Copernicus' Relation to Aristarchus and Pythagoras

Author(s): Thomas W. Africa

Source: Isis, Vol. 52, No. 3 (Sep., 1961), pp. 403-409
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science Society
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 Copernicus' Relation to
Aristarchus and Pythagoras
By Thomas W. Africa*

FEW would question the existence of the Copernican Revolution for good
or ill, but Copernicus was no revolutionary' and fancied himself the re-
storer of ancient wisdom, rather than the discoverer of a new astronomy. What-
ever his thesis meant to others, he saw it as the foundation of a Pythagorean
Restoration. In this spirit, Kepler alluded to Pythagoras as "the grandfather
of all Copernicans;"2 and Galileo remarked that the Papal Edict of 1616 had
imposed "a seasonable silence upon the Pythagorean opinion of the mobility
of the earth."3
Proud of his humanist training, Copernicus could turn Greek into Latin
verse,4 and even advise on currency reform.5 His hesitation in publishing De
Revolutionibus (orbium coelestium)6 has often been ascribed to fear of eccle-
siastical opposition, but the theme of sacerdotal oppression is difficult to main-
tain in view of demonstrated papal favor. In 1536 Pope Paul III extended
encouragement to Copernicus through Cardinal von Sch6nberg, whose com-
munication was included in the first edition of De Revolutionibus.7 Copernicus'
imperious Letter Against Werner (1524)8 and the early revelation of his un-
orthodox views in the Commentariolus (perhaps before 1514)9 belie any sus-
picion of timidity at the professional opposition of rival astronomers. The
tone of Rheticus' Narratio Prima suggests that Copernicus' attitude toward
other scientists was generally one, not of fear, but contempt.
An undistinguished observer, Copernicus lacked the concern for data and
* Louisiana State University in New Or- Rosen, "The Authentic Title of Copernicus'
leans. Major Work," Journal of the History of
1 Written before the appearance of The Ideas, 1943, 4: 457-474.
Sleepwalkers, this paper is not a rebuttal, but 7 Prowe, I (pt. 2), 273-276. Cf. N. Koper-
its content should cast doubt on Koestler's nikus, Gesamtausgabe, (Munich: Oldenbourg,
view of Copernicus as a timid "moral dwarf." 1949), II (Critical text of De Revolutionibus,
2 . Kepler, letter to Michael Mistlin, 11 ed. Franz and Carl Zeller), 404.
June 1598, Gesammelte Werke, ed. Max Cas- 8 Edward Rosen's critical translation of Co-
par (Munich: Beck'sche, 1955), XIII, 219. pernicus' Commentariolus and Letter Against
3G. Galilei, Dialogue on the Great World Werner and Rheticus' Narratio Prima in Three
Systems, ed. Giorgio de Santillana (Chicago: Copernican Treatises (New York: Columbia
University of Chicago Press, 1953), p. 5. University Press, 1939), is quoted in citations
4 His Latin rendition of Theophylactus Sim- below. Corresponding references are made to
ocatta is reproduced by Leopold Prowe, Nico- Prowe's texts (Vol. II).
laus Coppernicus (Berlin: Weidmannsche, 9 Birkenmajer noted in a 1514 inventory of
1884), II (Urkunden), 45-127. the library of a Cracow doctor the remark:
5 J. Taylor, "Copernicus on the Evils of In-"a pamphlet with the view set forth that the
flation and the Establishment of a Sound Cur- earth moves while the sun stands still." Wil-
liam J. Rose, review of Birkenmajer's Stro-
rency," Journal of the History of Ideas, 1955,
16: 540-547. mata Copernicana, Isis, 1931, 16: 136-138.
6The original title is uncertain. See E.

