Dramatherapy With Children and Adol PDF

Dramatherapy with children and
adolescents
The development of the dramatic imagination is the means by which we

can consider the implications of our actions. Failure to provide dramatic
structure for the dramatic imagination can result in chaos, and confusion
and imagination out of control leads to chaos in the community. Thus the
role of drama in the healthy development of every individual is increas
ingly recognized, and especially its importance in working with children
and adolescents. Dramatherapy with Children and Adolescents addresses
in practical ways direct approaches to work with both individuals and
groups and provides firm guidelines and theoretical frameworks for
therapeutic intervention.
The first three chapters are concerned with the play of young children
from contrasting approaches. The next three look at the context of drama
therapy work and some specific issues of theory and practice. These are
followed by three chapters describing specific applications of dram a
therapy with different groups of adolescents. The book closes with three
chapters which look at the development processes of the dramatherapist
and the family, and the themes of psychopathology and creativity.
The contributors - from Britain, Denmark, Greece, Israel, the Nether
lands and the USA - draw on a wide background of experience in using
drama with children.
Dramatherapy with Children and Adolescents will be invaluable to all
professionals who work with children, including social workers, probation
officers, nurses and teachers, as well as dramatherapists and play therapists.
Sue Jennings is Senior Research Fellow at the London Hospital Medical

College and a dram atherapy consultant to courses in Israel, Norway,
Denmark and Greece.
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Dramatherapy with children
and adolescents
Edited by Sue Jennings
R Routledge
Taylor & Francis Croup
LO N D O N A N D NEW YORK
First published 1995
by Routledge
27 Church Road, H ove, East Sussex, B N 3 2FA
Sim ultaneously published in the U SA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Avenue, N ew York NY 10016
Transferred to D igital Printing 2010
R ou tledge is an im print o f the Taylor & Francis G roup, an Informa business
© 1995 Sue Jennings, selection and editorial matter; individual chapters,

the contributors
Typeset in Tim es by J&L C om position Ltd, Filey, North Yorkshire
All rights reserved. N o part o f this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic,
m echanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system , without perm ission in
writing from the publishers.
B ritish L ibrary C ataloguing in P u blication D ata
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
L ibrary o f C on gress C ataloguing in P u blication D ata
A catalogue record for this book has been requested.
ISBN 13:978-0-415-11041-9 (pbk)
Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality o f this reprint
but points out that som e im perfections in the original may be apparent.
This book is dedicated to
Sophie and Harry
Contents
List of illustrations ix
Notes on contributors xi
Acknowledgements xiii
Introduction 1
Part I The play of young children 5

1 The dramatic world view: reflections on the roles taken and
played by young children 7
Robert J. Landy
2 Fear and tension in children’s games 28
Iona Opie
3 Dramatherapy with children who are trapped in their
spontaneous play 40
Galila Oren
Part II The context of dramatherapy work 61

4 The role a role-play may play: dramatherapy and the
externalization of the problem 63
Torben Marner
5 How individual is individual therapy? The use of contextual
therapy principles in the treatment of children and
adolescents in dramatherapy 75
Jan-Berend van der Wijk
6 Dramatherapy for survival: some thoughts on transitions and
choices for children and adolescents 90
Sue Jennings
viii Contents
Part III Dramatherapy with adolescents 107

7 Pinocchio - a handicapped brother: working with healthy
siblings through dramatherapy 109
Pamela Mond
8 From adolescent trauma to adolescent drama: group drama
therapy with em otionally disturbed youth 150
Renee Emunah
9 Images and action: dramatherapy and psychodrama with
sexually abused adolescents 169
Anne Bannister
Part IV Developmental framework 187

10 Shall I be mother? The development of the role of the
dramatherapist and reflections on transference/
countertransference 189
Di G rims haw
11 Families and the story of change 210
Simon Dermody
12 The labyrinth dance of adolescence: journey through darkness
and light 233
Yiorgos Polos
Name index 243

Subject index 245
Illustrations
FIGURES
4.1 Graph plotting the power of the Troll between the fifth
and sixth sessions 71
6.1 Integration of the person 92
6.2 Integration of society 92
6.3 Integration of person in relation to the world 93
6.4 Integration of preventive and curative theatre through the
mask 93
6.5 Integration of historical facts with the dramatic ‘as i f ’
principle 94
6.6 How medicine, theatre and religion were intertwined 96
6.7 Relationship of the dramatic development of the child
through Embodiment, Projection and Role (EPR), leading
to character formation 97
6.8 Relationship of the two realities through dramatic playing
and games 98
6.9 The relationship between development stages in the
maturational process 100
6.10 The relationship of ‘staying or going’ or ‘settling and
wandering’ 102
6.11 Integration of the dramatic processes of theatre art 105
7.1 Drawing by a 12-year-old girl showing her sister (lying
on a sofa-bed) and herself 117
7.2 Drawing by a 10-year-old girl showing herself and two
sibs in relation to their handicapped baby sister 119
7.3 Pictures used for creative writing activity in relation to
issues arising from the Pinocchio story 131
7.4 ‘Before’ and ‘after’ work on the Pinocchio story 137
7.5 ‘B efore’ and ‘after’ figure drawings 143
7.6-7.7 ‘B efore’ and ‘after’ family drawings 144/145
11.1 Family spectogram of a 7-year-old boy 220
x Illustrations
TABLES
7.1 Common issues of sibs 112
7.2 Description of fifteen six-piece stories 122
7.3 Comparison of scores of fifteen sibs according to Basic
Ph. 124
7.4 Development of work with sibs 127
11.1 The stages of the family life cycle 229
Contributors
Anne Bannister manages Child Sexual Abuse Consultancy for the NSPCC
and is a dramatherapist, psychodramatist and social worker.
Simon Dermody is a theatre graduate and psychiatric nurse who trained as
a dramatherapist, play therapist and family therapist. During ten years of
therapeutic practice within the NHS he specialized in child, adolescent and
family work. He now practises independently and is currently studying for
his Ph.D in the specialist field of work with families.
Renee Emunah is founder/director of the drama therapy programme at
California Institute of Integral Studies and past president of the National
Association of Drama Therapy. She has worked with emotionally disturbed
adolescents for over sixteen years.
Di Grimshaw is a registered dramatherapist working in the NHS with
people with learning difficulties. Her earlier work was as a residential
social worker and drama teacher of young people. She is on the executive
committee of the British Association for Dramatherapists.
Sue Jennings has taught and practised dramatherapy in a variety of settings
including adolescent units and family centres. Her doctoral research with
the Temiar people of M alaysia looked at the socialization of children and
young people through dramatic rituals. She is a senior research fellow at
the University of London, as well as an actress and broadcaster.
Robert Landy is assistant professor at New York University and director

of the masters program in drama therapy. He has pioneered drama therapy
in the USA and is a prolific writer on the subject. He has written and
researched a new model of drama therapy application known as the ‘role
taxonom y’.
Torben Marner is head of the department of child psychiatry at Hilleroed
Hospital, Denmark, and works as a court consultant for young people and
families. He works predominantly as a family therapist, inspired by
xii Contributors
systemic theory and practice, and integrates dramatherapy methods into his
approach. He teaches family therapy in Oslo, Iceland, Prague and Moscow
as well as contributing to the Institute of D ram atherapy’s courses in the
UK.
Pamela Mond is a clinical dramatherapist working at Zvat Hospital, Israel.
She specializes in work with children and also teaches and supervises
dramatherapy trainees.
Iona Opie is an international expert on children’s games and stories and
the author, with her late husband, Peter Opie, of many books.
Galila Oren graduated in acting at Bel Zvi in Israel and then com pleted an
MA in drama therapy at New York University. She now works as a child
and family dramatherapist in mental-health centres and special-education
programmes in Israel. She is a teacher and supervisor on the Tel Hai
dramatherapy training programme and also teaches social workers at the
Institute of Social Work Training in Tel Aviv.
Yiorgos Polos is a dramatherapist, theatre director and social worker who
lives and works in Athens. He has worked with young people with
disabilities, m ental-health problems and social difficulties, and teaches a
variety of students and professionals. He is currently working in the
psychiatric department of Agia Sofia as well as having a private practice
and responsibility for the organization Aiwpa (Swing) for the research and
study of artistic expression and creativity.
Jan-Berend van der Wijk works as a dramatherapist at a clinic for
children and adolescents with mental-health problems in Smilde (The
Ruyterstee). He works mainly with individuals and also with groups. He
teaches dramatherapy at Leeuwarden and also supervises students on
placement.
Acknowledgements
As editor, I should like to thank all the contributors for working so hard
within the time-scale, and for their flexibility in making changes to their
chapters. All of their ideas have helped me clarify my own ideas. Special
thanks must also go to Audrey Hillyar and Pauline Sands for their help in
the preparation of this manuscript. I should also like to thank Mooli Lahad,
Alida Gersie, Derek Steinberg, Gordon Wiseman, Ann Cattanach, Steve
Mitchell and Elizabeth Newson for their stimulating discussions on the
nature of dramatherapy as well as the nature of childhood which have been
immensely helpful to me in formulating my own thoughts and reflections.
Sue Jennings
Introduction
Sue Jennings
As I sit and reflect on the introduction to this book on dramatherapy, I am

reminded of the many changes that have taken place since writing my first
book, Remedial Drama, over twenty years ago: language has changed,
education and health-care provision have changed - and I would have
liked to have said that negative attitudes towards children and young
people have changed, but I fear not. Although they are one of the most
vulnerable groups in our society, they carry the burden of all our projec
tions and ideals and dreams. Children should grow up being good and
useful and kind to animals, contributing to the economy and helping old
ladies. Many people think that children who do not conform to this fantasy
image are bad and wicked and must have been born that way, and therefore
they must be denied support or therapy or even life.
We need to be able to explain and blame; so, for example, young people
are blamed for not contributing to the economy (just as old people are
blamed for not being useful). However, both young and old alike need
nurture, care and support, as well as stimulus, imaginative education and
that curious combination of stability and excitement. If we do not have a
balance between the two, then we grab more of one: the child who feels
rootless will often go out to get more kicks, and the child who is stifled can
go into depression.
As parents and families feel more isolated, and social and cultural groups
break down and extended families disperse, young people more and more
are having to fend for themselves. No longer are they able to stay with Nan
for a time until things calm down - she may well be in a home by now.
Birth to adulthood is a time of development, growth and change, which is
most influenced by the context in which we grow up - both family and
society - together with our biological birthright. W hatever our physical
endowment, it matures in relation to the world around us. Hence, the very
nature of this book is to look at ways in which the dramatic intervention
through dramatherapy can be helpful to troubled children and adolescents.
If we understand that the development of the dramatic imagination is the
means by which we can consider the implications of our actions, we can
2 Introduction
see the importance of the drama in development. Infants are born into the
human race as dramatic people who commence dramatized interactions at
days rather than months old, and strive after mimicry and innovation both
physically and vocally. Even as I write this piece it is suggested that the
great geniuses of science needed a highly developed imagination with
which to hypothesize before commencing their scientific investigations.
For example, the Daily Telegraph reported on 19 February 1994 that: ‘Dr
Roger Shephard of Stanford University . . . suggested that the most revolu
tionary scientific insights were performed in the imagination in advance of
collecting any hard evidence.’
Some time earlier I m yself had written that:
The infant is born with creative potential and the capacity to symbolize:
indeed it is the very capacity of human beings to pretend or make-
believe which enables them to survive. We cannot envisage a life
within which we could not imagine how things are - how they were,
or how they might be. The creative imagination is the most im portant
attribute that we can foster in children, and it is the basis of creative
playfulness.
(Jennings 1993: 20)
This book illustrates from different perspectives and practitioners how
dramatherapy with children and adolescents can both be an im portant
therapeutic intervention as well as working preventively to develop
healthy individuals.
The first three chapters are concerned with the play of young children in
contrasting approaches. Robert Landy (Chapter 1) emphasizes the im por
tance of understanding ‘children’s logic’ and takes us into a new theory of
role which illuminates very strongly our understanding of early child
development. Iona Opie (Chapter 2) shares her extensive experience of
children’s games and folklore in looking at the intrinsic fear and tension in
children’s games. This understanding is important for play and dramathera-
pists, providing a greater insight into children and their needs. Galila Oren
(Chapter 3) presents case histories in which she looks at how some children
become trapped in their spontaneous play and, paradoxically, how dramatic
play can resolve these issues. The next three chapters look at the context of
dramatherapy work and some specific issues of theory and practice. Torben
M arner (Chapter 4) has brought together systemic family therapy and
dramatherapy, and looks at how problems may be diminished or resolved
through externalization methods such as role-play, role-reversal, storytell
ing, letter-writing, drawing and so on. Jan-Berend van der W ijk (Chapter 5)
looks at the ‘contextual principles’ applicable to dramatherapists who are
working with individuals. In Chapter 6 I consider the basis of the dramatic
im agination for healthy survival and the importance of being able to
‘w ander’ as well as ‘settle’. The following chapters all deal with specific
Introduction 3
applications of dramatherapy with contrasting groups of adolescents.

Pamela Mond (Chapter 7) presents evaluated research in working with
the neglected area of siblings who have brothers or sisters with disabil
ities. Renee Emunah (Chapter 8) describes her practice of group drama
therapy as a container for the safe exploration of adolescent turmoil or
trauma. Anne Bannister (Chapter 9) describes her use of both psychodrama
and dramatherapy with sexually abused adolescents in relation to client
‘im ages’ and related ‘action’. The final three chapters lead us into devel
opmental frameworks for looking at the processes of the dramatherapist,
the family and the images of ‘light and dark’. Di Grimshaw (Chapter 10)
shares her own development as a dramatherapist alongside her professional
work with young client groups, and addresses the issues of transference.
Simon Dermody (Chapter 11) looks at the emergence of the ‘therapeutic
m ilieu’ through the integration of dramatherapy and play therapy with
family therapy principles. To close, Yiorgos Polos (Chapter 12) looks at
the themes of ‘darkness and light’ in relation to his work with adolescents
and, more generally, in psychopathology and creativity.
Most of these chapters have been written by dramatherapists or by
contributors to the greater understanding of dramatherapy and its therapeu
tic practice. I hope it will stimulate both those readers involved in demand
ing work with children and adolescents, as well as those seeking to further
their own imaginative developm ent.1
Sue Jennings
Stratford-upon-Avon
NOTE
1 Caution: Many dramatherapy techniques and methods are highly stimulating and
evocative and could result in extrem e client distress if applied inappropriately.
They can also becom e the tools o f manipulation and control o f clients and becom e
anti-therapeutic. Dramatherapists are professionally trained at a postgraduate/
professional level and adhere to a Code o f Ethics and practice. N o dramatherapy
methods should be used without appropriate training and supervision.
R EFEREN CE
Jennings, S. (1993) P layth erapy with C hildren: a p ra ctitio n er s guide. Oxford:
Blackw ell Scientific.
Part I
The play of young children

Chapter 1
The dramatic world view

Reflections on the roles taken and played
by young children
Robert J. Landy
INTRO DUC TIO N

During a thunderstorm late at night, Georgie, age 4, woke up and cried. She
was frightened by the noise and the flashes of lightning. Her brother,
Mackey, age 2, slept through it all. In the morning, the two spoke:
Georgie: Mack, are you afraid of storms?

Mackey: Yes.
Georgie: But you didn’t wake up last night.
Mackey: I w asn’t outside.
Overhearing the conversation, I thought of A lice’s adventures in

Wonderland and through the looking glass (see Green 1965) where logic
is turned on its head. Or, perhaps more apt, a different logic is at work.
A lice’s fictional adventures are reflective of the world view of many young
children, whose sense of reality is quite different from that of grown-ups.
Although I eschew Lewis C arroll’s romantic conception of childhood, I
agree with him that the early years in one’s life are highly dramatic and
imaginative. I also believe that one way of understanding early childhood
development is to accept the unique logic of children on its own terms. As
one who conceptualizes personality as a system of interrelated roles and
social life as an interplay of character types, I offer a dramatic conception
of childhood.
The dramatic world view implies that:
1 In everyday life, as in drama/theatre, persons or actors take on and play

out personae or roles in order to express a sense of who they are and what
they want. Role-taking is an imaginative process of identifying with a
role-model and internalizing several of its qualities. For example, if I see
my father as a victim, I might take on his propensity to feel victimized
and begin to view m yself as a victim. Role-playing is an external process
of enactment where, for example, I enact the role of victim in relation to
some real or imagined victimizer in my life.
8 The play of young children
2 Each role taken or played represents one part of the person, rather than a
total personality.
3 There is a paradoxical relationship between an actor and a role, a person
and a persona (Landy 1993). W hen an actor, such as Vivien Leigh, takes
on a role, such as Scarlett O ’Hara, she is both herself (Leigh) and not
herself (Scarlett) at the same time. In a like manner, a child playing
doctor is both the child (not doctor) and the doctor (not child) at the same
time.
4 When in balance, the relationship and tension between actor and role
promotes creativity, spontaneity, and healthy development. When the
actor is too merged with a role or too distant from a role, a sense of
confusion as to one’s identity subsists.
5 Roles exist in relationship to one another. Each one taken or played often
implies the possibility of the role not taken. Thus, each time one chooses
(or is chosen) to be a victim, the possibility also exists of becoming a
victor (survivor) or victimizer.
6 People make sense of themselves (and others) by taking on and playing
out roles and com m unicating that sense to others through stories. Each
story contains views of individual people or generalized groups of people
as told from the perspective of a particular storyteller.
This chapter, applying the dramatic world view, attempts to examine

primarily the early development of roles. The cast of characters to be
explored is small, including the two introduced at the beginning, Georgie
and Mackey, my children.
To allow m yself the appropriate aesthetic distance, I needed to confront
certain m ethodological problems. Certainly my objectivity would be
impaired. Unlike Piaget, who formulated some of his developm ental
theory through observation of his children, I was studying my children in
a non-scientific way. I engage with my children in an often random,
imaginative fashion, telling stories and playing roles with them as a way
of building my sense of father and of participant observer. My years of
notes do not add up to a scientific understanding of role-developm ent. They
read more like a diary written by a novelist or poet or painter, noting
striking observations about phenomena. (For an application of such an
approach, see Hillman 1983.)
Furthermore, as I was taking notes, I was in the process of developing
observational criteria regarding role-taking and role-playing, a process that
is still developing. I still raise the same questions that I asked four years
ago: is it possible to know when one has taken on a role? W hat is the
relationship between role-taking and role-playing? Although one can see a
role as it is played, how does one know what to call it? W hat do we call, for
example, the 4-year-old who is afraid of storms - the fearful one? the
coward? Is there some system of roles or role-types to refer to? W hen
The dramatic world view 9
observing role-play, what aspects does one need to look at? And on a
larger, philosophical plane, where do roles come from? Are they inherited?
taken on from the social world? generated through an individual creative
act?
These and many related questions guided my research process for the
past several years. My methodology is, in many ways, a work in progress.
As such, I cannot claim that my findings are either reliable or generalizable
in a scientific sense. Their value will lie in their uncovering of individual
moments that, if well described and substantiated, touch on a more
universal experience. This is the method of art.
My research findings also added to a theoretical understanding of role-
development. In an earlier publication ( Landy 1993), I devised a system of
understanding role in terms of role-type or universal form, similar to Jung’s
notion of archetype; role-quality or descriptive aspects of role; role-
function or the reason that one plays a role; and style of role-playing, or
degree of affect and cognition, verisimilitude and abstraction. Also, I
devised a taxonomy of roles identifying and categorizing role-types that
subsist throughout theatre history and in everyday life. The taxonomy
includes eighty-four role-types organized into six domains: somatic,
cognitive, affective, social, spiritual, and aesthetic.
In looking at the early development of roles, reference will be made to
these recent conceptual findings. My primary approach, however, will be
anecdotal and interpretive. As such, I offer a number of stories about
Georgie and Mackey and examples of their expressive activities, both
visual and verbal. This information should provide a view of how and
when roles are taken on and played out. I offer a way of knowing about
roles that is quite different from the cognitive schemes presented by Piaget
and his colleagues. This is a dramatic method, a story method, a way of
knowing through telling. It differs from a more scientific method not in its
rigour and intention, but in its vision of who we are as human beings and
how we make sense of our existence.
G EO RG IE
As early as 1 year old, Georgie was eager for stories. She would ask that
each story told by her mother or father be repeated endlessly. By 2, she
would do the same, although she preferred that they read picture books to
her. Georgie was a wonderful audience to their stories but would rarely
venture out into the storyteller role herself. At least, that’s how it appeared
to her parents.
The other side of her social reticence was the fact that she seemed to
have a rich imaginative life. By 1, she would gather her stuffed animals and
other soft objects and arrange them in various pleasing tableaux. They
would appear to be audience to her storyteller role. In that role she would
talk to them at length in an apparently nonsensical, sing-song fashion.

Even though she was unwilling to ‘perform ’ for parents and friends,
she had nonetheless taken on the role of storyteller as a 1-year-old and
practised it within her arranged world.
Georgie told her stories in many ways - by ‘speaking’ to her dolls; by
setting up tableaux, which in themselves embodied a story; and, as she
became older, pushing 3, by drawing pictures. Her pictures revealed a
complex narrative that often helped her make sense of real or imaginary
experiences.
For example, at 3, Georgie drew a picture which she characterized as a
faraway place where people are different. She noted the following
characters in the picture: two gypsies, a bride and groom, a baby, and a
faraway house.
This picture was quite clear to both her parents as it depicted not only
several basic role-types that Georgie took on at an early age, but also a
significant experience in her young life. When Georgie was 8 months old,
she and her parents moved to Portugal for half a year, where her father was
a Fulbright lecturer at the University of Lisbon. The experience of being in
a foreign culture where babies are treated reverently and playfully by
nearly everyone, including passers-by on the street, left a strong im pres
sion upon Georgie. To be a baby meant to be unconditionally lovable and
desirable. Even though her actual memory of Portugal was limited, she
continued to look at photographs and request ‘Ola stories’, tales of her
adventures in a faraway land where babies rule the roost, the sun always
shines, and playground and beach are a five-minute jaunt from the
apartment.
Each day out, whether to the city, the beach, or the market, the family
would see gypsies and G eorgie’s attention was often drawn to them. The
gypsies were pariah figures who looked and behaved differently from the
others. Some dressed flamboyantly and exuded an air of fierce indepen
dence and sensuality. Sometimes the gypsy women were beggars and
would be dressed in rags and would carry babies who appeared equally
ragged and desperate. Other times, they would coach their young children,
like the Peachums in The Threepenny Opera, to look pathetic and beg for
small change. There were many rumours, told everywhere, of how the
gypsies would intentionally maim their children so they would appear
even more pitiful on the streets. G eorgie’s parents were used to aggressive
homeless people on the streets of New York, but this was more exotic,
more primal. Who were these people and where did they come from? What
dark rituals did they practise? Were they actors wearing elaborate disguises
or were they simply as they appeared - poor, oppressed outcasts whom no
one really wanted. Did they choose to be pariahs or did others cast them in
this role?
At 8 months Georgie was, of course, oblivious of these questions. But
she was well attuned to her parents’ reactions to this faraway culture. She
came to know gypsies through her parents’ eyes. In many ways her parents
were gauging their own sense of rootlessness, alienation, and strangeness
through their attention to the gypsies. So, too, were they weighing their
own sense as parents who needed to guard against any impulse to use or
abuse their children. They were wrestling with two images of parents and
children - the first, observed in this faraway culture, unconditionally loving
parents exceedingly attentive to their radiant children; the second, the
distant or absent father and pariah-like mother, imposing an attitude of
mendacity upon their oppressed children.
It was curious that Georgie drew two gypsies. When asked why, she had
no explanation. Maybe they were m other and child, as they so often
appeared on the streets. Maybe they were simply another variation on
mother and father, a prominent theme in G eorgie’s drawings at 3 years old.
Where did G eorgie’s sense of gypsies come from? There were no
photographs of gypsies at home nor did her parents speak of them in the
house. At 3, it was hard to imagine that Georgie remembered seeing them
or hearing talk about them when she was barely 1. Could it be that Georgie
had internalized a gypsy role? If this were so, it might not be based on her
memory of actual gypsies but on the part of her parents that identified with
the rootlessness and romance of the gypsies.
The fact that gypsies appear in G eorgie’s picture of a faraway place is
significant. It could be that each expressive act of a child embodies one or
more roles. We can assume that the gypsy role is taken on by Georgie from
an early cultural experience as filtered through the experience of her
parents. If this is so, then Georgie will have available certain gypsy
qualities, as mentioned above. She may enact this role for a number of
purposes, e.g. to express her sense of romance and passion (in fact, since
the age of 2 she has taken great pleasure in dressing up or dressing up her
dolls, and in dancing with abandon) and to express her own sense of
disconnection or defiance of the conventional order (which she has done
frequently since the age of 2 and which has been noted by both parents as
an ongoing issue). The latter qualities are characterized in the taxonomy of
roles as aspects of the pariah who is assigned to the fringes of society and
functions as a challenge to the established order, a reminder that all is not
well (see Landy 1993).
From her parents, Georgie may have internalized two images of herself:
as a gypsy street child, conditionally lovable, based upon her ability to
please her mother, and as Ola baby, a child of the sunny side of Portugal
where all babies are unconditionally lovable.
The bride and groom have been im portant figures for Georgie since she
was 1, when she would create marriage scenes with her dolls and respond
intently to any image of marriage encountered in everyday life. Generally,
the roles of bride and groom were interchangeable with those of Mommy
and Daddy. These, very clearly, were two of the earliest roles she had taken
on.
I give the example elsewhere (Landy 1993) of behaviour at 17 months
when Georgie moved back and forth between her parents, touching each
one and chanting: ‘Mommy, Mommy, M om m y,’ and ‘Daddy, Daddy,
D addy.’ Then she retreated to her dolls and spoke to them, as if to tell a
story of who she was in relationship to her parents. Through her play,
Georgie was not only taking on the roles of mother and father, but also
staking out her own territory as child in relation to them.
In a faraway land, the parents as bride and groom are a foil for the
gypsies. The parents must be stable, married, and connected, uncondi
tionally nurturing, unlike their counterparts who are strangers in a strange
land and who might m istreat their children in order to feed themselves.
Even at 8 months old, Georgie made distinctions between the bride/
m other and the groom/father. The father had clearer boundaries. He worked
in the house and was not to be disturbed when working. The mother,
however, was less clear. She wanted to be unconditionally available but
could not, due both to circumstances, e.g. illness and work, and tem pera
ment, in that she felt ill-equipped to amuse an infant twelve hours a day.
That am bivalence often caused her anxiety and guilt. Georgie could not and
would not leave her mother alone. She constantly tested her, dem anding
extra feedings of breast milk, refusing to eat much solid food, denying her
privacy or time alone.
Role-theory tells a story of family legacies. Role-types and qualities
seem to be passed on from one generation to another. The Jungians take
the idea much further in suggesting that archetypes which are unconscious,
collective forms of being embedded in the psyche, are ubiquitous not only
in families over generations, but also across cultures throughout history.
Although there appears to be much validity in this point of view, it doesn’t
address the specific ways that children take on and play out the roles of
mother and father. G eorgie’s conception of m other appears to be that of
one who wishes to be unconditionally loving but cannot always be so. The
m other role that Georgie takes on well reflects her m other K atherine’s
reality as she attempts to be a ‘good enough’ m other for her daughter. In
truth, Katherine has taken on her conception of m other from her own
narcissistic mother. Through therapy and years of reflection, she has
become aware that she was m othered by a person who always put her
own needs before her children’s and demanded to be mothered by others,
e.g. husband and children, to protect her from maternal responsibilities.
The narcissistic m other breeds children who are unclear as to how they
are to play out their child roles (should they m other their m others?) and
how they are to take on the mother role. When they are young, their
children will play out these confusions in relationship to their dolls,
friends, and others in their social world. When they are grown and become
mothers themselves, they are often faced with the kind of ambivalence
experienced by G eorgie’s mother.
Of the two parents, the mother is the most significant for Georgie. She is
the first one she goes to when hurt or sad or lonely or needy. She is the
primary feeder, teacher, moral figure, and punisher. In G eorgie’s imagina
tion she takes on many incarnations as bride, fairy godmother, queen. As
bride, she is endlessly hopeful, a fairytale figure who may well live happily
ever after.
This image of the bride is reflected in many of the stories read and films
watched by Georgie at 3 years old. The figures of Cinderella, Ariel (from
the Disney film The Little Mermaid), and Belle (from the Disney film
Beauty and the Beast) all become brides and as brides will be endlessly
happy. This is the m other Georgie so very much wants to have and to
become. Less than this, which is reality, is often unacceptable and cause for
disappointment, resistance, and anger. In taking on the romantic role of
bride, Georgie plays with her fantasies. She tells her dolls and stuffed
animals that she will marry the prince, that this is what grown-ups do.
Georgie also sees that these female figures have to endure hardship before
their transformation into bride. Cinderella, for example, is endlessly hum i
liated by her step sisters and step mother, that is, until she meets her
saviour in the figure of the fairy godmother, a perfect helper who will
allow her to transcend her squalour and find the perfect life of brides.
In playing out the bride, dressed in a yellow gown at 4 or an Afghan at 3
or a ragged towel at 2, Georgie enacts the ritual of trial, transformation, and
perfection. While in role there is a clear end in sight and that vision steers
her through the hardships of biting brothers and scolding, demanding
parents. The function of the bride role, then, is to provide a sense not
only of romance, but also of a happy ending to the difficulties of living
among demanding and self-involved people.
As I am writing about the bride role, I notice that with each attempt to
write the word ‘bride’, I instead write down (in longhand) ‘bridge’. In fact,
it happened so often that I could not dismiss it as a typographical error.
How then, I ask myself, is the ‘bride’ a ‘bridge’? It seems to me that, for
Georgie, the bride is a bridge between the drudgery of everyday life, as in
C inderella’s burden of virtual slavery, and the fantasy of a perfect relation
ship or marriage with a saviour figure, whether mother, as in fairy god
mother, or father/husband, as in prince. The wish for a perfect mother,
father, and husband, all of whom can m agically fulfil her needs, is a very
comforting one for a child who has not too long ago lost her m other’s
breast and her m other’s body as an endless supply of sustenance and
identity.
In standing alone at 2 years old, Georgie, like other children, needs bridges
or, in D. W. W innicott’s terms, transitional objects (W innicot 1971), to
help her cross the dangerous waters of separation and individuation (see
M ahler 1975). In this deeper sense, the bridge serves as a transition

between a merged identity with the m other and a separate identity as a
girl who will grow up and ‘m arry’ other roles, that is, take on those roles
that are needed to further her developmental journey.
In normal development, the roles taken will further the process of
individuation and allow for effective marriages with others in their
complementary roles. In abnormal development, the individual unable to
separate from the m other will seek others with whom to merge or to
mother. Thus, one’s own identity will become submerged in another and
one will use the other as a kind of skin to enter in order to feel whole. For
this kind of woman, the husband would be seen as a romantic figure, a
prince whose function is to save her from both the drudgery of everyday
life and the need to become an independent human being in her own right.
While it is normal for a 3-year-old girl to wish for a prince on a white horse
to whisk her away, it is not so for a 30-year-old woman whose bride role
has remained marooned on one psychologically primitive shore with no
bridge available to help her across.
For Georgie, the groom is a less prominent figure than the bride. In all
her expressive activity, especially her drawings, the groom is generally
smaller than the bride. It would appear that this figure represents the father
role. As a role-model, G eorgie’s father has been paradoxically present
and distant. As an academic, he has always spent a lot of time at home
and has participated fully in the tasks of raising Georgie. W hile in
Portugal, this was particularly true. Yet, especially in Portugal, he was
troubled and professionally stuck, feeling both alienated from the new
culture and angry that there was not enough recognition forthcoming
from students and colleagues. This was his sabbatical and he was unable
to rest. Thus, although he was available to his 8-month-old daughter, he
was also self-involved and often emotionally unavailable.
This image of the father, so unlike the prince with the glass slipper, must
have caused some ambivalence for Georgie. In taking on the father role,
she might well have internalized this ambivalence. It was later, at the age
of 2, when she became aware of other kinds of ‘groom s’, that is, fathers-to-
be, who were unambivalent rescuers. Like the image of the bride, the
groom might also have served Georgie as a bridge between the imperfect
father who was present and absent at the same time, and the perfect lover/
husband who would save her from a life of ambivalence.
Through G eorgie’s first four years, the father has remained smaller in
stature than the mother. Many times at 4, Georgie exclaimed: ‘Mommy is
smart; Daddy is silly.’ For Georgie, the smart one is more desirable. Taking
on the m other role will give her more wisdom and power. As mother, she
will ultimately be able to nurture herself and know what it means to be
female.
The silly father, although more distant than the mother, takes on another
significance. This kind of father likes to play the fool and Georgie likes to
engage with the foolish figure who tells stories and acts childlike and
makes up silly songs. The father/fool role is also worthy of taking on as
it, too, offers a wisdom, although one more indirect than that of the wise
mother.
In the taxonomy of roles, I refer to the function of the father as protecting
the family and providing a positive masculine role-model; and that of the
husband as providing for wife and m aintaining an aura of strength and
stability. The role of father and husband that Georgie internalizes during
the first four years of her life is much more complex than this. He does
provide a sense of safety and stability. But he is also an ambivalent figure.
He is masculine, but he also expresses his feminine side; as the mother is
one who easily expresses her masculine side.
At 4 years old, it is unclear how Georgie will sort this all out. In her play,
it becomes clear that she wishes for a happy, perfect marriage of bride
and groom, father and mother, who will be unconditionally loving and
accepting of one another. She, too, looks to these figures for an
understanding of how to play out her complementary role of child. The
gender ambivalence that Georgie internalizes might prove to be confusing
in the sense of not knowing what men and women are supposed to do. On
the other hand, it might well help her in constructing a non-sexist attitude
toward masculine and feminine roles.
Back to the drawing, we find another important figure in the baby. This is
the most prominent role of the 8-month-old Georgie, one given at birth.
This role has also been socially determined by all the adults who endowed
her with the rights, privileges, and, sometimes, scorn attached to their
conceptions of how a baby should behave. Thus, the baby is one of the
earliest visible roles taken on by a human being. In the first days of life, it is
played out automatically, given the infant’s biological need for care and
nurturance and her psychological need for merging with the mother. As the
weeks and months pass, the baby role is highly influenced by parents and
other intimate adult figures, and Georgie learned further how to be a baby
as she took on those adult points of view. Also, by taking on the
generalized role of parents (on the generalized other, see Mead 1934),
she learned what a baby is supposed to do in relation to parents.
As Georgie has developed throughout her first four years, the baby role
has remained prominent. Generally speaking, the baby is dependent, needy,
egocentric, curious, spontaneous, sensual, and playful. As the infant
becomes a toddler and child, these qualities tend to diminish as she
experiences a sense of decentring (see Piaget 1977), that is, a movement
from egocentricity toward sociability. In G eorgie’s case, many of the
baby qualities lingered into her third and fourth years. She was reluctant
to give up her dependence upon her mother. She was reluctant to leave her
self-contained egocentric world.
There are many explanations for why one needs to hold on to a particular
role beyond its apparent developm entally appropriate time-span. For one,
people hold on to roles because they provide a way to meet their needs.
One plays the baby because of needs to avoid the responsibilities and
demands of a later stage of development. Further, picking up on H am let’s
reminder that ‘readiness is all’, individuals can let go of one role and
embrace another only when they are psychologically and physiologically
prepared to do so. Some may never feel ready to decentre and take on the
responsibilities of growing up. In this extreme, individuals would certainly
have difficulties within a conventional society and might seek out relation
ships or a sub-culture that would support their needs to remain dependent
and delay the responsible life.
In G eorgie’s case, her reluctance to give up the baby role m ight be based
on a fear of losing her m other’s unconditional love and attention. The
psychologically greatest blow in her young life came with the birth of
her brother when she was 2. Suddenly there was another baby to take her
place. Her reaction was extreme. She refused any contact with her mother
in the hospital and, for several weeks after the birth of her brother, she
remained distant and angry. Her only connection to her m other was through
a transitional object, a large stuffed dog which her m other gave her in the
hospital as a present. She became focused on her m other’s breast and
would demand a feed herself when her m other was nursing her brother.
She would find other ways to regress over the next several years to assure
herself that her m other still loved her, even though she had forever lost the
role of the baby of the family. All these regressions were duly noted by her
parents’ who used stories, drawings, and other projective means to help her
bridge the gap between baby and child, with the knowledge that both roles
are lovable.
The function of the baby role for Georgie was to remain tied to her
m other and to delay her fall into a more grown-up, responsible state of
being. As an Ola baby in a culture that adored babies, and as an only child
with no competitors, she was well reinforced in her role-playing. But upon
her return to a more ‘baby-neutral’ culture and the realization that she was
growing up and had been relegated to the role of big sister, the baby role
lost its effectiveness. Because of the realities and demands of family and
society, Georgie needed to find a way to let go of her baby role or force it
into a mould that no longer fitted. W ell aware that the latter decision would
cause her anxiety, G eorgie’s parents did all they could to help her through
this difficult transition.
By 4 years old, G eorgie’s drawings of babies had dim inished signifi
cantly. Much of her prolific output of artwork concerned depictions of the
family, most especially of sister and brother. She had, in many ways,
diminished the power of the baby role, which is not to say that she had
transcended or extinguished it. Roles once taken are not then banished from
one’s personality, which I have conceived of as a system of roles (see

Landy 1993). Rather, they are inflated or deflated as necessary, to serve
particular individual needs. Georgie will always have a baby role available
within her internal role-system. It will surface at times when she feels most
vulnerable, isolated, and unlovable. But as she develops other age-appro
priate roles, as well as roles concerning secure feeling states, it will have
less control over her. Further, as she grows up, she will discover positive
ways to use her baby role, perhaps to counteract the peer pressure to act
grown-up before she feels ready, perhaps as a safety valve to help let off
hurt feelings that have built up within a relationship or environment that
disallows such ‘infantile’ expression. And should she continue to express
herself aesthetically, the baby part might well counteract a burgeoning
grown-up tendency to be overly rational and critical.
The final figure in G eorgie’s drawing is that of the faraway house. As
noted above, this represents the new apartment in Portugal, far removed
from G eorgie’s home across the ocean. Although not literally a role, the
notion of being removed, separated from home, is a powerful one with
many psychological implications. In some ways it connects with the role-
type of the lost one, defined in the taxonomy as ‘estranged and alienated,
lacking a sense of purpose or understanding of one’s place in the universe’
(Landy 1993).
Most people take on this role either from a powerful role-model who
exemplifies these qualities, or from an experience of being removed or
separated from home, whether by divorce or war or fire or poverty or, in
some cases, a psychologically difficult move from the familiar to the
faraway. In some ways the reality is less important than the way the
individual internalizes such disruptions. Some will move on from disaster
with minimal psychological turmoil, having developed an intact survivor
role. Others, with little ability to play the survivor, will experience con
siderable distress when temporarily moving to a ‘faraw ay’ house or when
permanently moving from one house to another.
The ability to be a survivor as opposed to a lost one will again depend
upon many factors. For many children, change of routine causes much
anxiety. But some adjust well to change. One explanation of this, applying
to an understanding of why any role seems to be prominent within a
person’s psyche, is that roles, like temperament, are to a large part
genetically determined. The fact that some will survive disasters and
others will fall apart when moving to a new town speaks to the way
people are individuated genetically. Another explanation is that if one’s
parents take change and movement in their stride, they provide strong role-
models for their children who, if genetically and temperamentally suited,
will take on the survivor role and act accordingly.
Georgie, exposed to her parents’ difficulties in living and working in a
foreign culture, might take on her father’s ambivalence, which might
surface later on when she is confronted with a similar situation. She, like
her father, might have a propensity for playing the lost one. That is not to
say that the survivor role will be suppressed. Her parents are also survivors.
But like her father, caught between the roles of survivor and lost one,
Georgie might also be likely to take on that particular ambivalence.
I have at length extrapolated from a single drawing made by Georgie at 3
years old, referring back to an episode in the month preceding her first
birthday. The several roles of gypsy/pariah, bride/mother, groom/father,
baby, and lost one/survivor have been explored. Let me now turn to the
source of G eorgie’s fall from grace, her brother, M ackey, and his early
acquisition of roles. In my discussion of Mackey, I will also focus upon the
relationship of brother and sister as it impacts upon role-acquisition and
development.
M ACKEY
When Mackey was bom Georgie was 2 years old. As noted above, she had
a difficult time accepting her dim inished status from only child to big
sister. Like most older siblings, she feared that she would lose attention
and affection from her parents. In some ways, with the birth of her brother,
she began to assume the role of orphan, at least temporarily.
There was some real cause for G eorgie’s concern. Although Mackey
experienced a normal and healthy birth, after several weeks it became
apparent to his mother that his ability to respond was impaired in some
way. He was not smiling like other newborns. His eyes seemed vacant or
moved in odd patterns. Further, he quickly developed colic and screamed
inconsolably each evening from 6 to midnight. His m other became anxious
and his father became distant. Both were exhausted from the evening
ordeal of attempting to mollify the frightening screams and hysteria.
Nothing seemed to work - neither breast nor pacifier, neither swaddling
nor any of several ways of holding suggested by the books. To his parents,
Mackey appeared to be in great pain each evening.
Who, then, was Mackey in his first weeks of life? He was a beautiful
child with a beast-like disposition. Even during his placid moments,
something seemed off - he w asn’t connecting. Like Georgie, Mackey
was breast-fed from the beginning, but he had a harder time staying on
the breast. He often seemed to lose it and became easily frustrated. Yet
when he first arrived home from the hospital, only days before the colic
would hit, Mackey appeared to his father to be fully content in his own
body and contained space of bassinet and basket. His father predicted, in
fact, that Mackey would be a mellow child, a ‘sunny boy’.
Many of the early roles that one takes on spring from a common source -
one’s parents or caretakers. As parents view a baby, a baby, in some
essential ways, will come to view itself. According to this formula,
which, like most formulas, is imperfect, Mackey will take on a paradoxical

sense of him self as beauty and beast, lovable and terrible, mellow and
hysterical, attached and detached, healthy and sick.
From a future point of view, Mackey at 2 \ years old, having long since
left the colic behind, appears to play out the more positive role qualities,
confirming his father’s prophecy of the ‘sunny boy’. But the journey from
colic to contentment, from the darkness of the moon to the light of the sun,
was a very long one indeed.
At 4 months old, after consultations with a number of specialists in the
field of ophthalmology, it was determined that Mackey was not seeing
anything. Light was passing through his eyes, but for some unknown
reason, he had no visual response. His prognosis was uncertain. His
parents were suddenly confronted with the reality of having a blind child
and the possibility that this condition was uncorrectable.
Mackey, who had just about recovered from his colic and was shedding
his hysteria, was again thrust into a disabled role. The doctors were
stumped until one retinal specialist made his pronouncement: Mackey
had albinism; the prognosis, although guarded, was hopeful. Mackey
would see the world, but how much he would take in had yet to be
determined.
The images of blind men with white canes, blind blues singers with dark
glasses, and old men with seeing-eye dogs selling pencils in the street
vanished from the m ind’s eye of M ackey’s parents. M ackey’s mother now
imagined her son as Johnny and Edgar Winter, albino rock musicians with
pure white hair and pink eyes. But M ackey’s appearance was not that
harsh: with sunglasses, he could ‘pass’ as a light-skinned boy.
The ‘sick’ role that had been imposed upon Mackey by the doctors and
parents began to shift by 5 months. He had been working twice a week with
Joanne, a gifted teacher from the Lighthouse, a state-funded organization
that, among other things, sends teachers into the homes of visually
impaired children. W ithin a short time, Mackey was responding to the
various visual stimuli presented by Joanne. His parents, instructed by
Joanne, implemented the exercises each day, and as Mackey responded
more and more another level of bonding was taking place. Over several
months, Mackey became quite responsive. His parents began to see him as
less disabled and Mackey picked this up.
During these months of visual education, Mackey became attached to a
stuffed animal, a tiger, which he later named ‘T igo’. Tigo became his
transitional object, which he held and slept with daily through his first
2\ years. A major function of Tigo was clear - to help Mackey move from
the physically ill, disabled person who could not take in the world through
his eyes, to the healthy, self-contained ‘sunny boy’, who could take in the
multi-faceted imagery and roles and direct his external play accordingly.
With his improving eyesight, Mackey developed motor, cognitive, and
verbal skills normally. His capacity to learn and use language actually
developed early, as he began to speak shortly after his first birthday. So,
too, did he begin to develop a sense of him self as a male differentiated
from his m other and sister. Even though he was bom with a genetic
disability that affected his vision, Mackey was able to move beyond the
role of the disabled, having internalized from his parents and teacher the
sense that he was worthy and lovable and that he would get better.
Aside from his parents, M ackey’s primary role-model was Georgie. He
imitated her laughter, gestures, dress, and routines. He even attem pted to
take on her fears, even though he had not fully internalized them. As an
example, Georgie developed a fear of fire sirens which sometimes went off
several times a day in the small town where she lived. One day, M ackey,
shortly before his second birthday, was playing on his fire truck. The siren
went off. Georgie was nowhere to be found.
Mackey stopped his play and looked up as if to say: Should I be scared?
He came toward his father, who asked: ‘Are you scared?’
Mackey replied: ‘I scared.’
Again his father asked: ‘Is Mackey scared?’
‘Georgie scared,’ he replied.
Indeed, Mackey was thinking about his sister’s reaction and attem pting
to take on her role as frightened one. But because Mackey was indeed
undaunted by the noise, he could not fully take on her role this time.
Despite this, he was still ever ready to take on the many roles of Georgie
in many other ways, to swallow her whole if necessary, even if some of the
pieces did not go down too well.
M ackey’s wholesale imitative behaviour allowed Georgie to role-
reverse, taking on the baby role herself, and hoping for the inherent
gratification stemming from being dependent and helpless. Role-reversal,
which appears frequently during the early years, is part of normal
development. Young siblings, like Georgie and Mackey at 4 and 2, reverse
roles in order to either practise new roles or seek gratification from older
ones. When the taking on of appropriate roles becomes blocked in later
years, role-reversal can be employed as a technique to help individuals
recognize another point of view.
At 2, Georgie would revert to baby talk. At 3, she would either pretend to
cry or find occasions to justify crying for the purpose of keeping herself
tied to the baby role. In her play at she would cast Mackey in the role of
Mommy and demand that he change her diaper, even though she was long
since toilet-trained and Mackey, at 2 i, was not. This was joyful play as the
two would laugh gleefully each time they played out their family roles.
The following anecdote of Georgie at 4 and Mackey at 2 offers another
role-reversal, this time as the father takes on the role of baby and the
children act out different versions of parents.
It is late in the afternoon and Georgie is in an ornery mood as she is

often at this time of day since she gave up her afternoon nap. Her father
is exercising and accidentally kicks her with his foot. She is not really
hurt but pauses a bit to weight the moment. She cries, in a strained
fashion. She goes to her mother and whines: ‘Daddy kicked m e!’ Her
mother assures her that it was an accident. Then she turns to her father:
‘Y ou’re a baby, Daddy! D addy’s a baby!’
Her father takes on the role of baby and responds, childishly: ‘I ’m not
a baby.’
Georgie counters: ‘You are! You are a baby!’
Her father whines and says: ‘I want a bottle!’
Georgie hits her father several times. Mackey, who has become
interested in this interaction, joins in. The father cries some more in
an exaggerated fashion and both children are amused. Georgie continues
to hit, playing out a punitive version of a parent. When she hits too hard,
her father pretends to be hurt. He cries more realistically, asking for
comfort - a hug, a kiss, a nice word. Mackey becomes concerned that his
father is really hurt. At 2, he has less ability than his sister to separate
out play from reality. He comes over and gives his father a kiss and a
hug. He demonstrates his ability to role-reverse with his father and to
play out the nurturing parent when needed.
Georgie stops hitting her father and moves away, feigning disinterest.
For her, the role-play is over. She has been upstaged by her brother who
played a more kindly parental role than she did. Unlike Mackey, she
knew all the time that this was a game.
Where did each child’s version of the parent come from? Could it be that
both have internalized the generalized role of parent differently? I think
not. The answer may be that Georgie, at an older age, more mindful of the
differences between playing and reality, uses the play as a way to express
her ornery mood. She projects her mood upon her role of parent and
aggressively acts out toward her father. Mackey, caught up in the reality
of his father as sad and hurt, plays out the role he would want for him self if
he were hurt, that is, the nurturing parent. Each child’s version, then, is
based upon his/her own needs at a particular developmental stage.
G EO R G IE AND M ACK EY
If it is true that genetics has a profound effect on the kind of roles we will
take on and play out, we should be able to view this state of affairs at an
early age. Georgie and Mackey both seemed to be predisposed to certain
roles and certain ways of playing them out. Georgie often would take on
either hurt or aggressive roles at 3 and 4 years old. Mackey, on the other
hand, at 2 would take on more conciliatory roles.
When asked to compare their two children, both parents would agree that
Georgie was very sensitive to slight physical discomfort, such as a splinter
in her finger, and tended to panic at loud noises. She was generally more
difficult and resistant. Mackey, on the other hand, once free of colic and
severe visual impairment, seemed less resistant, more light and quick to
bounce back from physical pain and disappointment.
It appeared to both parents that these genetically based traits affected the
children’s choice of role-taking and role-playing. And yet the genetic
explanation of when and how roles develop is limited. As we have seen,
roles are also strongly based on social factors. Georgie, for example, took
on gentle and nurturing roles as Mackey took on aggressive and resistant
ones from their role-models. This is more in keeping with conventional
social and cultural expectations regarding gender. The following are
examples of these more conventional behaviours in role:
Georgie at 3 is sitting in her m other’s lap in the morning. She opens the
front of her m other’s nightgown and exposes her breast. She examines it
attentively and touches it in a very serious way, paying particular
attention to the nipple. Her m other says: ‘Do you remem ber when you
were a baby and you had your milk from M om m y’s breasts?’
Georgie replies: ‘When I am a Mommy and you are a baby then I will
feed you on my breasts.’
In experimenting with the role of nurturing mother, Georgie imagines a
time when she will nurse her own babies. In doing so, she casts her mother
in the role of baby, a role that she has only recently left behind.
Mackey at 2 is with his father at the lake. He climbs on a large rock and
straddles it. His father is nearby, watching. A 4-year-old boy approaches
Mackey and makes threatening gestures, growling like a tiger. Mackey
stands his ground and says, forcefully: ‘N o!’ The boy growls again, even
louder. Mackey counters with a more aggressive ‘N o!!’ He then climbs
down and sneaks up on his father who is lying on a towel. He growls,
trying to frighten his father. He circles around and growls even louder.
The father feigns surprise and fear and both father and son laugh heartily.
But Mackey goes a bit too far, hitting his father in the face. The father
tells Mackey not to hit, but Mackey continues. The father becomes more
forceful. Soon Mackey grows tired of his play and moves off.
Mackey in this case is testing out his power at both defending him self
against an aggressor and playing the aggressor, seeing how far he can go. In
his aggressive play with his father, Mackey enacts the same scene he has
just experienced on the rock. The difference is that in the first instance he
was cast by the older boy in a victim role. But he refused to take on that
role and stood up to the aggressor. Feeling victorious, he did a role-
reversal, playing out the aggressor role in a safe context, that is, toward
his father. In playing out a frightened role (in a comic, stylized way), the
father signals to the son that he is impressed by the son’s display of power.
This provokes Mackey to act out more aggressively, perhaps catharting his
own sense of fear when confronted by the older boy. By standing up to
M ackey’s aggression, the father causes the aggressive play to stop. Even
this mirrors the previous scene where Mackey caused the aggressive tiger
behaviour to stop by standing up to the older boy. Mackey has internalized
the understanding that aggression can sometimes be stopped by a forceful
and aggressive response.
The genesis of aggression is a powerful topic that has been the source of
research by philosophers, scientists, and artists for many centuries. In this
case, we may speculate that aggressive roles come from two basic sources:
genetic, despite the fact that Mackey tends to appear ‘sunny’ and
conciliatory; and social, based upon known and sometimes unknown
role-models. According to the work of Jung (Jung 1964) and his many
colleagues, aggressive roles, as well as those of sexuality and other identity
factors, are archetypal, that is, embedded in the racial experience of all
human beings. This point of view is reflected in my own work developing a
taxonomy of roles (Landy 1993).
It is hardly startling that Georgie would play out nurturing roles and
Mackey would play out aggressive ones. In fact, children from birth to 4
are developing a universe of often contradictory roles from archetypal,
genetic, and social sources. In terms of gender identification, Mackey at 1
and 2 had little trouble expressing his anima or feminine side (see Jung
1964) as Georgie at 2 had scant difficulty expressing her animus or
masculine side.
At 4, however, Georgie is more connected to the trappings of a feminine
identity exemplified in her choice of clothes and toys and identification
with such characters as Cinderella and Beauty, and, most important, in her
attachment to her mother. The latter point, however, offers a further
complexity as to role-development. G eorgie’s m other is temperamentally
quite aggressive and outspoken. Through her identification with these traits
of her mother, Georgie, too, plays out her own sense of aggression and
power. Some of this is positive, as she learns to assert herself in groups of
peers; and some is negative, as she aims her newly learned hurtful language
at often unsuspecting targets, such as her brother, parents, and friends.
Certainly G eorgie’s aggressive role comes from many sources other than
her mother. Even though her father’s aggression is less visible than her
m other’s, it tends to explode at times and she internalizes that method of
expressing anger as well. As she approached 4 years old, Georgie began to
pick up aggressive words and actions from her peers. At that time, she
became more aware of aggressive images in the media, such as guns, and
aggressive characters, such as tyrants and killers.
Long before her fourth birthday, Georgie had demonstrated a clear
attraction to evil characters in stories - witches, hunters, and bullies. In an

astonishing statement directed to her father three days before turning 4, she
integrated several of these images:
I don’t love you, Dad, I ’m gonna get a gun and kill you. I want to poop
on your head.
This role of rebellious, murderous daughter serves several functions. It
helps Georgie release her negative, angry feelings in a safe way, as she
offers up her pronouncement in a matter-of-fact fashion. It helps her
continue to test the limits of her own worth as a lovable daughter to her
father. In a reversal of the ‘Electra com plex’, it implies an alternative story
of a daughter’s parricide so that she might have the m other all to herself.
And finally, by playing out the killer in a scatological fashion, Georgie tries
out her newly learned words and roles safely, knowing that her father will
not strike back in a punitive way. She assures this by choosing a style of
presentation that is emotionally neutral and non-threatening.
M ackey’s style of aggression at 1 and 2 is much different, as was noted
in the previous example. He has yet to take in the world of guns and killers.
He picks up his sister’s reference to ‘poop’ and will imitate her speech, but
his style is without much commitment to the shock value of such imagery.
M ackey’s aggression at home is confined to fights with his sister,
occasional tantrums of screaming and flailing when his needs are not
im mediately gratified, and imaginary dialogues with rocks and cups which
he occasionally sets up to receive his wrath. His words: ‘I ’m very angry at
you!’ or ‘Y ou’re a bad boy!’ are taken from his parents, who occasionally
express their displeasure toward him in similar phrases. W hen over
whelmed by anger coming from either his parents or himself, Mackey
reaches for Tigo, holds it tightly up in front of his face, and sucks his
thumb. He then knows he is safe.
At 4^, Georgie became aware of death and the possible consequences of
unchecked aggression. She was not introduced to death stemming from
aggression, but from illness. In her four years she had been exposed to two
hospitalizations of her father and much anxiety on the part of her mother.
And one day, she discovered a photograph of a dog on her m other’s
dresser. When asked about it, her mother replied: ‘This was Cheecha,
my dog.’
‘What happened to Cheecha?’ asked Georgie.
‘She died.’
‘I ’m very sad, M om m y.’
‘W hy?’
‘Because Cheecha died.’
‘Cheecha was a wonderful dog,’ said her mother. ‘We had great times
together. But she got very old and died.’
‘I ’m very sad,’ said Georgie.
For some weeks, Georgie transferred her sadness and fear of this terribly
complicated death role upon Cheecha. All the while she held on to her own
stuffed dog, the present from her mother in the hospital when Mackey was
bom. The following conversation helped calm her ultimate 4^-year-old
fear, that of losing her mother to death. It was provoked when Georgie
overheard her mother say that she was feeling very old:
Georgie: Mommy, are you deading soon?
Mother: You mean, are you going to die soon?
Georgie: Yes, like Cheecha.
Mother: No, not until I ’m very old. Cheecha was very old and lived a
long, long life. I need to see you get bigger and go to school
and get married and have your own babies. Only then will I
feel ready to rest and die.
Georgie: But you said you’re old.
Mother: Sometimes I say I feel old, but that’s just an expression. It’s
like people saying they’re so hungry they could eat a horse
. . . I ’m not really old.
Georgie: For real?
Mother: For real.
The role of death is formidable. In the taxonomy of roles it is listed as a
sub-type of demon, a dark inhabitant of the spirit world who is magical and
evil, threatening and powerful. Death is also seen as one of the earliest
roles personified in ancient dramatic rituals.
It could be that when the role of death appears early in one’s life, one
lives close to the world of magic and spirits on the far side of the looking
glass. Thus at 4, death is more acceptable as a persona than at 24 or 44 or
64, as one comes to reject a magical world view and begins to accept the
inevitability of death.
For Georgie, taking on the role of death, personified in a dog, is sad. But
there is room for it in her world. Each day, she sets up her stuffed animals,
including the transitional dog, and tells them stories. Through these stories,
she comes to know her inner world whose magic will diminish as she grows
older and accepts more adult, logical explanations for unfathomable events.
When her mother explains that she w on’t die until Georgie becomes an
adult and she grows old, Georgie responds: For real? In the asking, she
begins to acquire the sense of reality that exists in a realm different from
magic. This looking glass is not a window through which one can enter a
new world, but a mirror, reflecting back an image of oneself.
Mackey at 2 still lives in the realm of windows. Many of the roles he has
taken on still retain a magical quality. He sees the world as animistic.
When he is angry, he scolds the rocks. When he is naughty, he calls his
father a bad boy. When he is lonely, he throws Tigo out of the crib and
cries for his m other to return it at once.
When his father returned home from the hospital, recovering from back
surgery, Mackey at 2 came into the bedroom to greet him. He could see that
his father was in pain and was told that it was time for his father to take a
nap. Before saying goodbye, Mackey lifted the covers and placed Tigo
gently next to his father’s wound. For that moment, all distinctions between
reality and magic were dissolved, all pain was gone. Mackey had taken on
the role of healer. And all was right with the world.
CO N C LU SIO N
It could be that roles are pre-existent forms, archetypes in a Jungian sense,

dramatic artefacts in an aesthetic sense, that subsist throughout history,
culture, and theatrical literature. As such, they are inherited, given as a
birthright. By implication, newborns would have the potential universe of
roles within their psyches.
It might also be true that roles pre-exist in a culture and society and are,
in part, culturally and socially determined. From this perspective, newborns
acquire roles as they interact with those in their cultural and social spheres.
So, too, might roles be inherited genetically, both as a means of survival
- as, for example, a newborn assumes the somatic role of eater - and as a
series of predispositions that will determine the kinds of roles to be taken
on and the ways those roles will be played out.
Despite the archetypal, dramatic, social and genetic determ ining factors,
human beings are still creators of their own identities, at least in part.
Georgie and Mackey in the many examples above were pictured as active
players of their various roles, rather than passive takers of some
predetermined substance. Implicit in dramatic playing is the sense of the
player as creative (see W innicott 1971). Even if roles are, to a large degree,
predetermined, each individual must still choose those roles that are most
appropriate to a given circumstance and most m eaningful to that
individual. Each role chosen and played must be done so for a purpose,
whether to survive, express a feeling, or meet a need. And each act of role-
taking and role-playing is creative in the sense that one is building a piece
of one’s identity. Like theatrical actors, actors in everyday life receive a
predetermined script that includes the substance of particular roles. Their
artistry comes in humanizing those roles, filling in the personae with the
breath of life that is unique to each particular person.
Throughout this chapter we have looked at ways that early roles develop.
I have chosen to focus most especially upon the genesis of family roles, as
well as those concerning physical ability and disability, fear, aggression,
and gender identity. The examples of Georgie and Mackey are typical in
the sense that most children from birth to 4 will take on and play out
similar roles of parents and siblings, aggressors and victims, males and
females. Yet each one will do so in a unique way and not necessarily within
the same time-span as Georgie and Mackey.
Some children who are severely em otionally disturbed will not be able to
play and thus will not be able to take on or play out a variety of roles.
Others, with less severe forms of disturbance or disability, will be able to
take on and generate roles, but in a somewhat limited way. Still others, who
appear normal by most measures of mental and physical health, will
experience trauma through any number of physical, environmental, or
psychological circumstances. In such cases, they, too, might experience a
diminished capacity to take on and play out roles.
With such children, a treatment through drama therapy based in an
attempt to build new roles or restore old ones might well be indicated.
Elsewhere, I have outlined a method of diagnosis, treatment, and evalua
tion of such individuals using a role method (Landy 1993).
Any attempt to understand the ways and means of presenting oneself in
role requires a view of young children as they begin to assert their
identities through play. This view through the looking glass is one all of
us have experienced once upon a time. And this view is one most of us
have forgotten. If we try hard, we may begin to recall images. As there are,
in W ordsworth’s terms, ‘intimations of im m ortality’ (see Wordsworth
1807/1965), so there are also intimations of infancy that can be accessed
in visions of white rabbits, gypsies, and stuffed animals named Tigo.
If our own memory fails, we can observe the children around us and even
those within us who seem to embody the primal dramas of individual
identity and family, of power and loss, of sex and death. In their struggles
with role lie the seeds of our struggles as adults who live on the other side
of the looking glass but sometimes imagine what it would be like to venture
forth again through that magical window.
R EFEREN CES
Green, R. L., ed. (1965) The W orks o f L ew is C arroll. Feltham, M iddlesex: Hamlyn.
Hillman, J. (1983) H ealing Fiction. Barrytown, NY: Station Hill Press.
Jung, C. G. (1964) Man an d his Sym bols. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.
Landy, R. J. (1993). P ersona and P erform ance: the m eaning o f role in d ra m a ,
therapy, an d everyd a y life. London: Jessica K ingsley.
Mahler, M. (1975) The P sych o lo g ica l Birth o f the Human Infant: sym biosis and
individuation. N ew York: B asic Books.
Mead, G. H. (1934) M ind, Self, and Society. Chicago: U niversity o f C hicago Press.
Piaget, J. (1977) The O rigin o f Intelligen ce in the C hild. Harmondsworth,
M iddlesex: Penguin.
W innicott, D. W. (1971). P layin g and R ea lity. Harmondsworth, M iddlesex:
Penguin.
W ordsworth, W. (1807/1965) ‘Intimations o f Im m ortality’. In C. Baker (ed.) The
P relude, se lected p o em s and sonnets. N ew York: Holt, Rinehart & W inston.
Chapter 2
Fear and tension in children’s gam es 1

