7 Civilizacia
7 Civilizacia
7 Civilizacia
civilizaciuri Ziebani
CIVILIZATION RESEARCHES
# 7
`civilizaciuri Ziebani~ Tbilisis saxelmwifo universitetSi gamodis 2003 wlidan. 2007
wlis ivnisSi iuneskos egidiT Catarebuli saerTaSoriso mrgvali magidis _ `kavkasia: inter-
kulturuli dialogis perspeqtiva~ _ gadawyvetilebiT, is arsebobas ganagrZobs rogorc sa-
erTaSoriso gamocema. krebuli interdisciplinuria, moicavs kroskulturuli komunikaciisa
da interkulturuli dialogis, SedarebiTi regionuli kvlevebis (istoriuli da tipologi-
uri sakiTxebi), kulturis kvlevebis da sxva sakiTxebs.
krebuli TanamSromlobs azerbaijanis, somxeTis, moldovas, ruseTis federaciis, cen-
traluri aziis iuneskos kaTedrebTan, sxva qarTvel da ucxoel kolegebTan, romlebic war-
modgenilni arian rogorc saredaqcio sabWoSi, aseve avtorebis saxiT.
saredaqcio jgufi mzadaa TanamSromlobisaTvis dainteresebul pirebTan da struqtureb-
Tan.
“Civilization Researches” is an annual edition of the UNESCO Chair in Intercultural Dialogue, Ivane Javakhishvili
Tbilisi State University.
The articles cover spheres including, but not restricted to:
Cross-cultural communication and intercultural dialogue
Comparative regional studies (including historical and typological perspectives)
Cultural studies.
Traditional and non-traditional paradigms of study are equally welcome.
The journal cooperates with the UNESCO Chairs in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Moldova, Central Asia, Russian Federa-
tion and is open for collaboration with the interested individuals and structures.
moTxovnebi avtorebisadmi
masalebi warmodgenil unda iqnes qarTulad, inglisurad, rusulad an frangulad (maq-
simum 4.000 sityva. Times New Roman 12, 1,5, an 2.500 sityva; AcadNusx 12, 1,5 (qarTuli teqstebi).
yvela statias (garda inglisur enaze warmodgenilisa) unda axldes inglisuri reziume 800-
1000 sityvis moculobiT. citireba – MLA stili.
SerCevis pirveli etapi – saredaqcio sabWos wevrTa mier SerCeuli statiebi igzavneba
TbilisSi, redaqciaSi, eleqtronuli fostiT.
meore etapi – statiebi egzavneba saredaqcio sabWos wevrebs (specialobaTa mixedviT) sa-
boloo SerCevisaTvis.
warmodgenis vadebi:
1 oqtomberi – warmodgena saredaqcio sabWoSi
1 noemberi – saredaqcio sabWos wevrTa saboloo gadawyvetileba
Submission
The articles should be submitted in Georgian, English, Russian or French (max. 4000 words, Times New Roman 12,
1,5, or 2500 words, AcadNusx 12, 1,5 space (Georgian texts). All articles (except those in English) must be presented to-
gether with the summary in English, 800-1000 words. Citation – MLA style.
First stage of selection – papers recommended by the members of the Editorial Board should be delivered to Tbilisi
by e-mail.
Second stage – the papers should be distributed among the members of the Editorial Board for the final selection.
Deadline for delivering articles to Tbilisi:
October (with the recommendation of a member of the Review Group)
November (decision of the member of the Review Group to whom the article was delivered).
redaqciis misamarTi
saqarTvelo, 0128, Tbilisi, i. WavWavaZis gamz., #3
iv. javaxiSvilis saxelobis Tbilisis saxelmwifo universiteti,
II korpusi, oTaxi 132
tel.: (995 32) 29 08 44
el. fosta: [email protected], [email protected]
3
EDITORIAL BOARD
The electronic version of the journal and the information about the UNESCO Chair in Intercultural Dialogue is
available at: www.culturedialogue.com
4
Sinaarsi
CONTENTS
malxaz macaberiZe
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul
umciresobaTa konstituciuri uflebebi ............................................................................................ 7
Malkhaz Matsaberidze
Elaboration of the 1921 Constitution of Georgia and Constitutional Rights
of the National Minorities ...................................................................................................................................... 22
Ketevan Kakitelashvili
Instrumentalization of History and History Teaching in Post-Soviet Georgia ...................................................... 24
Hripsime Ramazyan, Sona Avetisyan
The Globalizing World: A Diagram of New Identities .......................................................................................... 29
Заур Гасымов
Польский прометеизм как предмет исследования. Историографические заметки......................................... 34
maia qvriviSvili
identifikaciis procesebi da markerebi eri-saxelmwifoebis Camoyalibebis
xanaSi (saqarTvelo da rumineTi: SedarebiTi analizis cda) ..................................................... 38
Maia Kvrivishvili
Processes and Markers of Identification in the Era of Formation of Nation-States:
A Comparative Analysis of Georgia and Romania ................................................................................................ 43
David Matsaberidze
The Soviet Identity – Transnationalism and Ethnic Nationalisms in the Soviet Union ......................................... 44
Сергей Румянцев
Диаспора, как политический проект:Практики и цели конструирования
этно-национального сообщества ....................................................................................................................... 53
Sergei Rumyantsev
Diaspora as a political project: Practices and purposes of construction
of ethno-national community ................................................................................................................................. 60
Irakli Chkhaidze
Georgian National Project in the Context of Ethnic and Civic Nationalisms
(THE Beginning of the Post-Soviet Period) ......................................................................................................... 62
Hripsime Ramazyan
Tradition Dismantling: A post-totalitarian society in the shadows of westernization ........................................... 65
marina andrazaSvili
specifikuri sirTuleebi germanulenovan geografiul saxelTa gadmotanisas
qarTulad da arsebuli uzustobani .................................................................................................... 71
Marina Andrazashvili
Specific Difficulties at the Time of Transposition of German Geographical Names into Georgian
and THE Existing Inaccuracies .............................................................................................................................. 84
nino daraselia
d. uznaZis ganwyobis Teoria kognitologiis WrilSi ................................................................ 85
Nino Daraselia
Dimitri Uznadze’s Psychological Theory of Set from the Standpoint of Cognitive Science ................................. 89
5
nino qimeriZe
teqstis saxeoba – kulturiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi warmonaqmni
(germanuli da qarTuli teqstis saxeobaTa analizis safuZvelze) ..................................... 91
Nino Kimeridze
Text Types – Culture-Specific Linguistic Phenomenon(based on the analysis
of German and Georgian text types) .................................................................................................................... 101
Targmanebi
daRupuli gemis mezRvauris moTxrobis interpretacia jon beinsis mier ...................... 102
avtorebi ........................................................................................................................................................... 121
AUTHORS ............................................................................................................................................................. 122
6
civilizaciuri Ziebani
malxaz macaberiZe
1. sxvebisTvis sanimuSod
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis fuZemdeblebi miiswrafodnen SeeqmnaT uaR-
resad demokratiuli konstitucia, romelic sxva qveynebisaTvis sanimuSo da misaba-
Zi iqneboda. aseTi suliskveTebiT wyvetdnen erovnul sakiTxsac. ase magaliTad, sa-
konstitucio komisiis 1920 wlis 26 Tebervlis sxdomaze a. Cxenkeli aRniSnavda: `Cven
veravis mivbaZavT, versaidan gadmoviRebT rasme, radgan ar aris istoriaSi saTana-
do, Cveni damakmayofilebeli magaliTebi; es kiTxva unda gadavWraT Cveni gonebiT
imdenad safuZvlianad, rom sxvisTvis gaxdes samagaliTod~ (scssa1, f. 1833, aRw. 1,
saq. 181, furc. 126).
aseTi ganwyoba kargad aitaces erovnul umciresobaTa warmomadgenlebmac. Ta-
visTavad igulisxmeboda, rom Camoyalibebis etapze myof saqarTvelos saxelmwifo-
Si erovnul umciresobebs unda mieRoT iseTi uflebebi da konstituciuri garanti-
ebi, rac ar iyo ganxorcielebuli dasavleTis yvelaze demokratiul saxelmwifoeb-
Sic ki. magaliTad, sakonstitucio komisiis 1920 wlis 10 martis sxdomaze, rodesac
komisiis Tavmjdomarem, p. sayvareliZem rusebis erovnuli sabWos warmomadgenels
miuTiTa, rom maT mier wamoyenebuli e.w. `enaTa Tanasworuflebianobis~ moTxovna
arsebiTad uaryofda saxelmwifo enis cnebas, an aseTad aqcevda 15-16 enas, msgavsi
ram ki arc erT qveyanaSi ar arsebobda, pasuxad miiRo Semdegi: `qveyanazed arsad
1
saqarTvelos centraluri saxelmwifo saistorio arqivi.
7
malxaz macaberiZe
8
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul umciresobaTa...
9
malxaz macaberiZe
resobas neba ara aqvs Seaviwrovos saxelmwifo~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 181, furc.
125). p. sayvareliZem aRniSna kidec, rom missa da g. gvazavas proeqtebs Soris umniS-
vnelo gansxvavebaa da advilad SeiZleba maTi Sejereba (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq.
181, furc. 126).
i. baraTaSvilis proeqtic erovnuli saxelmwifos ideas eyrdnoboda. `erovnuli
saxelmwifoebis Seqmna xdeba imanenturi ZaliT da rodesac vqmniT aseT saxelmwi-
fos, ar unda Seiqmnas misi mowinaaRmdege Zala~, erovnul umciresobebs unda mieceT
`farTo uflebebi Tavisufali ganviTarebisaTvis. rasakvirvelia im farglebSi, sa-
dac ar ilaxeba erovnuli saxelmwifos interesebi~, _ aRniSnavda igi (scssa, f. 1833,
aRw. 1, saq. 180, furc. 178). magram p. sayvareliZisa da g. gvazavasagan gansxvavebiT, Se-
saZleblad miiCnevda erovnuli umciresobebisaTvis calmxrivi sajaro uflebebis
miniWebas. erovnul sabWoebs eqnebodaT gadasaxadebis dawesebis ufleba, xolo misi
akrefa moxdeboda saxelmwifo aparatis meSveobiT. saxelmwifosve eqneboda kontro-
lis, `vetos~ ufleba. amdenad, es iyo mxolod `naxevrad sajaro ufleba~, rac, misi
azriT, saSiSi ar iqneboda saxelmwifos mTlianobisaTvis.
moxsenebaTa ganxilvis dros i. baraTaSvilis Tvalsazrisi sajaro uflebebis
miniWebis Sesaxeb gaiziares s. dadianma da a. Cxenkelma, xolo mis winaaRmdeg gadaW-
riT gailaSqres m. rusiam da l. naTaZem. i. baraTaSvilisa da mis momxreTa pozicia
am sakiTxSi sastikad gaakritika p. sayvareliZem: `Cven davaarseT nacionaluri sa-
xelmwifo da TavgamodebiT vicavT mas; amave dros ki Tqven gindaT SeqmnaT sajaro
uflebrivi organizaciebi, romelic eWvs gareSea, arRvevs da Zirs uTxris am saxel-
mwifos; Tqven gindaT saxelmwifoebi SeqmnaT saxelmwifoSi da amiT gana Tqvenive xe-
liT ar spobT imas, ris gakeTeba da aSeneba TiTqos miznad daisaxeT...~ (scssa, f.
1833, aRw. 1, saq. 181, furc. 128).
10
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul umciresobaTa...
garkveuli azri sakiTxis Sesaxeb, dResve iqnas mosmenili proeqtebi, miuxedavad imi-
sa, werilobiT iqneba igi warmodgenili Tu ara~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 180,
furc. 209). pasuxad i. baraTaSvilma aRniSna, rom komisiisaTvis am SemTxvevaSi mniS-
vneloba aqvs ara kerZo pirTa azrebs, aramed `warmomadgenlebis, rogorc aseTebis,
oficialur azrsa da Sexedulebas~.
somexTa erovnuli sabWos warmomadgenelma komisias mosTxova, rom erovnuli
sabWoebisaTvis gadaecaT proeqti, romelic, misi azriT, ukve momzadebuli hqonda
komisias, Semdeg ki daumata, rom erovnuli sabWoebis warmomadgenlebi unda gaecnon
`ara marto sakonstitucio komisiis im muSaobas, romelic Seexeba kerZod erovnul
umciresobaTa sakiTxs, aramed saerTod mTel konstitucias~. misi TqmiT, es erov-
nul sabWoebs daexmareboda sakuTari proeqtebis SemuSavebaSi; garda amisa, man sur-
vili gamoTqva, rom komisia erovnul umciresobaTa Tvalsazrisis mosmeniT ki ar
Semofargluliyo, aramed maT urTierTobas mudmivi TanamSromlobis saxe mieRo.
somxebis warmomadgenlis Tvalsazrisi gaiziara rusTa sabWos warmomadgenel-
mac. man aRniSna, rom `yoveli masala, romelsac ki gadmogvcems sakonstitucio ko-
misia, sagrZnoblad daaCqarebda Cveni proeqtis damuSavebas~, amasTan SeuZleblad
miiCnia, rom TanamSromloba gansazRvruliyo mxolod proeqtebis wardgeniT. misi
azriT, erovnul umciresobaTa warmomadgenlebis monawileoba unda gafarToebuli-
yo da maT gareSe ar gadawyvetiliyo es didmniSvnelovani sakiTxi.
somxebisa da rusebis warmomadgenelTa aseTi gancxadebebis gamo m. rusiam aR-
niSna, rom komisias ar miuRia raime proeqti, `winaaRmdeg SemTxvevaSi komisiisaTvis
azri ar eqneboda erovnebaTa warmomadgenlebis mowvevas~. maT mier wamoyenebuli
moTxovnebi ki arsebiTad rolebis Secvlas iwvevda: `warmomadgenlebs Cven vTxov-
diT masalebs, exla ki isini gvTxoven; masalebi ki Cven gvinda, Cvena varT sakonsti-
tucio komisia da ara Tqven; komisia ver gadmogcemT masalebs, romelic mas ara
aqvs" (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 180, furc. 212).
a. Cxenkelma aRniSna, rom, Tuki komisia saWirod CaTvlida, kidev moiwvevdnen
erovnul umciresobaTa warmomadgenlebs. Tavidan ki umjobesi iyo mieRoT sakonsti-
tucio komisiis mier SemoTavazebuli gegma. misi winadadebiT sxdoma gadaido. daad-
gines, rom Semdegi SeerTebuli sxdoma Sedgeboda 10 marts, xolo sakonstitucio
komisiisaTvis proeqtebi unda waredginaT ara ugvianes 8 martisa.
1920 wlis 10 martis sxdomaze misul erovnul umciresobaTa delegatebs Seema-
taT osebis warmomadgenelic. agreTve qarTvel ebraelTa saxeliT sxdomas daeswro
i. xaxanaSvili. miuxedavad dadgenili vadisa, proeqti yvela erovnul umciresobas
ar hqonda warmodgenili. pirvelad moismines germanelTa sabWos proeqti. Semdeg ga-
movida elinTa warmomadgeneli, romelmac aRniSna, rom berZnuli umciresoba gansa-
kuTrebul mdgomareobaSia. mcire aziidan gadmoxvewilebs TiTqmis mTlianad dakar-
guli hqondaT mSobliuri kultura da amitom didi muSaoba dasWirdebodaT erovnu-
li TviTmyofadobis SesanarCuneblad. elinTa sabWos pozicia uaRresad konstruqci-
uli iyo. maTi warmomadgeneli n. politovi aRniSnavda: `yvelaferi, rac Cven proeq-
tSi aris, nakarnaxevia cxovrebiT da misi daTmoba CvenTvis Znelia, magram mzad
varT ukan waviRoT mTeli proeqti, Tu igi ewinaaRmdegeba zogadsaxelmwifoebriv
konstitucias da respublikis interesebs~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 180, furc. 203).
rusebis erovnuli sabWos warmomadgenelma ganacxada, rom mtkice da demokrati-
uli saxelmwifos Seqmna SesaZlebelia mxolod maSin, roca `TiToeul erovnul um-
ciresobas saSualeba aqvs Tavisuflad ganviTardes da ar grZnobdes araTu raime
Zaldatanebas, aramed mcire gavlenasac ki~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 180, furc. 203).
amisaTvis, misi azriT, unda ganxorcielebuliyo nacionalur-kulturuli avtonomia
da erovnul centrebs miscemodaT `sajaro-uflebrivi xasiaTi~. Semdeg TavianTi
11
malxaz macaberiZe
12
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul umciresobaTa...
13
malxaz macaberiZe
14
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul umciresobaTa...
15
malxaz macaberiZe
16
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul umciresobaTa...
saZleblad miiCnies maTTvis sxvadasxva saxis sajaro uflebis micema, kerZod, mxari
dauWires kulturis sakiTxebze gaTvaliswinebuli saxelmwifo biujetis proporci-
ul ganawilebas. `biujetidan nawilis gamoyofa da misi kavSiris gankargulebisaT-
vis gadacema, es aris erTaderTi sajaro ufleba, romelic, Cveni azriT, unda mieces
umciresobas~, _ aRniSnavda k. jafariZe. misi azriT, es unda momxdariyo kavSiris
wevrTa raodenobis mixedviT. aqedan gamomdinare, periodulad moxdeboda Sesabamisi
wilis gadaangariSeba kavSiris wevrTa raodenobis Semcirebis Tu zrdis mixedviT.
p. sayvareliZem, romelsac g. gvazava daeTanxma, gadaWriT gailaSqra aseTi geg-
mis winaaRmdegac, radgan, misi azriT, es mxolod arev-darevasa da qaoss gamoiwvev-
da: `warmoudgenelia is sirTule da arev-dareva, romelsac gamoiwvevs biujetis da-
nawileba da kavSirebidan gamosuli wevrebis mixedviT warmoebuli angariSebi; 8 Tu
10 sajaro-uflebrivi organizacia, 8 Tu 10 nawilad dayofa biujetisa da angariSe-
bi, gana warmosadgenia aseTi mdgomareobis daSveba iq, sadac erovnuli saxelmwifo
Sendeba? es SeuZlebelia, Cven ver gavanawilebT biujets da saerTod uari unda
vTqvaT sajaro uflebebze, Tu gvsurs erovnuli saxelmwifo davamyaroT mkvidr nia-
dagze~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 181, furc. 180).
p. sayvareliZis azriT, sajaro uflebebis gadacema erovnuli kavSirebisaTvis
niSnavs saxelmwifos SigniT axali saxelmwifoebis Seqmnas da, maSasadame, aryevs sa-
qarTveloSi erovnul-saxelmwifoebrivi aRmSeneblobis saqmes, risTvisac, faqtobri-
vad, iwereba TviT konstitucia. `Cven vwerT konstitucias unitaruli saxelmwifo-
saTvis. osebs ki mag., surT dagvawerinon konfederaciuli an federaciuli saxel-
mwifosaTvis; CemTvis es sruliad miuRebeli garemoebaa (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq.
181, furc. 178).
g. gvazava miuTiTebda, rom TviTon Cveni saxelmwifos demokratiuli mmarTvelo-
ba iqneboda garantia `umciresobis Tavisufali arsebobisa~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1,
saq. 181, furc. 180). p. sayvareliZes erovnuli umciresobebisaTvis konstituciuri
uflebebisa da garantiebis miniWebis saqmeSi dasaSvebad miaCnda misvla `zed saja-
ro uflebis sazRvarze~. misi azriT, am farglebSi Zalze farTo uflebebi eqceoda,
`romelic savsebiT uzrunvelyofs umciresobis Tavisufal arsebobas da ganviTare-
bas~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 181, furc. 178).
1920 wlis 5 maisis sxdomaze sakonstitucio komisiam kenWisyriT gansazRvra, rom
konstituciis proeqtis Tavs erovnuli umciresobebis uflebebis Sesaxeb safuZ-
vlad dasdeboda p. sayvareliZis proeqti. misi arsi kargadaa gamoxatuli ZiriTad
debulebebSi, romlebic TviTon p. sayvareliZem Camoayaliba sakonstitucio komisiis
1920 wlis 20 martis sxdomaze:
_ ar SeiZleba SeizRudos saqarTvelos respublikis romelime erovnuli umci-
resobis Tavisufali politikuri, social-ekonomikuri da kulturuli ganviTareba,
gansakuTrebiT misi dedaenaze swavla, aRzrda da nacionalur-kulturul saqmeTa
Sinauri marTva-gamgeoba; p. sayvareliZis azriT, es muxli deklaraciuli xasiaTis
iyo, magram mas didi mniSvneloba hqonda;
_ ama Tu im erovnuli umciresobisadmi kuTvnileba unda Zaldautaneblad gani-
sazRvros, moqalaqeTa survilisa da nebayoflobiTi gancxadebis Tanaxmad;
_ yovel umciresobas unda hqondes ufleba, Seadginos erovnuli kavSiri respub-
likis mTel teritoriaze, romelic kanonis farglebSi gauZRveba kulturis saqme-
ebs; aseTi centris Seqmna, p. sayvareliZis azriT, aucilebeli iyo;
_ moqalaqe garantirebuli unda iyos, rom mis politikur da moqalaqeobriv uf-
lebas araviTari safrTxe ar moelis ama Tu im kavSirSi monawileobisaTvis;
_ erovnul kavSirs unda SeeZlos sasamarTlos winaSe aRZras da daicvas saqme,
Tuki irRveva konstituciiT an kanoniT aRiarebuli erovnul umciresobaTa ufleba-
17
malxaz macaberiZe
ni. p. sayvareliZis sityvebiT: `es ar Seicavs sajaro uflebas da amave dros umcire-
sobisaTvis didi garantiaa~;
− yovel moqalaqes, miuxedavad erovnuli kuTvnilebisa, Tanaswori ufleba aqvs mi-
iRos yovelgvari Tanamdeboba yovelgvar samsaxurSi;
− erovnulad Sereuli TviTmmarTveloba valdebulia swavla-ganaTlebisaTvis mi-
Rebuli TanxiT daaarsos sakmao ricxvi skolebisa da kulturul-saganmanaTleb-
lo dawesebulebebisa mcxovrebTa erovnuli Semadgenlobis proporciis mixed-
viT;
− erovnul umciresobaTa mier daarsebuli skolebi unda iyos saxelmwifos kon-
trolis qveS. miuRebelia isini scildebodnen zogadi saswavlo programis far-
glebs, amave dros, aseT skolebSi savaldebulo unda yofiliyo saxelmwifo
enis swavleba;
− Tu romelime adgilobrivi TviTmmarTvelobis farglebSi mcxovrebTa umravle-
soba (50%-ze meti) araqarTveli erovnebisaa, saqmis warmoeba sxvadasxva dawese-
bulebaSi saxelmwifo enasTan erTad unda warmoebdes im umciresobis enaze, xo-
lo umciresobis enis gamoyeneba im mmarTvelobebSi, sadac erovnuli umciresoba
Seadgens aranakleb 20%-s, unda gansazRvruliyo kanoniT;
− Sereuli mosaxleobis raionebSi adgilobrivma mmarTvelma da mosamarTlem, sa-
xelmwifo enis codnasTan erTad, unda icodes erovnuli umciresobis ena;
− kanoni unda iTargmnebodes erovnuli umciresobebis enebzec, raTa uzrunvelyo-
fili iyos misi swori gageba da Sesruleba;
− parlamentis wevrs, romelmac qarTuli ar icis, ufleba unda hqonoda sityva
mSobliur enaze warmoeTqva.
p. sayvareliZis azriT, ukanaskneli ori muxli droebiTi iyo da unda gauqmebu-
liyo `am konstituciis ZaliT mowveul pirveli parlamentis vadis gasvlisas~
(scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 181, furc. 128).
sakonstitucio komisiis 1920 wlis 5 maisis sxdomaze Seudgnen p.sayvareliZis mi-
er SemuSavebuli proeqtis muxlobriv ganxilvas da miRebas. proeqtis ganxilva gag-
rZelda sakonstitucio komisiis 8 da 10 maisis sxdomebze. garkveuli saredaqcio
cvlilebebiT da zogierTi muxlis gadamuSavebiT proeqti miRebul iqna.
1920 wlis 8 maisis sxdomaze didi kamaTi gamoiwvia p. sayvareliZis proeqtis me-8
muxlma: `yvela umciresobis erovnul skolebSi, sadac swavleba bavSvTa dedaenaze
iwarmoebs sazogado samoswavlo programis farglebSi, saxelmwifo enis swavleba
savaldebuloa~.
aseTi formulirebis winaaRmdeg gamovida l. naTaZe. misi azriT: a) am muxlSi
unda yofiliyo mxolod ufleba da ara valdebuleba an iZuleba – `konstituciaSi...
mxolod ufleba unda iyos~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 180, furc. 137); b) dawyebiT
saswavleblebSi swavleba usaTuod dedaenaze unda yofiliyo. esaa pedagogikis ele-
mentaruli moTxovnileba: `Zveli reJimis politika am udides princips ebrZoda da
Cven ki am politikas vebrZodiT~; g) kerZo saswavleblebSi ar SeiZleba savaldebu-
lod gaxdes saxelmwifo enis swavleba, radganac am saswavleblebze ar ixarjeba
saxelmwifo fuli. l. naTaZis sityviT, saxelmwifo enis swavleba unda dawyebuliyo
dawyebiTi skolis momdevno safexurze (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 180, furc. 137).
k. jafariZe daeTanxma naTaZes, oRond aRniSna, rom saxelmwifo ena kerZo saswav-
leblebSic unda iswavlebodes da amiT `ara marto Cven interesebs, aramed moswav-
leTa interesebsac vicavT~. g. gvazavam piriqiT, daicva proeqtis redaqcia. misi
TqmiT, muxlSi garkveviT iyo aRniSnuli is, rom swavleba dedaenaze swarmoebs da
isic, rom saxelmwifo enis swavleba savaldebulo unda iyos ( scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1,
saq. 180, furc. 137).
