after the thirteenth


century, the villagers were forced to sell or grant padikaval
(protection rights) to chieftains. Along with it the peasant
30
community agreed to tax payment. Taxes were demanded even
under distress conditions. Land dues were collected by fixing

normal harvest rates. Yet there were different rates for samba
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and kuruvai cultivation. As a result, Aippasi kuruval levy was

greater than Adikuruvai rate. Among dry crops a gradation was

attempted. Well irrigated lands were charged half the rate of

seasonal crops. The rates of the adjoining locality were usually

followed. Crops, their raising up and yields were verified before


^ , 31
the l e v y .

The shares of the village produce as demanded by


Padikaval holders could not be calculated on quantity basis. A
perusal of the epigraphic sources reveal that they touched almost
all the crops cultivated. The burden of the peasants was heavy
and the oppression was strongly felt. Apart from collecting dues,
they exercised special rights over tanks. They even collected
milk. hare and fowls from the dependent communities like
cowherds, valayars. paliar and parayar. There were many

claimants to extract the peasant's surplus labour or surplus

produce. Such claims persisted till the r i s e of the Thcndaimans.

The social unrest and rivalry among different chiefs and


the damages caused by flood and drought dislocated the agrarian
order. As a result, exodus became a r e a l i t y . Inscriptions from
Virachilai, Puvalankudi, Keeranur, Kovilur and Singamangalam
indicate the presence of decaying villages and decreasing
32
population. In brief, the historical period in Pudukkottai was
inaugurated by its inhabitants Ayyar, Vellaiar, Kallar and Maravar.

The resource base of the region permitted rudimentary agricultural


45

activities with other activities like hunting and herding. The

local assemblies looked after agricultural activities against drought

and floods. The merchant guilds played an active role in the

exchange of various commodities. For the maintenance of the


tanks, kudimaramath system was adopted. On the payment of tax
to the state, graduation was attempted and rival claims were made
on the surplus produce of the peasants. These developments
constitute the economic background for an understanding of the
agrarian practices of this region.
CHAPTER - III

REFERENCES

1. Randhawa, M.S., A History of Agriculture In India, Vol.1,


Indian Council of Agricultural Research, New Delhi. (1980),
p . 438.

2. Gopalakrlshna Gandhi, TamilNadu District Gazetteer.


Pudukkottai (1983), p . 112.

3. Appendix, Vide Plate 21.

4. Subramaniyam, N., Sahgam Polity, Ennes i»ublication6,


Madura!, 1980, p . 261.

5. Meera Abraham, Two Medieval Merchant Guilds of South


India. Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 1988, p. 100.

6. Burton Stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South


India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1980,
p p . 134-140.

7. Baker, C . J . , An Indian Rural Economy, The TamilNadu


Countryside. Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1984.

8. Nicholas B. Dirks, The Hollow Crown. An Ethno History


of an Indian Kingdom, Cambridge University Press. 1987.

9. Burton Stein. O p . c i t . . p . 287.

10. Radhakrlshna . Aiyer. S., A General History of the


Pudukkottai State. Sri Brahadambal State Press. 1916.
p p . 59-60.
47

11. The manuscript belonging to R.aibramanya Velar, filed as


a record in the Pudukkottai Chief Court.

12. Nicholas B. Dirks. Q p . c i t . , p . 139.

13. Romila Thapar. A History of India. 1966. p p . 104-105.

14. Gopalakrishna Gandhi, Q p . c i t . . p . 121.

15. Radhakrishna Aiyer. Op .clt •. p . 60.

16. Gopalakrishna Gandhi. Q p . c i t . . p . 126.

17. Meera Abraham, Q p . c i t . . p . 102.


Nicholas B. Dirks. Q p . c i t . . p . 139.

18. Tirumalai. R.. Studies in the History of the Anciait


Townships of the Pudukkottai Institute of Epigraphy.
Government of TamilNadu, Madras, 1981, p . 332.

19. Ibid., p. 334. Such communal land holdings continued to


exist even duing the period under study. For details,
see Chapter VI.

20. Ibid., p . 337.

21. Annual Report of Epigraphy for 1903. No. 154 6 Gopalakrishna


Gandhi. Q p . c i t . . p . 138.

22. Subbarayalu, Y., 'Social change in TamilNadu in the Twelfth


and Thirteenth Centuries, .A.D..' South Indian History
Congress: Proceedings of the II Annual Conference,
Trivandrum, 1981. p p . 138-142.
48

23. Subbarayalu, Y.. Political Geography of the Chola Country.


State Department of Archaeology, Madras, 1973, p p . 33-36.

24. Gopalakrishna Gandhi, O p . c l t . . p . 140.

25. I . P . S . . 260. 269. 275, 318.


The prefixes represent particular Tamil mcnths A(^l:
July-August, Aippasi: October-November and Chitrai:
April-May.

26. Venkatarama Ayyar, K.R., A Manual of Pudukkottai State,


1940, p p . 668-669.

27. Makkar, V.M.. 'A Survey of Tanks in Tiruchlrappalli


District of TamilNadu' Seminar on Tank irrigation in
Tiruchlrappalli, T. Sunder Raj ( e d . ) , St. Joseph's College,
Tiruchlrappalli, 1992, p . 13.

28. Gomathinayagam, 'Tank irrigation practices in TamilNadu',


Seminar on Tank irrigation in Tiruchlrappalli, T.Sunder Raj
(ed.), St. J o s e p h ' s College, Tiruchlrappalli (1992),
p . 22.

29. Karu Rajendran, 'Pudukkottai Mivatta Kumili Kalvettukkal'


(Tamil), Avanam, Vol.1, 1991, p . 21.

30. Nicholas B. Dirks O p . c i t . . p . 153.

31. Tirumalai. R.. O p . c i t . . p p . 164-165.

32. Venkatarama Ayyar, K.R., O p . c i t . , p p . 744-745.


The letters of the Madura Mission, reveal that many
villages were entirely deserted without even one inhabitant
left in them.

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