403

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404 THOMAS W. AFRICA

method which partly prevented Tycho Brahe from accepting th

system and permitted Kepler to transcend it. Kepler was justified in com-
menting that Copernicus interpreted Ptolemy rather than nature.10 Like Ptol-
emy, Copernicus sought to save the phenomena by divining from the errant
paths of the planets the mathematical perfection which, he was convinced, was
inherent in their nature; but he criticized Ptolemy for constructing a system
which, while admittedly agreeing with observed data, was "neither sufficiently
absolute nor pleasing to the mind."11 Planetary motion in the Aristotelian
scheme of interacting homocentric spheres was "perfect" (i.e., uniform, cir-
cular, and eternal), but physical and impossible to maintain against increas-
ingly more accurate observations.12 The Ptolemaic universe was mathematical
but imperfect: planetary orbits were circular and eternal, but, lacking a com-
mon pivot, required separate centers for each orbit.13 The universe of Coper-
nicus was also mathematical, built with Ptolemaic epicycles, but satisfied
Aristotelian concepts of celestial motion, for all planetary orbits were ulti-
mately based on the center of the earth's orbit (which in turn epicyclically
circled the sun). 1 Confined both by the Hellenic sense of limit and the Chris-
tian concept of finite creation, his universe was immense but not infinite.15
"It was enough," as Koyre remarks, "for one man to move the earth and to
enlarge the world so as to make it immeasurable-immensum; to ask him to
make it infinite is obviously asking too much."16 Inherently conservative,17
Copernicus insisted that his system was no rash innovation, but the revival of
a view predating both Ptolemy and Aristotle, the lost doctrine of Pythagoras
to which Plato supposedly subscribed in his old age.18
Diurnal rotation of the earth was the key to Copernicanism; he may have
discussed it with Caelio Calcagnini at Ferrara.19 "He saw," according to
Rheticus, "that when one motion is assigned to the earth, it may properly
have other motions by analogy with the planets."20 The realization that celes-
tial motion was partly an illusion caused by a moving world had apparently
provided the mental impulse which allowed Heracleides and Aristarchus to
reconstruct the universe.21 Diurnal rotation was part of the intellectual cli-
mate in the Italian universities where Copernicus studied. At Padua, he had
10 J. Kepler, De Motibus Stellae Martis, II, 16 Alexandre Koyre, From the Closed World
xiv (Gesammelte Werke, III, 141). to the Infinite Universe (Baltimore: John
11 Copernicus, Commentariolus, (Rosen, p. Hopkins Press, 1957), pp. 33-34.
57; Prowe, II, 185). 17 Edgar Zilsel, "Copernicus and Mechan-
12 In 1538, however, Copernicus' schoolmate ics," Journal of the History of Ideas, 1940, 1:
at Padua, Girolamo Fracastoro, attempted to 113-118, detailed Copernicus' animistic and
revive concentric spheres, as did al-Bitruji in
teleological devices, sympathetic influences,
the twelfth century; J. L. Dreyer, A History and Aristotelian motion.
of Astronomy from Thales to Kepler (New 18 Plutarch, Numa, 11.2; Platonicae Quaes-
York: Dover, 1953), pp. 296-297. tiones, VIII, 1006C. This paper is not con-
13 See William Stahlman, "Astronomical cerned with the vexed problem of actual
Note on the Two Systems," appendix to San- Pythagorean astronomy but only with Co-
tillana's edition of Galileo's Dialogue on the pernicus' notions about it.
Great World Systems, pp. 475-496. 19 Grant McColley, "The Theory of the
14 Copernicus maintained that the mind "ab- Diurnal Rotation of the Earth," Isis, 1936,
hors" irregular planetary motion. De Revolu- 26:398.
tionibus, I, iv (Zeller, p. 13). 20 Rheticus, Narratio Prima, (Rosen, p. 148;
15 Grant McColley, "The Universe of De Prowe, II, 330).
Revolutionibus," Isis, 1939, 30: 452-472, is self- 21 George Burch, "The Counter Earth,"
refuting. Osiris, 1954, 11:267-294, emphasized the imag-