18
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul umciresobaTa...
19
malxaz macaberiZe
gad p. geleiSvilma azri Seicvala da ganacxada, rom: `zogierT enaze marTla unda
iTargmnebodes kanoni~, magram es unda momxdariyo, misi TqmiT, umciresobis procen-
tis mixedviT. p. sayvareliZemac daicva me-12 muxli da xazi gausva mis politikur
mniSvnelobas: `es muxli did STabeWdilebas moaxdens da saSiSi araferia; unda
iyos, rasakvirvelia, uwyebuli procenti~ (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 181, furc. 230).
kenWisyris Sedegad gadawyda, rom kanoni unda iTargmnebodes. amis Semdeg daisva
sakiTxi, Tu ris mixedviT unda momxdariyo es _ erovnuli umciresobis procentuli
raodenobis mixedviT, Tu erovnebaTa dasaxelebis gziT. l. naTaZem aRniSna, rom
procentis dawesebis SemTxvevaSi `kanoni iTargmneba iseT enaze, romelzec Targmani
saWiro ar aris. mag., berZnulze, osurze da sxv. (scssa, f. 1833, aRw. 1, saq. 181, furc.
230). amitom, misi azriT, pirdapir unda daesaxelebinaT sami erovneba _ somxebi,
TaTrebi (azerbaijanelebi) da rusebi.
amis winaaRmdeg gamovida m. rusia da miuTiTa, rom: `zogierT erovnebaTa dasaxe-
leba sruliad uxerxuli iqneba~ da es ukmayofilebas gamoiwvevda. sabolood, ga-
dawyvites, rom konstituciaSi am sakiTxis garkvevisaTvis Tavi aeridebinaT da me-12
muxli miiRes Semdegi redaqciiT: `kanonis gamoqveynebis wesi erovnul umciresoba-
TaTvis ganisazRvros calke kanoniT~.
sakamaTo gaxda p. sayvareliZis proeqtis ukanaskneli, me-13 muxlic: `araqarTvel
deputats, romelmac saxelmwifo ena ar icis, SeuZlia parlamentSi sityva warmo-
Tqvas dedaeniT~. s. kediam moiTxova am muxlis amoSla, radganac `deputatma saxel-
mwifo ena unda icodes~. l. naTaZem, piriqiT, moiTxova muxlis datoveba, radgan es
`umciresobis garantiaa da ara pirovnebisa~; s. jafariZemac aRniSna am muxlis `me-
tad didi mniSvneloba~, amave dros ki, misi azriT, praqtikulad `araviTari uxerxu-
loba~ ar Seiqmneboda, radganac `arc erTi deputati araqarTulad ar ilaparakebs~.
p. sayvareliZem moiTxova muxlis datoveba. SeiZleba igi marTlac `mkvdari mux-
li~ aRmoCeniliyo, magram, misi gancxadebiT, `Sig aRiarebul uflebas didi mniSvne-
loba aqvs~. komisiam aRniSnuli muxli ucvlelad datova. amave dros uaryo me-12 da
me-13 muxlebisaTvis p. sayvareliZis mier gaTvaliswinebuli SeniSvna, rom es ori
muxli TavisTavad unda gauqmebuliyo `am konstituciis ZaliT mowveul pirveli
parlamentis vadis gasvlisas~.
l. naTaZem moiTxova erovnul umciresobaTa uflebebis proeqts damateboda mis
mier SemuSavebuli ori muxli: 1. `TviTmmarTvelobis erTeulebis gansazRvra unda
ise xdebodes, rom TiToeuli maTganis mosaxleoba SeZlebisamebr erTi erovnebisa
iyos~ da 2. `erovnul umciresobaTa organoebs unda ufleba mieniWoT, Suamdgomlo-
ba aRZran saTanado dawesebulebaTa winaSe TviTmmarTvelobis erTeulebis sazRvre-
bis Secvlis Sesaxeb, erovnul umciresobaTa saWiroebis mixedviT~. komisiam, azrTa
gacvla-gamocvlis Sedegad, uaryo l. naTaZis damatebiTi muxlebi.
1920 wlis maisSi, rodesac sakonstitucio komisia erovnul umciresobaTa ufle-
bebis Sesaxeb konstituciis Tavis SemuSavebas amTavrebda, konstituciis SemuSavebis
mdgomareobis Sesaxeb imsjeles saqarTvelos social-demokratiuli partiis cen-
tralur komitetSi, sadac moxsenebebiT gamovidnen sakonstitucio komisiis wevrebi
social-demokratiuli partiidan.
ck-is 21 maisis sxdomaze ganixiles erovnul umciresobaTa uflebebi. momxsene-
belma l. naTaZem aRniSna, rom saqarTveloSi 15 erovnuli sabWo moqmedebda, romel-
Tagan bevri sajaro uflebebs moiTxovda. gaerTianebis uflebas religiis mixedvi-
Tac moiTxovdnen. l. naTaZis daskvniT: `aseTi kavSiris mxaris daWera, rasakvirve-
lia, reaqciuli iqneboda~ da miuTiTebda, rom erovnuli umciresobani enis mxriv
unda SeerTdnen. am TvalsazrisiT, mxolod rusebi iyvnen `garkveulni~. rac Seexeba
qarTvel ebraelebs, maT `rogorc eniT Cvenianebs, qarTvelebTan undaT yofna~. sabo-
20
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul umciresobaTa...
lood l. naTaZem daaskvna: `erovnuli sabWoebi unda iyos ubralo kavSirebi. saxel-
mwifom iseT kavSirebs unda dauWiros mxari, romlebic gamoadgebaT kulturis gan-
saviTareblad da ara reaqcionur kavSirebs~ (scssa, f. 1825, aRw. 1, saq. 129, furc. 36).
am sakiTxze meore momxseneblis, a. Cxenkelis gamosvla da kamaTi meore dRisaT-
vis gadaitanes. garda amisa, noe Jordaniam winadadeba wamoayena mTlianobaSi gacno-
bodnen proeqts da emsjelaT mis zogad principebze: `ra Sinaarsisaa saerTo prin-
cipi, razedac damyarebulia konstitucia. es aris saintereso, konstituciis kanon-
proeqti mgoni dasrulebuli unda iyos da saWiroa gavecnoT~. ck daeTanxma am wina-
dadebas da daadgina: `komisiam konstitucia Savad Sedgenilad CaTvalos. daabeWdi-
non sawer manqanaze da ecnobos centraluri komitetis prezidiums, rom ganxilvis
dRe daniSnon~ (scssa, f. 1825, aRw. 1, saq. 129, furc. 36).
centraluri komitetis 22 maisis sxdomaze a. Cxenkelma aRniSna, rom `erovnul
umciresobaTa proeqtebi undoblobas Seicavs Cveni respublikisadmi~ da amitom `maT
proeqtebs ar unda davemyaroT~. momxsenebelma xazi gausva, rom sakiTxis gadawyve-
tis dros amosavali unda iyos saxelmwifos interesebi _ `yvelaferi unda mieceT,
rac SesaZlebeli iqneba da saxelmwifos ar avnebs~ (scssa, f. 1825, aRw. 1, saq. 129,
furc. 39). a. Cxenkelis azriT, rogorc kavSirebs `maT TavisTavad sajaro uflebebi
eqnebaT~, magram miuReblad miaCndaT `gadasaxadebis iZulebiT gawerisa da sxva ase-
Ti uflebis micema~.
n. Jordaniam ar gaiziara a. Cxenkelis debuleba, rom: `eri uflebis subieqtia da
aseTi uflebis gamomxatveli organo mivceTo~. man aRniSna, rom adre TviTon iyo
amis momxre da es ruseTisa da avstro-ungreTis konkretul pirobebSi swori da sa-
Wiro iyo, radganac erebi `CaWedili iyvnen~ am qveynebSi da `gasaqani ar hqondaT~.
n. Jordaniam xazi gausva, rom saqarTveloSi sruliad gansxvavebuli pirobebi iyo.
`exla aq erovnuli umciresobebi nawili da mcireni arian, mTeli ki _ sxvagan, res-
publikis gareSe. am patara erebis naWrebs sxvagan aqvT politikuri da kulturuli
centri~ (scssa, f. 1825, aRw. 1, saq. 129, furc. 39).
n. JordaniasaTvis amosavali ukve saqarTvelos saxelmwifoebrivi interesebia.
man aRniSna, rom ruseTis imperiaSi marqsistebi roca moiTxovdnen patara erebisaT-
vis did uflebebs, kidevac rom miecaT, patara erebi `mainc verafers daaklebdnen
ruseTs, rogorc did saxelmwifos~. saqarTvelosTvis ki aseTi ram damRupveli iqne-
boda: `Cven patara saxelmwifo varT, aq ki 16-mde natexi erebia. amdeni xalxi rom sa-
jaro uflebebiT aRvWurvoT, isini ufro didi centri Seiqmnebian Cvens respublika-
Si~ (scssa, f. 1825, aRw. 1, saq. 129, furc. 37). n. Jordania miuTiTebda, rom `erovnuli
umciresoba demokratiul qveyanaSi~, rogoric saqarTveloa, sadac `miT umetes so-
cialistebi arian marTva-gamgeobaSi~, mainc ar iqneboda daCagruli.
n. Jordaniam moiTxova erovnul umciresobaTa gansaxlebis raionebSi naciona-
luri Temebis Seqmna, rac arsebiTad nacionalur-teritoriuli kavSiri iqneboda da
maT kulturul ganviTarebasac Seuwyobda xels. `wineT kantonalur sistemas vam-
bobdiT, exla ki Temuri sistema ajobebs maTTvisac da saxelmwifos interesebic
daculi iqneba. aseT gapneul ers, romelsac Temebi ara aqvs, mas eqneba erovnuli
kavSiri~ (scssa, f. 1825, aRw. 1, saq. 129, furc. 37).
p. sayvareliZem aRniSna, rom sakonstitucio komisiaSic didi dava iyo imis Sesa-
xeb `miecaT Tu ara~ erovnul kavSirTaTvis sajaro uflebebi da `komisiam es kiTxva
didxans ver gadawyvita~. sayvareliZem antidemokratiulad miiCnia zogierTis moTx-
ovna – `CvenSi aq yvela erebs yvelafris Tavisufleba unda mieceTo~. erovnuli kav-
SirebisaTvis sajaro uflebebis miniWebis winaaRmdeg gamovida l. naTaZec da mxari
dauWira `erovnuli Temebis gamoWras~. sabolood, miiRes Semdegi dadgenileba: `1.
nacionalur-teritorialur Temebs mieceT ufleba, SekavSirdnen swavla-ganaTlebis
21
malxaz macaberiZe
MALKHAZ MATSABERIDZE
Summary
The founding fathers of the 1921 Constitution of Georgia acknowledged the existence of close ties between the
interests of the state and national minorities and tried to harmonize them. They sought for the formation of a democ-
ratic decision of the national issue through the Constitution.
The determination of rights of the national minorities was considered within the framework of the concept of
nation-state and through the priorities of its interests. The national minorities were ascribed some broader rights for
the free development, under conditions of “non-violation of the interests of the nation-state” .
The five main types differentiated among the projects offered by the representatives of the national minorities
to the Constitutional Commission were: 1. A national minority did not look for any peculiar rights (Georgian Jews);
2. Concrete demands of insignificant nature; 3. Cultural-confessional autonomy (Muslims of Eastern Georgia); 4.
Cultural autonomy (Russians, Armenians, Greeks, non-Georgian Jews); 5. Cultural and territorial autonomy (Os-
setians).
The following aspects could be grasped among the demands of the representatives of the national minorities: 1.
To set priority on their own ethnic group as compared to others; 2. Contradictions between different political forces
of various ethnic groups; 3. In some cases – mistrust towards the newly-born Georgian state.
22
saqarTvelos 1921 wlis konstituciis SemuSaveba da erovnul umciresobaTa...
While determining the constitutional rights of the national minorities, the Constitutional Commission consid-
ered the following claims as unacceptable: 1. Ascription of some peculiar rights to any national minority; 2. Differ-
entiation of the citizens of Georgia on the basis of their nationalities (this was demanded by some representatives of
the National Council); 3. Forcible inclusion of citizens in national unions, as it was considered undemocratic; 4.
Ascription of the so-called public rights to National Unions (for example, the setting of mandatory taxes and their
collection), being the function of the state.
The disputes and discussions over the possibility of ascribing public rights to national unions, which took place
during the elaboration of the Constitution, are represented in the paper as well. It was considered to be a threat for
the unity of the state.
The founders of the 1921 Constitution considered the rights ascribed to national minorities by the constitution
to be “unprecedented and unique for any constitution”. At the same time, they totally neglected the formulations
conducive to “building a state within a state”.
23
civilizaciuri Ziebani
Ketevan Kakitelashvili
The paper aims to analyze history teaching conceptions and national history textbooks in post-Soviet
Georgia. In accordance with different challenges Georgian society has been facing during this period, they
represent different visions of strategies, objects and aims of history teaching. Some important aspects, such as
national idea, ethnic minorities, post-Soviet conflicts and other issues, are reflected in different ways as well.
During the last several decades, history lost its reputation as a holder of “truth” about the past. It is in-
creasingly viewed as an interpretation which is changing according to the political circumstances and ideolo-
gies. Different versions of the same historical periods and events existing not only in diverse societies but also
within the same society have become one of the main concerns of studies . The issue of interrelation between
these versions and political and ideological conditions is stressed. Thus, the problem of instrumentalization of
history is brought into the foreground.
Since history is considered as a subject of manipulation, its important role in the formation of collective
consciousness is pointed out permanently. History is an essential part of people’s everyday life and, at the
same time, it represents a powerful instrument of legitimation in the hands of political leaders.
Conceptions of history teaching and textbooks created on their basis represent one of the most important
tools for shaping collective historical consciousness. In social sciences and humanities textbooks are no longer
considered as a mere collection of objective knowledge. According to Hanna Schissler, there is an inevitable
political dimention to what knowledge is being imparted in school books. What a society believes should be
handed on to the young as part of their historical consciousness can be extracted from textbooks (Schissler
1987: 26). As Howard Mehlinger states, none of the socialization instruments can be compared to textbooks
“in their capacity to convey a uniform , approved, even official version of what youth should believe” (Meh-
linger 1985: 287) The information presented in the textbooks is often used as an ideological instrument for the
legitimization of existing political and social order. It is also noted that “History textbooks communicate a con-
temporary past, one which matches the prevailing social and political needs.” “Textbooks manifest the mass
historical transmission of a historical knowledge from one generation to another. … They represent a point of
social negotiation between different groups whose prime concern is passing down to students a common past
for a mutual future” (Porat 2001: 49, 51). At the same time, it should be taken into consideration that concep-
tion of history as a narration of the past as well as of history as a science and school subject is created within
the wide context of cultural values. For that reason, Jane J. White states that we should be careful not to adopt
… the notion that purely objective forms of knowledge can be constructed in textbooks, that is not constrained
by time or place nor by values or beliefs of the culture within which it is written. Textbooks are not neutral
pipelines across the ages that link present-day students with events as they ‘really’ happened (White 1988).
“The idea of historical education being essentially one of “cultural transmission” remained very strong in the
eyes of many politicians and policymakers.” (Haydn 2004: 89)
In the last quarter of the twentieth century the different rationale for school history emerged, “which re-
flected a change of thinking about what qualities “good citizens” need to have and the ways in which history
might contribute to these. There was a move toward taking into account the needs of pupils, their interests and
their disposition towards learning. The transmission of a comprehensive historical “canon” was seen as less
important than the ability to learn new skills and understandings in the context of the perceived need for flexi-
ble, adaptable learners living in a modern information society. There was a move away from history teaching
for the transmission of values and toward education for intellectual autonomy. … Thus, there was a move to-
wards a more critical and detached approach to the national past, which put more emphasis on history as a
form of knowledge, with its own particular disciplinary procedures and methods” (Haydn 2004: 89-90).
In this regard, the interrelation between collective memory and history is a subject of great importance. It
is noted that “one goal (of history) is the perpetuation of an understanding of the past that will enforce the na-
24
INSTRUMENTALIZATION OF HISTORY AND HISTORY TEACHING IN POST-SOVIET GEORGI
tional memory. French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs used the term “collective memory” to refer to a recon-
struction of the past that provides the group with a self portrait that unfolds through time. Through education,
Social interaction, media and other forms of communication, the past is constructed and reconstructed to pass
on a commonly meaningful past to the citizenry. The memory as a story about the past helps the group under-
stand its present situation and endure over time as a cohesive and united group (Halbwachs 1992).
Historians have a different approach to the past; they centre their efforts on history aims at a better under-
standing of the past through analysis and interpretation of sources and social circumstances.
As Dan Porat puts it, while memory sees events from a single vantage point, history exposes multiple per-
spectives. History emphasizes with protagonist’s dilemmas while memory centers on results. History contex-
tualizes while memory disregards context. While history embraces complexity and ambiguity, memory stands
for simplicity and straightforwardness. For history past is distinct from present; while for memory the only
significance of the past is in the present. It may seem that history and memory stand opposite … but they over-
lap in some ways. David Lowenthall states that “memory” includes second-hand accounts of the past – that is
history; “history” relies on eyewitnesses and other recollections – that is, memory… history and memory are
distinguishable less as types of knowledge than in attitudes toward that knowledge… just like memory, history
is affected by changing conceptions of the present. Any distinction between the two constructs is therefore
blurry” (Porat 2001: 37-38).
Now, let’s pass on Georgia’s case. In the 1990s, after the breakup of the Soviet Union, among the main
problems of the Republic of Georgia were: building an independent state, setting new orientations and
(re)constructing national identity. In this regard, all answers to all questions are thought to be found in history.
In the Soviet times, until the period of Perestroika, the main place in history school curriculum was devoted to
the history of the Soviet Union, while scopes of national histories were reduced to a minimum. In post-Soviet
Georgia, as opposed to the Soviet times, national history became the central concern. As it characterizes hard
periods of transition, uniqueness of the national culture and history became a very sensitive issue. As Oliver
Reisner puts it, “Even if culturally a nation indeed existed, this simply does not suffice to establish a basic po-
litical consensus for the society as a whole.” In such circumstances historical and cultural arguments were used
as a means of conducting political controversy (Reisner 1998: 415). The ethnic conception of history created in
the 19th century re-emerged. In such kind of representation of history no place was left for ethnic minorities,
which resulted in their marginalization.
In this period, it became necessary to elaborate a new history curriculum for secondary schools, which
would correspond to the interests and needs of the society in the phase of (re)formation of the new state and
nation.
After gaining independence, the educational reform in Georgia was implemented in two stages. At the first
stage, in 1997 a new curriculum for the school subject “History of Georgia” was adopted. In accordance with the
law on Education, the National Educational Standard in the History of Georgia establishes the main principles of
history teaching and defines the minimal knowledge of the subject. The Standard and textbooks written on its bases
represent the documents which allow us to identify what kind of history was offered to pupils, was it a form of
knowledge, with its own particular disciplinary procedures and methods or a story about the past, as a memory
which provides the group with a self portrait that unfolds through time and reinforces collective identity.
In the Standard itself, in its introduction, the authors pointed out the influence that state ideologies have
on the history teaching conceptions. In this case, the example of the Soviet period was brought, when history
teaching was used as a tool for the justification of the Soviet regime. The new educational Standard, as op-
posed to the Soviet one, tried to elaborate such a conception of history teaching which would correspond to the
political orientation of the post-Soviet Georgia. According to the Standard, ”For present-day Georgia only
such model of historical education is relevant which corresponds to the perspectives of complete democratiza-
tion of the country and contributes to the rise of … political, cultural, religious … tolerance in pupils” (Stan-
dard 1997: 5) One of the main aims of the Standard was to create a history teaching conception which would
meet international, namely Western standards. Consequently, the emphasis was made on “pluralistic-
alternative teaching of history”, which was rejected in the ideologized Soviet programs for the school subject
history. In line with these efforts, the emphasis is not only placed on gaining historical knowledge, equally as
important is learning to think and to raise the skills and capacities of school pupils to the level more compara-
ble to international standards.
25
KETEVAN KAKITELASHVILI
However, the content of the Standard did not correspond to its declared values and principles. Enormous
factual material given in a positivist tradition does not contribute to the development of critical and independ-
ent thinking. Moreover, according to the Standard, the only aim of presentation of alternative perspectives is to
achieve historical truth. As it is noted, “there might be different perspectives on the same historical fact but
only one of them is true” (Standard 1997: 31).
Textbooks were based on the single narrative as well. The presented information does not provoke pupils
to think independently, to analyze and interpret. The emphasis was made on the learning as many facts, events,
dates and names as possible. No alternative vision and possibility of different interpretations was given. Be-
sides, the context in which national history is presented was narrowed almost to the national borders, which
imposes the idea of uniqueness of the Georgian nation, its heroic past and its everlasting struggle for freedom
and independence. The way historical events and facts are presented do not allow pupils to keep a distance
with them and raise a question of responsibility of the Georgian nation in the process of making their own his-
tory. This fact helps to create an impression that history is like destiny which lies beyond control. However, it
would be more precise to say that, in some cases, glorious times of the Georgian history are presented as a rea-
sonable consequence of the efforts of the Georgian nation and prominent figures, while hard periods are shown
as a result of unfair destiny “for which individuals hold no responsibility” (Stojanovic 2001: 28-29). In the
Standard we can find such an expression as “destiny of Georgian people” (Standard 1997: 38). It creates an
image of history as something transcendental, and thus eliminates any possibility of critical thinking and
analysis. The Standard, as well as textbooks, put emphasis on the issues which, in fact, are essential for the
(re)construction of national identity and important for meeting actual political interests. For example, the ques-
tion of “autochthony origins of the Georgian people” and the Georgian statehood (Standard 1997: 16). As
Oliver Reisner puts it “Georgia’s statehood” is viewed as a supra-temporal, ahistorical phenomenon, because
today autochthony is used as the primary legitimization for territorial claims to rule” (Reisner 1998: 416). The
ancient origins of the Georgian nation, its centuries-old history and its contribution to world civilization are
emphasized. The term “Georgian civilization” is introduced, which is an obvious attempt to stress the signifi-
cance of Georgian culture. The tone of narration is pathetic and emotional. The politics of rivals towards
Georgian people is described as “hypocritical” and “insidious” opposed by the “heroic struggle” of the Geor-
gian people (Standard 1997: 28, 38).
To sum up, in the 1990s national history textbooks represented history rather as a collective memory aim-
ing at strengthening of national, or more exactly, ethnic identity than history as a science. In this regard, it is
extremely interesting to make comparison with the experience of Israeli textbooks, the authors of which
“avoided students’ analysis of historical sources, or their narration of the events. These textbooks communi-
cated the past in a conclusive manner. Contrary to the goals of the curriculum, the authors didn’t allow stu-
dents to participate in the process of reconstructing a historical event, in developing a historical hypothesis or
in analyzing sources. In the textbooks, the historical material appeared as part of the narrative, as a testimony.
The sources validated the authors ‘true’ account of the past. … The authors frame the historical event from one
vantage point, the one that, because of its monolithic nature, could help create a shared memory in students’
mind” (Porat 2001: 45).
After the “Rose Revolution” fostering civil integration and building civic society have become the de-
clared challenges for Georgia. Focus has been shifted from ethnic to civil identity. The notion of the ‘multieth-
nic Georgian nation’ has been introduced. Accordingly, the conception of history teaching has been changed.
Legitimization of the multiethnic but integrated Georgian state and strengthening civil consciousness have be-
come the main concerns of history teaching. Exclusive version of history was replaced by inclusive one – the
ethnic minorities appeared in textbooks in order to show their participation in the Georgian history and their
role in the building of Georgian state.
In April 2005, Georgia adopted a new law on Education. Among other objectives it envisages the unifica-
tion of teaching history and geography of Georgia, as well as other social sciences throughout the country.
This has led to working out new programs and creating new textbooks covering the above subjects.
The reform of history teaching involves the following goals: establishing a multi-perspective approach;
presenting history as an interpretation; overcoming traditional national discourse; shaping civic consciousness
(inclusion of ethnic minorities in the history of Georgia).