Iona Opie
As regards the fears of childhood and their causes, I want to say that I have
never worked clinically. My experience is derived simply from my status
as an ex-child, and as an acquaintance of other ex-children; for children -
when they are children - seldom voice their fears.
The fears of childhood are legion: there is commonly a fear of the dark,
and a fear of shadows - especially the shadows in a child’s bedroom when
a harmless bundle of bedding in the corner looks like a crouching bear.2
There are fears of dangers of all kinds, especially of car crashes and
burglars. Even kindly Father Christmas can become a threat - what right
has he to come down the chimney? who is this stranger roaming at large
through the house? A worried 4-year-old said in an interview for Mother
and Baby, December 1971, ‘If Father Christmas can creep through my
window without my waking up, anyone could . . . tramps or, or TIG ERS.’3
Fear of loss, of death, of sex, of failure - of being in a crowd of strangers,
of making a fool of oneself, of being singled out, of being looked at, of not
being noticed, or popular. Some of these fears are exemplified in children’s
games.
Large children’s parties, I understand, are going out of fashion, and it is
more customary for a birthday person to invite a few friends to a film or a
circus or a zoo, with a meal afterwards at a M cDonald’s. This may be due
to the recession or the prevalence of working mothers, or it may - partly -
be due to the horrible memories people have of the parties of their youth.
Quite apart from the dressing up in unfamiliar clothes and consorting
with unfamiliar people, there was the necessity of playing games that
seemed designed to embarrass.
Take the game ‘How Green You A re’, for example. It began, like many
other party games, with one person being sent out of the room - not an
encouraging start. The others then hid a thimble, the outsider was invited
inside again, and must go around looking for the thimble while the others
sang ‘How green you are!’ - softly if the searcher was far away from the
hiding place and shrieking loudly if the searcher was staring straight at the
Fear and tension in children’s games 29
thimble. No one likes to be told, in chorus, that he is being stupid; and the
disadvantage of being a child is that there is no comfort from historical
perspective. How can the child know that this game is probably over two
hundred years old, that it was once played by teenagers rather than
children, and that it was part of a social scene which enabled young
people to mingle and get to know each other in the setting of a formal
game. Of course the game had changed - or evolved - over the years.
When Dr Paris described it in Philosophy in Sport, in 1827, the one coming
into the room had to ‘perform some action entirely by the power of m usic’;
he must for instance ‘go to the m antelpiece, take a rose from a vase, smell
it and give it to a certain young lady who he then leads out of the room ’ -
and this entirely by the loudness or softness of the piano-playing.
‘Blind M an’s B u ff’ might be seen as another attack on the suscepti
bilities of a player singled out to be teased and buffeted by a crowd; and
were it not that the buffeting is only part of a game and therefore quite
impersonal, and that anyone may have to take the role of blind man at any
time, and quite by chance, the lonely, blundering blind man might indeed
feel victimized. Notice that I say ‘singled out to be teased and buffeted’.
During the thousand or so years of the gam e’s history the buffeting was its
raison d'etre, and it is only recently, in the last century, that the game has
become softened. Pictures in the margins of the fourteenth-century m anu
script Romance of Alexander show men, women and children playing
‘Blind M an’s B uff’, and show that the blind man was blinded by having
to wear his hood back to front; and that the rest of the players had tied knots
in their hoods - those long pointed hoods - and were scourging him with
the knots.
In ancient Greece, according to Pollux, the game was called ‘The Brazen
Fly’. One boy’s eyes were covered with a bandage. He shouted out ‘I shall
chase the brazen fly.’ The others retorted, ‘You may chase him, but you
won’t catch him ,’ and they hit him with whips made from papyrus husks
until one of them was caught.
Part of the discomfort of being the blind man comes from the feeling that
you are on your own and that the whole company is against you. It is
interesting that when the game was played under the name of ‘Jingling’, at
fairs, chiefly, and public gatherings of all sorts, when a special jingling
booth was erected, the positions were completely reversed. All the players
were blindfolded except one. He bounced around jingling a bell, teasing the
blindfolded players and trying to keep out of their clutches - the prize for
so doing was a slice of gingerbread.
Even more worrying were the practical jokes played under the name of
games at parties, or as initiations upon newcomers at schools. They are
survivals of rougher times, when they were played at wakes and on other
convivial occasions when horseplay was accompanied by heavy drinking, or
were tricks played by sailors upon new hands at sea. To 7- and 8-year-olds
they simply seem malicious. The victim is, for instance, led into a throne
room where the King and Queen of Sheba are sitting on a makeshift couch.
The royal pair ask questions, and express themselves satisfied with the
answers. Indeed they let it be known that they think so well of the new
comer that he or she may, as a special privilege, approach the throne and sit
between them. As the victim sits down they get up and, since there has only
been a tightly stretched rug between the chairs on which they have been
sitting, the victim falls on to the floor with a bump, or into a concealed tub
of water.
These games belong to rougher times, as I say, and one m ight also say
times that encouraged a tougher attitude to the mental bumps and bruises of
life. They were games that inculcated - though perhaps not consciously -
an attitude of ‘see if I care’.
Certainly wounded feelings cannot be avoided. It is equally certain that
some of the wounds received in childhood have an effect that lasts through
life. One of the deepest fears is the fear of not being chosen, when two
people are picking teams. Nothing can match the feeling of rejection for the
solitary figure who remains unchosen, and wordlessly takes the last place.
Such failure is entirely personal: it means - or seems to mean - that the
person has been rejected as a human being.
However, very few children’s games are played in teams. Usually, as in
tig, one person plays against all the rest - the chaser is selected im per
sonally, by fate, or chance, by means of a counting-out rhyme. The whole
idea of teams is adult. The idea is to foster a ‘team spirit’, and games like
‘Crusts and Crum bs’ and ‘French and English’ are typically organized by
adults. Should I rescind here, and allow that the rather amorphous war
games are played by two teams? No, I don’t think so. Children playing at
war are playing at real life, and the two sides, as in real life, are not exactly
matched.
Fear and tension are built into many of the traditional games. It is the
kind of artificial, enjoyable fear to be found in stories of ghosts and
vampires, in murder stories, horror stories, and some of the so-called fairy
stories. The human being’s desire to be frightened is almost as primal as
the need for love and comfort. Sometimes fear can be experienced
vicariously within a circle of love and comfort, as when the family
watches the television news together, or the fictitious extravagance of D r
Who. Then the m other has to explain - ‘Yes, that’s in Bosnia. Yes, that
man is dead.’ But in Dr Who? ‘No, that m an’s not really dead. W hen it’s
over he will get up and go hom e.’ In children’s games, the children are
fully aware that the dangers and fears are not real.
L et’s go back to the beginning of childhood and think about the oldest
game of all, the game of ‘Peep b o ’. Does the adult think she is frightening
the child when she hides behind the sofa and pops up saying ‘B o!’? Of
course not: the child is delighted and says ‘A gain!’ Does the child - aged 3
or 4 - think he is frightening the adult when he hides in a shop doorway and

suddenly bounces out with a shout?* The surprise is simulated, the event is
a shared joke. These games are similar to the play of fox cubs with their
mother. The fear and tension are all pretend, and all the tussling and
jumping out are presumably a preparation for later life.
The same game in a more sophisticated form has long been played under
the name of ‘B ogey’. It is best played after dark or in the gloaming, and
was traditionally played when walking home from school. The child who
is to be ‘Bogey’ goes on ahead and hides in a doorway, or on top of a
wall, or behind a pillarbox. The others, after counting perhaps ‘five
hundred in tens’, follow along with an air of unconcern, but in reality
scaring themselves by singing out loud:
Moonlight, starlight,
Bogey w on’t be out tonight.
When, without realizing it, they come to B ogey’s hiding place, he jumps
out at them and everyone screams. The game was played in Germany at
least as early as 1851, and in Flora Thom pson’s Lark Rise she describes the
village children, in the 1880s, marching along singing ‘I hope we shan’t
meet any gypsies tonight!’ - gypsies being the currently fashionable
bogeymen.
Many playground chasing games have the same element of suspense and
sudden movement built into them, with or without the pictorial element.
These games we called ‘suspense-start chasing gam es’. They accumulate
excitement and tension at the very beginning, because no one but the
chaser knows when the chasing will begin. In the game ‘Poison’ (or
‘Bottle of Poison’), for instance, the chaser holds out his hands and each
player takes hold of a finger and stretches away as far away from him as he
can, preparing to run. The chaser says, ‘I went to a shop and I bought a
bottle of - vinegarl ’ then perhaps, ‘I went to a shop and I bought a bottle of
p-p-p-PepsiV and finally, ‘I went to a shop and I bought a bottle of -
POISON!’ The word poison is the signal for everyone to run.
In studying children’s games Peter and I were in several sorts of
difficulty. C hildren’s games are - in most cases - not children’s games.
They are games that adults used to play - and only children have gone on
playing them. Other difficulties were the difficulties perennially associated
with folklore. Anything handed on through oral tradition becomes so
diffuse and varied that it is almost impossible to categorize it. Also, the
interest in folklore is so recent - the word itself came into being only in
* Editor's note. Gender language: please note that references to he or she or her or his
denote the gender of the author, therapist or client. Otherwise non-gender specific terms are
used for general reference, or, in cases such as the above, gender pronouns are used to
distinguish the therapist/parent from the client/child.
1846 - that early records are few and far between; they occur by the way,
very much as asides in general literature.
The games that most fascinate me are those that seem to satisfy a deep
desire for vicarious fear carried out in a dramatic form and which, though
without any real evidence, we can only suppose were played by adults -
and far back in time.
An instinct to dramatize already exists. Girls, especially, have a natural
tendency to dramatize quite ordinary games, like tig; they em phasize every
moment of danger with high-pitched screams - the very fact of being
chased is exhilarating. More pictorial games like ‘Fairies and W itches’
are naturally accompanied by shrieks and shouts, as the girl who is the
W itch takes her captives back to her den, tortures them and puts them in
chains. In contrast, the boys’ games of war do not involve much self-
expression. (They are realistic; the sounds are of machine-gun fire, and,
occasionally, groaning from wounded warriors.)
Some of the formalized games involving fear are simple, but contain a
supernatural element - as w e’ve seen with the game of ‘B ogey’. Others
contain no supernatural element, but enjoy the build-up and release of
tension - as w e’ve seen with the game of ‘Poison’ - and in these I always
suspect a pedagogical influence. Others seem to be dramatizations of old
agricultural worries, in which the villains are wolves and other predators.
Others seem to approach full-blown theatre, and to ritually encompass the
supernatural world in its effect on human life.
Let us consider the old agricultural worries. Everyone knows the game
‘W hat’s the Time, Mr W olf?’, which is played by very small children.
They promenade along behind ‘Mr W olf’, asking their question, and ‘Mr
W olf’ replies gruffly, ‘Eight o ’clock’ - or any other time - and keeps on
walking. They continue, pestering him to tell the time until, suddenly, he
says, ‘Dinner tim e!’ and turns round and chases them. The one who is
caught becomes ‘Mr W olf’. This game, which nowadays has - really - only
a kindergarten status, seems to be derived from much more sinister games,
in which a thoroughly spooky predator is repeatedly asked the time.
Another well-known game - still known when we were collecting games
in the 1960s, but enjoying its heyday in the nineteenth century - portrays
the straightforward worries of the shepherd about his sheep, though with a
pleasant touch of humour. The shepherd calls to the sheep, ‘Sheep, sheep,
come hom e!’ The sheep answer, ‘We are afraid.’ ‘W hat o f?’ ‘The w olf.’
‘The wolf has gone to Devonshire, W on’t be back for seven year, Sheep,
sheep, come hom e.’ Then the sheep run over to the shepherd, and the wolf
- who has been lurking at the side - tries to catch one, who either helps him
catch at the next performance, or takes his place. Sometimes the words are
wonderfully ludicrous. In one version the ‘wolf has gone to Lancashire, To
buy a penny hankershire’. Sometimes it is not a wolf but a fox, and not
sheep but geese. The game is widely known across Europe, and recordings
are as old as the interest in folklore - going back to the early nineteenth
century.
Now we can approach the acting games, which have longer stories and
longer scripts. When you are considering the question of drama, the acting
games and singing games must be taken into account. Because they have
descended into the possession of children, it has been forgotten that they
are a distinct category of drama - they are dramas in which the players
themselves alter the action of the play. In a stage play or a ballet the script
and the choreography are fixed, decided beforehand, and cannot be varied.
In the dramatic games the outcome for individual players is uncertain and
sometimes the dialogue can be varied; but in the singing games the players
change places through choosing, and any fear and tension is of a social and
personal nature. I shall concentrate on the ritualistic dramatic games, with
their strange undertones of evil.
‘The Old Man in the W ell’ is an excellent example. When we collected
the game from children in Swansea this playlet had a quite domestic and
mundane atmosphere. The characters were a Mother, her Children, and an
Old Man. The old man goes off and secretes him self in some suitably dark
and mysterious place which is designated ‘the w ell’. The children say to
the m other,‘Please, Mother, can we have a piece of bread and butter?’
The mother says, ‘Let me see your hands.’
They hold them out for inspection.
‘Your hands are very dirty,’ says Mother. ‘Go to the well and wash them.
The children go to the well, where they spy the old man crouching down.
They rush back to the mother screaming; ‘Mother, Mother, there’s an old
man in the w ell.’
Mother. D on’t be silly, children. There isn’t an old man in the well.
Children: But we saw him.
Mother: It’s only your father’s under-pants. I hung them out to dry.
Go again.
The children go again, and the same kind of dialogue occurs, until the
children persuade the m other to come and see for herself. She sends one of
the children to fetch a candle (a twig) and goes to look in the well. As she
is about to look, the old man blows the candle out.
Mother, to child nearest her: ‘What did you want to blow my candle out
for?’ She cuffs the child, who sets up a howl. This happens three or four
times, until nearly all the children are crying. The mother finally manages
to look in the well. The old man jum ps up with a horrible shriek and gives
chase. Whoever he catches is the next old man.
This all seems quite innocuous until one looks at the older, and
continental, recordings. For instance even as late as the 1920s, in
Devonshire, the mother had the following conversation with the old man
before the chase began:
Mother: What are you doing here?

Old Man: Picking up sand.
Mother. W hat do you want sand for?
Old Man: To sharpen my needles.
Mother: What do you want needles for?
Old Man: To make a bag.
Mother. What do you want a bag for?
Old Man: To keep my knives in.
Mother: What do you want knives for?
Old Man: To cut off your heads.
Mother: Then catch us if you can!
In present-day Austria the situation becomes even clearer, when the mother
sends the children to fetch butter from the cellar,and they find a witch.
After much play-acting, and pretending the witch isonly the butter churn,
the m other faces her adversary and says: ‘What are you doing here?’
Witch: Picking up stones.

Mother: What will you do with the stones?
Witch: Sharpen my knives.
Mother: What will you do with the knives?
Witch: Kill people.
Mother: Will you kill me and my children?
Witch: Yes!
In the usual folkloristic way, this game is all mixed up with the game of
‘Fox and Chickens’ - now much truncated. The children line up behind one
another, with the defending m other hen at their head, and march up to the
fox saying:
Chickany, chickany, crany crow,
I went to the well to wash my toe,
When I came back a chicken was dead.
Then there is a familiar dialogue - ‘What are you doing, old fox!' and so
forth - and the fox springs up and tries to catch the last chicken in the line.
There is good reason to think the game was known in this form in Queen
A nne’s time. The predators can be a fox, a wolf, a hawk, a vulture, or, in a
nineteenth-century American version, a witch, for Newell reports that in
Georgia the rhyme beginning the game, ‘Chickamy, chickamy, crany,
crow ’, included the question ‘What o ’clock, old w itch?’ and the children
repeated the question until the witch replied ‘Twelve o ’clock’. After that
the threatening dialogue began - ‘What are you doing, old w itch?’, ‘I ’m
making a fire to cook a chicken’ and so on (Newell 1883: 155-8).
It is curious, and fascinating, to think how many of these dramatic games
are concerned with losing children, of having them stolen or killed.
Sometimes the thieves or killers seem to be after sheep or chickens, as

in ‘Fox and Chickens’ - which w e’ve just been looking at - or the
apparently straightforward game of ‘Johnny L ingo’, in which the sheep
stand in a ring and ‘Johnny L ingo’ prowls around outside. Within the ring
is a farmer, who calls out, ‘W ho’s that walking round my stony w all?’
and ‘Johnny L ingo’ replies, ‘Only little Johnny Lingo.’ ‘D on’t you steal
any of my fat sheep, or I shall make you tingle.’ ‘I stole one last night,
and I ’ll steal another tonight,’ says Johnny Lingo, and he touches one of
the children on the back, saying, ‘Come on,’ and the stolen sheep joins on
behind him and they go padding round outside the ring. The game ends
with all the children in a line, and the farmer tries to catch them from
behind the protecting arms of ‘Johnny L ingo’, in the same manner as in
‘Fox and Chickens’. Again, it is not until one looks at the oldest
recordings that the game seems more sinister. In the earliest known,
which dates from the 1820s, the thief is ‘Bloody T om ’:
Who goes round the house at night,
None but bloody Tom!
Who steals all the sheep at night?
None but this poor one.
An old name for the game was ‘Limping T om ’, which suggests witchcraft,
it being well-known that witches limp.
The cumulative effect these games had on me as they were gathered
together from children in the more remote parts of the country was very
powerful. The supernatural undertones became more pronounced; and yet I
had - and still have - no idea of their origins, history or meaning.
In some of the games the children are undeniably children, and not
chickens or sheep; but they are disguised under fancy names. A 12-year-
old girl in Cumnock described for us a game called ‘Little Black
Doggie’.
‘There are about half-a-dozen players, and two of the players are picked
to be what we call “ the M an’’ and “ The little black doggie’’. The
“ M an” gives each player a romantic name, for example “ golden
m oon” , “ tiger lily” , etc. When everyone has received a flattering name
they chant “ Little black doggie come a hop, hop, hop, and pick out the
golden m oon,” or whatever name they happen to chant. The “ doggie”
then hops up in the hope of picking out the right one, which is very
difficult to do. And if she does pick the right one she takes the player by
the nose or ear and puts her in her den.’
Now the interesting thing is that when a certain James McBain played
this in his youth in Arbroath, about 1837, it was in very much the same
form, even down to the golden names - such as Golden Rose, and Golden
Butter-plate. And he adds that the player who guessed did so in the guise of
a ‘weird wife hirpling on a broom stick’, to whom the children called,

‘W itchie, witchie, warlock, come hopping to your dael’ (McBain 1887:
344). It appears that the hopping of the little black doggie, in Cumnock in
the 1960s, had remained as an important part of the tradition.
The disguising of the children was sometimes done not by giving them
fancy names but by turning them into other things - such as different kinds
of birds, or pots of jam. The game of ‘Coloured B irds’ was widespread and
international, and it is difficult to know what example to give from so
many. It was still being played when we were running our surveys, and was
especially popular in Bristol. One child is the mother, one is a wolf or a
fox, and the rest are birds or eggs and choose what colours they will be.
Sometimes in Bristol the m other also acts the part of the door, which opens
and shuts in keeping with the story. Thus the wolf taps on her head and the
door turns round and says, ‘Go aw ay.’ The wolf taps again and the door
says ‘Come in.’ The wolf is asked, ‘What do you w ant?’ ‘Have you any
coloured birds?’ he says. ‘What colour?’ The wolf names a colour. If there
is no bird of that colour he has to go away and try again; but if there is, that
child has to run for her life, until she is caught and put into the w olf’s den.
In eighteenth-century Germany this game was an established ‘game for
youth’, and the participants were a bird-seller, a bird-buyer, and numerous
finches, ravens, starlings and so forth. In France, as is typical in Roman
Catholic countries, the setting is religious; the children have turned into
animals and it is the Devil who comes to buy: ‘Who is there?’ ‘It is the
Devil with his fork.’ ‘What do you w ant?’ ‘An anim al.’ ‘Come in.’
In a game known, nowadays, only in Scotland and the Scottish Isles, the
children are turned into pots of jam , or other groceries, and again
witchcraft plays a central part in the drama. Here are phrases from
children’s descriptions of the game as it was played in the 1950s. A child
in Stornoway: ‘The witch comes and knocks at the door and asks if there is
any jam s today. The maid says yes, and the witch tries to guess the names
of them .’ At W esterkirk, the guesser is summoned with the words ‘Limpety
Lil come over the hill and see what you can find’ - the limping witch,
again. At Langholm, where the game is called ‘Limping Jenny’, a 12-year-
old says, ‘Old Jenny comes into the shop and asks for something. If she
asks for lard and somebody is lard she takes that person away with her. . . ’
These games, of which there are many, seem to be dramatizations of the
ancient struggle between good and evil. The continental versions retain the
religious actors: angels, the Devil, and the Lord God Himself. The British
versions have retained only the frightening, evil character - the witch. The
games might be thought of as having been, possibly, Morality Games. In
the morality plays the community were spectators. In these morality games
the community could all take part.
My m other used to play a game called ‘Honey Pots’ as a child; it is still
being played - or was when we did our surveys. It seems an innocent
enough affair of one child pretending to be a honey pot and putting her
hands under her knees, and two other children lifting her by the arms and
swinging her. If her clasp does not give way she is pronounced to be sound;
if it gives way she is rejected and set to one side.
In Italy this game is heavy with allegory. The M adonna comes to
purchase the pots, who seem to represent souls. The good ones go to
Heaven and the cracked ones to Hell. In France, in the nineteenth
century, the actors were God Almighty, the Virgin Mary, the Devil, who
came to buy pots of flowers from a flower-seller, and his helper. When the
purchases had all been made, the flower-pots acquired by Te Bon D ieu’ and
Ta Sainte-Vierge’ made horns at those purchased by the Devil.
There is no doubt that the weirdest of these weird games, and probably
the basis of all the others, is ‘Mother, the Cake is Burning’. Briefly the plot
is this. A mother goes to market, leaving her seven children in the care of a
maid or eldest daughter. While she is away an evil visitor comes to the
door, enters the house on some pretext, and snatches one of the children -
‘the youngest child’, or ‘the most precious child’. Sometimes the evil
visitor distracts the child-m inder by saying, ‘Look, the cake’s burning!’
The mother returns, beats the maid or eldest daughter for allowing the child
to be stolen, and goes off again. While she is away the second time, a
second child is stolen. The mother, who seems to be simple-minded,
returns and again beats the girl in charge, and again leaves home. This
occurs seven times until all the children have been stolen. The mother then
seeks out the kidnapper who, it is becoming clear, is a magical person. For
a while the kidnapper obstructs the m other’s entry into his house, but she
becomes indomitable; she will even, in some versions, cut off her feet to
gain admittance, and eventually succeeds, only to find that her children are
now disguised, or renamed, or turned into pies or other delicacies and about
to be eaten. Nevertheless, by skill or luck, she identifies and releases them.
Usually the game ends in a chase.
When little girls, dressed in T-shirts and jeans, are seen playing this
acting-game at the end of the street, it is difficult to believe that they are not
making up the incidents as they go along. Only when comparison is made,
scene by scene, with nineteenth-century recordings, does it become
apparent they are following an old and international script dictated by
folk memory.
In the nineteenth century the game began with the m other admonishing
her eldest daughter with a rhyme such as this one:
I ’m going into the garden to gather some rue,

And mind old Jack-daw don’t get you.
Especially you, my daughter Sue,
Or I ’ll beat you till you’re black and blue.
Today, after counting her children, she merely warns the eldest daughter
not to lose them.
The elements of witchcraft have survived: the limping witch, who in
Breconshire in the 1950s was called ‘Heckedy P eg’, a lame old woman
who announces, ‘I ’m Heckedy Peg, I ’ve lost my leg’; the sinister request
for a light from the fire - witches were always trying to steal fire from the
hearth (in Oxford, for instance, the witch asks for a match; in Alton a fox
asks for a box of matches; in Radnorshire the children are called
‘M atchsticks’).
W hatever the form of the kidnapping and its discovery, and no matter
how lengthy, it is repeated for the stealing of each child; and sometimes,
even in the present day, the ritual is wonderfully surrealistic, and may go
like this:
Mother. Where are my children?

Kidnapper: Gone to school.
Mother: How many m iles?’
Kidnapper: Eight. [Or any number.]
The mother and the maid have to take eight steps backwards.
Mother: They are not here.

Kidnapper: T hey’ve gone to bed.
Mother: I want to see them.
Kidnapper: Your shoes will dirty the carpet.
Mother: I ’ll take them off.
Kidnapper: The wool will come off your stockings.
Mother: I ’ll take off my stockings.
Kidnapper: Your feet are dirty.
Mother: I ’ll cut them off.
Kidnapper: The blood will go on the carpet.
Mother: I ’ll fly up!
The game can end in a number of different ways, most of them incongruous
- and rather tame, after all that drama. But in Cornwall, in1887, when the
old witch had been caught the children pretended to bum her,‘fanning the
imaginary flames with their pinafores’.
As Keith Thomas said:
‘We must readily accept the need to explore, however imperfectly, the
mental worlds of all subordinate groups, whether women, children or the
poor, regardless of whether they were at the time disparaged as
‘ignorant’ or ‘childish’. For it was within the confines of these
subordinate groups that all the people of the past spent some of their
lives and the majority spent all of them .’
(Thomas 1989:71)
Looking again at these mysterious play-acting games, of which so few

traces can be found in earlier centuries, I have tried, through an act of
imagination, to understand how - in the days when witchcraft was an
accepted fact, and adults and young people played as one community -
these games must have had a truly terrifying force and meaning.
NOTES
1 My illustrations in this chapter are based on material from C hildren s G am es
in S treet and P la yg ro u n d, which itself is based on information obtained from
more than 10,000 children attending local-authority schools in England,
Scotland, and the eastern part o f W ales during the 1950s and 1960s.
2 A seventeenth-century writer describes the same fear. ‘Children hide their
heads within their bed-clothes, though they see nothing, when they have
affrighted them selves with the shapes o f D evils pourtray’d only in their
Pliancies.’ Nathaniel Ingelo, B en tivolio an d U rania. 3rd edn (1673), II, 175.
3 The still com m on custom o f leaving out food for Father Christmas on
Christmas Eve (a m ince pie and a glass o f sherry for instance) has resonances
o f propitiation, and is a reminder that at one time it was customary to leave
out food for the spirits o f the dead (see e.g. ‘Speranza’ W ild e’s A ncient
S uperstitions o f Ireland (1887), I, 225).
REFEREN CES
M cBain, J. M. (1887) A rbroath: p a st an d presen t. Arbroath.
N ew ell, W. W. (1883) G am es and Songs o f A m erican C hildren. N ew York: Harper
& Brothers.
Thomas, K. (1989) Children in early m odern England. In G. Avery and J. Briggs
(eds) C hildren and their Books. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
B IB L IO G R A P H Y
A m ongst Iona O pie’s publications are the follow in g, all with Peter Opie:
The O xford D iction ary o f N ursery R hym es. Oxford: Clarendon Press (1951).
The Lore and Language o f Schoolchildren. Oxford: Clarendon Press (1959).
C hildren s G am es in S treet and P layground. Oxford: Clarendon Press (1969).
The Singing G ame. Oxford U niversity Press (1985).
A sequence from her playground diaries was published by OUP in 1993, with the
title The P eo p le in the P layground.
Chapter 3
Dramatherapy with children who are

trapped in their spontaneous play
Galila Oren
Play should be introduced under proper regulation as medicine.

Aristotle
IN T R O D U C TIO N
‘It is good to remem ber always that playing is itself a therapy’ (W innicott
1971: 50). Through play, children develop em otionally and cognitively and
maintain their mental health. Some children are unable to use spontaneous
play for these self-healing purposes.
In this chapter, I will try to demonstrate how children might use their
spontaneous play to protect themselves from emotional development. I will
focus on the ways children get trapped in their spontaneous play and lose
their ability to play for developmental and self-healing purposes. I will use
T. H. O gden’s theory as expressed in his book The Primitive Edge o f
Experience (1989) as a framework. He discusses the ways people get
trapped in one mode of organizing their experience. I will show how this
manifests itself in children’s play and focus on the creative ways used by
the dramatherapist to help children rediscover self-healing play. This will
enable them to reorganize their experience in a healthier and richer manner.
I will demonstrate this work with case illustrations.
O PE R A T IO N A L FRAM EW O R K
The case illustrations took place in the Unit for Intensive Therapy for
Children, in a state mental health clinic in Rishon-le-Tzion, Israel, where
I work.
In this unit, we provide intensive psychotherapy for children who might
otherwise be hospitalized. This unit is staffed by two clinical psychologists,
a social worker, an art therapist and myself.
For each case we design an individual treatment plan that includes either
psychotherapy and/or art or dramatherapy for the child, and separate
psychotherapy for the parents.
Dramatherapy with children trapped in play 41
In view of the complex framework, involving several therapists, an

important part of the effort is invested in staff discussions and supervision
with a view to understanding the case and the development of the
therapeutic processes.
THE IM PO R TA N C E OF PLAY FOR NORM AL

D EVELO PM ENT
Many authors have written about the complex processes of playing and
drama for normal development. Rather than go into the subject at length,
let us say that there is broad agreement that children’s play is an important
part of cognitive, emotional and social development. (A comprehensive
summary of the subject can be found in Jennings 1993: 3-24.)
D. W. Winnicott contributed a great deal to the understanding of the
nature of play. He viewed play as an important part of human life: ‘It is
play that is universal, and that belongs to health. Playing facilitates growth,
and therefore health’ (Winnicott: 1971: 41). He describes humans as living
in both an inner ‘subjective w orld’ and an outside ‘objective w orld’. Play
belongs to a ‘third part of human beings [which is the] intermediate area of
experiencing, to which inner reality and exterior life both contribute’
(ibid.). In this area the difficult task of keeping inner and outer reality
separated and yet interrelated is first developed and later on maintained.
Play develops very early in life. We can observe sensory and motoric
play at the age of several weeks. Even before the beginning of language
‘make-believe play’ develops, starting with imitation, through projective
play and, further on, dramatic play.
Through play, children constantly reorganize their experience. They
separate inside from outside, integrate objects and develop a sense of
self and a view of the world. While playing, children are engaged in a
dialogue between the developing inner world and the growing demands of
reality. Through this dialogue, children preserve their mental health.
W HAT IS ‘M A K E -B E L IE V E ’ PLAY?
Dr Shlomo Ariel defines ‘make-believe play’ as follows:
Make-believe play is primarily a complex mental activity, and only
secondarily, outward behaviour . . . Simultaneously with the explicit
behaviour, (verbal or non-verbal), the player implicitly makes the
following ‘mental claim s’:
Realification: Some entity, which at the very moment is only in my mind
. . . is now in the external reality. (There is a lion here.)
Identification: This material or behavioural entity that I have selected
from the external environment is not what it is . . . it has become the
entity in my mind. (This piece of wood is the lion.)

Playfulness: These two claims have not been made seriously. I do not
believe in them.
(Ariel 1992: 37-9)
The ‘mental claim s’ are statements that the player keeps in mind while
playing. According to Ariel, what defines ‘m ake-believe play’ is the
simultaneous existence of behaviour with these three seemingly
contradictory ‘mental claim s’. From now on, I will use the term ‘mental
claim s’ as defined here.
I believe that in the dynamic relationship between these three
contradictory claims lies the secret of the healing power of m ake-believe
play.
The playing child moves within the whole range between ‘ow ning’ and
‘alienating’ his own symbolism. This motion enables the child to deal with
parts of him self and of reality which would otherwise be overwhelming.
C H ILDREN W ITH D IFFIC U L T IE S IN PLAYING

Not every child spontaneously develops the ability to play in this creative
and healing manner. Some children stick to motoric and sensory play.
Others are capable of make-believe play, but the relationship between
the three ‘mental claim s’ is static. In this case, play might increase the
anxiety of the inner world, or serve as a defence against dealing with
reality.
I believe that the role of the dramatherapist who works with such
children is to help them develop their spontaneous play. This will enable
them to engage in a dynamic dialogue between their inner life and outside
reality - a dialogue that will help them grow.
Recently, I came across O gden’s ideas, which seemed to offer a
theoretical framework for the development of my observations and
method of intervention.
Ogden further developed parts of Melanie K lein’s theory, notably her
opinion that human experience is based on two positions developed during
early childhood:
1 the ‘paranoid-schizoid position’; and

2 the ‘depressive position’.
The baby develops these positions by introjecting parts of the m other and
of the external world into himself, and by projecting parts of him self on to
objects in the external world.
The ‘paranoid-schizoid position’ is characterized by a split between bad
and good and by massive projection of self on to the environment. The
‘depressive position’, developed later, allows for a better integration of
good/bad and a finer differentiation between mother/infant, and me/others.

I will elaborate on this subject while describing children stuck in one of
these positions.
Ogden explores the idea that human experience is the product of a
dialectical interplay of three modes of generating experience:
1 the ‘autistic-contiguous m ode’;
2 the ‘paranoid-schizoid m ode’;
3 the ‘depressive m ode’.
‘Each mode creates, prevents and negates the other’ (Ogden 1989: 4).
These three modes are developed in early childhood, starting with the
autistic-contiguous position - a sensory-dominated, pre-symbolic area of
experience; moving towards the development of the paranoid-schizoid
position; and finally reaching the depressive mode, where one achieves a
sense of subjectivity, continuity, and the wealth of symbolism.
But these modes also exist synchronically and the movement between
them is what gives life its richness. Ogden views psychopathology as the
‘collapse of the dialectic in the direction of one or the other of the modes of
generating experience’ (ibid.).
Children who operate mainly in one mode of organizing experience have
either failed to advance from a more primitive position, or they are
regressed. Sometimes they achieved the ability to operate in these three
modes but have difficulties with the movements between them.
Since children organize their experience through play, remaining stuck
in one mode is reflected in the way they play. These children often get
trapped in their own spontaneous play, and therefore play loses its healing
power.
Through the use of ritual, projective play and drama, the dramatherapist
can help the child enrich his spontaneous play and help him move more
freely in the area within the three ‘mental claim s’ that define play.
By helping the child organize and develop his spontaneous play, the
therapist gives him the tools to reorganize his experience; the dialogue
between inner life and reality is released. More often than not, this will
enable the child to develop new modes of organizing experience and to
move freely between them.
Dramatherapy with children who operate in the autistic-contiguous

mode
‘The autistic-contiguous’ position is understood as a sensory-dominated,
pre-symbolic area of experience in which the most primitive form of
meaning is generated on the basis of the organization of sensory
impressions: ‘rhythm, touch and shape, contribute to the earliest
psychological organization in this m ode’ (Ogden 1989: 32).
Ogden and many others view the infant from its very first days as being
active in its interaction with others. The essence of this interaction is
sensory and physical: ‘The body and its relationship with other bodies -
through touch and the other senses - forms the basis for the developm ent of
identity in all human beings’ (Jennings 1993: 25).
Both rhythmicity and experiences of surface contiguity are fundamental
to a person’s earliest feelings of self and relation with others. The experience
of being held, rocked, sung to, covered and fed are of crucial importance for
the baby’s development of self and its ability to relate to others. The first
infant-m other interactions are based on these sensory elements. In this
mode of organizing experience, there is no sense of inside-outside, self-
other. What is important is the meeting between these shapes, rhythms and
textures.
Older children who operate mainly in this mode suffer severe
psychopathology. They are not necessarily autistic, but they have great
difficulties differentiating inside from outside, possessing only a very
vague sense of self and hardly any ability to communicate meaningfully
with others.
These children will not spontaneously engage in m ake-believe play.
They will stick to the sensory and physical play which characterizes this
mode. Although they might have acquired language, verbal symbolism is
meaningless to them. They organize their mental images in shapes, rhythm,
texture and motion.
The dramatherapist who works with such children may at first intend to
trace the child’s tactile, rhythmic and motion patterns. When these patterns
are recognized, a ritual will be originated by repeating the pattern. This
ritual will usually include swinging, covering with cloth, playing with sand
or water, or reproducing rhythm and sounds. The physical ritual gives
shape to sensory experience. This shape provides a sensory experience
of boundaries and containment. Both therapist and child participate in this
ritual. W ithin the safety of this contiguity, the beginning of a sense of m e -
others can develop.
Usually, after the physical ritual is created and enacted, a symbol will
arise from the child’s associations. Now the ritual will continue to develop.
It will still have a very defined physicality, but it will include a theme, a
story or a song.
Originally, in early societies, the ritual was a form of ‘m ake-believe
play’ since all participants in it shared the three ‘mental claim s’ that define
play. In the ritual, heavy emphasis is given to the claim of realification and
identification, while the claim of playfulness exists, but is almost forgotten.
Although all the participants in the ritual know each other and know that
they are putting on an act with very strict rules, the strong feeling prevails
that what is being enacted is almost real. The claim of identification is
extremely powerful. There is hardly any differentiation between mask and
role, or role and actor. The materials chosen to represent a symbol are
treated with great respect, as if they were the soul of the symbol. Actor and
audience are all part of the story which has to be told. This provides a very
strong feeling of oneness among the participants in the ritual and the
boundaries between ‘m e-others’ and ‘inside-outside’ are diffused.
In normal development, mothers often give their baby a feeling of
oneness by responding to its sensory and physical needs. This feeling of
oneness is called by Tustin a ‘healing-sensory experience’ (Tustin 1987).
This enables the baby to make bearable the awareness of its separateness.
According to Tustin: ‘When the m other-infant dyad is unable to function
in a way that provides the infant a healing sensory experience, the holes in
the fabric of the “ emergent s e lf ’’ (Stern 1985) become a source of
unbearable awareness of bodily separateness’ (Tustin 1987: 43).
Children who experience these ‘holes’ too often have difficulties
progressing out of the autistic-contiguous mode. For them, the feeling of
oneness through the enactment of their very own ritual, together with the
therapist, provides,a ‘healing-sensory experience’.
Ritual provides an effective way of re-creating the experience of oneness
that lessens the pain of a premature feeling of separation from the mother.
It also encourages connections between physical-sensory experiences and
themes, a connection that enables movement to more advanced modes.
Case illustration: Uri and ‘ The ritual of the cocoon

Uri was 11 years old when I first met him. Since he was bom, he was used
as a weapon by his parents in their violent struggle against each other. At
the time he started treatment, his m other left her husband and took along
her children.
Uri seemed completely detached from reality. Although his intelligence
level was normal, he did not know how many days were in a week or how
long is an hour. Everything fell from his hands. There was a constant smile
on his face, even during violent outbursts.
He was referred to our unit because of his severe psychopathology. His
father and mother were each assigned to separate psychotherapists. Since
the psychologist who tested him recommended treatment on a pre-verbal
level, I saw Uri twice a week for individual dramatherapy.
Since I share a room with the occupational therapist, a wide selection of
sensory-stimulating elements - swings, large balls, cloth, water and a sand
box - is available. Puzzles and cognitive games are displayed on the
shelves. A variety of dolls, puppets, miniature toys, costumes, masks and
a large supply of art materials are kept in boxes.
During the first meetings, I could hardly follow U ri’s play. I had
difficulties remembering what he did. He engaged in physical play with
most of these elements. I felt exhausted and frantic when he left.
At further meetings, it became clear that almost the whole of his physical
activities involved some kind of swinging, covering him self and hiding.
We developed a ritual, which we repeated endless times.
Uri would lie on a large swing. I would cover him with a large piece of
soft cloak and then swing him. After a few minutes, the cloak would fall; I
would say ‘Oh! . . . the cloak fell!’ and cover him again. This ritual calmed
him. After repeating it for almost thirty minutes, he would choose a very
easy puzzle, sit near me and play with it, reminding me of a 2-year-old
child.
I understood this ritual as an expression of his wish to be held and
contained like a baby, and of his fear that, in the course of our
interaction, the fabric that holds him, and ‘u s’, together might fall, as it
did in his early relationship with his parents.
Such a sensory ritual may contain a complex idea without having
recourse to words.
Later on, Uri started a search for more stable containers than a cloak and
a swing. He chose a cylinder, hiding inside it and rocking himself. I joined
in rocking him and singing a lullaby. Uri said: ‘I am a butterfly cocoon!’
This was the first time he invented a symbol both connected to and
removed from him self.1
While rocking Uri, I made up a song about a cocoon who felt safe all
covered up; it was not completely protected since wind and rain might
endanger it and people might step on it. Then Uri would stretch a hand or a
leg out of the cylinder and pull it back in. The song continued
synchronically with U ri’s movements; it was about the cocoon’s
ambivalence, and whether it was worthwhile getting out of the cocoon
state to become a butterfly, and which state was safer.
In this ritual, there was a strong feeling of oneness between us; we were
both storytellers of his myth.
Gradually, Uri initiated the separation between us. One day he declared:
‘You are the mother-butterfly and I am the cocoon’. After that, we started
to improvise short play interactions between m other and cocoon.
Although we still repeated the cocoon ritual at each session, the balance
between ritual and improvisation started to change. Through ritual, Uri
experienced a sense of oneness with a caretaker which he had missed at the
beginning of his life. In ritual, text, music and movement patterns are
clearly defined and repetitive. When he started to improvise, Uri took the
risk of surprising me and of being surprised by my reactions. In mutual
improvisation, two separate individuals meet and play. Uri started to ‘allow
and enjoy an overlap of two play areas’ (W innicott 1971: 48). When this
occurs, the child begins to experience a feeling of separateness with all its
frustrations and joys. From this point on, U ri’s ability to play symbolic
make-believe play developed rapidly. His play became less physical and
more communicative.
From the feedback I received from his mother and his school, it seemed
that U ri’s relation to reality was starting to change. I believe that the
development of his play helped him engage in a new dialogue between
his inner and outer life.
Throughout our work together, there was a period of severe regression.
This period was related to a ‘sudden’ worsening of the fam ily’s situation.
Uri regressed at school, had a psychotic episode at home and completely
lost his ability for ‘m ake-believe’ play.
While his m other’s therapist worked hard to help her reorganize the
fam ily’s reality and to contain U ri’s difficulties with less aggression, I
worked intensively with Uri.
New rituals had to be created to hold him through these difficult times. In
our sessions, he stopped playing. He walked restlessly around the room,
spreading and throwing small toys and parts of puzzles all over the place.
My attempts to help him put his feelings into words seemed to do more
harm than good. After he had torn the whole room apart, he would throw
himself upon a mattress and kick his hands and legs. Remembering his
need for covering at the beginning of our work together, I tried to cover
him with the cloak but he threw it away violently. I gathered the pieces of
puzzle he threw before and covered him with them; he then asked me to
cover all of his body so he would not see or hear anything. Gradually, he
calmed down.
This interaction was not ‘play’. No claim of playfulness existed. It was
U ri’s only way of showing me his terrible fear of breaking into small pieces
and his need to shut him self off completely from outside reality. Once I
managed to communicate, in the sensory mode, that I acknowledged his
wish to disconnect from reality and that I believed that the pieces of
himself could be collected and returned to him, he calmed down. We
then repeated the process: he threw little toys in the room and I covered
him with them. By doing so, we re-enacted something that had happened in
the past, and redefined it as play; this became a ritual that gave physical
shape and sensory content to our history.
Two weeks later, when Uri became more organized, we repeated this
ritual. Suddenly, Uri told me the story behind it: ‘Once upon a time, there
was a tiny, tiny baby. Upon leaving the hospital after his birth, he was
crushed between two cars that drove like crazy. During the crash, the
doctor’s medicine was scattered all over. The doctor had to collect the
medicine as fast as possible and rush to the hospital to save the baby,
because all these little toys were the only medicine that could help the
baby.’
Dramatherapy with children who operate mainly in the paranoid-

schizoid mode
The paranoid-schizoid mode was conceived by Melanie Klein as the most

primitive psychological organization (Klein 1975).
W innicott (1960, 1971) and Guntrip (1961) talk about more primitive
psychological organizations, while Ogden, as we have seen, views the
paranoid-schizoid mode as developing out of the autistic-contiguous
mode. In it we find the beginning of a differentiation between ‘m e’ and
‘not-m e’. But there is not yet a full relationship between ‘m e’ and ‘real
others’. It is rather a relationship between parts of ‘m y se lf’and ‘other-
parts-of-m yself-that-are-projected-on-to-others’. ‘Self ’ and ‘others’ are
perceived as ‘things’ rather than full human beings.
In this mode, the child is capable of feeling love and hate towards
him self and others. But loving and hating the same object is intolerable.
The fear of causing damage and being damaged by love objects is great.
The child therefore organizes his experience by splitting between good and
bad, and by trying om nipotently to control the environment.
Children who operate mainly in this mode tend to use free playtime for
projective play. It is often difficult to follow their play, since their
defensive use of splitting creates a discontinuity of experience. They
jum p from symbol to symbol, and the thread that holds the symbols
together is hidden. Other times, their play is super-organized, with no
place for surprises or risk-taking. This rigid organization defends them
from connecting with their inner sense of discontinuity.
In this mode, there is very little space between the symbol and the
symbolized. ‘Thoughts and feelings are not experienced as personal
creations but as facts’ (Ogden 1989: 21). Children relate to their imaginary
creations in a concrete manner that denies the richness of their own
symbolism. Concretizing symbols reduces the space between inner and
outer life. This eliminates the natural healing power of play.
W hatever character the child chooses to play, the role will be the same.
Every character will either be the victim or the aggressor, the villain or the
hero. A wolf might have the same voice and body motion as a policeman, a
father and a thief, and the poor sheep will behave in the same manner as the
baby or the old woman. Although the child jum ps from symbol to symbol,
they all mostly look and sound similar.
The characters selected by such children are very often mechanized:
cars, dinosaurs, machines and especially robots. The child does not
emotionally relate to toys; these may easily be interchanged. This might
reflect a sense of dehumanization. Humans become ‘things’ which can
control the child from within. People may easily be used and replaced.
This mode allows very little space for feelings of loss, missing or guilt.
In this mode, the child’s imaginary world is full, with characters, action
and intense emotions of fear and hate. Yet it is a dull world. All characters
are similar and there is very little variety of emotion. Events just ‘happen’,
with no sense or causality.
The following directions should be considered by dramatherapists while
working with such children:
1 help them organize their spontaneous play in a way that will be less
chaotic - around a theme, a scene or a story - so they can identify the
thread that holds the symbols together and gain some sense of continuity
of experience;
2 help them develop their imaginary characters in the following ways:
(a) encourage differentiation between the various characters by defining
each one’s uniqueness
(b) develop in the child a sense of empathy towards higher imaginary
creations by associating them with a wide variety of emotion and
connecting these emotions to life events
(c) develop a sense of causality within the make-believe world. Events
do not just ‘happen’; they also might be motivated and enacted by
someone
(d) encourage the child to develop a variety of relationships among his
imaginary creations.
The main aim of such work is to develop the ‘m ake-believe’ world so it
includes more human figures, with emotions, motivation and reasons for
behaviour. This will allow for better integration between ‘good’ and ‘bad’
and a more continuous sense of experience.
Enriching the imaginary world in this way will decrease the concrete
m an n er in w h ic h the ch ild treats sy m b o ls. T h is w ill a llo w the m ea n in g of
the symbols to surface.
It is not easy to achieve these goals. Children who need the omnipotent
control and who view things and thoughts as facts may easily feel attacked
and misunderstood by any intervention in this direction. The dram a
therapist has to start by accepting the child’s perception without actually
agreeing with it; an effective way to achieve this is to join the child in his
other make-believe play as an obedient actor. When the therapist accepts
the child’s will and plays the exact part the child asks for, the child feels
accepted. Yet the ‘mental claim ’ of playfulness works to the benefit of the
therapist’s activities. Both parties know that the therapist may or may not
agree with the child’s perception as expressed in the play. This is not
always easy for the therapist, since the child may ask her to play very
cruel and bizarre roles. It is important for the therapist to assume these
roles, but to keep the scenario played strictly within the realm of the
make-believe play.
Only after the therapist asserts her ability to play together with the child
within the ‘make-believe area’ will the child accept intervention in the
direction of change.
Case illustration: Ron - The machine that discovered its humanity’

Ron was referred for treatment by his school psychologist and was
accepted by the Unit for Intensive Therapy for Children. Although he
was 14 years old, his only means of self-expression was through play -
therefore the psychologist who tested him recommended dramatherapy
which he received once a week.
Ron is the eldest child of a very depressive mother. He has both learning
disabilities and emotional difficulties that affected the m other-child dyad
from the start. He was one of the most ‘bizarre’ children I ever met. He
talked to him self in strange voices, loved to play with miniature toys, but it
was impossible to follow his play. At times, he would give him self
behavioural orders in a robotic manner. He was com pletely isolated
socially.
From the very first session, it was clear that Ron felt free only when
playing. However, since play isolated him from reality, it was also his
prison.
He played with all the miniatures in the room. He divided them into
‘bad machine-like figures’ and ‘good small-(usually) animal figures’
which were often harshly abused by the big ones. His play had no sense
of continuity. He jum ped from one toy to another making strange noises,
often forgetting what he had just done. Fragments of songs would just
pop up out of his head with no apparent connection to what he was doing
at the moment.
Although Ron knew he was playing, his attitude toward his imaginary
creations was overly concrete. Therefore it was difficult to discover the
symbolism in his play.
Because of the complexity of R on’s difficulties, my work with him
included both cognitive and emotional elements. We started our work
within the play area, but later also worked on reality-based issues. For
the purpose of this chapter, I wish to focus on the ways I helped Ron
organize and develop his spontaneous play, to enable him to move from the
paranoid-schizoid toward the depressive mode.
I will discuss two main methods of intervention:
1 Organizing frantic play around an image

In one of our first sessions, Ron was more anxious than usual. I had no idea
what the reason could be and I could not make sense of his play. He played
with a lot of miniatures and small toys and sang fragments of songs and
melodies. He asked me to imitate the voices and songs of all these little
creatures. I could hardly manage to comply. His imaginary characters

became more and more frantic as I failed to do so. I suggested we make
a list to help me remember all these characters and songs. Ron was not able
to describe his characters, which were all some kind of robot. But he
gave each a number and a song or melody. This task had a surprisingly
calming effect on both of us and he narrowed down his songs and
characters to five:
1 an angry and abusive song;
2 a song expressing fear of abuse;
3 a song about the fear of going crazy;
4 a song with the text T ’m always happy, I forget my troubles’;
5 a frantic, unclear melody which I could not follow.
I suggested we make-believe we have a ‘song-m achine’. He would press
the button with the name of the song and I would try to sing the proper
song.
As we played this game, the thread holding all the symbols together
suddenly appeared. His singing characters were a way of regulating his
emotions. The most frightening theme for him was the fear of becoming
crazy. Less frightening was the fear of abuse. Being the abuser had a
calming effect on him, and being happy forgetting his troubles was the
most calming song.
Ron used his ‘song-m achine’ to deal with his fears. I pointed out to him
that his machine is like a fairground. By operating this machine, the child
scares him self more and more, until he can no longer bear it. He then
switches the machine to a calming song, only to re-engage further in a
scary one. Ron smiled, and asked me to press button number five. I did so.
He started to sing the same melody that I found so confusing at the
beginning of the session. It was a beautiful song, with a sense of conti
nuity, a beginning, a middle and an end. It also had a very long, sad part.
This was the first time I saw Ron as a complete human being, a person
with a range of emotions that could be experienced and expressed
artistically through music. I saw that as the beginning of an ability to
relate to the world in the depressive mode.
At the beginning of the session, he treated his imaginary creations and
their songs in a concrete manner. There was no distance between the singer
and the songs. After we organized the songs around an image, the meaning
of the songs started to surface. This enabled Ron to allow distance between
the symbol and the symbolized. He was em otionally connected to the
melody, but the melody was not him. I believe that in this beginning of
artistic expression lies the beginning of an ability to relate to the
relationship between inner life and reality in a more mature symbolic
manner.
2 Helping Ron gain empathy towards his imaginary characters by

encouraging more fully human characteristics and a sense of continuity
within the imaginary world
After the creation of the ‘music m achine’ Ron started to develop four
parallel little plays which he re-created each session. For each play, he
selected a different set of little toys. But the content of these little plays was
very similar: in most of them, he used mechanical plastic toys. They were
all about frightening and cruel adventures of villains and abused victims.
One of these dramas was slightly different. It told the story of ‘Good
C harade’, ‘Bad Sherm an’ and a ‘Judge’. Charade was named after a car
that was often parked outside the clinic. Charade was a clothm ade, very
soft beetle puppet. Sherman - who was named after a tank - was a soft-
made whale puppet. The Judge was any hard object (stick, wooden cube
etc.) that was available.
The play was about some undefined ‘crim e’ that Bad Sherman com
mitted against Good Charade, and the terrible punishments that the Judge
inflicted on Sherman. The punishments were extremely cruel. Sherman was
often buried, burned alive or mutilated.
Ron gave me the role of Charade while he held the puppet that
represented Sherman and the object that represented the Judge. I was
expected to repeat Sherm an’s text as he was slowly dying or suffering.
All my attempts to investigate the nature of Sherm an’s crime failed. I
believed that this play represented R on’s attitude towards parts of him self
and towards his therapy. It seemed to me that Ron wished me to help him
understand and accept Sherman. I had to help Ron develop Sherm an’s
character in order to allow the meaning of the symbol to surface. It was
a difficult task, because Sherman was experienced by Ron as a very
negative side of him self and I had to accept his wish to ‘kill him ’, while
helping him to develop empathy toward this character.
The following short dramatic improvisation illustrates the way the play
went:
Judge/Ron: He is sentenced to death.
Charade/Galila: But . . .
Judge/Ron: Kill him, I said! Put him injail, and then burn him.
Charade/Galila: What was his crime?
Judge/Ron: None of your business . . . (he turns to me) Hangman
. . . prepare the fire!
Hangman/Galila: (Prepares the fire)
Charade/Galila: I want to protest . . . I do not understand the verdict!
(Ron asks me to voice Sherman as he is dying in the fire, while he holds
Sherman s puppet in one hand and hits it with the other)
Sherman/Galila: ‘one thousand firemen w on’t manage to put me
off . . .’ (Singing a well-known Hebrew song)
Judge/Ron: Shut up! You w on’t sing for long. Hangman, make
the fire stronger!
Hangman/Galila: (Makes the fire stronger)
Sherman!Galila: (Sings louder and louder while Ron abuses him,
throwing stones at him)
Judge IRon: We finally got rid of him! Hangman, bury him deep
so we never hear his voice again!
Hangman! Ron: (Buries Sherman deep under the carpet)
Charade/Galila: (Crying) My friend is dead! I couldn’t help it! The
Judge never gave me a chance! I know he must have
done something to me, but I do not know what!
What could have been so bad as to deserve such a
punishment?
Judge /Ron: Go home.
Charade/Galila: (Remains seated next to the grave)
Judge /Ron: We w on’t hear him sing again the song of the
oppressed!
Charade/Galila: Was that his crime?
Judge /Ron: Yes.
Charade/Galila: No one wants to hear the voice of the oppressed. It is
too sad and painful to listen to.
(We both sat quietly by the grave, and suddenly)
Storyteller/Ron: And then . . . the Messiah came and all the dead came
back to life.
Sherman! Ron: (in panic . . .) Where am I? I do not remember any
thing! Help . . . I am crazy!
Charade/Galila: Relax, you are not crazy! You went through a lot.
You wanted to sing the song of the oppressed but it
was not allowed in the society you lived in. So the
Judge punished you. You were burned and buried.
Then the Messiah came and brought you back to life.
No one can remember such frightening things!
Sherman!Ron: Oh! So I am not crazy? Thank you, thank you for
telling me what really happened!
From this point on, the characters of Sherman and Charade and the
relationship between them started to develop. Sherman became the
symbol for all forbidden feelings - need, love, loneliness, and the pain
and guilt of being born impaired. Sherman was oppressed and killed
again and again because Ron was overwhelmed by those feelings and
lost control of his behaviour. He therefore had to regress to the paranoid-
schizoid mode, often forgetting what he had just done and losing his
sense of continuity.
Further on, gradually, working first in the realm of the imaginary world
and later connecting the ‘m ake-believe’ world to reality, Ron expanded his
ability to relate to the world also in the depressive mode.
Dramatherapy with children who operate mainly in the ‘depressive

m ode’
The concept of the ‘depressive position’ was introduced by Melanie Klein
(1975) to refer to the most mature form of psychological organization.
O gden’s focus is on the ‘depressive mode, not as a structure or a dev
elopmental phase, but as a process through which perception is attri
buted meaning in a particular w ay’ (Ogden 1989: 9-11). He talks about
the dialectical relationship between this mode and the more primitive
modes.
In this mode, a person achieves the ability to relate to him self and others
as full human beings. Self and others are conceived with a sense of
continuity. The person does not become another person when constantly
subject to changes of moods and/or emotions. It is only when ‘thoughts and
feelings are experienced to a large degree as personal creations . . . that
one develops a feeling of responsibility for psychological actions’
(Ogden 1989: 12). Therefore, there is space between the symbol and the
symbolized and symbols have layers of meaning.
In this mode, a person also cares about others; therefore, feelings of guilt
about real or imagined harm that one has caused to others are strong. There
is a capacity for feeling loss, for missing, empathy and ambivalence. Life is
outside the area of omnipotence. One is often sad about what one never had
and, indeed, feelings of grief and loss are experienced towards the
unattainable.
Like the others, this mode never exists on its own. ‘Every facet of human
experience is the outcome of a dialectic constituted by the interplay of the
three m odes’ (Ogden 1989: 4). Children who operate predominantly in this
mode do not have access to the other, more primitive modes, of which they
are usually terrified.
These children are often very good at school. They express themselves as
adults. They are empathic, concerned about others and understand the
complexities of life at a very early age. However, they pay a high price
for their maturity. They hardly dare desire something for themselves. They
do not allow themselves feelings of anger, jealousy and passion. They feel
guilty about their thoughts, feelings and the imaginary damage they might
have caused. They often feel as if life has passed them by and have morbid
thoughts.
These children often stop engaging in make-believe play at a relatively
early age. They prefer reading, board and com puter games, drawing or
writing and sometimes sport. They feel too responsible for their imaginary
world to engage in actual make-believe play.
The constant struggle against the appearance of the more primitive

modes causes a variety of symptoms, including suicidal thoughts. Being
in contact with the more primitive modes is essential to the feeling of being
alive.
In working with these children, it is very important to respect their
defences. Drama and theatre work enables them to make use of their
intellectual curiosity to help them engage in a dynamic dialogue between
the three modes.
Myths, legends, plays and stories hold the complexity and richness of
symbolism that belong to the depressive mode together with the extreme
emotions and magic that belong to the paranoid-schizoid mode. The active
process of turning literature into theatre includes sensory and physical
work that belongs to the autistic-contiguous mode.
Within the safety of acting a story without being responsible for its
symbolism, children are encouraged to search for artistic expression.
They move within the range of owning and alienating their emotions and
experience themselves as an intellectual, emotional and sensory being.
During the creative process, the child searches for the ‘aesthetic
distance’, which is the point of equilibrium in the artistic form. At this
point, the performer ‘retains a piece of the overdistant cognitive observer
and a piece of the underdistanced affective actor’ (Landy 1986: 100).
Through this work, the healing dialogue between inner life and outer
reality is released.
Case illustration: Orit The Storyteller