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 COPERNICUS' RELATION TO ARISTARCHUS AND PYTHAGORAS 405

attended "the leading scientific school in Europe, the stronghold of Ar

qualitative physics, and the trainer even of those who were to break w
At Bologna he was the protege of Domenico Maria da Novara.
Copernicus had sufficient prestige to lecture at Rome.23 He had abs
scientific acumen of the Italian astronomers and the humanist conviction of
an intellectual elite, which in his case was heightened by Neo-Pythagorea
enthusiasms. His free-thinking Greek professor, Cordus Urceo, despised po
ular belief,24 while his colleague at Ferrara, Pietro Pomponazzi, openly rid
culed Christianity. Copernicus was unaffected by their religious skepticism
but not immune to the humanist disdain for the multitude, epitomized
Agostino Nifo's epigram: "Loquendum est ut plures, sentiendum ut pauci."
Faithful to his humanist training, when facing the problem of increased dis
crepancies in the Ptolemaic system, Copernicus did not amend the establish
order with additional epicycles, but turned dutifully to the ancients. He w
not attracted to the plural worlds of Nicholas of Cusa, whose philosophic rela-
tivism "denied the very possibility of the mathematical treatment of nature."2
In his dedication to Pope Paul III, Copernicus wrote:
I carefully reread the works of all the philosophers I could obtain to see if
any had ever conceived of motions of the spheres other than the conventiona
ones of the Schools. First I found in Cicero that Hicetas had realized that
the Earth moved, and later in Plutarch that others had held the same view
I think it is appropriate to quote Plutarch here...: "The rest believe
Earth is stationary, but Philolaus the Pythagorean says that it moves aro
the Fire on an oblique circle like the Sun and Moon. Heracleides Pont
and the Pythagorean Ecphantus also make the Earth move, not through sp
but rotating about its own center like a wheel on an axis from West to Ea
I profited from this and also began to think of a mobile Earth.27

Copernicus was not entirely frank, for his obligation to the ancients includ
more than simple suggestions of the earth's mobility. The nineteenth centu
however, felt Copernicus to be little in "debt to the inert speculators of
classic age,"28 and Dilthey saw Copernicanism as the intellectual extensio
the new horizons revealed by circumnavigation of the globe.29 With gr
discernment, Heath took Copernicus at his word, but added that his deb
chiefly to Aristarchus of Samos, arguing from the suppressed reference in
Revolutionibus (I, xi, finis).30
Copernicus had ready access to Aristarchus' heliocentric views throu
inative value of the Pythagorean mobile earth Infinite Universe, p. 19.
as an insight into the relativity of motion. 27 Copernicus, De Revolutionibus, epistula
22 John H. Randall Jr., "Development of dedicatoria, (Zeller, p. 5).
Scientific Method in the School of Padua," 28 John A. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy
Journal of the History of Ideas, 1940, 1:184. (New York: Modern Library, no date), I,
23 Rheticus, Narratio Prima, (Rosen, p. 111; 339. Cf. Dreyer, History of Astronomy from
Prowe, II, 297; cf. Prowe, I [pt. 1], 213-289, Thales to Kepler, p. 314.
294-330). 29Wilhelm Dilthey, Weltanschauung und
24 Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilisation of the Analyse
Renaissance in Italy (London: Phaidon Press, Reformatio
1944), pp. 310-311. 1914), II, 258.
25 Quoted by John M. Robertson, A Short 30 Sir Tho
History of Free Thought (New York: G. P. the Ancien
Putnam, 1906), I, 360. versity Press, 1913), p. 301.
26 Koyre, From the Closed World to the