26
INSTRUMENTALIZATION OF HISTORY AND HISTORY TEACHING IN POST-SOVIET GEORGI
According to the National curriculum for the schools of general education, pupils should get information
on political, social, cultural, religious, and ethnic diversity both in Georgia and worldwide. On the basis of that
information, they should be able to analyze the most important historical and geographical phenomena pertain-
ing both to the past and present, as well as determine the common and the distinctive in the course of different
epochs and societies. Pupils should acquire skills and aptitudes of thinking in terms of history: expose the rea-
sons of a historical event independently and analyze its consequences; view historical processes from different
standpoints; explain what brings about the existence of different interpretations of a historical event or person-
ality; correlate and estimate different interpretations; look through historical sources and assess them critically;
compare and analyze historical material (written historical sources, archaeological or ethnographical material,
fiction on history, photography, etc.) (National Curriculum 2008-2009: 60-61). Strengthening of the civil iden-
tity has become the central aim of history teaching. The new conception of history instruction came closer to
the standard according to which “the goals of history teaching should be focused primarily on the development
of critical thinking, of comprehensive understanding of the past and of tolerance to the others” (Kolouri 2001:
22-23).
Despite the large factual material that still remains in the textbook of the “History of Georgia” for the 9th
grade, the content and style of narration have changed remarkably. The tone became more neutral, Georgian
people “lost” their “uniqueness”, heroic pathos almost disappeared, international context was notably widened.
In this regard, the integration of Georgian and World History in some grades played an important role. What is
more important, the attempts made for representing ethnic minorities living in Georgia were insufficient,
though visible. It was done to make it evident that the History of Georgia should not be implied as the history
of exclusively Georgian people.
Another important innovation is that there are some attempts of keeping distance with the historical
events, including those of the 1990s. Georgian people are no more represented as an eternally righteous to-
wards others and as a victim of external forces. The responsibility of the Georgian side is raised even concern-
ing a sensitive and painful issue such as Abkhazian conflict.
Certainly, post-reform textbooks do not represent fully the principles declared in the National Curriculum.
But the main problem is that the achievements of the textbooks are not put into practice either. There are many
reasons for that. One of the most important problems is that of teachers who are mediums between the curricu-
lum and the textbooks, on the one hand, and class, on the other. Until now, not enough efforts have been made
for training teachers according to the new teaching strategies and methods, it makes many difficulties for both
teachers and pupils.
In the Georgian society the reforms implemented in history teaching arose contradictory reaction. The
feedback of the major part of the society, including professional historians, was quite negative. One of the
main arguments of anti-reformists was that the new curriculum and textbooks could neither develop a sense of
patriotism nor strengthen national identity in pupils. Paradoxically, the worry about losing national history was
expressed when several textbooks of the “History of Georgia” containing huge information and sources were
published in 2008. Thus, the main reason for the protest was not the reduction of the historical scopes but the
style of narration and the principle of its teaching.
Major part of the Georgian society is used to the idea that there might be the only true version of history;
the distinction between history and memory is blurry. History is experienced as one’s own affair which matters
here and today. Consequently, history lacks distance and self-reflection.
In fact, in the 1990s, Georgian national history textbooks were designed as instruments for the formation
of the new Georgian nation. The emphasis of the national curriculum and textbooks was on creating a national
collective memory, not on developing critical capabilities.
Definitely, the change of the usual models of thinking is not a smooth process in any society, especially if
it is dictated from above. While many problems of the 1990s remained unsolved (territorial integrity, external
threat, unaccomplished process of the state building, etc.) and Georgia needs to prove its rights, history still
matters as one of the main instrument of legitimization. Consequently, de-politization of the narrative is per-
ceived as an alarming threat to national identity.
27
KETEVAN KAKITELASHVILI
Bibliography
Porat, Dan. “A Contemporary Past: History Textbooks as Sites of National Memory”. International Review of
History Teaching. Vol. 3. Raising Standards in History Education. A. Dickinson, Peter Gordon,
Peter Lee (Eds.). Woburn Press, 2001
Reisner, Oliver. “What can and should we learn from Georgian History? Observations of someone who was
trained in the Western tradition of science”. Internationale Schulbuchforschung 20 (1998)
Reisner, Oliver. “Interpreting the Past – From Political Manipulation to Critical Analysis?”. Caucasus Analyti-
cal Digest. No. 8 Writing National Histories: Coming to Terms with the Past. 17 July 2009
Haydn, Terry. History. Rethinking the School Curriculum. Values, Aims and Purposes. John White (Ed.)
RoutledgeFalmer, 2004.
Podeh, Elie. The Arab-Israeli Conflict in Israeli History Textbooks, 1948-2000, Bergin and Garvey. 2002
Berghahn, Volker R. Hanna Schissler. “Introduction. History Textbooks and Perception of the Past”. Percep-
tions of History. International Textbook Research on Britain, Germany and the United States.
V.R. Berghahn, H. schlissler (eds.) Berg, 1987
Schissler, Hanna. “Perceptions of the Other and Discovery of the Self. What Pupils are Supposed to Learn
about Each Other’s Past”. Perceptions of History. International Textbook Research on Britain,
Germany and the United States. V.R. Berghahn, H. schlissler (eds.) Berg, 1987
Koulouri, Christina. “Introduction. The Tyranny of History”. Teaching the History of Southeastern Europe. C.
Koulouri (ed.).Petros Th. Ballidis & Co. Thessaloniki, 2001
Stojanovic, Dubravka. “History textbooks and Creation of National Identity”. Teaching the History of South-
eastern Europe. C. Koulouri (ed.).Petros Th. Ballidis & Co. Thessaloniki, 2001
Halbwachs, Maurice. On Collective Memory. Chicago Press. 1992
Mehlinger, Howard D. “International Textbook Revision: Examples from the United States”. Internationale
Schoolbuchforschung, 7 1985.
White, Jane. “Searching for Substantial Knowledge in Social Studies Texts”. Theory and Research in Social
Education, 16, 2. 1988
National Curriculum for the Schools of General Education, 2009-2010
National Educational Standard in the History of Georgia. P. Lomashvili, S. Vardosanidze, 1997
28
civilizaciuri Ziebani
Introduction
The world has become extremely small, it seems to have become unified/indivisible, common/. For the
first time humanity has been united, consolidated by common image of reality. Such a great number of people
have never before known so much about the rest of the world. Millions of people find themselves thrown
“from their rural life to the planetary dimension”, thanks to satellite television and sun batteries. The whole
world flies at velocity of sound to an uneasy new world” (Martin, Shuman 2001: 33).
However, despite Marshall Makluan’s predictions, the world in no way has become a “global village”,
where real exchange and real understanding would prevail among people. Actually, it becomes obvious how
little in reality the world grows closer within itself in working out universal codes of understanding and soli-
darity, let alone the economic equality. Today, on the contrary, the world is more disunited and, as a result,
separatism and religious fanaticism become hallmarks of time growing more and more popular. The contem-
porary society is more represented as a society of global risks – the planet population increase, coming nearer
to 8 billion, problems of ecology and global warming, and first and foremost hunger and economic poverty of
the third world countries – the planet has become trapped between two powerful contradicting forces:
globalization and disintegration.
29
HRIPSIME RAMAZYAN, SONA AVETISUAN
tional communities, but it is marked with diversity and reluctance towards integration, with a world horizon,
which opens when it is created and is preserved when communicating and acting (Beck 2001: 28-29).
In Francophone literature the equivalent notion for “globalization” is “mondialization”. Some authors use
them as equivalent referring to globalization as to an Anglo-Saxon version of mondialization. Others assume
that the term “globalization” reflects, first of all, the economic dominant of the presently observed changes in
the world development, and it expresses their essence in a more complete and adequate way. As to “mondiali-
zation”, it applies more to spreading uniformity in the sphere of consumption, leisure, culture, social life of
people. Such a great attention to globalization is, first of all, connected with the complication of the world,
emergence of new threats and risks, discrepancy of the very process of globalization. However, most research-
ers of globalization agree that behind the new term there are the far known processes of increase in interdepen-
dency and formation of common world space, which undergo today just quantitative changes and gain differ-
ent shapes. And the supporters of this approach appeal to the processes that took place in the world history and
serve as a proving illustration of their position, e.g. the expansion of The Roman Empire, colonial conquests
which became a consequence of great geographical discoveries, scientific and technological revolutions, etc.
Moreover, there is not so much economic convergence taking place on our planet, as there is the unifica-
tion of certain rules of game, provision of transparence of the economic space, establishment of the worldwide
financial, communication and information net, as well as debugging an effective system of global control over
the world profit structure and distribution observed nowadays all around the world. Simultaneously goes the
process of forming macro-regional “large spaces” against the background of geo-economic exfoliation of the
world, increase of social-economic coalitions and unions – in other words – a new regionalism is taking shape
(Neclessa 2002: 10).
It is difficult not to agree with John Cavanno’s position from Washington Institute of political researches
who states that “Globalization gave more opportunities to the richest people to make money faster; in fact
globalization is a paradox: giving an immense profit to the miserable minority it leaves two-thirds of the popu-
lation of the planet beyond the frames or makes them marginals” (Bauman 2004: 41).
30
THE GLOBALIZING WORLD: A DIAGRAM OF NEW IDENTITIES
Taking its course irregularly in time and space, the process of globalization opens unprecedented opportu-
nities first of all for global financial elite, which becomes more and more self-sufficient and independent.
Through financial flows, modern technologies and international trade it is able to influence upon national gov-
ernments. Transnational financial capital is subordinated neither to the space limitations, nor to the principles
of ethics. As a consequence, the political and economic strategy of states and regional organizations does not
have enough alternative means for its control (Bauman 2002: 105-106)).
At the same time, globalization differentiates the society within itself, deepening its civil and social strati-
fication. Transnational capital impacts destructively small-scale and middle production in the city and in the
village, shakes local traditions and ways of life, creating this way social and psychological tenseness and in-
stability. A certain number of specialists and intellectuals in the city and in the village appear alienated from
the scientific-technological progress, which paves the way for the civil stratification of the society. As a rule,
this unsettled part of intellectuals fills up the social basis of the radical parties. On the European scale this new
social layer pours into the movement of anti-globalists, which is especially popular in such countries as Aus-
tria, France, Italy, Holland, Portugal, Norway, Denmark. It is not excluded that in the nearest future it may
become actual in the countries of Eastern Europe as well.
A nutrient medium for anti-globalists are the processes which take place in European countries and reflect
the fragmentation of the community on the national, ethnic and confessional basis. The existing situation is
caused by the intensive migration flows from East to West, from South to North. Europe turned out to face a
complicated problem of integration of migrants, who do not assimilate, and, as a rule, they create their closed
enclaves, corporations, ethnic and religious communities. Many a time it has been proved by events and inci-
dents, like the ones in Denmark, the Netherlands or on the outskirts of Paris, that it is extremely complicated to
carry a dialogue between the local population of European countries and migrant communities /quite heteroge-
neous by structure/. The intensive migration flows, gaining a new scope on account of globalization, have
brought to the dissociation of the communities of European countries on the cultural, religious and national
basis, and to the growth of xenophobia and nationalism.
The intensive migration flows from the countries of the “world periphery” practically turn into unseen in
history “scale non-violent influence” on the socio-cultural communities formed in the West. Thus, globaliza-
tion does not at all cause the formation of a really united world. On the contrary, the described processes bring
to the situation when the problem of identity becomes one of the main social problems of the XXI century.
31
HRIPSIME RAMAZYAN, SONA AVETISUAN
opposed to cultural localism varying greatly in its form. The reverse side of the appearance of the “networked”
world turns out to be the social anomy and marginalization both inside developed countries and on the level of
world order, formation of the stable periphery of informative society. Identity finds itself in the centre of rap-
idly changing and modernizing socio-cultural reality. In the new social reality the problem of identity, as Z.
Bauman notes, is a “problem of choice and ability to make a different choice in time”, if the previous identity
lost its value or got deprived of its “tempting traits” (Bauman 2002: 176-192). Under the influence of necessi-
ties of informative society the transforming society finds itself in a process of seeking a stable socio-cultural
identity. A process of revision and re-estimation of value preferences takes place, as well as mastering of stan-
dards and life styles “universal” for the western civilization consumers.
As a result, under the influence of global processes the transforming socium turns out to be splintered on
the common character of different degree of integration into a global word order. It is, first of all, “the elite
group of “the included” /mainly representatives of leading businesses/ that have wide access to information
and intellectual resources. Then follow the active consumers of “net world” channels, who with their help in-
crease the professionalism, welfare and status positions. These groups have substantial innovative potential,
but they are not numerous and, as a rule, they represent big cities and work in projects side by side with for-
eign partners. The third, most numerous group is formed by passive consumers of global information field.
And, finally, on the side of the road of modernizing processes is a layer of social marginal, estranged even
from primitive models of global consumption (Semenenko 2003: 16).
Thus, in transforming societies takes place the deepening of social and cultural fragmentation, and conse-
quently, spreading of alternative lifestyles and culture models, fixing social alienation at different degrees. The
sphere of influence of traditional means and forms of cultural communication has grown significantly narrow
in the modernizing society, and is still growing.
Ideological reforms, transformations of national and ethno-cultural identity under the conditions of global-
ization and the forming common information space touched most countries of the contemporary world, some-
times regardless of their level of development, national and common to civilizational culture. Today it can be
claimed that profound ideological changes and transformations, cardinal identification shifts and changes in
the value systems are noticeably observed in the majority of developed western countries, first of all in Euro-
pean countries. However, although these changes are united with common evolution dynamics, their quality
and aims, according to analytics, can be diametrically opposite: from drawing nearer cultures and ethnoses to
an explosion of national-religious intolerance and artificially created cultural reservations.
A special concern is aroused by the revival of the segregated communities in the USA and their emer-
gence in Europe. Thus, the “average statistical” white citizen lives today in a region or a settlement where
more than 80% of the population are white, and the “middle-statistic” Afro-American lives in a region where
more than 75% are national minorities. In Europe, the new flows of migrants are directed to those regions,
where the influence of their countrymen is on the highest possible level (in Germany live 80% of all the Turks
settled in Europe, in France – 86 % Tunisians, 61% Moroccans and the same quantity of Algerians.
Thus, the complexity of these processes goes beyond the research of just the problem of identity alone. As
V. Inozemtsev notes, the actuality of these problems is conditioned not only and not mainly by the growth of
ethnic, national and religious pluralism within the western communities, but, first of all, by the fact that this
pluralism gains an aggressive character. It is expressed in the aspiration of “ethno-pluralism” for consolidating
its hold on the principle of social organization, which is distinctly seen in the theory and practice of multicul-
turalism. Moreover, the democratic tools, peculiar to the western society, as the researcher thinks, are unable to
function effectively in segmented society, which consists of different groups and associations that advocate
their ambitions to it. The logics of development compels to observe modern social processes as conditioned
not so much by interaction of separate nation states as by factors and tendencies, fully or partly dropping out of
the sphere of their control. The reverse side of economic globalization in the contemporary age as U. Beck,
one of the most learned researchers of globalization, supposes is cosmopolitization as a social process, i.e. as a
“non-linear dialectic process, in which the common and particular, similar and different, global and local must
be interpreted not as cultural antipodes, but as inseparably linked with each other, complementary and inter-
penetrative principles” (Beck 2006: 72-73).
32
THE GLOBALIZING WORLD: A DIAGRAM OF NEW IDENTITIES
Previously considered irremovable, frontiers and precisely defined identities, as U. Beck supposes, are
really historical exceptions, for in “the all-world society of risk, where national problems can no longer be
solved on merely national basis, what was seen before in indissoluble unity – politics and nation, politics and
state, is divided and transformed today” (Beck 2006: 37-99).
The appearance of new universalism is inevitably accompanied by strengthening of group identities and
growth of influence of the national, ethnical and local factors influencing the society and the politics. On the
other hand, under the conditions of increasing mobility of people, development of communications, intensify-
ing migration, the tendency of wash-out of national identities and the establishment of plurality of identities
takes place at a stable pace. The contemporary world diagram has no analogy in any previous system either by
its scale or by its dynamics. The shape and variety of the development of the global processes become more
and more ambivalent, making the research of globalization and fragmentation processes extremely difficult.
It is commonly thought that only the interdisciplinary method and complete study of the phenomenon of
globalization can objectively assess and answer the challenges of the 21st century, map out possible and desir-
able variants to solve current global problems, keep from unconsidered and unreasonable actions, which may
have irreversible consequences for the humanity. Both the theoretical analysis and the empirical material bring
us to the following conclusion: a new international consensus based on the interests of international commu-
nity is needed.
Under the conditions of increasing interdependence in the world a normal strong international order can
and must be based on the principles of solidarity and constructive interaction for all the members of interna-
tional community. The Humanity faces a serious challenge. And it requires assessing the situation from the
point of view of new thinking, constructing new priorities, new principles of relations between states, indi-
viduals and society, the man and nature, emphasizing the existence of mutual enrichment of various cultures
and religions of the world.
Bibliography
Bauman, Z. Globalization. Consequences for the People and Society. Moscow, 2004
Beck, Ulrich. The Cosmopolitan Vision. Polity Press, Cambridge, 2006
Beck, Ulrich. What is Globalization? Moscow, 2001
Bauman, Z. Individualised Society. Moscow, 2002
Gilroy, P. Diaspora and the Detours of Identity / Identity and Difference. L. 1997
Martin, G. P. Shuman, K. H. The Globalization Trap. Moscow, 2001
Neclessa, A. I. Global Association: Cartography of Postmodern World. Moscow, 2002
Abstract Collection. Part 1. Globalization: Outlines of XXI Century. Moscow, 2002
Semenenko. I. S. Globalization and Socio-Cultural Dynamics: Pesonality, Society, Culture. Polis, 2003
33
civilizaciuri Ziebani
Заур Гасымов
34
ПОЛЬСКИЙ ПРОМЕТЕИЗМ КАК ПРЕДМЕТ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ. ИСТОРИОГРАФИЧЕСКИЕ...
После падения коммунизма в Восточной Европе в Польше, а также в России и в бывших респуб-
ликах СССР стали появляться публикации на тему межвоенного периода, а также идеологий того
времени в целом и прометеизма в частности. Конечно же, историки Польши проявляют традиционно
наибольший интерес к теме прометейского течения. В этом контексте следует в первую очередь
упомянуть краковских историков Анджея Новака (Nowak 1995) и Марека Корната (Kornat 2003) – оба
специалисты по истории идей, а также по современной истории Восточной Европы и относятся к
новому поколению польских историков. М. Корнат, защитившийся по внешней политике Второй
Речипосполитой и политической фигуре министра иностранных дел Юзефа Бека (Krnat 2007), посвятил
прометеизму ряд публикаций (Kornat, www.new.org.pl) Особо следует отметить его статьи и интервью
в недавно образованном вроцлавском журнале "Нова Еуропа Всходня" (Nowa Europa Wschodnia)
(www.new.org.pl). Новак и в еще более интенсивно Корнат занимались прометеизмом как внешнеполи-
тической идеей польской элиты в 1920-30ые годы. В свою очередь польские кавказоведы Войчех
Матерски (Materski 1995), Войчех Гурецкий, Мачей Фалковский (Falkowski, http://www.kaukaz.net),
американско-польский историк Тадеуш Швентоховский (Swietochowski 2006) и другие освещали
прометеизм в рамках польско-кавказского политического и культурного сотрудничества, которое
возникло задолго до 1918 г. Многие из этих авторов печатались в основанном в 1991 г. изначально в г.
Лодзь польско-грузинском журнале "Про Георгия" (Pro Georgia1), который переиздал большое
количество документов, источников и мемуаров как представителей кавказской эмиграции, активно
участвовавшей в эволуции польского прометеизма, но также и дал возможность публиковать свои
исследования польским историкам, специализирующимся на прометеизме. Огромный интерес в
контексте представляют публикации и деятельность грузинско-польского историка-византиста Давида
Колбая, преподаватела кавказской истории в варшавском университете. Совместно с историком Яном
Малицким, руководящим кафедрой исследований Восточной Европы (Program Studiów Wschodnich/
Studium Europy Wschodniej UW), Колбая организовывает ежегодные конференции имени Святого
Перадзе2, которые представляют собой важный форум для исследователей прометеизма.
Касательно источниковедения по прометеизму важно отметить переиздание важнейших публи-
каций идеологов прометейского движения в Польше в последнее время. Так краковский "Центр поли-
тической мысли" переиздал в 2000 г. наиболее известные статьи историка-советолога Владимира
Бачковского под общим названием "О восточных проблемах Польши". Издание подготовили молодые
историки Яцек Клочковский и Павел Ковал (Baczkowski 2000). В том же году была издана обширная
публикация об Эдварде Харашкевиче (1895-1975), бывшем сотруднике польской спецслужбы, т. н.
Второго Отдела Генштаба (Oddział II Sztabu Generalnego), специализировавшемся на создании и подде-
ржке контактов с эмигрансткими группами украинцев и кавказцев в Европе. Издание было обработано
историками Анджеем Гжывачем, Марчином Квеченем и Гжегожем Мазуром и содержит оригинальные
тексты отчетов Харашкевича о деятельности прометейских групп (Zbiór dokumentów ppłk 2000).
В России исследованием проблемы прометеизма занимались историки Татьяна М. Симонова (Си-
монова 2002: 47-63) и Лев Соцков (Соцков 2003). Симонова исследовала прометеизм в период с 1919
по 1924 год, т. е. в решающие для Польши годы на базе архивных исследований в Москве. Соцков
фокусировал внимание на освещение сотрудничества представителей народов отдельных республик
СССР с немецкой и польской спецслужбами.
В англо-американских научных кругах исследования прометеизма однозначно связаны с именем
американского историка Тимоти Снайдера, издавшего биографию польского прометеиста, государстве-
нного деятеля и сподвижника Пилсудского, Хенрыка Юзефского в 2005 г. под названием "Штрихи из
1
Полное название журнала Pro Georgia : prace i materiały do dziejów stosunków gruzińsko-polskich.
2
Гиоргий Перадзе (Гжегож Перадзе в польской версии) родился в 1899 г. в Кахетии, покинул Грузию после
советизации в 1921 г. Изучал богословие в Германии, в начале 1930-ых гг. возглавлал грузинский приход в
Париже. В 1934 г. был возведен в ранг архимандрита в Лондоне. В последующие годы участвовал в научных
экспедициях в Болгарии, Греции и Румынии. С 1933 г. Перадзе был профессором патрологии варшавского
университета. В мае 1942 был арестован гестапо и депортирован в концлагерь Аушвиц, где и был убит. В 1995 г.
Перадзе был канонизирован как святой мученник на соборе Грузинской Православной Церкви.
35
ЗАУР ГАСЫМОВ
секретной войны: Миссия польского художника освободить советскую Украину" (Snyder 2005). В 2008
г. монография была переведена на польский язык и издана в Кракове (Snyder 2008).
Исследованием прометеизма занимаются также французско-грузинский историк Гиоргий Мамулия
(Париж) и польская историк-этнолог Светлана Червонная (Торунь) (Czerwonnaja 2003: 109-145). В ряде
статей Мамулия (Mamoulia 2007: 45-85) исследовал тему сотрудничества грузинских и кавказских
эмигрантов с Польшей, Германией, а также ОУН в 1930-40-ые годы. Червонная занимается исследова-
нием участия крымских и казанских татар в польском прометеизме.
Интенсивно освещают прометеизм в Азербайджане. Азербайджанский историк Насиман Ягублу
при финансовой поддержке польского посольства в Баку изучал в Варшаве архивные документы о
деятельности азербайджанской политэмиграции в Польше. Результатом этих исследований стала
монография о политической и публицистической деятельности основателя Азербайджанской Демокра-
тической Республики, Мамедамина Расулзаде (1884-1955) в Польше, которая была издана в Баку в
2007 г (Yaqublu 2007). В сотрудничестве с молодым историком Шахлой Казымовой Ягублу удалось
перевести часть польскоязычных статей Расулзаде, опубликованных в вышеупомянутых журналах
"Всхуд", а также "Рочник татарский", которые были представлены вниманию широких читательских
масс на страницах бакинской периодики (Расулзаде, http://www.zerkalo.az). Темой прометеизма отчасти
занимаются военный историк Шамистан Назирли и литературовед Вилаят Гулиев.
В последнее время изучением прометеизма занимаются и в республиках Средней Азии. Так, казах-
ский филолог Бахыт Садыкова опубликовала в 2009 г. в Алмате монографию о деятельности активиста
туркестанского национального движения Мустафы Чокая в странах Европы (Садыкова 2009).
Итак, как мы видим, тема прометеизма пережила особенно в 1990ые годы период бума
"переизданий" и тенденция роста публикаций все еще сохраняется. Постепенно историки, работающие
над этой темой в разных странах, получили возможность обмениваться мнениями. Местом проведения
основных конференций по этой тематике остается Польша. Важным фактом является также и то, что
основная часть историков, проявляющих интерес к прометеизму – это относительно молодое
поколение специалистов. Таким образом, историография прометеизма "дополнила" общеевропейский
дискурс еще одним идейным движением. Обойти прометеизм стороной, занимаясь анализом польской
внешней политики во время Второй Республики, практически невозможно. Наряду с коммунизмом,
социализмом, евразийством, панславизмом, пантуранизмом и т.д. прометеизм являет собою
европейскую концепцию идеи, которая изучается вот уже полвека как на Западе, так и на Востоке.