Orit was an 11-year-old girl, talented and intelligent. Her father died during
army service. She had one older brother who served in the military and she
lived alone with a very controlling mother and adopted the role of
‘m other’s best friend’. She was referred to a dramatherapy group by her
psychologist; while she continued individual psychotherapy with her, she
also joined a dramatherapy group in a private practice, which met for two
hours at a time every second week.
Orit operated mainly in the depressive mode. She had an amazing ability
to use symbolism and was a very empathic little girl. She never wanted or
wished for anything for herself. She was socially isolated and felt that life
was passing her by. The psychologist who treated her recommended
dramatherapy to help her reconnect to her creative self. When starting
psychological treatment, she concentrated on trying to please her
psychologist.
When Orit joined the dramatherapy group, she was very shy and avoided
participating in any acting role. Since she drew very well, she very much
enjoyed being the ‘set designer’ for other children’s improvisations. She
read a lot, and was familiar with many stories and legends.
For the purpose of this chapter, I would like to focus on two episodes in
which dramatic work helped her connect with more prim itive modes of
organizing experience, and the liberating effect that these modes had for
her.
1 The Legend of the Fisherm an’s Wife

For several weeks, the group had been working on legends. We divided
into several smaller groups, each one working on a different legend.
Orit joined a group working on the Legend of the Fisherm an’s Wife and
the Golden Fish. As usual, she was the costume designer. She designed a
wonderful costume and mask for the fisherman’s wife.
She made a mask out of papier mache using glue made out of water and
flour. She enjoyed the messy, sensual work with these materials. I asked all
mask-makers to wear the masks they made, and to show their small group
the image they had in mind while creating the mask. W ithin the framework
of the rehearsal, while everyone was wctrking simultaneously, Orit wore the
mask and started improvising a humorous monologue for the envious and
greedy fisherman’s wife.
This character belonged to the paranoid-schizoid mode. She was jealous,
greedy and bad and lived in a world in which people were either ‘bad and
greedy’ or ‘good and stupid’.
In this role, Orit adopted for the first time a sense of wanting something
for herself. At the end of the session, she expressed having had more fun
than usual.
2 Snow W hite’s Sleep (a mini-death that gave room to life)

After the fisherman’s wife monologue, Orit felt much freer within the
group. She started to enjoy acting. She expressed her wishes and ideas
more often and loved to play the part of the ‘bad guy’, a role she never
allowed herself in real life. At this point, Orit was trapped in the depressive
mode. She viewed life with its com plexities, she showed understanding for
her mother, her father’s death, her therapist, but lacked empathy towards
her own anger, need and greed. She felt guilty about these unconscious
feelings. Through the use of drama, she could experience them. The
character of the fisherman’s wife viewed the world through the glass of
the paranoid-schizoid mode. When this happened, Orit began to include
this mode in the way she viewed her outside world. She created a split
between the two treatment modalities. She enjoyed the dramatherapy group
and felt cared for and appreciated by me and the group members: it
represented the ‘good m other’, while her psychologist represented the
‘bad m other’and was experienced as boring and demanding.
O rit’s psychologist worked hard to contain the negative transference
while Orit continued to develop her spontaneity with the help of the
dramatherapy group.
We were once working with the concept of ‘sleep’, a m etaphor which
was brought up by one of the group members. We did a lot of physical
work using cloth and pillows. At a certain point, almost all the group
members found a place to rest and relax.
Orit was restless. Finally, she sat on a swing and started swinging
vigorously. I joined her by swinging her as fast and strongly as possible.
I gradually slowed the pace, and she started to relax. I covered her with a
cloth, continued to rock her, and sang a lullaby to the ‘sleeping’ group.
When the song ended, I asked each child to write or draw something about
their experience.
Orit wrote and read to the group a beautiful story about ‘Snow W hite’s
sleep’.
Snow White was afraid to fall asleep, because the moment she tasted the
apple, she knew she had been cheated by her stepmother and was afraid
to die. As she was struggling not to fall asleep, she heard her real
m other’s voice singing, and fell into deep sleep. She told her dead
mother how hard life was for her. She spoke about her King father
being away on important missions, leaving her at the mercy of her cruel
stepmother, who turned her into a slave. She was tired of slaving for
other people and wanted a life of her own, but she was not sure she
would ever obtain it.
Later, her psychologist told me that Orit let her read this story and this
opened a new communication line between them. It seems that the physical-
sensory work helped Orit get in touch with the autistic-contiguous mode.
Together with the psychologist’s perseverance, the creative work helped
Orit reorganize her perception of childhood, and she gained the ability to
move freely between the three modes. She expressed this newly acquired
ability through the Snow White story. At this point, she was able to
integrate both treatment modalities and to initiate a new search to discover
her true self.
CO NCLUSIO N
O gden’s theory emphasizes the importance of the dialectical relationship
between the three modes of generating experience.
In this chapter, I have emphasized the importance of play for children’s
mental health. Through play, children organize their experience and
maintain a live dialogue between their developing inner world and reality.
When children are unable to use play in this manner, this important
dialogue stagnates and the dialectical relationship between the three
modes2 of generating experience collapses into one single direction.
I believe that the role of the dramatherapist is to help children restore

their ability to play in a way that will release this important dialogue.
In order to achieve this goal, the dramatherapist starts a playful dialogue
with the child. The com m unication between the child and the therapist is in
the same mode that the child uses to attribute meaning to his experience. If
the child operates mainly in the autistic-contiguous mode, the playful
dialogue will be physical and sensory. When the child operates mainly
in the paranoid-schizoid mode, the dialogue will begin with projective
play. And if the child operates mainly in the depressive mode, literature,
theatre and drama will be the window to communication. After this
dialogue is established, the dramatherapist helps the child enrich his play
by encouraging him to discover the live space between symbol and
symbolized.
The important dialogue between inner and outer life and the ability for a
dialectical relationship between the three modes is often stimulated when
children discover the wealth of their own play.
ACKNOW LEDGEM ENTS

I should like to thank Marianne Soher for help in writing this chapter.
NOTES
1 Cylinder in Hebrew is ‘g a li l\ and my name is ‘G alila’. C ocoon in Hebrew is
‘g o le m ’, which also means ‘stupid’.
2 This framework follow s similar lines to Jenning’s EPR (Embodiment, Projec
tion and R ole) theory; see Jennings 1993.
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Landy, R. (1986) D ram a Therapy C on cepts and P ractices. Springfield, 111.: Charles
C. Thomas.
Ogden, T. H. (1989) The P rim itive E dge o f E xperience. N ew Jersey: Jason
Aronson.
Piaget, J. and Inhelder, B. (1969) The P sych ology o f the C hild. Trowbridge: Basic
Books.
Segal, H. (1964) Introduction to the W orld o f M elanie K lein. N ew York: B asic
Books (English edition 1991, London: Kam ac.)
Stern, D. (1977) The F irst R elation sh ip: infant and m other. Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press.
(1985) The Interpersonal W orld o f the Infant. N ew York: Basic Books.
Tustin, F. (1987) A u tistic B arriers in N eurotic P atients. London: Kamac.
W innicott, D. W. (1971) P laying an d R eality. Harmondsworth, M iddlesex:
Penguin.
Part II
The context of dramatherapy

work
Chapter 4
The role a role-play may play

Dramatherapy and the externalization of
the problem
Torben Marner
INTR O D U C TIO N
This chapter deals with the relationship between dramatherapy (Jennings
1990) and recent developments in systemic family therapy.
The main trend is towards an approach. The post-systemic family
therapists tend to step down from the cybernetic metalevel, to the level
where they meet the referred child and the child’s family in a personal way.
From yesterday’s attempt to understand the dysfunctional interaction of
the family, the focus today is on learning what the family finds constructive
in the therapeutic dialoque.
Years ago the referred child was the scapegoat. When this label was
removed from the child, the parents often became targets. To counteract
this, the Milan Systemic Associates (Selvini et al. 1980) designed three
guidelines for the interviewing therapist: hypothesizing, circularity and
neutrality. This resulted in making scapegoats of either all or none of the
family members.
Recently the theory and practice of the Australian Michael White and
David Epston from New Zealand (Epston 1989, White 1989, Epston and
White 1992, 1993) have introduced the technique of ‘externalization’ to
end all labelling and unite the child and her family in a ‘freedom fight’
against the subjugating problem. By externalizing, objectifying and often
personifying the problem as a tyrant, a monster, a troll, etc., they have not
only engendered a fighting spirit, but have also transformed the therapist
from the supreme expert into a friend against foes, and an ally against all
kinds of oppressors.
A whole new language has emerged. Talk about an internal illness has
been replaced by a discourse about the real effects of the change; for
example, ‘I am anorectic’ becomes ‘Anorexia wants me to. . . ’ Externaliz
ing the problem, as well as maintaining a spirit of resistance towards
sneaking counterattacks from the problem, demands an encouraging sup
port from the therapist, who needs all his ingenuity, playfulness, persis
64 The context of dramatherapy work
tence and creativity to be an ally in the struggle towards liberation. Thus

theory and practice emerge more and more clearly, in an overlap of the
ideas and methods of dramatherapy. Every family session becomes ‘a play
within the play’, though most frequently taking the form of an imaginary
enactment on a verbal level.
The three case histories in this chapter illustrate the dramatherapeutic
elements of imagination, roles, role-reversal and playful m agical rituals,
which are now part of the family therapy interview all over the world.
The first case history is a family therapy session which took place in
1985, a few years before I came to know about externalization and
dramatherapy. What was intuitive then is today a conscious choice of
action. Some new theories and practices are integrated more gracefully
and naturally than others. This is undoubtedly due to personality and
timing, a fit between the therapist, his professional experience and the
new perspective inherent in a particular ideology and practice.
1 Case history
When I recall this family session, it seems to have consisted of six
sequences:
1 the referral
2 the welcome
3 the story
4 the invitation
5 the role-play
6 the directive.
1 The referral
The general practitioner had referred a 7-year-old girl for anxiety neurosis.
2 The welcome
The parents had telephoned me in the morning and asked for an expeditious
session, because they could not ‘take it any m ore’. It was possible for me to
meet with them later that afternoon.
The family drove the 70 kilometres to the outpatient clinic and brought
with them three children: Lone, 7 years old; Eric, 5 years old; and Anne, 2
years old. Lone appeared to be bright and curious, Eric reserved, bright and
calm, and Anne sat observing on the lap of the father. The mother was a
clerk (tense, tearful and powerless) and the father a hospital labourer
(initially sceptical, reserved and powerless).
The role a role-play may play 65
3 The story
They told me that five weeks earlier Lone had suddenly started to get fits of
anxiety. These fits had become more frequent, now appearing both night
and day, and also stronger: she would cling to the neck of either the mother
or the father with loud cries of ‘I am scared.’
These fits lasted some minutes, during which the parents could not get in
contact with her. As the story was being recounted, Lone had an attack of
anxiety (preceded by an ultra short side-glance to me, which gave me an
insight into the nature of the attack). Crying loudly, Lone threw herself at
the neck of her mother, who stiffened and tried in vain to console her
daughter. I continued my conversation with the father without interruption.
4 The invitation
When the fit had stopped as suddenly as it had begun, I turned to Lone and
asked her with warmth and kindness to show me the fit once again because
I had not really seen it. Lone gave me a look of surprise and replied she
could not do it. I pressed her, and reached the point where she could tell me
what she was used to doing, but she was unable to show it.
5 The role-play
Using the argument that it was important for her that she could have an
attack whenever she wanted, I suggested that she should act it out for the
sake of training. Lone immediately grasped the idea and the mother
volunteered too.
Standing in the middle of the office, Lone explained that she was
standing in the drawing room and the mother in another room, ‘and then
I run to her’. ‘Show m e,’ I asked, and got her to come rushing up to the
mother and start climbing on to her. But she could not cry loudly.
‘Maybe your father can help you with this,’ I suggested, and the father at
once volunteered. ‘Daddy is in the bathroom and washes his hands, because
he has just finished making the car,’ Lone explained. ‘Yes, and his hands
are still a little w et,’ I proposed. Lone nodded, ran to the father and started
climbing up to his neck, but still without the loud cries.
I now suggested that the m other should play Lone and Lone her mother.
Lone sat down on the couch beside me and the mother walked into the
‘drawing room ’ and produced a ‘fit’ in which, with loud exclamations, she
came rushing up to the father, climbed up and hung herself round his neck,
continually shouting, until she burst into laughter and climbed down again.
With seriousness, I now asked Lone whether she would judge the acting
of her mother to be very good, half good or bad. ‘Half good,’ Lone replied,
‘because she laughed in the end.’ ‘And what about the acting of Lone?’
‘Only half good,’ the m other said with a smile, ‘because Lone did not look
worried enough.’
6 The directive
Shortly after this I suggested the directive: the parents should role-play an
anxiety fit, with Lone in the main role, following each spontaneous fit of
anxiety.
The parents agreed, and two days later the m other called me and said that
there had been a drastic decrease in the frequency of anxiety fits. Both she
and her spouse felt supported, because they now knew what to do in this
situation in which they formerly had felt so powerless.
To give the parents and Lone even more solid ground under their feet, I
wrote them the following letter a few days later:
Dear Mrs and Mr Hansen,
You have let me know that the situation has improved, but as it is
important to allow for the possibility of a relapse I suggest that you
buy Lone a little toy animal, e.g. a teddy bear, to have if she feels that
the anxiety is coming back. Together with the teddy bear she should
decide whether she wants to come to another family session at the
outpatient department. In that case she should inform you parents that
it is something which both she and the teddy bear agree about.
A week after the first session, the m other telephoned again and said that
she was sad, because the school had said that she kept Lone away from
school.
I replied that I was sure that she would do only what she felt was the best
for Lone and suggested that she supported Lone in going to school by
giving her permission to leave the school early if she felt bad, and that she
got the school’s permission to do this. Besides this the mother m entioned
that Lone was again sleeping in her own bed and had taken up playing
outside with her friends for the first time since the start of the fits.
We agreed upon a follow-up phone call four weeks later. It was Lone
who picked up the telephone and with liveliness and brightness described
how the fits had disappeared in the daytime, but appeared a few times
during the nights. She had been attending school as normal and likewise
played with her friends.
The m other took over and confirmed what Lone had been saying. She
said that Lone had attended school the last two weeks and ‘everything was
back to norm al’. We agreed upon termination, but I suggested that the
family in case of a relapse held a family discussion at home, about the
relevance of another family session at the outpatient department.
Thus the ‘spell’ of anxiety on a 7-year-old girl and her family was
broken in a single family session. In the six sequences of the family

session, the case history illustrates the power of imagination and the
mastering of the problem by techniques I now would call dramatherapeutic
techniques of role-playing and role-reversal.
Contrary to dramatherapy, however, it was I, the therapist, who directed
the play, which in itself bore no resemblance to ‘acting ou t’ in an analytic
sense. The child and her parents were not invited to act in some roles
chosen by themselves, but consciously to repeat the pattern both as actors
and director.
The enactment, however, gave the girl access to a more constructive and
creative use of her fantasy and it also let humour and liveliness into the
family.
DR A M ATH ER APY AND E X T ER N A L IZA TIO N

White and Epston have expressed their wonder that externalization of the
problem was not described in family therapy literature before 1979 (Epston
and White 1992). The phenomenon, however, has been an intrinsic part of
human life since the dawn of mankind under various names such as
exorcism of bad spirits, the splitting of ‘I and my m adness’ as in Hamlet,
the representations of good and bad aspects in the play therapy of children
as well as in dramatherapy.
To illustrate the process of the relationship between externalization in
family therapy and dramatherapy, I will give a short description of the
development of the notion of externalization.
White became aware of the relative influence of the problem on the
family and of the family m em bers’ influence on the problem through
reading Bateson’s analysis of constraints (White 1986), in which he shows
that where some actions are possible, others are constrained.
White searched for moments where the child did not allow the problem
to have its will and chose the phrase ‘unique outcom es’ for these moments.
This led to the idea of a crossroads, a choice of who should decide, the
child or the problem. And once the child decided to resist and fight,
White and Epston assisted with playful imagination in the struggle to
regain self-control and the change from ‘passenger in ’ to ‘agent o f ’ his or
her life.
Later, White (Epston and White 1993), influenced by Foucault’s analysis
of power and the aspect of subjugation and oppression by the problem
(Foucault 1973), encouraged children and families to rewrite their
problem-dominated stories. At the same time, Epston (1986), influenced
by anthropological studies, introduced narrative (Bruner 1986) and rite of
passage (van Gennep 1960) as metaphors for the therapeutic process.
The whole idea of externalizing the problem seems to me to be in
keeping with basic theories and practices of dramatherapy. It is, however,
more a m atter of an overlap of ideas than of identical techniques, masked

by differences of terminology. As stated above, the family therapist is
more active in his direction than many dramatherapists, who usually
provide openings and ideas for the client to choose roles, themes and
enactments of stories.
Role-play is frequently used in the process of externalization. A brief
example will suffice:
Epston (To a girl with severe eczema) : You play the eczema, I will play
you . . .
Epston (To the eczema, speaking in his role of the girl): If we were to
compromise, what would you wish I did for you?
(Epston 1993)
2 Case history
The parents brought their child Thomas, a stuttering 11-year-old boy who
was haunted by obsessional rituals and school-phobia. Both parents had
been married before. The mother had a teenage son, who lived with his
father, and the father had a teenage daughter who lived with her m other and
her new spouse.
Thom as’s father had had the painful experience in his first marriage of
losing his first son by sudden infant death at the age of 4 months. Thomas
was therefore a precious baby for him, leading to a certain overprotection
which was openly spoken about in the first of seven therapy sessions.
In the first session the notion ‘T roll’ was introduced. It was suggested
that it made Thomas do the rituals and sabotaged his going to school. The
rituals consisted in obsessionally walking up and down the staircases in the
house.
The notion Troll was adopted by Thomas and by the parents. Thomas
described how the power of the Troll was expanding and that it was now
putting pressure on him to demand that both parents should be at home
close to him the whole day.
I mentioned that I experienced the three of them as a close, loving family
which for the time being was burdened by an extra family member, the
Troll, which would be too much for any little family.
A metaphor of a ‘campaign with many battlefields’ was developed and I
suggested that Thomas and his allies, the parents, should fight in one place
at a time. Together they chose going to school, and the mother and Thomas
decided to contact a schoolmate as an extra ally.
In the second session it was still the Troll who was mostly in charge. The
father expressed irritation over its power and wonder that the Troll
evidently had no power when Thomas was visiting the grandparents. The
Troll had made Thomas try to prevent his father from participating in a
five-day business workshop. The father said Thomas had given him a bad
conscience by saying that if he went away he would work on the side of the
Troll. The mother remarked that neither the Troll nor Thomas could give
her a bad conscience.
The family was invited to pretend it was quite an ordinary family until
the next family therapy session. In the third session they all smilingly
talked about this task as a mutually accepted defeat. Hereafter the father
mentioned that the last days had been very positive and Thomas explained
that the rituals had decreased and he now slept the whole night in his own
bed. He had started to go alone to school in the morning.
At the end of the conversation, the father asked for advice about whether
he should call the parents of the schoolmates to invite the schoolmates to
their home. The family therapy took place a year before I read Epston’s
inspiring article ‘Temper tantrum parties: saving face, losing face, or going
off your face!’ (Epston and White 1992). In it Epston suggests inviting
schoolmates to a party to watch the child’s fits. To avoid this, the child
normally fights her problem and thereby regains freedom and self-control. I
chose to underline the importance of Thom as’s expanding his domain of
actions by playing with his friends outside the home.
Some weeks later the parents in the fourth session were able to describe
how the rituals had decreased to almost nothing, and how the Troll, whom
the parents talked about almost as a family member, had lost a lot of its
restraining influence. What was left was that Thomas, now and then, when
asked to take his plate from the table, would exclaim that he was unable to
do it - and thereby show that he could have the Troll as his ally! Thomas
laughed when I gave this interpretation.
The school situation was now normalized.
Some weeks later the family came for the fifth session and Thomas was
looking happy and had grown in many ways. Everything was functioning
outside the home, but the Troll somehow still had Thomas in its grip,
forcing him now and then to repeat sequences of action in the opposite
way. Thomas explained that he was quite tired of this. Contrary to the
parents’ testimony, he didn’t think that the parents could see when it was
him and not the Troll who was in charge. This led to a ‘prediction task’ in
which family members kept a secret diary, marking a plus if they thought
Thomas was to be in charge the following day and a minus if they thought
that it would be the Troll - to see who was best at predicting.
As Thomas was talking very much about his rituals, it was agreed that
the parents would find ten minutes daily, during which Thomas could have
a talking time and the parents were to listen without comments.
Finally it was agreed that Thomas and the father should make a graphic
expression of the relation between the power of Thomas and that of the
Troll.
Three weeks later they came for the sixth session. Thomas brought an
4g
~)
@
@
& 51 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29
Figure 4. 1 Graph plotting the power of the Troll between the fifth and sixth sessions
impressive graph (Figure 4.1) and everybody brought their predictions.

These were used to point out that there were days where Thomas was
completely in charge.
When the parents talked about how the Troll succeeded one day in
making Thomas obstruct their wish to jog in the forest, I supported their
not giving in and their developing a clear and firm attitude. For example,
they could now and then do something for themselves, such as going out to
dinner together. The parents didn’t think that Thomas should be left alone,
but Thomas solved the problem by declaring that he could visit his aunt
while they were out.
In the seventh and last session Thomas announced happily that now there
were only the last two hairs of the tail of the Troll left, and the parents
confirmed that Thomas was in good spirits, was helpful in the home and
liked to argue with his father.
The final test of strength was for Thomas to join the summer camp of the
school, from where his father last year was forced to fetch him after one
and a half days. I recommended ‘dress-rehearsals’, and that Thomas should
take a small photo of the parents.
Four months later I received a postcard from Thomas, who wrote with
childish misspellings:
Dear Toben.
I am on the island Arp, and have seen the bottleship museum.

The Troll has gone and I have no nostalia, but a little loning home.
Greetings Thomas.
In this case, the 11-year-old Thomas was helped by the externalization of

the problem through the therapist’s indication of a Troll which might have
forced him to do his ritualistic walkings up and down the stairs.
Again we see both similarities and differences to the dramatherapeutic
way of treatment. The use of magical thinking which is implicit in
externalization represents an evident overlap.
The suggestion of the personification, a Troll, was, however, made by the
therapist and was not a choice of the child. Both Thomas and his parents
took part in playing that the Troll was an extra member of the family for a
time.
The idea of making a graph showing the power of the Troll was
introduced by the therapist but carried out by Thomas and his ally, the
father, following their own design.
In the externalizing conversation, a new language is developed with an
emphasis on equality. The referred child becomes a consultant or a veteran
once the problem is reduced or gone. When this has happened in one or
very few sessions the child is interviewed about how this new competence
or freedom was achieved. Subsequently, permission is obtained to use these
co-created documents to help other children caught in the grip of the same
problem.
To accelerate the regaining of the child’s power, notes are taken during
the interview and used as a basis for consolidating and encouraging letters.
My third case history will serve as an illustration.
3 Case history
A 6-year-old girl was haunted by nightmares, and as I had to leave the town
in which she lives I made an intervention in the form of a letter:
Dear Gudrun,
You are so young that you do not yet understand Danish, so I will let
your m other read my letter aloud to you.
It was fun to meet you and to do mimes with you. You are a nice and
clever girl who manages many things, but your m other has mentioned to
me that you once in a while allow nightmares to outwit you during the
night.
Luckily it is a fact that nightmares are a little stupid, and therefore it is
possible for children to learn how to cheat them!
Nightmares are so foolish that they believe it is only exciting and
interesting dreams which they bring at night and so stupid are they that
they believe they have the right to rule over you.
But I will tell you what you can do when they come to rule over you
and give you dreams which you don’t like, but which they think are
really funny and exciting.
You can either call on your m other and father or go to their bedroom
like you used to . . . but even wiser would it be to get hold of a little box
with a keyhole! You see, nightmares are not only stupid, but also very
curious - so if you say to them, when they come to rule over you,
‘Behold my box!’ they become so curious that they slip through the
keyhole and are so stupid that they can’t find their way out again! And
then you and your m other and father once in a while can drive out into
the countryside and set them free there!
In this way you will be the one who rules. And when you have
become a good nightmare-catcher you can maybe help some friends
of yours that have also let themselves be outwitted by these foolish
nightmares who love to rule over children.
Good luck with your catching of nightmares!
Your friend
Torben
The letter had an immediate and lasting effect which was confirmed by
the mother in a letter eight months later. She also wrote that she had heard
Gudrun counsel a playmate who was also in the grip of nightmares: ‘but it
must be the grown-ups who take the box to the countryside’.
Epston has stated: ‘D on’t talk about the problem - talk against it’
(Epston 1992), and this creates a drama in which neither child nor parents
are blamed for the problem. The parents as well as the therapist are now
able to side with the child as allies in an imaginary fight to reduce the
influence of the problem. Based on stories of unique outcomes the child
is offered the choice of an alternative to the problem-dominated story.
By focusing on the preferred story the child and her family are assisted
in re-authoring their lives into a thriving-family story.
White has made an analysis of this deconstruction and reconstruction of
practices and has shown how it leads to a change of language, of actions
and of lived experiences (Epston and White 1992, 1993, White 1989). This
new language embodies a new attitude to children-and/or-families-with-a-
problem. The actions that spring from this attitude include from time to
time techniques also used in dramatherapy such as role-play, role-reversal,
storytelling, letter-writing, etc. in a playful and concerned dialogue with
the child, young person and adults (Epston 1993).
White and Epston both emphasize that the method of externalization
should not be applied in cases with different kinds of abuse towards
children. They have, however, described positive results with men who
acknowledge violence towards their spouses (Epston and White 1992).
Failure of the techniques has been reported in cases where, for various
reasons, it has not been possible to engage the parents in either the idea or
the therapeutic consequences of the externalization of the problem.
CO NCLUSIO N
The purpose of this chapter has been to explore similarities between
dramatherapy and the methods of externalizing the symptoms. It is argued
that, looking through the disguise of terminology, there is an overlap in
therapeutic techniques (role-play, role-reversal, storytelling, drawings and
documents), but they are identical neither in theory nor in the role of the
therapist.
A knowledge of dramatherapy and of the works of White and Epston will
undoubtly be enriching for therapists who work with children and their
families.
REFERENCES
Bruner, J. (1986) A ctu al M in ds, P o ssib le W orlds. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press.
Epston, D. (1989): C o llected P apers. D ulw ich Centre Publications, South Australia.
(1992) Personal com m unication.
(1993) Personal com m unication.

Epston, D. and W hite, M. (1992) E xperiences, C ontradiction, N a rra tive and
Im aginations. D ulw ich Centre Publications, South Australia.
(1993) N arrative M eans to T herapeutic E nds. N ew York: Norton.
Foucault, M. (1973) The Birth o f the C linic: an arch aeology o f m edial p e rc e p tio n .
London: Tavistock.
Jennings, S. (1990) D ram ath erapy with F am ilies, G roups an d Individuals. London:
Jessica K ingsley.
S elvini, M. P., B oscolo, L., C ecchin, G. and Prata, G. (1980) H ypothesizing,
circularity, neutrality: three guidelines for the conductor o f the session. F am ily
P ro c ess, 19 (1): 3 -1 2 .
Van Gennep, A. (1960) R ites o f P assage. Chicago: University o f C hicago Press.
W hite, M. (1986) N egative explanation, restraint and double description: a
template for fam ily therapy. F am ily P ro c e ss, 25 (2): 169-84.
(1989) C o llected P apers. D ulw ich Centre Publications, South Australia.
Chapter 5
How individual is individual therapy?

The use of contextual therapy principles in
the treatment of children and adolescents
in dramatherapy
Jan-Berend van der Wijk
INTRO DUC TIO N

This chapter looks at the theories of Ivan Boszormenyi-Nagy in the
application of dramatherapy to work with children and adolescents in a
clinical psychiatric setting. It illustrates how N agy’s ideas can provide the
dramatherapist with a framework to maximize the effects of the individual
dramatherapies.
THE CO NTEXTUAL TH ER A PY PR IN C IPLE S OF IVAN

BO SZO R M EN Y I-N A G Y
Dr. Ivan Boszormenyi-Nagy was born in Hungary in 1920. He has lived in
the USA since 1950. Nagy is a prominent family therapist, with an
approach that is unique in the field. In his contextual theory, insights
from psychology, psychoanalysis and general systems theory have been
integrated within an ethical view on relationships. By ethical he does not
mean a dimension signalling a moral value like good or bad. In the eyes of
Nagy ethics is about concepts like loyalty, justice, trust, giving and
receiving. The context of several generations is an important issue in the
treatment of families.
Key concepts
For a very long time the child is totally dependent on its parents. This need
for the parents to live and survive leads one to speak of an existential
dependence. Because of this existential fact, children owe their parents
loyalty. On the other hand, parents are obliged to their children in the same
way. They are responsible for the fact that a child is born and therefore they
bear responsibility for their children’s lives. Parents and children are
fundamentally tied together in a bond that can never be broken. They
owe each other loyalty. Loyalty is a fact. It is always there.
Nagy makes a difference between vertical and horizontal loyalty.
Vertical loyalties are the loyalties between parents and children, parents
and grandparents. Horizontal loyalties are the bonds between brothers,
sisters, friends, and husbands and wives. As children get older, they
make more relations outside the family. The quality of already existing
loyalties has great influence on the way the child developes these new
relations. Generally people find a balance between horizontal and vertical
loyalties.
Nagy mentions a number of problems that can arise from these feelings
of loyalty. He speaks of invisible loyalties, of being over-loyal to one’s
parents and of split-loyalty conflicts.
When a person denies or neglects the vertical loyalties, Nagy speaks of
an invisible loyalty. The feelings of loyalty may then become a hidden
power which causes damage to new generations. For example, the person
who has to rebel against an authoritarian religious education expresses their
protest by joining a rigid political movement in which they experience the
same lack of freedom as in the religious church they belonged to in
childhood. In this way they remain loyal to their parents without being
aware of it. Their children will probably get the same kind of education as
they had.
Another loyalty conflict is the situation in which one is too loyal. Nagy
speaks of being over-loyal. This is the kind of loyalty in which children
don’t leave their parents because they feel they are needed: they don’t
develop new relations in order to be available for their parents.
A very dangerous form of loyalty conflicts is the split-loyalty conflict.
This is a situation in which both parents try to win the loyalty of the child
for themselves at the cost of the other parent. The child is not allowed to
speak about the other parent or to be in contact with him or her. The child,
however, wants to be loyal to both parents. He or she will be torn apart and
in the end will lose confidence in both the father and the mother.
Children receive legacies from their parents, certain tasks they have to
fulfil in their lives. Trying to live up to the expectations of one’s parents is
a way of showing loyalty to them. Adopted children from third world
countries, needing psychiatric help, often have difficulty integrating the
legacies from their biological parents and the legacies from their foster
parents. (This will be explained in more detail in the case example of
Sander, below, pp. 82-4.) It is also possible that children are given a legacy
of failing. (This will be illustrated in the case example of Annie, p. 79.)
Another concept is ‘the ethical balance between give and take’
(Onderwaater 1988: 46 - author’s translation). This is, as it were, a
bookkeeping balance between, on the one hand the obligations one has
towards another person, and on the other the benefits one has acquired
from this person. When one benefits more, the other is more obliged. In a
relationship it is always important that balance is restored. This is a
dynamic process because the balance is always changing.
How individual is individual therapy? 77
In a parent-child relationship there are always moments of imbalance. In

the beginning the child is very dependent. According to Nagy, children
may redeem their debts by doing something with the legacies they have
recieved. In this way they earn the right to be taken care of and to be loved
by their parents.
A characteristic of disfunctional families is the long-lasting disturbance
of the ethical balance between give and take. Children are giving lengthy
support to their families without acknowledgement, or parents are giving
too much to their children without a reciprocal arrangement. In the first
case the child feels exploited and in the second case the child may develop
feelings of worthlessness. In both cases the child develops a right of
destructive entitlement, as Nagy calls it. The child is entitled to be
destructive, because the sources of trust are exhausted.
Although it is likely that the child would blame its parents for the
emotional damage suffered, in most cases they w on’t do so. Instead, other
people are to blame for their suffering. Their partners or children have to
supply their unfulfilled needs. The adult tries to get from these relation
ships what they have missed in the relationship with their parents. In this
way they spare the parents and stay loyal to them.
The last concept of N agy’s theories concerns the attitude of the therapist.
It is called the m ultidirectional partiality. For a family therapist it is very
important to develop an attitude in which he is able to take the side of all
the different members of the family, including the members that are not
present in the therapy. For the client it is very important to feel that the
therapist doesn’t want to place her in a disloyal position to her parents. In
the family-therapy training this is one of the most difficult barriers to
overcome for students, because everyone grows up with norms, values
and prejudices.
This is a brief summary of the theories of Nagy and is in no way intended
to be complete. Only those concepts that seem important to give an
elementary understanding of his theory, and therefore of its possible
applications to dramatherapy, are mentioned.
D RA M A TH ERA PY
Dramatherapy is a rather young profession in Holland. One of its origins
can be found in the creative therapy course in Amersfoort. In the 1950s
students studying to become groupworkers were taught to use creative
activities in their work with children. The special and often therapeutic
value of these activities was soon discovered. Lecturers on the course tried
to develop methods of using drama, art and music in therapy. This was the
basis for a new theory, called the Creative Process Theory. It is important
to mention this theory because I use methods derived from it.
Creative Process Theory is based upon psychoanalytical views combined

with a theory about the effects of creative materials and situations upon
clients. The therapist tries to discover what sort of creative materials and
situations appeal to the client, what emotions are expressed in the handling
of these materials and what emotions are rejected or repressed. The
therapist should offer a great variety of situations and materials in which
clients can experiment with their manifest and rejected emotions in order to
integrate them into the personality and learn to accept and understand their
different aspects.
As the original Creative Process Theory is mainly based on individual
therapy, it offers many opportunities for therapists in child and adolescent
psychiatry, where most therapy is given on a one-to-one basis. There are,
however, disadvantages. In general, therapies based on this theory are
long-term and clients must have the capacity to integrate rejected parts
of themselves into their personality. In the population of a relatively
large psychiatric hospital (about eighty patients aged 5-18), such as the
Ruyterstee, many patients do not fit into these categories. Helping clients to
enlarge their problem-solving abilities by means of role-play, imitating
specific social situations, becomes more important, while strengthening
intact ego-functions may be one of the goals in treatment instead of
stimulating, for instance, regression in order to work through problematic
life events. (This is often one of the effects of working with the Creative
Process Theory.) It is the responsibility of the dramatherapist to assess
which methods he will work with. No dramatherapy method should be used
at random. The dramatherapist must have the skill to interpret the results of
his own observations, as well as those of observations of other disciplines.
Besides therapy on a one-to-one basis, dramatherapists also work with
small groups of three or four young children and larger groups of adoles
cents (four to eight adolescents aged 15 and older). The case examples in
this chapter, however, are examples of individual therapy with children and
adolescents who were allowed to stay for one or more years in the clinic.
Very often a combination of directive and non-directive approaches is
used. With children like Sander, for instance, a purely non-directive
approach wouldn’t have worked because of the lack of a healthy basis to
his personality due to long periods of neglect and abuse in his early
childhood. Directive corrections of his behaviour and of the themes he
wanted to enact were often necessary for therapy not to stagnate.
In the case of Martin, on the other hand, the therapist could be more non
directive. It was more appropriate to let Martin decide the direction and the
tempo of the therapy. Martin had not been neglected in an emotional way in
his early childhood. His capacities to develop him self into a balanced
person were more intact than in the case of Sander. This brings us to the
description of various case histories.
The case histories

Children receive legacies from their parents . . . It is also possible that
children are given a legacy of failure.
Annie
Annie, a girl of 13 years old, was admitted to the clinic while she had a
school-phobia and anorectic symptoms. It was her first year in secondary
school. This new stage of A nnie’s development seemed to be a very
threatening one for her mother, a neurotic person who kept her anxieties
and fears under control by means of compulsive actions. She had never
really loosened the ties with her own parents, who lived in the same
village and were very dominant in the family. Annie, like her mother,
was not allowed to untie herself from her family. The girl developed the
same symptoms as her mother.
Nagy shows some pitfalls of individual therapy. He claims that, as a result
of strong attachment of the child to her parents, the therapist is often
regarded as a rival, especially in the case of a positive transference. He
states that the feelings of guilt increase with the development of a positive
working relationship with the therapist. The child feels disloyal. When the
symptoms are no longer apparent, it is possible that she feels this improve
ment as a psychological betrayal of her parents. In order to protect herself
from feelings of guilt or to protect her parents, she has to adopt her
symptoms again. (Onderwaater 1988: 65-6). Another way of being loyal
is to share everything one does in therapy with one’s parents. Take Lia, for
example.
Lia
Lia is an 18-year-old girl with severe anorexia nervosa problems. On a
rational level, she wants to become an independent adult; on an em o
tional level, she wants to stay a little girl. Annie is afraid of losing her
parents one day. She is also afraid of quarrels, doesn’t know how to
react when she is confronted with one. Quarrels and how to deal with
them is one of the problems she wants to work on in therapy. During one
of the sessions the therapist asked her to think of a situation in which she
had been angry or had been confronted by a quarrel. She couldn’t think
of one. He then asked her to think of situations of a few years back,
when she was 14. At first she couldn’t remember one either. However,
after talking about her life at the age of 14, she suddenly smiled and
remembered a few quarrels. She wanted to play the situation where her
father forced her to study the piano after dinner for one hour. She wanted
to play with friends in the street.
The first time she played it, she obeyed and did what her father asked
her to do. The second time she said the things that she had really wanted
to say and went to her friends. She played the second situation with great
involvement. Afterwards she told the therapist that she always felt guilty
after quarrels like these. In the next session she told him that she had
talked with her parents about what she had played in dramatherapy.
Together they had laughed about it.
In this way she seems to find a temporary (in the end non-effective)
solution for both her problems. By telling her parents in detail about the
therapy, she tries to ignore the fact that the therapy is meant for her, so
that she can develop her own individuality, and by ridiculing the
situations she had played she tries to m inimalize the quarrels that took
place in the past (and of course also her negative feelings in the present).
Maarten
Maarten, a boy of 9 years old, was admitted in the clinic after a crisis
situation at home. The problems started after the birth of his younger
brother when Maarten was three. Maarten was very jealous of his
younger brother. He became incontinent again. This ended in a severe
encopresis problem. Maarten grew more and more stubborn. Especially
around meals there were power conflicts. O f course the soiled pants of
Maarten were also a source of trouble. The parents felt more and more
incompetent.
Most of these problems were treated very well in the group of which
Maarten was part. In the contacts with the social worker, the parents
learned how they could react to M aarten’s stubborn behaviour. They
learned to understand the meaning of his moods and the things he really
needed and was asking for. In the therapy Maarten worked through a
lot of his jealous feelings as well as his fear of not being accepted by
his parents. In all kinds of role-playing he was allowed to enact his
resistance to growing up, and, afterwards, to investigate the possible
advantages of being older than his brother.
In one of the sessions Maarten invented the story of the little boy
who had been naughty and for that reason had been sent to a magic
orphanage. Afterwards the parents felt sorry and wanted to have him
back but then the little boy, who was called Jack, refused to return. He
had made him self invisible and wanted to come back only under
certain conditions.
The therapist and Maarten played this story. Maarten took the role
of Jack, the therapist had to play the role of father. Suddenly M aarten
introduced a little baby which he also called Jack. ‘Baby Jack’ is
represented by a doll. During the session the therapist mentions the
differences between ‘Jack’ and ‘baby Jack’, the differences between a
boy of 9 years old and a baby of six months old. In the role of father
the therapist also expresses his love for both children. As ‘9-years-old
Jack’ still refuses to talk with his parents, the therapist asks the baby
for help. In the role of father he asks ‘baby Jack’ to help him under
stand ‘9-year-old Jack’. Maarten answers with a baby voice and tells
the therapist that ‘9-years-old Jack’ wants to come back only if his
parents will listen better to what he has to tell them. In return he
promises to be less stubborn.
The next scene is the scene where the father comes to the orphanage
to take his son back home. The therapist wonders which role Maarten
will take, ‘9-years-old Jack’ or ‘baby Jack’. Maarten chooses the role
of ‘9-years-old Jack’. However, as soon as Jack is confronted with his
father, he ‘shrinks’ to the size of ‘baby Jack’. In the role of father, the
therapist doesn’t accept this. He tells Jack that he wanted to do a lot of
nice things with him, things that only 9-year-old boys can do with
their fathers, such as swimming, playing football, etc. Jack takes a
‘magic draught’ and returns to his original size. The session finishes
with a wild game of football.
During the two years of treatment Maarten gained more openness
towards his parents and playmates. It was obvious that he was enjoying
life again.
However, what everybody secretly hoped for didn’t happen. Maarten
didn’t give up his encopresis. Despite all the trouble gone through, he
didn’t give up this aspect of his problems. The last remnants of this
problem didn’t disappear until rather a long time after his discharge.
The staff had hesitated a long time about choosing the right moment
for discharge. Afterwards they were glad that they had not waited until
the time Maarten would be clean again. It could be seen as an act of
loyalty for Maarten to save the exact moment of overcoming his
encopresis problem for his parents.
The case example of Maarten shows how it is possible for children to
work through intrapsychic problems in dramatherapy without losing their
feelings of loyalty towards their parents. By means of symbolic play the
child is able to externalize inner conflicts.
One of N agy’s basic rules is that every therapist should be aware of the
danger of placing a child in a position of disloyalty to their parents. This
may easily happen in the case of admission to a clinic. From the point of
view of loyalty this is a very complex situation. Very often for parents an
admission means that they have failed in their role of father and mother.
For the child, giving up problematic behaviour may mean a confirmation of
their parents’ assumption. Consent and preferably involvement of the
parents in the therapy are both important.
Sander
This example is about Sander and his therapy. In terms of contextual

therapy, Sander is a special case. He was adopted when he was 5 years
old. During the first years of his life he lived in Korea as an orphan.
Sander lived in different kinds of orphanages as well as on the street. He
had identified him self with the leaders of the gangs he belonged to. It is
very likely that he fantasized about his biological parents as well. His
main care was to stay alive, to adapt him self to different situations, to
look after himself, as no one else did. His foster parents were very
intelligent, educated people. They belonged to a rather strict Christian
church community. They expected their children to be honest and open
and they tried to be warm, caring parents for their children. Sander was
their third child and their only son. They had lost a child some years
before Sander was adopted.
It is clear that it was very difficult for Sander to live up to the
expectations of his foster parents. They projected the ideals they had
had for their lost son on to him. The issue of legacies is a very
complicated matter in the case of Sander. According to Nagy one can
show loyalty to one’s parents by doing something with the legacies one
has recieved. For Sander this is very confusing because he feels loyal to
different backgrounds. The relationship between Sander and his parents
had never been really good and they had asked for professional help
several times, but without the results they had hoped for. At the time
they brought Sander to the clinic the situation had deteriorated so far that
they were not able to feel anything positive for him any more. They
complained about his lack of emotions, about the fact that he lied
constantly, that he stole things from shops and that he showed no real
emotional attachment.
In his observation period in the clinic Sander was observed in dram a
therapy and this resulted in a positive indication for this form of creative
therapy.
In the first period of the therapy Sander enacted a role-play in which
he was a boy who found an entrance to an underworld, a kind of jungle
where he felt really at home, in contrast to the world above where he had
to live. He always went there secretly without telling his parents. In this
secret world his position was similar to that of a king. He dressed
him self up in all kinds of fancy clothes. He was happy there, enjoyed
being with his own people. The therapist had to play the role of his
companion, a friend from the world above who had to follow Sander
into the jungle world. In the role of companion the therapist played that
he wanted to go back to his parents, to the world above, where he
belonged. Sander told him to forget about his past. He had to get used
to the rules of the jungle. At the same time Sander made it impossible
for his friend to feel at home in the jungle-world. He m altreated him as a

slave and punished him without reason.
This role-play offered a lot of important therapy material. In a nut
shell, Sander presented one of the problems of adopted children from
third world countries: the gap that exists between their native country
and the present country they live in, the gap between past and present.
He also showed some of his impressions of adoption and probably
repeated events or fantasies he had in connection with his memories
of living in Korea.
After they had played, the therapist and Sander talked about the
memories Sander had of Korea and about the fact of being adopted by
parents in a completey different country.
Some time after this period, another theme appeared in his play.
Sander wanted to enact family situations. In these situations he wanted
to play a son of 16 or 17 years old who was very rebellious and who was
fighting for his independence. He acted as if he were the one who could
determine everything he wanted to do. He blackmailed his parents and
didn’t care for the punishments they came up with. The therapist had to
play the father who tried to gain control over his son and who was very
suspicious of everything his son did or intended to do. Sander threatened
his parents that he would leave home and find an apartment for himself.
When the father didn’t object, Sander reproached him with being a bad
father, as parents don’t allow their children to live on their own at the
age of 16. Sander’s wish for independence is still very ambiguous.
In these situations the father and the mother were to quarrel all day
long. Beside the role of a 16-year-old boy, Sander played the role of
mother. The quarrels of father and mother mainly concerned the educa
tion of the son.
All these fantasy situations were in a way very much the same as
Sander’s own reality. His father did indeed try to control every aspect of
his life. Of course Sander had given them reasons enough in the past for
reacting in this manner. Sander’s conduct however had improved during
his treatment in the clinic. He still stole and lied occasionally, but not as
frequently. The father reacted towards Sander as if he hadn’t changed.
For Sander this was a very frustrating situation. He felt misunderstood
and he was angry about this. The quarrels between the parents that had
to be enacted in his dramas were also images of real quarrels between
the parents. They had marital problems which they denied. During the
period of treatment they didn’t want to discuss their relationship and
how this could possibly influence the whole situation around Sander.
The overwhelming anxiety they had for Sander’s problems diverted the
attention away from their own.
As the therapist tried to talk with Sander about his family and the
position he had at home, in the same way they had talked about the
jungle and his fantasies in the first part of the therapy, he felt an
enormous resistance. Sander didn’t want to talk about his father and
mother other than in a positive way. In the different situations he played,
it was clear what his negative feelings were. Sander was able to express
what he really felt about the situation at home without giving up the
loyalty he felt for his parents.
In this case, working by means of symbolic play functioned very well. With
most young children this technique of acting out their fantasies is effective.
When working with adolescents, however, just acting is often not enough.
Integrating the therapy experiences into their personality can be achieved
by making use of their developing abilities of reflection and introspection.
It is very important to verbalize, in a methodical way, what has happened in
the therapy session. This doesn’t mean that every unconscious feeling or
thought should be made conscious. The therapist has to assess whether the
client is ready to regard what he has expressed in an unconscious way and
whether this is stimulating to the therapeutic process. The case of Selma
may illustrate some of these thoughts.
Selma
Suicide or a suicide attempt means, in a contextual way of looking,
going to extremes to find a solution. As soon as there is any sign or
motive of suicide danger or one suspects a client of having suicidal
feelings, it is necessary to investigate the presence of a split loyalty
conflict.
(Heusden and Eerenbeemt 1988: 44 - my translation)
Selma is a girl of 15. Her situation at home is very chaotic and
confusing. Her parents live alternately apart and together. Selma started
therapy six months ago. After a suicide attempt she was admitted in the
clinic.
Selm a’s depression expressed itself partly in long periods of listless
ness, withdrawal from social contacts, and partly in over-active beha
viour, a kind of maniacal state of mind. She was fascinated by music of
the 1960s and dreamt of being a great songwriter and singer. Very often
she wanted to enact her fantasies in therapy. Afterwards the therapist
tried to test her sense of reality by asking how she saw her future. Her
reality was inextricably tied up with her fantasy. She saw herself within
a few months playing in a successful band. She was sure that she would
have a professional career as a musician.
During these therapy sessions the therapist often wondered what
Selm a’s fantasies really meant. A lot of adolescents do have their idols
and dreams of being famous and rich. It helps them to deal with the
reality. This was surely true for Selma but it didn’t answer the
question: why these fantasies? The answer was given by Selma a few
weeks later.
After she had enacted in detail how she would give an interview in a
pop-magazine, she told the therapist that both her parents were very fond
of hippie music. Besides ‘the flight from reality’ function, her fantasies
had another, hidden, meaning. They could be seen as an attempt on her
part to stay loyal to both parents, perhaps even an attempt to bring them
together again. This is of course a desire that lots of children have in
Selm a’s situation. From a superficial point of view, Selma seemed not to
have this desire.
Not very long after this session she told the therapist that she became
very angry with her parents. The fact that her mother sometimes lived
with them until she had too many quarrels with her husband, then left
them again, made the situation at home very complicated and tense. She
wanted to chase her mother away to help her father. He was always so
indecisive. He was afraid his wife would commit suicide if he finally
made an end to their relationship. Selma talked about her intentions in
therapy. She gave a description of what she wanted to say to her mother
to chase her away. The therapist advised her not to do so. He made clear
to her that normally parents have to make their own decisions in such
matters.
Carrying out her plans wouldn’t do Selma any good because she
would not be acting as a child but as an adult, as a mother who tries
to stop two quarrelling children. Moreover, she would ignore her very
deep desire to bring together her parents again. Choosing one parent
would cause an enormous feeling of guilt towards the other. During this
session the therapist encouraged Selma to express her feelings about the
situation at home. During role-playing she tried out different ways of
telling her parents what bothered and worried her.
Selm a’s unconscious attempts to bring her parents together again
were not verbalized by the therapist. She would have denied it. The
splitting process, which her parents had manoeuvred her into, had
already gone too far. Instead the therapist confronted her with a general
norm: children don’t interfere with quarrels of their parents. This was
something she could more easily accept. It was an attempt to get her out
of her parent-focused position and it worked.
Selm a’s case is an example of split loyalty. Both parents tried to gain
Selma for themselves. Selma felt she was forced to choose one of her
parents. This is very unnatural for a child. A child always wants to be loyal
to both parents.
A lot of children in need of psychiatric care struggle with the problem
that they never get the appreciation for what they had done for their
parents. These children live for years in a situation where they have to
be supportive towards their parents without getting something in return. In

N agy’s terms, the ethical balance between give and take is disturbed. One
of the consequences is that children lose faith in their parents. In this way a
child gains destructive entitlement.
The first thing a therapist should aim at is the anger and the pain that is
caused by this injustice. These feelings should be accepted and ex
pressed first. Only then, when a person has the feeling that he is fully
understood and that his feelings are accepted and acknowledged, is there
a chance that he is able to see what harm he is doing to others.
(Heusden and Eerenbeemt 1988: 61)
Martin
Martin, a 15-year-old boy, had dramatherapy for almost one and a half
years. In M artin’s family there were a lot of diseases. M artin’s m other
had had a lot of gynaecological problems and a few operations, his
father had lost his job which had turned him into a depressive with
many psycho-somatic complaints, his sister was a diabetic and needed a
lot of care for that reason. Martin seemed to be the only healthy person
in the family. His parents asked a lot of support from him. Their
illnesses and handicaps were discussed in detail with Martin so he
was constantly worried about his family. Because of the constant atm o
sphere of crisis, the parents were not able to give Martin the education
he needed. Martin was treated as an adult, not as a boy of 15. This
resulted in a situation where Martin tested limits in an increasingly
aggressive way until his parents asked for help.
The first half-year of the therapy, Martin played out a lot of aggressive
fantasies. Again and again he played murderers who were revenging
themselves on innocent people. Beneath these very aggressive fantasies,
there was always the cry for acknowledgement of the fact that he had
been taken advantage of. Giving room to these feelings was the first
thing I wanted to aim at in the therapy. Sometimes I wondered if it
was a good decision to let Martin play out his aggressive fantasies. I
was afraid that in this way the therapy would be too isolated from the
rest of the treatment and I wondered what the effect would be in the
end. I must admit that these doubts were partly influenced by all kinds
of feelings that emerged as a result of processes of transference and
countertransference.
Dramatherapy with a client like Martin, at the stage he was then,
means a heavy task for the dramatherapist. The dramatherapist in
individual therapy is very often the opposite number in the play, and
in this role he will be confronted directly with the often contradictory
emotions of his client. In the case of Martin, for instance, he had a
great hunger to fight and struggle with the therapist and on the other
hand he showed very clearly how he enjoyed playing with him. Partly
this is an adolescent way of dealing with adults: fighting for indepen
dence and at the same time needing a supportive adult. In M artin’s
case, however, the point was the very egocentric way of thinking and
feeling and his extremely aggressive fantasies. For the therapist this
meant a considerable investment in terms of energy without the
prospect of reciprocity in the near future.
After six months, the intensity of M artin’s emotions decreased, and
the subject of his fantasies became less aggressive. One of the roles he
wanted to enact, for instance, was that of an office clerk who saved a
whole office from bankruptcy. When someone else tried to get the
credit for this, Martin let everybody know that he was the one who
should be honoured. He was very proud. This role was less aggressive
than that of the murderer. Gradually Martin was able to reflect on
himself and his family. In the beginning period of the therapy there
was never time for talking. Every attempt on my part to talk with him
was regarded as an assault, as a curtailment of his desire for playing.
Later on, however, he liked to tell of his feelings towards his parents,
of the periods of fear for their lives and his loneliness. Anger about
what he had missed, especially in the relationship with his father,
seemed to have disappeared. He had worked out these feelings in
the many hours of dramatherapy.
C O NCLUSIO NS
This chapter opens with the question: how individual is individual therapy?
In the course of this chapter it may have become clear that an individual
client never comes alone to therapy. The family always comes too, one way
or another. Especially when one works with children and adolescents it is
very important to be familiar with concepts of transgenerational m echan
isms as well as loyalty ties, because these clients are often, not only in an
emotional way but also in an actual way, dependent on their parents. These
mechanisms will influence therapeutic processes.
One might conclude that family therapy is the most appropriate way of
treating children and their families. Reading the literature on contextual
therapy, one might come to the same conclusion, because Nagy pays hardly
any attention to individual therapy for the child who has been suffering from
long-term exposure to traumatic circumstances, whether mental or psycho
logical. He especially focuses on the relationship of parents and grand
parents and expects that, by improving this relationship, the relationship
between child and parents will improve automatically.
However, with regard to children already in clinical psychiatric care,
Nagy seems too idealistic and sometimes even naive. In the first place, not
every family is able to attend family therapy. Their resistance towards

therapy might be too strong or therapy might not be indicated where the
family system is not robust enough to deal with the stress that accompanies
therapy. In this case it is an unrealistic option to wait for the fam ily’s
willingness to attend therapy and not to offer help to the child or adolescent
who needs it.
Furthermore, research tells us that it is mostly not enough when a child is
treated only by means of family therapy (Verschueren 1986). Children who
have lived a long time in dysfunctional family circumstances are mostly
damaged in a way that makes it impossible for them to integrate the results
achieved in family therapy. This often forms a stagnating factor. On the
other hand, when a child is the only one who is treated and the result is
positive, these results w on’t last long when the family system remains the
same. Therefore it is always necessary to offer a form of additional
support for the parents. These two forms of treatment, family therapy
and individual therapy for the child, are interdependent.
Nagy emphasizes the pitfalls of individual therapy. According to him the
therapist may easily take sides with the child. This is wrong as it stimulates
the feeling of disloyalty, especially in the case of a positive transference.
The therapist should be aware of the loyalty of the child and of his own
countertransference feelings. He should try for the attitude of m ulti
directional partiality which Nagy describes as optimal for the family
therapist.
One of the important advantages of dramatherapy is that it offers a good
many appropriate methods by which the therapist can avoid some of the
risks Nagy describes. In dramatherapy the client has the possibility to work
through all kinds of conflicting emotions by means of symbolic play. It
allows him or her to externalize intrapsychic conflicts without being
disloyal to their parents. When children have to talk about things that
went wrong in relation with father or mother, this often causes more
feelings of guilt than acting out these situations would, in a fantasy-play,
when they can tell themselves, ‘I just acted as if I was a child who was
angry with my m other,’ or, ‘I just invented the story that my parents
quarrelled all day long and that I wanted to run aw ay.’
It is very important that the dramatherapeutic methods are chosen with
care and not applied randomly. The use of fantasy is very important in
dramatherapy with children and adolescents. The pleasure that accom pa
nies the acting out of fantasies is often one of the most im portant m otiva
tions for them to come. These fantasies give much information about the
client. The dramatherapist is trained to understand the symbolic language
of his client. When regarded from a contextual point of view these fantasies
often clarify hidden messages of loyalty. This often improves the under
standing of the client. For instance it may explain why clients can’t give up
certain symptoms of their problems (see the case of M aarten, pp. 80-1).
Nagy’s ideas are very important. By applying his ideas to the dram ather
apy I offered, I was able to work more effectively. As a dramatherapy
trainer I decided that the students in my programme should have several
lessons based on his theories during their course. In this respect, it is
important that they should find answers to questions such as:
• In what way am I loyal to my family? What does my loyalty look like?
• What legacies did I get from my parents?
• In what situations have I been disloyal to my family and how did that
feel?
• What do I think of the attitude of multidirected partiality and what might
be the pitfalls for me?
Studying one’s own experiences is very often a useful way of learning
and understanding. I hope that the case examples in this chapter have
shown the importance and the usefulness of contextual therapy in
dramatherapy.
REFEREN CES
B oszorm enyi-N agy, I. and Spark, G. M. (1973) In visib le L o y a ltie s. Hagerstown:
Harper & Row.
Heusden, A. van and Eerenbeemt, E. M. van den (1988) Ivan B o s z o r m e n y i - N a g y
a n d his Vision o f In d iv id u a l a n d F a m ily T herap y. Balance in M otion. N ew York:
Brunner/Mazel.
Onderwaater, A. (1988) D e O n v e r b r e k e lijk e B a n d Tussen O u d e r s en K in d e r e n [The
bond between parents and children that cannot be broken]. Amsterdam Lisse:
Swets en Zeitlinger.
Schaap, R. (1992) The ideas o f Ivan B oszorm enyi-N agy and their im plications for
arts therapies. Paper given at the International Conference for Arts Therapies
Education, Sittard, October 1992.
Verschueren, R. (1986) Kindgerichte therapieen binnen een gezinsgerichte resi-
dentiele werking, enkele bedenkingen [C hild-focused therapies within a residen
tial setting where the emphasis is on working with the fam ily as a whole: som e
thoughts]. Tijdschrift v o o r O r th o p e d a g o g i e k , K i n d e r p s y c h i a tr ie en K lin is ch e
K i n d e r p s y c h o l o g ie , 11: 181-9.
Chapter 6
Dramatherapy for survival

Some thoughts on transitions and choices
for children and adolescents
Sue Jennings
This chapter explores some of my own thoughts on what I see as the

essential nature of dramatic development in children and adolescents. I
include some of my personal experience in relation to discovering ‘the
actor’ as well as ‘the w anderer’ in myself, as well as observations of the
Tem iar life cycle during a period of living in the Malaysian rain forest.
My belief is that dramatic development is part of all human development
that brings together the biological, psychological and artistic into an
integrated whole. People who miss out on this aspect of their developm ent
are likely to have problems of body image, perceptual distortion, reality-
ground and role confusion.
My contention is that an increased amount of drama and ritual should be
reintroduced into education and society in order to have a ‘preventive’
effect, and that dramatherapy should be used increasingly with ‘difficult’
children and adolescents and in forensic settings in order to promote a
‘curative’ effect.
I no longer talk about the desirability or utility of theatre, drama,
dramatherapy. I m aintain that they are essential components of our life
experience and contribute substantially to our m aturation and the taking on
of adult responsibilities.
Without the capacity for making use of our ‘dramatic im agination’, or
the opportunity to ‘dramatically play’ our thoughts and emotions, or the
encouragement to expand the ‘repertoire of roles’ which makes up our
emergent ‘character’, we will be unable to participate fully as an individual
as well as a member of a group in the business of life.
This may sound like a major claim, but I have observed the gradual
erosion of artistic dramatic experience; the denigration of play as im por
tant; the cut-back of drama and theatre in education; and the assumption
that somehow drama and theatre are the soft options, that they do not have
value in economic terms in the new purchaser-provider economy.
I maintain that drama and theatre, starting from birth and continuing
Dramatherapy for survival 91
until death, are crucial to our survival in all spheres of living; that they are
therefore economically sound because they will actually help to prevent
crime, relationship breakdown, illness and despair. Not only would we see
vigour and potency in the population, there would be less dependency on
welfare and aid as people develop more initiative and autonomy. The root
of our culture is at the foundation of human society, which came about
through dramatic expression and dramatic ritual. Drama is part of the
foundation of human society as well as the structure which can effectively
manage change. It is the means through which we understand both our
individual as well as our corporate identity.
Through looking at their roots, both historically and in other cultures, we
can see how drama and theatre have struggled alongside m edicine/science
and religion/belief systems to enable human beings to express what is
unexpressable and to understand what is otherwise inexplicable.
I conceptualize these relationships in triangular form in order to
move away from a unilinear perspective and into an integrated view of
‘body-m ind-spirit’ or ‘art-science-belief ’ or ‘theatre-m edicine-religion’
(Figures 6.1-6.3).
TH EATRE, M EDICIN E AND R ELIG IO N

Dramatherapy, or ‘theatre of healing’, has always emerged from the
relationships between theatre, medicine and religion (or in more general
terms, art, science and belief system). It is important to remember:
1 the development of theatre, medicine and religion does not move in
straight lines but comes about through conflict and division;
2 the growth of these major institutions is organic both in their own right
and in relation to each other;
3 movement or growth in any or all of these comes from individual and
collective struggle;
4 since there has always been a relationship between these three institu
tions, the struggle is often for the dominance of one of them;
5 since medicine and belief state ‘how things are’ and theatre states things
‘as i f ’, we can see the interdependency of these three forms and their
need for each other.
If we look at healing rituals or at ancient Greek theatre or at our own
medieval theatre, we can see the continuing struggle between ‘actor, doctor
and priest’ and the rules, roles and forms within which they practise.
Dionysian ritual theatre used chorus, dance, masquerades, revels; per
formers dressed up with masks to portray gods and ‘anim al-m en’, as we
can see from illustrations on vases of the time.
The classical theatre emerged in highly structured form and content, with
increasing numbers of actors and complex scenery. Popular and classical
BODY
MIND
Figure 6.1 Integration of the person
ART
SCIENCE BELIEF
Figure 6.2 lntegration of society
theatre both used hillside amphitheatres and both were thought to have a
therapeutic effect. Both made use of masks (Figure 6.4).
The theatre of Epidavros in Greece was also a temple of healing, where
priests worked with people's dreams. Healing stayed very much under the
THEATRE
MEDICINE RELIGION
Figure 6.3 lntegration of person in relation to the world
POPULAR THEATRE
CLASSICAL THEATRE MASK
Figure 6.4 lntegration of preventive and curative theatre through the mask
control of priests and ritual specialists until the fourth or fifth century AD,
despite the attempts of Hippocrates to separate medicine from the temples.
However, Aristophanes mocked temple medicine in his play Plutus.
Whereas Dionysian rituals could be said to be 'preventive' in that they
celebrated wine, youth, energy, fertility and action, the temple healing
could be termed ‘curative’ since it was under the guidance of Asclepius,
the god of healing, together with his two daughters, Hygeia, ‘goddess of
health’, and Panacea, ‘she who heals everything’.
Nevertheless, within the above we can see both the struggle between the
different forms and the attempt of m edicine/science to separate from belief
and art, and also the art mocking the religious medicine.
Note that, in the Dionysian revels, youth is celebrated.
Nearer to home, we know that entertainers and storytellers, or ‘jong
leurs’, were always being banned by the Church because they were thought
too excessive. Church and populace struggled and new dramatic forms
emerged; there was also a popular medicine and a priestly medicine.
In 975 a d , St Ethelwold, Bishop of W inchester, wrote down in his
Concordia regularis for the Benedictine Houses in England, instructions
for the ‘re-enactm ent’ of the following lines from the Easter Mass:
Whom seek ye in the sepulchre?