Bibliography
Baczkowski, Wł. O wschodnich problemach Polski. Wybor pism, Krakow 2000
Czerwonnaja, Sw. Liga Prometejska Karty Atlantyckiej (z archiwum Dzafera Sejdameta) // Wroclawskie
Studia Wschodnie, 2003, Nr. 7. C. 109-145. (Wydanie 2004 r.)
Dziewanowski, Marian K. Joseph Pilsudski: a European Federalist, 1918-1922. Stanford, 1979
Falkowski, M. Azerbejdżański alfabet czyli notatki z podróży do Azerbejdżanu w lipcu 2002 r., in:
http://www.kaukaz.net/cgi-bin/blosxom.cgi/polish/azerbejdzan/azerbejdzan_alfabet (29.01.2009)
Garlicki, A. Józef Piłsudski, 1967-1935, Aldershot/Hants 1995
Kornat, M. Bolszewizm, totalitaryzm, rewolucja, Rosja. Początki sowietologii i studiów nad
systemami totalitarnymi w Polsce (1918-1939), Krakow 2003; Kornat, Marcin: Polska szkola sowietologiczna.
1930-1939, Krakau 2003
Kornat, M. Polityka równowagi (1934-1939). Polska między Wschodem a Zachodem. Kraków. 2007
Kornat, M. Swianiewicz, Lenin i totalitaryzm, czyli o użyteczności historii idei
w poszukiwaniu zrozumienia Rosji, Nowa Europa Wschodnia,
http://www.new.org.pl/?module=newspaperarticles&id=12 (05.02.2009); KORNAT M. Ruch
prometejski – waŜne doświadczenie polityki zagranicznej II Rzeczypospolitej, c. 76-86, Nowa
Europa Wschodnia 2/08.
Lewandowski, J. Federalizm, Litwa i Białoruś w polityce obozu belwederskiego. Warszawa. 1962
36
ПОЛЬСКИЙ ПРОМЕТЕИЗМ КАК ПРЕДМЕТ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ. ИСТОРИОГРАФИЧЕСКИЕ...
37
civilizaciuri Ziebani
maia qvriviSvili
38
identifikaciis procesebi da markerebi eri-saxelmwifoebis Camoyalibebis xanaSi...
saqarTvelo
XIX saukunis dasawyisidan, kerZod, 1801 wlidan erTmaneTis miyolebiT gauqmda
qarTuli politikuri erTeulebi, romlebic erTiani qarTuli saxelmwifos daSlis
(1476) Sedegad gvian Sua saukuneebSi Camoyalibda (qarTl-kaxeTis, imereTis samefoe-
bi; guriis, svaneTis da afxazeTis samTavroebi). isini uSualod rusuli mmarTvelo-
bis daqvemdebarebaSi gadavidnen da mTlianad rusuli politikuri sistemis nawili
gaxdnen. gauqmda saqarTvelos eklesiis avtokefalia da igi uSualod ruseTis ek-
lesiis sinods daeqvemdebara; oficialuri dawesebulebebidan idevneboda qarTuli
ena, swavla-ganaTleba rusul enaze mimdinareobda, qveyana rusul yaidaze ewyoboda.
msoflio politikuri rukidan gaqra saqarTvelo da mis magivrad gaCnda tfilisis
da quTaisis guberniebi (es saqarTvelos cnebis mexsierebidan aRmofxvris mcdeloba
iyo). ruseTma Tavdapirvelad qveynis politikuri kolonizacia moaxdina, mogviane-
biT ki ekonomikuri da kulturuli, rac bolo dromde, sabWoTa kavSiris daSlamde
gagrZelda. amiT ganxorcielda qarTuli sivrcis (romelic saukuneebis ganmavloba-
Si Camoyalibebuli idea-simboloebiT iyo sakralizebuli) desakralizacia da misi
xelaxali sakralizacia. ruseTma daarRvia misi politikuri, socialuri, religiu-
ri da kulturuli identoba. mTeli XIX saukune mimdinareobda qarTveli eris
brZola damoukideblobis aRsadgenad (1802, 1804-06, 1811, 1812, 1819 wlebis ajanyebebi
da 1832 wlis SeTqmuleba), xolo XIX saukunis 60-iani wlebidan brZolam sxva sib-
rtyeSi gadainacvla. gansakuTrebiT aqtualuri gaxda qarTvelebis da saqarTvelos
39
maia qvriviSvili
40
identifikaciis procesebi da markerebi eri-saxelmwifoebis Camoyalibebis xanaSi...
rumineTi
SeiZleba iTqvas, rom msgavsi procesebi mimdinareobda rumineli xalxis damou-
kideblobisa da sami ruminuli principatis – vlaxeTis, moldovas da transilvani-
is gaerTianebisaTvis brZolaSi. isini sam imperias – otomanebs, habsburgebs da ca-
ristul ruseTs upirispirdebodnen (Boia 2003). 1821 wlidan, rodesac qveyanam SeZlo
fanariotebis sabolood gandevna (Bulei 2005: 71), iwyeba aqtiuri brZola sami ruminu-
li samTavros – principatis erT saxelmwifod gaerTianebisaTvis. politikur brZo-
lasTan erTad, daiwyo ideologiuri brZolac imis dasasabuTeblad, rom samive er-
Teuli warmoadgens erTi xalxis _ ruminelebis saxelmwifos da rom saWiroa gabne-
uli miwebis da eris SekavSireba. inteligencia (romelic, rogorc saqarTveloSi,
evropuli ganaTlebis iyo), romelic erovnul-ganmaTavisuflebel brZolas edga sa-
TaveSi, iwyebs ruminelis da rumineTis istoriuli Zirebis kvlevas momavali arse-
bobis dasamtkiceblad. iwyeba TviTidentifikaciis saintereso da rTuli procesi,
romelic politikurad xangrZlivi gamodga (Castellan 1984: 27; Bodea 1968: 853). nikola
iorgas TqmiT, ruminelTa gaerTianeba 1859 wlamde ar moxda, am wels gaerTianda
vlaxeTi da moldova, ramac nacionaluri civilizaciis zrda ufro realuri gaxa-
da (Iorga 1924: 203). rumineTis gaerTianeba sabolood dasrulda 1918 wels transilva-
niis SemoerTebiT.
sainteresoa, identobis romel markerebze akeTebdnen aqcents rumineli moaz-
rovneebi da ra iyo maTTvis ruminelobis amosavali wertili.
a. rosetim eris gageba da funqcia Semdegnairad Camoayaliba: rodesac xalxi ar
warmoadgens erT ers; rodesac igi ar flobs sakuTar moralur erTianobas da sa-
erTo warsulis gancdas; rodesac yvela mcxovrebi ar aris gaerTianebuli, sakuTa-
ri bunebrivi moTxovnebis Sesabamisad ganviTardes da ar aris socialuri Tanaswo-
roba, maSin es eri ki ara, saSiSi droebiTi gaerTianebaa (Iorga 1924: 203).
jorj lazerisaTvis rumineli eris gansasazRvrad mTavaria irendetizmi da da-
ko-romanizmi (Netea 1965: 552), xolo ruminuli kulturis erTianobis ligis manifes-
tSi, romelic transilvaniis sakiTxs Seexeboda, sweria, rom yvela, ganurCevlad so-
cialuri statusisa, unda icavdes nacionalobas, enis Tavisuflebas, swavlas da
kulturas Cveni Zmebisas (igulisxmeba ruminelebi _ m.q.) (Netea 1965: 554,). ruminuli
sulis erTianobaze saubrisas aleqsandru qsenopoli enas gansakuTrebul mniSvne-
lobas aniWebda da aRniSnavda, rom ena yvelas gonebis, sulis koleqtiuri Semoqme-
debis nayofia, romelic inaxavs da, amavdroulad, gadascems tradiciebs, adaTebs
Tqmulebebis da saxalxo poeziis saSualebiT. igi agreTve aRniSnavda, rom rumine-
lobis mTavari ganmsazRvreli teritoria, ena da dako-romanulobis ideaa (Xenopol
1995: 25-26-27).
erTi eri meoresTan mimarTebaSi gansazRvravs sakuTar Tavs. sainteresoa, visTan
mimarTebaSi gansazRvravdnen sakuTar Tavs ruminelebi. samive ruminuli samTavros
SemTxvevaSi gamowveva sxvadasxvagvari iyo: transilvania habsburgebis, ungrelebisa
da germanelebis, xolo vlaxeTi otomanTa da caristuli ruseTis gavlenas ganic-
dida (Maciu 1969: 132). transilvaniaSi Zlieri iyo kaTolicizmis da protestantizmis
gavlena, xdeboda ruminuli enis da kulturis Seviwroeba, arsebobda transilvaniis
ruminuli warsulis dakargvis realuri saSiSroeba, xolo vlaxeTsa da moldovaSi
didi iyo Turquli da marTlmadidebluri rusuli kulturis gavlena.
sainteresoa, rom ruminelTa brZolis mTavari lozungi `ena, teritoria da pat-
riotizmi~ gaxldaT (Cornelia 1968: 867). SeiZleba iTqvas, rom ruminuli enis dacva, te-
ritoriebis gaerTianeba da patriotizmi, romelic saerTo warsulis gaazrebiT da
istoriuli SemecnebiT iyo gajerebuli, gaxda mTavari ganmaTavisuflebel brZolaSi.
41
maia qvriviSvili
literatura
Ardeleanu, Ion. L’importance historique de l’édification de l’Etat national unitaire Roumain, revue Roumaine
d’histoire, tome XXII, octobre-décembre, 1983, &4.
Bodea, Cornelia. L’idée d’unité et de continuité dans la conscience du peuple Roumain, Revue Roumanie
d’histoire, T., VII, 1968, & 6, Bucarest.
Boia, Lucian. la Roumanie, Pays à la frontière de l’Europe, Paris, Les belles lettres, 2003.
Bulei, Ion. Brève Histoire de la Roumanie, Edition MERONIA, Bucarest, 2005.
Castellan, Georges. Histoire de la Roumanie (que sais-je ?), Presse Universitaire de France, Paris, 1984.
Chabot, Jean – Luc. Le nationalisme, Presses Universités de France, Paris, 1997.
Iorga, Nicolae. Les origines et l’Etat actuel des nationalités dans la Grande Roumanie, Bucarest, 1924.
Maciu, Vasule. Le mouvement social et nationam roumain aux XIX-XX siècles, Mouvements sociaux et natio-
naux dans les pays du Sud-Est Européen, Bucarest, 1974.
Maciu, Vasile. Comment la Roumanie a conquis son indépendance, Revue Roumanie d’histoire, T., IV, 1965,
& 3, Bucarest.
Maciu, Vasile. Le peuple Roumaine à l’époque moderne et contemporaine, Assosiation Internationale
d’Etudes du Sud-Este Européen, v. III, Sofia, 1969.
Netea, Vasile. Les antécédents et la future de la «lieue culturelle» pour l’unité nationale, Revue Roumanie
d’histoire, T., IV, 1965, & 3, Bucarest.
Schipers, Thomas K. “L’identité culturelle: Recherche d’une définition,
http://www.tamilnation.orgselfdetermination/nation. Immigration et identité (En France et en Al-
lemagne) Sur la direction de Patrik Hunourt.
42
identifikaciis procesebi da markerebi eri-saxelmwifoebis Camoyalibebis xanaSi...
Xenopol, A. L’unité de l’ame Roumaine, Les Roumains Psichologie, identité, spirituelle, destin. Anthologie
d’après une idée d’Anhela Botez, choix de textes, préface et notes par Vicor Botez, Valentin F ;
Mihaelescu, Nicolae Sarambei, Bucurest, 1995.
Степаненко, Т.Г. Этнопсихология, Москва, 2004 .
gogebaSvili i. nacionaluri erTianoba qarTvelebisa, qarTuli mwerloba, t. 15, Tbi-
lisi, 1997.
gogebaSvili i. gazeTi progresi, qarTuli mwerloba, t. 15, Tbilisi, 1997.
nikolaZe n. axali axalgazrdoba, mamulis siyvaruli da msaxureba. qarTuli mwer-
loba, t. 14, Tbilisi, 1997.
sumbaTaSvili-iuJini a. mZlavris marwuxebSi, qarTuli mwerloba, t. 22, Tbilisi, 2004.
yifiani d. am mTisa, im mTisa da sxvaTa Soris wodebriobisaTvis amierkavkasiaSi,
qarTuli mwerloba, t. 20, Tbilisi, 2002.
MAIA KVRIVISHVILI
Summary
The problem of identity is among the most interesting and actual topics of the contemporary world. It has
gained particular attention and centrality after the Cold War, with the emergence of the new political entities, on the
one hand, and under conditions of globalization, on the other. The paper deals with the processes of identity and
identification in Georgia and Romania at the turn of the 20th century.
Georgia and Romania are interesting subjects for comparative analysis. Belonging to the Mediterranean type of
culture, multiethnic and multiconfessional character, as well as their existence within imperial structures (Roman,
Byzantine, Ottoman, Russian) and under totalitarian regimes, should be mentioned in this respect.
In the process of identification the common ground is formed among the representatives of ethnic groups re-
garding the ethnic characteristics, differentiating ethnic groups from each other. The following aspects should be
considered in this respect: language, values and norms, historical memory, religion, attitude towards the motherland,
myths on the common ancestors, national mood, folk and professional art.
Since the 60s of the 19th century the national-liberation struggle was transferred into a new dimension. The
problem of search for a new place of Georgia and Georgians in the wider world intensified. The leadership in the
national-liberation movement was assumed by the new generation of the Georgian youth, with aristocratic origins
and European education. The following aspects were the determinants of the national consciousness and national
identity of the Georgian intelligentsia: territory, language, common history, traditions, culture, common ethnic ori-
gins – common ancestors.
“Language, territory and patriotism” was the main slogan of the Romanian national movement. The defence of
the Romanian language, unification of territories and patriotism, shrewd by the perception of the common past and
historical consciousness, assumed the leading role in the struggle for liberation.
The following markers of identity emerged as the core aspects in the formation of the new reality: territory set-
tled by Romanians, social equality and progress, national culture, Daco-Romanian origins and common language.
The shared markers of the two ethnic groups, shaping their national character and determining their difference
and peculiarity under the particular historical situation, were staged through the processes of identification taking
place in Georgia and Romania in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the above-mentioned period, the language and the
common historical past became one of the crucial markers of national identification for Romania and Georgia.
The Georgian and Romanian identities and identification processes are directly related with the formation of
these two nations as nation-states. These processes enabled them to perceive others and establish themselves on the
basis of the common territory, language, culture, history and the future.
43
civilizaciuri Ziebani
David Matsaberidze
44
THE SOVIET IDENTITY – TRANSNATIONALISM AND ETHNIC NATIONALISMS IN THE SOVIET UNION
In his book, Ethnicity without Groups, Rogers Brubaker suggests, “to grasp how categories are proposed,
propagated, imposed, institutionalized, discursively articulated, organizationally entrenched and generally em-
bedded in multifarious forms of governmentality” (Brubaker 2004). In line with his theory, Brubaker offers to
look at agencies – various kinds of organizations and their empowered and authorized incumbents (ministerial
offices, law enforcement agencies, armed forces units; terrorist groups, paramilitary organizations, armed
bands, loosely structured gangs, political parties, ethnic associations, social movement organizations) being
organizations and agencies of and for particular ethnic groups – more closely, which, according to his opinion,
are major protagonists of ethnic conflicts inspiring most ethnic violence, i.e. he offers to differentiate between
the interests of ethnic groups and their representing organizations.
The roles of organizations and individuals in propagating and flaming ethnic conflicts should be clearly
differentiated, as conflict can be labeled as ethnic through actions of perpetrators, victims, politicians, officials,
journalists, scientists, researchers, etc; as they not only interpret the violence, but constitute it as ethnic
(Brubaker 2004). In this line, Ronald Grigor Suny notes, “The actions and understandings of ethnic masses
have been equated or confused with the activities of their leaders, the writings of their intellectuals, or votes of
bodies that claim to represent them” (Suny 1993: 11). This was the main problem during the post-Soviet pe-
riod, bringing the ethnic label for the emerged conflicts.
The multiethnic nature of the Soviet Union, where each ethnic group, supported with territorial autonomy
and expressed through respective ethnic agencies, was stressing its assertiveness through language, self-
government and other markers of ethnic identity, excluded the possibility of creation of the transnational po-
litical project. The center, Moscow, officially interested in the creation of all unifying identity, in reality was
playing along with the lines of the local [ethnic] identities, hence the soviet identity – transnational identity –
as a political project, was doomed for failure.
45
DAVID MATSABERIDZE
The problem of identity and identity building had a top significance, although being extremely compli-
cated in the framework of the Soviet Union: The local peculiarities of various regions, embedded in their his-
tory, and the policy of the central government, promoting and purposefully shaping or suppressing local identi-
ties of various minority ethnic groups at different times, gave the process of identity building and identity
maintenance extremely complex nature. As it was mentioned above, the policies aimed at creation and promo-
tion of the local ethnic identities were launched in the early 1920s . It should be stressed that all these policies
were aimed at building loyalties, both – on the peripheries of the empire, or in its core – among cross border
nationals or ethnic diasporas, so as to ensure the stability of the empire. On the other hand, they were exercised
in practice through close relations with the policies of migrations and deportations. At the same time, as ac-
companied with the strong principle of demarcating ethnic border marks, they [soviet ethnic policies] were
contributing to the creation of the ethnically mixed settlements.
The policy of korenizatsia (territorializing ethnicity and promotion of the local cadres) and nativizatsia
(started with promoting creation of local scripts, and continued with the formation of ethnic film studios, thea-
ters, newspapers, publishing houses, unions of writers, composers, film-makers, etc.) were at the core of nation
building and identity construction of various ethnic groups. The above-mentioned associations were serving as
the local branches of the central headquarters, contributing to the formation of local ethno-political and intel-
lectual elites, strengthening with time in spite of periodic severe repressions. Empowerment of the local elites,
both intellectual and political, gradually created a fertile ground for bringing various ethnic groups in conflict
with the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
To sum up, the transnational soviet identity was confronted with the local identities, hence its creation
was totally impossible considering the force of ethnicity and the role ascribed to it during the existence of the
Soviet Union. The process could be portrayed as an interaction of local and central elites, and their political
projects of nation building and nation maintenance, in particular.
A Project of Transnationalism in the Soviet Union – a Political Project Doomed for Failure?
Generally, identities are neither static nor primordial. They are tightly connected with the ongoing social
and political processes and are mobilized and formed by the impact of the latter (Cornell 1997). The transna-
tional project of the Soviet Union, embedded in the Soviet Identity, seen as a supreme identity of all ethnic
groups living in the Soviet Union, was the idea of particular elite units in the governmental structure of the
USSR.
Although the aim of creation of the Soviet Identity could be formulated and regarded as a transnational
political project of the Soviet Union, nevertheless one could claim that the project was doomed for failure from
its very beginning as it lacked the solid elite united around the common cause. The Soviet elite was the sum of
local ethnic elites (with a great share of ethnically Russian elite) building the project [Soviet Identity] in differ-
ent areas of the Soviet Union, interplaying with local identities. They were endowed with the possibility of
building the Soviet Identity alongside with their own identities, thus the former was not excluding the latter.
Hence, at a glance, local identities disappeared from the stage, being masked with an official rhetoric of broth-
erhood, unity and solidarity of all people of the Soviet Union, later uncovered with the force of ethnicity by the
time of dissolution of the Soviet Empire.
46
THE SOVIET IDENTITY – TRANSNATIONALISM AND ETHNIC NATIONALISMS IN THE SOVIET UNION
without nationalism. The new conditions would have been achieved all across the Soviet Union, with the help
of the Russian language. Thus, to some extent, Russian was considered to be neutral in its essence, therefore
not being the ethnic language (Rupesinghe, Tishkov 1996). The Russian language was exceptional in the lin-
guistic hierarchy of the Union, as long as a person speaking the Russian language, would be guaranteed with
all linguistic rights all over the Soviet Union (Schiffman 2001). As Jones mentions, an evocative transcript
emerged inside the official ideological framework – a coded public discourse with a message that was per-
fectly understood by the vast majority of native officials, who could do little about it (Jones 1994: 153). It
should be mentioned that the Russification policy of the Soviet Union was not limited to the prevalence of the
Russian language over the local languages. It was a multifaceted policy, with dozens of side affects and proc-
esses, leading to the creation of the Soviet Men.
The Soviet Identity, the rules and methods of its creation, was instrumental in easing conflicts and ten-
sions between various groups of the empire, in which the official rhetoric of brotherhood and unity did not
have the last role. Obviously, there were some kind of tensions, but the grievances were weakened with the
feeling of the common Soviet identity (Cornell 1997). Overcoming traditional identities is a long-lasting and
forceful process. Meanwhile, the Soviet class identity did not meet the “needs” and “reality” of all the peoples
of the Union (for example Caucasian peoples, as some of them had the pre-feudal social structure without any
signs of capitalist rule of manufacturing). That is why the Soviet ideology and identity were a bit vague and
more unacceptable for the North Caucasian Peoples, than for the European citizens of the Soviet Union. Nev-
ertheless, the problem did not have any top significance at any time, as long as the local national and ethnic
identities were not banned, from time to time even supported, alongside with the Soviet Identity, by the central
government of the Union.
47
DAVID MATSABERIDZE
marks, contributing to the creation of the ethnically mixed settlements. These three axis were united through
similar policy aims: strengthening the core and continuously building loyalties towards the core, at the same
time preparing the ground for the expansion of influence of the center.
The first axes of ethnic engineering – the politics of Russification of the RSFSR was directed towards the
creation of the homeland of Russian people, started on December 14, 1932, pointing to the great turn in ethnic
politics – from the politics of ethnic glorification to the politics of ethnic consolidation, that is the shift from a
moderate policy of national concessions in the 1920s to a repressive policy featuring ethnic deportations, na-
tional terror and Russification (Martin 1998: 102). Russification of the RSFSR, first and foremost administra-
tive Russification, thus delimitation of the single political entity, was aimed at elimination of small territorial
units. As a result of the exercised Russification policy in practice, the RSFSR was divided into the central Rus-
sian space, where national minorities would not be granted a distinct status, and a non-Russian space: the
RSFSR’s autonomous republics and oblasts, areas of concentration of national institutions. The policy of Rus-
sification was undertaken in line with Tadziev’s concept – “Right of Assimilation” – the idea rejecting ethnic
proliferation in favor of national consolidation.
Thus, Russification annulled the exclusion of Russians from the power structure as the separate ethnic
group – as long as they were denied their own republic, exactly what was at stake either for Lenin or Stalin –
the status of Russians in the RSFSR. In its broader sense, the policy of Russification ensured the creation of a
homeland for Russian people. As a result of the above-mentioned processes, national minorities in the Russian
regions of the RSFSR adopted the hegemonic Russian environment accompanied with the practice of abolition
of non-Russian national institutions within the Russian regions of the RSFSR. As it was mentioned, this was
the politics of administrative Russification. In parallel with this, the same line of Russification policy was ex-
ercised in the educational system and in the sphere of linguistics. In total, these policies were aimed at positive
re-evaluation of the role of Russian. The need for the better knowledge of Russian was asserted and the value
of minority language schooling was questioned. Thus, the politics of ethnic glorification was replaced by eth-
nic consolidation.
However, as the ethnic engineers were not only concerned with the problem of creation of the stable core,
but with the ensuring stability at various peripheries as well, on both sides of the border, the importance of the
Piedmont Principle emerges, as another aspect of the Soviet ethnic engineering. The Piedmont Principle was
the expression of the Soviet policy of ethnic borderlands – aimed at looking at border regions as areas accord-
ing to which neighboring nations judged over the Soviet Empire. The Piedmont Principle was an attempt to
make the Soviet Empire more attractive for neighbors. In order to transplant the idea in reality, the Soviet gov-
ernment was continuously promoting the national rights of the ethnic groups residing on borderlands, as it in
itself was in the service of promotion of Soviet foreign policy goals towards the Western neighbors. Thus, to
say briefly, the Piedmont Principle could be defined as an attempt to exploit cross-border ethnic ties for pro-
jecting the Soviet influence abroad.
Terry Martin defines Piedmont Principle as leading to the formation of the novel Soviet type administra-
tive territory – border regions, both in ideological, as well as administrative terms, projecting Soviet influence
outward, along the Soviet Union’s western borders in particular, through giving certain priorities to these re-
gions: higher salaries, more economic investment, better supply of goods, permission to run the budget deficit
and more cultural investment. Martin summarized the essence of the Piedmont Principle as follows, “Our bor-
der regions are that part of our territory by which the workers of neighboring nations concretely judge the
Soviet Union” (Martin 1998b).