Jesus of Nazareth
He is not here; he is risen as predicted
when it was prophesied that he would rise from the dead.
Alleluia! The Lord is risen!
Come and see the place.
The two aims of this enactment were celebration and explanation (Figure
6.5) - i.e. both celebrate the risen Christ as well as educate people through
THEATRE IN CHURCH
RELIGIOUS CELEBRATION RELIGIOUS EXPLANATION
Figure 6.5 Integration of historical facts with the dramatic ‘as if principle
the drama about what happened. Although these instructions are for the re
enactment of an historical event, the Latin words quasi (‘as i f ’) and
quamodo (‘in the manner o f ’) are used. The dramatic mode of ‘as i f ’ is
used to illustrate the narrative story within the religious framework.
For example:
A chair is made ready in a suitable place as if it were Jerusalem;
The three Marys are making their way as if they are sad.
Drama expanded within the churches and to other festivals as well,

although inevitably there were conflicts about excess, especially when
performers resorted to improvisation instead of text.
In 1098 and 1209 respectively the Cistercian and Dominican orders of
travelling priests were founded. They travelled the countryside using
storytelling, mimes and dramas to communicate religious truths as well
as healing. Many of the convents took in the sick, and orders of nuns
became the forerunners of nurses: we can note the similarity of costume.
Theatre as entertainment and theatre as healing were intertwined with the
practice of religion whether the priests were travelling or settled. And of
course many young people and even children were apprenticed to these
religious orders.
Early medical tracts were based on the herbaria of the religious orders,
and one which appeared in the year 1000 and was later illustrated, in the
late thirteenth century, was known as Theatrum sanitatis. A medieval
herbal known as ‘Healing Theatre’ again makes the connection between
the language of theatre and the language of medicine, much as an
‘operating theatre’ does in the present day. These brief examples illustrate
how medicine, theatre and religion were intertwined, and struggled for
supremacy (Figure 6.6).
In modern times we have seen a separation of science, art and belief, and
the hospital, the theatre and the Church are three independent institutions,
with medicine and science given the strongest position in the hierarchy.
White coats have replaced black robes and many hospitals do not have a
chaplaincy. Theatres are seen as places of entertainment rather than having
any essential function in our lifestyle, and ‘high-tech’ medicine relies less
and less on dramatic ritual. Instead we watch programmes about hospitals
and are drawn into the hospital drama whether as a documentary or a
soap-opera.
The twentieth century has seen the fast development of medical practice,
often outstripping the development of the accompanying law and ethics.
The century has also seen the very rapid rise of drama and theatre-in-
education; children’s theatre; and of course dramatherapy. This expansion
took place while popular rural theatre decreased and was replaced in the
towns and cities by ‘fringe’ theatre. However, the educational surge was
THEATRE IN CHURCH
(Celebration and teaching)
THEATRE IN MEDICINE THEATRE

(Healing) AS
ENTERTAINMENT AND ART
(Social and aesthetic)
Figure 6.6 How medicine, theatre and religion were intertwined
short-lived and there is currently a major cutback in drama teachers and

drama programmes in schools as well as of educational theatre companies.
Drama and theatre are classed within the expendable sector; they do not
appear in the core curriculum, and are not essential subjects in schools. The
progress that was rapidly made from the 1940s to the 1970s has been
superseded by technology, not only in science but also in education and
entertainment. Video games and video films are popular entertainment, and
exposure to them starts at a very young age.
My concern with this shift in emphasis is not that I think video tech-
nology is bad as such, but that it rules out the human interaction that takes
place in dramatic play, drama and theatre.
The next section examines the early dramatic play of young children and
my belief that it is an essential part of human maturation.
DRAMA TIC DEVELOPMENT

Babies are born with a dramatic heritage which gradually develops into
both art and culture. Babies are born with a predisposition to artistic
communication that in the early months can be observed in rhythmic
movement, sound patterns, mark-making and imitation (Jennings 1993b).
How this develops is dependent on the milieu into which the child is born,
especially in relation to how much handling and stimulus is provided
during the first twelve months or so. During the first year, a baby responds
through its own body in relation to the body of another. There are physical
sensations of many sorts, and exploration of the senses, temperature,
relaxation and tension.
Dramatherapists call this stage ‘em bodim ent’, and it is a crucial time for
the beginning of body-self awareness. As the child progresses to explora
tion of the immediate world outside itself, there is a noticeable shift from
the earlier embodiment play to ‘projective play’. Objects and toys outside
the child take on significance as well as having special attachments
(W innicott’s theory of the transitional object is elaborated in Winnicott
1971); the child starts to express things through the imagination. The
special toy may be a symbol of mother, security, sameness, as well as
being ‘Teddy’: Teddy can also be cross and can be naughty and shouted at
and confided in. Through projective play the child expresses and discovers
imaginatively, fears and hopes, stories and puppets, plays - old favourites
for secure repetition and new scenarios for adventure and change. If we
observe projective play, it gradually takes on more and more dramatic
qualities and the child begins to experiment with roles through dramatic
role-play. The passage through these three stages of embodiment, projec
tion and role contribute to the emergence of character (Figure 6.7).
Throughout this time the child’s imagination is expanding, as well as
E
EMBODIMENT
(Body play)
PROJECTION ROLE
(Projective play) (Dramatic play)
Figure 6.7 Relationship of the dramatic development of the child through

Embodiment, Projection and Role (EPR), leading to character formation
EVERYDAY REALITY
DRAMATIC REALITY DRAMATIC PLAY
Figure 6.8 Relationship of the two realities through dramatic playing and games
the capacity to form concepts and make use of symbols. The dramatic
imagination is crucial for survival, as without it we would not be able to
imagine how things might be or how they could be, or indeed we would not
be able to hypothesize.
During these early years, a child is beginning to experim ent and differ
entiate between ‘everyday reality’ and the ‘reality of dramatic play’. There
is often misunderstanding on this matter as people equate dramatic reality
with fantasy, and suggest that too much fantasy can be dangerous. How
ever, ‘dramatic play’ is the testing time for reality: a playful space where
life can be experimented with and choices explored (Figure 6.8).
T he c a p a c i t y to d i f f e r e n t ia t e b e t w e e n e v e r y d a y r e a l i t y a n d d r a m a t i c
r e a l i t y a p p r o p r i a t e l y is a sig n o f m a t u r a t io n a n d th e r e f o r e a k e y c o n c e p t
in c h i l d a n d a d o l e s c e n t d e v e l o p m e n t
When the media was shocked at the death of the toddler James Bulger in
1993 and the crowds were baying for blood at the trial of two 10- and 11-
year-olds, much time was spent in asking about the whys and the hows and
in debating the evil nature of children and whether or not adult videos
could be blamed. During the trial I was very struck by one of the boys who
said that the child would not lie down so he kept on hitting him. If we can
stand outside the shock of this incident and the disbelief that children can
kill, it is possible to consider the incident in relation to the developm ent of
the dramatic imagination as described above. In conventional children’s
play, hitting and dying are commonplace actions: ‘Bang-bang, you’re dead’
is considered harmless enough in p l a y . It is through play that children
experiment with limits of hurt and destruction and learn how to play at
fighting, rather than fighting for real.
When a child says that someone would not lie down so he kept on hitting
him, it demonstrates a lack of capacity to differentiate between the two
realities - everyday reality and dramatic reality. The only way to learn this
differentiation is through dramatic play, where children are actively
engaged in dramatic scenes with others.
Therefore, I contend that videos and video games are not destructive in
themselves, but only when they replace active playing which involves the
participants. We have only to look at the structure of children’s games and
play (see Chapter 2, above, for Iona O pie’s discussion of the fear in
children’s games) to see what social and cultural learning takes place
through dramatic involvement in these structures. For example, ‘Grand
m other’s Footsteps’ teaches self-control, co-ordination, excitement, as well
as the overcoming of fear. Such games also teach a ritual structure, a set of
rules - as with sports - regarding how things are done. These rules can be
repeated even if there is variation in the content; they give security and a
framework with which the self and the world can be experienced. The
game or the dramatic play is like the world in miniature, just as the theatre
is also an encapsulation of the larger world. Both symbolize in reduced,
apprehendable form, the larger world that is infinite and too overwhelming
to take in all at once. Both the dramatic play and the theatre necessitate an
active engagement and participation in a human and artistic process,
rather than a passive absorption of received images such as formulate
films and videos.
On this basis I would argue that the active encouragement and provision
of dramatic play, social rituals and dramatic and theatre experience are
essential for the maturing child.
TH E ADVENTURE OF A D O LESCEN CE
As the child matures and grows through childhood with opportunities for
the development of the active imagination, the next staging post is the
transition between childhood and adulthood. We need to remember that not
all societies acknowledge a period of adolescence. You are either a child or
an adult, as is the case with the Tem iar tribe that I discuss below. However,
Western society has an extended period of ‘in-between’ when there are
often problems of identity and selfhood; where young people are expected
to make choices about their future in terms of relationships and occupations
but are often not allowed to act on these choices. We as adults are often
unsure as to what should be expected of adolescents and vary in our
responses from treating them as children, and then expecting them to
behave as adults. However, drama itself can be part of the maturation
CHILDHOOD
(Dramatic playing)
ADOLESCENCE ADULTHOOD
(Transitional rituals) (Characterized by individual
and social identity)
Figure 6.9 The relationship between development stages in the maturational

process
process for testing possible choices before they need to be used as a

melting pot of thoughts and ideas through which one’s actual reality can
be formulated. We find, though, that adolescence is often the time when
drama (if it is on the curriculum) is replaced by increased academic
learning or technical practice (Figure 6.9).
T h e s o c i a l n e c e s s i t y o f th e d r a m a a n d th e e m e r g e n t a r t i s t i c a n d c r a f tin g
p r o c e s s o f d r a m a a n d th e a t r e m a k e f o r h e a lt h y d e v e l o p m e n t in to a d u l t h o o d .
During the in-between years, we need to consider what experiences can
be useful and satisfying. Young people themselves need to be able to
contribute to this process rather than having purely prescriptive education
and recreation. One experience that is rarely addressed is the urge of many
young people to wander or to journey.
Traditionally, most human groups were either ‘settled cultivators’ or
‘hunter-gatherers’ in their way of life. M ajor influences of economic
change and technology have obviously changed many of these lifestyles;
however, there is still a predisposition for many people to choose a settled
lifestyle or a wandering way of life. We could discuss in very general terms
the contrast between scientists in laboratories and social scientists who live
with tribes; uniformed police and uniformed soldiers; bankers or accoun
tants and diplomats or travelling salespeople, where we can see the threads
of settling and wandering. However, as well as a preferred way of life, my
belief is that there is also a personality influence involved: some people are
‘settled cultivators’ or ‘hunter-gatherers’ by temperament. This unfortun
ately does not always fit in with Western societies’ expectations of an adult,
settled, way of life. People who are nomadic or who are of ‘no fixed abode’
or who are gypsies or itinerant travellers cause suspicion, prejudice and
often discrimination. We like to know where people are and expect them to
aspire to house ownership or at least a reasonably permanent abode.
Whereas I would suggest that all people have a leaning towards one
lifestyle or the other, I am sure that a large number of adolescents and
young people go through a ‘hunter-gatherer’ stage. The experiments of the
mind in academic learning or experiments of the imagination in artistic
expression are not satisfying enough, and young people need to push their
own spatial horizons and often physical limits in a protracted time of
‘wander-lust’. Many of them return to home base and then decide to settle
and choose to raise a family. Some stay settled, whilst others return to
wandering once child-rearing is over. Others find a way of accommodating
the need to continue wandering, and either leave a family behind, or carry
it with them.
Adolescent and young people need to make these journeys in the real
world, across water or foreign terrain: they need to be able to move at will
- a need that is not sympathetically understood. ‘Travel therapy’ for
adolescents is dismissed by press and politicians as an expensive soft
option rather than being appreciated for the very real benefits it affords.
The journey assists in our battles for a place in the world, often in an alien
environment, and frequently combatting the forces of nature. It responds to
the ‘wander-lust’ need in young people and its unavailability may indeed
have been the reason for problems in the first place.
However, drama and dramatherapy should assist young people to prepare
for the wandering. Preparation needs to be made and journeys rehearsed
within the drama before the actual journey can take place. This means that
a ritualization of the journey can be established - the starting point for the
map discovered - before the embarkation.
I would suggest that many young people have not had the opportunity to
integrate these two aspects of themselves or to put into practice any choice
of staying or going. Certainly young people ‘at risk’ have always responded
with vigour to themes based on The Odyssey ox Journey to the Bottom of the
Sea or expeditions that they have created through improvisation.
One way in which we can look at this strategy is shown in Figure 6.10.
A P E R S O N A L E X P E R IE N C E - S T R U G G L E S O F A S E T T L E D
HUNTER’
I suppose that I can view my own childhood with a certain amount of
disbelief when I remember just how many houses we moved to during the
war years (I can recall at least eight by my seventh birthday), combined
with a heightened energy to ‘settle down at last’ in a farming community in
DRAMATIC RITUALS
OF WANDERING
HUNTER-GATHERER SETTLED CULTIVATOR
Figure 6.10 The relationship of ‘staying or going’ or ‘settling and wandering’
a small village. The farm years were glorious times of ‘journey play’, when
frequent expeditions were acted through, on my own or with other children,
through fields and large orchards with ponds and streams. Dens were built
in trees and bam s, as staging posts; while maps were drawn, and bows and
arrows hidden for defence.
Entering my teens was an enormous shock as I made the lonely transition
by bus from a two-roomed village school run like a cosy family to a bleak,
uniformed all-girls’ grammar school. The first morning, I sat in silence in a
fourth-year group, and nobody noticed that I was in the wrong classroom!
The journeys to and from school became more adventurous in my im agina
tion as we drove through miles of copse and countryside. My hero was a
tramp who lived in an old water-tank in a small wood that could be seen
from the bus. I would mark his progress through the seasons as he came and
went, eventually to disappear in winter and return once the snow had gone.
He was the Tom Sawyer of my dreams that one day I could be, whether I
ran away with the gypsies or stowed away on a ship.
Most of my energy was spent in planning a theatrical career, convincing
m yself that I did not understand maths, science or technology, and reading
plays and poetry by torchlight. My early theatre work was weekly touring:
revue, musicals, Shakespeare to schools. We often played fourteen shows a
week - twice-nightly, plus two matinees - and then travelled to the new
place on Sunday. We were ‘on the road’, or rail as it usually was. However,
all these smaller journeys seemed to be preparing for the big journey which
I knew would happen one day.
It must be remembered that I am describing emergent life in the 1950s,

when there were still strict ideas about what girls were supposed to do. The
main directive was to grow up to be wives and mothers, whereas I made
three major moves within the first five years of marriage and then formed a
‘therapeutic theatre group’ which toured European hospitals and schools.
However, the map became clearer when I returned to study a course of
social anthropology and, for my final essay, travelled to Malaysia for three
m onths’ observation. Expeditions in and around the rain forest, meetings
with hunter-gatherers when they touched base, and travels with the army
when they went on patrol, steadily fuelled the ‘big journey’ plans.
I eventually managed to travel back to Malaysia with my children, to live
with an aboriginal tribe in the central rain forest. We reached them by river
boat and Land Rover, in the middle of a monsoon. My plan was to study the
drama and rituals of the Tem iar people, and to compare their pregnancy
and birth practices and child-rearing with my own social and cultural norms.
As the seasons came and went in our bamboo stilt house, and the tribe
understood that we w ouldn’t rush away after a few weeks, we gradually
became accepted into the lifestyle and were encouraged to understand their
way of life.
The Temiars first and foremost are genuinely child-centred. Children are
not hit or threatened and are allowed to choose from an early age. They
understand what Temiar behaviour is expected from them in relation to
belief and practice. Fear is inculcated towards thunder and tigers, and
consequently parents can be very loving and indulgent. Children walk
very early, and breast-feeding continues until about 4 years of age. There
are rules concerning food (who can eat certain things and where and when);
space (which spaces are dangerous and which are protected); illness (which
actions cause illness); and birth and death (who can move in and out of the
village). Children are aware of these ‘rules for living’ from birth and,
since they are constantly with adult members of the community, have a
continuous role-model of adult behaviour.
Dramatic seances with music, singing, dance and drama form the basis of
both their entertainment as well as their preventive and curative rituals. The
whole village attends, unless a person is too ill to move: babies are carried
in a sling; children join in the singing and dancing; shamans spontaneously
give the children ‘healing’ to keep them strong. Babies and children stay
until first light, like everyone else, and sleep peacefully amidst all the
noise. There is little in Temiar culture from which children are excluded
and parents see this as a way of children learning how to be grown up and
take on responsibilities. Yet nobody makes anybody do anything, as the
Temiars feel it is wrong to force your will on another.
The Temiars, to my surprise, thought I had a good system going. Since
my children settled down to do lessons most mornings, the parents asked
me to make their children go to school! The bargain with mine was that,
if they did lessons for an hour each morning, then the rest of the day they
could join in with their friends. The Tem iar parents see a vested interest
in their children going down-river to a little school where they would be
given food and clothes, and maybe their lot could be improved by their
children having some basic education. However, when we were there, the
children had a different plan. They went off to school and then diverted
to a logging camp in the forest where the loggers cooked them food and
allowed them to play!
T h e T e m i a r life c y c l e is d i v i d e d in to th r e e b r o a d c a t e g o r i e s : c h i l d h o o d ,
f e r t i l e y e a r s , o l d a g e . So there is not the age-stage we have of adolescence.
Either you are a child and in many ways a carefree, playful person, or you
are fertile and start to plan your domestic routine. After the child-bearing
years, you are considered old and therefore to be respected. In each age-
stage, people’s names change: therefore, names denote identity. Both
m yself and the children were given Temiar names and expected in broad
terms to keep the Tem iar code. They participated with their peer group in
Temiar activities which ranged from versions of playground games to
domestic and fishing routines. The Temiars, although settled and cultivat
ing for periods of time in villages, also move on, either as individuals or
families or the village as a whole. They are a riverine people and will take
time to visit other villages up and down the river network, as well as
hunting and gathering wild fruit and vegetables. Thus they integrate
cultivation with hunting and gathering.
As a personal journey for me, despite the discomfort of combating
monsoons and leeches, illness and hunger, I knew this journey was right.
We fumed at delays and became frustrated at lack of progress, but even so,
we had found a way of wandering, even though we had eventually to return
to our own culture. After we returned to the UK, it was time to reflect on
the many processes that had been activated during this time away.
What is interesting is that the most criticized aspect of this journey was
the fact that I took the children with me - that somehow they should have
been left behind or should have gone to boarding school! One bout of very
severe criticism came from a group of 16-year-old girls who thought I had
been very selfish in depriving my children of a settled home. They would
not accept that the children were given both the choice to go and also the
choice to stay.
Although this journey continues to be a most formative time for me and
my children, it also gives me insights into the debate concerning ‘settling
and w andering’, as well as new perspectives on age-stages and adoles
cence. Why is it that some people feel more comfortable in a nomadic
lifestyle whereas for others it is the epitomy of insecurity? Why is being a
home-owner given as the symbol of security as well as status in our own
culture? Why does the idea of travellers and gypsies cause such anxiety
amongst settlers?
DRAMA
AS DEVELOPMENT
THEATRE
ART
DRAMA DRAMA
AS RITUAL AS THERAPY
Figure 6. 11 Integration of the dramatic processes of theatre art
CLOSING THOUGHTS
In this chapter I have looked at two major themes in relation to the survival
of children and adolescents. The first is the primacy of the dramatic
development of children and its influence on the maturation of human
beings. I emphasize that we need to be able to distinguish between every-
day reality and dramatic reality in order to function appropriately as
responsible adults.
The second theme is that of recognizing the need to wander in people,
and especially during the period of adolescence. I suggest that although this
journey theme can be explored in drama and dramatherapy, there is a
primeval need to actualize the wandering experience in the real world
before young people settle down into chosen lifestyles. The opportunity
to wander enables people to have a greater flexibility in living as well as
fostering greater survival skills.
The overall philosophy of this chapter is how theatre art, medicine and
religion are interdependent and need to be integrated in both the individual
as well as the collective.
As such, we need to acknowledge the importance of:
drama as development
drama as ritual
drama as therapy
which can be integrated into an acceptance of drama as theatre art at all

stages of life, but especially during childhood and adolescence (Figure
6 . 11).
R E FER EN C ES
Jennings, S. (1993a) P laytherapy with Children: a practition er s guide. Oxford:
Blackwell Scientific.
(1993b) Settled-cultivators or hunter-gatherers? A view of Shakespeare’s
The Merchant o f Venice. Keynote presented at the Dramatherapy and
Shakespeare Symposium, Stratford-upon-Avon.
(1994) Theatre R itual and Transformation: the Temiar experience. London:
Routledge (in press).
Winnicott, D. W. (1971) Playing and Reality. Harmondsworth, Middlesex:
Penguin.
Part III
Dramatherapy with
adolescents
Chapter 7
Pinocchio - a handicapped brother

Working with healthy siblings through
dramatherapy
Pamela Mond
INTRO DUC TIO N

This chapter is about group dramatherapy with healthy siblings who have
brothers or sisters with handicaps. The aims of the work are:
1 to create a support group;

2 to improve self-image;
3 to explore the roles of healthy siblings in family and social spheres;
4 secondary aim: to increase the com m unity’s awareness of handicap with
projects prepared by healthy siblings.
We will look at three such groups, each of which met together for ten
sessions. Within the supportive environment of the healthy dramatherapy
group with the focus on the building of trust, self-confidence and creati
vity, we hope to help the group own and examine some of their themes
and c o n flic ts. T h e ‘c r e a tiv e e x p r e s s iv e ’ m o d e l o f dram ath erap y p ra ctice
(Jennings 1987, 1990, 1993) was used, whereby the imaginative aspects of
the individuals are stimulated and built up. In order to activate the change,
without creating additional anxieties, we used the following areas of
dramatherapy methodology: the use of the therapeutic m etaphor via the
story of Pinocchio, movement, relaxation, guided fantasies, art, puppetry,
games, creative writing, psychodrama techniques and improvisations.
Comparisons made of individual and family drawings before and after
group meetings showed an increase in self-image, positive changes in family
dynamics and with regard to their relationship with their handicapped
sibling.
The healthy sibling is, in fact, ‘at risk’ and accordingly deserves our
professional attention in assisting him with his ‘handicap’. These are not
easy issues for the siblings to talk about (see Table 7.1), neither with
parents, nor with friends, and often they feel isolated and lonely, thinking
that they are the only ones with feelings such as these. Because of its
unique distancing techniques, dramatherapy can contribute in a positive
110 Dramatherapy with adolescents
way to overcoming some of these difficulties. We therefore advocate the

introduction of ongoing sibling support groups similar to those suggested in
this chapter.
SETTING THE SCENE

Eighteen healthy children aged between 10 and 14 years, each of whom
had a handicapped sibling, took part in the project. They were divided into
three homogeneous groups:
1st Group six girls aged 10-12;

2nd Group five members, two boys and three girls, aged 10-13;
3rd Group seven members, three boys and four girls, aged 11-14.
1st Group
Apart from one, all the m em bers’ handicapped siblings were very young,
either in kindergarten or in first grade. Three had D ow n’s syndrome and the
other three were quite severely developmentally delayed and suffered from
hydrocephalus, Cornelia de Langue syndrome and the third with a degen
erative, genetic kidney disorder. The group was very involved with ‘denial’
- denying that any problems existed in the family because of their handi
capped sibling. Taking this factor into consideration, the core of our work
centred on the recognition of feelings. Another theme which was central
to this group was the outward physical appearance of their sibling in
comparison to one another’s siblings and to siblings without handicaps.
2nd Group
The siblings were very close in age to their handicapped brothers or sisters.
The latter were all studying within the regular school system, two were
physically handicapped, one with cerebral palsy and the other who had
become paralysed from her waist down in an accident and confined to
wheelchairs; one, with development delays most marked by her absence of
speech, was in a ‘special education’ classroom. This group dealt with the
subject of the integration of their handicapped siblings into society. Another
topic which the group approached was their need to work with their parents
around the problems arising from the responsibility placed on them with
regard to the amount of care they had to give to the handicapped member.
3rd Group
These older children had handicapped siblings who were suffering mainly
from developmental problems including autism, severe mental retardation,
Pinocchio - a handicapped brother 111
personality disorders and the like. The main theme worked on by this group
was (1) the need to keep ‘secrets’ and (2) social stigma. The majority of the
handicapped siblings were older than their healthy brothers and sisters.
The groups ran for ten consecutive weeks on afternoons for one and a half
hours per session. (Free transportation was provided by the town council
and the therapist was employed by the Ministry of Education.)
The location was the large conference room at the Child Development
Centre which also doubled as the therapists’ work room and was furnished
with all materials to suit the needs of the group. (A staff volunteer was also
present and videotaped each session for learning purposes.)
It was decided that a workable number in each group would be between
three to eight children, also that only one sibling per family would be
accepted into the same group. All siblings referred were interviewed and in
order to choose clients for each group we were guided by:
1 analysis of the dramatherapy work done by children during their home
visits;
2 the siblings themselves and their ages;
3 the accounts and descriptions given by the parents as to their
children’s coping resources.
T h ere w a s no d efin itio n a s to a n y s p e c ific a r e a s o f h a n d i c a p in the
sib lin g .
Also referred to was Dr Yossi Zeider’s doctorale work on siblings
(Zeider 1985) which suggests that certain siblings are likely to have more
difficulty in adapting to their handicapped brothers and sisters, for example:
1 if the healthy sibling was younger;
2 siblings from large families;
3 if the healthy and handicapped siblings were of the same sex;
4 in general, girls were at a higher risk because of their inclination to try
to take care of their handicapped sibling.
Those children (hereafter known as ‘sibs’) who have handicapped sib
lings - and in most cases it does not matter what form the handicap takes -
are often regarded as a ‘Healthy Population’. But in fact they carry a very
heavy burden. Of course, we cannot actually see their problems (as we
may do with a person who has a physical handicap), and so in most cases
their difficulties are not fully addressed or understood, neither by the
children nor by those around them, yet their problem touches much of
their daily life, ‘fam ily’ and ‘social’ roles. By way of introduction to my
dramatherapy groups for healthy sibs, let me tell a short story.
One afternoon on my way back from work, I found m yself on the seat
next to a chatty lady in an Israeli-style communal taxi (to ride in one of
these is a real dramatherapy exercise!) and was soon encouraged to tell her
my life story. I mentioned my work with the sibs groups. ‘W ell,’ she
exclaimed, ‘that is certainly a population that needs help.’ She went on,
‘In the block where I live, there is a family with a child that is handicapped
and three other healthy children, but in a way they all behave as if they had
disabilities - differently from other children. They hold themselves back,
keep a low profile.’ I was very impressed by this lady’s understanding; it
had taken me five years of working at the Child Development Centre to
reach the same conclusions. She was referring to what the literature
(Hanochi 1986, Zeider 1985) describes as ‘distorted’ or ‘low ’ self-image
and the consequent difficulties with expression and ability to cope with
social problems. W orking on the improvement of these two areas became
the main aims within our support groups.
It is the child with handicaps whose problems dominate the stage and the
other child-actors in the ‘family dram a’ are needed to fulfil supplementary
roles, for example (1) the need to live up to parents’ expectations for him to
compensate for the handicap of the special child, or (2) over-responsibility
in assisting parents to look after the sibling with the handicap (Table 7.1).
I was not the only one to ‘m iss’ the sibs’ cues. When I was interviewing
families to find potential group members, 90 per cent of the parents would
have preferred me to run a group for the children with handicaps as ‘the
healthy ones don’t have any problem s’. The sibs themselves, during pre
group work, would ask disbelievingly, ‘D oesn’t my brother have to come
to the meetings with m e?’ When I stressed that the meetings were for them
alone, the relief was enormous. Their sense of responsibility was so strong
Table 7.1 Common issues of sibs
1 Distorted self-image.
2 Problems created by ambivalence of feelings towards the handicapped
sibling: love, pity, responsibility versus guilt, anger and anxiety.
3 Fears regarding genetic inheritance.
4 Growing up in an environment of anxiety, lack of confidence and stress
within the family circle.
5 Emotional and behavioural neglect due to attention most often being
centred on the handicapped sibling.
6 The need to live up to parents’ expectations to compensate the handicap
of the special child.
7 Over-responsibility in assisting parents to look after the handicapped
sibling.
8 Danger of regression in overall development.
9 Social problems - the need to cope with problem areas of:
a social stigma;
b inviting friends home
c the difficulty surrounding ‘explanation’ of the problem;
d the need to learn to cope with strange reactions in the street when out
with the handicapped sibling.
Source: Hanochi 1986: 2 - my translation

that, at the end of the first session, I was asked, ‘Well, we had a lot of fun,
but when will we learn how to take better care of our handicapped brothers
and sisters?’
Sara Wheeler, an adult sib who discovered only this year that being the
sib of a child with disabilities had caused resentment and emotional turmoil
which she had carried into adulthood with her, wrote for the Independent
(1993): ‘I felt angry that nobody ever explained anything to me, or
acknowledged that as ‘the other child’ I had special needs too.’ These
are the ‘needs’ - often carefully guarded, denied and kept as ‘secrets’
which make sibs feel lonely and isolated - that we attempt to address
with the help of dramatherapy. Sara’s hope, that sibs who are children
today do not have to drag that confused and needy inner child into
adulthood, is also our hope and the reason for advocating sibs groups to
our colleagues in child development, psychological services, in education
and the social services. The community still needs to receive information
on the subject of handicap to understand the personal emotional and social
suffering it brings with it to all family members (Bax 1990).
Considering the sensitivity surrounding the issues of those children who
have disabilities and their families, I decided to use the telephone as a way
of introducing m yself to the parents of prospective group members. In
some cases I was asked by them to speak to the children and tell them about
the support group being formed. W herever interest was expressed, a date
for a home visit was set up. This period, between talking over the telephone
and the time-lapse before I visited the home, was the start of the therapeutic
process. It allowed time for the sibs to think about the issue of having a
sibling with a disability and often encouraged discussion of the subject
between the sibs and their parents.
A clear example of this occurred with Sally, aged 12, whose mother was
waiting for me on the street outside their home as I arrived for the inter
view. She wanted me to know that Sally had been very upset, shortly after
talking to me on the phone. She had sobbed to her mother, ‘Why did
Pamela say he had a disability?’ to which the mother replied, ‘Because
he has. . . ’ thus bringing about a long and first-time-ever conversation for
them around this issue.
At this point, I should like to emphasize the importance which I attatch
to the time spent on individual work during the home interviews. Because
of the difficulties with these clients around the area of expression of their
feelings and their concern about social acceptance surrounding the subject
of handicap (as we shall see later more clearly), I doubt whether many of
the sibs would have made it at all to the first group meeting had I not spent
this time with them. Later on, in the very first group session, when the sibs
‘shared’ regarding ‘why they had com e’, about 80 per cent said that, ‘After
I ’d spoken with you, I thought. . . ’ and it was clear that some real trust had
already begun to develop between us during that home visit.
HOM E IN TER V IEW

The home interview was divided into a number of areas:
1 family interview
2 bibliotherapy
3 story-making
4 small object projection
5 figure and family drawings
6 questions, answers and feedback
and took between forty minutes and an hour and a half, depending on the
needs and dynamics of the client and their family. I would like to spend
some time looking at some of the bibliotherapy from which we found out
the sibs’ individual specific key issues and then at the six-piece story-
making (Lahad 1992) and Basic Ph. (See Table 7.3) configurations which
helped us decide further the group issues likely to need working on within
our sessions.
Bibliotherapy
The bibliotherapy now to be described had an immediate effect on the
clients. I brought with me two copies of a book written by ‘siblings for
siblings’ called: Straight from the Siblings: another look at the rainbow
(Murray and Jampolsky 1982). We found the pages I had chosen and then
looked together at drawings or articles, with me role-playing what was
written (whilst looking at the sibling). Sometimes I would improvise a
little, make changes in the text to suit my client’s needs, e.g. the age and
sex of the writer and/or the sibling.
The areas I chose for work from the book were those about:
1 coming to a sibling group

2 the establishm ent of trust in such a group
3 letting go of feelings
4 fear
5 loneliness
6 jealousy
7 guilt.
Below are some examples of ways in which the material can be presented.
The first article examined was by a girl called Sue, aged 11, who wrote
that when her m other first mentioned the idea of going to the centre, she
hadn’t wanted to go and would only do so if there were another 11-year-old
girl with a 7-year-old brother there. She thought that there was nobody else
going through what she was going through. After a while, she realized that
there were other people like her so she agreed to attend a sibs group. ‘After
a couple of meetings it got easier to talk. I found that I could tell things to
the group which I couldn’t talk about with my parents. I found out that we
could trust one another. Sometimes, I felt lucky that I w asn’t having some
of the problems that the other people were having. Now we can talk easily
to each other. We joke around and talk about previous experiences. I am
really glad that I have a place to come to when my brother has problem s.’
John, aged 9, wrote that he was pretty scared at first because he didn’t
know what was wrong with his sister. ‘When your sister has something and
you don’t know what it is . . . only the name . . . that’s pretty scary because
you don’t know w hat’s going to happen to her in the future . . . When I felt
sad I would go to a friend’s house or to school and try to forget about
D alia’s sickness and my sadness. If I played football I would forget all
about it except when I would kick the ball and then I would think I was
kicking the good health back into her body.’
The next piece chosen was a picture drawn of a girl inside a tree house.
She was thinking: ‘Did I cause it?’ and she was ‘feeling guilty’.
Next, two children were drawn lying in separate beds. One had drawings
and many toys and was saying aloud, ‘Wheel What fun!’ - he was the
sibling with the disability. The other, a healthy sib, appeared angry and
mumbled to himself, ‘Oh, shut up, can’t you!’
Eve, aged 12, expressed that jealousy is envy! Most of us are envious
when someone else gets all the attention. ‘Sometimes it’s hard for us to
know why our brother or sister gets more attention than we do. Many times
we think we are getting ripped off when we are actually the lucky ones.’
Tara, aged 16, told how she felt she had to hold her feelings in when she
was around her parents. ‘I let my feelings out only when I am with my
close friends.’
Bill, aged 12, brought up the subject of his sister’s seizures which had
been getting much worse. ‘I am really frightened. I stay in my room and let
my parents take care of her, as there is nothing I can do to help. It is kind of
scary to talk to my friends about her, but I would rather have them ask me
than stare.’
In many cases the sibs sat in a kind of trance - wide-eyed, open-
mouthed, quite stunned at hearing, often for the first time ever, some of
their private feelings dramatized aloud. The ‘creative’ media aroused their
interest and, without creating additional anxieties, allowed them to identify
at their own level. The younger sibs, who verbalize more easily, would
even begin to talk about similar instances and give examples from their
own lives. After looking at the ‘other’ sibs’ contributions, I asked my
potential sibs to prepare an article, drawing or entry for a similar ‘sib
m agazine’ and then to share it with me if they wished. In the sibs’ work
which follows, not only are we able to hear and see their difficulties
expressed, but in a number of instances we are clearly shown how this
media helps them to go one step further and begin working on the process
of behavioural change.
S a n d y a g e d 11
This sib chose to draw. There were two figures on his paper. One was a fat,
muscular woman with one hand on her hip, her face drawn without eyes.
Behind her stood an ‘eyeless’ smaller figure of a boy with his arms folded
in front of his body over his stomach. After drawing, Sandy said in an
explosive, angry tone, ‘This is me. That is her. I ’m small. She’s big. She
controls everything. I have to do everything she tells m e.’ He then changed
his tone and added, ‘But I forgive her.’ After this torrent of words, the boy
sighed heavily and returned to his drawing and drew a balloon from the
boy’s mouth and wrote in it the word ‘m e’. (NB On a visit to our tow n’s
sheltered workshop one morning, I saw his sister, who bore little resem
blance to the ‘fat m uscular’ figure portrayed in his drawing. She was in fact
short and thin.)
M i k e a g e d 12
‘I ’m very happy with my brother. I play with him, help him with many
things. I give him food and drink. I dress him, care for him; I do like him,
but sometimes it annoys me that my parents play with him a lot and they
never did so with me. They buy him a lot of things but don’t do the same
for me. However, they don’t hate me, I need to understand this. Sometimes
my brother breaks things and makes my parents angry, that’s when I know
they don’t hate me. Anyway, I ’ll take care of him and play with him - h e’s
my brother after all, isn’t he!’
S a r a a g e d 12 (F ig . 7.1 )
This sib drew a picture of her sister with a smile on her face in a reclined
position on a sofa-bed opposite the television. There was a row of cushions
on the floor next to the bed with a child sitting on one, her face towards the
television. A balloon from the girl on the bed said: ‘Bring me some juice,
bring my m edicine.’ The sib told me after she had finished drawing, ‘She
takes up the whole sofa, exactly opposite the television, the best place, and
the rest of us have to sit on the floor. At first it was okay bringing her
everything, but now I ’m fed up with it. I don’t want to, but I ’m afraid not
to. I do it but without the will from inside. She did it for us when we were
young, when she was well; now she’s ill, it’s her turn to be looked after.’
When she’d finished speaking she returned to her picture and wrote on it in
a balloon near the child on the floor, ‘No, I don’t want to .’
herself herself
herself herself
herself
herself
herself
herself
herself
Figure 7. 1 Drawing by a 12-year-old girl showing her sister (lying on a sofa-bed)

and herself
Lily aged 14
'I prefer to speak up and tell my friends about my older sister, even though
it's difficult. I don't want them to think that because she learns in a special
school that she's abnormal, etc. I don't want them to pity her, just to
understand what's wrong with her and why she learns there. Sometimes
I'm asked if I'm the oldest, but I'm ashamed to answer and don't know
what to say. So I reply, 'There's one older and one younger than me', and
when they ask me if she learns here in our school, I don't actually tell them
where she learns, but say that she goes to a different school.'
Heidi aged 13
'Usually my friends and I speak about my sister and why she doesn't speak,
and how I cope with her. They never ask me though how I 'feel' about
having a sister with a handicap. I love her very much and worry about her,
and try to make contact with her. But sometimes when I go out with her, I
feel that everyone is looking at me and at her and I feel very uncom for
table. They sometimes laugh and point saying, ‘Look at h er’, sometimes I
get very angry and feel protective towards my sister, I tell them it’s not nice
to laugh and ask them to stop. But most of the time I simply keep quiet and
give my sister my hand and carry on walking with her in spite of all the
faces she makes and the way she behaves, like a retard, and in spite of all
those looks and laughs.’
M e l v i n a g e d 14
‘As soon as my friends arrive, my older brother gets angry and starts
shouting at me - it’s because he doesn’t have any friends. He w on’t admit
this, but I feel that this is w hy.’
A d a a g e d 10
‘I feel okay with my sister, I get on well with her. I help her a lot, for
example, with homework. My sister is fine at home. She finds speaking
difficult, but we m anage.’
F a y a g e d 11
‘I couldn’t accept it at first - seeing a wheelchair in the house. I don’t think

I have to be jealous, only thankful that I ’m healthy. There are times when I
think of the future and how she’ll cope. I ’m sure something will be worked
out. I have to help her a lot, so she will feel normal and not different from
anyone else.’
S u zy a g e d 11
‘I don’t think my brother gets extra attention. I take it very hard that I have
a brother with a handicap; e.g. when my friends call me to play after
school, usually just at that same moment my brother calls me to help
him with his homework - this makes me angry. Or if I want to go into
town with my friends and at the same time my parents decide to go out as
well so I have to stay behind with him. I ’m not to blame for having a
brother who is handicapped - no one’s to blame. God wanted it that way
and I have no choice but to accept it.’
J im a g e d 10
He drew three stick figures and told me what each was, saying: (1) his
sibling was crying; (2) his mum told him, ‘Go and look after h er’; (3) he
answered, ‘Oof, it’s always me who has to look after her.’
Saul aged 13
Drew a picture of children playing football, and in the ‘goal’ area sat a
child in a wheelchair who was saying: ‘Why can’t I be like you?’
Tamar aged 10
Drew a picture of herself and two other sibs looking at the baby who has
Down’s syndrome and a heart problem. Mum calls out hysterically, ‘D on’t
touch her!’ (Figure 7.2)
Ruth aged 11
(There are two handicapped siblings in this house.) She drew a boy and a
girl. The brother was stuttering, inside his balloon was written 4ggzzss’ and
she answered him, ‘Shut up already, you’re annoying m e.’ (Unfortunately,
Ruth never again expressed such ‘open’ aggression.)
Paula aged 14
‘On one hand I’m happy to have a brother like him because he helps to
wash dishes, empty the rubbish, etc. but on the other hand, I ’d rather not
Figure 7.2 Drawing by a 10-year-old girl showing herself and two sibs in relation
to their handicapped baby sister
have such a brother because sometimes he embarrasses me when my friends

see him, they talk about him .’
Sally aged 12
Chose to draw two pictures, one opposite the other. In the one was a boy
lying on a bed in the hospital and in the other a girl behind a door in tears.
After drawing this she said, ‘H ere’s my brother in hospital, and I ’m at
home alone, with my thoughts about him and crying.’ I asked, ‘How did
you feel when you were drawing this?’ She sighed, then replied, ‘It was as
if I was telling it to someone; it came out from a place deep inside.’
Story-making
The six-piece storytelling technique used by me with each client was based
on work by Dr Mouli Lahad in 1991 (Lahad 1992). Briefly, it consists of
the child making up a six-piece story in words or in pictures in response to
six questions asked by the therapist:
1 Who is the hero/heroine of the story? (Or more simply - who/what is
the story about?)
2 What is his/her ‘m ission’ or ‘task’ in the story?
3 Who or what (if at all) can help him/her achieve this?
4 What is the obstacle preventing him/her from achieving this task?
5 How (if at all) does he/she cope with this obstacle?
6 What happens next/at the end of the story?
These stories can then be looked at to suggest the clients’ ‘coping skills’,
‘them es’, ‘conflicts’ and current emotional state. They also offer us a clue
to the ‘language’ of the child, so helping us create an easier rapport.
Here are three examples of stories made in the groups:
Sara, aged 12, from whom we heard previously, comes from a large
family; her eldest sister ‘suddenly’ became ‘ill’. She stopped going to
school, dropped out of everything, stayed home and, during the previous
year, underwent a battery of tests, the outcome of which indicated no clear
physical reason for her ‘sickness’ to date. A personality disorder was
suggested but she refused to go for therapy. (Two years later, I learned
that the sister had gone to live with an aunt out of town and has resumed
her studies.) Here is Sara’s story:
Sara s Story
1 Hero: A young boy, not old, who got injured by a car or something. He
wasn’t bom like it, now h e’s handicapped.
2 Task: To walk. He wants to get well and walk again.
3 W h o can h e lp ? A specialist doctor.

4 O b s t a c l e : Money - there’s not enough money. The parents do not have
strength to work any harder.
5 H o w to o v e r c o m e ? Nothing at this stage.
6 The e n d i n g : In a totally unexpected way, the father receives an inheritance
from an uncle; enough money. The specialist performs the operation
which is successful. The boy can walk.
The next two stories are written by girls asking for help, both wanting to
‘go for it’ in spite of the difficulties - and both, in fact, did make it to a
group (not the same one), but sadly only Doris saw it through to the end
(ten sessions) whilst Lily left halfway through, though I continued to post
her invitations to meetings and other group members phoned to keep her
informed. The first story is 14-year-old L ily’s, who, we heard previously,
has so much difficulty socially and whose feelings of ‘sham e’ are very
strong. Then comes Doris, aged 12, the eldest in a large family, who left the
room during the interview after hearing the bibliotherapy examples, sup
posedly to go to the lavatory. Five minutes later, her mother came in and
told me of Doris’s difficulty in facing up to her feelings. She managed to
return, however, and said she wanted to continue - we left the ‘m agazine’
work and went on to story-making.
L i l y ' s S to r y
1 H e r o in e : My best friend.
2 T ask: To encourage her; to be together with her when needed.
3 W h o ca n h e lp ? In my opinion, only my best friend can help, because I
am not ready to tell everyone.
4 O b s t a c l e : The heart - in order to help and be ready for this, you need
understanding, love, a good heart - to have these qualities, you need to
know how to behave.
5 H o w to o v e r c o m e ? The heroine overcomes her instincts and comes
towards the other person with a lot of love, understanding and
consideration.
6 The e n d i n g : The heroine comes and admits she wanted help but
something unknown stopped her and she put up boundaries.
D o r i s s S to r y
1 H e r o i n e : A small, innocent girl.

2 T a sk: To learn about things that interest her. To research and talk about
them with someone.
3 W h o ca n h e lp ? Her parents or anyone who works in these areas which
interest her.
Table 7.2 Description of fifteen six-piece stories
Sib Minus or unusual

no. Hero scores in Basic Ph. Conflicts Themes Additional remarks*
1 Princess Ph- Good v bad Escape Rescue story

S- Magic Heroine saved herself
Loyalty
2 An ‘invisible’ boy S- Strong v weak Attention stolen from him Rescue story
No A Rescue This sib attended
No Ph erratically & left with no
word
3 Lion tamer A- Id v superego Aggression
no A Fear
no I
4 Red Riding Hood Id v superego Threat of being devoured
(Puberty age approp. (by her sibling?)
conflict)
5 A boy called Shi no I Adolescent conflict Girl needs help Rescue story
aged 15
6 Rambo S- Good v bad Too many people Rescue story
No A Strength
Inventions
7 Will Parker (boy) S- Control v loss control Suppression of feelings Rescue story
no A (0-5) Running away
8 Chief of police S- Good v bad When is a friend not a
No I friend?
Very high ‘C’ score
9 Young boy in a B- Ph- Give up v faith Money Rescue story
wheelchair No A Miracles
Low S&l (0-5)
10 Young innocent A- S- No one understands Searching for and finding Rescue story
girl No I me, lack of comm, help
No Ph (age approp. conflicts)
11 My best friend A- Holding in v letting go Fear to share Was sending a
2S- Fear of society message re. her fear of
Low l&Ph (0-5) a group
12 Herself S- I- Good v bad Fighting against odds Rescue story
No C and winning (miracle)
13 Saddam Hussein B- A- S- Good v bad Identification with
No I aggressor
Very high ‘C’ score
14 A cat and its B- S- Independence Need for reassurance
mother No I threatened Help from mother
15 Himself No I Parental problem Escape persuasion Rescue story
No A
No Ph.
* Existential idea of Rescue

Rescue = My sibling from his problem
Therapist = the cure
4 Obstacle: M isunderstanding - can’t find her ‘place’ - no one listens to

what she is saying.
5 How to overcome? Tries to speak to someone, to ask someone to talk to
her. Someone who knows about these things that interest her - a lot of
understanding from this other person.
6 The ending: She finds the suitable people and they help her to cope with
the problems and obstacles she encounters.
We analysed fifteen stories according to Basic Ph. (a model for under

standing an individual’s capacity for coping and resilience under stress. A
detailed account of the model is given in Lahad 1992). Tables 7.2 and 7.3
give some of the results, comparisons and configurations.
We see that the ‘average’ scores are quite revealing (Table 7.3). They
suggest that we will find an above-average use of ‘C ’ (Cognition) and a
minimal use of ‘I ’ (Imagination). Although the sibs’ scores in ‘S ’ (Social)
skills are good on average, however, a large number of sibs have ‘conflicts’
or ‘no scores’ in this area, which is also significant. It may be plausible to
consider that families with handicapped children often use social and
cognitive Belief Systems (BS, BC) as a means to control their emotions
(A). Scheff (1986: 99-100) calls an individual whose primary mode of
experiencing is a cognitive one ‘overdistanced’. The extreme of overdis
tance is a state of repression - the overdistanced individual has blocked her
ability to experience painful emotion. The past is remembered but the
person detaches from present feelings associated with past experiences.
We often heard statements in our groups like: ‘His illness doesn’t affect the
rest of the fam ily,’ and, ‘I ’m not at all embarrassed by her; I just don’t like
to talk about it when people ask m e,’ or, ‘My sister looks okay. She just
can’t speak, read or w rite,’ and ‘God wanted it this w ay,’ and, ‘We
shouldn’t pay attention to the things he says but we should give him all
the attention because he needs it.’
Small Objects/Spectograms
In the interviews, the subjects I worked on via the small objects were
family dynamics and/or social position in school.
Table 7.3 Comparison of scores of fifteen sibs according to Basic Ph.
B A S / C Ph.
Total 30 27 39.5 9 66 34.5

Average score 2 1.8 2.6 0.6 4.4 2.3
Nos. of minuses ( - ) -3 -4 -11 -1 none -1
Nos of no scores 1 5 none 7 1 3
NB 2.3 is average overall score

*B = Belief and attitudes; A = Affect; S = Social; I = Imagination; C = Cognitive; Ph. =
Physical
I presented the sib with a colourful box which I told him contained the
‘actors’ for a play. However, they were not people but animals, animals
which could represent the characters in a play about the family/school. We
spoke about how often when the curtain went up in the theatre, for the first
time, we might see the characters on the stage in a friezed position. This
gave the audience time to look at and ponder about the theme of what they
were about to see. The sib could choose any scene from the play, he could
place the animals in front of him, on the floor or table, to represent the
details of the story which he could then share with me. At the end I also
asked him which role he would choose to play. Some of the scenes have
been reconstructed below in diagram form to show examples of their work.
The following is a scene created by Jim, aged 10, the eldest brother in a
family of six children.
Sp ecto g ra m 1
Jim chose all ‘w ild’ animals in dark colours for the ‘family scene’ and
placed six of them in a row (a) whilst another two were put in front (b).
a
x
Monster
x
Dinosaur
x
Lion
x
Tiger
x
W olf
x
Leopard
b Two Black Gorillas - the same size

X X
He then said, ‘The boy and the father are the gorillas.’
S p ecto g ra m 2
For the school scene at ‘play-tim e’, he arranged any animal which came out
of the box, without looking, into a circle.
Then he carefully looked at the assortment, chose a white stallion and put
it into the middle (c).
X
X
X X “>
X
‘This is the eldest brother,’ he explained seriously.