From the mid 1920s and the beginning of the 1930s, the effectiveness of the Piedmont Principle was put
under question, as the period faced with emigration movements among the small national minorities inhabiting
the western borderlands. The new feeling was particularly strengthened as a result of the Ukrainian Crisis,
pushing the Soviet authorities to think about the future viability of the Piedmont Principle and after the rise of
Fascism and authoritarian rule throughout the whole East-Central Europe, official Soviet propaganda started to
turn Ukraine into a “fortress” against all foreign influence. As a result, the policy of the Piedmont Principle
was totally abandoned. Nevertheless, it could be considered more reasonable to use the term Soviet Isolation-
ism for designating the policy initiated after the abandonment of the Piedmont Principle, as it describes in its
best the new approach of the Soviet leadership towards the borderlands.
48
THE SOVIET IDENTITY – TRANSNATIONALISM AND ETHNIC NATIONALISMS IN THE SOVIET UNION
Ethnic cleansing served to be the third aspect of the Soviet ethnic politics triad. Ethnic cleansing within
the empire could be defined as a forcible removal of an ethnically defined population from a given territory. It
was the policy, pursued much longer than the above-mentioned two and featuring some signs, exclusively
characteristic for the Soviet space and politics: the degree of its professionalization, the extent of its commit-
ment to a local ethnic removal, and especially its practice in conditions of peace. To say briefly, ethnic clean-
sing in the Soviet Union was accompanied by the principle of resettling population along ethnic lines. Ethnic
cleansing resulted in: ethnic dilution i.e. resettlement of members of trusted ethnic groups into regions domi-
nated by stigmatized ethnic groups; ethnic consolidation – territorially concentrating dispersed ethnic groups
and forced assimilation. In the broader prism, the Soviet ethnic cleansing had two dimensions: outward and
inward – directed either towards concentrated ethnic groups in various parts of the Empire, or in case of the
inward one – directed against Diaspora nationalities – justified as a campaign for the destruction of espionage
and sabotage contingents. To sum up, the politics of ethnic cleansing was aimed at making the settlements
more “stable” for the center or to create the regions, populated by a loyal population. At the same time, ethnic
cleansing and national operations were accompanied by decrees abolishing all national soviets and national
schools of the stigmatized nationalities. These institutions were declared as artificially created.
The ethnic cleansing started in 1937 and continued, with more or less intensity, till the death of Stalin in
1953. At times, it took more repressive and strict forms, in all cases aimed at building and ensuring loyalties.
On the western peripheries of the empire the politics of ethnic cleansing was justified as a campaign for the
destruction of espionage and sabotage contingents directed against Poles, Germans, Latvians, Estonians, Finns,
etc (Martin 1998b). The list and time span of deportations looks as follows: in February 1937 – Turko-Tartar
peasants were deported to Central Asia. In September 1937 – took place the deportation of 200.000 South Ko-
reans to Central Asia. From 1935 till 1938 the following ethnic groups were subjugated to deportations due to
different reasons and aims: Poles, Germans, Finns, Estonians, Latvians, Koreans, Chinese, Kurds, Iranians.
These were the major ethnic groups subjugated to deportations prior to World War II. It began in the mid-
1930s with the partial removal of stigmatized ethnic groups from the western border regions. By August 1937,
it escalated into a total removal, being the typical pattern till Stalin’s death in 1953 (Martin 1998b).
Dealing with the above-mentioned two aspects of the Soviet ethnic engineering, the policies of Russifica-
tion and ethnic cleansing should be looked through the prism of the Soviet Xenophobia and Piedmont Princi-
ple. The Piedmont Principle was already discussed above, while under the Soviet Xenophobia is meant the
exaggerated Soviet fear of foreign influence, which was more ideological, rather than ethnic. The Soviet
Xenophobia was even more institutionally embodied through the creation of various border regions, implying
the Soviet style administrative and ideological definition of distinct border zones.
The above-mentioned principles comprised the essence and drove the Soviet ethnic politics, all of them
being closely connected with the personalities of the two Soviet ethnic engineers: Lenin and Stalin. These two
persons had one and the same approach and positions, from 1913 to mid 1922, expressed through systematic
promotion of the national forms of non-Russian nationhood – with state language, territories, and ruling elites,
i.e. politics of korenizatcia which we have mentioned above. Although later, in relation with the creation of the
union, their positions collided and they offered drastically different projects: according to Stalin, independent
republics would enter the RSFSR as Autonomous Republics, while Lenin offered a new floor of union above
the RSFSR – “Union of Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia”, being structured as a federation of independent
republics of equal members. The future of the Union was handed over to the specially created commission,
headed by Kalinin, entitled as The Construction of RSFSR, national republics, and oblasts organs within the
RSFSR, although it should be stressed that none of its recommendations were approved.
Some traits of the tension between the two crucial axes of the Soviet ethnic policy – Soviet xenophobia
and the piedmont principle – could be found easily. The Soviet xenophobia encouraged ethnic suspicions and
imposed restrictions on the national self-expression, while the Piedmont Principle dictated the promotion of
national institutions. It is this opposition between the Piedmont Principle and Soviet Xenophobia that T.Martin
shows to be the root of the entire Soviet policy in the sphere of ethnic cleansing and deportation policy, in par-
ticular (Polian 2004: 63).
49
DAVID MATSABERIDZE
Summing up, promotion of national minorities and their rights was supported with the creation of the con-
stitutional and political privileges to the titular groups and identified the republics as a group’s historic home-
land. As a result, titular groups were rapidly constructing their histories. They were also provided with territo-
rial autonomies and the local governing structures, grounding the local elites to pursue their power politics. All
these factors, strengthened and institutionalized through the Constitution and tightly linked with territoriality,
served as a successful basis for the contradiction of different ethnic groups rather bringing them close to each-
other; hence, instead of preparing ground for the common Soviet Identity, the undertaken policy contributed to
the alienation and hostility of various ethnic groups, making the idea of the shared identity of all people of the
Soviet Union – Soviet Identity – nongroundable.
50
THE SOVIET IDENTITY – TRANSNATIONALISM AND ETHNIC NATIONALISMS IN THE SOVIET UNION
and nationalist movements were made possible and could have existed only in case of presence of the other
nationalism, both of them being exclusive for each-other (Cornell 2001), created by ethnic leaders and entre-
preneurs at some point, and later contributed to the maintenance of inter-ethnic confrontations, both on an ac-
tive or passive stage.
Conclusion
Although the Soviet Identity should come as a transnational identity of the Soviet Union, as the process of
construction of transnational Soviet Identity was accompanied, and at the same time confronted with the local
identities, its creation was totally impossible considering the force of ethnicity.
The local elite units, what Brubaker calls organizations, emerged as a counterweight force of the upcom-
ing shared Soviet Identity. The latter, if it ever existed in reality, and its “architects”, in particular, were over-
ridden with the peculiar interests of the local ones, thus making the latter unable and uncapable of making up
and exercising its own political project – Soviet Identity – in practice.
Concluding, it should be stressed that instead of disarming national Soviets, the Soviet ethnic engineering
strengthened it and instead of ensuring loyalty from Diaspora nationalities – undermined it. On the other hand,
it is obvious, and supported with evidence, that it was the Soviet, not Russian, xenophobia that drove the prac-
tice of the Soviet ethnic cleansing. At the same time, the growing fear of non-Russian nationalism and disloy-
alty, due to the greater resistance to collectivization and ethnicization, the Soviet xenophobia through the re-
versal of the Piedmont Principle led the Soviet government to identify the state, to a greater extent, with its
Russian core.
The politics of Russification served best the aim of eroding the possibilities of the appearance of the local
nationalisms of various ethnic groups. At the same time, through the principles of korenizatsia and territoriali-
zation of ethnicity accompanied with the unique type of the Soviet ethnic cleansing, the loyalties were ensured
at both places – at the peripheries of the empire, as well as in its core. Thus, on the basis of our initial hy-
potheses it could be claimed that transnational Soviet identity was confronted with the local identities, hence
its creation was totally impossible considering the force of ethnicity and the role ascribed to it in the Soviet
Union.
Bibliography
Brubaker, R. Ethnicity without Groups. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: Harvard University
Press, 2004
Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Basic Law), Publishing House “Sabchota Sakhart-
velo”, Tbilisi, 1977
Constitution of the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (Basic Law), Publishing House “Sabchota Sakhartvelo”,
Tbilisi, 1982
Cornell, S.E. Conflicting Identities and Conflicts in the Caucasus, in Peace Review – A Transnational Quar-
terly, vol. 9, no. 4, December, 1997
Cornell, S.E. Small Nations and Great Powers – A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus. Curzon,
2001.
Jones, S.F. Old Ghosts and New Chains – Ethnicity and Memory in Georgian Republic, in R.S. Watson. (ed).
Memory, history and opposition under State socialism. Sante Fe, N.M.: University of Washing-
ton Press, 1994
Martin, T. Russification of the RSFSR, in Cahiers du Monde Russe, 39 (1-2), Janvier-Juin, 1998
Martin, T. Origins of the Soviet Ethnic Cleansing, in the Journal of Modern History, Volume 70, # 4, Decem-
ber, 1998 (b)
Matveeva, A. South Caucasus: Nationalism, Conflict and Minorities. Minority Rights Group, 2002
51
DAVID MATSABERIDZE
Polian, P. Against their Will: The History and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR. CEU Press, 2004
Potel, J.Y. The Political Use of Memory and the Historians’ Responsibilities. “Learning and Teaching about
the History of Europe in the 20th century”. Bonn (Germany). 22-24 March 2001. Final Confer-
ence. Council of Europe Publishing. 2002
Rupesinghe, K. Tishkov V. Ethnicity and Power in the Contemporary World, The United Nations University,
1996
Schiffman, H. Language Policy in the Former Soviet Union, Handout for LING 540, Language Policy.
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/540/oldscheds/2001sked.html
Shtromas, A. The Legal Position of Soviet Nationalities and their Territorial Units According to the 1977
Constitution of the USSR, in The Russian Review, # 37, 1978, 265-272
Suny, R.G. The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution and the Collapse of the Soviet Union. Stanford,
Calif: Stanford University Press, 1993
The Scientific Communism, edited by L.Gorgiladze and M.Gaprindashvili, Publishing House “Ganatleba”, Tbi-
lisi, 1980
52
civilizaciuri Ziebani
Сергей Румянцев
2008 год стал годом Азербайджана в Германии и с этим событием, как этническими активистами,
представляющими азербайджанскую диаспору в Германии, так и властями Азербайджанской респуб-
лики связывались большие надежды. Хотя декларативно это событие носило в основном характер
культурного обмена, однако, по сути, представляло собой очередной этап в реализации политического
проекта конструирования азербайджанской этно-национальной диаспоры в ФРГ. Это событие стало
очередным в череде многих других, подразумевавших те же цели. Так, незадолго до проведения года
Азербайджана в Германии, подобного рода культурно-политическое событие произошло и в России. И
в этом случае церемония открытия носила гораздо более помпезный и официальный характер. Доста-
точно упомянуть, что год Азербайджана в России торжественно открывали 16 февраля 2005 года в
Кремлевском Дворце Съездов.
Все эти события были одними из наиболее громких в череде различного рода мероприятий, нап-
равленных на реализацию проекта конструирования азербайджанской этно-национальной диаспоры.
Этот проект стал реализовываться, фактически с момента распада СССР и возникновения Азербайд-
жанской республики (АР) как независимого национального государства. Республика приобрела
независимость в ситуации армяно-азербайджанского Карабахского конфликта (1988-1994). Конфликт,
как это нередко происходит, стал причиной мобилизации этнических азербайджанцев, проживавших в
тот момент в Германии и стремившихся оказать поддержку политической родине (Demmers, 2005, p.
11-12). В то же время, власти политической родины также прикладывали определенные усилия с целью
мобилизации этнических азербайджанцев по всему миру, тем самым подтверждая тезис о том, что
«Формирование диаспоры является результатом социальной мобилизации» (Sökefeld 2006: 268).
Вдохновителем этой политики стал бывший президент Азербайджана Гейдар Алиев, который уже
в 1991 году (указ от 16-го декабря) учредил, в качестве календарного праздника «День Солидарности
азербайджанцев мира» (отмечается 31-го декабря). С этого момента социальные сети азербайджанцев в
Германии или России, как и в любой другой стране мира, описываются в категориях диаспорального
дискурса. Последним по времени знаковым событием стало переименование в октябре 2008 года
Комитета по работе с азербайджанцами проживающими за рубежом (учрежден указом от 5-го июля
2002 года) в Государственный комитет по работе с азербайджанской диаспорой.
Особое внимание власти Азербайджана уделяют процессам конструирования диаспор в тех стра-
нах, которые, по мнению руководства страны, играют ведущую роль на мировой политической арене.
В СНГ это Российская Федерация, где проживает наиболее значительное количество азербайджанцев
по разным причинам оказавшихся за пределами «исторической родины». Среди стран ЕС особое зна-
чение отводится Германии, где также ныне проживет наибольшее число азербайджанцев эмигрирова-
вших в Европу. Кроме того, в случае с Германией, особые надежды связанны и с установлением тес-
ных контактов с турецкой диаспорой. Автор статьи проводил исследование в этих двух странах при
поддержке различных фондов. В то же время политика азербайджанского политического режима в
отношении конструирования этно-национальной азербайджанской диаспоры исследовалась в 2008-
2009 годах при поддержке Caucasus Resource Research Center (CRRC).
Методология исследования включала проведение серии биографических и проблемно-ориентиро-
ванных интервью с этническими азербайджанцами на протяжении ряда лет (3-5 и более) проживаю-
щими в России (Санкт-Петербург) и Германии (Берлин, Потсдам, Кельн), а также участвующее наб-
людение (мероприятия организуемые этническими общинами, национально-культурными автоно-
миями и пр.).
53
СЕРГЕЙ РУМЯНЦЕВ
Имидж «Диаспоры»
Под «диаспорой» этнические активисты в эмиграции, также как и власти Азербайджана, подра-
зумевают сообщества произошедшие «в результате катастрофы и вынужденного исхода» (Cohen 1996:
515). Главным критерием становится специфика отношения властей политической родины к этни-
ческим азербайджанцам как к «соотечественникам», т. е. как к членам единой и солидарной этнонации
оказавшимся, по очень разным причинам, за пределами официальной родины (Brubaker 1996: 66-67).
Конечно, применение термина «диаспора» в случае с социальными сетями, в которых участвуют
азербайджанцы в Германии или России, представляется проблемным (Clifford 1994; Baumann 2000;
Brubaker 2005). Поэтому следует подчеркнуть, что использование в данной статье термина «диаспора»
отражает установку официального диаспорального дискурса принятого властями Азербайджана и
разделяемого этническими активистами в эмиграции. С одной стороны, «через дискурсивную практику
происходит своего рода конструирование диаспоры как группы» (Тишков 2003: 180). С другой сто-
роны, происходит быстрая бюрократизация социальных сетей азербайджанцев в Германии, в резуль-
тате которой конструируется организационная структура диаспоры.
Здесь я имею в виду процесс, когда, в контексте актуализации контактов с политической родиной,
производятся все новые и во все больших количествах диаспорские организационные структуры
«включая транснациональные и городские ассоциации» (Henry 2004: 841). С постоянно возрастающей
интенсивностью, практически все постсоветские годы этнические активисты предпринимают попытки,
по выражению Бенедикта Андерсона, при поддержке государственной машины страны исхода сконст-
руировать этно-национальную азербайджанскую диаспору ФРГ, как «коллективную субъективность»
(Anderson 1998: 44-45). В результате все чаще этнические азербайджанцы, временно или постоянно
проживающие в России или Германии, описываются как солидарная гомогенная группа (Brubaker 2002:
163-167) – «Азербайджанская Диаспора» России или Германии.
Мне же представляется более убедительным предлагаемый Роджерсом Брубейкером подход к
исследованию данного феномена, когда вместо того, чтобы говорить о той или иной «диаспоре», как о
«сущностной, ограниченной группе, как об этно-демографическом или этно-культурном факте, может
быть более продуктивным, и конечно более точным, говорить о диаспорских установках, проектах,
притязаниях, стилях, практиках (diasporic stances, projects, claims, idioms, practices) и тому подобном»
(Brubaker 2005: 13).
54
ДИАСПОРА, КАК ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ПРОЕКТ:ПРАКТИКИ И ЦЕЛИ КОНСТРУИРОВАНИЯ...
стики численности азербайджанцев в Германии не существует, в числе прочего, по той причине, что
часть эмигрантов из Турции или Ирана являются этническими азербайджанцами, но приписываются к
турецкой или иранской диаспорам.
И в этом контексте диаспоральная политика содержит в себе и определенные противоречия. С
одной стороны декларируется установка на объединение с турецкой диаспорой, которая, по мнению
Уильяма Сафрана, может быть, с определенной степенью близости, отнесена к идеальному типу диас-
поры (Safran 1991: 91). Именно этот элемент диаспоральной политики может быть особенно актуаль-
ным для сообщества азербайджанцев в Германии. С другой стороны, конструируются границы между
этническими азербайджанцами из Турции (так называемыми турецкими азербайджанцами) и собс-
твенно турками.
Вместе с тем, в значительной степени социальные сети эмигрантов производятся, видимо, вне кон-
текста диаспоральной политики или деятельности диаспорских (этнических) организаций. И здесь все
большую роль играет ислам. Видимо, и сами этнические активисты диаспоры стремятся использовать
мобилизационный потенциал ислама в процессе реализации проекта «создания диаспоры» (Kastoryano
1999: 199). Однако, мусульманские организации и социальные сети эмигрантов-мусульман представ-
ляют собой вполне самостоятельный фактор.
Для актуализации контактов эмигрантов из Азербайджана с этническими турками гораздо большее
значение имеет, видимо, независимая деятельность в Германии турецких исламских, чем светских
этнических организаций. Мечеть, не только в качестве «центра общинной жизни мусульман», но и как
«центр сообщества» (Cesari 2005: 10-17) все чаще становится тем публичным пространством, где уста-
навливаются контакты между эмигрантами из Азербайджана и Турции. Близость языка (турецкого и
азербайджанского) и политика национализма в странах исхода в духе «Две нации – одно государство»
(фраза приписываемая предыдущему президенту Азербайджана Гейдару Алиеву) приводит азербайд-
жанцев в основном в мечети основанные эмигрантами из Турции. Тем более, что своих мечетей у
азербайджанцев в Германии пока нет.
Следует заметить, что эмигранты из постсоветского Азербайджана нередко только в силу тради-
ции приписываются к мусульманам (в основном шиитам). Очень многие исповедуют ислам только на
уровне бытового восприятия его норм и ценностей. Но в Германии через контакты с активными турец-
кими религиозными организациями (Karakasoglu & Nonneman, 1997: 254-261) многие эмигранты
приобщаются к высокому, книжному исламу суннитского толка (Gellner 1994: 28-30). Таким образом, в
Германии у азербайджанцев, как и у многих других «мусульман в Европе», «усиливается чувство
принадлежности к мусульманской Умме» (Kucukcan 2004: 244). В этом контексте становится веро-
ятной и актуализация границ между иранскими азербайджанцами-шиитами и эмигрантами из Азер-
байджанской Республики, теми которые отдали предпочтение исламу суннитского толка.
Что касается России, то по данным Всероссийской переписи населения 2002 года численность
азербайджанцев граждан РФ составила 621 840 человек. При этом, по утверждению Шакира Салимова
(интервью проводилось в декабре 2007 года), начальника управления по России, Украине, Беларуси,
Китаю и Индии Государственного комитета по работе с азербайджанской диаспорой, в России прожи-
вает около 2-х миллионов «наших сограждан». Здесь можно привести интересный пример манипулиро-
вания статистикой. Когда, президенту Азербайджана Ильхаму Алиеву, в интервью на радио «Эхо
Москвы», которое состоялось 23 декабря 2006 года, задали вопрос о численности азербайджанцев в
России, он усомнился в этих цифрах: «по нашим данным, временно, как бы постоянно отсутствующих
граждан трудоспособного возраста Азербайджана порядка 450 тысяч человек. <> Граждан России
азербайджанцев где-то тысяч 500-600. Поэтому цифры в 2-3 миллиона знаете, это я думаю, не
соответствует действительности».
Диаспоральный дискурс нацелен на максимально возможное завышение численности резидентов
причисляемых к «азербайджанской диаспоре». Но вопрос, который задавался президенту подразумевал
скорее неприятные ассоциации в духе того, что Азербайджан не является привлекательной страной для
собственных граждан. Поэтому на фоне рассказа о впечатляющих успехах в развитии экономики,
президент предпочел опровергнуть приводимые обычно цифры.
55
СЕРГЕЙ РУМЯНЦЕВ
Разные азербайджанцы
Практики бюрократической и дискурсивной гомогенизации азербайджанцев в эмиграции не
являются достаточными для преодоления границ между азербайджанцами выходцами из разных стран.
Здесь наиболее интересен пример Германии. Через дискурсивные практики к «Азербайджанской
диаспоре» в ФРГ приписываются все те, кого эмигранты этнические активисты и чиновники на поли-
тической родине идентифицируют как этнических азербайджанцев, нередко используя статистику, как
привычный «институт власти» (Anderson 1998: 163). При этом степень интенсивности повседневных
связей и контактов между акторами, аскриптивно причисляемыми к диаспорскому сообществу
азербайджанцев, какая-либо солидарность их политических или любых других интересов не дискути-
руется. В контексте, по выражению Майкла Биллига, «риторических клише политического дискурса»
(Billig 1995: 102) практически все азербайджанцы во всех ситуациях представляют собой гомогенное и
56
ДИАСПОРА, КАК ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ПРОЕКТ:ПРАКТИКИ И ЦЕЛИ КОНСТРУИРОВАНИЯ...
Результаты проекта
Итак, все более многочисленные этнические организации становятся важнейшим элементом дис-
курса в пространстве которого конструкты этно-национальной «диаспоры» азербайджанцев приоб-
ретают черты реально существующего солидарного сообщества. Демонстрация в СМИ процесса непре-
рывного производства этнических организаций почти неизменно становящихся партнерами власти, в
качестве системообразующего элемента конструирования этно-национальной диаспоры, привычно
присутствует в речах, заявлениях и интервью политических деятелей. В результате реализации проекта
диаспоро-строительства к середине 2007 года, по словам министра диаспоры Азербайджана господина
57
СЕРГЕЙ РУМЯНЦЕВ
Ибрагимова, «в большинстве стран мира функционируют более 300 азербайджанских общин, и про-
цесс создания организаций диаспоры продолжается и сегодня». В контексте диаспорального дискурса
реальность этих организаций подчеркивается через постоянное упоминание в СМИ их, как правило,
символических названий (это, чаще всего, «Вятаны» («Родина»), «Одлар Юрду» («Страна Огней») и
пр.), и тиражируемые образы их руководителей (фотографии, краткие биографии, все новые имена и
фамилии, распространяемые СМИ), всегда готовых дать очередное интервью.
Логику умножения количества организаций, как симптом успеха диаспоро-строительства, можно
понять, прежде всего, если исходить из того, что к моменту приобретения Азербайджаном независи-
мости в 1991 году подобных структур практически не существовало. Нынешнее же все возрастающее
их количество становится неким символом усиления позиций независимого Азербайджана в мире. При
этом, конечно, не следует редуцировать весь процесс роста числа официально регистрируемых этни-
ческих организаций только к усилиям властей официальной родины. Распространение установки на
производство подобных структур и без какой-либо целенаправленной политики власти было вызвано
самим появлением независимой политической родины, а некоторое оживление их деятельности
совпало с трансформацией Карабахского конфликта в полномасштабную войну между Азербайджаном
и Арменией.
В ситуации Карабахского конфликта и параллельного становления независимой Азербайджанской
республики, объединения и демократизации двух Германий, распада советского блока азербайджанцы
в эмиграции быстро политизировались и начинали искать способы институционализации этнических
сетей.
В дальнейшем, когда число эмигрантов из независимого Азербайджана все увеличивалось, а
власть в стране исхода стала проявлять все растущий интерес к «соотечественникам за рубежом» (в их
числе к иранским и турецким азербайджанцам), количество организаций начало увеличиваться гораздо
быстрее. Быстрый рост численности этнических организаций демонстрирует специфику политики
влияния на эмигрантов, со стороны властей официальной родины, цель которых реализовать проект
конструирования этно-национальной «диаспоры». Бюрократическая система власти, утвердившаяся в
пространстве политической родины, может строить свои отношения только с некой иерархизированой
структурой, состоящей из официально зарегистрированных в той или иной стране пребывания этничес-
ких организаций. Реализация контактов, налаживание, как это декларируется, диалога и взаимодейс-
твия власти и «диаспоры» становится возможным только через отношения с официальными организа-
циями, которые берут на себя роль презентации всех азербайджанцев за рубежом. Все чаще эти
организации возникают в ответ на ожидания властей официальной родины, а этнические активисты,
создающие их в принимающих странах, все чаще, стремятся к реализации через эти контакты трансна-
циональных экономических проектов. Власть, безусловно, стремиться выбирать партнеров, и через
дискурсивные практики официально утверждает их статус, подтверждая их право репрезентировать
всю общину в той или иной стране или части света. В целом, это встречное (от политической родины и
этнических активистов в эмиграции) стремление к производству как бы строго иерархизированной
организационной структуры «Диаспоры» основано на разделении в той или иной степени общих –
политических, культурных и экономических интересов. Единая от низовых организаций до тех, кото-
рые представляют уже все этнические общины структура, как бы построенная по принципу госу-
дарственной вертикали власти представляется простой, понятной, прозрачной и удобной для контроля.
Во главе этой структуры как бы стоит «министр диаспоры», подчиненный уже, непосредственно,
всеазербайджанскому президенту. Нынешний же этап реализации проекта описывается самим прези-
дентом следующим образом:
Мы уже завершили структуризацию всех диаспорских организаций азербайджанцев,
проживающих за рубежом. Два раза проводили Всемирный съезд азербайджанцев. В мире
проживает не менее 50-ти млн. азербайджанцев. Конечно же, сильное Азербайджанское госу-
дарство должно быть опорой для всех наших соотечественников. В то же время, сильные диас-
порские организации помогают отстаивать наш национальный интерес. До последнего вре-
мени, где-то 5-6 лет тому назад, эти организации практически действовали на общественных
58
ДИАСПОРА, КАК ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ПРОЕКТ:ПРАКТИКИ И ЦЕЛИ КОНСТРУИРОВАНИЯ...
началах. В этой связи решением нашего общенационального лидера Гейдара Алиева был
создан Государственный комитет по работе с азербайджанцами, проживающими за рубежом,
который занимается только проблемой диаспоры. На данный момент в каждой стране эти
организации структурированы. Мы открыли за последнее время более 30-ти посольств в раз-
ных странах, а сейчас по всему миру их число стало больше 50-ти. Все посольства и диас-
порские организации в тех или иных странах действуют сообща. Получается, что это улица с
двухсторонним движением: мы оказываем им содействие, а они, в свою очередь, помогают
своей стране.
Однако, несмотря на активные попытки азербайджанских властей актуализировать этническую
идентичность эмигрантов и усилить их контакты с «официальной родиной», «Идентичность, в прин-
ципе, является текучей, подвижной субстанцией, поэтому пространство выбора для членов диаспоры
тут достаточно велико» (Колсто 2001: 7). В конечном итоге вся активность сводится к деятельности
ряда этнических активистов, по очень разным причинам участвующих в работе ими же созданных
этнических организаций. При этом, деятельность этнических активистов и организаций чаще всего
практически никак не влияет на повседневные практики приписываемого к «диаспоре», по выражению
Брубейкера, «большинства, которое не разделяет диаспорских установок и не связано никакими обяза-
тельствами с диаспорским проектом» (Brubaker 2005: 13). Подчеркнем, что контакты, с этническими
организациями, и, тем более, непосредственное участие в их работе, в очень разной степени актуальны,
как мне представляется, только для небольшой группы акторов.
По моему мнению, только в пространстве диаспорального дискурса и связанных с ним бюрокра-
тических практик конструирования единой, иерархизированной организационной структуры, азербайд-
жанцы в различных странах мира становятся реальной, солидарной группой – «диаспорой». Только в
пространстве диаспорального дискурса объединяются и приобретают черты гомогенной солидарной
группы эмигранты оказавшиеся по очень разным причинам в разных странах мира, а также азербайд-
жанцы, граждане различных стран (России, Германии и т. д.).
Bibliography
Anderson, B. The Spectre of Comparisons: Nationalism, Southeast Asia and the World. London: Verso. 1998
Anderson, B. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.
1998
Baumann, M. Diaspora: Genealogies of Semantics and Transcultural Comparison, Numen. Religions in the
Disenchanted World, Vol. 47 (3) 2000
Bauman, Z. The Individualized Society. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. 2001
Billig, M. Banal Nationalism. London: Sage. 1995
Brubaker, R. Nationalism reframed: nationhood and the national question in the New Europe. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. 1996
Brubaker, R. Ethnicity without Groups. Archive europenne de sociologie, XLIII (2), 2002
Brubaker, R. The ‘Diaspora’ Diaspora. Ethnic and Racial Studies, January, Vol. 28 (1) 2005
Cesari, J. Mosque Conflicts in European Cities: Introduction. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, No-
vember, Vol. 31 (6), 2005
Clifford, J. Diasporas. Cultural Anthropology, August, Vol. 9 (3), 1994
Cohen, R. Diasporas and the nation-state: from victims to challengers. International Affairs, July, Vol. 72 (3),
1996
Gellner, E. Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and its Rivals. London: Hamilton. 1994
Demmers, J. Nationalism from Without: theorizing the role of diasporas in contemporary conflict. In: T. Ata-
baki, S. Mehendale, ed. Central Asia and the Caucasus: Transnationalism and Diaspora. New-
York: Routledge, 2005
Henry, L. Mohan, G. Yanacopulos, H. Networks as Transnational Agents of Development. Third World Quar-
terly, Vol. 25 (5), 2004
59
СЕРГЕЙ РУМЯНЦЕВ
Karakasoglu, Y. Nonneman, G.. Muslims in Germany. In: G. Nonneman, T. Niblock, B. Szajkowski, ed. Mus-
lim Communities in the New Europe. Ithaca: Ithaca Press, 1997
Kastoryano, R. Muslim Diaspora(s) in Western Europe. The South Atlantic Quarterly, Winter/Spring, 98 (1/2),
1999
King, C. Melvin, J. N.. Diaspora Politics: Ethnic Linkages. Foreign Policy, and Security in Eurasia, Interna-
tional Security, Winter, Vol. 24 (3), 1999-2000
Kucukcan, T. The Making of Turkish-Muslim Diaspora in Britain: Religious Collective Identity in a Multicul-
tural Public Sphere. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, October, Vol. 24 (2), 2004
Safran, W. Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return. Diaspora, Vol. 1 (1), 1991
Sökefeld, M. Mobilizing in transnational space: a social movement approach to the formation of Diaspora.
Global Networks, July, Vol. 6 (3), 2006
Колсто, П. Укореняющиеся диаспоры: Русские в бывших советских республиках, Диаспоры, 1, 2001
Барт, Ф. Этнические группы и социальные границы. Социальная организация культурных различий, под
ред., Фредерика Барта, Москва: Новое издательство. 2006
Тишков, В. Реквием по этносу. Исследование по социалоьно-культурной антропологии. Москва: Наука.
2003
SERGEI RUMYANTSEV
Summary
The article dedicated to the politics of construction of Azeris’ ethno-national diaspora. The implementation of
this project started effectively when the Soviet Union collapsed and the Azerbaijan Republic (AR) emerged as an
independent nation state. The republic gained independence in the course of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over
Karabakh (1988-94). As it quite often happens, the conflict caused a mobilization of ethnic Azeris who were living
in Germany or Russia at the time and sought to give support to their political homeland. At the same time, the au-
thorities in their political homeland also made efforts to mobilize ethnic Azeris around the world, confirming in this
way the thesis that “the formation of diaspora is therefore an issue of social mobilization”.
This policy was inspired by former Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev, who as early as 1991 (decree dated
16 December) founded the “Day of Solidarity of Azeris of the World” as a calendar holiday (marked on 31 Decem-
ber). From this moment on, social networks of Azeris in Germany, like in any other country of the world, were de-
scribed using categories of diasporic discourse. The latest significant event was the renaming in October 2008 of
“the Committee for Work with Azeris Living Abroad” (established by a decree dated to 5 July 2002) into the State
Committee for Work with the Azeri Diaspora.
By “diaspora” both ethnic activists in emigration and the Azerbaijani authorities do not mean the characteristics
of these communities, said to be their “catastrophic origin and uncomfortable outcome”, which have been widely
talked about lately. The main criterion is the way the authorities in the political homeland describe ethnic Azeris
who have for various reasons ended up outside their official homeland. The authorities in their political homeland
refer to them as “compatriots”, i.e. as members of an ethno-nation.
Certainly, the usage of the term “Diaspora” in the case of social networks in which Azeris in Germany or Rus-
sia participate is a problematic one. Therefore, it should be stressed that the usage in this article of the term “Dias-
pora” reflects the official diasporic policy adopted by the Azerbaijani authorities and shared by ethnic activists in
emigration. On the one hand, “Via the discourse practice, some kind of construction of diaspora as a group occurs.”
On the other hand, a rapid bureaucratization of social networks of Azeris in Russia, Germany or any other country
occurs, as a result of which an organizational structure of diaspora is constructed.
Here I mean a process during which more and more new diaspora organizational structures are produced “in-
cluding transnational ethnic and hometown associations” within the context of actualization of contacts with the
political homeland. During almost all post-Soviet years, with an ever increasing intensiveness ethnic activists have
been making attempts, as Benedict Andersen put it, with the support of the state machine of the country of origin, to
60
ДИАСПОРА, КАК ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ПРОЕКТ:ПРАКТИКИ И ЦЕЛИ КОНСТРУИРОВАНИЯ...
construct an ethno-national Azeri diaspora in Germany or Russia, as “collective subjectivity”. As a result, more and
more often ethnic Azeris, who temporarily or constantly live in Germany, are referred to as “a homogenous group” –
the “Azerbaijani Diaspora in Germany”.
Diaspora politics contains certain contradictions. On the one hand, the policy of unification with the Turkish
diaspora is declared, which, in the opinion of William Safrn, can, with a certain degree of proximity, be described as
an ideal type of diaspora. It is this element of the diaspora politics that can be especially topical for the community
of Azeris in Germany, but not in Russia. On the other hand, borders between ethnic Azeris from Turkey (so-called
Turkish Azeris) and actual Turks are constructed.
At the same time, social networks of emigrants are apparently produced, to a considerable extent, outside the
context of the diaspora politics or the activity of diaspora (ethnic) organizations. And here Islam plays an ever in-
creasing role. Apparently, ethnic activists of the diasporas themselves seek to use the mobilization potential of Islam
in the process of the implementation of the project of “creation of the Diaspora”. However, Muslim organizations
and Muslim emigrants’ social networks are quite an independent factor too.
The goals of the diaspora politics declared by diaspora activists that actively participate in its implementation
can apparently be very different. This is, for example, the intensification of participation of diaspora representatives
in the promotion of official Azerbaijani position in the Karabakh conflict. And in this context “Diaspora politics
may be more a result of conflict than its cause”. This policy also includes advertising the “democratic reforms” car-
ried out by the ruling regime in the country of origin and also the practice of presentation of the “young” Azerbaijani
community abroad. Forming transnational business networks etc. might also be a goal.
In addition, the current political regime seeks to use ethnic (diaspora) organizations and networks to spread the
official national ideology of “Azerbaijanism”, adopted in the Republic of Azerbaijan, among emigrants. This is
about the post-Soviet version of the “ethnogeny” of Azeri Turks, history of statehood, and the image of “historical
enemies” that occupy an important place in the post-Soviet version of history. Ethnic activists and organizations are,
apparently, more intensively joining this activity, providing opportunities for emissaries from their political home-
land to deliver lectures, spread literature (of particular importance here are history textbooks, including those devel-
oped for secondary schools), hold various exhibitions, collective events and do other useful things.
61
civilizaciuri Ziebani
Irakli Chkhaidze
Nationalism Studies is the topical direction of contemporary humanities and social sciences. Corres-
pondingly, a clear-cut understanding of its origin and development is rather essential and interesting. An inter-
est in the problems has significantly increased lately. The opinion holding that the epoch of nationalism is
gradually becoming a thing of the past and finds no place in the era of globalization has proved to be ground-
less. Beginning from 80s of the 20th century, nationalism has shown its real worth. Proceeding from the above,
this problem should be fundamentally studied. Modern forms of nationalism precondition, to a great extent, the
social and political status of the modern world. In this respect, much is to be studied and reconsidered in a dif-
ferent sense in Georgia.
This phenomenon has become the most prevalent form of violence in the world. It is assumed as one of
the basis for severe ethnopolitical conflicts in different regions.
The case of Georgia deserves particular interests in this respect, because the problems caused by ethnic
nationalism conditioned territorial disintegration of the country and ethnic cleansing. Resolution of the prob-
lems and territorial reintegration are very complicated questions facing modern Georgian state.
The paper aims to analyze the beginning of the Post-Soviet period in Georgia in the context of ethnic and
civic categories of nationalism. The most popular classification (distinction between civic and ethnic forms) is
taken as the theoretical framework of the research.
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union (more exactly since the time of “political transformation”) our
state has faced new political, social and cultural challenges which defined the necessity of formation of a na-
tional project for Georgia as an independent country. The national project expresses a view of the society, as
well as political and public leaders, on how to realize national interests and what are the main features of na-
tionalism or nationalisms (in case of multiethnic state). An attempt for the project implementation greatly in-
fluences the state-building process. The national project contains internal as well as external directions for the
future development of the state. We are focused on internal characteristics and consider them in terms of civic
and ethnic traits.
From late XIX century to the present, the study of nationalism has been marked by deep ambivalence. On
the one side, it has been associated with militarism, war, irrationalism, chauvinism, intolerance, homogeni-
zation, forced assimilation, xenophobia, ethnocentrism, ethnic cleansing, even genocide. On the other side,
nationhood and nationalism have been linked to democracy, self-determination, political legitimacy, social
integration, solidarity, dignity, identity, citizenship etc. How people have evaluated nationalism has depended
on what they have understood it to be. This conceptual ambiguity has engendered innumerable attempts at
classification.
Among prevalent distinctions in the scientific circles, the one with the greatest resonance today is civic
and ethnic understanding of nationhood and nationalism. This has been used to suggest that there are, funda-
mentally, only two kinds of nationalism: civic, characterized as liberal, voluntaristic, inclusive and ethnic na-
tionalism glossed as illiberal, particularist and exclusive. These are seen as resting on two corresponding un-
derstandings of nationalism - one based on common citizenship and the other on common ethnicity (Brubaker
2006: 133).
In scientific literature contradictions between civic and ethnic forms of nationalism are grounded on the
West and East European cases. This distinction is projected in space and used to contrast the civic nationalism
of Western Europe or of “the West” in general, with the ethnic nationalism of Eastern Europe or other world
regions. Western forms of nationalism are based on the idea that nation is a rational association of citizens with
shared territory and rules, while non-western types of it are founded on the belief of common culture and eth-
nic origins, treating nation as an unbreakable, unified organism, which stands beyond individuals.
62
GEORGIAN NATIONAL PROJECT IN THE CONTEXT OF ETHNIC AND CIVIC NATIONALISMS
The famous American researcher Rogers Brubaker does not share this reflection. He notes that such con-
trasts of world regions easily acquire a neo-orientalist flavor and lend themselves to the dubious series of
linked oppositions between universalism and particularism, inclusion and exclusion, civility and violence,
civic nationhood and ethnic nationalism. The widespread civic understanding of Western nationalism is too
obviously problematic. There are some clearly exclusive and ethnic expressions of nationalism in the western
space. The longstanding violent conflict in Northern Ireland and Basque country, the intensifying ethnopoliti-
cal conflict in Belgium, and the electoral success of xenophobic parties in many countries – all these have
made it impossible to hold such an uncritical view of the essentially “civic” quality of the West European na-
tionalism.
More common is the use of the civic-ethnic opposition to make distinctions between states – or between
national movements – rather than between the whole regions (Brubaker 2006: 133-134).
Anthony Smith also speaks about conditionality of ethnic and civic divisions of nationalism. In the re-
markable book “Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History” he considers the French nationalism as a classical
European case. In the author’s opinion, in France civic nationalism means a knowledge of the dominant French
language by national minorities, business correspondence in French, learning the history and literature of the
majority, respect towards the French traditions, recognition of French symbols and state institutions etc. Smith
admits that similar policy is pursued in most liberal-democratic states of the West. Civic nationalism is far
from full satisfaction of the groups of people holding different cultures. Tendencies of formation of a multicul-
tural state are noticeable in the United States after the rejection of “melting pot” ideology in the 60s of the 20th
century, but, in fact, the American society was built on the basis of protestant English ethnic background
(Smith 2004: 70).
Despite sharp criticism of this distinction, it still maintains a bit of truth. In the civic conception of nation-
alism, individuals hold certain freedom in the selection of a desirable nation. However, in the organic (ethnic)
conception of nationalism there are no possibilities for humans to have such kind of choice. They are born in
the nation, they are an inseparable part of it irrespective of their living place.
In the presented paper, under the definition of civic nationalism we mean the national idea based on citi-
zenship of a state, mainly with its west European understanding. This approach recognizes liberal individual-
ism, minority rights and self-determination, but in the framework of conditions suggested by dominant ethnic
group. Unlike the ethnic one, in this case any member of the nation might become a member of the other na-
tion by accepting its value system.
As for ethnic nationalism, under this term we imply the nationalism of an ethnic group. In this concept na-
tion is considered as a community founded on the people of common origins and ancestors. In accordance with
this explanation, nobody could integrate in the nation or society by means of acquiring its culture and tradi-
tions if he does not belong to it ethnically. You are born as a member of a certain group of people.
Let us discuss the situation (some aspects of the process) which developed in Georgia in the research pe-
riod. After the declaration regarding the reformation of political system and providing publicity and democracy
in 1987 by the government of the Soviet Union, a new stage for the Georgian nationalism started. At the same
time, the first illegal Georgian nationalist organizations were established in Tbilisi. For example, “Ilia
Chavchavadze society”, “Rustaveli Society” and others. A significant part of the Georgian national elite incor-
porated in these associations. Nevertheless, this did not influence the formation of Georgian national project
and social movement at the time of emancipation from the Soviet Empire. Georgian nationalism got a form of
mass street demonstrations and meetings (Davitashvili 2003: 391-392).
Initially it had no radical, extreme nature and opposed to the private actions performed by the Soviet re-
gime. Two of them are worth noting. The first one was the protest against building the trans-Caucasian rail-
way. According to this project Tbilisi had to be connected to Vladikavkaz. In this act Georgian national leaders
saw an ecological danger for the mountainous part of the country. They thought that the threat was not only
ecological, but also ethnic because, in their opinion, the railway construction could cause the settlement of the
Georgian mountains by foreign population and alteration of traditional ethnic situation.
The next mass protest was directed against the trainings of the Soviet army on the territory of David Ga-
reji monastery Complex, which is one of the oldest in Georgia. This protest was mostly expressed by youth
63
IRAKLI CHKHAIDZE
and it was the first open resistance to the Soviet military machine. Students decidedly requested to cancel mili-
tary preparation (Davitashvili 393).
In both cases the protest of Georgian nationalists reached success. On the one hand, the project was not
realized and, on the other, the power and intensity of explosions were significantly reduced at the time of mili-
tary trainings.
Supposedly, successful street actions deeply influenced the nature of the Georgian national project and
nationalism in general in the period of destruction of the Soviet Union. Since 1988 the slogans demanding in-
dependence of Georgia were appealing during the mass protest of people in the streets. Such kind of street
movements continued until the beginning of the 90s and played a key role in gaining sovereignty of the coun-
try, but later Georgia as an independent state faced new challenges.
The period between 1989 and 1991 in academic literature is mentioned as a time of dominance of radical
ethnic nationalism and these processes were strictly reflected on the situation in Georgia. Georgian national
project which bore an obviously exclusive character contrasted with radical ethnic movements from the side of
national minorities residing on the territory of Georgia. The exclusiveness of this project supported political
and territorial disintegration and military conflicts. National minorities could not see the guarantees for their
safety, protection and self-determination in the framework of sovereign Georgian state. Furthermore minority
nationalism in Georgia was very rationally managed by external forces.
Notwithstanding ethnicity and exclusiveness we have noted above, there were some civic elements of the
Georgian nationalism as well, but as people lacked experience of how to rule the independent state, these traits
were not advanced or developed enough to determine formation and realization of the national project. Gaining
independence was a basic goal of the national movement which was achieved in 1991. After this event Geor-
gian nationalism objectively transformed and obtained a more civic nature, but there are considerable problems
in this direction so far.
Civic development of nationhood and nationalism for ethnically diverse Georgia was vitally important,
but as a result of this analysis we can make a conclusion that the radical ethnic nationalism (not only of Geor-
gians but also of other ethnic groups living on the territory of Georgia) played a very negative role in the for-
mation of conflict situation between the dominant people and national minorities in the research period. This
contradiction put serious obstacles on the way of state-building.
In the framework of this short article we have tried to consider and clear up the main essence of the Geor-
gian nationalism at the time of liberation from the Soviet Union.
Comprehensive investigation of the past (particularly of the near past) in the context of nationalism stud-
ies is essential for the future development of our country. Georgia is the multiethnic state, thus national policy
is in tight relations with state integrity and security.
Bibliography
64
civilizaciuri Ziebani
Hripsime Ramazyan
65
HRIPSIME RAMAZYAN
basic households in cities commonly consist of a nuclear family – parents and children. The focal point for any
family is the children, and much concentration is put at their education and development, especially in edu-
cated layers of the society.
Families have to a considerable degree been affected by the transition to new political, economic and so-
cial systems typical to western countries. Armenians bear strong feelings of respect and defence toward
women, which is an inseparable part of male-dominated Armenian national culture. Impolite or indiscreet atti-
tude towards a woman is strongly disapproved. Simultaneously, women were obliged to focus on family re-
lated matters and were supposed to fit to their primarily inferior roles.
66
TRADITION DISMANTLING: A POST-TOTALITARIAN SOCIETY IN THE SHADOWS...
36% 37%
18%
17%
Total Women
Unemployed 100 100
Up to 18 years old 0.2 0.1
18-22 5.6 5.3
structure of the family, previously fully dominated by elder members who were also the main breadwinners.
Now families deploy young adults for work as part of a larger household survival strategy, or, actually
young adults enter the labour market out of economic need to help reduce the vulnerability of their households
as well as to pursue their own career, a fact present in the Western world for ages. This way they are nonethe-
less provided with opportunities to sustain their families, but also to learn, to grow as individuals, and prepare
for the future career, as how and when a young person enters the labour force can set the stage for future status
and work opportunities. Westernization and economic globalization is providing unprecedented opportunities
67
HRIPSIME RAMAZYAN
for older adolescents and young adults, especially girls, to earn incomes that can increase their social and eco-
nomic standing, self-esteem, and skills.
Officially recorded number of unemployed according to sex, age and level of education
It is interesting to consider the official number of unemployed women out of the whole number. The
number was recorded in 2003, which is changing gradually as a result of transformation to adulthood.
In families where women became prime breadwinners, male heads of families lost much of their power
and authority. This tendency is apparent not only in urban families with high level of education, but now also
in rural areas, although it should be noted that male authority is seldom challenged either by women or the
young generation openly and in public.
Simultaneously, this changes their status within their families. The young, who in many cases appear to be
more flexible and active in the labour market than their less dynamic parents, start to contribute more and more
significantly to the family budget, which radically increases their say in family matters. At the same time, there
is higher unemployment among young adults than other age groups. Youth unemployment has many implica-
tions for the labour market, for poor households, and for young adults themselves – the inability to find work
exacerbates economic exclusion, poverty, and the probability of future unemployment. As working is an im-
portant means for young people to develop adult roles and responsibilities, unemployment obstructs the
movement of young people from adolescence to adulthood. Both these factors create increased diversity in the
power structure within a family, but in any case they lead to earlier maturing of the youth.
Summing up, it can be said that economic and social transition caused the dynamics of change in genera-
tional, gender and family patterns, gradually shifting them towards western norms and lifestyle, and respec-
tively influencing the process of transition to adulthood, among other factors through creating an increasing
cultural gap between various cohorts of the population, but also dividing the generation of young adults them-
selves. What is surprising, however, is not the change itself, but rather the inertia and the continuity in values
(apart from such as related to sexual minorities) characterising the sample which we have studied. In general,
the resistance of traditional values is still very strong among the poorer, rural and small-town communities,
social institutions such as the kinship system experienced little damage continuing to play an important role in
the communities. However, paradoxically, transition to adulthood in Armenia has accelerated as compared to
previous circumstances. Armenian society shows trends somewhat different from those observed in the west-
ern countries. In some cases it is clear that there is certain time lag, and the forces of globalisation along with
economic development will bring change in the same direction, particularly with regard to more sexual free-
dom among young adults and more gender equality, or achieving economic independence at younger age.
Nevertheless, it seems that the Armenian society will not become fully westernised in foreseeable future, but
will preserve to a significant extent its cultural identity and, like other social phenomena here, the transition to
adulthood will continue to show specific, mixed characteristics of both East and West. It is clear that in the
short term at least strong continuity in values will take place, and the Armenian tradition of close emotional
relationships within the extended family, the importance of kinship, parent-child interdependency, and certain
modesty in sexual relations will remain present. Very often, women even try to downplay their share in family
income to leave space for men’s pride.
Market economy also imposed hard conditions of employment. Those who have their own business or
work in a private sector often work for 10 or more hours a day, 6 or even 7 days a week, have no vacations.
The family usually feels happy if at least one of its members is employed. Hence other members of the fami-
lies frequently take the gender-specific role of the employed. So the traditional role division between husband
and wife is not kept any more. Husbands known for their authoritarianism and adherence to traditional role
division now can easily be found doing all kinds of house chores and looking after the children. The possibility
to generate income increased the self-esteem and independence among previously dependent women. It also
contributed to the increase of responsibility and self-reliance.