D E V E L O PM E N T OF W O RK PR O G R A M M E
Embodiment and Projection (Jennings 1990)

Before the home interviews took place, it seemed clear that I would be able
to plan in advance to explore some of the main sibling conflicts, e.g.
jealousy, guilt, fear, etc. However, on meeting and working with the
children, most clearly of all arose their great need for assistance first and
foremost in the area of recognition of such feelings, which were in the main
carefully suppressed or denied.
The bringing together of such children and creating an environm ent for
them to share with one another material which they had been unable to
bring up in any other forum had to be my main objective and group aim.
I decided that the first sessions would definitely have to centre on the
building of trust and self-confidence, hoping then that work on control and
release of emotions would be made easier. If, by the end of the group
sessions, we would be able to ‘accept’ some of our less com fortable
feelings, the group would have achieved one of its major aims.
We know that ‘P h.’ (Physical) work using movement and all physically
active media can lead one, albeit ‘unconsciously’, quite directly to the area
of emotions. Elaine Segal (Segal 1974) describes how, when a specific
motor sequence is suggested to the client, it changes their inner situation,
e.g. a client who was helped to work with tensing muscles and making fists,
said, ‘That reminds me of an angry person,’ and then went on to recapture
particularly angry personal life situations. An over-simplification but an
example tracing the stages of work one gets into from a mere clenched fist!
Let me add also an example of how a piece of m ovement work which we
did in the group around the subject of an ‘erupting volcano’ allowed one
girl to realize, ‘That is just how I feel inside,’ and then for another to add,
‘Watch out for me when I explode!’
Therefore, I would consider that as a beginning the ‘P h.’ areas of
dramatherapy, e.g. movement, clay and puppetry, should work well for
these clients. ‘Overdistancing’ techniques such as the use of masks are also
a helpful medium for beginning groups. Masks worked well with our
clients in their second session (Table 7.4) as a way to reach intra-psychic
material and for use in dialogues with other group members, so helping,
too, to experiment with interpersonal exchanges.
Working with ‘line/colour/shape’ drawings, which clearly bypass the
mind and its intellectualizations and go directly to the source of feelings,
also allowed the clients a unique opportunity vividly to capture ‘feelings’
on paper and to visualize their emotions.
During such experiential initial sessions and through the sharing of
experiences, the ‘group’ begins to come together; by recognizing their
‘shared experiences’ the clients feel freer to trust one another.
Table 7.4 Development of work with sibs
Subject Ways of working Sessions
Sibling groups Bibliotherapy Home interviews

Me and my family Small object projection
Me and my friends Spectograms
Basic Ph. Figure & family drawings
Six-piece story-making
Getting acquainted Movement, Mime 1

Group work on cohesion Indiv./Pair/Small group games
Creative art work using maga
zines leading to individual and
group stories
Expression of feelings Music, movement & mime 2

dialogues
Line, shape & colour drawings
Masks
Personal and inter Clay work 3

personal relationships Pinocc. metaphor begins
Improvisations (1,2,3)
Denying or facing Creative writing 4

reality Improvisation - (4)
Voice & body sculpting
Social stigma Improvisations (5,6,7) 5

Creative diary writing
Feeling ashamed Line, shape & colours 6

Sharing feelings Art work
Puppet improvisations
Expressing feelings Set induction - guided fantasy 7

Experiencing handicap Collage work, posters
Me and society Creative art work 8

Wishes for the future Making of gifts for group
members
Telling of secrets Family sculpts 9

My family, my sib & Secret writing
myself Improvisations (8,9)
Closure Exhibition of works done in 10

sessions, art work, writing
improvisations (10)
Family and figure drawings In separate room

after conclusion
of 10th session
We can then begin to move on from our work in the embodiment and
projective stages of group work to enter the next stage of role.
W O RK ING W ITH ‘ROLE P L A Y ’
Therapeutic metaphors
Stories have been used for hundreds of years to help m otivate people to
discover their own solutions to their problems. According to David A. Lee
(1991: 242), when you tell a ‘story’ which bears a resemblance to your
listener’s problems or relevant issues, the unconscious mind ‘tunes in ’ and
‘locks o n ’ to it - gaining one’s attention and arousing interest. The images,
emotions and perceptions which are evoked by the therapeutic metaphor
create experiences and perspectives that form the foundations for change,
at both the conscious and the unconscious levels. Metaphors are effective,
says Lee, because they (1) bypass the listener’s resistance and self-limiting
beliefs; (2) access unconscious resources; (3) stimulate right-brain func
tioning, which is closely linked to emotion. So, when people hear such
stories, they connect up with those of their own life experiences that are
similar. This allows the therapist indirectly and respectfully to stimulate
someone to think about and address particular issues. Therapeutic m eta
phors allow their listeners vicariously to experience themselves as respond
ing in new and different ways. Also, because it is ‘just a story’, the person
is able to hear it without feeling the need to defend learned limitations, or
deny a new point of view. A person can ‘try out’ new perspectives and
solutions without having to ‘save face’ by defending current ones. The
listener has a sense of freedom, and can create his own meanings, giving
personal relevance and value. There is a great variety of types of metaphors,
e.g. true stories, fables, analogies, jokes, art, music, etc.
Pinocchio as a healing metaphor

In our sibling groups, in order to help the children to select and construct
scenes which would offer useful material for exploration and which would
approach and address their inner conflicts, we translated the ‘explicit
reality’ into ‘dramatic reality’ (Gersie 1987). I chose to adapt the story
of Pinocchio (the Walt Disney version) as the starting point for our
improvisations.
Gheppetto and his ‘only son, Jiminy C ricket’, enjoyed many years living
peacefully together when along came a new addition to the family - a long-
awaited brother for Jiminy called Pinocchio. As with all sibling arrivals, a
whole new set of changing dynamics was created in the family!
The magical, mythical nature of this fairytale matched up well with the
child’s view of the world. Our aim in presenting the metaphor is to create
what Rossi (quoted in Mills and Crawley 1986: 65) termed ‘a shared
phenomenological reality’. The story is chosen so that the child will feel
a sense of identification with the characters and events portrayed. The
children, say Mills and Crawley, need to create a bridge of personal
connection between themselves and the events of the story if they are to
bring ‘parts’ of the story back into their ‘real’ life (Mills and Crawley 1986).
In the effective therapeutic metaphor, this is facilitated by representing the
child’s problem accurately enough that they no longer feel alone, yet
indirectly enough that they do not feel embarrassed, ashamed or resistant.
In the story of Pinocchio, we were offered varied opportunities for our
clients to explore the many resemblances in characters and situations to
the story in which they often found themselves.
The ‘wooden’ appearance of Pinocchio and the fact that he is a ‘doll’ offer
immediate possibilities of comparison to a child with a handicap. Perhaps
also the well-known fact of the ‘m iracle’ which happens to Pinocchio at the
end of the story - i.e. he changes into a ‘real live boy’ - was the ‘allow ing’
of our clients’ secret wishes. (See the large number of ‘Rescue them e’
stories in Table 7.2.) The character of Jiminy Cricket represents the
‘healthy sibling’ and allowed many explorations of such a role, both at
home with parents (Gheppetto) and outside in the street or with school-
friends. The character of Brutus, as the ‘best friend’, was used to explore the
importance of ‘sharing’ one’s feelings. The character of the Blue Fairy
allowed for ‘difficult moments and m em ories’ to resurface and be addressed.
The following are examples of how these characters were used in the
group to explore the issues of:
1 personal and family relationships;
2 denial of uncomfortable feelings and difficult thoughts;
3 society and how it relates to children with handicaps and their
families;
4 parents - can they be told the truth, or who should protect whom from
whom?
All sessions were videotaped, and a presentation film has been made of
one group’s sessions.
Im provisation s
We began our improvisations after I had carefully told ‘our’ version of the
story’s beginning, making it clear that from now on ‘w e’ were in charge of
making up and changing the story in any way we wished. We could try out
new ideas and then add or edit from them after we had acted out the scenes
or rehearsed them using puppets, movement or any other media we chose.
The first scene was set:
Improvisation One
(group meeting no. 3 would be a suitable session to begin this work)
Characters: Gheppetto and Pinocchio Jiminy is just going off to play

(as he does every afternoon) with his best friend Brutus. Before he leaves,
Gheppetto suddenly calls him back and tells him to ‘take Pinocchio’ with
him or invite Brutus to the house to play so that Pinocchio can join in too.
This scene, as with the other suggested improvisations, can be acted out
a number of times to explore the different responses by the characters. For
example, in one variation Jiminy was portrayed by a sib as being totally
compliant to Gheppetto, but another sib played him as the rebellious son.
As the children become more adventurous within their work and as the
group progresses, they will begin to play a number of different roles for
themselves, subconsciously trying out new patterns of behaviour, without
feeling afraid. A clear example in one of my groups was Sally, who, we
remember, had never dared to admit that her brother had a handicap, not
even at home with her parents. The male children in her family were
susceptible to liver disease which stunted their growth dramatically and
eventually led to their dying at a young age. Sally had already lost one
brother when she was younger and very likely was still grieving for him
whilst at the same time living from day to day and looking with fear at her
younger, 8-year-old brother who was suffering from liver problems too. In
her bibliotherapy work, carried out during the interview, she had given us
clues about her crying behind closed doors. As expected, Sally had been a
very slow starter. In the first sessions, she chose to participate from the
sidelines, watching carefully, but keeping her ‘sharing’ to a minimum. This
continued until we began improvising the Pinocchio story, when she
suddenly began to ‘volunteer’ eagerly for parts in the different scenes.
She started to ‘try out’ as many characters as possible. At the start of
session 5 she called out, ‘Hey, I want that part today, because I feel like I
have been playing it all week and I know it well now !’ (It was the role of
Jiminy, talking to his classmates about his brother, Im provisation Seven).
Improvisation Two
Characters: Jiminy and Brutus Jiminy goes off to meet Brutus to tell
him about Pinocchio (does he? doesn’t he? how? etc.)
Improvisation Three
Characters: Jiminy, Brutus and Pinocchio Jiminy and Brutus are

together, Pinocchio arrives.
Creative writing and drama (session no. 4)

The next series of improvisations explores the theme of 'Denial'. Here we
dramatize material which 'comes up' during the 'sharing' of the following
Picture One Jiminy knows he should be very happy to

have Pinocchio for a new brother
because ................... (write down reason)
Picture Two The truth is, I have a lot of problems

because of Pinocchio. Things
like ................................................... .
Picture three Whenever anyone asked him what was wrong or

if anything was bothering him, he just
couldn't admit the truth and he would
'deny' any problems, saying things
like ....................................................................... .
Figure 7.3 Pictures used for creative writing activity in relation to issues arising
from the Pinocchio story
creative writing activity. Three pictures of Jiminy Cricket are handed out to
each group member, one where he looks happy, the second where he looks
troubled and the third where he is avoiding looking at us, even hiding
(Figure 7.3; illustrations from Snoonit 1984). Each picture has an intro
ductory thought written below it, which needs to be com pleted by the client
(who writes on the back).
Picture One allows expression in the sibs’ usual modes of behaviour (i.e.
Social and Cognitive Belief Systems) and our group members offered
suggestions like:
• Because I look after Pinocchio, I feel mature and responsible; at least he
will always be ‘faithful’ to me
• When my friends or Gheppetto are busy and don’t have time for me,
Pinocchio will be there for me
• If Jiminy doesn’t react ‘happily’ to getting a new brother, people will
look at him as if he is unusual
• It may sound hard to believe, but you can be proud of a brother even
though he is made of wood - in spite of everything, Pinocchio isvery cute!
It was as important for us to work with those last two points as it was to
explore those pretended ‘happy’ reactions.
Picture Two allowed much previously undisclosed material to emerge
and be shared - writing in the first person singular but as another character
was our protecting distancing technique. The responses listed were:
• I have to look after him all the time, share with him
• He invades my privacy, interferes with me and my friends
• He makes me feel jealous and ashamed
• He hurts me, gets the best of everything, shows me no respect and I ’m
fed up with him.
After the writing of Picture Two was finished, we could call out whenever
we wished the things we had written, and what began slowly turned into a
ritualistic chant with sibs feeling free of inhibitions and able to shout out
and bemoan their fate together because, as one sib put it, ‘W e’re all in the
same boat here.’ Sara, whose sister had ‘suddenly’ become ill during her
late teens, really opened up here. Apart from m yself and the group, very
few others in the community even knew of the difficulty which the family
had been desperately trying to cope with over the last eighteen months. It
was this ‘secret’ which was adding to Sara’s problems, stifling her usual
chatty and relatively open style of personality. She shared with us here, ‘It’s
so important to know that there is someone else on your side of the coin.’
After the group, she explained to me why she had been able to tell her
‘secrets’ for the first time ever in the group. ‘It was really m eaningful and
important for me to hear the puppets and the others in the group speak out,
so it was only fair that I did so too.’
Picture Three allowed us, after feelings had been ventilated whilst
working through Picture Two, to laugh at ourselves a little and playfully
‘over-act’ the roles it suggested and which we know so very well from our
everyday lives - the things we say or do when we are asked awkward
questions or when we just don’t want to speak to the person in front of us.
Here are some of the sibs’ ideas:
• I change the subject, e.g. ‘Want to play football next w eek?’

• ‘I don’t know what you m ean.’
• ‘I have a headache and don’t feel w ell.’
• I just try to disappear, pretend I ’m not there, or say ‘excuse me, I have to
go now, maybe w e’ll talk tom orrow ’.
Those who did not directly avoid answering said things like:
• ‘It’s a family m atter’; ‘I can’t tell you’; ‘It’s a secret.’

One girl wrote:
• When friends ask me, I say, ‘H e’s a good brother,’ but when he arrives I
tell him, ‘Oof, why did you have to com e?’
Another wanted to tell Gheppetto:
• ‘What a rotten father you are, for bringing me such a nuisance as a

brother! ’
And a number of Jiminys were secretly saying:
• ‘It’s just my bad luck but maybe h e’ll get well and be like everyone
else’s brother.’
Improvisation Four
Some groups who had advanced well had members who were willing here
to work and try to change the ending. We did this using pair work, the pairs
acting out some of the scenes between Jiminy and another person in the
street using the above texts. Then the same pair or other pairs could act out
‘alternative endings’ with different ways for Jiminy to react. (Slower
groups just acted out the first scenes and we worked on the theme of
changing behaviour patterns in later work.)
D r a m a t i z a t i o n l e a d i n g to d i a r y - w r i t i n g (s e s s io n no. 5 )
Improvisation Five
Here we start exploring the theme of ‘Society, my sibling and I ’.
Characters: Pinocchio, Jiminy and his classmates Jiminy wants to

show off his new brother to his friends at school. Jim iny’s friends are all
‘crickets’ like himself. Jiminy is popular at school and has many friends
there. Pinocchio is, of course, a puppet and not a cricket. However, Jiminy
doesn’t think of Pinocchio in any other way than as a ‘brother’. L et’s see
what happens when Jiminy comes into the classroom (where his friends are
gathered); Pinocchio is with him.
Improvisation Six
Characters: Pinocchio and Jim iny’s classmates The next day Jiminy
has to go to the doctor before school. Pinocchio goes alone to school today.
L et’s see how the children receive him now without his brother.
Improvisation Seven
Characters: as above plus Jiminy Jiminy arrives late and sees some of
his friends (who don’t notice him at first) making fun of Pinocchio in the
playground.
Following this series of improvisations (Five, Six and Seven) comes some
creative writing which is then shared.
Choose to be either:
a One of the children in the class

b Jiminy
c Pinocchio
and write one of the following:
‘Dear Diary, I have a secret to tell’

‘Dear Diary, I feel bad about som ething’.
The diary-writing varied, depending on how the groups’ im provisations

developed. For example, in one of the ‘younger’ groups where ‘all came
out well in the end’ after the intervention of a teacher and the classm ates’
consciences had been pricked, one diary entry said:
Dear Diary, I want to tell you about something good which happened to
me. Today, my brother Jiminy took me with him to school and I had a
very successful time there. At first, the children laughed and made fun of
me, but later when they saw that I had no friends and that I was by
m yself and lonely, they came over and made friends which made me feel
really good. After all the nasty things they’d been saying about me and
laughing at me, suddenly everyone wanted to make friends with me - I

was so happy that they’d changed their minds about me, otherwise
maybe I ’d never have had any friends at all!
In another group, whose Pinocchio ‘stayed on the outside’ of the group of

schoolmates, one sibs’ diary entry said:
Today was a ‘bad’ day for me at school. It was great getting ready to go,
I was excited. On arrival, however, my brother Jiminy and I got an
unexpected welcome! My brother’s friends (by the way, my brother
until now was very popular with his classmates) were rude to me and
Jiminy, who had been so proud of having a brother, just blushed and
didn’t know what to say. Until now, I had thought that I was cute, but in
class everyone was whispering about me. ‘Look at the funny doll’ -
maybe I w on’t go back again tomorrow. I feel bad about Jim iny’s new
social status, and yes, I feel sad for m yself too! Before I ever went to
school, I was happy staying at home and being with Gheppetto who gave
me a lot of help. Now what shall I do? Go back to school or not? Perhaps
I should talk about it with Gheppetto and Jiminy? (Signed: ‘A sad
Pinocchio’)
Another entry from the same group written from a different perspective:
Dear Diary, Something unpleasant happened today, and now I ’m feeling

sorry about what I did. Today, when Pinocchio came into the class, I
spoke to him in a rude manner and I asked him all sorts of questions
which actually w eren’t any of my business. When I saw how it hurt him,
I began to realize that I ’d done something wrong, but it was too late. I
want to say that I ’m sorry, but how? (W ritten by a friend of Pinocchio)
In one of the older groups that same issue of ‘needing someone else’s
advice’ came up at the end too. (We later used this theme for work with
puppets.)
Dear Diary, Shalom, how are you? It’s two weeks since we last spoke! I
want to tell you about a ‘new pupil’ in our class called Pinocchio. H e’s a
doll made of wood and h e’s sweet, h e ’s the brother of Jiminy also in my
class. However, I don’t feel very comfortable with this new brother, he
is cute but the truth is that it’s not possible to include him in our ‘group’
of friends because w e’re all ‘crickets’ and h e ’s a ‘doll’. H e’s not suitable
- h e’s different from us. Some of the classmates speak rudely about him
because they don’t feel comfortable with him. However, there are other
kids who do feel okay towards him. He comes to class every day and I
don’t know how to behave towards him, to accept him or not - maybe
you can advise me, dear diary. From your loving friend, Gingey.
A r t w o r k (s e s s i o n no. 6)
Following the diary-writing, we experimented with Tine/colour/shape’ art

work; the subject offered was: ‘Show how Jiminy felt after his day at
school.’ This work was put aside for later and not shared at this point.
P u p p ets
Puppets were our next media, and the group members were asked to choose
two puppets each, one to be Jiminy and one to be Brutus (the best friend).
They then prepared a short scene in which Jiminy tells Brutus how he is
feeling after what happened in school. Interesting to note here was the sibs’
choice of puppets. In most cases the ‘best friend’ puppet was a strong or
large styled figure, e.g lion, happy face, whereas ‘Jim iny’ was nearly
always a small, weaker, even ugly or broken doll. Their voices took on
similar proportions of strength or weakness and the sibs’ bodies, arms and
faces would alternate too between confident, open, high movements and
lower, more withdrawn, weaker movements, showing low self-image. In all
the puppet plays Brutus managed to help Jiminy to speak up and tell what
was bothering him and to offer him support, sympathizing and often
making suggestions of how Jiminy could change things.
C o m p a riso n o f ‘ b e fo r e ’ a n d ‘ after art w ork
A second line/colour/shape picture is then made by each client to represent

and show how Jiminy felt a f t e r he had spoken to Brutus. On completion,
we took both ‘before’ and ‘after’ pictures and compared them. The two
illustrations serve as clear examples as to the difference between being
alone with your problem and how you can feel if you share it. Figure 7.4
shows some work in this area.
S e t in d u c tio n a n d g u i d e d f a n t a s y ( s e s s i o n no. 7)
The continued work on Pinocchio is now experienced via set induction and
guided fantasy. A new character, ‘The Blue Fairy’, is introduced. Set
induction and relaxation is achieved via colours floating and flowing
through the body. A blue sparkle in the distance begins to come closer.
It is the Blue Fairy, who says, ‘I have come to help you.’ From within,
large light bubbles, which she produces with her magic wand and scenes
from Jim iny’s past arise. Bubble no. 1 shows Pinocchio in the school
playground, fooling around and acting stupidly, children are laughing at
him. The Blue Fairy says to Jiminy, ‘I saw how ashamed you were of
Pinocchio’s silly behaviour.’
She magics Bubble No. 2 - ‘Do you remember yourself here, Jiminy?
herself
(b)
Figure 7.4 a and b 'Before' and 'after' work on the Pinocchio story: line/colour/
shape pictures
You were wishing that he'd never been born and that you had had a
'cricket' as a brother.'
In Bubble No. 3 she points out Jiminy, who is looking very depressed,
feeling afraid of what the future will bring for Pinocchio when Jiminy or
Gheppetto won't be there to look after him. Also on Jiminy's mind, the
Fairy reminds him, was his fear that one day he himself might have a child
like Pinocchio.
Collage work
After the telling of this story to the group, who have their eyes closed, each
client is asked to make a collage of one of the scenes which the Blue Fairy
brought - or of a new scene (bubble) depicting Jiminy having a hard time.

The collages were then shared. Next, a group list was prepared combining
all the problems Jiminy had, and a title was designated.
A very interesting phenomenon took place with the writing of the
posters. Pinocchio’s and Jim iny’s names were often used during the
group’s joint work. However, during the discussion on what points to
use in the posters to summarize the difficulties that Jiminy had, the children
were clearly relating to their own problems on individual and group levels.
They were choosing, albeit subconsciously, to leave the ‘dramatic reality’
and come back into their ‘everyday reality’ (Jennings 1987, 1990, 1993).
From this point of progress in the sibs’ work process, it would be feasible to
hope that a place was being reached from where behavioural change could
begin. Secrets and difficult feelings were beginning to be expressed and
shared.
P o s te r p resen ta tio n s
To go further into new areas the set induction was then continued: ‘The
Blue Fairy decided to g i v e J im in y s o m e w i s h e s to h e lp h im h a v e a b e t t e r
l i f e / The siblings were then asked as a group to write down all the things
which could help Jiminy. Here are two examples of posters which the
siblings made:
Poster 1: What can help in the future?

• Self-confidence
• The ability to influence others
• Explanations to friends
• A ‘Magic Potion’ which will cure him and, therefore, help me too: if he
gets well and becomes normal, all my problems will be solved
• Accept everything happily
• Not to feel ashamed
• To learn more about his problem(s)
• To seek advice
• To share with someone who will understand
• Not to get into a panic
Poster 2: Thoughts for the Future

• I ’ll talk to Pinocchio and tell him to change his ways and to stop coming
along with me everywhere I go
• When it reaches the limit, I w on’t keep it inside, I ’ll tell Father
• I ’ll ask someone to speak to my brother
• What will I do if all this doesn’t work?
• Whom shall I call upon - Mother or Father?

• If that doesn’t work, I ’ll go to a friend and talk to her about things,
maybe that will help
M a g i c w is h e s a n d g ifts ( s e s s i o n no. 8 )
Continuing to work from those ideas conjured up by the Blue Fairy, it was
the themes of miracles and cures and ways for Jiminy to cope in society
that were most frequently referred to. The siblings were asked to choose
one of those wishes for themselves. They mostly chose, in one form or
another, ‘for my sibling to be healthy’, because then their lives in turn
would be better.
As we were nearing the end of the ten sessions (meeting no. 8) and
separation work was already being introduced, the group here made ‘gifts’
for each other (each for the person on their right) from scrap materials -
each present had to relate to the friends’ ‘w ish’ for the future. We had cure-
all medicines, books containing ‘all you ever needed to know ’, charms
which increased self-confidence, and words of encouragement and strength
which popped out of locked boxes, etc.
P u p p ets
Finally, to end this part of the work around ‘society’, a summary of it all
was made, using puppet play media in which Jiminy told Brutus all about
the Blue Fairy’s visit.
S e c r e t w r it in g (s e s s i o n no. 9)
The final area of work which the group looked at using the Pinocchio
metaphor was ‘My family, my sibling and m yself’. Here we used some
‘secret writing’, a piece of work which I stressed, beforehand, would not be
‘shared’ in the group. The idea I suggested was that Jiminy wanted to share
his problems, caused by having a handicapped brother, with Gheppetto. But
he just couldn’t summon up the courage to tell him. Instead he decided to
write down all the things h e’d never been able to tell him. ‘N ow ,’ the group
was told, ‘you, too, have the opportunity to write down (without sharing
afterwards) all the things you have never been able to tell your parents.’
It was interesting that many siblings asked if they could share what they
had written. ‘W e’re so used to sharing now ,’ was one comment. I did ask
the question, however, ‘How did you feel after you’d written your list?’
One client compared it to the puppet work done previously, when Jiminy
‘shared’ with Brutus and felt such relief! (The children may want to make a
group ‘poster’ listing problems caused by handicapped siblings which
‘can’t be told to parents’.) Most of the older girls (12+) felt the need to
be extremely protective of their parents’ feelings and so hide from them

any difficulties they themselves were having. Younger children, in contrast,
decided to talk to their parents. The next improvisations were designed to
address this very need.
Group improvisations
Improvisation Eight - The Nose Job
Characters: Gheppetto, Jiminy and the Blue Fairy, and all the rest of
the siblings to participate from the side Gheppetto felt ‘something was
w rong’ and so he called Jiminy in for a chat. The Blue Fairy was watching.
Each time Jiminy didn’t answer one of G heppetto’s questions truthfully/to
the point/evaded answering, etc., she made his nose grow longer! When he
told the truth, it got shorter! Those group members not ‘acting’ in the scene
as Gheppetto, Jiminy or the Blue Fairy, call out ‘nose grow ’ whenever they
spot that Jiminy has not answered honestly. Similarly, they call out ‘nose
shrink’ when they hear him answer truthfully.
Improvisation Nine
Characters: Jiminy and Brutus (only needs to be acted if work on this

issue still needs exploration) Jiminy tells Brutus all that he couldn’t tell
Gheppetto.
Suzy, aged 11, from whom we heard earlier, whose only brother John, aged
12, is physically handicapped with cerebral palsy and in a wheelchair, had
many problems as a result. Those which bothered her the most were to do
with school and her friends. John had been m ainstreamed and, for various
reasons to help him, was kept down a year and put into his sister’s class!
On school trips she had to slow down and help him; at home she had to
assist with his homework. All this was interfering with her social life. Until
now she had been biting her lips and pinching herself whenever she was
unable to cope with her anger over the situation. ‘He just has to tell his
parents,’ she called out, watching the last improvisation between Gheppetto
and Jiminy, and when her turn came to play Jiminy that wooden nose grew
not one inch! By the way, I am very happy to tell you that now, two years
later, Suzy goes to a boarding school out of town! John, her brother, can
manage quite well without her help, he no longer uses a wheelchair and is
learning to walk well on a special frame. I work with him in a special
cerebral palsy after-school group and he is now one of the star swimmers
and horseback riders!
Medal-presentation ceremony (session no. 10)

An imaginative way to see if the sibs’ self-image had improved was made
in the final Pinocchio scene.
Improvisation Ten
The children were given a picture of Jiminy wearing a large medal around
his neck - Olympic-style. I then asked them to decide which medal - gold,
silver or bronze - he had received and why he had been awarded it. (They
wrote their answers on the back of the picture.) During the ‘medal-
presentation cerem ony’ which we then acted out, it was really entertain
ing to see how much the sibs enjoyed applauding and bowing, but most of
all it was gratifying to see that every sib awarded Jiminy a gold medal for
his brave and outstanding behaviour in spite of all his problems.
These were the basic ‘Pinocchio’ ideas I worked out to explore the
siblings’ conflicts. Dramatherapy and ‘flexibility’ are, of course, synony
mous and so some pieces were used, others not, or changes were made
when the need arose. As one would expect, the children themselves had
many ideas of their own and often came up with completely different
material to that which I envisaged! For example, in Session no. 8, in
one of the older groups (12+), all the members decided to make only
‘m iraculous’ gifts and they were thrilled to receive ‘magic spoons’,
‘miracle potions’ which cure all problems, ‘am azing’ hammers which
knock on extra amounts to one’s self-esteem and other ‘wishful-thinking’
accessories. This, of course, was all right with me: dramatherapy is all
about using material which is relevant and meaningful for the clients.
RESULTS
Figure and family drawings

Both during the home interviews and in a separate room after the final
session was completed, each group member was asked to draw: (1) a figure;
and (2) a family picture.
Comparisons were made of the drawings by an arttherapist and a
developmental psychologist, in order to note changes in the children’s
self-image, expression of feelings and changes in attitude. Notice was
taken specifically of the following details:
In the 'individual drawing:
1 size of the figure
2 body shape
3 any emphasis made on the body
4 placement of the figure
In th e ‘f a m i l y ’ d r a w i n g :
1 additions or omissions of family members

2 placement of individual figures
3 the style in which individuals are drawn
Some ‘before’ and ‘after’ drawings were examined and compared with the
following results. (Note that some of the drawings are not illustrated.)
The ‘ in d ivid u a l’ figu res
‘B e f o r e ’ (Fig. 7.5a)
1 Sexless figure
2 Stick-figure without a well-defined body image
3 Negative facial expression
‘A f t e r ’ (Fig. 7.5b)
1 Clear female figure
2 Good body image
3 Positive facial expression
‘B e f o r e ’ (Fig. 7.5c)
1 Girl figure
2 Side profile of face and body
3 Drawn very small
'After' (Fig. 7.5d)
1 G irl’s face only
2 Full view
3 W hole-page drawing
The ‘f a m i l y ’ d r a w i n g s
This sib is the eldest daughter in the family. She had an older brother with
D ow n’s syndrome.
‘B e f o r e ’ (Fig. 7.6a)
All eleven family members are drawn as stick figures and there is no way to
identify any individual.
‘A f t e r ’ (Fig. 7.6b)
1 The eleven faces have been clearly and carefully detailed and named
2 ‘M other’s ’ eyes are closed
3 The eldest brother’s hat fits straight on to his forehead, he has no
‘head’ area drawn in
(a) (b)
Figure 7.5a and b 'Before' and 'after' figure drawing
(C) (d)
Figure 7.5c and d 'Before' and 'after' figure drawing

(a)
herselfherself herself herself herself

herself herself herself
herself herself
herself
Figure 7.6a and b 'Before' and 'after' family drawing
The following sib is the eldest daughter in a family of five; the youngest
brother has Down's syndrome.
'Before' (no illustration)
I Siblings are placed in order of age, one after the other
2 Mother is drawn close to the eldest daughter
herself
'After' (no illustration)
1 Work is now drawn in a creative, metaphorical style
2 Attention is brought in a positive way to the younger brother, who is
placed higher than the other siblings and has the word 'kiss' written
next to him
3 The parents are drawn together and the children are placed separately
below them
The next sib is the eldest in a family of eight children. She has two
handicapped siblings but the youngest sister, aged 3, has Cornelia de
Langue syndrome, with many developmental disabilities.
'Before' (no illustration)
Only the siblings have been drawn
2 The children are divided into two separate groups
3 The youngest sib is less well-defined than the others (appears

blob-like)
4 The oldest girl is clearly the largest figure
‘After (no illustration)
1 Mother and Father are now present
2 The children are now together in one row, above the parents
3 All eyes, except those of the parents and eldest daughter, are now
open
4 The youngest child now has similar features to the rest of his siblings,
though there is some distance between him and the last brother
In this, the final example, our sib is the eldest daughter in a family of three
children.
‘Before’ (Fig 7.7a)
1 Four family members are drawn
2 They appear to be joined together as a group by connecting arms
'After' (Fig. 7.7b)
1 The arms no longer ‘hold’ on to one another
2 Another family member has been drawn in
Here are some of the changes noted by comparing the ‘before’ and ‘after’
family and figure drawings of the children.
1 Changes were seen in the larger size of ‘figures’ presented in the
drawings which were made after the tenth session, in comparison to
those drawn before the first meeting (e.g. Fig. 7.5c/7.5d)
2 In the second set of drawings, empty faces were given facial details -
also facial expressions changed (e.g. Figs.7.5a/b, 7.6a/b)
3 Proportions of body parts changed (e.g. Fig. 7.5a/b)
4 The presentation of a ‘parentified’ child figure in the first drawing
which changed to a child figure in the second drawing
5 The appearance of an additional child figure in the second family
drawing, representing the handicapped child. A change in the
appearance of the handicapped child was noted, (e.g. Fig. 7.7a/b)
6 The style and position of figures on the paper differed in the drawings
(e.g. Fig. 7.5a/b).
Most prominent on further examination and comparison of the figure and
family drawings were the positive changes in their quality and content.
This would appear to show that, during the process of working in the group,
the children’s self-confidence improved, as did their ability to express their
feelings. In general we saw more acceptance of the handicapped sibling -
(a)
(b)
Figure 7.7a and b ‘Before’ and ‘after’ family drawing

this was shown when, in the second work, the handicapped sibling was
drawn as a part of the family, whereas in the first drawing he had either not
been drawn in at all, drawn separated from the rest of the family, or had
been represented by a figure without a clear face or body. In the second
drawing he was placed together with the other children in the family and
showed a resemblance to them. We saw that the ‘final figure draw ings’ of
the children showed differences in size, facial expression and body image.
The drawings were more complex and detailed, both creatively and expres
sively. Figures were also more centred on the page or placed towards the
left side of the paper and were in general more grounded (fewer floating
figures). The changes appeared in all the drawings with no relevance to age
difference or participation in a specific work group.
DISCUSSION
In all of the three groups, importance was attached to the considerable
length of time allowed for work on the discovery and expression of feelings
such as hate, anger, jealousy and fear. Shame and uncomfortable feelings
around the subject of handicap was shown by the sibs’ wide use of denial
and closely guarded secrets. This could have played a prominent role in
preventing those sibs over the age of 11 from coming and participating in
the groups and may also contribute to their drop-out rate. Eighteen sibs
took part initially and a total of twelve finished. However, it became
noticeable during the development of all three groups that the members
were increasing their ability to overcome their feelings of shame, and their
willingness to speak more freely within the group about their ‘secrets’ was
evident. It would appear that being part of a peer group offered an atm o
sphere of support and encouragement allowing for the building of self-
confidence and the courage to face up to realities connected to their
situation. The meetings became a place where the expression of feelings,
discussion of common problems and a place to listen and be listened to
were the accepted norms.
It was extremely interesting to observe how the stages of group deve
lopment within the three groups (in relation to the model presented by
Yalom (1970)) showed themselves through the choice of characters for the
improvisations, and to compare how the different psycho-social roles
(according to Erikson’s theories, Erikson 1977) were expressed via the
varying subject matters of the mini-dramas by the different age groups. The
younger group members (groups 1 and 2) were more involved with the
subject of ‘The Fam ily’ and the interactions of different members, whereas
the third group, comprising the older members, found interest in the subject
of ‘The Individual in Society’, and the matter of ‘how I am affected by my
sib’s handicap’ was a central theme.
The technique of using the dramatic metaphor enabled the group
members to find their own individual pace in relation to when and how they
chose to relate to their problems - whether to remain at some distance and
remain within the ‘dramatic reality’ or to come closer to facing their
difficulties by moving into the ‘everyday reality’ (Jennings 1987, 1990,
1993). Doris, the same girl who had cried during the home interview, said,
‘My closed sack with the heavy weights in it has opened a little now. It still
has weights in it, but it’s much lighter today.’ Paula, the intellectual of the
group, said, ‘I’ll take the present of courage with me, so I can start talking
to my “ outside” friends too.’ ‘Wow, we did a lot of w ork,’ was proudly
announced by numerous members. ‘Y es,’ agreed another, ‘but we didn't
talk about our handicapped brothers!'. Two others looked at her, then
smiled knowingly at each other, saying in quiet unison, ‘But Pinocchio was
our brother!'
C O N C LU SIO N S
The changes apparent at the end of the work process show primarily the
importance and necessity of support groups for the social and emotional
development of healthy children who have handicapped siblings. Accep
tance and confirmation of their own feelings were assisted by listening to
other group members. The knowledge that, ‘There are others like m e,’
helped a great deal in bringing them closer to expressing themselves. The
creative metaphor, with its distancing techniques, really bypassed our sibs’
defences and gave them access to create the foundations for change.
Working creatively in new and different ways enabled them to explore
new perspectives. Dramatherapy is just what the sibs need to help them
begin expressing themselves and allow them, when ready, to link up with
their own life experiences.
It was clear from discussions with the sibs that neither they nor many of
the parents were aware that healthy children could have emotional diffi
culties because of the handicap of a family member. It is felt to be of the
utmost importance that our colleagues in child development, psychological
services and in special education continue their work, not only with the
special child and his parents, but with all the family members, including
healthy siblings. Training courses in dramatherapy for professionals who
run such groups would clearly be an added help and would greatly
contribute to the growth of all those involved.
R EFERENCES
Bax, M. (1990) Brothers and sisters. Developm ental Medicine and Child Neurology,
32: 1 0 3 5-1036.
Erikson, E. (1977) Childhood and Society. London: Paladin.
Gersie, A. (1987) Dramatherapy and play. In S. Jennings (ed.) D r a m a t h e r a p y

T h e ory a n d P r a c ti c e , L London: Routledge.
Hanochi, N. (1986) Summary o f Z eider’s (1985) paper for M ercaz Akim [Israeli
Society for Retarded Children], Israel.
Jennings, S. (ed.) (1987) D r a m a t h e r a p y T h e o ry a n d P r a c ti c e , I. London:
Routledge.
(1990) D r a m a t h e r a p y with F a m ilies , G r o u p s a n d In dividuals. London:
Jessica K ingsley.
(1993) P la y T h e ra p y with C h ild re n : a p r a c t it i o n e r s ' guide . Oxford: Black-
w ell.
Lahad, M. (1992) S ix-piece story-making and dramatherapy. In S. Jennings (ed.)
D r a m a t h e r a p y T h e ory a n d P r a c ti c e , 2. London: Routledge.
Landy, R. (1993) P e r s o n a a n d R o l e P la y . N ew York: Guilford Press
Lee, D. (1991) Stories that Heal. In Work Book, Conference on P sychology,
Health, Immunity and D isease, 4 -7 D ec., Orlando, Florida.
M ills, J. C. and Crawley, R.J. (1986) T h e ra p e u tic M e t a p h o r s f o r C h ild re n a n d the
C h ild Within. New York: Brunner, M azel.
Murray, G. and Jampolsky, G.G. (eds.) (1982) Stra ig h t f r o m the S ib lin gs: a n o th e r
look a t the ra in bo w . M illbrae, Ca., C elestial Arts.
Scheff, T.J. (1986) Concepts in drama therapy: the beginning o f a theoretical
m odel. In R. Landy (ed.) D r a m a T h e rapy , C o n c e p ts a n d P r a c ti c e s . Spring
field, 111.: Charles Thomas.
Segal, E. (1974) ‘Psychoanalytical thought and m ethodology in dance-m ovem ent
therapy’, D a n c e T h e ra p y - F o c u s on D a n c e VI:27. W ashington, D.C.: American
Dance Therapy A ssociation Registry.
Snoonit, M. (1984) The Sou l Bird. Israel: Masada Press.
W heeler, S. (1993) Article in the In d e p e n d e n t , Tuesday 17 August.
Yalom, I. (1970) The T h e o ry a n d P r a c ti c e o f G r o u p P s y c h o th e r a p y . N ew York:
Basic Books.
Zeider, Y. (1985) ‘The regular siblings o f the exceptional ch ild ’. Lecture given to
Akim [Israeli Society for Retarded Children], Israel on 2 Decem ber 1985.
Chapter 8
From adolescent trauma to adolescent

drama
Group drama therapy 1 with emotionally
disturbed youth
Renee Emunah
Adolescence is a tumultuous life stage. An onslaught of changes revolu

tionizes the adolescent’s sense of identity and challenges the adolescent
with m ulti-level developmental tasks. Additionally, drives and unresolved
conflicts from earlier stages of development re-emerge (Erikson 1968).
Many adolescents, especially those in dysfunctional family situations, are
unable to master effectively the multiple challenges and resort to acting-out
behaviour, delinquent activity, substance abuse, withdrawal, or even
suicide.
This chapter will explore the use of group drama therapy as a vehicle for
helping adolescents, particularly those considered em otionally disturbed, to
express and contain internal turmoil. The dramatic mode becomes a con
tainer within which the trauma of adolescence can safely be explored and
mastered. The ways in which the psychological dangers inherent in this life
stage can be converted into opportunities for significant intrapsychic and
interpersonal growth will be examined.
The ideas and examples presented in the chapter are largely drawn from
my work over twelve years at the youth centre of a psychiatric hospital.
The centre served adolescents between 12 and 17 years old. Many of the
clients were considered to be em otionally disturbed and had various
psychiatric diagnoses, though the term ‘adjustment reaction to adoles
cence’ became increasingly prevalent in describing clients’ conditions.
This term was not only more innocuous than diagnostic labels indicating
pathology, but also affirmed the tempestuous and disturbing nature of
adolescence as a life passage.
My groups of five to nine clients met twice-weekly. Some members
remained in the group (and at the facility) for only one month (totalling
eight sessions); others continued for up to six months (totalling forty-eight
sessions) of drama therapy treatment. Given the brief hospital stay of many
of the clients, much of my focus was on finding creative ways of engaging
the group and circumventing or making constructive use of resistance
(Emunah 1985).
From adolescent trauma to adolescent drama 151
My approach focused on interactive techniques and the dramatization of

fictional but realistic scenes. The fictional mode fostered an atmosphere of
safety and permission, while the realistic nature of the scenes grabbed the
group’s attention. Issues and themes relevant to all group members were
explored, enabling the group to experience a sense of commonality and
universality. This sociodramatic approach (Moreno 1943, Sternberg and
Garcia 1989) was integrated with playful work designed to elicit the
group’s spontaneity and healthfulness, as well as with in-depth personal,
psychodramatic enactments with groups whose membership had been
consistent over several months.
Based on my own experience and research (Emunah 1985, 1990, 1994),
and that of other drama therapists working with this age group (including
but not limited to Dequine and Pearson-Davis 1983, Shuttleworth 1981,
Jennings and Gersie 1987, Furman 1990, Johnson and Eicher 1990, Pitzele
1991), I believe that drama therapy has a unique and critical role to play in
helping young people through the tumultuous life passage known as
adolescence.
The chapter begins with an overview of developmental and social factors
contributing to the upheaval experienced in adolescence. The relationship
between adolescent trauma and adolescent drama is then explored by
focusing on four significant factors:
1 the connection between acting out and acting;

2 the interplay between emotional expression and containment;
3 the experimentation with roles; and
4 the impact of collaboration and intimacy.
T H E TR A U M A O F A D O L E S C E N C E
The late childhood, or latency, period has been described by Erik Erikson
as a ‘m oratorium ’; in contrast to earlier and later developmental chal
lenges, this period is characterized by relative stability and freedom from
major internal conflict. But the personal and social equilibrium attained
during latency is dramatically disrupted by the onslaught of adolescence.
The onslaught is instigated by striking physical, sexual, cognitive,
psychological, and social changes. The adolescent’s body undergoes a
spurt of rapid growth along with sexual maturation and hormonal fluctua
tion. The adolescent becomes concerned with bodily appearance and
anxious as the inevitable comparisons between one’s own evolving body
and that of o n e’s peers are made, and as a new concept of body image and
identity is sought.
Thinking and reasoning capacities also undergo rapid development
(Piaget 1952). The adolescent becomes capable of abstract thinking and
of introspection. Adolescent thought is no longer tied to concrete reality and
to the present, but can more fully encompass the future. The heightened
consciousness leads to contemplation of future scenarios and possibilities,
consequences of past actions, hopes and ideals, and finally to existential
dilemmas and moral choices (Gilligan 1982, Kohlberg 1981).
Psychologically, the adolescent undergoes a difficult period of indivi
duation, in many ways reminiscent of the struggle for identity and
autonomy faced by 2-year-olds, who attempt to define them selves via
opposition and rebelliousness (the infamous ‘no!’). Parallels have been
drawn between M argaret M ahler’s formulation of separation-individuation
in very early childhood and the adolescent process (Mahler, Pine and
Bergman 1975, Esman 1980, Kramer 1980). The sub-phases within
separation-individuation correspond to various stages within adoles
cence, with the final phase, rapprochement, having the most dramatic
parallels. The adolescent, like the 2-year-old undergoing rapprochement,
experiences an intense conflict between assertion and dependence. When
the adolescent turns back to the parent for security, support, and a sense of
closeness, fears are evoked of ‘regressive engulfment and dedifferentiation,
leading to renewed assertions of autonomy and individuation, or desperate
searches for substitute attachment objects’ (Esman 1980: 287). As with the
2-year-old, the anxiety and insecurity evoked by what Bios (1968) calls the
‘second individuation’ phase in life are often m anifested by approach/
avoidance behaviour, tantrums, and acting out.
Rebelliousness is a particularly typical manifestation of the conflicted
desire for independence. The adolescent resists and defies rules imposed by
authority figures as a means of professing a newly developing sense of self.
The assertion of differences from others - typically parents - and sim ilar
ities to particular peer groups gives a semblance of new identity and
independence. The desire for independence is fraught with ambivalence:
independence implies not only freedom but responsibility and loss -
responsibility for decision-making and loss of the protection of childhood.
The loosening of ties to infantile object relations is accom panied by
loneliness, sadness, and confusion. Bios (1962) considers the adolescent
experience of separation from emotional ties to family and entrance into a
new stage of life ‘among the profoundest in human existence’. In the shift
of allegiance from the parent as the primary love object to the self and to
the peer group, the adolescent is obsessed by the need for affirmation by
his or her peers. Interactions with peers carry tremendous weight, leading
to fluctuating moods and often a deep sense of isolation.
The ‘storm iness’ of adolescence (Erikson 1968) is not only the result of
the complex and overwhelming new challenges, but of the fact that drives
and unresolved conflicts from earlier stages re-emerge and demand resolu
tion. Adolescence has been called a second edition of childhood because,
according to Bios, ‘the significant emotional needs and conflicts of early
childhood must be recapitulated before new solutions with qualitatively
different instinctual aims and ego interests can be found’ (Bios 1962:11).
Unfortunately, families often have difficulty empathically fostering, con
taining, and guiding this process.
All major life transitions and upheavals contain the potential for dis
turbance, as well as for personal growth. The therapeutic potential inherent
in the adolescent life stage has been, according to Bios (ibid.), under
estimated. He believes that the emotional turmoil of adolescence can offer
the opportunity to resolve important childhood conflicts and to surmount
prior emotional obstacles. Erikson points out that adolescence is not an
affliction but a “ normative crisis” , that is, a normal phase characterized by
increased conflict and fluctuation in ego strength, and yet also a high
growth potential’ (Bios 1962: 11).
This state of both high risk and high growth potential makes adolescence
a prime time for psychotherapy. Creative arts therapy is an obvious choice
of treatment given that:
1 the internal chaos and emotionality experienced in adolescence demand

external expression and acknowledgment;
2 there is a heightened creativity during adolescence (Bios 1962); and
3 aesthetic sensibility, as one type of conceptual thinking, develops during
adolescence (Spiegel 1958).
Creative arts therapy offers a vehicle for eliciting and encouraging the
strengths and healthful aspects of the adolescent’s developing self, and for
reducing the risks inherent in this life stage.
A 1989 report of the Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development
estimates that 7 million young people - one in four adolescents - are
extremely vulnerable to multiple high-risk behaviours and school failure,
and another one in four adolescents may be at moderate risk. ‘In other
words, half of all adolescents are at some risk for serious problems
like substance abuse, early, unprotected sexual intercourse, dangerous,
accident-prone lifestyles, delinquent behavior . . . ’ (Hersch 1990). Con
temporary Western society has not been very helpful: the lack of com
munity, of extended family, of meaningful avenues for expression or ways
of demonstrating worthiness and of ritual all contribute to adolescent
alienation.
The ‘storm iness’ of adolescence is less likely to result in permanent
deleterious conditions when intervention is offered during the storm; in
fact, the storminess itself provides a positive force for emotional growth.
Arts modalities can match the intensity and complexity of the adolescent’s
experience, and provide a non-threatening and constructive means of
communicating tumultuous feelings and thoughts (Emunah 1990). When
communication occurs in an intimate and empathic setting with others, in
the form of group therapy, alienation is reduced. The sense of universality
(Yalom 1985) and community which develop over time sustain and rein
force the healthful experience.
FRO M ACTING OUT TO ACTING

Acting out is a common m anifestation of the internal turmoil experienced
by the disturbed adolescent. It can be a cry to be seen, heard, and under
stood, paradoxically accompanied by defiance and revolt - against autho
rity figures, ‘helpers’, and even the self. The language of acting out is
dramatic rather than verbal; it is action-oriented. Both a rational, verbal
response by an adult to acting-out behaviour, and attempts at encouraging
the acting-out teen to revert to a rational, verbal mode are usually ineffec
tual. The dramatic mode corresponds more closely to the language of
acting out. In fact, when acting out is ‘translated’ into acting, the result
is often a powerful form of com m unication and therapy.
Acting-out adolescents already possess keen dramatic abilities: acting
out tends to be dramatic, expressive, energetic, focused, com pelling, and
provocative. Acting-out adolescents are good actors, provided the charac
ters being portrayed are themselves. An approach to therapy in which
acting-out adolescents can express themselves in their own language -
but within a safe, contained structure - and at the same time experience
success and reward for their self-expression, is warranted. Drama therapy
provides such an approach. In drama therapy, adolescent acting out is
converted into acting, and the stage becomes a laboratory setting in which
real life can be explored with safety and distance (Emunah 1985).
Acting offers an outlet for a wide range of emotions, at the same time
requiring distance or separation from these emotions (Emunah 1983). The
actor who is in a rage on stage is at that moment actually in touch with his
or her own rage, at least in ‘method acting’ (Stanislavski 1936); even many
of the same physiological conditions (as a person in a real rage) are
experienced. But rather than complete immersion in the rage, in which
nothing else but feeling exists, the actor is aware of him- or herself. Strong
feeling is not suppressed but mastered. The dual level of consciousness in
acting is reminiscent of spiritual practices in which one m aintains a level of
disengagement, or higher consciousness, rather than becoming completely
‘caught up in the action’.
The translation, or conversion, of acting out to acting is a m atter of
adding to the former a degree of consciousness. Acting out is defined as a
psychological defence mechanism by which an individual discharges
internal impulses through symbolic or actual enactment (Blatner 1988a,
Kellerman 1984, Ormont 1969):
Since the rationale for this defense mechanism occurs largely outside of
consciousness, the individual experiences no sense of mastery or growth
of self-understanding through the behavior. If the drive toward action

could be channeled, the person might be able to make better use of the
feelings.
(Blatner 1988a: 1-2)
Insight about the defensive nature of acting out is not necessary for the
drive toward action to be channelled. The channelling of the drive can
precede the more gradual unravelling of the underlying emotions and
conflicts, thereby averting non-constructive behaviour in the interim.
The following example illustrates the conversion from acting out to
acting:
Tony was a small but tough and angry 15-year-old with poor impulse
control. Another boy, Daron, rushed excitedly into the room and
knocked into Tony, probably accidentally. Tony yelled out, ‘What the
f— are you doing, you m other-f— bastard,’ as he kicked Daron. Daron
was about to strike back when I shouted, ‘Freeze!’
Both boys stopped, rather startled. ‘What the f— do you w ant?’ Tony
said, glaring at me. ‘W e’re going to replay what just happened, as
actors,’ I said, knowing that if more than a few seconds went by there
was little chance they would go along with my plan; the energy of the
moment had to be capitalized upon. ‘Yeah, sure, I ’ll play him and show
him what it’s like,’ retorted Tony. ‘I didn’t mean to bump into you,
m an,’ claimed Daron. ‘Y ou’re so touchy. W hat’s your problem ?’
‘O kay,’ I interrupted, ‘Tony, you come rushing in as Daron did, only
the point where you crash w e’ll have to just pretend - no real contact.
Daron, you get as mad as Tony just did - but without any hitting. Then
Tony will respond with what Daron just said - “ I didn’t mean to bump
into you . . .
The re-enactment was nearly as realistic as the real-life scene preced
ing it. The role-reversal facilitated some distance and perspective. Then
we replayed the scene as it initially happened, with Tony and Daron
playing themselves. We paused the action to examine each boy’s inter
nal reaction. During the third replay, in which we no longer interrupted
the action, Tony responded differently: ‘Daron, man, watch where
you’re going. You know I ’m touchy about being bumped into.’
‘Sorry, Tony,’ Daron said. ‘I was going too fast, ’cause I was excited
about something. Guess w hat?’
Behaviour that was out of control was now in control. A dual level
of consciousness, in which one observes oneself rather than remaining
in a state of blind reactivity, was achieved. Equal in significance to the
bit of self-mastery, insight, and behavioural change that these brief
enactments facilitated was the reaction of peers watching the scenes.
Three teens walked into the room during the enactments, saying, ‘Is
that real or are you guys acting?’ When the scenes ended, Tony and
Daron proudly reported that they were acting. ‘It looked so real, m an’
- ‘That is really bad’ (‘bad’ in American slang means good!) - ‘You
guys are good actors,’ were the responses of the audience. And then, ‘I
want to try a fight scene,’ and, ‘L et’s do some more acting!’
E XPRE SSIO N AND CO N T A IN M EN T

Even when the scenes enacted in drama therapy are not replays of actual
life scenarios, the adolescents’ creations are generally autobiographical
(Bios 1962). The degree of distance between self and product during
adolescence tends to be minimal. Dramatic enactment - encompassing a
wide range of scenes from the imaginary to the psychodramatic - facilitates
both expression and containment of inner pain, conflict, confusion and
turmoil, as well as of excitement, longing and hope.
Dramatic enactment offers not only emotional release and catharsis, but
also containment and a sense of internal control. The expression of feeling
is obviously critical at a time when one is bombarded by strong and
conflictual emotions. At the same time, the attainment of a sense of
mastery over emotion is a primary psychic task of adolescence (Bios
1962). The interplay and balance between expression and containment
are central components of drama therapy (Emunah 1983, 1994).
In the context of a drama therapy group, adolescents spontaneously elect
to enact real-life feelings. In a guessing game in which one person leaves
the room while the others decide on an emotion or attitude to portray when
the person re-enters, typical selections are: hostile, rebellious, resistant,
angry, depressed, confused. The choices often reflect actual moods in the
room on that particular day. It is not uncommon for a group that greeted me
with hostility and resistance soon to express their feelings and fears via the
game, thereby averting resistance to me or to the process. The expression
of hostility or resistance in the game is gradually exaggerated, resulting in
cathartic release, along with humour and self-awareness. The allowance to
‘play o n e se lf’ also promotes a sense of acceptance and tolerance. Most
importantly, the feelings, attitudes or behaviours are contained within the
safety of the game and the structure of acting. The adolescents find they
can be masters of their own feelings, often even to the point of
relinquishing those feelings when the game is over.
More complex dramatic processes, such as sustained scene-work, also
afford the experience of expression and containment. For example, teen
agers may improvise a dramatic and emotional scene revolving around a
familial conflict. The teenagers may not have an outlet for the expression of
these strong feelings in real life, because such expression could result in
retaliation by unstable parents; the teenagers may have learned early in life
not to express feelings directly. Or the expression of strong feelings in real
life may tend rapidly to escalate into acting out. In the scene, however, the
feelings remain contained - under the auspices of acting.
During the enactment of an emotional scene (regardless of whether the
content of the scene is fictional or based on actual events), the drama
therapist is constantly assessing the client’s tolerance for emotional expres
sion. Expression and catharsis are encouraged, but only to a point the client
(and the other members of the group) can safely handle. When the drama
therapist senses that the client has reached his or her tolerance of emotional
expression, she facilitates the necessary distancing and containment. The
risk of expression past this point is that the client becomes overwhelmed,
which could lead to acting out, dissociation, or a delayed destructive or
self-destructive response.
Providing some distance does not mean ending the scene (though this is
one obvious option). Interventions can be made within the dramatic mode,
with the client still maintaining contact with his or her present state of
emotionality. The objective here is for emotional containment and mastery
to be integrated with emotional expression, rather than for containment to
imply aborting feelings to regain self-control.
The following are some examples of the ways in which the drama
therapist can ‘pause’ and then redirect the enactment to facilitate contain
ment and help the client achieve some distance. (These examples are not
formulas, and need to be utilized with discretion, intuition, and careful
reflection on the part of the therapist. The use of he/him/his is purely for
ease of expression.)
1 In a scene involving a childhood trauma, in which the client is playing
the role of him self as a child, he can be asked to become his current age,
and then - from this vantage point - talk to the child he was.
2 In a scene (in which the client is playing him self) that has become too
charged, the client can be asked to leave the enacted interaction in order
to enact a phone call or visit to a close friend, with whom he can talk
about what just happened.
3 In a scene about communication, the client can be asked to switch roles
with his fellow player.
4 In a scene in which the client feels overwhelmed with or confused by
multiple feelings, he can be asked to identify and then have others in the
group play out all the different feelings he has at this moment.
The dramatic processes cited thus far in this section are process-oriented.
Dramatic processes can also be product-oriented, typically involving work
towards a performance or video project. Even when an outside audience
will not be involved, the drama therapist can choose to highlight the
aesthetic component to dramatic work. The group creates dramatic pieces
that communicate their inner worlds in a powerful and artistic fashion.
For example, teenagers may create a multi-media rock video exploring
rage and despair (Emunah 1990), an original performance dealing with

substance abuse, or a sequence of scenes about their dreams.
The aesthetic process of giving form and shape to a dramatic piece elicits
internal resources and develops a sense of mastery. Expression becomes
associated with creativity rather than with volatile acting out. Adolescents
learn that they can be actors rather than reactors. The secondary processes
inherent in creativity (Arieti 1976), in which inner m aterial is synthesized
with a rational structuring and organization, help the adolescent regain
internal equilibrium (Emunah 1990). The decision-making, editing, and
refining of the creative work elicit the director within, a director that can be
an asset not only to creative endeavours, but to life challenges.
The heightening of the aesthetic component to dramatic work also
facilitates expression and communication. Feelings that cannot be easily
articulated are nevertheless powerfully communicated - both to others (the
therapist, the group, and/or an outside audience) and to the self - via an
artistic form. The extem alization of an internal experience allows it to be
better understood and assimilated. Issues and feelings are identified and
clarified, but not reduced or simplified; nuances, complexities, and subtle
ties are conveyed. The clients find that their experiences - in all their
fullness - can be witnessed and comprehended by others.
A L A B O R A T O R Y F O R R O L E E X P E R IM E N T A T IO N
Jacob Moreno, the founder of psychodrama, believed that our self is
essentially composed of the many roles we play (Moreno 1946), a view
to which most drama therapists and psychodramatists adhere.2 In the
process of expressing ourselves through many roles, we begin to see
ourselves clearly. Drama therapist Robert Landy states: ‘It is in the doing
and seeing and accepting and integrating of all the roles, the “ m e” parts,
that the person emerges intact’ (Landy 1990: 230).
Substantial role experim entation during adolescence, which includes a
shifting and evolving sense of self, is appropriate and healthy. Erik Erikson
(1968) considers ‘role confusion’ (as opposed to ‘role diffusion’) a normal
developmental aspect of adolescence. It is important that adolescents have
the opportunity to integrate roles from past stages in their lives and to
experiment with future roles. The psychological potentiality in adolescence
to resolve issues from earlier developmental stages and the cognitive
capacity in adolescence to envision future possibilites make this stage of
life a prime time to explore roles. Moreover, the m ultiple changes experi
enced during adolescence require a kind of role fluidity which can be
supported via role experimentation.
However, role experimentation can be very frightening and threatening
for adolescents, especially for adolescents who do not have a reassuring,
accepting, and supportive home and peer environment. These adolescents
in particular need help with the process of exploring, expressing, discover

ing and expanding role possibilities. Many crave a stable sense of identity,
and wish for that identity to ward off the turmoil in their internal and
external worlds. The reawakening of the past and the awakening of the
future compound the turmoil and can lead to a yearning for coherence and
reassurance in the present.
The danger is that, rather than healthy role experimentation, the
adolescent in turmoil will resort to role restriction. Two potentially dele
terious forms of role restriction are extremism and overconstriction (Breger
1974, Freud 1958). In extremism, the adolescent overly attaches him- or
herself to some new group or identity in an attempt to make a revolutionary
break from dependency or from past attachments and identities. In over
constriction, the adolescent conforms too soon to an adult role which is
considered to be socially acceptable. Essentially, the adolescent forces
him- or herself to fit a prescribed role rather than experimenting with
many different roles.
Drama therapy provides a laboratory setting in which adolescents can
experiment with numerous roles, without long-term commitment or con
sequence. In dramatherapy, one not only takes on roles, but also discards,
revises, and transforms roles. The improvisational mode allows for the role
fluidity which is a developmentally critical aspect to adolescence. The
engagement in a dramatherapy process, in which one can embody without
surrendering to or merging with any given role, circumvents a premature,
permanent solidification of identity.
The fact that one is ‘only acting’ is liberating; play and pretend offer a
protective shield from the real world. In this safe and permissive context,
familiar roles can be explored, latent roles can be unearthed, idealized roles
can be examined, feared roles can be practised. Past roles can be reviewed,
discarded, or integrated. Future roles can be tried on and previewed. The
structured, laboratory setting reduces adolescents’ fears of diffusion, ridi
cule, or typecasting. All parts enacted in a dramatherapy group are
respected and accepted. This process of role experimentation and expan
sion brings about a sense of freedom and possibility, offsetting the pro
pensity during adolescence towards extremism or overconstriction.
The drama therapist facilitates not only the embodiment of roles, but also
the letting go of these roles, or the ‘de-roling’ process, once the scene ends.
It is important that adolescents do not feel stuck in their roles, or overly
consumed by any given role. The process of de-roling, in which the
distinction between the scene and real life is underscored, relates to the
issue of expression and containment. The drama therapist insures that the
adolescent does not ‘get lost’ in either an emotion or a role; her interven
tions promote the fine balance between expression and containment and
between role embodiment and role detachment.
Over time, adolescents in drama therapy develop a sense of ‘identity
cohesion’, as they come to accept, own, and be masters of the wide range of
roles that encompass their beings. The experience of being the conductor,
or director, to all these roles - so that any given role is not larger than
themselves but rather a part of themselves - facilitates the sense of
cohesion.
Role experimentation in drama therapy with adolescents generally
begins with social roles. The roles are fictional rather than personal, but
they are relevant and familiar. The fictional mode provides the distance
necessary at the early stages of the process, but the realistic content grabs
the group’s attention. Teenagers play ‘a dad’, rather than their own father, a
best friend, a teacher, a determined student, a rebel. They play authority
figures, defiant teenagers, frightened children, drug addicts, adults with
rewarding careers. The generalized roles evoke personal responses. And
these discussions gradually lead to the enactment of scenes in which the
group members play themselves, as well as their parents, siblings, thera
pists, teachers, and peers. They play themselves in various hypothetical and
real current situations, themselves at various past stages of their lives, their
potential future selves.
In playing hypothetical scenarios involving conflict and decision-making,
or scenes involving future roles, the adolescent’s evolving capacity to
confront ethical dilemmas and to envision future possibilities is exercised
and supported. In playing scenes involving childhood roles, the potential in
adolescence for reworking and resolving earlier conflicts is strengthened.
Idealized figures are examined in drama therapy. Teenagers whose main
aspirations are to become wealthy drug dealers have the opportunity to try
on this role and way of life. In the early stages of a group process,
glorification may take over and any attempts on the part of the therapist
to facilitate a deeper level of probing will be premature. But over time, as
the group members come to trust one another and the therapist, and as the
acting evolves from superficial to authentic and multilayered portrayals,
exploration is natural. The characters undergo in-depth interviewing,
replaying of earlier events in their lives, ‘doubling’ (in which group
members voice internal thoughts and feelings), and dissection of uncons
cious motivation. In numerous drama therapy sessions with delinquent
adolescents, group members have discovered on their own that the draw
to the role of drug dealer is the longing for power. This discovery is
typically followed by an exploration of different kinds of power, and the
brainstorming and enactment of other ways of achieving a sense of power.
Positive idealized figures, including heros and heroines that offer hope,
also come to life in the drama therapy session. The characteristics that
make these figures important are examined, and then incorporated in
diverse ways, including playing oneself infused with the desired traits.
Many dramatic processes facilitate the examination of self-perceptions,
including the ways in which one feels perceived by others. Teenagers may
be interviewed as significant other people in their lives (e.g. a parent,

sibling, best friend), who speak about them. For example, Tony, the client
mentioned earlier, role-played his younger brother Michael. ‘M ichael’ was
then asked questions (by the group, who played interviewers) about brother
Tony. Thus, T ony’s perceptions of the way he is perceived by Michael
were explored.
Adolescents often experience a disturbing discrepancy between outer
projections and inner feelings. Many drama therapy techniques help ado
lescents identify and express the way they believe they are perceived by
others and the way they perceive themselves or ‘feel inside’. For example,
a group may be asked to create two masks - one of their personas and the
other of their internal view of themselves.
Psychodramatist Peter Pitzele refers to much of his work with em otion
ally disturbed adolescents as intrapsychic psychodrama (Pitzele 1991). He
describes viewing the faces of his clients as masks, and viewing the masks
as roles. He then sets out to meet the mask, often through dramatic
engagement, in the hope that the world beneath the mask will eventually
be exposed. ‘If I can meet the mask with my spontaneity, then like some
questor seeking to gain admittance to a secret world, I may pass to the
interior’ (ibid.: 18).
A technique which I utilize frequently to help adolescents explore facets
of themselves is to ask each person to create a sculpture by ‘m oulding’
other people in the room into particular positions. Generally, three people
are moulded, each depicting an aspect of the sculptor. This exercise can be
developed by:
1 having the sculpture ‘come alive’;
2 asking the sculptor to take over the embodiment of one of the roles (and
eventually to embody all three roles);
3 creating modifications in the original sculpture and live interaction
among the three parts. This latter stage might entail revamping the
sculpture to a configuration that is more representative of one’s current
or hoped-for state, or facilitating greater integration among the parts, or
even adding a new part (Emunah 1994).
During the exploration of self-perceptions, adolescents receive immedi
ate feedback from their peers. For example, group members may respond to
one person’s sculpture by saying, ‘Yeah, I know that part of John,’ or, ‘I ’ve
never seen that side of you. I didn’t know you had a spiritual side . . . ’. The
experience of having others see and accept the many parts of oneself
cannot be overestimated; it stands among the most significant aspects of
psychotherapy.
Even more important than the experience of acceptance is that of
empathy. The live enactments in drama therapy communicate nuance
and feeling in such a way that empathy is heightened. Those watching
easily find aspects with which they identify or by which they are personally
moved. Empathy among the adolescents themselves fosters a sense of
mutuality and connectedness and facilitates the integration of new roles.
Case example
A frequent shift noted in adolescent drama therapy is from concealing pain

via the adoption of a tough, impenetrable persona to gradually exposing
the vulnerable self underneath. The following example, again of Tony,
illustrates this process.
Tony exhibited an independent and invulnerable persona in dramatic

scenes and in real life. He came from an alcoholic family. His parents
had divorced when he was 8, and at 14 Tony was sent to live with his
physically and emotionally abusive father. After one beating, Tony ran
away from home. He lived on the streets for several weeks, until he was
caught breaking a store window. After being evaluated, he was sent to
the psychiatric hospital at which I worked.
One day in the drama therapy group Tony was cast by another boy as
a father. As usual, he played the role in a highly authoritarian, cruel, and
abusive fashion. At one point, he screamed, ‘Get out of my house, you
dumb, no-good bastard, before I beat the shit out of you.’ Reversing
roles, Tony responded to his father with, ‘Sure, man, I don’t need you
anyways. Or anyone. I ’m out of here.’ And out he walked. Not only did
he exit the scene, Tony literally exited the room.
I called him back. I knew the scene was very real for him. I also knew
that at any minute he would dismiss the scene as acting, and the painful
feelings aroused by the scene would be expressed indirectly, probably in
the form of an outburst or fight later on. Attempting to keep him in the
reality of the scene, I said, ‘Y ou’re out of the house. Y ou’re walking the
streets. These are the streets.’ I motioned to the performance area of our
room, thereby underscoring the need to stay in the room. Looking now
toward the group, I asked, ‘Who can play Tony’s inner thoughts as he
w alks?’ Two teenagers who strongly identified with and admired Tony,
Leonard and Marie, jum ped up. Following him as he walked around the
performance area, they muttered, ‘Good thing I ’m out of there, m an,’ ‘I
don’t give a damn about being there anyw ay,’ ‘I ’m fine on my ow n.’
M omentarily joining them to lend support, I added, ‘I was smart to get
out when I did. I know how to protect m yself from getting hit by him .’
Then I asked the remaining members of the group, ‘Who can be the
thoughts and feelings behind these thoughts?’ Daron and Robin entered
the scene and began walking behind Leonard and Marie. ‘Where should
I go? I got nowhere to go,’ Daron voiced. Robin listened for a while and
finally spoke two words: T m scared.’ When I asked her to repeat these
words, she said them with yet a deeper level of feeling.
As if released from their earlier stance, Leonard and Marie sponta
neously joined Daron and Robin: T h is is kind of scary, m an.’ ‘I wish I
had a dad who loved m e.’ Tony stopped walking and looked up at me.
T h is is real, m an.’
I nodded in agreement, and suggested he join the chorus of inner
feelings. I called upon David, the remaining member of the audience, to
take over Tony’s walking role. T h is is scary,’ I heard Tony say softly in
his new role. ‘I got a lot of pain inside m e.’ Almost like a Greek chorus,
the others echoed his words, supporting, encouraging, and affirming
him. ‘And I got to face it alone. The only way I ’m gonna make it is
by being tough. I gotta act strong. But inside I feel scared. And inside
I ’m real sad.’
Tony looked scared and sad. For the first time since his admission into
the hospital, his face was soft with sorrow. The feeling of being
frightened was not only a response to the content of the scene: I believe
he was also afraid of being seen in a vulnerable role. My first priority
was for him to experience acceptance by others of this new role. I knew
that at any moment the tough persona could reassert itself.
We got into a circle and I invited the responses of the group. ‘I know
what Tony felt like, ’cause I ’ve been there,’ Leonard initiated. ‘Scared
inside, but acting tough, cause you gotta make it.’ ‘Yeah, I like to act
like I ’m okay, because I don’t want my dad to know I care how he talks
to m e,’ Marie chimes in. ‘I think it was real good that you could be so
real, Tony,’ said David. ‘It made me feel closer to you.’ Daron added, ‘It
felt good to hear you say things that I feel sometimes too.’
At the following session, Tony opted to play the role of a father
again, only this time he played the kind of father he would some day
like to be. He spoke to his son in a soft, gentle voice, as he offered
encouragement and praise. His facial expression was tender and lov
ing. In the discussion afterward, Tony said, ‘If I don’t watch it I may
grow up to be like my dad. I ’m not really like him, but sometimes it
seems I am because I act angry and mean like him. There’s another
part of me too. I ’m not too sure what it’s like. Maybe it’s a little like
the role I just played.’
The significance of empathy in psychotherapy has been stressed by

many, particularly humanistic psychologists and self psychologists
(Rogers 1951, Kohut 1977). In drama therapy, the empathy imparted by
the therapist and the fellow group members as the outer invulnerable shell
is shed facilitates the development of self-acceptance and esteem, and
contributes to the overall therapeutic process of mastering internal turmoil
via external, creative expression. The client literally experiences being
seen (witnessed) and mirrored (often in the form of ‘doubling’) by both

therapist and peers. The emotional, interactional, and dramatic processes in
drama therapy foster and nurture the empathic climate. In this climate,
clients are enabled to unearth, express, and tolerate denied pain and
repressed roles.
G RO UP C O L LA BO RA TIO N AND INTIM ACY

In the reliving of the rapprochement sub-phase of separation-individuation,
adolescents need a holding environment (W innicott 1965) in which their
turmoil can be tolerated. During this period of separation from primary
love objects, adolescents need an environment that particularly supports
the development of a peer group which, according to Bios, helps ‘unify
residues of split good and bad object representations’ (Kramer 1980). The
extem alization of the split good and bad object representation on to the
peer group helps bring about intrapsychic integration and independence
from primary love objects (Bios 1976, Kramer 1980).
As the ties to the family are loosened, many adolescents experience a
profound sense of loneliness and alienation. The new clan and attempted
source of identity, the peer group, is fraught with conflict and uncertainty,
and provides only sporadic relief from the pain. For the many adolescents
who have not had a healthy bond in their childhood years with their family,
and/or have not formed a healthy bond with a peer group, feelings of pain,
loss, and isolation can be particularly intense.
Group therapy addresses the adolescent’s developmental and social need
for intense interaction with others of one’s age, as well as the adolescent’s
longing to belong. Close ties with peers are naturally fostered in group
work. The group becomes a forum in which one can solidify relationships
with peers and express the pain of loss of primary familial ties and the
ambivalent desire for independence - with others who are undergoing the
same experience. Acceptance and ‘consensual validation’ (Yalom 1985),
two primary curative factors in psychotherapy, are intensified in group
therapy, because one is seen and heard not only by a therapist but by
many people, and, in the case of adolescent group therapy, by people in
one’s same stage of life.
In group drama therapy, clients actively experience the universality of
their dilemmas, reducing the sense of alienation and ‘differentness’ that
plagues many adolescents. The dramatic games and scenes intentionally
involve realistic enactments, rather than either highly imaginary scenes or
re-enactments of particular real-life events. That is, the scenes are fictional
(for the most part), but highly relevant, focusing on shared concerns within
the group. Issues germane to all group members, such as relationships with
parents and peers, are explored. The enactment of common themes and
experiences generates a sense of kinship and connection between group
members.
Peer interaction, an essential component of healthy adolescent develop

ment, is highlighted. Many of the structured games and ‘warm -ups’ to
scenes are designed playfully to facilitate a high level of social interac
tion, trust, and collaboration. Competitive and individually-oriented games
are avoided. The techniques are also designed to be failure-proof,
age-appropriate, non-threatening, and engaging.
Once the group experiences its many layers and levels of commonality,
and once a high level of trust and empathy is established, group members
are also ready to tackle psychodramatic work in which specific real-life
issues are revealed and explored. The disclosure of secrets, followed by
empathic understanding by the group, offers an enormous sense of relief
for the adolescent client. In drama therapy, the client experiences the
support and empathy of the group not only by their verbal and non-verbal
responses during discussions, but by their role-playing.
For example, 14-year-old Marie disclosed to the group that she had been
sexually molested by her uncle when she was 11. Marie had already shared
this information with several adult social workers and counsellors, but
never with her peers. Marie directed a scene in which she confronted her
uncle on the abuse. Robin was cast in the role of Marie. Via her role, Robin
demonstrated her understanding of M arie’s rage, pain, fear, and shame.
When Marie later took over the role of herself, all the other group members
‘doubled’ for her, demonstrating their understanding and support of her
tumultuous inner feelings.
Even though most members of this group had not experienced sexual
abuse, each person felt connected to M arie’s work. Tony, for example, had
not been sexually abused, but he knew about physical abuse, humiliation,
and shame. In the session following the one in which Marie shared her
story, other group members enacted scenes in which they confronted
family members about traumatic or unresolved aspects of their childhoods.
In drama therapy, the scenes can progress not only from the dramatic to
the psychodramatic, but also from the psychodramatic to the dramatic.
Individually oriented work is often followed by collective, group-oriented
work. For example, in the scene described earlier (pp. 162-3) between Tony
and his father, the progression was from a fictional scene about a father and
a son to one that was really about Tony himself. Soon after that session, the
group collaboratively worked over a number of sessions on the creation of a
video show about hiding and revealing pain. The show involved a montage
of poems and monologues, dance and music, artistic masks, and excerpts of
dramatic interactions. The process of brainstorming ideas, making aesthetic
decisions, refining and editing the final product entailed a high level of
interaction and collaboration. Intimacy in this group was achieved by
creative endeavours (such as the video project) and fictionalized scenes,
as much as by the disclosure and enactment of directly personal material.
CO NCLUSIO N
From a developmental standpoint, turmoil is expected during adolescence.
For adolescents who come from dysfunctional families, this turmoil may
better be described as trauma. Familial conflict and instability exacerbate
the turmoil created by the substantial developmental challenges of adoles
cence, leading these teenagers to become overwhelmed. A common ado
lescent response to being overwhelmed is acting-out behaviour. Drama
therapy can be utilized as a preventive measure, helping adolescents deal
with powerful emotions and conflicts, in the hope of circum venting acting-
out behaviour. Drama therapy can also be a treatment of choice for
acting-out adolescents.
In drama therapy, the acting-out adolescent discharges destructive
impulses via the process of acting. Communication occurs within his or
her own dramatic and action-oriented language, but under the safe, con
tained auspices of dramatic acting and the guidance of a drama therapist.
The overwhelming emotions underlying the acting-out behaviour are given
outlet. Relief and catharsis are experienced as the adolescent expresses
emotions and unravels the multiple aspects to his or her turmoil and pain.
Concurrent with emotional expression is emotional containment. While the
former brings relief and catharsis, the latter develops ego strength and an
internal locus of control.
Once the adolescent experiences relief and mastery through the process
of expression and containment of emotion, he or she is psychically freed to
begin to tackle one of the developmentally critical tasks of this life stage:
experimentation with roles. Drama therapy provides the permission to
sample, preview, review, discard, and develop roles - an opportunity that
all adolescents need! The exploration of diverse roles expands awareness
about who one is, who one has been and who one is becoming. A sense of
both clarity and possibility is experienced. Role restriction, a potentially
deleterious reaction to adolescent turmoil and trauma - which can have
severe repercussions in later life - is circumvented. In place of role restric
tion, the adolescent encounters the multifaceted nature of identity and the
human capacity to renew and transform one’s way of being in the world.
The intense and painful alienation so often experienced by adolescents is
alleviated by participation in a highly active and interactive group. Com
monalities are evidenced from the beginning of the process via the enact
ment of scenes that deal with shared issues. Even as the scenes progress
from the more general to the more specific, from the fictional to the actual,
and from the group to the individual, the sense of universality prevails.
Once dramatized, the varying circumstances of individual stories are less
important than the feelings they evoke, and these feelings are often ones
with which others in the group are familiar. As one witnesses the trials and
triumphs of others, empathy is heightened. And empathy, a great antidote
for alienation, brings the group to a deeper level of cohesion and intimacy.
The dramas unearthed in the drama therapy session remind both clients
and therapist of our common heritage and humanity, as we travel through
the passages of life. Some of these passages are smooth sailing, and others
- most notably and notoriously adolescence - are tumultuous, demanding
support. Adolescent dramas evoke empathy - for at the same time that they
help unravel, contain, and heal - the traumas of this consequential part of
the life journey.
NOTES
1 The phrase ‘drama therapy’ as opposed to ‘dramatherapy’ (one word) has been
used in this chapter in accordance with US style.
2 Psychodramatist Peter Pitzele suggests that we regard ourselves as a dynamic
collective o f roles, ‘an “ Our T ow n ’’, a m ythological realm, in which may be
found characters or beings in various stages o f developm ent, som e mutually
com m unicative, some isolated, som e nascent, others moribund’ (Pitzele 1991:
16). Taking the view o f self as a collective o f roles a step further, drama
therapist Robert Landy b elieves that the notion o f self is superfluous and
m ythological. Rather than self, the roles we play are them selves the ‘con
tainers o f all the thoughts and feelin gs w e have about ourselves and others in
our social and imaginary w orlds’ (Landy 1990: 230). Landy claim s that in the
absence o f a self there still exists a ‘primary dramatic process o f identity’.
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Chapter 9
Images and action

Dramatherapy and psychodrama with
sexually abused adolescents
Anne Bannister
The image which we present is, of course, the role, or collection of roles
which we play (Moreno 1961). The image we receive of others may be
one-dimensional if we see them in only one role, for example ‘the teacher’,
‘the doctor’. With those close to us our received image will be m ulti
dimensional but will usually be incomplete and most people emphasize
some of their roles and suppress others.
The image an adolescent presents, especially to their peers, is essential
for self-esteem. A 12-year-old girl was convinced that she had to wear
trendy clothes in order to have lots of friends. A 13-year-old boy described
himself as a ‘cool dude’ and said that ‘the look’ was his most important
consideration in life at the moment. Both these young people had been
sexually abused and both were coping, with difficulty, with all the usual
problems which adolescents face. Their home situations were still insecure,
each had suffered abuse for over half of their young life, and each was
determined to control at least one part of their life, their image.
In addition to the personal image which people present this chapter will
also look at some common recurring images which arise in the work of
abused adolescents and children. For instance, the painful image of a ‘dead
baby’ may recur in waking moments as well as in dreams. The feelings of
fear, which are usually present in abused young people, may appear as a
monster image which overwhelms the young person. In contrast the need
for justice is often expressed as an image of a queen, judge or godlike
figure. The therapeutic group may have a collective image of justice which
is expressed by all the members as an urge to act out ‘court’ or ‘Judgement
D ay’ scenes.
Psychodrama is a method of group psychotherapy which emphasizes
action rather than words. Dramatherapy uses movement, action and sound
to facilitate healing. Although psychodrama and dramatherapy are prim ar
ily used in groups this chapter will also give many examples of ‘action
techniques’ used in a one-to-one situation with adolescents. Psychodrama
can help us to look more closely at our roles, to watch others playing
170 Drama therapy with adolescents
similar or different roles and observe reactions. We can try out new roles,
from fantasy or reality, and perhaps take risks which are unacceptable in
ordinary life. Moreno stated that psychodrama gave us an opportunity to
make mistakes without being punished. Young people may have little
opportunity to make their mistakes in a safe setting with adults who will
not take advantage of inexperience.
Adolescence is a turning point, a time of action and change. Young
people at times of crisis will take refuge in familiar ways of coping.
Children who have been abused may react in the same way as they reacted
to their abuse, even though they realize that this reaction is no longer
useful. Psychodrama and dramatherapy can show that there are other,
more functional reactions, more appropriate to the situation.
H O W C H IL D R E N C O P E W IT H ABU SE
Case example: Kelly ‘ the controller

Kelly, for instance, fought to control every situation in her life. She had
some friends, those who admired her audacity, her cleverness and her
capacity to get her own way. She had enemies too, those who had
suffered from her bullying, her blaming and her apparent unconcern
for others. Her motto was: ‘Get them before they get you.’ Her aggres
sive image successfully deflected those of her peers who might seek to
intimidate her. Most adults, on the other hand, autom atically assumed
she was the originator of teenage rebellion and discord.
K elly’s parents were having a hard time. They were a white, middle-
class family, and although they knew that Kelly was bright she had
underachieved during her last year at school and now, at 16, was jobless,
dabbling in the local drug scene, and probably putting her health at risk
through unsafe sex as well. They knew she had been sexually abused by
an uncle from the time she was 4 until she was 14. Not surprisingly,
Kelly had posed behavioural problems for some years, but this had been
manageable until after her disclosure of abuse at 15. Both parents
supported Kelly, and believed her, but she was amazed by the intensity
of her m other’s grief and her father’s anger. There were m arital rows.
Less surprising was the uncle’s denial, but the grandm other’s support of
her son, rather than of Kelly, was difficult for the girl to come to terms
with.
When Kelly was first abused, at the age of 4, she had no control over
the situation. Her uncle, who was baby-sitting, threatened to tell her
parents that she was a naughty girl who had stayed up late to watch a
television programme. Later he changed the threats by telling Kelly that
she was the instigator of the abuse because she sat on his knee wearing
only a nightdress. Desperately, she sought to gain some control over this
Images and action 171
escalating situation. Tantrums and refusal to stay with the uncle were
dealt with firmly by her father. Attempts at being ‘sick’ so that her
parents would not go out were thwarted by m other administering
medicine, hot-water bottles and soothing words before she went out
with her husband.
Accordingly, Kelly coped by accepting that she had instigated the
behaviour, that she was ‘a bad girl’, and by seeking to control as much
of the rest of her life as she could. Her younger brother suffered from her
bossiness, teachers described her as wilful, but Kelly was coping with an
impossible situation in the only way she knew how.
Case example: Cynthia ‘ the victim’
For Cynthia, however, the situation was quite different. She was the
eldest of three girls. Her mother had become ill after the birth of the
third child and so Cynthia soon became a surrogate mother to both her
sisters. Her mother died when Cynthia was 6 and from that moment she
felt responsible for her sisters’ welfare. Her family were members of a
strong religious group which was popular in the black community where
they lived. Her father received much support from members of this
church so he was able to continue to work, with their help. Of course
Cynthia still felt that she had to take her m other’s place, and when her
father began to abuse her sexually she resignedly accepted the role.
When she was 10 she began to protest because she realized that this
did not happen to other girls in her community. Father threatened to
abuse her younger sisters instead. From that moment Cynthia took on
her victim role.
Cynthia’s plight was exposed only after she had given birth to her
father’s baby at the age of 14. Her health visitor was suspicious of
C ynthia’s refusal to name the baby’s father and, on questioning the
12-year-old sister, she learnt that the father had been abusing her also
for several years.
Cynthia and Kelly were at opposite ends of a spectrum of coping beha
viours. Kelly had to take control, even to the extent of identifying with her
aggressor. Cynthia became victimized and may have gone on to be further
abused in relationships with other adults. By the time they reached adoles
cence both girls had become fairly fixed in these behaviours even though
they were now dysfunctional and causing further problems for them.
H O W D R A M A T H E R A P Y AND P S Y C H O D R A M A CAN H E L P
Pitzele (1991) describes the image that disturbed adolescents present as ‘a
m ask’. He recognizes that these are ‘coping m asks’ and he accepts this, not
seeking to destroy the mask, but trying to explore the persona behind it. By
respecting the ‘bored’, ‘don’t care’ or ‘dunno’ mask he encourages the

young person to explore the feelings that lie behind it. The members of the
psychodrama group can assist each other in these explorations. It must be
difficult to hold on to a ‘bored’ mask in such a group.
Young children try constantly in their play to increase their repertoire of
roles. Emotionally deprived children may have been given little oppor
tunity to play and little encouragement to try out roles. By adolescence
most young people have an assortment of roles which they can use at will,
according to circumstance. An abused child, however, is likely to stick with
the role which seemed safest at the time of the abuse. Sometimes, as the
author has illustrated elsewhere (Bannister 1992), this can lead to a false
assessment of an abused adolescent, as someone who has learning diffi
culties or is ‘slow ’. Dramatherapy gives the opportunity to practise new
roles and increase role repertoire.
Children who have had many changes in circumstances, different carers
and different homes, sometimes miss out on essential rituals and rites of
passage that other, more secure children may have experienced. Both
dramatherapy and psychodrama can recognize this need and can provide
affirming experiences to counterbalance the threatening and demoralizing
effects of earlier life trauma.
Kelly ‘ the controller

In keeping with her controlling role Kelly rejected any kind of therapy
out of hand. She had been interested in drama at school and had been
encouraged by a young drama teacher who was also involved in a local
experimental theatre group. Kelly was flattered to be asked to join.
During the following year she played many roles and her parents
noticed a more introspective side to her which they had not seen
before. She wrote an epic poem about a girl who had suffered abuse
which the director adapted so that the drama group could perform it. A
young dramatherapist who was a member of the group asked Kelly if she
would assist her with a group that she was running for young offenders.
These boys and girls, aged 14 to 15, had come to the attention of the
probation service because they had committed petty crimes. Kelly was
by now 18 years old.
The male probation officer who also ran the group was frequently cast
by the young people in stereotypical male roles. He played an aggres
sive, drunken father, a controlling policeman and so on. In protest at this
he instigated group discussion on gender issues. The discussion turned
to sexual harassment as several of the girls in the group talked of
incidents at school or at home. The group then decided to act out a
scene of rape that was currently in the news and this was done, following
through to the court scene and sentencing.
Everyone played several roles and scenes were repeated as most of the
group members wished to play the judge. Afterwards Kelly talked with
the two workers about her own experience and how she realized she had
been able to express her fears as well as her anger in the previous drama
group. She realized that some of the young people in the adolescent
group had suffered similar experiences to her own and they too had
reacted in controlling ways. She had begun to practise different roles in
her life, as well as in the group. Perhaps inadvertently at first, drama had
begun its therapeutic work.
Cynthia ‘ the victim’

Cynthia’s father was found guilty of incest against her and her sister. He
received a prison sentence. All the girls were taken into care and
Cynthia’s baby was adopted. She had wanted to keep it very much
but realized that, at 14, with no parental support, this was probably
not viable. She accepted her fate and continued to look after her two
younger sisters in their care situation. A perceptive social worker
recognized her vulnerability. Although her sisters were beginning to
respond to the love and care of their foster mother, Cynthia could only
respond by giving even more of herself. She agreed to see the psycho
dramatist who assessed that Cynthia was not yet ready to work in a group.
She was quite unable to protect herself against exploitation by other
adolescents. In addition she would have been the only black member
of an all white group. The therapist decided to work individually with
her for the time being.
Cynthia waited for the therapist to tell her what to do. Her own
creativity had been stifled and she would have been too embarrassed
to initiate any action herself. The therapist noticed that she was inter
ested in a collection of small (3-inch) dolls that represented adults and
children, males and females. She was asked to choose dolls to represent
her family. Carefully, she selected the appropriate black dolls, not
forgetting the smallest baby-doll to represent her own child. By remov
ing herself directly from the action Cynthia was able to work psycho-
dramatically with the dolls and she began by expressing her grief.
The loss of her baby opened up a deep well of tears for Cynthia.
Never had she allowed herself to cry before. At first she kept herself
separate from the action. She was only crying for the doll-girl who had
lost her baby. Soon she was able to cry for the doll-girl who had lost her
father, and was sad, even though he abused her. Eventually the flood
gates opened and she filled her own well with tears for her dead mother.
For eight years she had not recognized her own pain in her efforts to
comfort her sisters and her father.
After the tears came the anger, which had also been deeply repressed.
The expression of grief seemed to liberate C ynthia’s body and she

stamped around the room kicking cushions and throwing toys about.
A tantrum by a big 14-year-old can be a powerful sight. The anger was
directed, safely enough, at the workers and the system that had per
suaded her to part with her baby. It moved on to her father as she raged
about his betrayal and how he had persuaded her that it was her duty to
take her m other’s place in every way. She found the final betrayal of his
abuse of her sister particularly hard to bear. Finally she was able to
continue her grief about her m other’s death by an expression of anger
about being abandoned by her.
The therapist asked Cynthia now if she would like to be a m em ber of a
group for girls who had been abused. By this time the group had two
other black girls as well as five white girls. The group would give
Cynthia an opportunity to practise her new ways of behaving. She
completed twelve sessions with the group and, with another group
member of her own age, she went back to school to complete her
education.
THE USE OF RECUR RING IM AG ES
The dead baby

Cynthia had begun to work on her pain by remembering the recent loss of
her baby. This was a real event but it may have had particular poignancy
for Cynthia because of the loss of her own childhood. She had begun to
lose touch with her childhood when her m other became ill. After her death,
and especially after the abuse by her father, her inner child disappeared, or
‘died’. The image of a dead baby appears frequently in therapeutic work
with abused young people. Perhaps all young people mourn the passing of
childhood but for an abused child there must be an unconscious recognition
that their inner child was not nurtured or allowed to grow naturally.
Sexually abused children may become prematurely eroticized, may
become overly cynical and mistrusting or may even seek to abuse power
themselves. All these traits are more typical of adults than of children and
young people. It seems that youngsters understand their need to behave and
react in more childlike ways. It is as if they need to mourn the premature
death of their childish persona and to nurture the growth of a new child.
Case example: Julia

One young woman, Julia, illustrated this need in a very dramatic way.
The therapy room was used for young children as well as adolescents. It
contained a dolls’ house and furniture and a dolls’ cot with twin baby-
dolls in it. In addition it held large floor cushions, plenty of drawing
materials, some tiny 3-inch dolls, animal puppets and modelling

material. The dolls for younger children were deliberately left in the
corner of the room when adolescents were seen since experience had
shown that they would often be used spontaneously.
Julia was 14 and had been living in long-term foster care for six years.
She and her older sister had both been abused by a stepfather and by
their two older stepbrothers. Julia had been abused for about four years
until her sister, who was then aged 10, had told a teacher what was
happening. Julia’s mother had herself been abused by her father and did
not want to release the children for adoption but unfortunately she was
not able to protect them. Although she and her husband were now
separated, her stepsons, who were now young men in their 20s,
frequently stayed with her.
Julia enjoyed storytelling and she was very adept at this. She often
started the sessions with a story which she would proceed to act out. The
room also contained a ‘dressing-up’ box and a large mirror and Julia
enjoyed draping herself in flowing chiffon robes and adding jewellery.
Her favourite roles were very strong, powerful ones, the queen or the
pop-star. She told a story about a beautiful, wise queen who had twin
girl children. The children were cared for by a faithful nurse and also by
a manservant. Julia draped herself in purple chiffon and added silver belt
and shoes for her role as queen. The twin dolls played the babies and two
rag-dolls played the servants. Unlike most younger children Julia did not
spontaneously reverse roles and become a baby or a servant. She
remained fully in control in her role as queen throughout the story,
which was continued for about six sessions.
The manservant was really a monster in disguise and one day the
queen came home to find the faithful nurse very distressed because the
monster had killed the baby. Julia, as queen, spent time reassuring the
nurse that the death was not her fault. She then reverted to narrative and
said that the manservant had changed into a monster and had, with the
help of two other monsters, overcome the nurse. As queen, Julia then
planned and carried out an elaborate funeral for the baby at which
hundreds of people mourned her death. Throughout this story and
enactment the twin baby had been rather cursorily cared for by the
nurse but in reality had been very neglected by Julia. The therapist
asked what was to become of this baby. Julia looked confused and,
after some thought, said that she, the queen, would care for her
personally.
This was the start of a long process whereby Julia, as queen, cared
for the baby and allowed her to grow and become a wise princess. The
nurse (who had been given the same name as Julia’s mother) was, at
first, given care and attention. Eventually the queen began to express
her anger at the nurse for not seeking help. It was at this stage that
Julia decided to personalize the story and she began to express, for the
first time, her anger and frustration with her mother. Julia was asked to
describe the qualities of an ideal m other and she did so, stressing
protection, strength, understanding and support. The therapist asked
her to reverse roles with the ‘ideal m other’ and to speak to the doll
representing herself. She did so and told ‘herself’ that she would
always believe her and protect her. She was reversed back into her
own role and, using the nurse doll, the therapist repeated the words of
the ideal mother so that Julia could hear them.
The discussion between Julia and the therapist then seemed much
calmer. Julia had been able to express anger against the parent who
had not abused her and she was then able to accept fully that her
mother was not able to be an ideal mother in the circumstances. This
discussion seemed very different from Julia’s earlier superficial
comforting of the nurse/mother character.
Case example: Patrick

Patrick’s image of the ‘dead baby’ was a much more violent one. He was
13 and had been abused by a man who posed as a family friend. Patrick
used the dressing-up box to clothe him self in a pirate outfit, complete
with sword. He chose a baby-doll from a selection in the corner and
pretended to cut its head off and then to cut off its limbs. He spent a long
time on this, shouting and stamping and swinging his sword. He
repeated the action several times, adding even more violent em bellish
ments each time. He then set out every doll in the room, naming them as
parents, grandparents and other members of an extended family. He then
proceeded to slaughter them all, screaming that they deserved to die
because they had not saved the baby. In a subsequent session Patrick
said he would like to become ‘a sw ord’ and as a sword he felled a
monster teddy bear that he had noticed in an adjoining room and had
asked to use.
Clearly Patrick had identified with his abuser in some ways and the
sexual symbolism of the sword was obvious. The therapist reminded
Patrick about all the people who had been slaughtered in the last session.
He renewed his attack on the teddy, stating that he was paying him back
for killing the baby. However, the teddy refused to be killed by the
sword. With great energy Patrick lifted up the teddy, after knocking it
down, telling the therapist that the teddy was impossible to destroy. The
therapist asked whether anyone could help but Patrick shook his head.
Patrick was re-enacting his own drama and was able to admit his
complete vulnerability. In fact he may not have been able to ‘put up a
fight’ since the abuser had offered many emotional and material bribes
that he knew were attractive to Patrick.
The therapist drew Patrick’s attention to some puppets in the room.

She asked whether they could help. Patrick picked up a crocodile and
considered it. ‘What else would you need to destroy the bear?’ the
therapist asked. ‘Courage,’ replied Patrick. ‘Maybe the crocodile has
som e,’ suggested the therapist. Patrick took up the theme. In addition to
the crocodile he picked out a badger who was wise, a lion who had
strength and a fox who was clever. He reversed roles with each of the
puppets to see how it felt. Together the puppets and the sword dem ol
ished the teddy bear. The therapist pointed to the extended family dolls
which lay around the edges of the room. ‘Perhaps they have learned that
they needed some more courage, wisdom, strength and cleverness to
outwit the bear,’ she said. Patrick took up the suggestion, re-enacting the
whole scene, with the family dolls watching, and learning.
Case example: Jean
In contrast to Patrick, Jean was a quiet, thoughtful 16-year-old. After

several sessions she began to speak of a classmate who had died at the
age of 6. She said she had only recently remembered this girl, whom she
thought was named Jane. She felt frustrated that she could not remember
any detail about Jane except that they were friends at school and one day
the teacher had announced that she had died. Jean agreed to re-enact the
classroom scene. She played herself, and then the teacher. The therapist
asked her to reverse into herself again. Jean began to cry quietly. She
said she felt extremely sad. The scene was ended and in a subsequent
session Jean acted out a dream of being lost in a wood where she had
been led by her father. Her father had been her abuser. Whilst she role-
played herself wandering in the wood she suddenly said that she was
looking for Jane. She cried again as memories resurfaced and she
realized that ‘Jane’ had not really existed. She was the 6-year-old Jean
who had ‘died’ or ‘become lost’ when her father had begun to abuse her.
The image of fear
Case example: Hyacinth

Small children who have been abused often use the image of a ‘m onster’
which may not directly represent their abuser but will almost certainly
represent the fear which they had for the abuser. This monster may take the
form of a television character or a popular cartoon. In adolescents and
adults the image of fear is more varied.
Hyacinth, a black African 15-year-old, said that fear was the strongest
feeling she had. Even though her father had returned to Africa she still
woke up in the night fearful that he had returned. She was asked to draw
her fear and she drew a large face with a beard and short curly hair. Over
it she drew prison bars, saying that she was too afraid to look at her fear
unless it was contained behind bars. Much of the work with Hyacinth
was concerned with very practical counselling about how she and her
mother and siblings could protect themselves should her father return.
By role-playing imaginary sequences in which he returned to physically
and sexually abuse her, Hyacinth was able to face the fear, to recognize
its reality, but also to prepare a defence against it so that she could be
more assertive. It was important for Hyacinth that her mother, who was
also afraid, should join in the sessions. Together the two women, m other
and daughter, were able to devise a strategy which helped them to move
from victims to survivors.
Case example: Moira

Moira was a 14-year-old white girl who found it difficult at first to take
part in any creative activity. She seemed to be afraid to move from her
seat so role-playing was not on the agenda. She never raised her voice
above a whisper and would not draw since she was afraid the therapist
would say that the drawings were ‘w rong’. She was not interested in the
small dolls, the dressing-up box or the puppets. The exception was a
small blue bear with only one ear. (The image of the wounded animal is
also a common one with children and young people.) She picked up
Bluey and absentmindedly stroked him as she quietly replied to the
therapist’s comments. The therapist noticed that M oira’s whole body
position was protective of herself. She frequently used expressions such
as, ‘I ’m afraid you w on’t like it.’ Because her voice was almost
inaudible the therapist asked her if she liked writing. Fortunately Moira
responded enthusiastically and spent several sessions writing letters (not
to be sent) to her mother, her grandmother and her sister. She managed
to express much sadness and feelings of resentment.
She was not able to write any letters, or make any statements, about
her stepfather, who had abused her. Slowly the therapist worked towards
helping Moira to look at this. It was clear that fear was preventing Moira
from looking more closely at what had happened to her. The therapist
asked her if she could look at her fear and choose someone who could be
her ally as she did this. Moira chose Bluey, the blue bear whom she had
cuddled throughout the sessions. She was asked to imagine that her fear
was in a corner of the room. She immediately said she could see it, an
octopus-like creature, squelching and heaving. It was large, at least a
metre across, and there was no way that Moira was going to move any
closer to it.
The therapist asked how ‘fear’ could be controlled. To her surprise
Moira said that Bluey could sing. The therapist invited him to do so.
Moira picked him up and in a very clear voice began to sing a song from
Oliver. Apparently her school were putting on a performance of this and,
although Moira did not have a part in it, she had learnt the songs. The
therapist joined in, feeling surprised and pleased that for the first time
Moira had suggested a creative intervention. She asked whether the bear
could use his voice to shrink the octopus and Moira thought that this was
possible. She began softly and was encouraged to direct the full force of
her voice at the octopus until it began to shrink. Moira was able to
visualize the shrinking of her fear until it disappeared completely. In
subsequent sessions she was able to look more closely at the abuse she
had suffered.
Case example: Janice

Many young people will use the image of protective bars or a fence to hold
back the fear, as Hyacinth did.
Janice said that she wished to build a wall and to make sure it was in
place before she could look at her fear. She picked up cushions to
represent bricks in the wall. She named each cushion as a self-
protective quality which she possessed herself, or as a friend or family
member who could support and protect her. She walked up and down
behind the wall which was too high to see over. She said she felt as if she
were demonstrating outside a nuclear establishment.
The therapist encouraged her to draw placards to wave on the ‘dem o’.
She drew two: ‘ d o w n w i t h d r u g s ’ and ‘ d o w n w i t h p o r n o ’ . Her abusers
were drug users who had taken pornographic pictures of Janice to sell to
raise money to feed their addiction. As she waved the placards she
chanted the words, ‘Down with drugs, down with porno,’ and then,
‘Down with dragondrugs,’ and ‘Death to the dragon.’ She described
the dragon of fear who lay behind the wall and the therapist encouraged
her to remove the bricks from the wall, one by one, until she was
surrounded by cushions. She named each cushion as she removed it
and as she did so the therapist placed a tiny plastic dragon on the far side
of the wall. Janice laughed as the last cushion was removed and she saw
the size of her fear. She jum ped up and down on top of it and then wept,
for the first time in the sessions, and talked about her genuine fears about
the pornographic pictures.
The image of justice

From the age of 8 or 9 children develop a conscience and a strong sense of
morality. ‘It isn’t fair’ is a frequently repeated phrase for children in the
age group 9-12. Abused children are often coerced into victimization by an
adult perpetrator’s subterfuge and rationalization. Consequently the
children do not necessarily appreciate fully how their trust has been
betrayed until later when they feel able to look at what has happened to
them. It is often at adolescence, then, when young people are able to realize
that they are not guilty of causing their own abuse, that their sense of
justice and fair play can be expressed.
Case example: Lucy

The justice role may be expressed as a fair and wise king or queen, as we
saw earlier when Julia played the queen who had twin daughters.
Lucy, a 17-year-old with learning difficulties, drew a picture of herself

at 3 years old, wearing a crown. She said she was a king. The picture she
drew was horrifying; the king was administering justice in a vengeful
and violent way by killing other children. Lucy said the children
deserved to die. She added a devil figure to the picture, stating that
‘the devil was good and he decided who lived or died’. This picture
opened up the possibility of work with Lucy on her extreme guilt and
feelings that she was completely bad, a ‘devilish person’. Lucy had, in
fact, abused younger children, and so her self-perception had been
reinforced by other adults who were alarmed by her behaviour. Before
producing the drawing she had completely refused to discuss her abusive
offences or her memories of her own abuse.
Theoretically Lucy could have been asked to play the role of herself
as ‘king’ at 3 years old so that she could realize how little choice she had
at that time. However, it is not wise to risk re-abusing someone by
asking them to take the role of themselves as victim. In addition the
circumstances of Lucy’s own abuse were particularly horrific. The
therapist therefore stayed with the drawing and asked Lucy to play
‘god’ now and to look at the scene in the drawing and make a judge
ment about how much choice the 3-year-old king actually had. Lucy
thoroughly enjoyed the ‘god’ role since it fitted in with her coping
mechanism which was one of extreme control. She passed a judgem ent
that the little king had no choice but to commit violence because that
behaviour was all that the ‘devil’ and family members had shown him.
She became angry with all those people who had made the king ‘do
things’. Still in role, she was encouraged then to em pathize, first with the
victims she had drawn and then with herself at 3 years old.
It took many sessions with Lucy continuing to play ‘god’ before she
could fully accept that she had had no choice about her behaviour at
the age of 3. She found it difficult to accept that she had not always
been in total control. Her learning difficulties had made her even more
vulnerable so whenever she was subsequently abused, emotionally, she

had tightened up her control mechanisms. Eventually she was able to
understand how and why she had protected herself and then to under
stand further that she did now have a choice about her behaviour. She
was at last able to empathize with the children she had sexually abused.
Role play was then used to practise future non-abusive behaviour.
The group as an image of justice

As we have noted, in the group of which Kelly was a member, court scenes
are popular amongst adolescent groups, especially with groups for young
offenders and with young people who have been abused. The judge is a role
which controlling youngsters find comfortable. Sometimes the court scene
is played to prepare young people for a court appearance as a witness when
they have been sexually abused. Then the drama is a rehearsal so that the
court appears less alien and frightening. At other times abused young
people ask to replay the court scene, within their therapy group, so that
they can ‘put right’ what they see as errors of judgem ent when their abusers
were not found guilty or when their sentences were very light. Although
some abused youngsters are depressed or upset when their abusers go to
prison, especially if they are close relatives, many abused people react in a
different way. If the abuser is not convicted or is not jailed they feel that
the court did not take their hurt seriously, or that they were not fully
believed. Children whose coping behaviours are controlling often appear
unhurt or emotionally intact to a casual observer. Because they are not
obvious victims their damage is severely underestimated. Lawyers some
times pick up on this and juries are told that the victims ‘are not seriously
dam aged’. Sometimes judges make similar comments when passing
sentence.
Adolescents to whom this has happened often act out their pain by
disruptive or violent behaviour. Often the violence is turned against
themselves and they may mutilate their bodies, their hair, or their cloth
ing. They may develop eating problems and will often have an unrealistic
view of their own body image. By acting out the judge role, particularly in
a group setting, the adolescent can regain some control and can explore
options within the safety of the group.
Case example: Gill

When a group of abused adolescent girls decided to act out a court scene
Gill asked to be the judge. She set up a scene which owed a great deal to
her own predicament. A rapist had attacked a 14-year-old girl who was
in a children’s home. The offender had been a worker at the home. Gill
constantly interrupted the ‘defence and prosecuting counsel’ to give
them directions about the culpability of the girl, advising them that she
was already sexually experienced and therefore she had not suffered
much. Gill had been taken into care because of abuse when she was 7
and had been further abused by a foster father and subsequently by the
care-worker. The scene she was re-enacting was very similar to the one
she had experienced in court. After sentencing the offender to a few
months in prison Gill finished the enactment and the group sat down to
share their feelings about the scene.
Gill remained in control, apparently ignoring the comments by all the
other group members. They were all horrified that the girl’s ordeal
should have been so misunderstood and that the offence should have
been minimized. Gill listened carefully but did not agree with anyone.
The group workers noticed that G ill’s behaviour began to change from
that session. Her appearance was the most striking difference. She
changed from aggressive boots and spiky hairstyle to a softer look
and for the first time she began to show some sympathy and support
for other group members. Although she had nominally played the judge
herself, in fact she had allowed the group to be the judge of what had
happened to her and their fair and supportive comments had helped her
to see that she had not been the instigator of her own abuse and that her
suffering was recognized.
THE G RO UP PROCESS
Group therapists working with adolescents who have been abused must be
especially careful to create conditions of safety. Time spent in encouraging
group members to make contracts about their behaviour will be rewarded
by greater ease of decision-making for groupworkers if agreements should
be violated. Boundary-making, for young people who do not have appro
priate boundaries, is essential, so group rules should be adhered to. A sense
of justice and fair play is vital, though, so sanctions should not be imposed
without discussion and representation. Jennings and Gersie (1987) describe
groups for adolescents as needing ‘firm boundaries with some realistic
flexibility’.
It is most important that abused people should not feel further abused
within the group. This aim takes precedence over an individual’s need for a
cathartic reaction. The groupworker has a responsibility to the whole
group, so if an adolescent acts out in a way which is painful for others
then the worker needs to acknowledge this and spend time afterwards in
promoting self-healing.
One way is to ask group members to connect with a part of themselves
which is helpful, which can protect them when necessary. As the young
person thinks about this they are then asked to become that part and to
share with the group the ways in which they protect their vulnerable parts.
This sharing and respecting of coping mechanisms can increase self-esteem

and reduce guilt. It can also increase self-understanding and can help the
young person to reject some coping procedures which are no longer
necessary.
The kind of exercise described above, in the case of Gill, would not be
suitable for a newly formed adolescent group. As Willis (1991) points out,
adolescents fear too much self-disclosure happening too fast. A newly
formed group would be happier working through story or images. It is
important to note that Gill was directing ‘a story’ about a fictitious girl who
had been abused, and at no time did it become explicit with the group
members. It is usually unnecessary to ‘interpret’ story or metaphor to
children or adolescents. Sometimes young people will point out the simi
larities in their own experience to the therapist and the work may be more
effective when this happens. However, Hellendoom (1988) states that the
possibility of leaving concealed what is at the same time revealed enables
the young person to communicate things which cannot be said aloud.
Case example: Sam

Sam, at 12, was the youngest member of a group for sexually abused
girls. Somehow this made her try harder to be grown up so her clothes
and mannerisms were the most outrageous. The group had agreed to use
‘dram a’ in the contract for work so each week they chose to enact a
scene or a story. Reports in newspapers had been covered, scenes such
as pop-concerts or parties had been tried and most recently the group
had acted out an updated version of the Cinderella story, inspired by a
cinema visit. Sam said Cinderella was ‘rubbish’ but she would like to act
part of the Snow White story. The group said they could not remember it
well but Sam was insistent.
She cast herself as Snow White and asked a quiet, attractive girl to
play Snow W hite’s mother, ‘who is killed when she is stuck with a
needle’. A poignant scene ensued when the mother pricked herself with
a needle and died. Snow W hite’s father, the king, had to tell his daughter
about her m other’s death. One of the group workers was chosen to play
the king. It was obvious that Sam was moved by the sympathetic way in
which she was told about the death. Sam then chose the other group-
worker to play the wicked stepmother and enacted a scene where the
stepmother sends Snow White into the woods to be killed. Snow White,
of course, is reprieved by the woodsman who leaves her in the wood.
Sam then moved to the scene where Snow White is cleaning the
dw arves’ house and the stepmother appears, dressed as an old woman,
and gives her a poisoned apple. Thanks to the care of the dwarves Snow
White recovers, only to fall into a death-like sleep when the stepmother
reappears and sells Snow White a comb, with which she pricks her head.
Sam stopped the action at this point and one of the groupworkers
suggested that the group might like to show what they thought about the
wicked stepmother. The group used a large teddy bear which was often
the recipient of their anger and they demonstrated their feelings about
the stepmother by kicking, thumping and stamping on it. Sam joined in
the assault, stabbing the teddy with a ‘hitting stick’. This is made from
rolled-up newspapers and is a useful ‘prop’ for active groupwork.
Afterwards the group talked about feelings and Sam shared that the
person she was really angry with was her mother. It was not necessary
for her to share more but the workers surmised that she had, in the fairy
story, shown the aspects of her life which were causing her most
concern. They knew from her history that Sam had suffered abandon
ment and neglect. Although her sexual abuse was the reason for her
inclusion in the group she was most disturbed about the fact that when
she was about 2 or 3 her mother had become addicted to drugs - pricked
by the needle. Mother had then exposed Sam to many dangerous
situations, she had been forced to steal to pay for m other’s drugs and
she had been raped by m other’s boyfriend - as dangerous as the poisoned
apple and the comb. The interpretation was unnecessary but the workers
were better able to understand Sam ’s anger and her current worries.
C O N C L U S IO N
In this chapter we have looked at dramatherapy and psychodram a used in
groups for adolescents. We have also looked at psychodrama used in one-
to-one sessions with young people. A basic rule of psychotherapy is that
the therapist must have respect for the client. This is even more important
when we look at sections of the community which have not been respected.
Over a decade ago feminists pointed out that women had often not been
respected in therapeutic work and had been treated as ‘faulty or deficient
m en’. More recently racial awareness has helped us to realize that those of
a minority culture may also be treated as ‘different therefore deficient’.
Those with learning difficulties or physical disability are still heavily
discriminated against in the community and therefore by some in the
‘helping professions’. The voice of children and young people is only
just beginning to be heard. Groups like the National Association for
Young People in Care (NAYPIC) and children’s rights and advocacy
groups are beginning to make their mark.
Therapists with children and young people must be aware of the adult
tendency to prescribe for youngsters, without proper consultation. Those
working with abused people must always have good, experienced, consul
tants who can advise when a therapist is in danger of inadvertently re-
abusing in any way. A common pitfall in this area is the failure to work
with, instead of against, the resistance that clients, especially adolescents,
often bring to the work. Kellerman (1991) writes about a group of adoles
cents he worked with. They were silent and antagonistic and yet they
continued to attend the sessions. A therapist with less respect for the
group would have given up but Kellerman continued to attend, as they
did, and eventually was rewarded as he learnt of old pent-up aggression
which was being contained within the group. Soon the members were able
to work through this, with great mutual benefit.
The necessity for adolescents to be ‘held’ and contained by the therapist
is stressed by Holmes (1990) in a description of an interview with a
‘resistant’ adolescent. Blatner (1973) stresses this too and points to
M oreno’s own words: ‘We don’t tear down the protagonist’s walls,
rather, we simply try some of the handles on the many doors, and see
which one opens.’
Although dramatherapy and psychodrama can be seen as a kind of play
therapy for all ages this is not disrespectful or patronizing to adolescents
and adults. Western society often demeans play activity, or categorizes it as
sport or competition, but ‘play’ is an essential part of growth and a natural
healing mechanism which children use. Therapists can, with their own
creative skill, encourage this to help children, adolescents and adults,
including, of course, themselves.
R EFEREN CES
Bannister, A. (ed.) (1992) F rom H e a r in g to H ea lin g : w ork in g with the a fterm ath o f
c h ild sex ua l abuse. Harlow: Longman.
Blatner, H. (1973) A ctin g-in : p r a c t i c a l a p p l ic a t io n s o f p s y c h o d r a m a t i c m ethods.
New York: Springer.
Hellendoorn, J. (1988) Imaginative play technique in psychotherapy with children.
In C. E. Schaefer (ed.) In n o v a tiv e In te rv e n tio n s in C h i l d a n d A d o l e s c e n t
Therapy. N ew York: W iley.
Holm es, P. (1990) Why should I talk to you? In A. Bannister, K. Barrett and E.
Shearer (eds) L istening to C hildre n. Harlow: Longman.
Jennings, S. and Gersie, A. (1987) Dramatherapy with disturbed adolescents. In S.
Jennings (ed.) D r a m a t h e r a p y T h e o ry a n d P r a c ti c e , I . London: Routledge.
Kellerman, P. F. (1991) F ocus on P s y c h o d r a m a . London: Jessica K ingsley.
Moreno, J. L. (1961) The role concept: a bridge between psychiatry and sociology.
In J. Fox (ed.) The E ss en tia l M o r en o . N ew York: Springer (1987).
Pitzele, P. (1991) A dolescents inside out, intrapsychic psychodrama. In P. Holm es
and M. Karp (eds) P s y c h o d r a m a : In sp ira tio n a n d Technique. London: Routledge.
W illis, S. T. (1991) Who goes there?: group-analytic drama for disturbed adoles
cents. In P. Holm es and M. Karp (eds) P s y c h o d r a m a : In sp iratio n a n d T echniq ue.
London: Routledge.
Part IV
Developmental framework
Chapter 10
Shall I be mother?
The development of the role of the
dramatherapist and reflections on
transference/countertransference
Di Grimshaw
Clammy hands all around me

Ones that say they care
And the thing that really gets me is
The hands which should, aren’t there.
Lisa
INTRODUCTION
We each have a mother. One biological mother. The m other-child relation
ship is different in every case. Most of us pass through childhood and
emerge seemingly able to cope with the next stage. Others are not as
fortunate, and require help to ease the passage, and, in extremes, to emerge
at all. If the m other-child relationship is unsatisfactory, the emergent
child is likely to show varying degrees of insecurity, mistrust and
aggressiveness.
The unfortunate child has experienced parenting which is not good
enough. The question is, does the therapist attempt to provide what is
missing?
This chapter was conceived as a general exploration into the role of the
dramatherapist. Taken in isolation, however, this inevitably gives rise to
more questions whilst answering precious few. With this in mind I have
attempted to compare and contrast the role of the dramatherapist with that
of the mother.
The m other-child relationship is considered within the framework of
object relations and includes an exploration into the nature of the mother as
portrayed in fairy stories.
The stages of developmental play are examined in relation to the child’s
emotional growth; and how these might be encouraged not only by the
mother but also by significant others the child encounters.
Finally I attempt to explore how a dramatherapist might enter into a
190 Developmental framework
child’s dramatic world not primarily through the medium of drama but by
engaging her own ‘inner child’.
S T O C K C A R S AND HA N D S
Where do I start in sharing my own experiences, personal and professional,
in support of my belief that the most valuable resource a dramatherapist has
is herself? I did not want to write my autobiography, for this is not the
nature of the book, yet it has to be autobiographical. It is one journey.
I started with an image. A car. I did not want a car. If I am to mark my
journey into the field of dramatherapy with children and young people, I
would much prefer to travel by more poetic means. On horseback would be
ideal. Furthermore, I did not understand the car image. It made no sense
whatsoever. The image niggled, insistently. Worse still, the car was an old
banger, nothing smooth or refined.
Then I came across an image I had drawn in therapy some months
previously. The image depicted my ‘safe space’; my bedroom as a child.
On the sheet I had scribbled ‘Saturday nights - hearing and smelling the
stock cars’.
As a child I often visited the stock-car ground with my father - a
smorgasbord of sensory experiences: acrid smell, roar of engines, flood
lights, excited crowds and the sweet taste of Dandelion and Burdock. I held
my father’s hand, gripping tightly and shrieking. The air itself seemed alive
and I was safe.
Years later, whilst visiting my family, I returned to the ground with my
brother. We marvelled at the desolation. A vacant place. There were no
more stock cars. Only this. I felt a sadness for the children who would
never know this. Not to know these thrills and the safety of that hand.
Some children rarely experience that hand. Others have it for a brief
time. Some are almost crushed by the oppression it represents, and we all
learn to some extent how to hold on to it for our own survival.
T H E F IR S T HAN D
The hand of the mother (primary carer) stretches out to hold her baby,
soothing and reassuring. The baby knows instinctively what his needs are
and begins to initiate the touch.
The mother gently bathes her child, holds him to her breast and feeds
him.
Later these hands will reach out in encouragement when he takes his first
steps. He will retract his hand as a sign that he is angry with her. At other
times he will fight her with his hands clenched. He learns to trust.
In The Continuum Concept (1977) Jean Liedloff portrays the infant’s
Shall I be mother? 191
first days of life through the senses of the newly-born. It is an imaginative

and distressing account of a baby born in a maternity ward.
The child is thrust from the warmth and comfort of the womb (in which
he expected to spend his life, having no knowledge of anything other) and,
after being wrapped in a dry, lifeless cloth, is placed in a box. He wails and
wails. No one comes. He hears the wails of others like him. The sound
means nothing to him. He is alone. Exhausted, he falls asleep.
On awakening and discovering the nothingness again his body is racked
with desire. This is unbearable. He screams and is lifted, eventually, from
the box. He experiences the hands, and is no longer alone. His cold, wet
nappy is changed for a dry one. Returned to the box it is as though the
hands had never been there, or the wet nappy. There is no conscious
memory, no hope.
Lifted again and held to the breast, all the agony he has experienced is
non-existent. The taste and texture of the breast, the warm flowing milk,
and his m other’s heartbeat. He sucks until he is full; satisfied, he dozes off.
On waking he is in hell, for there is no memory of the breast, only a
yearning, an intolerable longing to be touched. His body stiffens in terror
and he shrieks as if being tortured. His mother is sure he does not really
need anything, he has been fed and changed, yet his distress is real. She
leaves him, reluctantly, following her own m other’s advice not to pamper
him.
Rene Spitz documented in great detail the effects of infant separation
from the mother (Spitz 1945). He observed different groups of infants
raised in environments with varying degrees of maternal presence. In
particular he studied a group of infants raised in an institution where
primary needs such as hygiene and nutrition were meticulously met, whilst
human contact was almost non-existent. As a result, no emotional bond was
established. All these infants showed symptoms of withdrawal and anxiety.
Some lost the will to live.
The psychoanalyst Germaine Guex was fascinated by patterns she
observed in her patients, such as anxiety, aggressiveness, and an insatiable
need for love and acceptance, which reveals basic emotional insecurity
(Guex 1950).
Guex suggests that the root of emotional insecurity cannot always be
attributed to actual abandonment by the mother. The patient may never
have been separated physically from the mother for prolonged periods.
Instead, it is the outcome of the m other’s emotional response, which is
understood by the child as abandonment. The child feels unloved and,
like a mixture of W ednesday’s child and Thursday’s child, proverbially
speaking, is full of woe and has far to go.
Very few professionals working therapeutically would dispute the state
ment that the roots of a person’s emotional life are buried deep in the
earliest childhood years, and are fed in particular by the interaction

between the infant and his mother.
Almost a century ago Freud understood that the mother gave something
essential to the baby, to enable healthy physical and em otional growth.
This we have come to understand as mother-love. Absence of or dysfunc
tion in this bonding process between m other and infant have been shown to
have devastating effects for the infant.
Object relations theory (Klein 1932) provides us with an understanding
of the infant’s inner world from the moment he is born.
The child’s inner world is described in terms of a dramatic relationship,
the conflict between love and hate. The infant projects on to the ‘bad’
object (the bad breast in Kleinian terms) the bad experiences - feelings of
persecution, anxiety, fear; and projects and then introjects ‘good’ experi
ences from the good breast - feelings of security, acceptance and
satisfaction - to create a positive internalized object.
In time the infant learns that he is separate from his mother, and he
experiences her as an other: an other containing love and hate within one,
not two, separate entities. The conflicts co-exist giving rise to ambivalence
(Freud 1912).
An awareness of this ambivalence will develop only if the child has an
experience of ‘good enough m othering’ (W innicott 1965) which has been
able to tolerate the child’s contradictory impulses. Only when the child is
aware of this ambivalence is he able to tolerate these impulses - to direct
and control them. A child who has not had ‘good enough m othering’, as
Spitz’s observations show (Spitz 1945), understandably finds the impulses
overwhelming.
Fairbairn also saw the infant within a context, but whereas Klein
described the child’s impulses as instinctual, he recognized the impulses
within a social context (Fairburn 1952). The infant has a basic need for
human contact.
The child knows that the hand is there and by this hand primarily he will
encounter the world.
If the child’s needs are not met, he will learn to deny these needs. They
are repressed, withdrawn, hidden. The child defends against the exposure
of unmet needs, thus avoiding yet another disappointment, for this is what
the child has experienced. Denial of unmet needs is often expressed by
projecting unacceptable/difficult feelings onto others.
The child is presenting a ‘false s e lf ’ (W innicott 1964) to the world. The
hidden unmet needs are turned inwards on the child, which he experiences
as hopelessness. There is a split.
THE LOVING M OTHER, THE EVIL STE PM O T H E R AND

THE WITCH
Fairy stories provide a rich seam, both for exploring emotional conflicts
and for developing a child’s resourcefulness in coming to terms with unmet
needs.
These stories may have ‘happily-ever-after’ endings, usually when the
handsome and loving prince rescues the young woman in distress. What
happens before this?
C inderella’s mother dies (parents’ disappearances in fairy stories have
frequently been attributed to death; modern stories may have a number of
reasons for absence), leaving her daughter exposed to the cruel acts of a
jealous stepmother and stepsisters. Her father is apparently unaware of his
daughter’s abuse.
Little Red Riding H ood’s mother sends her young daughter into a wolf-
ridden forest. The abusive nature of Hansel and G retel’s stepmother
prevails over their pitiful father’s love for them and he agrees to lead
his children to starvation. How do these children survive such traumas?
Were they recipients of ‘good enough m othering’ during infancy? Are we
to take this for granted?
According to Fairbaim, everyone at some level withholds unmet needs
from the world outside (Fairburn 1952): we all experience to some extent a
split; likewise, everyone must have had some degree of mother-love from
somewhere, even if not from the biological mother, otherwise the infant
would not have survived (Spitz 1945).
The extent to which Cinderella could make sense of her traumatic ordeal
and the realization that she was not responsible for her stepm other’s
feelings and behaviour would depend on the parental acknowledgement
Cinderella had in her early upbringing.
The Cinderella story becomes more interesting still as we are introduced
to the fairy godmother. She is to play a pivotal part in C inderella’s passage
through adolescence.
The fairy godmother bears witness to Cinderella’s misery, she offers her
a helping hand, which is gratefully accepted.
The metaphoric quality of drama allows a child to enter a world of
wolves, princesses and witches yet the themes of power, envy, greed,
loyalty, companionship and loneliness are very real. Bettelheim has
studied children’s stories in relation to developmental psychology
(Bettelheim 1977). He believes stories appeal to children because they
address the difficulties encountered in growing up, and provide a new
dimension to children’s attempts to resolve the inevitable confusions,
conflicts and frustrations they will face. The child is encouraged to
engage imaginatively with good and evil, love and hate, right and wrong.
The female characters in many children’s stories are made particularly
easy to identify. The real mother is usually described or referred to in

favourable terms: a source of warm love and protection. Then with m other
absent, if all seems lost, a fairy godmother will provide help, and of course
hope. The stepmother, on the other hand, is variously portrayed as deceit
ful, spiteful, untrustworthy and even murderous. The witch and the step
mother are in effect one and the same character. This bad/evil character is
often disguised so as to lure children into a false trust.
The witch in the Hansel and Gretel story deceives the children into
entering her candy house. They were starving to death and she offered
them delectable, irresistible sweets especially prepared with children in
mind. How could they refuse?
Just as the ‘good enough m other’ is understood to tolerate the co
existence of love and hate within herself by the child, so the contradictory
feelings are contained within the vehicle of the story. These feelings are
often personified by the female roles.
There is a special bond formed between the storyteller and the listening
child. The narrator provides the means of transport, her protege leaps
aboard. The child is rapt through exposure to a fertile m ake-believe world
of possibilities. Stories, a form of projective play, invite the child to engage
emotionally and creatively and to em pathize with the hero or heroine.
In addition, stories are often read or told to children at bedtime. The
adult’s presence at this time is hopefully comforting for the child, as the
transition from day to night can be a frightening one. The story bridges day
and night as it crosses the domains of good and evil, love and hate, right
and wrong.
LOOK ING W ITHIN