Under the Soviets until 1991, young people enjoyed a hundred percent literacy rate, easy access to educa-
tion, full employment, and a reliable and free medical system. Today, most of this has been lost: young people
are increasingly poorly educated, and find it difficult to get work. Other dramatic changes took place in the
68
TRADITION DISMANTLING: A POST-TOTALITARIAN SOCIETY IN THE SHADOWS...
education system. After having gained independence in 1991, the new Armenian state immediately faced huge
problems in financing the state system of universal education. This has been an enormous challenge, but the
government has not addressed the main problems causing today’s failure: rampant corruption, growing ine-
quality, and the inability of the new system to offer employment prospects.
According to the results of 2001 national census in Armenia, the level of education comprises 98%.
Women’s specific weight among the people with higher education comprises 58%. Every other woman in Ar-
menia has a higher education. According to the statistics, the percentage of women with higher education still
exceeds the recorded number for men.
The level of education of the nation according to age and sex has the following shape
15-24 25-49
The Level of Education age range age range Over 50
W M W M W M
Illiterate – 0.3 0.4 0.3 3.1 1.2
Incomplete Elementary 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 3.3 2.5
Elementary 1.6 3.2 0.5 0.9 10.1 9.5
Incomplete Secondary 22.2 35.9 3.6 7.1 14.8 14.2
Incomplete Common Sec-
41.5 40.3 39.4 42.9 34.4 34.4
ondary
Secondary Professional 19.4 7.8 35.0 27.2 21.5 22.4
Incomplete Higher Educa-
7.4 7.5 0.8 1.3 1.1 0.6
tion
Higher Education 7.7 4.8 20.2 20.1 11.7 15.2
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100
While many analysts of the post-Soviet transition have suggested that positive changes would appear
both with consolidation of the country and as more young people came through the system, the reality ap-
peared to be quite different at least until now: instead of a new generation with new ideas coming to power, the
best and the brightest are leaving for other countries, with those who are left behind are worse educated and
less equipped to handle a complex world and live a decent life. As noted by some specialists, if young people
are left with no alternative but unemployment and poverty, they are likely to join a rebellion as an alternative
way of generating an income.
Still, the numbers of young people who actually get involved in politics, or even more so in various radi-
cal or other potentially destabilising groups is very small, while young people are absent from many areas of
social and political life. But behind those who actually join up is a much larger disaffected group that sees little
hope in the future, except through migration. In Georgia, the potential for radicalisation of youth is already
visible, as demonstrated by recent political events after and before the parliamentary elections of November
2003. The attitudes and abilities of young people remain to be a critical political issue in Georgia.
Finally unemployment must be addressed as top priorities considering the way they are rapidly threaten-
ing youth and future generations. This is especially important in the context of growing influence of peer-
groups, and the growth of numbers of impoverished youth without sustainable livelihood or family care. Peer
influences and how adolescents view themselves compared with their peers overall influences young adults
when forming their own values and perceptions, as they are very vulnerable to peer pressure at this age.
Friendships and peer groups are very important during early adulthood – young persons rely on friends for
support and advice, mutual openness and personal disclosure; groups provide for them a support base outside
the family to explore and develop different identity roles.
69
HRIPSIME RAMAZYAN
Rapid urbanization and impoverishment, along with increased needs. result in large numbers of unskilled
young people on the economic margin and only tenuously connected to their families.
In previous times, notwithstanding the relatively early physiological maturing of adolescents specific for
the Caucasus, and equally early acquisition of civil rights at 18, while marriage was allowed from 16, the same
age (16-18) was an average norm for graduating school, the transition to adulthood from the above-mentioned
perspective was somewhat delayed if compared to western analogues, or even to the northern parts of the So-
viet Union. This had partly to do with traditionally close family relations and prolonged intimacy between par-
ents and children characteristic for the Caucasian societies, but also with economic dependencies and the way
the society was organised – in the situation of restricted geographic mobility of the young in a small country
with limited employment or educational opportunities, deficiency of accommodation and virtual impossibility
for a young person to acquire independent housing, low salaries and restricted career opportunities for the
young, – the latter as a rule even after marriage lived with their parents, relied upon their financial assistance
for livelihood, and had limited voice in family matters. At the same time, career was strongly dependent on the
age, and with minor exceptions the young could hardly achieve a high managerial or political position/role.
Conclusion
In the Soviet period equal gender rights were fixed by the Constitution and the inequalities occurred rather
late (more characteristic to post-transition period).
Patriarchal traditions, going deep into centuries of history are now real relations observed mainly on fam-
ily level: the male being the caterer and fighter, and the female – the mother and the housewife of the family.
The enhancement of patriarchal tendencies concerning the fact that women are not competitive in the market
of working labour which is drastically decreasing, in the sphere of corporations starts a hard struggle for higher
income, banking, finances, and women surrender losing their position to men, their tough strength and man-
power. However, the sliding of the country into the depths of recession, the fall of the level of life, the polari-
zation of income, the instability of the society and the empowerment of the role of family have made women
activate their efforts providing for the existence of the nation. As a result of transition period, we must outline
the following alternations in social roles: the fading of traditional breadwinner role division between husband
and wife, the new distribution of roles among different generations, more but still not enough opportunities for
the youth (which raises the problem of migration), the separation of parents and the young and (who used to
live together with parents throughout their lives, even after marriage), the earlier maturing of the youth in the
country due to the acceleration of life pace and the earlier acquirement of independent social identity, the sex-
ual liberation and the political indifference, the growing respect for authority, the bent for pragmatism and ca-
reerism. In general, secularised orientations, post-materialism, sexual permissiveness, ecologism, feminism,
postmodernism, and libertarianism are more evident among highly educated young urbanites, who are exposed
most intensively to new social arrangements and western ideological influences, show greater willingness to
accept new ideas, and who bring these to adulthood.
However, unlike Western European societies, – left materialism, idealism, as well as political activism are
of rare occurrence among every social stratum of the young adults, due to negative legacy of the past. Yet, in
general, young adults are more optimistic, more self-confident, more satisfied with their life, show less inter-
personal trust, and, surprisingly, in spite of evident political passiveness and mistrust for political elites, try to
believe more in the effectiveness of civil participation, compared to the older generations.
Bibliography
“Gender Situation in Armenia: Consequences of the Transformation Processes and Women’s Empowerment
within the Context of the Millennium Development Goals”, Yerevan, 2005
“Woman, Gender, Culture,” Moscow, 1999
Gender Studies in Armenia, Special issue, Yerevan, 2003
Демократизация армянского общества: гендерная перспектива (по результатам социологического
опроса), Ереван, 2004
70
civilizaciuri Ziebani
marina andrazaSvili
71
marina andrazaSvili
72
germanul geografiul saxelTa qarTuli ekvivalentebi
73
marina andrazaSvili
74
germanul geografiul saxelTa qarTuli ekvivalentebi
75
marina andrazaSvili
76
germanul geografiul saxelTa qarTuli ekvivalentebi
77
marina andrazaSvili
78
germanul geografiul saxelTa qarTuli ekvivalentebi
79
marina andrazaSvili
80
germanul geografiul saxelTa qarTuli ekvivalentebi
81
marina andrazaSvili
82
germanul geografiul saxelTa qarTuli ekvivalentebi
gamoyenebuli literatura:
83
marina andrazaSvili
MARINA ANDRAZASHVILI
Summary
Due to the semantic and structural heterogeneity of geographical names, their translation from one language to
another is always linked with specific difficulties. Correctly found equivalents play a crucial role in unhampered
operation in such branches of science as geography, hydrography, cartography, etc., not to mention the importance
of using these names with their primary, practical purpose – i.e. mutual understanding in everyday communication.
The aim of the present publication is to study Georgian equivalents of German geographical names in their in-
terrelation, on the basis of three written sources – Spelling Dictionary of Geographical Names of Foreign Countries,
the Georgian World Atlas and the Georgian Internet-map, and also the basis of spoken Georgian; to describe from
linguistic positions the inaccuracies discovered in each of them, as well as differences and variances and to explain
their genesis.
The observation of empirical material has brought to light the hindering factors being at work in the process of
rendering into Georgian German place names proper: radical difference of the alphabetic systems of both languages;
sharp asymmetry of the phonemic systems, especially the vowel groups; irrelevance of the vowel length-shortness in
Georgian, whereas it has the phonemic character in German; frequent confusion of the graphemic and phonemic
principle at the time of transposition; lack of demarcation of relevant and irrelevant phonological phenomena from
the viewpoint of transposition; disregard of combinatorial variants of the consonant sounds/sound complexes in the
process of matching Georgian graphemes to them; the influence of the dictates of Russian, as an intermediary lan-
guage.
The classification of inaccuracies on the basis of illustrative material, offered in the present study, in my view,
will facilitate to a certain extent the formation of new, logical and consecutive criteria for the purpose of perfection
and correction-innovation of the existing Georgian sources.
84
civilizaciuri Ziebani
nino daraselia
85
nino daraselia
86
d. uznaZis ganwyobis Teoria kognitologiis WrilSi
87
nino daraselia
88
d. uznaZis ganwyobis Teoria kognitologiis WrilSi
gamoyenebuli literatura
NINO DARASELIA
Summary
The paper is an attempt to reveal the importance of Dimitri Uznadze’s (1886 – 1950) set theory (which is
commonly viewed as a general theory of behavior) for the history of cognitive science.
As is known, D. Uznadze’s set theory (first developed in the 20s and 30s of the 20th c.) implies the unity of
such fundamental categories as personality, behavior, consciousness and the unconscious. In his philosophical, edu-
cational and psychological works D.Uznadze stresses the dialectical unity between physical and psychological proc-
esses; he maintains that psychology can perform its explanatory mission properly only if the research is based on the
idea that our consciousness is determined by social and historical factors; hence according to his definition the basic
feature of mind is the reflection of reality and at the same time the capacity to produce suitable behavior on the basis
of that reality. In his theory the relationship between psychological and physical processes is regulated by the prin-
ciple of immediacy – physical processes being the direct cause of psychological ones; for instance, the set, (a con-
scious state of an individual’s readiness to perform a particular action) on the one hand, precedes an activity and, on
the other, is the result of interaction of situational, motivational and operational factors. The notion of set implies
both subjective (an individual’s need to perform a specific action) and objective (an actual situation in which the
89
nino daraselia
need in question is realized) factors. Consequently, man’s actions are rooted in his/her personality and his/her be-
havior is regulated by psychological processes.
The notion of set is closely tied with the two types of man’s behavior singled out by D.Uznadze – impulsive
and mediated or objectified.
The term impulsive behavior denotes reutilized , ritualized actions i.e. actions characteristic of stereotypical
situations; impulsive behavior is a chain of interdependent acts, each signaling and stimulating the appearance of the
next one, each creating in a person a state of readiness to perform a particular action. The specificity of impulsive
behavior lies in its immediacy and sameness.
By contrast, the process of objectification can be associated with the creative aspect of man’s behavior; this is a
process during which the smoothness of impulsive behavior is interrupted by some kind of obstacle (the latter can
occur accidentally or be created purposefully to achieve a certain goal, e.g.: an aesthetic effect) and an object is sin-
gled out and perceived afresh, anew.
Objectification implies the existence of impulsive behavior but not the other way round.
In his set theory D.Uznadze places special emphasis on the role of language; he considers it to be ‘the only in-
ner form of our personal disposition.’.’The feeling of ‘identification or sameness’can hardly be achieved without
words, since they imply the close link between meanings fixed in our memory and their corresponding structures;
hence a word can serve as a stimulus and cause the emergence of a certain type of impulsive behavior or its creative
use( i.e. objectification ) can ascribe to it unusual, unexpected associations.
I argue that the above-discussed postulates of D.Uznadze’s set theory have correspondences in different cogni-
tive theories (developed in the 60s and 70s of the 20th c.) united under the general heading ‘frame semantics’ and
this makes me conclude that the set theory developed by D.Uznadze can be regarded as the first sample of frame
theory. Therefore, the theory in question should be regarded as an essential stage in the evolution of cognitive para-
digm.
90
civilizaciuri Ziebani
nino qimeriZe
91
nino qimeriZe
92
teqstis saxeoba – kulturiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi warmonaqmni
93
nino qimeriZe
94
teqstis saxeoba – kulturiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi warmonaqmni
95
nino qimeriZe
laciuri – “Bebiethen und befehlen.../erkennen, sie also dafür achten, würdign, ehren, nennen”, agreTve
argumentaciuli, eqsplikaciuri da, garkveul epizodebSi, eqspresiuli funqciac ki,
iseve rogorc qarTul teqstSi. sakmaod vrclad aris warmodgenili teqstis argumenta-
ciuli nawili, sadac, gansxvavebiT qarTuli teqstisa, gvaris dawinaurebas safuZvlad
udevs 4 Taobis damsaxureba qveynis winaSe. didi adgili eTmoba eqsplikaciur funqcias
teqstis im monakveTSi, sadac detaluradaa aRwerili sigelze TandarTuli sagrafo
gerbis calkeuli elementi. rac Seexeba eqspresiul funqcias, misi gamoxatva xerxdeba
calkeuli leqsikuri erTeulebis meSveobiT “vortrefliche Thaten und Geschichtlichkeit, (III)
edles Gemüth, vorzügliche Eigenschaften, wie auch getreue”, rodesac teqstSi gadmocemulia
keTilSobili da qveynisTvis Rvawlmosili gvaris damsaxureba.
qarTul sigelSi mkacrad gamokveTili deklaraciuli funqciaa, argumentaciulis
paralelurad. damatebiT funqciebSi aseve fiqsirdeba apelaciuri funqcia da naklebad
gamoxatuli eqsplikaciuri da eqspresiuli funqciebi. meTxuTmete saukunis qarTul
sasisxlo sigelSi mefe iseve moiTxovs savazirosgan Tavisi brZanebis damtkicebas,
rogorc mogvianebiT erekle meoris mier xelmoweril wyalobis sigelSi, Tumca
sasuliero pirebi am sasisxlo sigelSi ierarqiis mixedviT TiTqmis srulad arian
warmodgenili, rac jer kidev adasturebs saxelmwifosa da eklesiis erTobas.
teqstis kompozicia. globaluri makrostruqtura teqstSi yalibdeba erTi mxriv
formalurad – enobriv da semiotikur niSanTa koheziisa da funqcionalurad – koheren-
tulobis miRweviT. es zogadi debuleba vrceldeba dargobriv teqstebze. Tumca makro-
struqturis Camoyalibebis sruliad erTiani principi ar dafiqsirda Cveni sakvlevi teq-
stebis analizis Sedegebis mixedviT.
prusiuli sigeli Sedgeba Semdegi struqturuli elementebisagan:
– adresanti/avtori
– adresati
– centraluri teqsti
– TariRi
– xelmowera
qarTuli wyalobis sigeli kidev ufro informatulia, rac struqturuli elemen-
tebis simravleSic aisaxa:
– moxseniebulia qriste
– adresanti da gvirgvinosanis saxli
– adresati
– centraluri teqsti
gadawyvetileba
argumentacia
komunikantTa Semdgomi urTierTobebis pirobebi
– mimarTva savezirosadmi
– mdivanmwignobris dasturi xelmoweriT
– TariRi
sasisxlo sigelebi makrostruqturuli formatiT gansxvavdeba wyalobis sigelebis
Sesabamisi monacemebisagan. qarTul da avstriul sigelTa makrostruqturebs Soris
mkveTri gansxvaveba ar dadasturda:
avstriuli sigeli:
– adresanti da gvirgvinosnis saxli
– adresati
96
teqstis saxeoba – kulturiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi warmonaqmni
– centraluri teqsti
argumentacia
gadawyvetileba
heraldika
komunikantTa Semdgomi urTierTobebis pirobebi
– mimarTva qvemdgomi instanciebisadmi
– mimarTva qveSevrdomTa mimarT
– adresantis xelmowera
– TariRi
qarTuli sigeli:
– TariRi
– moxseniebulia qriste
– adresanti da gvirgvinosnis saxli
– adresati
– centraluri teqsti
argumentacia
gadawyvetileba
komunikantTa Semdgomi urTierTobebis pirobebi
– mdivan-mwignobris xelmowera
– mimarTva savaziros da qveSevrdomTa mimarT
– adresantis xelmowera
Tumca aqve unda aRiniSnos evropuli samarTlebrivi dokumentis kidev erTi Tavise-
bureba, kerZod, verbalur teqsts erTvis sagvareulo gerbi, romlis detaluri
aRweriloba da calkeuli fragmentis ganmarteba teqstSia CarTuli. rogorc vxedavT,
Sedarebuli teqstebis korpusis monacemebis mixedviT gansakuTrebuli sxvaoba makro-
struqturis farglebSi ar yofila. yvela arsebiTi Semadgeneli segmenti saxezea; mci-
redi sxvaoba, rac teqstebma aCvenes, es iyo evropul sigelebSi damatebiT heraldikuri
monacemebis gaCena. qarTul teqstebSi ar dasturdeba teqstis Sedgenis adgili, ZiriTad
korpuss daerTvis damatebiT institucia savaziros saxiT. rac Seexeba konkretulad
prusiul sigels, misi makrostruqtura ukiduresad gamartivebulia. yvela es gansxva-
veba ganpirobebulia zemoxsenebuli teqstebis producirebiT gansxvavebul kulturul
sivrceSi.
teqstis lingvisturi TaviseburebisaTvis. Cven winaSea erTsa da imave enaze Sesru-
lebuli ori teqsti. aqve mniSvnelovania davsZinoT, rom erTi maTgani Sesrulebulia
germanuli enis Sida standartze, xolo meore aris germanuli enis avstriuli stan-
darti. Tu TariRebis mixedviT vimsjelebT, avstriulSi jer kidev aris mcdeloba, rom
adgilobrivi germanulis daaxloeba moxdes Sidagermanul standartTan. maSasadame,
enobrivi TvalsazrisiT teqstebSi raime gansakuTrebuli sxvaoba ar unda dafiqsirdes.
prusiuli sigeli. teqsti Sedgeba erTi rTuli winadadebisagan, dawerilia mrav-
lobiTi ricxvis pirvel pirSi, rac gulisxmobs prusia da mefe vilhelmi. mefis saxels
Tan axlavs dasavleTSi absolutizmis periodSi damkvidrebuli mimarTvis forma “Gottes
Gnaden”, xolo, rogorc ki fokusSi eqceva uSualod mefe, mimarTvis formaSi `misi umaR-
lesoba~ icvleba kuTvnilebiTi nacvalsaxeliT da gvaqvs mesame piris forma, Cawerili
maiuskuliT. rTuli winadadebis pirvel nawilSi, romelic droSi uswrebs momdevnos,
Semasmeneli warmodgenilia perfeqtis formiT, sadac saubaria graf mengdenis meore
xarisxis ordeniT dajildoebaze, xolo momdevno winadadebaSi Semasmeneli prezensis
97
nino qimeriZe
98
teqstis saxeoba – kulturiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi warmonaqmni
99
nino qimeriZe
literatura:
avstrieli imperatoris – iozef II-is sigeli ernst burgardt fon mengdenisaTvis grafis
titulis miniWebis Sesaxeb (22.06.1774): daculi saqarTvelos xelnawerTa erov-
nul centrSi. fondi: VAR 58a;
gamyreliZeebis sagvareulo sisxlis sigeli [1446]. (1909): krebulSi: saqarTvelos siZve-
leni. t. 2. prof. eqvTime TayaiSvilis redaqciiT. Tbilisi;
prusiis mefe vilhelmis mier ruseTis imperiis polkovnikisa da fligel-adiutantis,
husarTa polkis meTaur georg mengdenze gacemuli meore xarisxis ordeni
(27.05.1875): daculi saqarTvelos xelnawerTa erovnul centrSi. fondi: VAR 58b;
saxelos wyalobis wigni erekle II-isa zaal saamisSvilisadmi [1783]. (1965): krebulSi:
qarTuli samarTlis Zeglebi. t. II. saero-sakanonmdeblo Zeglebi (X-XIX ss.). teq-
stebi gamosca, SeniSvnebi da saZieblebi daurTo prof. i. doliZem. Tbilisi: mec-
niereba;
Adamzik, Kirsten
– (1995): Textsorten – Texttypologie. Eine kommentierte Bibliographie. Münster: Nodus Publikationen;
– (2008): Textsorten und ihre Beschreibung. In: Janich (Hrsg.)Textlinguistik. Tübingen: Narr. 145-177;
Ammon, Ulrich (1995): Die duetsche Sprache in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz. Das Problem der
nationalen Varietäten. Berlin: de Gruyter
Baumann, Klaus-Dieter (1992): Kontrastive Fachsprachenforschung. Tübingen: Narr.
Beaugrande, Robert-Alain de (1997): Textlinguistik: Zu neuen Ufern? In: Antos/Tietz (Hg.): Die Zukunft der
Textlinguistik. Traditionen, Transformationen, Trends. Tübingen: Niemeyer. SS. 1-11;
Clyne, Michael (1984): Language and Society in the German Speaking Countries. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Coulmas, Florian (1979): Sprache und Kultur. Einleitung zu Hymes, Dell: Soziolinguistik. Zur Ethnographie
der Kommunikation. Frankfurt/M., SS. 7-25;
100
teqstis saxeoba – kulturiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi warmonaqmni
Fix, Ulla (2008): Texte und Textsorten – sprachliche, kommunikative und kulturelle Phänomene. Berlin: Frank
& Timme;
Harris, Z.S. (1952): Discourse Analysis. In: Language. Vol. 28. SS. 1-30;
Henne, Helmut (1986): Jugend und ihre Sprache. Darstellung, Materialien, Kritik. Berlin/NY: de Gruyter;
Hermanns, Fritz (2003): Interkulturelle Linguistik.In: Wierlacher, Alois/Bogner, Andrea (Hg.): Habdbuch
interkulturelle Germanistik. Stuttgart/Weimar: Metzler. SS. 363-373;
Wiesinger, Peter (1988): Das österreichische Deutsch. Wien: Böhlau
NINO KIMERIDZE
Summary
Recently in scholarly literature special emphasis has been placed on the large scale interdisciplinary resources
of Text Linguistics. This is particularly so when the object of research is a certain type of text, especially a text in a
particular field of man’s activity.. In the texts in question universal textual peculiarities are combined with the fea-
tures typical of specific fields. Therefore, for the comprehensive interpretation of different text types, an interdisci-
plinary approach is of vital importance. Since a particular text is characterized by prototypical as well as culture
specific features, the study of text types has become an essential part of Text Linguistics.
The study of text types makes it possible to investigate culture-specific peculiarities of texts, i.e. text types .can
be viewed as cultural artifacts, tools for conveying cultural values. It can be said that the text creates as well as
preserves culture. The data examined in the paper is a proof of it. The study has been carried out on the material of
Austrian and Prussian grants of the 18th and 19th centuries preserved at the National Centre of Manuscripts. The
analysis of the juridical texts in question has revealed linguistic peculiarities and variability of the varieties of Stan-
dard German and Standard Austrian of the discussed period. Apart from the comparative study, a contrastive analy-
sis has also been carried out; the German texts in question were contrasted with the Georgian grants of the same
period. The contrastive study has revealed cultural specificity in the linguistic realization of the texts of the same
genre.
101
civilizaciuri Ziebani
Targmanebi
1
saavtoro ufleba Targmanze ekuTvnis Jurnals „civilizaciuri Ziebani~.