Drama in schools is a powerful means of exploring social issues such as
bullying, drug abuse and sexual and racial prejudice.
Using the metaphor of an interview, with a sinister and unpredictable
twist, pupils on a teaching practice experienced discrimination, hostility
and humiliation. The drama was brought to an abrupt end as emotions
intensified dangerously. Afterwards the group were able to share and
compare some feelings provoked by the drama, to bring the issues out of
the metaphoric situation, and to begin questioning personal prejudices.
Although the drama was contained within the metaphor of an interview
some young people became very involved in their characters. The feelings
of rejection, anger, aggression were experienced as real.
The rationale was that if bullies/aggressors could experience bullying
themselves it would be so painful they would never again bully. What was
naively overlooked at the time was that some children possibly bullied
more as a consequence, because they realized the power they could wield
over their victims and the fear they could incite. For some children having
experienced humiliation, bullying may be perceived as the only course of

action: projecting anger and hatred on to others. Humiliating others may be
a physical ‘cloak’ hiding the real emotional powerlessness felt within.
The power of drama lies in its quality of accessing repressed feelings.
Therein however also lies its potential for abuse.
I had no background information on the young people; several were
likely to have suffered abuse in some form, therefore some may have
interpreted the drama session as another abusive encounter.
S T O R M IN G T O W N H A L L S
In our final production at drama school we performed Peter W helan’s The

Accrington Pals, a harrowing true story of war, sacrifice and the struggle
for truth. As preparation, some students visited the northern town of
Accrington, set in the heart of Lancashire. The recollections of the tow n’s
‘elders’ of horrifyingly large Allied losses suffered during the Battle of the
Somme were vivid and passionate. So, too, were feelings towards the
authorities who withheld this information from the townsfolk. Only after
the town hall was stormed by outraged women was the truth finally
admitted.
During performances people sobbed in the audience, at times so loudly
that it became quite disconcerting for the actors. How could it be that
drama stirred up such powerful emotions?
The Accrington Pals is a dramatic representation of a real historical
event. It may have been a cathartic experience to members of the audi
ence, yet the nature of the situation did not allow for exploration of these
feelings. The grief and loss felt by the women of Accrington were accen
tuated by the knowledge that those at the town hall did not care. For
members of the audience there will have been some whose grief and
pain at losses in their life had never been truly acknowledged or even
witnessed by another.
Churning up gravel, skidding around a track, or storming town halls
seem to epitomize the early stages of my journey.
Events, encounters and enlightenments have served to help refine m eth
ods and approaches, but the underlying philosophy on children remains
unchanged.
My philosophy is, as Gibran expresses so beautifully in The Prophet
(1926), the belief that our children do not belong to us. Our role as adults is
to be there for the child, to provide not only food, warmth and shelter, but
to teach the child to love. Only when a child feels loved, can he love.
The child learns acceptance, respect and tolerance. He understands
him self to be an individual valued for his own qualities; his thoughts,
ideas and feelings.
D R A M A W IT H Y O U N G P E O P L E
In working with non-school attenders, drama became the predominant
means of expression within the discussion group.
Anger and mistrust were the most prevalent feelings amongst those
present: anger with parents/carers, teachers, social workers, probation
officers and the police. Underlying this often explosive energy was a sense
of inadequacy, a hopelessness: ‘No one ever listens to me/no one cares
about what I want/ I can’t be what they want me to be/nothing that I do or
say will make any difference.’
Drama provided a container for the anger and frustration (obviously
actors could not be allowed to hit one another). The group searched and
found words to express themselves, they were able to hear and to be heard.
Many cultures use dramatic ritual to mark transitions in life (Grainger
1990), such as marriage and death; and in some cultures, the passage
from childhood to adulthood. Adolescence is often a chaotic and confus
ing time, containing as it does separation from parents/carers, development
of sexuality, explorations into personal relationships and many other
challenging facets of teenage life.
Specifically, drama in the form of ritual (wherein such issues are
collectively acknowledged and addressed) can provide a vehicle to help
the more general rite of passage into adulthood.
A R U D E A W A K E N IN G
Wishing to work specifically with young people, I became a residential
social worker. I had never imagined that physical, sexual and emotional
abuse were so widespread. The ‘adults’ employed to support these young
people were, certainly in my case, and for many others, little more than
adolescents, living through our own chaos and trying to survive in that
volatile place ourselves. I felt largely inadequate working within an
environment which seemed to perpetuate the chaos instead of responding
to the real needs of the young people in our care.
I grew angry and frustrated, felt unheard and unsupported. My anger was
partly fuelled by specific causes, a chronic lack of training (with the
exception of control and restraint techniques) and inadequate ongoing
support. Mostly, though, the anger was nebulous in nature, directed
towards those who made or did not make decisions, whose agenda seemed
to contain anything other than actively enabling the young people to
address issues in their own lives, make decisions and effect real change.
Quite simply, those in management were out of touch with the clients and
staff.
On one occasion, a substantial number of residential and field social
workers ‘storm ed’ the headquarters in protest at the sacking of a colleague.
The ‘crim e’ she had committed was one of self-defence against a very
angry child who had attacked the social worker with a fire extinguisher.
The colleague was reinstated, the child’s real needs, which undoubtedly
had some bearing on the violent outburst (one of many), remained unmet.
Several questions arise from this series of events. How does a worker
respond to physical attacks from young people in her care? How can the
worker be supported in helping the young person express his violent/angry
feelings in a way that is less destructive, in a way that may offer a
resolution? How could a worker be so supported that she could tolerate
the child’s feelings, without feeling threatened or helpless and thus
becoming defensive?
I moved on to work in a regional centre for young women believing it
would provide an opportunity to undertake long-term work rather than
crisis intervention. The centre offered a secure unit and its own school. I
was warned before my first shift in the secure unit about the emotional
wrench I would feel when I locked the bedroom doors. When the time came
it was done hurriedly and with sheer relief. I felt at times we were all sitting
on a time bomb. Occasionally the tension would abate, allowing us to relax
and actually enjoy one another’s company; barriers would slowly come
down and trust between young women and staff could develop.
Despite these minor inroads, trust was very fragile and easily threatened.
Conflicts arose among the staff group which, with hindsight, were clearly
exacerbated by the emotional turmoil of the client group, and feelings of
frustration and inadequacy on the part of the staff.
Drama is a means through which we can feel (again) without being
overwhelmed or engulfed by these feelings. It provides a safe, containing
vessel in which to express the feelings, and to allow healing to begin.
One particular shift at the centre was fraught with tension. Three of the
young women were arguing over missing, allegedly stolen, clothes. Know
ing the likelihood of a physical confrontation and the consequent need for
control and restraint techniques (the prospect of which, despite the exten
sive training, still filled me with apprehension), staff had to intervene.
Four members of staff accompanied the young women over to the secure
unit, with the ‘prom ise’ of a just resolution. The secure unit was the only
space available which would ensure privacy. The doors remained unlocked.
An amicable chat was clearly out of the question. Instead we set a time
limit of half an hour. I asked each of the young women to choose a worker,
and indicated a space away from the others, to share what they were feeling
and why. They had ten minutes to do this, then we would come back
together. I had no idea what the next stage was; somehow they needed
to talk with one another. We met again. The atmosphere had eased a little,
perhaps as some of the feelings had already been shared and believed. We
discussed the next move.
The workers sat around a table, and the three young women stood behind
them. A dialogue followed, where feelings of mistrust, jealousy and hurt

were shared. The women could add new material by touching the shoulder
of their ‘double’, but they could not speak directly to each other.
The ‘th ie f’ acknowledged guilt and was forgiven, and within the time
allowed we returned to the unit with a just resolution.
CLAM M Y HANDS
Lisa, a 15-year-old resident, was an inspirational poet. Her creations were
simply constructed, powerful and personal. She wrote about the events
leading up to her being taken into care, and the siblings the authorities
refused to allow her to visit. One of her poems, reproduced on p. 189, forms
the basis for this chapter.
The poem is about her rejection by her m other and the pain and confu
sion this caused Lisa. She taught people like m yself much about our role.
We could not replace her real mother, yet ours were the only hands
available to her.
Lisa, like many of the young people I have met, was particularly
conscious of ‘clammy hands’: hands that cling, hands that are really there
only to have their own needs met.
The clammy hands in L isa’s poem say they care, but is that care merely a
facade to hide the carers’ underlying motives in the work? Too often the
carer/worker is unable to be emotionally present for the young person.
Unlike Lisa, some children and young people who have experienced
abandonment seem to have, as Guex observed in her patients (Guex 1950),
an insatiable need to be accepted and loved. Some are very practised in
denying their own feelings and needs in return for love and acceptance,
however unworthy that ‘love’ is. This can place a child or young person in
a very vulnerable and potentially abusive situation.
Donna, a 14-year-old girl, absconded from the children’s home and
became acquainted with three young people. Although she had never met
these people previously Donna willingly agreed to return to their home.
She found herself a victim of the most appalling, sadistic abuse. Donna was
systematically beaten, sexually abused and humiliated.
The psychiatrist who cared for Donna believed the only reason for her
survival was her well-developed and fortified defence system. Donna had
experienced prolonged episodes of emotional neglect and physical and
sexual abuse. These episodes began shortly after her first birthday.
D onna’s means of survival was to switch off to physical and emotional
pain (to dissociate), in exchange for ‘love’.
Anne Bannister has observed, in her work with sexually abused children,
the ability to anaesthetize not only against physical suffering, but also
against sensations such as hunger (Bannister 1989). Dissociation is a
form of denial; repressing or cutting off unmet needs and feelings from
the world outside.
As children and young children are potentially vulnerable to exploitation
by adults, an awareness of the messages consciously and unconsciously
being communicated is vital.
In one home for young women, all but one of the management staff were
male. Although there was a policy on sex discrimination in existence, it
seemed to have superficial relevance to some.
After reporting an incident of sexual harassment that I had witnessed I
was frustrated though unsurprised to find my colleague chose not to pursue
the allegation, for fear of losing her job. As a single parent, her continued
employment was understandably more important to her. The needs of her
children took precedence over her own treatment. Retraction of her state
ment was met with relief by management. For myself, I saw it as a grave
failing of the system, with serious consequences for the young women in
our care. What messages were we giving to these young women? I did not
want to be a part of a system which supported the notion of male dom
inance and the belief that gender, age and position presume righteousness.
Alice Miller speaks out fiercely against the opinion that age brings
wisdom, and proposes that, in order to be aware of what is happening
around us, we must first know what is happening within us (Miller 1990).
We must be able to feel. Allowing oneself to feel and respond honestly to a
situation is for some a terrifying prospect. It is a step into the unknown. It
seems so much easier to switch off, to rely on hierarchies and ‘accepted’, if
not ‘acceptable’, ways of being.
In the early stages of this journey one of the unconscious forces at work
is a need to be accepted. Acknowledgement of this frightening drive is a
painful and slow process. For myself, the primary requisite for this process
to begin was to find my own ‘space’.
AN O T H E R ’S HAND
This all-important space was provided by a visiting psychotherapist who
offered individual therapy to some residents. Staff also requested time with
the psychotherapist, and this was readily agreed to by the management.
Perhaps it was thought that there would be fewer emotional demands made
of them as a consequence. W hatever the reason, I was grateful for the
opportunity.
Within these sessions I had the space to explore work-related issues, my
own skills, vulnerabilities and needs. I felt empowered. I was able to
express previously repressed feelings of anger and frustration, without
being engulfed by them, to move through them, and begin to make
sense. The psychotherapist was also a psychodramatist and often we
looked at an event using role-reversal, doubling and sculpting.
The support and unity of colleagues at that time was vital. We were
discovering a new language which enabled us to focus on the feelings
evoked by the work, without skating over them. As a consequence, we
could propose positive changes borne out of constructive criticism and
genuine care for the client group.
‘Feelings groups’ were established for the residents and staff, as a forum
for airing disagreements and misunderstandings, but also for giving posi
tive feedback and thanking others for time spent together. There was much
hope around. ‘Storming the town hall’ was not, after all, the only means by
which we could be heard.
Unfortunately, changes in attitudes and perspectives take time and
commitment, and all too often power is employed as an easy option (‘Do
as I say because I am your mother/father/teacher/m anager/bigger than you/
older than you’). In short, anything other than giving an honest response.
The psychotherapist suggested that I might be interested in attending a
conference on something called dramatherapy. Within dramatherapy I
discovered that different strands of understanding, theories, experiences
and instincts could be tied together. Instead of churning up gravel and
skidding around a track I now felt I was at least on foot, though often
plodding, and occasionally sinking under the weight and responsibility of
my endeavour to become a dramatherapist. I realized also, with trepidation
and excitement, that I was in a position to truly offer my own hand.
The first years of the infant’s life are considered the most im portant for
both the growth of the individual and the development of the personality.
Yet the individual is continually growing.
I have encountered many people whom for a time I have ‘connected’
with. With some it has been their hand that I have reached out for, with
others they have reached out for mine. We have shared feelings that have
been acknowledged, and words that have been heard. We may not have
offered advice, and for the most part we may not have wanted it. Instead we
had someone who was able to stay with us throughout our confusion or
distress, and to give us the time and space to find our own solutions. It is
through and by these connections that the inner needs can be acknow
ledged, allowed the space they deserve, and ways found to re-own them.
Defence mechanisms block the making of these connections, because to
make a connection is dangerous. It is threatening.
One person I ‘connected’ with was a woman called Jo. Jo had willingly
given up a lucrative business career in search of something more reward
ing. She chose to work voluntarily with ex-offenders. Jo described healing
thus:
As you grow up and get hurt, you build a wall around yourself, which is
like a person. Each brick is made of very thick armour-plated glass.
They interlock in an intricate pattern. Over time you lose the plan of
how they fit together. So eventually you see other people’s feelings but
you can’t feel back. You’re protected, you can’t feel, you can’t give and
you can’t receive. Only when there’s trust, can the pattern be worked
out.
This blocking of the adult’s emotional life, according to Alice Miller, and
the adult’s subsequent difficulty in understanding and responding to the
feelings of children, can be attributed to the adult cutting off his/her own
childhood because of unmet needs and/or traumatic experiences that have
passed, unwitnessed (Miller 1984). In order for any adult to be emotionally
present for the child - whether parent, social worker, teacher or drama
therapist - it is first essential that the adult be emotionally present for their
own ‘inner’ child. Gibran believes that only something which lies within
the depths of our own knowledge can be revealed to us by another (Gibran
1926). If we block out our own feelings, urges, needs, prejudices, thoughts,
creativity, how can we possibly help another acknowledge their own?
After the bond with the primary carer, other bonds or ‘connections’ are
made. These usually happen in a natural, unassuming way, such as a
relationship with a special teacher or favourite aunt or uncle, someone
the child feels comfortable with. Perhaps the therapist is attempting to
emulate a special teacher. Should the therapist attempt to emulate anyone?
The roles of teacher and therapist share common ground in terms of
respecting, listening to, and empathizing with the child; however, the tasks
differ. The task of the teacher is to facilitate the child’s understanding of
his outer, interpsychic, world. A good enough teacher is able to engage the
child by providing stability, acknowledging achievements, encouraging the
child to take risks, recognizing the child’s abilities and dis-abilities. The
task of the therapist is to help the child’s understanding of his inner,
interpsychic world.
Carl Rogers claims there are three core qualities necessary for any client-
centred therapist (Rogers 1951). These are genuineness, non-possessive
warmth and accurate empathy. These qualities are also applicable to the
teacher. Aspy and Roebuck (1983) studied the effects on educational and
personal developments of students in relation to these qualities possessed
by teachers, and found a favourable correlation (Aspy and Roebuck 1983).
The qualities relate to greater gains in academic subjects, fewer disruptive
problems, increased motivation and fewer absences.
T H E T H E R A P IS T S H A N D /S H A L L I BE M O T H E R ?
A child may be referred to therapy initially as the result of a behavioural
symptom, such as aggressive outbursts, inappropriate sexualized beha
viour, or the child’s becoming phobic or withdrawn. The referrer’s measure
of success in therapy may be a decrease in the frequency and/or intensity of
the behaviour. For some children, focusing on the perceived problematic

behaviour and finding a satisfactory resolution might be sufficient. For
most children, however, the presenting behaviour is an indication of a
deeper conflict. Boersma, Moskal and Massey believe that the treatment
of some presenting symptoms, such as school-phobia, by desensitization
techniques is often inappropriate, as the therapist fails to recognize the
child’s unconscious and the possible hidden root of the fear (Boersma et al.
1991). They illustrate how a child’s phobia of the wind could be located in
the child’s unconscious fear of parental separation. Bowlby believes that
children often develop reactive fears and depression if the m other-infant
bond is understood by the child to be precarious (Bowlby 1969, 1973).
As a dramatherapist it is my aim to acknowledge and explore these
deeper conflicts with the child, to encourage the child to search for his
own resolutions, and thus to work towards inner healing.
Guntrip, an associate of Fairbairn and Winnicott, supports Fairbairn’s
understanding that every personality experiences a schizoid split at some
level (Guntrip 1971). He emphasizes the importance of trust within the
therapeutic relationship as a prerequisite for healing of the schizoid per
sonality; healing of the different parts of the self, the hidden and the visible
so that a ‘true s e lf ’ may be present in the world (W innicott 1964).
A child who has experienced good enough mothering and has been
brought up in an accepting, respecting and loving environment is less
likely to be obstructed/blocked in making connections with others. He
will have a sense of emotional security. The child will not be immune
to, nor should he necessarily be ‘protected’ from, difficult or painful
emotions. The Girl who Loved the Wind (Yolen and Young 1987) is a
story of an overprotective father and his daughter, who grows restless and
unhappy in her comfortable yet unrealistic home. She feels imprisoned.
The little girl discovers the wind and how sometimes it is sad and harsh,
and other times it is sweet and beautiful. She allows herself to be carried
away by the wind; to live in the real world, to experience joy and pain; to
live life to the full. As long as the child is emotionally secure enough she
will struggle with painful and difficult feelings, and with the event/incident
provoking them, and in time find a satisfactory solution. The event is
integrated into the child’s psyche sufficiently to prevent lasting trauma.
A child who has not experienced good enough mothering will have great
difficulty in integrating some experiences. Such experiences will be m en
tally filed away under sections marked ‘Does not make any sense’,
‘D anger’, ‘G uilt’, or ‘H urt’. In time, defences arise to protect from further
experiences, such as ‘Do not trust’, ‘Beware of w om en/m en’, ‘Never
become vulnerable’. Often an individual can pass unnoticed through
childhood, adolescence and into adulthood untrusting, unable to form
meaningful relationships, withdrawn and isolated.
Sometimes however the behaviour of a child may cause enough concern

to an adult to seek professional support.
A dramatherapist could be employed to offer this support. The factors at
play within the therapeutic relationship are potentially contradictory. A
child or young person finds him self in a room with a stranger. He may have
met her briefly before with his parents/carers. He may have been told that
this stranger was here to help him, to listen to him, to make sense of his life
and the problems he is facing. He doesn’t have any problems. He is sick of
people interfering, and wishes they would leave him alone. To be left alone
to do what he wants, even if it hurts others and him self in the process.
That’s how it is. He may, on the other hand, have been told nothing about
the stranger. Only that he has to attend these sessions as part of his
treatment of care programme.
The dramatherapist is aware of her task, to acknowledge and explore the
hidden, unmet needs of the child.
As it is the task of therapy to locate, acknowledge and explore the hidden
child, the ‘inner’ child, it seems reasonable to base the therapeutic relation
ship on the primary bond with an other. This is not a new theory. W innicott
put forward the theory that what takes place in the therapeutic relationship
is an attempt to imitate the natural process that characterizes the m other-
infant relationship (W innicott 1965). The basic principles of tolerance,
acceptance and respect found within a good enough mothering relation
ship are the basis for the therapeutic relationship. Eichenbaum and Orbach
support W innicott’s theory, emphasizing the importance of consistency and
ability to ‘hold’ the client, to tolerate the whole client, thus offering a new
kind of ‘psychological umbilical cord’ (Eichenbaum and Orbach 1983).
Keeping with the metaphor of this chapter, the therapist is offering an other
hand to the child.
Virginia Axline states clearly that the most important element in therapy
is the relationship established between the therapist and the child (Axline
1989). The therapist strives genuinely to accept the child as he is, to
witness and reflect back his feelings; to trust in the child’s ability to
facilitate change in his life, given the opportunity to do so. The therapist
is emotionally present for the ‘inner’ child.
According to Suttie, no amount of technical skill, theoretical knowledge
or thoroughness on the part of the therapist will compensate for the absence
of a sympathetic understanding, and the ability to empathize with the child,
both the presenting child and the ‘inner’ child (Suttie 1988).
How can a dramatherapist empathize with/be emotionally present for the
child?
In order for the dramatherapist to be emotionally present for the child in
therapy, she must allow her own inner child to be present. This child is held
safely within the therapist’s psyche. The therapist must truly believe that
the child in therapy will be able to meet the needs of his own ‘inner child’
if he is facilitated to do this by someone who has, herself, met her own

‘inner child’s ’ needs. Anne Bannister believes all children are capable of
healing themselves, if only adults will allow them to do so (Bannister
1992). When adults have actively prevented children from healing, when
they have aggravated the wounds, then the therapist has to facilitate the
child’s self-healing process.
It is not the task of the therapist to gratify the child’s needs, and to follow
this assumption implies that the therapist knows what is best for the child.
The therapist accompanies the child on his journey, not her own. W ithin
the therapeutic space it is the child’s needs which take precedence; the
therapist is not there to have her own needs met. She is conscious of having
clammy hands.
The dram atherapist’s role can be further compared to the role of the
mother in the area of creative play. The infant begins to play initially
within the primary relationship providing it is secure enough. A child will
naturally engage with play in order to externalize what is within, in an
attempt to make sense of it. He will use play to explore his surroundings in
relation to himself.
Casement recognizes the non-intrusive presence of the mother, who is
willing to be included in her child’s early playing, yet also willing to be
excluded (Casement 1990). The choice belongs to the child. It is often the
m other’s background presence providing the security that allows the
setting for creative play to develop.
There are many theories and frameworks within which play has been
observed and defined in terms of its nature and purpose. As a dram a
therapist, Sue Jennings’s description of play as a developmental process
(Jennings 1987) reflects my own personal and professional experiences of
play. Developmental play comprising three stages - embodim ent play,
projective play and role-play - also resonates with object relations theory.
In the infant’s early life he encounters the world primarily through his
senses - the texture of the breast, the warmth of milk, the sting of a wet
nappy, a comforting hand.
The infant begins initiating contact with the outside world. He begins
exploring his impact on the world of water, of faeces, food and sand.
He learns to imitate human sounds and facial expresssions. This is
em bodiment play.
When the child can predict to some extent the objects around him (can
their physical presence be relied upon?) he will begin to engage in
projective play, projecting feelings and meanings on to objects. Objects
take on a symbolic meaning. The m other is the child’s first ‘object’.
Embodiment play may develop into projective play. Stories can also be
understood as projective play in the narrative as feelings are projected on to
imaginary characters. The play allows for a distance between the child and
his feelings.
A child will, in time, relate to the symbolic object, becoming someone or

something in response. He is entering into a world of role-play. He has a
sense of self: who he is in relation to others and his environment.
The mother, or primary carer, also exists within a context, just as the
child. She brings with her to that relationship her own attitudes, experi
ences and feelings. Feminist psychotherapists Eichenbaum and Orbach
expound object relations theory by exploring the nature of this being, the
mother, not as an object but as a subject, active within the primary
relationship (Eichenbaum and Orbach 1983).
It follows that the dramatherapist also is not an object. She too brings
into the relationship feelings, attitudes, and beliefs. The dramatherapist is
responsible for addressing her own material so that she may be emotionally
present for the child. This journey of self-exploration I understand to be an
endless one. As W innicott wisely employed the phrase, a good enough
mother, the term can also be applicable to the therapist.
A child entering dramatherapy is likely to feel rejection towards, m is
trustful of and angry with the therapist. These feelings may not be overtly
communicated. How they are communicated depends on the child’s coping
strategies. How they are received will depend on the therapist’s.
Case example: Jake

Jake found emotional isolation a means of survival. He needed to
survive feelings of rejection and grief, permanent threats to him. Jake’s
mother had left the family home seven years previously. Under
developed for his 14 years, Jake appeared to be a lost child, yearning
for physical warmth and affection. Yet it was impossible to get close to
Jake. He seemed to be surrounded by a transparent wall. It was possible
to see him, but not to touch him. Jake was found inciting attacks on
younger, more vulnerable residents. He found he could manipulate
others into arguments and conflicts then safely withdraw to watch the
ensuing scene erupt. Jake was directing his own dramas, only no one
else was aware of being directed.
Jake’s early work in the dramatherapy sessions revolved around three
imaginary yet familiar creatures. They were Jake’s own creations, the
main character and two auxiliaries, clear representations of good and
evil. Jake’s stories told and retold the same drama, this conflict. Each
time the main character became the battleground. He was alone in his
despair, yet he always survived.
Jake is a creative individual who has drawn upon his ability to help
him cope with his life. Alice Miller writes of creativity as a defence
mechanism which allows for survival, yet masks rather than reveals the
‘inner’ child (Miller 1990).
I sensed Jake’s mistrust of me in the early sessions. He expressed an
indifference towards his mother: ‘Why should I care about her, she
doesn’t care about m e?’ I am also a women, and Jake’s experience of
women to date is that they are untrustworthy and rejecting.
One session Jake discovered my collection of stones and pebbles. He
became animated and, for the first time since meeting, he looked me
straight in the eye. Jake, I discovered, also had a stone collection. The
following week he brought his transparent boxes filled with an array of
shades, shapes and sizes of different stones.
We began to explore the stones, one by one, describing the many
layers of almost three-dimensional colours. Jake came across a blue
tiger eye. He held the stone in his hands, exploring its contours as he
was reminded of a toggle from a blue duffle coat he no longer had. The
coat was worn by a confused and frightened 7-year-old who watched his
m other leave him, and he didn’t know why. Jake sobbed as he recalled
his memories. ‘She didn’t want m e.’
The stones allowed Jake to engage in a sensory experience, which, like

embodiment play, accesses unconscious, ‘bodily-held’ sensory memories.
Jake had expressed some of the hurt and despair of the trauma. He had
experienced, as the audience watching The Accrington Pals, a catharsis.
Unlike the audience, these expressed feelings could be witnessed and
validated. His ‘inner’ child was cautiously stepping into the therapeutic
space.
During the duffle coat session I experienced a powerful urge to throw

my arms around him. I resisted. As quickly as the urge had emerged, it
disappeared, replaced instead with a sense of emotional withdrawal.
Suddenly I felt rejected. I did not hug Jake, and I found the task of
emotionally staying present for Jake extremely challenging.
From this dramatic, non-verbal com m unication the following questions

arose: were the despair and hopelessness I experienced my own unresolved
material which, when triggered by Jake, felt overwhelming for me? could I
hold my own ‘inner’ child within? did I then respond to Jake’s transference
of rejection by withdrawing m yself?
In the next session I shared my dilemma of wanting to comfort him in

his grief, yet feeling that that was something I needed to do, and not
necessarily Jake’s need. He responded immediately by saying, ‘No one
ever hugs me but my dad.’
Jake displayed many characteristics belonging to a schizoid personality -

fear of intimacy, a sense of futility and powerlessness. However, having a
label does not heal.
Jake has now begun to explore his relationship to power through a
metaphor. As a child Jake recalled his father telling him the story of
T h e Tinderbox’. For Jake the precious content of his tinderbox is power.
Jung believed that a child’s use of imaginative expression in the presence
of a therapist may enable him to release intense unconscious symbols at a
critically emotional time (Jung 1964).
Jake’s journey continues along its path, only now the ‘inner’ child has a
companion, a tinderbox containing Jake’s own power.
THE C H IL D ’S H AND
It seems only fitting, following this stream of questions and uncertainties,
to close with some thoughts on the child.
Society seems reluctant to acknowledge the impact of childhood experi
ences on the adult. When children and young people are labelled ‘the
criminal elem ent’, ‘delinquents’ and ‘thugs’, it is usually the parents,
and in particular the mother, who are deemed responsible. If the mother
is a lone-parent, society’s condemnation falls even more heavily on her
shoulders. When will we understand that raising the next generation is the
most important role any adult can undertake, and that men and women will
one day receive the support and acknowledgement due.
At times it is necessary to ‘storm the town hall’ in order for the child to
be heard. Other times, the voice is a whisper heard only by an other:
The little boy watched, wide-eyed, as the em peror’s procession passed

by. A cascade of colours, a cacophony of sounds. He clung tightly to his
father’s hand as he whispered, ‘The emperor is wearing no clothes.’ His
father smiled. He knew his son spoke the truth.
CO NCLUSIO N
‘Shall I be m other?’ was a personal exploration into the role of the
dramatherapist through its comparison with the role of the mother.
By considering the m other-child relationship it would seem that quali
ties encompassed by the ‘good enough’ mothering relationship would be
highly valued by the dramatherapist. However, the dramatherapist cannot
be ‘the child’s m other’.
The question ‘Shall I be m other?’ was originally directed towards the
child in therapy. Put another way, is it the task of the dramatherapist to
offer reparenting? Having considered the role of the mother it becomes
apparent that many other individuals can contribute towards the task of
‘m othering’. During the chapter I refer particularly to teachers and social
workers. However, with respect to the role of the dramatherapist it is
crucial to understand her task, that of facilitating the child’s self-healing
through his own creativity.
In order for this to be possible it is essential that the dramatherapist is

able to engage with her own ‘inner’ child. This ‘inner’ child allows the
dramatherapist to be em otionally present for the child in therapy. Thus the
question ‘Shall I be m other?’ must first be asked by the dramatherapist
herself with respect to her own ‘inner’ child.
NOTES
Throughout this chapter both the primary carer and the dramatherapist have
been referred to as female. Much as I would like to challenge the belief that
the primary carer and the dramatherapist are usually female, unfortunately
I cannot. I question why it is still generally the female parent who provides
the primary bond, and strongly dispute the argument that only the mother
can fulfil the child’s needs. Why too is it so difficult to find male drama-
therapists working with children in this country? There are presently three
times as many female dramatherapists as there are male. (Information
provided by the British Association for Dramatherapists, 1993.) Is dram a
therapy in this country, and in particular dramatherapy with children,
becoming the domain of females, following other professions such as
infant and primary teaching and nursing? What messages are we com
municating to our children and young people about the differences between
the genders?
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Chapter 11
Families and the story of change

Simon Dermody
This chapter explores how dramatherapy processes offer a universal
language for change to families in distress. Integrating ideas from the
Systemic, Transgenerational and Strategic Family Therapy schools, it
offers a dramatherapy model for the assessment and treatment of families
presenting with a range of difficulties. Case illustrations are used to
exemplify the specific application of this model.
THE ART OF TH E T H E R A P IST -JU G G L E R

When I meet a family and they begin to share their story with me, I quickly
start to feel like a juggler. A juggler’s task is to keep airborne a number of
juggling sticks simultaneously. The therapist-juggler who works with
families ‘juggles’ a stepfather’s view on parenting, a m other’s protective
ness of her son, a child’s feelings about a recent divorce, the concern of a
grandparent over how family patterns have changed in modern times. All
of these juggling sticks are passed over into the willing and outstretched
hands of the therapist, who is expected to begin to keep them airborne
successfully.
The image of the therapist-as-juggler helps me in my efforts to hold
these differing and equally valued individual perspectives on the ‘family
story’. More importantly, it makes it easier for me to generate an overview,
or ‘m eta-perspective’, on the plurality of worlds that create the family
psycho-system.
The idea of the family as a psycho-system views the family as a system of
individuals, each with their own unique psyche, intimately connected by
hereditary, attachment and life-cycle events over time.
The family is a psycho-system of two, three, four or more generations,
who progress simultaneously through the human life cycle. Each genera
tion negotiates its way through its own life-cycle phase at the same time as
the other generations: grandparents are coming to terms with ageing whilst
Families and the story of change 211
adults/parents are struggling with the multiple responsibilities of their

roles; and as children play their way through childhood, tortured teenagers
endure the exquisite turmoil of adolescence.
This combination of generations synergizes to create its own, particular
family ‘psycho-ecology’ which seeks to maintain a delicate emotional
balance as it evolves interactively through time.
My attempts to help families change whilst maintaining their balance or
psycho-ecology have occupied much of my work over the last ten years.
This approach has been made possible by the gradual application and
integration of dramatherapy and play therapy methods within the more
verbal and conceptual traditions of the various family therapy schools
(Dermody 1988). Most useful to my work with families has been the
gradual introduction of the symbolic-expressive language of play and
drama. The richly symbolic language of play/drama has offered all the
family, adults, adolescents and children alike, a therapeutic milieu within
which they can actively explore and discover the new possibilities of
change.
D RA M ATH ER APY, PLAY T H ERA PY AND FA M ILIE S

Dramatherapy as a discipline has evolved over the last thirty years
primarily within the context of groups (Jennings 1987). Evolving from
such a background and therapeutic tradition has given dramatherapy a
sound theoretical framework within which to develop dramatherapy prac
tice with groups. Integrating group theory and group psychotherapy with
theatre and drama techniques has enabled dramatherapists to develop
sophisticated group practice with a huge range of clients.
More recently, Landy and others have begun integrating the theoretical
frameworks of individual psychotherapy with the enactive and symbolic
techniques of dramatherapy (Landy 1992). A new model or paradigm for
individual dramatherapy is thus, at this present time, being evolved and
established. This currently emerging model is helping to feed the devel
oping enthusiasm for dramatherapy one to one, which continues to grow.
Throughout the same period, the practice of dramatherapy with part or
whole families, certainly in this country, has been very limited indeed. A
recent attempt to publish a Dramatherapy Journal ‘special’ produced only
two papers on the subject (Dermody 1992, Walsh et al. 1992). Prior to this,
publications by dramatherapists on the subject were almost exclusively
from the pen of Roy Shuttleworth (Shuttleworth 1987).
Dramatherapy as a discipline has shown a curious reluctance to enter the
field of work with families. This is a lost opportunity, I believe, for the
profession and for families. The practice of dramatherapy offers a unique
therapeutic language to clients. This is true of dramatherapy work with
groups, individuals and client families.
There is a clear historical explanation why dramatherapy has not entered

the field of family work. The 1960s, 1970s and 1980s were the three
decades which saw dramatherapy emerge as a distinct discipline, with its
own unique identity and approach. These three decades paralleled the
passage of the therapeutic group as the dominant and most accepted
context for collective therapy to be practised. Already established as a
theory and method for therapeutic change, and, even more important,
recognized and sanctioned as a ‘legitim ate’ therapeutic force, group
therapy was able to parent the new-born dramatherapy through its creative
childhood and adolescence. This was a mutually agreeable arrangement,
for which, for many years, dramatherapy was, I suspect, quite grateful.
I fancy, rather, that things have changed somewhat in the last few years,
with dramatherapists ever more eager to demonstrate what they uniquely
do. At the same time, dramatherapy as a discipline is quite rightly very
keen to define what is different in its practice, rather than what is sim ilar to
other disciplines.
Certainly drama and theatre trace their cultural origins in the community
and group experience, and dramatherapy will always be a powerful thera
peutic force in groups. There does now also appear to be an opportunity for
dramatherapy to extend its practice into a whole range of areas, including
work with families. The creative, universal and above all symbolic lan
guage of drama adapts itself with great plasticity to all human living and
work contexts: the family, the business organization, the school, the work
team, the couple, the individual, the team sports context. It can be argued
that only the group, the individual and the family are the truly therapeutic
contexts for practice, and the others are dramatherapy applied in a secular
setting. However, all of these social and human contexts are open to
practitioners who are seeking to extend their practice over and beyond
the dramatherapy group.
W HY F A M I L Y T H ERA PY?
Curiously enough, the evolution of family therapy as a distinct discipline in
its own right also spans the decades of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. It is,
however, fair to say that family therapy did not achieve legitimacy as a
therapeutic discipline until the end of the 1970s.
I remember that, when I first started working in the field of mental health
in the mid-1970s, any form of ‘talking therapy’ in the NHS occurred in a
group setting. It was only when I began specializing years later, in the field
of child and adolescent work, that I discovered that therapists were now
seeking to bring about change with whole families present.
To me it is a curious fact that, whilst dramatherapy has very much
avoided developing a theoretical and methodological base for work with
families (only one dramatherapy training programme, in Torquay, offers a
module on ‘Dramatherapy with Fam ilies’), family therapy has over the
years shown great interest in the m etaphorical and symbolic language of
play and drama (W atzlawick 1967, Shuttleworth 1987, Cade 1983,
Erickson 1980).
Family therapy evolved from the individual psychoanalytic tradition,
initially in the USA and then in England and Italy. It was developed by
innovative thinkers who asked the question: where do we go from here? It
seemed obvious to them that, if the source of much human suffering lay in
disturbances in attachment, and these disturbances were maintained by
continuing dysfunctional family patterns, positive therapeutic change
could be achieved through working with the whole or part of a family.
This shift from an individual to a ‘family system s’, interactive, model of
human behaviour seems to be part of a wider scientific and cultural process
of the 1970s and 1980s (Bateson 1980). This movement began to focus on
the c o m p le x p a tte r n o f in te r r e la tio n s h ip s b e tw e e n in d iv id u a ls , as well as on
individuals themselves. If you like, on the interpsychic as well as the
intrapsychic.
From the start, family therapists such as Virginia Satir and Carl W hitiker
sought to work within the natural drama of the family. They used a range of
dramatic techniques to enable family members to play and experiment with
their learned and ascribed family roles. W hitiker’s ‘therapy of the absurd’
reflected the surreal, theatrical language of Ionesco, Beckett and company,
so influential at the time. Early pioneers such as Salvador Minuchin often
put family members into ‘enactm ents’. These were carefully selected and
stage-managed family role-plays, which aimed to challenge some of the
dysfunctional patterns in client families (Minuchin 1977). Throughout the
evolution of the family therapy movement in the 1970s and 1980s, the
creative tensions between the m etaphorical language of play, drama and
enactment have continued to be explored by many family therapists.
A T H E O R E T IC A L F R A M E W O R K
Before going on to outline a working method for dramatherapy with
families, let me offer three currently influential ideas in family therapy
which I believe can be useful to the dramatherapist who works with
families.
The idea of the f a m ily s c r ip t (Byng-Hall 1985) offers an historical,
transgenerational view of the family. This enables a perspective on
patterns over time, which become visible over generations of family life
and change. An example of a transgenerational pattern would be a father,
him self a second-born son who enjoyed a special intimacy with his father,
who reproduces that relationship with his own second son. Such a pattern
would be replicative; patterns in the family script are either r e p lic a tiv e or
c o r r e c tiv e . An example of a corrective script would be a woman who
experienced an unhappy relationship with her mother, and sought to parent

and m other her own daughter in a very different way.
Allied to this idea of the family script is that of f a m il y m y th o lo g y
(Byng-Hall 1979). Family myths are conceived of as a powerful set of
unconscious family beliefs which organize thinking and ascribe family
roles to individuals, within and across generations. These family myths
accrue over generations of time and are fed by accounts of events which
take on a legendary significance. Accounts or stories of these events are
usually apocryphal or embellished moments of family history, which are
used to reinforce the family myth. For example, the family of an anorexic
client I worked with had a powerful, disabling family myth about the
‘disaster’ that might occur if they showed feelings openly and experi
enced emotional intimacy. This disabling myth (unconscious family
belief or mind set) was reinforced by a legendary event that happened
in the father’s family in a previous generation. He described a legendary
event from his family of origin, when his parents and brother had a
‘terrible row ’. This description of the event reinforced the current family
myth that emotional expression and openness between family members
was dangerous and destructive. His own wife and two daughters had paid
a terrible price for this. One daughter had left and cut off from the family
(Bowen 1978). The other daughter had spent most of her time helping her
parents avoid conflict, defusing situations and often detouring feelings
through herself (Palazzoli 1978).
The emerging role of self may often collide with the family ‘scripted’
role, producing stress at key developmental moments, such as adolescence.
A second idea of potential use to the dramatherapist in work with
families is the notion of the f a m il y a s a s y s te m . The usefulness of the
natural metaphor of the family as a system helps keep in mind how
delicately attuned and interrelated is the psycho-ecology of the family.
Any natural organism/system, be it a beehive, a tree, or a family, shares
universal principles of operation; self-organization (structure and
boundaries), self-regulation (balance/harmony), and self-transcendance
(growth and development) (Tatham 1990). O f crucial therapeutic
significance is: c h a n g e in o n e p a r t o f a s y s te m m e a n s c h a n g e in a n o th e r
p a r t o f th e s y s te m . When a second child is born to a family, it influences the
psycho-social development of the first child. A daughter or son going into
puberty raises the profile of sex in a family, often influencing the sexual
balance and intimacy between spouse/partners. The powerful feelings of
loss associated with children leaving home frequently amplify the mid-life
identity issues of middle-aged parents/spouses. And so on.
Also connected to this idea of the family as a system are the twos (dyads)
and threes (triangles) that are the natural units of family. Every family has
natural dyads, m other-son, father-daughter, m other-daughter, father-son,
brother-brother, sister-sister, brother-sister, in any combination. Then
there are the natural triangles: m other-father-son, father-m other-

daughter and so on. These are the archetypal family relationships, because
they are the natural, biological, human relationships that characterize our
species. Nature sets an agenda for each of these archetypal family dyads
and triangles; they each have psychological business to do with each other,
fathers with sons, mothers with daughters etc. This natural psychological
agenda, set within these archetypal family roles, has universal themes.
These themes are reflected and mirrored worldwide in myth, legend,
theatre, drama, art, music, religion and poetry. All human symbolic cul
ture is then a rich repository of therapeutic source material for work with
families, as it reflects the universal family dilemmas. In world theatre, the
storylines and relationship configurations from Greek tragedy through to
Sam Shephard chronicle the essentially unchanged themes of the arche
typal family relationships. When you meet a family, if you focus on the
twos and threes, much will become clearer.
The third idea of potential use to the dramatherapist in work with
families is the notion that a ll th e r a p y is s tr a te g ic (W atzlawick 1973).
That is to say, the therapist takes responsibility for managing progress
towards change. The idea of the therapist consciously manipulating
therapeutic change may not be of immediate appeal to the self-styled
‘client-centred’ practitioner who values therapeutic ‘genuineness’ and
‘integrity’ above all else. Such qualities of client-centredness, genuineness
and integrity are essential for all good therapy. But the therapist who works
with families, however holistic and egalitarian-minded, needs always to be
aware of his position in the therapeutic field of complex operations we
call ‘change’. Families are complex, seductive and m ultilayered psycho
systems, and the dramatherapist who works with them needs to develop a
strategic attitude of mind that a n tic ip a te s th e c h a n g e th a t c h a n g e w ill
b rin g .
DRA M ATH ER APY W ITH FA M ILIE S: A SSESSM EN T
Free play
When I work with families, I like to introduce, at the outset, the experience
of s p o n ta n e ity a n d p la y as integral to the process of therapy. This is
relatively easy to do if young children at the play age are present.
It has always struck me as something of a misnomer under the Trade
Descriptions Act for family therapists to claim they are doing f a m ily
therapy, when most of them base their whole approach almost exclusively
on words and sophisticated ideas. Young children, often the focus of the
‘problem ’ pattern, are almost immediately asked to sit to one side and are
handed a piece of paper on which to draw. They are then ignored for
forty-five minutes until they quite understandably become active in other

ways, in an attempt to become involved.
I learned about this therapeutic wastage, the m arginalization of children,
when watching a clinical psychologist colleague interviewing a family. The
father, mother and two eldest children sat for an hour whilst the father (a
man under extreme stress) tried to articulate his views of the problem,
frequently silencing other members of the family in the process. M ean
while the youngest son, aged 7, sat on the floor drawing with the ubiquitous
pen and paper. At the end of the session my colleague said goodbye to the
family and picked up the large sheet of paper left by the little boy. In the
centre of the paper was an image of a man, clearly the father, surrounded
by an army of artillery, tanks, rockets, grenades, all of which were pointed
directly at him and about to go off! This one image encapsulated with great
intensity the explosive level of feelings in the family and the embattled
position of the father as two of his children approached the leaving home
age.
I use this vignette to suggest the rich imagery that spontaneously
emerges in ‘child’s play’, and which is available to the dramatherapist
willing and able to employ a symbolic and poetic therapeutic language in
work with families.
Assessment and stagecraft

The family, then, is a complex, multilayered system with a richly symbolic
psycho-ecology all of its own. How do we provide this psycho-system a
therapeutic space, within which to enact its story?
In the beginning, I find it useful to compare family assessment with the
early stages of rehearsal for an improvised play (Johnstone 1981). We are
inviting the individual family members to enter the empty, potential space
(Brook 1972) and fill it with improvised themes from their family story.
They know their story; at this point we do not. In order for us to learn about
it, we create a safe, neutral, free play space within which they can
‘discover’ their story.
At this point in the therapeutic stagecraft we need to offer a minimum,
safe structure within which the family can freely improvise. I find the
following sequence a useful developmental paradigm:
Joining/boundary-setting
Warm-up
Spontaneity
Improvisation
Symbolic expression
Story-making
Role-taking
Filling a room with all or any of this combination of toys - puppets,

dolls, hats, masks, cushions, animal figures, a sand tray, cars, lorries,
ambulance, pens, paper, paints, dollshouse and a table - invites spontane
ity. Children of course respond instinctively to a play space, and lead their
more reluctant parents and teenage siblings into the symbolic field of
spontaneity. They often show an interest in a toy or puppet as soon as
they enter the therapy room, and I immediately invite them to pick it up.
This invitation can be extended into a general invitation to the family to
explore the room and its contents in f r e e p la y .
At this point, observation of both the p r o c e s s and c o n te n t of family play
develops significance. At the level of process, who pairs off with whom?
Which child plays with what parent? Who is isolated? Which children play
interactively? All of these process questions help the therapist focus on
f a m il y o r g a n iz a tio n , f a m ily s tr u c tu r e , f a m il y p a tte r n .
At this initial stage, the content of family play, the imagery, symbols and
themes contained within it, may only be hinted at and glimpsed. I always
offer to keep any scribbles or drawings produced at this point.
It may be useful now to discuss the practice of the use of video,
co-therapy or a team approach in dramatherapy work with families.
Family therapists routinely work in a video suite and video-record their
sessions. This became standard practice in family therapy, out of deference
to the emotional and interactional complexity of families. It was
recognized that so much information was being communicated at any
one moment by a family that, unless video was used to enable routine
post-session review, much would be missed and lost.
Dramatherapists beginning work with families will probably have to
struggle hard to get access to sophisticated video facilities. I would,
however, encourage you, for the reasons already given, in every effort to
find and use video. In addition to the recording of fam ily-therapist
interaction, in the later stages of therapy a dramatherapist can utilize
much more creative use of video. For example, I frequently sit through
recorded sequences of play, story-making and enactm ent with part or
whole of the family watching themselves, and discuss their observations,
comments and reflections. In this way video can be used as a self-reflective
exploratory medium, which can introduce the possibility of change.
There are many advantages in having either a co-therapist or a team to do
therapy with families (if you can find either in these hard-pressed days of
economic accountability!). The advantage of a team or co-therapist is that
they offer another pair of eyes and ears with which to observe and attend to
the complex patterns of playful and dramatic interaction in which the
family are engaged. While your focus may be drawn to a mother and
child at play, your co-therapist or team may be observing another piece
of behaviour in a different place. Each moment or image helps to build up a
picture of the fam ily’s organization, structure and patterns of interaction.
These differing perspectives of therapist, co-therapist or team offer a

richness of views of the family; if you like they form a therapeutic system
which observes, mirrors and reflects the family as a system.
A period of joining - you with the family, the family with you, the
family with the space - can, then, last anything from fifteen to thirty
minutes. On average, most of the family sessions last around one and a
half hours, which allows time for a mid-session break, when the team can
consult and the family can have a drink.
I tend to judge the length of the first period of free play from the level of
interaction between the family members and the materials in the room.
During this period of free, unstructured joining play, much information is
made available already; and assessment is very much about the release of
information.
Family puppet story

I like then to invite the whole family freely to select from a range of hand
puppets one or two each, and ask them to touch and practise some simple
movements with them. Then the family are invited to make up a family
puppet story, a technique pioneered by the American art therapists Irwin
and Malloy (1975). The family need to be left to discuss some ideas for
their puppet story, and to make decisions about themes for the plot and
roles for the puppets they animate. A small low table can serve as a
performance area for the puppet story. Alternatively a row of chairs can
be used, with the family sitting on the floor behind the backs of the chairs
out of sight, puppets held up as they enter the action.
My observation is that families access the puppet story method quite
freely. It is a loosely structured, improvisational story technique that
utilizes the safely distanced, symbolic language of puppets (Scheff
1981). By introducing the narrative schema of story, it offers the family
a metaphorical framework within which to improvise themes from their
own family story, safely disguised and distanced. Even at this early stage of
assessment, relevant patterns, themes and motifs from the family story will
be revealed and enacted on the puppet stage. It is at this moment that the
fam ily’s own physical, verbal, behavioural and feeling patterns are
symbolized and transformed through the metaphorical language of the
puppet story.
The first family to whom I offered this technique had come to therapy in
difficulty with adolescent separation/independence gaining. The eldest
child, a 16-year-old son, had taken seven Paracetamol and appeared
generally unhappy and confused about his life. The rest of the family
were sympathetic but equally confused about what to do or what might
be done to improve things. In their puppet story, the 16-year-old son chose
a bear puppet. In the story the bear wandered aimlessly around, going from
one place to another, and from one puppet to another, trying to find things
to do to fill his day. The compulsive, purposeful but fruitless searching of
the bear produced an overwhelmingly sad and poignant image.
The bear’s ‘aimless w anderings’ were a symbolic, deeply personal
statement for the son, articulating and expressing his own acutely felt
adolescent turmoil and angst. It was also the first strong indication to us
as a team of the poverty of experience in the family script around male
adolescent initiation, what we now call independence gaining. The
symbolic narrative of the puppet story confirmed and developed our
thinking about the family script. We were able to do more work on the
transgenerational father-son patterns. This revealed the father’s own
difficulty in finding his way through the teenage years, and his protracted
search for his own adult identity. Work in this area seemed to help the
family.
It is this imbalance in the delicate psycho-ecology of the family that can
become dysfunctional over time. If, for example, the father-son
relationship, as in the above family, is not resonantly attuned or
cathected, the psycho-ecology of the family system over generations can
become detuned and out of balance. Therapy in this context can be seen as
a way of helping the family rebalance its inner psycho-ecology.
Family spectograms
This can be a very useful way of building up more information about
family organization and structure. It can also elicit some very creative
right-brain material which the dramatherapist can work with later in the
therapy.
Genograms or family trees are ‘big’ in family therapy. Family therapists
do a lot of genogram work! The genogram is a relationship map which
depicts the wider extended family over a minimum of three generations. It
identifies the fam ily’s organization and structure, and also enables
therapists to focus on any particular relationship.
I like to use the technique in a creative and participatory way, and ask
each member of the family if they would like to draw a family tree showing
who they think is important in the family (Figure 11.1). Who they include
or omit is always revealing, and gives important information about who is
close or distant from whom. I ask them to imagine each family member as
an object or animal, and so create a fam ily spectogram that generates many
symbolic images of the family. (A 6-year-old stepdaughter drew her
stepfather as a steam train! A father drew his son as an iceberg!) We
then stick all the individual family spectograms together into a large
canvas and attach it to the wall of the room. This family spectogram
canvas serves as a symbolic, relational backdrop to all the subsequent
work undertaken by the family. Its symbolic material can later be worked
c cm e
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Figure 11.1 Family spectogram of a 7-year-old boy
with, using a wide range of dramatherapy methods including storytelling,

story-making, story enactment, maskwork, sculpting and role plays.
The imagery and symbolic m aterial released in the family spectogram
helps create a symbolic language and therapeutic culture unique to the
family. It is an external representation of the fam ily’s internal imaginative
worlds. These images and symbols imbue all the therapeutic work, and can
be a constant point of reference to which family and therapist can return.
They are if you like the base elements from which therapy can be
constructed, because they bridge the inner world and experience of each
family member, and the interactive conflux that is the family system. From
them any relationship, dilemma or experience can be explored in a safe
enough way.
Micro- and mini-sculpture

At the early stages of family work, another way of exploring symbolically
the relational structure of a fam ily’s organization is to use sculpture
methods. I believe families engage more comfortably with the micro-
and mini-sculpture level in the assessment phase of their work. The tiny
Spanish/Mexican family figures I use are safely distanced from the ‘real’
family. For mini-sculpture, I move up to larger human figures of 3 -4 inches
in length, or offer similar sized animal figures.
I have come to recognize that the size of the figures used for family
sculpture raises the level of intensity or emotion in the room. It is for this
reason that I wait until later sessions before offering the family the idea of
full body sculpting.
At some point in the first or second session, I invite the family members
to sit down around an A 1-size sheet of plain white paper. They are then
presented and introduced to the m ini-size human figures, and then neutrally
invited to arrange the figures on the paper in any way they wish. I usually
say something like, ‘Who wants to show me how their family is at hom e?’
This request is made to all individuals in the family including children and
teenagers, and each person takes a turn in micro-sculpting their view of the
fam ily’s relational organization. As each person micro-sculpts their
structural view of the fam ily’s relationships, gradually a composite picture
of the fam ily’s organization takes shape in the therapist’s mind. Of course,
the differences as to who sees whom as close to or furthest from whom, is
important information to both the therapist and the watching family
members.
I develop this curiosity and new information by asking some simple
‘circular’ questions (Cechin 1986). Examples of circular questioning might
be to ask a brother whose family micro-sculpt depicts his father and sister
as far apart whether he thinks they have always been this distanced? Was
there a time when they were closer? If so, when does he think they began to
move away from each other? W hat does he think m ight have triggered this
movement away? Does he believe father and sister will stay this far apart?
What might begin to bring change between father and sister?
These questions are n e u tr a l , in the sense that they explore a relationship
between two family members through the eyes of a third family member.
The technique of asking a third family member to share their view of a
dyadic relationship between two other family members can be universally
applied to all the family relationships, within and across generations. This
‘neutrality’ can enable the safe exploration of potentially quite sensitive
information. It also enables creative speculation on the causes, and on
future prospects for possible change in the relationship.
Moving this technique on to mini-sculpting, particularly with
symbolically distancing animal figures, can raise the level of intensity
within the family about a relationship. I remember a family who shared
this animal m ini-sculpting method, and revealed the full level of conflict
between a father and son. The mother/wife selected a bear figure and a lion
figure to represent father and son perpetually in conflict. By exploring this
father-son relationship with circular questions, and s ta y in g w ith in the
animal metaphor, the m other was able to do a number of things for herself
and on behalf of the family. The mother gave expression and emotional
ventilation to the intensity of the father-son conflict and her discomfort
about it. She was clearly uncomfortably tr ia n g u la te d (M inuchin 1981)
between the two males in her family, towards both of whom she had
differing but strong loyalty and attachment. In externalizing and
expressing this conflict, some relief was gained by all family members.
It is my belief that families, indeed all clients, come to therapy to
experience going beyond their usual threshold of emotions. To dare this
they need to feel sufficiently ‘held’ within the therapist’s integrity and the
metaphorical safety of the therapy’s symbolic language. This combination
of micro- and m ini-sculpture with animal figures can help them cross this
emotional threshold.
Let me offer you a final thought on family assessment. One of the great
things about our therapeutic language, play and drama, is how it invites
active participation from all ages in the dialogue of change. I believe it
crucially important that every family member who attends an assessment
session has the opportunity to make or fashion a personal statem ent that
comes out of their individual emotional conviction. As a consequence, I
believe, they can feel that they leave something of themselves b e h in d when
they leave the session. I believe that if they have had the opportunity to
create something through the s y m b o lic u se o f th e im a g in a tio n , they are then
engaged at a significant personal level within the family dialogue of
change. When this personal, imaginative and emotional engagem ent
process has happened it is more likely that they will return. If they do
not, then something of significance has usually occurred for them. They go
away changed in some way.
STO RIES OF CH ANG E

How do we use all this information and the symbols created? Where do we
go from here? Already there are so many choices to make, so many
exploratory options to be considered. This is always the way with
families. The family is a m ultilayered psycho-system, and its emotional
and relational complexity is compelling.
How do you take the family story forward? What symbolic dramatherapy
methods will best serve the family in their explorative telling of their story?
Role-play, role-reversal, doubling? Story-weaving, storytelling, story
enactment? Use of masks?
As you begin to explore a way forward, let me introduce the idea of
individuals becoming twos, or dyads, and dyads becoming threes, or
triangles. Remember that when the Athenian playwrights introduced the
part of the third character, they innovated the biggest shift in the Western
theatrical tradition, perhaps the Western cultural tradition. Why was this
such a quantum leap and how does it relate to work with families?
Family structure and family communication patterns are built around
relationships between two or three people: the dyad and the triangle. In
families, four becomes two dyads, or a triangle with one left out. If you
doubt this, think about a family of four you know: your own or a friend’s or
a client family. Invariably in families of four, each parent establishes a
‘special’ closeness to one child; or one family member is excluded or
self-excludes from the interaction of the other three.
Families of five become one dyad and one triangle, or two dyads and one
excluded. And so on. Look for dyadic and triangular patterns of
communication, within, between and across generations.
Role-play
With this in mind, I move into therapeutic work with families using the
language of dramatherapy, to improvise on the recurring themes that
families bring to the sessions. These are if you like the central motifs in
the family story, which usually tie into the family script, its myths, and how
these myths get the family hung up on change at certain key,
developmental moments.
Let me return to the story of a family mentioned earlier, with the ‘lost’
teenage son, unable to find his passage through adolescence and
destructively turning in on himself. We explored the transgenerational
theme of the father-son relationship over three generations (the triangle
across the generations of son/father/grandfather). To do this we created a
linear chair sculpt, with chairs representing ages 10-25, an age-range

spanning the onset of puberty to full adulthood. Built into this enactm ent
was the option for any family member to role-play themselves at any of
these ages, or role-reverse with any other member of the extended family at
any of these ages. Father talked as him self aged 18, listless, lost and
alienated from his own father. The son sat and watched transfixed.
Gradually different members of the family moved in and out of roles,
sometimes doubling for each other, to articulate ideas about the possible
way forward. In this way feelings about relationships, ideas about
adolescent change, and powerfully held unconscious beliefs from the
family script were worked through at an experiential level. This
experiencing, through sculpting, role-taking, role-reversal, doubling and
witnessing, is crucial to a successful re-authoring of the family story.
I use the method of the linear chair sculpt, integrated with role-reversal,
quite regularly at the post-assessment, therapeutic stage of work with
families. It seems particularly useful when dealing with transgenerational
issues within the family script, which often collide with life-cycle tasks like
independence and leaving home.
Masks
Masks can be used in a variety of ways with families. I employ them in two
principal ways when working on themes of conflict avoidance and conflict.
An ability to express and contain a healthy degree of conflict within and
between family members is a testam ent to the balance of its psycho
ecology. Families need the creativity of negotiation and healthy
expression of individual differences. The family culture that encourages
differences and allows itself the safety valve of the occasional tempestuous
row facilitates in a healthy and enabling way the development and progress
of its members through the life cycle. In my experience, two types of
families block and inhibit this healthy process: the anorexic family and
some stepfamilies.
I mentioned earlier the family with the disabling myth about avoiding
conflict. They were a family of four, parents and two daughters. The eldest
daughter had ‘escaped’, and lived several hundred miles away with her
husband. The youngest daughter, in her mid-20s, lived in the same house as
her two natural parents, even though she had bought a flat of her own in a
different town. The younger daughter had been hospitalized for being
seriously anorexic several years earlier. As is so often the case in psycho
somatic families, family members worked extremely hard to avoid any
differences and conflict. They came asking for help to change, and then
resisted every invitation to encourage them to explore their differences in a
more open and forthright way. After half a dozen sessions it occurred to me
that we might experiment with mask play (Baptiste 1988). The idea of
mask play needs to be introduced as a gentle invitation, after a number of

sessions with a family. The process of mask making needs to be explained
in a simple and matter-of-fact way. Demystifying the process was the
single biggest factor in this fam ily’s accepting the idea.
I invited mother, father and daughter to draw a face of themselves
interacting in their typical family patterns. They thus drew their family
‘persona’ (Jennings 1990), which was shaped and coloured by the conflict-
avoiding myths within the family script. Then, working with finger paints
on large sheets of paper, I encouraged them to work in isolated parts of the
room, to play and experiment with colours that could begin to express
uncomfortable feelings of conflict. At the next session I gave each family
member two cardboard face templates, and they worked for the whole
session painting, colouring, cutting and sticking a family ‘persona’ mask,
and a ‘s e lf’ mask. We thus worked for two full sessions on mask creation.
At the next session they began to hold the masks up in front of their faces
for short periods, alternating the persona mask with the self mask.
Next we took a family scenario suggested by the daughter, where she
could experiment with wearing her carefully made mask of self. She had
created a highly colourful and striking looking mask of self, which was in
deep contrast to the anodyne, grey image of her family persona mask. In
the family scenario chosen, a true-life scene of m other and daughter
shopping together, the daughter and mother first wore their persona
masks. The scene was then replayed with the daughter wearing her mask
of self. The replay was very different in feel and content; the daughter in
her self mask was less compliant, more assertive and even mildly
challenging of some of the m other’s suggestions. This broke the ice, and
began to allow more spontaneous freedom of expression and exploration of
difference within this enmeshed, fearful and overcontrolled family triangle.
Over the next several sessions, mother, father and daughter used mask play,
substituting persona and self masks, in a variety of situations and contexts.
Gradually, it became possible for the family to explore difference and
permit conflictual discussion between themselves in the session without
wearing masks. In this process their family ‘persona’ began to absorb some
of the rebellious colour of their mask of ‘s e lf ’.
I have used similar methods of mask making and mask play of family
scenarios in work with stepfamilies. Often in a stepfamily you will find a
parent-child or parent-teenager dyad in open conflict. This is usually a
stepparent/stepchild, going through the painful, ritual process of
reattachment. If this occurs during early adolescence, it can be a
particularly tough tussle. In this case, I ask each family member to create
a mask for each member of the family, and two of themself. The ow ner’s
two masks of self are decorated in different ways. One masks depicts their
self-image; the other mask is painted as the owner believes he or she is
perceived by the adult with whom they are principally in conflict. In
stepfamilies this is usually the stepparent. I encourage children and

teenagers to draw their view of the other family members, as positively
or negatively as they do see them. Masks are then shown and put on view
and discussions encouraged about how and why colours and images were
created. One stepdaughter drew her stepfather’s mask as a bald-headed
boxer. They began to get into discussion about this pugilistic portrayal. I
invited the stepfather to speak from behind the boxer mask and discuss his
stepdaughter’s perceptions of him. The ensuing dialogue was creative in
two principal ways. It allowed the stepdaughter to express for the first time
some of the pent-up frustrations and anger she was feeling towards her
stepfather. (Out of loyalty to her mother she had suppressed these feelings,
thus preventing the process of reattachm ent from following its natural
course.)
As she began to allow herself to give vent to these feelings, her
stepfather started to give her feedback about who he really was, which
was necessary for her to begin to see him in a ‘new w ay’.
Story
The story is the theatre’s greatest operation.

Bertolt Brecht
I often work with story in my work with families. I mean story in the sense
of a dramatic narrative, either improvised or from a found source such as a
play text, a myth or a folk tale. In essence, the story (either im provised or
found) creates a reflecting dialogue between itself and the family story. The
therapeutic story, through its interaction with the family story (what the
family are and how they live), is a symbolic catalyst for change, pointing a
way forward to the next narrative step in the fam ily’s story. The interaction
of the therapeutic story with the family story inevitably generates
alternative stories (White and Epston 1993) and new possibilities of
change.
I use story-making, storytelling and story enactment methods in my
family work.
An example of story-making came quite early on in my work with a
single m other and her two daughters, aged 7 and 9. In the spontaneously
improvised family puppet story in session no. 1, themes of limit-setting,
controls, boundaries and school refusal emerged. These were also the
overtly stated reasons for referral, in relation to the youngest daughter.
Using the story-making method (Lahad 1992), I invited the family to draw
a ‘Getting-up Story’ in six boxes. In the ‘Getting-up story’, mother
portrayed the youngest daughter as refusing to get up, or not getting
dressed and constantly making her mother and sister late on school
mornings. When I suggested that we try acting the story, the youngest
daughter shied away, not wanting to be herself in the story. I invited the
daughter and the mother to play each other. This they agreed to do. The
mother was a reluctant and disobedient daughter, whilst the youngest
daughter, in the role of mother, was highly critical and censorious of
her. The oldest sister played herself and attempted conciliation. When
the youngest daughter-as-mother proclaimed loudly, ‘You are a terrible
child,’ m other-as-daughter broke down, instantly becoming herself and
saying, ‘I do say those things to her, I get so cross; it’s all wrong.’ This
was a turning point in the work. I invited mother to the next session on her
own, when she talked at great length about the very painful time for her
when her youngest was bom. She and the g irl’s father separated at this
time, and mother and her new baby and young daughter became isolated.
Mother went into an unhappy, deeply depressing episode in her life,
impoverished, grieving for her lost partner, and cutting herself off from
her own family because of the shame she felt over the marriage break-up.
All this had affected the attachment process between mother and her
youngest daughter, and m other began to see that some of her anger and
unhappiness had been felt by her new daughter, who had responded over
the years with naughtiness and disobedience, a cover for her hurt.
Storytelling to families is a well-developed practice, used quite a lot by
family therapists. I either use a well-known story, such as a folk tale or
myth, or improvise a story from the themes and content of the session.
Storytelling usually comes at the end of a session, when giving a final
intervention or message to a family. (I say more about framing final
interventions in the conclusion of this chapter.)
I have often worked with families negotiating the late adolescent phase
of the life cycle. This life phase is primarily concerned with the leaving-
home transition, and I often tell the story/myth of the Aboriginal
Walkabout. This story emphasizes the positive, initiatory, individuation
themes around leaving home. It places the transition from boy to man in a
deeply historical and anthropological context, emphasizing the naturalness
of the human transition, and can be used well by couples who may be
‘hanging on’ to a teenage child, caught up in their marital dysfunction. The
trick with storytelling from a found source is in the selection of the story as
much as in the telling of it. The themes and relationship configurations
need to fit on to the family story in a way that creatively engages the
fam ily's dilemmas about change. That is, in a way that shows them the next
possible narrative step in the family story.
I use improvised storytelling regularly in work with couples, as part of
family work. C ouples’ relationships can encounter difficulties at all phases
of the family life cycle. The image/symbol of the Garden is a powerful and
flexible m etaphor for the couple relationship, with all the potent
connections between nature and sexuality. Sexual dysfunction is usually
the final difficulty between a couple, with the problems between them
going back much further. I use the Garden as a central image in storytelling
to couples, and incorporate events and developments in the Garden to
synchronize with sequences in the couple’s life. When storytelling as
part of a final intervention, at the end of a session, I do not make connec
tions, left to right brain, between the story told and the couple’s life story
(Shuttleworth 1985). To do so is, I believe, to reduce the impact for change
contained within the metaphor of the storytelling (Cade 1983). The couple
do the connecting for themselves, between the sessions.
Story enactment of a found text is a method which can be used in the
middle and later stages of work with a family, when themes and an agenda
for change in the family story have clearly emerged. Play texts, myths,
films and books are all sources for story enactment, and can be used in one
of two ways. Firstly, the characters and their relationship configurations
can be taken from a found story, and the family can take on roles in an
improvised enactm ent of the found story. Shakespeare and Greek drama
are very good for this, because both explore such timeless and universal
family themes. I usually introduce the main characters and their key
dilemmas as the plot develops, and invite opinions on the action from
family members. When they are sufficiently identified with the action of
the story, and distanced from their own family story, I suggest that we
improvise and role-play the found story. I often stop the action of the story
enactment, challenging the family members in role to come up with
alternative outcomes or alternative action to those in the known story.
Recently I used some of the storyline of Hamlet with a reconstituted
stepfamily, where the teenage son was in such open conflict with his
stepfather and natural m other that the new family system was in real
danger of breaking up. We enacted the Banquet Scene (improvising in
contemporary dialogue), and then processed the scene out of role,
exploring the emotional dilemmas of the three central characters,
Mother, Son and Stepfather. By enacting the roles and discussing the
relational configurations in the play, the family were able to express
pent-up feelings related to their own family dilemma. From this
enactment, it became possible for them to begin to shift perspectives on
their problems of integrating as a new emotional system. The boy’s
loyalties to his natural father began to feel fully acknowledged and
respected, which made the beginnings of a relationship with his stepfather
possible.
C O N C L U S IO N : S O M E T A C T IC S F O R F A M IL Y C H A N G E
When I meet a family who bring themselves for therapy, I find it useful to
ask m yself two questions. First: what phase of the life cycle is the family
negotiating (Table 11.1)? Second: what are the rules that organize the
parental couple?
Table 11.1 The stages of the family life cycle
Family life Emotional Second-order changes in family status

cycle stage process of required to proceed developmentally
transition: key
principles
1 Leaving home: Accepting a Differentation of self in relation to family of

single young emotional and origin
adults financial b Development of intimate peer relationships
responsibility for c Establishment of self re. work and finanical
self independence
2 The joining of Commitment to a Formation of marital system
families new system b Realignment of relationships with extended
through families and friends to include spouse
marriage: the
new couple
3 Families with Accepting new a Adjusting marital system to make space for
young children members into the child(ren)
system b Joining in child-rearing, financial and
household tasks
c Realignment of relationships with extended
family to include parenting and
grandparenting roles
4 Families with Increasing a Shifting of parent-child relationships to permit
adolescents flexibility of adolescent to move in and out of system
family b Refocus on mid-life marital and career issues
boundaries to c Beginning shift towards joint caring for older
include children’s generation
independence
and
grandparents’
frailties
5 Launching Accepting a a Renegotiation of marital system as a dyad
children and multitude of exits b Development of adult to adult relationships
moving on from and entries between grown children and their parents
into the family c Realignment of relationships to include inlaws
system and grandchildren
d Dealing with disabilities and deaths of parents
(grandparents)
Families in Accepting the a Maintaining own and/or couple functioning
later life shifting of and interests in face of physiological decline;
generational exploration of new familial and social role
roles options
b Support for a more central role of middle
generation
c Making room in the system for the wisdom and
experience of the elderly, supporting the older
generation without overfunctioning for them
d Dealing with loss of spouse, siblings and other
peers and preparation for own death. Life
review and integration
Source Betty Carter and Monica McGoldrick, The Changing Family Life Cycle: a frame
work for family therapy (2nd edn). New York: Gardner.
I find having these two questions in mind helps focus the early
assessment sessions. Each life-cycle phase presents families with key
developmental tasks. Developmental tasks can be made more difficult if
they coincide with life events such as bereavement, separation, divorce,
redundancy, remarriage, moving home. It is important to understand if the
arrival of puberty, or entering school, or weaning, has collided with a
divorce, remarriage or some other life event.
Similarly, I find it crucial in my work with families to look upon the
parental/spouse couple as the key unit within the family system. Their
beliefs, their patterns of communication, their psycho-ecology are what
organize the family functionally and dysfunctionally. The couple’s
relationship is what forms the family in the first place. They set the script
for the family; and their newly forming family script emerges from the
combining family of origin script. They are the biological and
psychological blueprint for the family, and also crucially influence its
emotional culture. Understand how their communication works and you
are halfway home.
I see families with various intervals between sessions. If a family is in
emotional crisis following break-up/divorce or sudden bereavement, they
may need to be seen weekly for a period. Usually I see families in
fortnightly to monthly intervals, for sessions lasting one and a half to
two hours.
Using this family dramatherapy method implies symbolic enactm ent in
most if not all of the sessions. I also routinely finish the sessions with a
therapeutic ‘m essage’. This technique is a legacy from my family therapy
training, which enables me to offer as many p o s i ti v e s ta te m e n ts a n d
r e fr a m e s as possible on individuals’ and the fam ily’s behaviour. Experi
ence has taught me that people who are ‘stuck’ are more willing and able to
change if a p o s i ti v e in te n tio n is attributed to their past and existing
behaviour patterns. This somehow seems to offer a therapeutic
absolution, enabling individuals to absolve themselves from some of their
redundant patterns. We are, after all, all trying our best.
I also often caution a family from trying to change too much, too
quickly. There is a therapeutic reality to this. Emotional healing following
loss, separation, bereavement, divorce etc., as we all know, has its own
natural recovery tempo. With families who say they wish to change, but
appear stuck, I emphasize and caution a g a in s t change. Sometimes with
these sorts of problems and families a strategic and paradoxical p r o s c r i p
tio n of change can be helpful. It is as if, by being told that they do not have
to or should not change, they are reminded of the burden of staying the
same (Papp 1983).
To begin to develop your work as a dramatherapist with families, you
need to find a space in which to practice, and a family to see. In some ways
it may be easier to join an existing team which sees families in an NHS,
Social Service or other context. With your unique dramatherapy skills, you
will probably find most teams are receptive to the idea of your joining. This
is how I got started, gradually introducing the concept and practice of
symbolic enactment as part of the overall therapeutic approach. Eventually,
a small group of us set up a Creative Therapies Clinic for families which
operated with dramatherapy and play therapy as central to the therapeutic
approach with families, rather than being integrated into an orthodox
family therapy method. There is nothing to prevent you developing your
practice with families now, independently, perhaps incorporating some of
the ideas in this chapter into your method. With its many methods and
skills, our discipline offers a therapeutic language that is in many ways
ideally suited for work with families. With an experienced supervisor, to
whom you could take your work, you will have a great deal to offer your
clients.
I have written this chapter to offer some guidelines for those of you who
want to begin to make the transition from dramatherapist to family
dramatherapist. I am sure you will find it an exciting transition to make.
Good luck to you.
REFEREN CES
Baptiste, D. A. Jr (1988) U sing masks as therapeutic aids in fam ily therapy.
Journal o f F am ily T herapy, 11(1): 4 5 -5 8 .
Bateson, G. (1980) M ind and N ature. London: Fontana.
B owen, M. (1978) F am ily Therapy in C lin ical P ra ctise. N ew York: Jacob Aronson.
Brecht, B. (1964) B recht on Theatre. (Trans.) J. W illets. London: Methuen.
Brook, P. (1972) The Em pty Space. Harmondsworth, M iddlesex: Penguin.
B yng-H all, J. (1979) R e-editing fam ily m ythology during fam ily therapy. Journal
o f Fam ily T herapy, 1. 103-16.
(1985) The fam ily script: a useful bridge betw een theory and practice.
Journal o f F am ily T herapy, 7: 3 0 1 -5 .
Cade, B. (1983) Some uses o f metaphor. A ustralian Journal o f F am ily T h erapy, 3
(3): 135-40.
Cechin, C. (1986) H ypothesising, circularity, neutrality - revisited. Journal o f
F am ily Therapy.
Dermody. S. (1988) Dramatherapy with fam ilies. Unpublished dissertation.
(1992) Metaphor with fam ilies. Journal o f the British A ssociation fo r
D ram ath erapy, Summer 1992: 9 -1 1 .
Erickson, M. (1980) The C o llected P a p ers o f M. Erickson. N ew York: Irvington.
Irwin, E. and M alloy, E. (1975) Family puppet interview. Fam ily P ro c ess, 14 (2):
179-91.
Jennings, S. (1987) Dramatherapy with groups. In S. Jennings (ed.) D ram ath erapy
in Theory and P ra ctice , 1. London: Routledge.
(1990) D ram ath erapy with F am ilies, G roups and Individuals. London:
Jessica Kingsley.
Johnstone, K. (1981) IM PRO -Im provisation a n d the T h ea tre. London: Methuen.
Lahad, M. (1992) Storymaking in assessm ent. In S. Jennings (ed.) D r a m a th e ra p y
in T h eory a n d P r a c tic e , 2. London: Routledge.
Landy, R. (1992) One to one: the role of the dramatherapist working with
individuals. In S. Jennings (ed.) D ram ath erapy in Theory an d P ra c tic e , 2.
London: Routledge.
Minuchin, S. (1977) F am ilies an d F am ily Therapy. London: Tavistock.
(1981) F am ily Therapy Techniques. London and Boston, Mass.: Harvard
University Press.
Palazzoli, M. (1978) P aradox an d C ounter-P aradox. New York: Jacob Aronson.
Papp, P. (1983) The P ro cess o f C hange. London and New York: Guildford Press.
Satir, V. (1972) P eoplem aking. Palo Alto: Science and Behaviour Books.
Scheff, T. (1981) The distancing of emotion in psychotherapy. P sych oth erapy:
Theory, R esearch an d P ra c tic e , 18: 46-53.
Shuttleworth, R. (1987) A systems approach to dramatherapy. In S. Jennings (ed.)
D ram ath erapy in Theory an d P ra c tic e , 1. pp. 12-20. London: Routledge.
(1985) Metaphor in therapy. Journal o f the B ritish A ssociation fo r
D ra m a th era p istsy 8(2).
Tatham, P. (1990) A systems view of self; and vice versa. Unpublished paper.
Walsh, S., Tregay, K., Woods, J. and Benbow, S. (1992) Using psychodrama
techniques in family therapy. Journal o f B ritish A ssociation f o r D ram a-
therapistSy Summer 1992: 12-16.
Watzlawick, P. (1967) The P ra g m a tics o f Human Com m unication. New York:
Norton Press.
(1973) C hange. New York: Norton Press.
White, M. and Epston, D. (1993) N arra tive M eans to T herapeutic Ends. New York:
Norton.
Chapter 12
The labyrinth dance of adolescence

Journey through darkness and light
Yiorgos Polos
INTRO DUC TIO N

I should like to introduce this chapter with the Greek myth of Theseus, in
which a labyrinth plays an important part; I shall then develop the idea of
the labyrinth and its relationship to light and darkness.
Theseus was the son of Aegeus (or, according to other versions, Posei
don) and Aethra. He grew up knowing nothing of his father, who had left
signs by which he could be identified (sandals, swords) under a rock
which Theseus would be able to raise when he had grown to young
manhood. And so it came about that Theseus set off for Athens, to find
his father. On his way, he had adventures with various monsters, and on
his arrival in Athens his stepmother, Medea, attempted to poison him,
but at the last moment, his father - who was about to help Medea
dispatch Theseus - realized who he was.
Theseus undertook the task of ridding Athens of a terrible scourge: the
city’s obligation to send seven youths and seven maidens to Crete each
year, to be devoured by a m onster belonging to King Minos. The
Minotaur, a beast with the body of a man and the head of a bull, was
kept imprisoned in the labyrinth, a prison designed by Icarus.
With the help of Ariadne, sister of the monster - who gave him a
thread to find his way into the labyrinth and out of it again - Theseus
killed the Minotaur.
On his way home, Theseus forgot to haul down the black sail of his
ship and to raise the white sail which he and his father had agreed would
be a sign that he had succeeded. Aegeus, in his despair, plunged into the
sea and was drowned; since then, the sea has been known as the Aegean.
Theseus came back to Athens, and ruled as king. The important achieve
ments of his reign bring us out of the world of the myth, touching on the
borders of historical time.
TH EM ES OF A D O LESCEN CE
I have referred to this myth in order to ask the following questions
concerning the theme of this chapter. Is the Theseus myth related to
adolescence? Is the M inotaur part of adolescence? Are there any sim ila
rities between the ‘m ythopoetic’ process and adolescence? Is the relation
ship between light and darkness a specific mythopoetic process which is
relevant to adolescence? In other words, could the labyrinth of life become
a prison? And if so, what is the path of freedom towards adulthood?
The adolescent function resembles a second birth, one which is intellec
tual and cultural and which takes place outside the family. In order for this
birth to take place, psychological birth must have occurred (1-3 years) and
the internal libidinal ‘object’ must be stable. This internalization takes
place during the initial stages of the omnipotence of infancy, when child
and m other are one, and then during the period 5-18 months, during which
the child experiences diversification and attempts to gain autonomy from
the m other and a sense of his or her own resources.
According to Melanie Klein (1969), this is the period of the depressive
position, during which the mother is understood as an entire ‘other’ object
and the child begins to form a separate ego.
If we were to observe this period in terms of the qualities of light and
darkness, we could say that children need not come in direct contact with
the dazzling light which sharpens contrasts; this would be the light of
separation from the mother, of the existence of a world beyond the
mother. Children need a gentle, dim light, a light of their own, bom out
of the clash of contradictions within them. In fact, many people now
criticize the fact that babies are bom into the harsh light of clinics.
Integration of this relationship between light and darkness continues into
adult life. Adolescence can be a fertile time, during which young people
expand their experience of the new light and dark.
It is also during adolescence that individual sexual identity is structured.
The structuring occurs when the individual has found ways which can help
him or her work through anxiety and worries about sexual function and
identity. It takes place at a time when boys, with their sperm, can im preg
nate girls and become fathers, and when girls reach sexual maturity and can
bear children. M etaphorically, the boy becomes the bearer of the fire or
light of human existence, while the girl is the dark hiding-place where that
fire will be kept and will grow. From this reciprocal union, new light will
be bom.
Young people leave behind the ‘ancient’ light and dark of their parents -
the fire-bearing power of the father and the darkness of the m other’s womb
- in order to work out their own reciprocal light.
It is the ability to manage fire - that is, to keep it alight and reproduce it
and to keep shadows at bay - which allows young people to make the
The labyrinth dance of adolescence 235
conquests of adulthood; our ancient ancestors managed fire and with the
ritual cooking of food symbolically supplied blood to the brain. The brain,
supplied with blood, is capable of symbolism, art, medicine, deification,
conscious life, morals and especially the im position of order upon chaos.
However, the development of human attributes brings with it feelings of
failure, guilt, shame and grief.
The feeling of failure stems from our inability to realize the fantasy
desires of childhood - for example, that the frog will turn into a prince.
Thus many young people engage in battles with their self-image. They feel
guilty, as if the light had been stolen by trickery: their bodies have grown
as if by magic, and the juices of life and death have been created as if by
deceit on the part of the parents, who have made no apparent contribution
to the process.
The shame stems from the fact that the new image is, of necessity,
obvious: it cannot be controlled or hidden. The grief is for the lost self,
and also for the separation from the persons and situations associated with
that self.
I am suggesting that adolescence is a process of half-light and of
polarity: a search for clear light as well as darkness. In that half-light
adolescents try out their new experiences, sensations and images. It is the
in-between time, the half-light before dawn comes and before night falls.
Absolute light would destroy their explorations: for example, one young
man was accused by his sister’s partner of having touched him sexually
while they watched an erotic scene on television. After this event, the
young man in question felt cast from the shadows into the light of day.
On the other hand, absolute darkness represents amnesia of the experiences
and memories in the young person’s existence. For example, another young
man who wished to change his surname and take his m other’s maiden name
remembered during therapy that his paternal grandfather had also changed
his name and taken his m other’s maiden name, because his father had
maltreated him after her death.
The completion of adolescence is the ability to pass from the half-light
into light and darkness. Indeed, it is an integration of them both.
As they develop, adolescents come into contact with light and darkness
by means of the interaction in the relationship between the two. In order to
explore this relationship, I shall use the term focusing.
FO CUSING
We often employ the words ‘acting ou t’ when talking of adolescents and of
the things they do. Adolescents replace words with actions, or carry out an
action relating to a different context: an ‘enacted transference’ takes place.
These actions usually result from the anxiety which the young person has
failed to work out in play in childhood: they cannot take verbal form, but
instead become acts.
Another term we use is ‘acting in ’, which describes the ability to use
dramatized acts in order to explore a specific life anxiety within a specific
frame of reference, such as psychodrama.
The term ‘acting’ in the dramatherapy framework refers to the dram ati
zation of a specific space or time, very often with a theatre structure (see
M itchell 1994, Jennings 1992, for example). The term is usually employed
- m istakenly, in my view - as identical in meaning to acting out or acting
in, or is limited in use to the theatre.
Acting out, acting in and acting differ from each other, and from
focusing. Focusing is an important concept in dramatherapy; we need to
be able to focus in space as a way of regulating distance, in time, in
intensity of light and in concentration of theme. It is comparable to taking
a photograph - does the focus need to be ‘telescopic’ or ‘w ide-angle’?
W ithin the dramatic action, we can focus on as if
What is it that determines how adolescents focus? Adolescents determ ine
this through their own existence. Their bodies themselves are transformed.
The birth of the adolescent presupposes another birth, one which has
gone before: birth from another body, that of the mother. In addition,
however, in terms of fantasy, the adolescent also existed before in the
desires of the father and mother, in the desires, over time, of all the
previous generations.
Adolescents need to focus on experiences by means of nostalgia or
through fantasy. In the same way as film directors or photographers use
the viewfinder to see images, so adolescents need to focus on experiences,
thoughts and fantasies relating to the past and the future. The present is
significant only in terms of these discoveries. The present is a mystery, a
borderline phase in which everything changes - and changes unharmo-
niousiy. Adolescents can work through this lack of harmony using focus
ing. Focusing is in itself an experience, but differs from the cinem a or
photography in not always leading to concrete results.
A film about adolescence would be one made by adolescents themselves.
Perhaps this would be impossible, since adolescents are unable to distance
themselves sufficiently from the phenomenon.
Bearing in mind Robert Landy’s theory regarding distance in therapy
using the theatre, which involves the human capacity for working through
matters of concern to the individual by creating a distance from the
question (Landy 1985), it could be said that adolescents are always ‘at a
distance’ from questions which concern them. However, they are capable
of focusing even on matters from which they are obviously overdistanced
or underdistanced.
Adolescents’ ability to focus makes it possible for them to overfocus or
underfocus, as if they were able to change lenses: take, for example, an
adopted adolescent with learning difficulties. He looks slightly older than

he is, and is very handsome. At his current age, he is flooded with nostalgia
for childhood (wanting to play or be naughty all the time etc.). He
experiences the future as a fantasy: he wants to learn photography so he
can be an aerial photographer. He lives very little in the present: for
example, he is embarrassed when women desire him, even though he talks
about it all the time.
Light and darkness - the harmony or conflict between them and the
phenomena generated by their relationship - play a decisive part in focus
ing in adolescent development.
T R A N S F O R M A T IO N
The adolescent’s route towards maturity, independence and taking charge
of the ‘true self’ is one of mastering identity and is connected with
W innicott’s concept of the tr u e s e l f (s e e W innicott 1971). The true self,
according to Winnicott, is the source of initiative, the sense that one is real
and that one’s identity is genuine and not fictitious. Creative ideas and
spontaneity also stem from the true self.
According to Richard Courtney: ‘Adolescent m aturation hinges upon the
student’s concept of roles. This grows from an acknowledgement of
“ appearance” to a realization of “ truth” ’ (Courtney 1980: 56). He
attributes to the 12-15 age-range th e a p p e a r a n c e o f th e r o l e , and to
ages 15-18 th e tru th o f th e r o le .
A process of tr a n sfo r m a tio n is thus inherent in adolescence: transform a
tion in the adolescent’s body, and the mystery that accompanies that
transformation. Language becomes richer and is full of the expression
of desires; the absence of language is often converted into action. For
example, the scene in which a more mature woman touches the erect penis
of the adolescent in the bathroom is one in which the young body of the
adolescent is initiated into the adult world in terms of both fantasy and
reality (as in the film L ittle B ig M a n , with Fay Dunaway and Dustin
Hoffmann).
The true self, the true image, emerges from a process of experimenting
with roles, first by imitation and using the appearance of the role, and later
through the truth of the role.
The capacity to imitate is at the core of ritual and ceremony. Thus ritual
and ceremony move us through emotions, thoughts and questions it would
otherwise be difficult to experience.
In traditional societies, symbolic rituals were a medium for socialization,
promoting social identity and consolidating adult roles.
Today, the process of attaining adulthood, which includes familiarization
with the norms and values of society, has been replaced by other activities,
inherent in which, as Turner tells us, are heightened consciousness and the
aesthetic experience - qualities similar to those of traditional symbolic

rituals (Turner 1967). For example, rituals involving motorcycles, sport,
hooliganism, graffiti, styles of dressing (especially punk), late-night
parties, songs, comics and magazines are all attempts by today’s young
people to obtain areas of initiation and acceptance in societies in which
official rituals - m ilitary service, school etc. - have lost their effective role
as agents of initiation. These official rituals now treat young people as units
of production and not as young lives with intimations of life and death, who
can be initiated into adult life only through ritual transformation.
C ULTURA L BIRTH AND TH E M E T A -FA M IL Y
Conflict belongs to young people. When they give in to it, it is as if they are
coming to terms with the destruction of themselves and those who gave
them birth.
We have already seen that adolescence involves a second birth. This
birth, however, takes place outside the family; it is an intellectual and
cultural birth, but above all it is a self-birth.
The birth of the young body is connected with birth into the meta-family
of the peer group. As with focusing and transformation, regression in the
peer group gives a sense of actualization in the here-and-now.
This regression can take place if birth in the family has already occurred;
it owes itself to the family, but it does not take place in the family. The
meta-family - that is, the peer group - is the adolescent’s transitional social
object.
With the regression which takes place in the peer group, young people
engage in a search for their mythical ancestor. As Aslanidis has noted, this
search procedure is the mythopoetic function (Aslanidis 1985). Adoles
cents are not interested in their historical past: they have no spare libido to
invest in their parents or the therapist.
The second birth is a rite of initiation. Initiation takes place using
mythopoetic functions: for example, the young people who, dressed and
behaving in a similar manner, listen to m ega-death and heavy metal music.
Regression takes place in a primordial mode. The world of myth is the
world of nature, the cause of our existence; it represents the unconscious
mental reality, containing polarities such as the conflict between nature and
culture. All this is expressed through the discourse of the myth, an entity,
like language, which is primordial per se.
The mythical discourse is neither translation nor history; it brings the
universe into the human world, like an answer or greeting.
There is a trend in the structure of the mind for humans to polarize their
experience. In order to understand our experience, we divide it into
opposing units such as m ind-body, or science-art. The mythopoetic func
tions, dramatized as rituals, are a mental process of normalization within

social reality, which reconcile oppositions.
Smoking in adolescence, for example, is not a habit: it is a ritual
connected with the adolescent’s regression in the meta-family, and its
purpose is to control opposing affective states, such as anger, anxiety,
depression and their opposites.
Rather than controlling these opposites by means of earlier and more
primitive forms of gratification such as indulging in food or sweets,
adolescents prefer ritual tastes such as smoking, sometimes accompanied
by drinking.
Smoking has a suppressive effect on adolescents, acting as a drug to
facilitate integration, and relieving the tension caused by emotion. Ado
lescents choose this solution, which is also connected with their desire to
experiment with the habits of adults, so as to appear and feel ‘m ature’
themselves.
My first experience of a day centre for young people aged 15-21 years
with thalassaemia problems of individual emotional identity was of seeing
the rest area. Cigarettes and coffee cups were everywhere in the areas for
staff and patients. There was an intensity to the smoking which reminded
me strongly of railway stations or the intensity with which soldiers smoke.
It was clear that, although these young people were putting their lives at
risk by smoking, they preferred that life experience as a reminder of death
to the identity of ‘patients’. They preferred the smoking ritual as an
initiation into life.
M Y T H AND T H E D A N C E O F C O N T R A D IC T IO N S
The mental process of normalizing of contradictions during adolescence
does not stem from analysis of the myth, but from the synthesis which
ordinary people have performed for centuries, using their own lives.
The myth orchestrates all levels of reality. Adolescents are interested in
living the myth, not in analysing it. They live through consumerism, anti
consumerism, television, ecology etc. They are interested in living the myth
of the fast-food joint, of the rock concert, of ecological campaigning, of
late-night parties and so on.
Although it is this synthesis of the myth which interests them, adoles
cents want to live that synthesis in the purity of experience. That purity
comes from the ‘dance of contradictions’ which exists, to begin with, in
the adolescent body. This conflict may lead, not to a synthesis or to
normalization of differences, but to lack of harmony, to a process of
inhibition.
Mental disorders in adolescents occur when they fail to enter the
half-light, but remain in the reflected light of childhood.
Some adolescents, who were never really children, are unable to stand up
to the test of transformation in the half-light: they cannot regress, because

they would regress into the M inotaur’s labyrinth. Their body is incapable
of changing lenses, of focusing; if it focuses, it does so automatically. It is
unable to relax. Adolescents, and especially adolescent girls, often make
love m echanically, without any element of the reciprocal in the relation
ship. This is particularly true of young people who are addicted to drugs or
other substances.
Mental disorder may result from the struggle to be culturally and
mythopoetically reborn into the peer group, thereby becoming critical
members of society. Brecht wanted the audience in the theatre to acquire
the ability to distinguish between fantasy and reality, to be able to stand
back from his plays. This process of rebirth and critical distance is similar
to the maturation of adolescence.
S T R U C T U R IN G T H E R A P Y F O R A D O L E S C E N T S
Since adolescents have difficulty in focusing, transform ation and cultural

birth can serve as both an explanation and a guide for therapy in dealing
with short-term stress, mental disorder, mental illness or adolescent
breakdown (psychosis), to use Lanffere’s classification (Lanffere 1992).
Intervention across the spectrum from adolescent breakdown, in which
adolescents need care because their lives may be in danger, to short-term
stress can be characterized by three qualities: focusing, transform ation and
cultural birth.
If we fail to take these qualities into consideration, then it is possible that
we may discourage and humiliate adolescents through suppression,
demands for behavioural compliance and normalization programmes (i.e.
a medical model of treatment). Therapy by means of drama contains the
three qualities as structural features, and can help in an approach to care.
We could learn a lot about mental illness by focusing our attention on our
thinking about, and presence in, care for mental illness as a reproduction of
our attitude towards it.
If, for example, the hostel were seen as an alternative form of focusing
and not as a place for behaviour control, if medication were part of an
overall ceremony which takes place inside and outside the ritual areas
(hospital, home etc.), then we could put questions such as: who is
conducting the ritual? what kind of ceremony is it?
The care model for psychosis involving outpatient treatment, day hospi
tals, hostels, vocational workshops and social rehabilitation services will
fail so long as it continues to serve narrowly medical aims.
Numerous services of a different nature are needed because multilevel
care is essential in the areas I have proposed: transformation, experim enta
tion with focusing, and cultural birth.
Dramatherapy as part of the therapeutic process could have the following

goals for adolescents:
1 sensory experience and body work;
2 repertoire of individual roles;
3 critical acceptance of society (through improvisation, for example);
4 enrichment of life through the creative process;
5 working through of com m unication issues.
The adolescent could be assessed within the dramatherapy by means of:
1 physical expression;
2 play;
3 life in the group;
4 personal creative activity;
5 theatrical convention;
6 art which ‘guides the soul’, i.e. which leads towards independence
and autonomy.
I would like to conclude by suggesting that Theseus may well have been
an adolescent who, at the outset of his adolescence, proved that he could
find his father after passing the tests of adulthood (Periphetes, Sines,
Pityocamptes, Skiron, Procrustes). He was also tested in the ‘battle of
the soul’, as in the labyrinth he fought against his powerful other side,
the Minotaur which devoured seven youths and maidens.
Theseus emerges victorious, but he does not succeed in keeping Ariadne,
who had guided him. He also kills his father, by forgetting to change the
sails on his ship from black to white.
The adolescent transition into adulthood is a complex process. Adult
hood does not contain light alone and adolescence does not contain
darkness alone.
What is important is the shape of the labyrinth.
BIBLIO G R A PH Y
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Berkovitz, I. (1972) E xperiences in A d o lescen t G roup P sychotherapy. N ew York:
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Blatner, A. (1973) A cting In. N ew York: Springer Publishing Co.
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W ay, B. (1968) D evelopm en t through D ram a. London: Longman.
W illett, J. (trans.) (1964) B recht on Theatre. London: M ethuen.
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Name index
Ariel, S. 4 1 -2 Eicher, V. 151

Arieti, S. 157 Emunah, Renee 3, 1 5 0-67
Aslanidis, E. 238 Epston, D. 63, 67, 68, 69, 73, 226
Aspy 201 Erickson, M. 213
A xline, Virginia M. 203 Erikson, E. 147, 150, 151, 152, 153,
158
Bannister, Anne 3, 16 9 -8 5 , 198, 204 Esman, A. 152
Baptiste, D .A. Jr 224
Bateson, G. 67, 213 Fairbairn, R .W .D. 192, 193, 202
Bax, M. 113 Foucault, M. 67
Bergman, A. 152 Freud, A. 159
Bettelheim , B. 193 Freud, S. 192
Blatner, H. 1 54-5, 185 Furman, L. 151
B ios, P. 152, 153, 156, 164
Boeresma, F.J. 202 Garcia, A. 151
Boszorm enyi-N agy, I. 75, 77, 79, 81, Gersie, A. 128, 151, 182
82, 86, 8 7 -9 Gibran, K. 195, 201
Bowen, M. 214 G illigan, C. 152
Bow lby, John 202 Grainger, Roger 196
Brecht, B. 226, 240 Green, R.L. 7
Breger, L. 159 Grimshaw, Di 3, 18 9-208
Brook, P. 216 G uex, Germaine 191, 198
Bruner, J. 67 Guntrip, Harold 48, 202
B yng-H all, J. 213, 214
Hanochi, N. 112
Cade, B. 213, 228 H ellendoom , J. 183
Carroll, L ew is 7 Hersch, P. 153
Carter, Betty 229 Heusden, A. van 84, 86
Casement, Patrick 204 Hillman, J. 8
Cechin, C. 221 H olm es, P. 185
Courtney, R. 237
Crawley, R.J. 129 Irwin, E. 218
Dequine, E. 151 Jampolsky, G.G. 114

Dermody, Simon 3, 2 1 0-41 Jennings, Sue 1 -3, 41, 44, 58, 63, 9 0 -
106, 109, 1 2 6 -8 , 138, 148, 151, 182,
Eerenbeemt, E.M. van den 84, 86 204, 211, 225, 236
Eichenbaum, L. 203, 205 Johnson, D.R. 151
244 Name index
Johnstone, K. 216 Pitzele, P. 151, 161, 167, 171

Jung, Carl 12, 23, 26, 207 Polos, Y iorgos 3, 2 3 3 -4 1
Kellerman, P.F. 154, 185 Roebuck, C. 201

Klein, M. 42, 48, 54, 192, 234 Rogers, Carl 163, 201
Kohlberg, L. 152
Kohut, H. 163 Satir, V. 213
Kramer, S. 152, 164 Scheff, T.J. 124, 218
Segal, E. 126
Lahad, M. 114, 120, 124, 226 S elvini, M.P. 63
Landy, Robert J. 2, 7 -2 7 , 55, 158, 167, Shephard, Roger 2
211, 236 Shuttleworth, R. 151, 211, 213, 228
Lanffere, M. 240 Snoonit, M. 132
Lee, D. 128 Spiegel, L.A. 153
L iedloff, Jean 190-1 Spitz, R.A. 191, 192, 193
Stanislavski, C. 154
M cBain, J.M. 35, 36 Stem , D. 45
M cGoldrick, M onica 229 Sternberg, P. 151
Mahler, M. 14, 152 Suttie, Ian D. 203
M alloy, E. 218
M amer, Torben 2, 6 3 -7 3
Tatham, P. 214
M assey, D. 202
Thomas, K. 38
Mead, G.H. 15
Turner, V. 238
M iller, A lice 199, 201, 205
Tustin, F. 45
M ills, J.C. 129
M inuchin, S. 213, 222
Van Gennep, A. 67
M itchell, S. 236
Verschueren, R. 86
Mond, Pamela 3, 10 9 -4 8
Moreno, J.L. 151, 158, 169, 170, 185
M oskal, R. 202 W alsh, S. 211
Murray, G. 114 W atzlawick, P. 213, 215
W helan, Peter 195
N ew ell, W .W . 34 W hite, M. 63, 67, 69, 73, 226
W hitiker, Carl 213
Ogden, T.H. 40, 4 2 -4 , 48, 54, 57 W ijk, Jan-Berend van der 2, 7 5 -8 9
Onderwaater, A. 76, 79 W illis, S.T. 183
Opie, Iona 2, 2 8 -3 9 , 99 W innicott, D onald W. 13, 26, 40, 41,
Orbach, S. 203, 205 46, 48, 97, 164, 192, 202, 203, 205,
Oren, Galila 2, 4 0 -5 8 237
Ormont, L.R. 154 W ordsworth, W. 27
Palazzoli, M. 214 Y alom , I. 147, 154, 164

Papp, P. 230 Y olen, J. 202
Pearson-Davis, S. 151 Y oung, E. 202
Piaget, J. 8, 15, 151
Pine, F. 152 Zeider, Y. I l l , 112
Subject index
abuse 196, 198 body im age 90

acceptance 164, 199, 203 ‘bod y-m in d -sp irit’ 91
Accrington P als, The 195, 206 ‘B o g e y ’ 31, 32
acting gam es 3 3 ^ t bonding process 192
acting in/acting out see focusing bride and groom roles 11 -1 2 , 13, 14, 15
action techniques 169 bullies/aggressors 194-5
adolescence 100, 104, 150-67; acting
out to acting 154-5; adjustment Carnegie Council on A dolescent
reaction 150; breakdown 240; D evelopm ent 153
developm ent 153; and dramatherapy cerebral palsy 110
109—85; expression and containment chasing gam es 31
156-8; group collaboration and childhood 100; to adulthood transition
intimacy 164-5; role experim entation 9 9 -1 0 1 ; trauma 157; see also ‘inner-
158-63; structuring therapy 2 4 0 -1 ; ch ild ’
themes 23 4 -5 ; trauma 151-3 children with difficulties 4 2 -5 7 ;
adoption 82, 83 autistic-contiguous mode 4 3 -7 ;
adulthood 100 depressive-m ode 5 4 -7 ; paranoid-
age-stages 104 schizoid m ode 4 8 -5 4
aggression 21, 22, 23, 194-5, 201; children’s gam es, fear and tension in
fantasies 8 6 -7 ; role 24 2 6 -3 9
albinism 19 children’s theatre 95
anger 147, 173-4, 176, 194, 196, 205 ch ild ’s play 216
anorectic symptoms 7 9 -8 0 church 95; see also religion; theatre
anxiety fits 65, 66 circular questioning 2 2 1 -2
art work 136, 137 client fam ilies 211, 213
‘a r t-scien ce-b elief ‘ 91, 92, 95 ‘client-centred’ 215
autism 110 co-therapist 2 1 7 -1 8
autistic-contiguous mode 4 3 -7 , 57, 58 cocoon ritual 4 5 -7
cognition 124
baby role 15-17, 20 collage work 137-8
behaviour 150 com m unication 157
behavioural symptoms 201 com panionship 193
behaviours, multiple high-risk 153 conciliatory roles 21, 22, 23
b elief 93, 132 conflict 12 2 -3 , 238; avoidance 224; see
bibliotherapy 1 1 4-20, 130 also dysfunction
birth: cultural 2 3 8 -9 , 240; second 238; consensual validation 164
see also self-birth consistency 203
‘Blind M an’s B u ff’ 29 containment 156-8; em otional 166
246 Subject index
contiguous see autistic dramatic developm ent 9 0 -1 0 6 ;

Continuum C on cept 190-1 childhood to adulthood transition
contradictions, norm alizing o f 2 3 9 -4 0 9 9 -1 0 1 ; settling 101-4; theatre,
‘controller’ 17 0 -1 , 172-3 m edicine and religion 9 1 -6
Cornelia de Langue syndrome 110, 144 dramatization leading to diary-writing
countertransference see transference 133-5
court see justice im age drawing 10, 73, 115-20; before and
creative: activities 77; arts therapy 153; after 142-6; fam ilies 1 4 1 -7 , 225;
Process Theory 77; Therapies Clinic figure 141-7; individual 141, 142;
231; therapy course 77; writing line/colour/shape 126, 136, 137
1 3 1 -3 , 134 dyads 214, 215, 223, 225
crisis, normative 153 dysfunction 156, 166; sexual 2 2 7 -8 ; see
‘Crusts and Crumbs’ 30 also dysfunctional fam ilies
cultural birth 2 3 8 -9 , 240 dysfunctional fam ilies 8 6 -7 , 88, 150,
165, 213; see also fam ilies in
distress
de-roling process 159
dead baby im age 169, 17 4 -7
death role 2 4 -5 education 95
defence system 198 ‘Electra co m p lex ’ 24
em bodim ent play 97, 204, 206
delinquent activity 150
em bodim ent and projection 12 6 -8
denial 110, 131, 199
em bodim ent, projection and role theory
depressive m ode 42, 43, 5 4 -7 , 58
depressive position 234 (EPR) 58, 97
desensitization techniques 202 empathy 1 6 1 -3 , 165, 1 6 6 -7 , 201
developm ent: normal 41; see also enactm ent 154, 156, 213; fam ilies 226,
dramatic developm ent 228, 230; sym bolic 154, 230; see also
storytelling
develop m en tal^ delayed 110
dialectical relationship 57 encopresis 80, 81
dialogue, playful 58 envy them es 193
diary-writing 1 33-5 EPR see em bodim ent, projection and
role theory
‘differentness’ 164
difficulties, em otional 50 everyday reality 98, 99, 105, 148
directive 6 6 -7 evil 194; see also good and evil
disabilities, developm ental 144 expression 156-8; em otional 166
discipline, therapeutic 212 externalization 63, 64, 6 7 -7 3 , 81
disguises 36 extrem ism 159
disloyalty 88, 89
dissociation 19 8 -9 failure 235
distance in therapy 126, 236 ‘false s e l f 192
distortion, perceptual 90 fam ilies 147, 211, 213; change tactics
doubling 160, 163, 165, 198, 199, 224 2 2 8 -3 1 ; client 211, 213;
D ow n ’s syndrome 110, 142, 144 dramatherapy 112, 2 1 1 -1 2 ; drawings
drama 95, 105, 161, 194 109, 141-7; life cy cle 229;
dramatherapist, role o f 189 m ythology 214; organization 217;
dramatherapy assessm ent 2 1 5 -2 3 ; pattern 217; play 217; script 2 1 3 -1 4 ;
fam ily change tactics 2 2 8 -3 1 ; fam ily structure 217; as a system 214;
puppet story 2 1 8 -1 9 ; fam ily therapy 64, 87, 88; therapy, system ic
spectograms 2 1 9 -2 1 ; free play 63; see also fam ilies in distress;
2 1 5 -1 6 ; micro- and mini-sculpture stepfam ilies
2 2 1 -3 ; stagecraft 2 1 6 -1 8 ; see also fam ilies in distress 210, 2 1 0 -4 1 ;
sym bolic dramatherapy m ethods dramatherapy assessm ent 2 1 5 -2 3 ;
dramatherapy context 6 3 -1 0 6 dramatherapy and play therapy
Subject index 247
2 1 1 -1 2 ; reasons for therapy 21 2 -1 3 ; writing and drama 131-3;

sym bolic dramatherapy methods dramatization leading to diary-
2 2 3 -8 ; theoretical framework writing 133-5; group im provisations
2 1 3 -1 5 ; therapist 2 1 0-11 140; im provisations 129-30; magic
fantasy 88, 98, 170, 236, 237; w ishes and gifts 139; medal-
aggressive 86-7; guided 136-7 presentation cerem ony 141; poster
father-son patterns 219, 222, 223 presentations 138-9; puppetry 136,
fear 147; image o f 177-9; see also 139; secret writing 139-40; set
children’s gam es 2 6 -3 9 induction and guided fantasy 136-7
feelings: groups 200; inner 161; strong ‘Healing Theatre’ 95
154 Holland 77
fictional mode see scenarios, home interview 114-25
hypothetical hospital 95
fictional scenes 151 ‘How Green You A re’ 2 8 -9
figure drawings 141-7 humiliation 195
‘finding o n e ’s own space’ 199 ‘hunter-gatherers’ 100, 101, 102, 103
flexibility 141 hurt roles 21
focusing 166, 2 3 5 -8 , 240 hydrocephalus 110
foster parents 82
‘Fox and C hickens’ 3 4 -5
framework, developm ental 189-241 idealized figures 160
free play 2 1 5 -1 6 , 217 identification 4 1 -2
‘French and E nglish’ 30 identity cohesion 159
frightened, desire to be 30 im ages 169, 219; see also recurring
fringe theatre 95 images; self-im age
frustration 176 imaginary: roles 205; scenes 156
im agination 90, 97, 98, 99, 102, 124,
222; see also m ake-believe
games 2 6 -3 9 , 99 im aginative expression 207
genograms 219
im provisation 95, 114, 129-30, 147,
genuineness 201 156; fam ilies 228; group 140
‘getting-up story’ 2 2 6 -7
individual 147
gifts 139
individual therapy 7 5 -8 9 ; contextual
‘good enough m othering’ 205, 207
therapy 7 5 -7 ; pitfalls 79, 88
good and evil 3 6 -7 , 193, 205
individuation: phase 152; see also
‘Grandmother’s Footsteps’ 99
separation-individuation
greed themes 193
induction, set 136-7
grief 17 3 -4 ‘inner ch ild ’ 2 0 3 -4 , 205, 206, 207, 208
group: collaboration and intimacy
inner feelin gs 161
164-5; dramatherapy 109; insecurity, em otional 191
im provisations 140; process 182-4; integration: o f dramatic processes o f
psychotherapy 211; theory 211;
theatre art 105; o f historical facts
therapy 153
with dramatic ‘as if ’ principle 94; o f
gypsy role 10-11, 12
person 91; o f person in relation to the
world 92; o f preventive and curative
handicap and healthy siblings 109-48; theatre through the mask 93; o f
developm ent o f work 127; home society 92
interview 114-25; results 141-7; role intensive therapy 40
play 128-^41; scene setting 110-13; intention, positive 230
work programme developm ent 126-8 interview 194
hate 147 intrapsychic drama 161
healing metaphors 128-41; art work intrapsychic problems 81
136; collage work 137-8; creative invitation 65
248 Subject index
isolation, em otional 2 0 5 -7 ‘mythopoetic p rocess’ 234

Israel 40
National A ssociation for Y oung People
jealousy 147 in Care (N AY PIC) 184
journey play 102 needs, unmet 192, 193, 198
judgem ent day scenes see justice im age neglect, em otional 198
justice im age 169, 1 7 2 -3 , 1 7 9 -82 nightmares 72
nostalgia 236
kidney disorder 110
Object Relations Theory 189, 192, 205
labyrinth idea 233^4-1; adolescent objectifying 63
them es 2 3 4 -5 ; cultural birth and the objects, transitional 1 3 -1 4 , 97
m eta-fam ily 2 3 8 -9 ; focusing 2 3 5 -8 ; ‘Old Man in the W e ll’ 33
normalizing o f contradictions one-to-one see individual
2 3 9 -4 0 ; structuring therapy 2 4 0 -1 outer projection 161
language: metaphorical 213; sym bolic over-loyal 76
88, 211, 212, 213, 218, 221, 222 overconstriction 159
learning disabilities 50 overdistancing technique 126
linear chair sculpt 224 overprotectiveness 68, 202
loneliness 193
love and hate 193 paranoid-schizoid m ode 42, 43, 4 8 -5 4 ,
loyalty 81, 8 8 -9 , 193; horizontal/ 56, 58
vertical 7 5 -6 ; see also disloyalty; parents: biological 82, 194; role 12, 15,
over-loyal; split-loyalty 21; see also foster parents
partiality, m ultidirectional 11, 88, 89
m ake-believe 4 1 -2 , 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, ‘Peep b o ’ 30
54 peer interaction 165
M alaysia 90, 103 personality disorders 111
masks 93, 126; coping 171, 172; personification 63, 71
fam ilies 221, 2 2 4 -5 phobias 201
maturational process 100 play 102; developm ental 189, 204;
m edal-presentation cerem ony 141 dramatic 90, 98, 99, 100; projective
m edicine 93, 95, 105; see also theatre- 97, 204; sym bolic 81, 84; therapy
m ed icin e-religion 2 1 1 -1 2 ; o f young children 7 -5 8 ; see
mental retardation 110 also free play; spontaneous play
m eta-fam ily 2 3 8 -9 ‘play o n e s e lf’ 156
metaphor 147, 207; therapeutic 128; see playfulness 42
also healing ‘P oison ’ 31
method acting 154 poster presentations 1 3 8 -9
M ilan System ic A ssociates 63 power them es 193
mim e 95 practical jokes 2 9 -3 0
mistrust 196, 205 presenting behaviour 202
monster im age see fear primary carer 190
morality gam es 36 P ro p h et, The 195
m other-child relationship 189, 202, protective bars im age 178, 179
203, 207 protectiveness 68, 202
mother-love 193-5 p sych o-ecology 211, 219, 224
mothering 205, 207 psycho-system 210, 223
moulding 161 psychodrama 156, 158, 165; see also
mourning see grief sexual abuse
m ovem ent 126 p sychology, developm ental 193
myth synthesis 239 psychosis see adolescence breakdown
Subject index 249
psychotherapy 163, 164, 211 school-phobia 68, 79, 202

puberty 152, 153 sc ien ce-a rt-b elief 91, 92, 95
puppetry 126, 136, 139, 2 1 8 -1 9 sculpting 126, 199, 2 2 1 -3 , 224
secrets 111, 147; disclosure 165; see
quarrelling 7 9 -8 0 also writing
questioning, circular 2 2 1 -2 secure unit 197
self-birth 238
realification 41 self-im age 112, 235
reality 54, 128, 170, 237; dramatic 98, sensory experience 4 4 -5 , 206
99, 105, 128, 148; explicit 128; separation, mother and infant 191
ground 90; see also everyday reality separation-individuation 152, 164,
rebelliousness 152 2 1 8 -1 9
recurring im ages 174-82; dead baby settling 100, 102, 104
174-7; fear 177-9; justice 17 9 -8 2 sexual abuse and psychodrama 165,
recurring them es 223 169-85; benefits 171-4; coping
referral 64 170-1; group process 182^1;
regression in peer group 238 recurring im ages 1 7 4-82
regressive engulfm ent and sexual identity 234
dedifferentiation 152 sexuality 23
rejection 30, 194, 198, 205 sexualized behaviour, inappropriate 201
religion 94, 95, 96, 105; see also sibling conflicts/rivalry 18, 8 0 -2 , 112,
theatre-m edicine-religion 126, 141
rescue theme stories 129 ‘sick ’ role 1 9 -2 0
respect 203 singing gam es 33
right and wrong 193 singling out 2 8 -9
rituals 23 8 -9 ; cocoon 4 5 -7 ; obsessional skills, social 124
68; physical 44; social 99;
small objects/spectogram s 124-5
transitional 100
Social and Cognitive B elief System s
role: baby 15-17, 20; conciliatory 21,
132
22, 23; confusion 90, 158; death
social stigma 111
2 4 -5 ; experimentation 158-63; hurt
sociodramatic approach 151
21; imaginary 205; parents 12, 15,
‘song-m achine’ 51, 52
21; restriction 159, 166; sick 19-20;
-taking 22, 26, 224; theory 12; spectograms 1 24-5, 21 9 -2 1
transitional 19; types 12; see also split-loyalty 76, 85
role-play; role-reversal spontaneous play 4 0 -5 8 , 215, 217;
role-play 6 3 -7 3 , 97, 114, 178, 2 0 4 -5 ; children with difficulties 4 2 -5 7 ;
children 7 -2 7 ; externalization 6 7 -7 3 ; m ake-believe play 4 1 -2 ; operational
fam ilies 221, 223^1, 228; handicap framework 4 0 -1
and healthy siblings 128-^41; stagecraft 2 1 6 -1 8
individual therapy 78, 80, 8 2 -3 , 85 stepfam ilies 2 2 5 -6 , 228
role-reversal 67, 73, 155, 199; fam ilies stepmother 193-5
224; sexual abuse 176, 177; young stigma 111
children 2 0 -1 , 22 ‘storm o f puberty’ 152, 153
story-making 12 0 -4 , 226
‘safe sp ace’ 190 storytelling 9 -1 8 , 5 5 -7 , 73, 95, 175;
safety, conditions o f 182 alternative 226; fam ilies 221, 2 2 6 -8
scenarios, hypothetical 160 substance abuse 150
scene-work 151, 156 suicide/suicide attempts 8 4 -6 , 150
schizoid personality 202, 206; see also supernatural undertones 35
paranoid-schizoid mode suspense-start chasing gam es 31
school failure 153 sym bolic dramatherapy m ethods 22 3 -8 ;
250 Subject index
masks 2 2 4 -5 ; role-play 2 2 3 -4 ; transformation 237, 240

storytelling 2 2 6 -8 transgenerational patterns 213, 219,
sym bolism 55; sexual 176 223, 224
trauma 157, 201
team spirit 30 travel therapy 101
team work 2 1 7 -1 8 triangles 214, 215, 222, 223, 225
Temiar tribe 90, 99, 1 0 3 -4 true self 237
tension see children’s gam es 2 6 -3 9 trust 165, 197
theatre 93, 99; art 96, 105, 106; twos see dyads
children’s 95; as entertainment 95,
96; fringe 95; group, therapeutic 103; Unit for Intensive Therapy for Children
as healing 95; -in-education 95; 40
-m ed icin e-relig io n 9 1 -6
them es 122-3; greed 193; recurring victim role 22, 23, 171, 1 7 3 -4
223; rescue 129 victim ization 180
therapist-child relationship 203 video facilities 217
therapy: o f the absurd 213;
bibliotherapy 114-20; co-therapist wandering 101, 102, 104, 105
2 1 7 -1 8 ; contextual 7 5 -7 , 82, 89; warmth 201
distance 236; dramatherapy context w elcom e 64
6 3 -1 0 6 ; group 153; individual 147; ‘W hat’s the Tim e, Mr W o lf? ’ 32
intensive 40; play 2 1 1 -1 2 ; w ishes, magic 139
psychotherapy 163, 164, 211; w itchcraft/w itches 36, 38, 193-5
strategic 215; structuring 2 4 0 -1 ; withdrawal 150, 201
travel 101 witnessing 163, 224
threes see triangles work: physical 124, 126; physical-
tolerance 203 sensory 57; programme developm ent
Trade D escriptions A ct 215 126-8
transference/countertransference world view , dramatic 7 -2 7
1 8 9 -208 writing 178; secret 1 3 3 -5 , 1 3 9 -4 0

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What is the book about?

What is the book about?

What approaches to dramatherapy with children are discussed?

What approaches to dramatherapy with children are discussed?

Dramatherapy with children and

The development of the dramatic imagination is the means by which we

Sue Jennings is Senior Research Fellow at the London Hospital Medical

Edited by Sue Jennings

© 1995 Sue Jennings, selection and editorial matter; individual chapters,

ISBN 13:978-0-415-11041-9 (pbk)

Part I The play of young children 5

Part II The context of dramatherapy work 61

Part III Dramatherapy with adolescents 107

Part IV Developmental framework 187

Name index 243

Robert Landy is assistant professor at New York University and director

As I sit and reflect on the introduction to this book on dramatherapy, I am

applications of dramatherapy with contrasting groups of adolescents.

The play of young children

The dramatic world view

INTRO DUC TIO N

Georgie: Mack, are you afraid of storms?

Overhearing the conversation, I thought of A lice’s adventures in

1 In everyday life, as in drama/theatre, persons or actors take on and play

This chapter, applying the dramatic world view, attempts to examine

talk to them at length in an apparently nonsensical, sing-song fashion.

M ahler 1975). In this deeper sense, the bridge serves as a transition

one’s personality, which I have conceived of as a system of roles (see

which, like most formulas, is imperfect, Mackey will take on a paradoxical

It is late in the afternoon and Georgie is in an ornery mood as she is

attraction to evil characters in stories - witches, hunters, and bullies. In an

It could be that roles are pre-existent forms, archetypes in a Jungian sense,

Fear and tension in children’s gam es 1

or 4 - think he is frightening the adult when he hides in a shop doorway and

Mother: What are you doing here?

Witch: Picking up stones.

Sometimes the thieves or killers seem to be after sheep or chickens, as

a ‘weird wife hirpling on a broom stick’, to whom the children called,

I ’m going into the garden to gather some rue,

Mother. Where are my children?

Mother: They are not here.

Looking again at these mysterious play-acting games, of which so few

Dramatherapy with children who are

Play should be introduced under proper regulation as medicine.

In view of the complex framework, involving several therapists, an

THE IM PO R TA N C E OF PLAY FOR NORM AL

entity in my mind. (This piece of wood is the lion.)

C H ILDREN W ITH D IFFIC U L T IE S IN PLAYING

1 the ‘paranoid-schizoid position’; and

good/bad and a finer differentiation between mother/infant, and me/others.

Dramatherapy with children who operate in the autistic-contiguous

Case illustration: Uri and ‘ The ritual of the cocoon

Dramatherapy with children who operate mainly in the paranoid-

The paranoid-schizoid mode was conceived by Melanie Klein as the most

Case illustration: Ron - The machine that discovered its humanity’

1 Organizing frantic play around an image

creatures. I could hardly manage to comply. His imaginary characters

2 Helping Ron gain empathy towards his imaginary characters by

Dramatherapy with children who operate mainly in the ‘depressive

We analysed fifteen stories according to Basic Ph. (a model for under