102
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
103
Targmanebi
104
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
105
Targmanebi
106
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
107
Targmanebi
108
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
bisgan, Tumca mzis RvTaebis samocdaToTxmeti forma cnobilia mxolod ra-s lita-
niidan, romelic pirvelad dadasturebulia axal samefoSi da Semdgom ukve metad
SezRudul konteqstebSi gvxvdeba. ventes da asmanis (Wente, Assmann) msgavsad mimaC-
nia, rom litania, miwisqveSeTis wignebis darad, Seiqmna Sua samefos xanaSi, ise, ro-
gorc daRupuli gemis mezRvauris ambavi, Tumca aRniSnuli teqstebi monumentebze
ar dawerila axal samefos xanamde. samocdaToTxmeti saxelis CamonaTvali, rome-
lic ar warmoadgens uwyvet gadmocemas, SesaZloa, iyos Sua samefos werilobiT
versiebTan SedarebiT Zveli, Sesabamisad, warmoadgendes dafaruli codnis nawils
im periodidan, sanam adgili eqneboda werilobiTi teqstebis gamoyenebas; sakiTxis
amgvari Sefaseba ar mimaCnia marTebulad. aRniSnuli mosazrebebi momdinareobs ven-
tesa da asmanis sxvadasxva interpretaciidan, rom Tavdapirveli konteqsti micvale-
bulTa wignebisa ar warmoadgenda gardacvlili mefis bedis ambavs im qveynad, ara-
med Cveulebriv solarul kults exeboda (asmani) an misma aspeqtma moaxdina indivi-
debis `iniciaciaSi~ CarTva (vente).
daRupuli gemis mezRvauris ambavi SesaZloa im rwmenis gamoZaxili iyos, rome-
lic litaniaSi samocdaToTxmeti (aRniSnuli ufro metad warmoadgens CamonaTvals
da ara eqspozicias) formiT Cndeba, an TviTon migviTiTebdes litaniaze. nebismier
SemTxvevaSi, mrwamsis gansakuTrebuloba inarCunebs TviTmyofadobas: ambavi warmog-
vidgens gasaidumloebuli codnis garkveul nawils, romelic arasakralur konteq-
stSia warmodgenili. igive savaraudod Seesabameba simpsonis `astronomiuli meta-
foris~ versias. gasaidumloebuli codnis aRniSnuli magaliTebi, cvlilebis gare-
Se, Znelad Tu moxvdeboda moTxrobaSi ise, rom maTi arapirdapiri gamoyenebis xasi-
aTi warmoadgendes maTi arsebobis ganuyofel nawils. aRniSnuli cvlilebebis gar-
da, `folkloruli~ forma SesaZloa iyos swored is, rac SesaZlebels xdis maT ga-
moyenebas. Aamis Sedegi aris is delikaturi balansi, romelic vlindeba ezoTeruli
masalis warmoCenasa da dafarvaSi. aRniSnuli transpozicia dakavSirebulia egvip-
tur kulturul artefaqtebSi dekorumis gavrcelebasTan (SeniSvna 8).
jerjerobiT, Cem mier ganxilul iqna kavSirebi moTxrobis werilobiT stilsa
da sxva variacias Soris da, meore mxriv ki, zepirsa da folklorul stils Soris
arsebuli damokidebuleba, Tumca me ar damikavSirebia moTxroba realur folklo-
rul ambebTan, ris safuZvels warmoadgenda moTxrobisa da egviptur religiur kon-
cefciebs Soris arsebuli kavSirebi. es midgoma erTgvarad SezRudulia, radganac
arsebobs analogiebi siuJetsa da folklorul ambebs Soris. kurTis (Kurth) SeniS-
vnis Tanaxmad, Sedarebebi mogzaurobasTan, gemis daRupvasTan da sxva magaliTebTan,
sxva kulturebsa da epoqebSi bundovan xasiaTs atareben, Tumca zogadad Sesabami-
sobaSi modian ideasTan, radgan isini warmoadgenen ambis nawils, romelic fol-
klorul modelSi jdeba. aRsaniSnavia garkveuli Sexvedrebi egviptur moTxrobebsa
da folklorul ambebSi warmodgenil mogzaurobis motivTan dakavSirebiT, Tumca
sinuxes da venamunis Tanaxmad, aSkaraa, rom aRniSnuli Tema ar aris SezRuduli
folkloruli stilis teqstebSi, ase rom, daRupuli gemis mezRvauris ambavSi Se-
saZloa am Temas hqondes ufro farTo mniSvneloba. Cemi azriT, aRniSnul Temas or-
magi xasiaTi aqvs, orive folkloruli datvirTvisaa da scdeba uSualod egviptur
samyaros. es sakiTxi sruliad aSkaraa im konteqstSi, roca naratori kosmosis kide-
Si mogzaurobs da es momenti teqstis formaluri da Tematuri struqturis nawi-
lis Semadgenelia, romelSic mTxrobelis mogzauroba aris rogorc literaturuli
wiaRsvla, aseve progresia Rirebulebebisa da gonivruli wvdomisa, rac warmodgeni-
lia msmenelisTvis, vidre mis mier aris gacnobierebuli (sinuxeSi progresia ufro
Sida transformaciis xasiaTs atarebs).
109
Targmanebi
miTi da moraluroba
folklori uzrunvelyofs qargas, siuJets da ramdenime sxva maxasiaTebels teq-
stisTvis, Tumca, zogadad, folkloruli ambebi ar Seicavs centralur religiur
warmodgenebsa da Rirebulebebs, es maSin, roca miTSi es yovelive Serwymulia; sam-
yaros dasasrulis umTavresi idea da Semoqmedis gadarCena gvelis saxiT ki ufro
metad miTiuria, vidre folkloruli. Sesabamisad, teqsti ar warmoadgens miTs, miu-
110
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
111
Targmanebi
forma
sinuxes msgavsad, daRupuli gemis mezRvaurs gaaCnia Sida cikluri forma. am Sem-
TxvevaSi gasaTvaliswinebelia A B C D C’ B’ A’, sadac A, A’ aris šmsw-is da winam-
ZRolis qarga, B, C, C’ – misi mTxrobelis gamgzavreba da dabruneba, C, C’ – misi cxo-
112
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
113
Targmanebi
lia da, Sesabamisad, mas eniWeba upiratesoba. meore mistifikacia sruldeba iq, sa-
dac qargaSi mTxrobeli moxseniebulia pirveli piriT: `Semdeg man (winamZRolma)
miTxra me (mTxrobels)~ (183), es nawili, rogorc Cans, bundovans xdis ambis doneebs
Soris arsebul sxvaobas (zemoT mocemul sqemaSi aRniSnuli nawili aris – A’).
rTuli dasajerebelia, rom aRniSnuli detali warmoadgens Secdomas, rac dakavSi-
rebulia mesame piris nacvlad pirveli piris moxseniebasTan, radgan mesame piris
gamoyeneba aq moiTxovda Smsw-is dasaxelebas tituliT da ara nacvalsaxeliT. Ees
momenti SesaZloa miviCnioT teqstis dazianebis Sedegad gamowveul xarvezad, rac
savsebiT SesaZlebelia; amave dros aRniSnuli pasaJis interpretacia SesaZlebelia
imgvarad, rogorc is aris warmodgenili. am SemTxvevaSi adgili unda hqondes
struqturaSi damatebiTi (sagangebo) donis Camatebas ise, rom mTxrobelis ambavi mo-
icavdes Tanamosaubris pasuxs iseTi saxiT, rac ar aris gamJRavnebuli ambis dasas-
rulamde.ASesavali nawili, romelic ambis pirveli pasaJis dros Cndeba, SeiZleba,
Semdgom gamxdariyo erTaderTi elementi, rac mogvcemda neitralur safuZvels.
msgavsi struqtura SesaZloa aseve iyos fiqcia, romelsac, rogorc Cans, ciklSi
garkveuli CarTva aqvs. es detali warmoadgens kidev sxva miniSnebas imis Taobaze,
rom doneebs Soris arsebobs erTgvari mravalSrianoba.
moTxrobisTvis yvelaze damaxasiaTebeli elementi aris Txrobis pirvel pirSi
gadmocema. sxva ramodenime literaturuli narativi msgavsi saxiT aris gadmocemu-
li, Tumca es narativebi Sedarebis TvalsazrisiT ukve Sors dganan daRupuli gemis
mezRvauris ambisagan. moTxrobaSi pirveli piris nawilobriv gamokveTili saxe da
amave dros mniSvnelovani xasiaTis mqone mesame piris qarga, mcired efeqts axdens
auditoriaze, Tumca aRniSnuli momenti SesaZlebelia yofiliyo gansxvavebuli im
SemTxvevaSi, Tu teqsti wamoadgenda ciklis nawils, romelic, rogorc Cans, Sedge-
boda pirveli piriT gadmocemuli moTxrobebisgan. Ppirveli piris saxis warmoCena
ar aris damaxasiaTebeli norma narativisaTvis, miTebis, an folkloruli ambebisaT-
vis. Aamgvarad, am formis literaturuli gamoyeneba warmoadgens erTgvar ironizi-
rebul variants da amave dros rwmenis sakiTxebs erTgvari eWvis qveS ayenebs. sazo-
gadod, es momenti SesaZloa Seexos Sua egviptur sxva moTxrobebsac, magaliTad,
`mwyemsis ambavSi~, sadac adamiani xvdeba RvTaebas (ix. zemoT, SeniSvna 6). aq litera-
turuli paradoqsia pirveli piris (mxolobiTi da mravlobiTi) gansakuTrebuli aq-
centireba, radgan teqsti Seicavs ara literaturul, aramed jadoqrul Selocvas.
sxva analogi pirveli piris garSemo warmodgenilia RvTaebis sityvaSi, an are-
talogiaSi. es momenti sagulisxmoa, radganac orive SemTxvevaSi aRniSnuli formebi
Cndeba metad specifikuri xasiaTis literaturul teqstebSi, rogoricaa, magali-
Tad, darigebani. amdenad, Tematurad Sesabamisi CT 1130 swored msgavs sityvas war-
moadgens. Ggvelis moTxroba SesaZloa SevadaroT am ukanasknels – CT 1130, romlis-
ganac igi gansxvavdeba imiT, rom Temas warmoadgens konkretuli, komentarebis gare-
Se gakeTebuli formiT, maSin, roca Selocva xasiaTdeba Txrobis maxasiaTeblebiT
da gaaCnia rogorc didaqtikuri, aseve Tematuri wyoba.
amdenad, pirveli piris CarTva kontrastebs iwvevs teqstis ZiriTad struqturas-
Tan mimarTebaSi; TvalsaCinos xdis, rom is, rac SesaZloa miiCneoda folklorul
moTxrobad (teqsti ar unda avurioT miTis `namdvil~ TxrobaSi), sinamdvileSi sul
sxva rames warmoadgens, maSinac ki, roca is gvTavazobs gvelis mTavar sityvas, ro-
melic gansakuTrebulia da seriozuli, mainc xelovnuria, da RvTaebrivi sityvis
saxea. amave dros, piradobis momenti axdens umniSvnelo gavlenas imaze, Tu rogor
aris mTxrobeli warmodgenili, rac adgils uTmobs ironiasa da gaurkvevlobas,
rac, bunebrivia, cxadi iqneboda msmenelisaTvis. arsebuli kontrastis CarTva, rac
axasiaTebs mraval moTxrobas, gamoixateba SemdegSi: Tu ramdenad sandoa naratori
114
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
115
Targmanebi
tebloba, rogorc aseTi, ar aris gacxadebuli mravali sityviT, magram amis gageba
savsebiT SeeZlo winamZRolis, an damswre sazogadoebas. Aam monakveTis wakiTxva mi-
uTiTebs imaze, rom Cndeba orgvari ironia, mimarTuli mTxrobelis TviTcnobierisa
da aseve auditoriis mimarT. amgvari interpretaciidan gamomdinare, teqsti `gvaswav-
lis~ da, amave dros, misi literaturuli qarga relativizebulia sxvadasxva gziT.
`swavlebas~ ufro metad teqstis Sida nawili EeTmoba, is ar atarebs ganzogadebul
xasiaTs da aRniSnuli ar unda iyos danaxuli, rogorc pirveladi didaqtikuri
TvalsazrisiT warmodgenili nawili.
arsebobs agreTve sxva midgomac, sadac aSkaraa, rom moralurma, an didaqtikur-
ma Segonebebma SesaZloa Seqmnas erTgvari organizebuli principi, sadac yvelafers
ar aqvs mxolod didaqtikuri saxe. Tu teqstis literaturul principebs Sevaja-
mebT, SeiZleba iTqvas, rom es aris ambavi konfrontaciaze, gamocdilebis miRebaze
da am gamocdilebidan saTanado daskvnebis gamotanaze; agreTve, am gamocdilebidan
miRebuli codnis ukve sxvaTaTvis gaziarebis Sesaxeb, magram ise, rom amas hqondes
garkveuli Rirebuleba. terminebis verbaluri asociaciebi miuTiTebs aRniSnuli ga-
mocdilebis `gemoze~, simwareze, an piriqiT. Aamis Semdgom modis aseve saboloo Se-
goneba, romelSic amgvar gamocdilebas aqvs erTgvari mniSvneloba, mivyavarT sik-
vdilamde da momdevno pasaJi – romelic ukavSirdeba Semdgom cxovrebas; amgvarad,
gvelis moralizeba exeba da qmnis kosmiurad transidentalur princips, romelic
amave dros Seesatyviseba umartives da sazogado WeSmaritebas. sabolood, farisev-
luri aRtyineba da warmoCenili optimizmi, riTac mTxrobeli warmoadgens mis miR-
wevas `sasurvel qveynamde~, Tavad erTi fraziT aris gauferulebuli; kvdoma, ras-
Tan mimarTebaSic aRniSnuli eufemizmia, rac yovelTvis ambivalenturia, yovelgvari
imedebis arsebobis miuxedavad. aq sikvdili SesaZloa ar iyos MmTavari miniSneba,
aramed iyos asociacia.
yuradRebis erTgvari gamaxvileba uaryofiT gamocdilebaze agreTve CarTulia
naratoris mier ambebis TxrobaSi, winamZRolis saboloo komentarSi. mTxrobeli
iwyebs moyolas, rom eqspedicia, saidanac isini brundebian – warmatebulia, sul
mcire im TvalsazrisiT, rom egvipteSi dabrunebisas ar ganicades raime ziani, Tum-
ca, Semdgom aRniSnavs, rom mizani ver iqna miRweuli. miuxedavad imisa, Tu rogor
iqneba gagebuli winamZRolis pasuxi, mas ar sjera, rom eqspedicia warmatebuli iyo.
amgvarad, `pesimizmi~, kurTis azriT, saWiroebs erTgvar ganmartebas, rogorc ganmas-
xvavebeli maxasiaTebli, romelic warmoadgens teqstis organizaciisa da Temis ga-
nuyofel nawils. SesaZloa, rom iyos ironia imaSi, rom winamZRoli optimizmiT ar
ekideba am gamocdilebas, rac gadaiqceva pozitiuri efeqtis mqone faqtad, magram is
SesaZloa exebodes katastrofas, romelic unda moxdes. rogorc `mxilveli~, igi Se-
saZloa ukavSirdebodes farTo auditorias, Tumca ar aRniSnavs, rom misi Sexedu-
leba SesaZloa mTlianad iqnes gaziarebuli. misi pasuxi SesaZloa aseve SevadaroT
moTxrobebs, sadac adamiani mis ba-sTan saubrobs, sadac gadmocemulia arapirdapiri
saxiT uimedobis ilustracia. Tuki winamZRoli Cavidoda mefesTan, albaT, mas yve-
laferi epatieboda, Tumca situaciis mniSvnelovan sakiTxs warmoadgens is, rom igi
mefesTan ar Casula da, amgvarad, es nawili Riaa sxvadasxva alternativisTvis.Mwi-
namZRolis usiamovno cxovrebiseul gamocdilebas paralelebi aqvs gvelis katas-
trofasTan mimarTebaSi, sanam es gamocdileba gadaiqceva codnad, romelic gvaswav-
lis, da am gziT es kvlav mobilizdeba ezoTerul codnad, razec dafuZnebulia
gvelis ZiriTadi ambavi.
gamocdilebis moraluri mxare aris warmodgenili arsebiT nawilad SesavalSi,
gvelis mier sakuTari ambis warmodgenisas da mis daskvniT nawilSi. aRniSnuls ga-
aCnia Rrma datvirTva moTxrobis motivaciaSi sxva mravali maxasiaTeblebis darad,
116
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
daskvna
aRniSnuli gamocdilebis Tematizacia unda iyos dakavSirebuli ambis sxva aspeq-
tebTan. daRupuli gemis mezRvauris ambavi garkveulwilad gansxvavdeba sinuxes
msgavsi teqstisagan, romlis biografiuli struqtura ewinaaRmdegeba imas, rom igi
Sejamdes erTi Temis FfarglebSi. Ggamocdilebis idea, romelic SeiZleba CaiTva-
los zebunebrivi qveteqstis gareSe arsebul naSromad, SeiZleba Seusabamod iyos
ganTavsebuli gvelis ezoTerul moTxrobasTan, radganac gvelis mier asaxuli mo-
rali ar aris kargad warmoCenili; Tumca aRniSnuli nawilebis Seusabamoba da ara-
Tanmimdevroba unda iyos gamoyenebuli arasaTanado gamaerTianebeli argumentebis
SeerTebiT. teqsti mravalferovania, Tumca gansxvavebulia sinuxes ambisgan. misi
struqtura agebulia adamianur gamocdilebasa da kosmosur movlenaze, an miTzea
dafuZnebuli. miTis sruli gamoyeneba teqstSi, romelic ar asaxavs miTs, metad uc-
xoa Tanamedrove literaturuli tradiciebisaTvis. Semdgomi aspeqti, rac ase Tval-
saCinoa, aris formatis garkveul doneze organizeba da struqturireba, ambis ambav-
Si moTavseba. es nawilobriv esTeturia da miuTiTebs formasTan kavSirze, Tumca
SesaZloa agreTve gamomdinareobdes folkloruli analogidan, romelic inarCunebs
ambis Txrobis tradicias.
daRupuli gemis mezRvauris ambis sruli interpretacia SeuZlebelia erTi ro-
melime martivi strategiiT, an romelime calkeuli interpretaciuli mignebiT. me
gamoviyene sxvadasxva midgoma da miWirs imaze pasuxis gacema, ratom aris es Sesaba-
misobaSi moyvanili calkeul SemTxvevaSi. narativis TvalsazrisiT, teqsti faravs
iseT mravalferovan movlenebs, droisa da sivrceebis iseT manZilebs, rom mosa-
lodnelia bolo nawili yovelivesi iyos dakarguli – konkretulad mcire zomis
teqstis sazRvrebSi; aq Cndeba fantastikuri momentebi, romlis bolo nawili aris
xSirad sityvaZunwi. teqstis arsi SesaZloa iyos martivi xasiaTis, Tumca misi mniS-
vneloba ar emorCilebodes analizs zogadi TvalsazrisiT. SeiZleba es moTxroba
Seiqmna im mizniT, raTa zedapiruli ambebi gaerTianebuliyo erT mTlian struqtu-
raSi.
am yvelafris erTi gamaerTianebeli motivia is, Tu adamiani rogor iyenebs Tavis
gamocdilebas cxovrebaSi, rac ezoTerul aspeqtebTan ar aris axlo mimarTebaSi;
117
Targmanebi
Tumca isini, vinc Caxedulni iyvnen sakraluri codnis sakiTxebSi, SesaZloa, am mo-
sazrebasTan mimarTebaSi ar dagvTanxmebodnen. gamocdilebis gakveTilsa da ezoTe-
rul codnas Soris SesaZloa yofiliyo garkveuli Seusabamoba da daZabuloba, ra-
zec teqsti migvaniSnebs, magram es SeiZleboda warmatebiT miRweuliyo gamonaklisis
saxiT yovelgvari emociebis gareSe.
teqstis zedapiruli sqemis miuxedavad, narativi mdidaria qaragmebiT da asocia-
ciebiT, romelTa ZiriTadi nawili dakarguli unda iyos Tanamedrove mkiTxvelisaT-
vis, axali elementebis identifikaciam ki, SesaZloa, Secvalos wakiTxvebi; me ar
vcdilob zedmiwevniT sakiTxis wvdomas, an teqstis zust kiTxvas, Tumca aRniSnuli
qaragmebis aSkara sixSire nawilobriv SesaZloa warmoadgendes ambis saintereso as-
peqts, romelic uCveulo kulturuli artefaqtia da ara teqstis nawili, ase rom,
es maxasiaTebli rTuli asaxsnelia.
Cems strategias warmoadgenda teqstis interpretacia misi literaturuli xasia-
Tis TvalsazrisiT, rac xazs usvams qargis mniSvnelobas da afasebs formas avto-
risa da auditoriis TvalsazrisiT; aseve vikvlevdi zepiri da literaturuli do-
neebis urTierTkavSirebs. literaturuli Ziebis TvalsazrisiT, Cemi midgoma SesaZ-
loa scdebodes imas, rac uZvelesma auditoriam gaakeTa; aseve SesaZlebelia, rom
warmatebiT ar ganxorcielda Cemi Zieba bevri sxva mimarTulebiT. msgavsi Tamami na-
bijebi warmoadgens literaturuli interpretaciis Semadgenel nawils da naSroms
analizis sayovelTaod aRiarebuli modelebis sistemaSi aqcevs. msgavsi nawarmoebis
arsis aRdgena mxolod erTgvari riskebis gawevis safasurad miiRweva. daRupuli ge-
mis mezRvauris ambavi ki jildos, riskis da gamocdilebis Sesaxebaa.
118
daRupuli gemis mezRvauri
komentari 9: teqstis am nawilSi saubaria imaze, rom mezRvaurs aviwydeba is, rom
igi iyo winamZRoli da rom eqspediciis yvela wevri daiRupa. is mouTmenlad elo-
deba saxlSi dabrunebas. es misTvis, rogorc individisaTvis, aris mTavari am momen-
tSi.
komentari 10: Teodicia gvxvdeba bibliur konteqstSi; es ganmartavs imas, rom
Semoqmedi, romelic keTilia, miuxedavad amisa, Tanaarsebobs borotebasTan erTad
samyaroSi. farTo gagebiT niSnavs imas, Tu ratom arsebobs boroteba sikeTesTan er-
Tad.
komentari 11: teqsti zog adgilas xSirad Zalzed mokledaa warmodgenili da
erTgvarad gaugebaria. Ees momenti sulac ar niSnavs imas, rom aRniSnuli sakiTxi
sazogadod aris cnobili da universalur codnis xasiaTs atarebs da amitomac ar
moiTxovs dakonkretebas; piriqiT, am periodSi mxolod adamianebis mcire jgufs Se-
eZlo emogzaura da gadaadgilebuliyo erTi adgilidan meoreze. amdenad, teqstis
konteqsti elituria: darigebebi, morali da sakraluri sibrZne swored elituri
garemosTvis aris gankuTvnili. amdenad, teqsti eyrdnoba folklorul qargas, Tum-
ca igi mravalSriania Tematurad da scildebaUuSualod folklorul moTxrobas.
119
Targmanebi
tian Poems, 1940–1640 BC (Oxford, 1997), 89–101. am avtors ekuTvnis – Poetry and Culture in Mid-
dle Kingdom Egypt: a Dark Side to Perfection (London, 2002), sadac igi teqstis analizis kval-
dakval, mis Sedarebas axdens xeofsis sasaxlis karis moTxrobebTan, Sdr. Ggv. 182–
92 da aseve ixileT bibliografia teqstTan kavSirSi, gv. 298–9.
g. moirsis naSromi – Fingierte Welten in der ägyptischen Literatur des 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr.:
Grenzüberschreitung, Reisemotiv und Fiktionalität (Leiden, 2001) – ZiriTadad fokusirebulia mog-
zaurobis Temaze da mogzaurobis mowyobis sakiTxebTan mimarTebaSi bevr saintere-
so problemas ganixilavs. meore SesaniSnavi Targmani v.k. simpsons ekuTvnis, rome-
lic gamoica W. K. Simpson (ed.), The Literature of Ancient Egypt (3rd ed., New Haven, 2003), 45–53 da
Tan axlavs vrceli bibliografia 584–7 gverdebze.
j. m. galani Tavis naSromSi – Four Journeys in Ancient Egyptian Literature (Göttingen, 2005) –
gvTavazobs erTdroulad teqstis kvlevas da mis Targmansac. es aris inglisuri ga-
mocema espanuri wignisa – Cuatro viajes en la literatura del antiguo Egipto (Madrid, 1998). eseebis
uaxlesi koleqcia egviptur narativze gaxlavT: H. Roeder (ed.), Das Erzählen in frühen
Hochkulturen: der Fall Ägypten (Munich, 2009), romelSic ramdenime Tavi exeba daRupuli ge-
mis mezRvauris ambavs.
120
avtorebi
Targmanebi
121
AUTHORS
Malkhaz Matsaberidze, Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor, Iv.Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University
Ketevan Kakitelashvili, Associate Professor, Institute of Culture Studies, Iv.Javakhishvili Tbilisi State Uni-
versity
Zaur Gasimov, Research Fellow at the Department of World History, Institute of European History, Mainz
Maia Kvrivishvili, Associate Professor, Institute of Culture Studies, Iv.Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University
Hripsime Ramazyan, Professor, Yerevan State Linguistic University after V.Brusov, Armenia
Sona Avetisyan, Yerevan State Linguistic University after V.Brusov, Armenia
David Matsaberidze, PhD Student, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary; Assistant Professor,
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Iv.Javakishvili Tbilisi State University
Sergei Rumiantsev, Candidate of the Sociological Sciences, Research Fellow at the Institute of Philosophy,
sociology and Law at the National Academy of Sciences, Azerbaijan
Irakli Chkhaidze, PhD Student, Institute of Cultural Studies, Iv.Javakishvili Tbilisi State University
Marina Andrazashvili, Assosiate Professor, Institute of European Languages and Literature, Department of
German Philology, Iv.Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University
Nino Daraselia, Assosiate Professor, Institute of European Languages and Literature, Department of English
Philology, Iv.Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University
Nino Kimeridze, Assosiate Professor, Institute of European Languages and Literature, Department of German
Philology, Iv. Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University
Translation
John Baines, Professor of Egyptology, University of Oxford, Fellow of the Queen’s College
Eka Avaliani, Professor, Iv.Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University
122
gamomcemlobis redaqtorebi: marine varamaSvili
nana kaWabava
komp. uzrunvelyofa lali kurdRelaSvili