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406 THOMAS W. AFRICA

Archimedes, Plutarch, and Aetius (Pseudo-Plutarch). Manuscripts of Ar-

chimedes' Sand-Reckoner circulated widely in fifteenth-century Italy,31 and
were used by Nicholas of Cusa and Regiomontanus; the latter made marginal
notes on Archimedes' discussion of Aristarchus and probably referred to it in
conversations with Da Novara.32 Archimedes had cited Aristarchus' hypothesis
that the earth moves in a circle about the sun, which is stationary like the
fixed stars,33 and, in the Commentariolus and De Revolutionibus, Copernicus
seems to echo Archimedes' exposition of the consequent incalculable ratio
between the earth's orbit and the distance to the fixed stars.34 Plutarch re-
ferred twice to Aristarchus, once as "assuming that the heavens are at rest
while the earth revolves along the ecliptic, simultaneously rotating about its
own axis,"35 and again as suggesting that the earth "spins and turns, which
Seleucus afterwards advanced as an established opinion."36 Both passages
were familiar to any Greek scholar, and Copernicus owned George Valla's
Outline of Knowledge (Aldus 1501) which included a translation of Plutarch's
references to Aristarchus.37 In the Dedication of De Revolutionibus, his source
for the quotation on Philolaus and Ecphantus was Aetius' (Pseudo-Plutarch
Placita Philosophorum, which also credits Aristarchus with the view that the
sun is a fixed star circled by the earth.38 Copernicus knew of Aristarchus'
heliocentrism but consistently concealed this knowledge, and finally deleted
his one passing reference to it, from either vanity, "Pythagorean" scruples, or
both.39 To Copernicus, however, Aristarchus was no radical innovator, but a
link with the supposed master of all true astronomy, Pythagoras of Samos.
Kepler reflected this view of the apostolic succession in science when he de-
scribed the Copernican system as "a new song but tuned to the ancient and
still fresh lyre of Samian philosophy."40
In the manuscript of De Revolutionibus, Copernicus frankly professed
Pythagoreanism as he conceived it, but deleted the passage (I, xi, finis) from
the first edition. He nevertheless considered the apocryphal Letter of Lysis
significant enough to commend to the Pope in his Dedication, but pointedly
omitted any reference to Aristarchus' hypothesis. Copernicus wrote in the
suppressed passage:
31 George Sarton, The Appreciation of An- 1006C.
cient and Medieval Science during the Renais-37 Rose, review of Birkenmajer's Stromata
sance (Philadelphia: University of Pennsyl- Copernicana, Isis, 1931, 16: 138.
vania Press, 1955), p. 141. 38Aetius (Pseudo-Plutarch), Placita Phi-
32 A surmise of Ernst Zinner cited by Dana losophorum, II, 24.8 (Aristarchus), III, 13.2
Durand, "Tradition and Innovation in Four- (Philolaus), in Hermann Diels, Doxographi
teenth Century Italy," Journal of the History Graeci, (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1929), p. 355,
of Ideas, 1943, 4:9, n.19. 378. Cf. Diogenes Laertius, VIII, 85.
33 Archimedes, Arenarius, 4-6 (Opera, ed. 39 Copernicus cited Aristarchus on the ob-
J. Heiberg [Leipzig: Teubner, 1913], p. 219). liquity of the ecliptic and the length of the
Melanchthon was familiar with the passage: solar year, De Revolutionibus, III, ii; III, vi;
see E. Rosen, "Galileo's Misstatements about III, viii (Zeller, pp. 147-148, 155, 173). These
Copernicus," Isis, 1958, 49: 324. references are orthodoxly geostatic, though it
34 R. von Erhardt, "Archimedes' Sand- might be noted that Aetius had credited Pyth-
agoras with the discovery of the obliquity of
Reckoner," Isis, 1942, 33: 599. Cf. Copernicus,
Commentariolus (Rosen, p. 58; Prowe, II, the ecliptic (Pseudo-Plutarch, Placita Philos-
186), and De Revolutionibus, I, vi (Zeller, ophorum, II, 12.2, [Diels, pp. 340-341]).
p. 16). 40 J. Kepler, Epitome Astronomiae Coperni-
35 Plutarch, De facie in orbe lunae, 923A. canae, (Gesammelte Werke, VII, 9).
36 Plutarch, Plantonicae quaestiones, VIII,

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 COPERNICUS' RELATION TO ARISTARCHUS AND PYTHAGORAS 407

Though the courses of the Sun and Moon can surely be demonstrated on
assumption that the earth does not move, it does not work so well with
other planets. Probably for this and other reasons, Philolaus perceived
mobility of the earth, a view also shared by Aristarchus of Samos, so
say, not impressed by that reasoning which Aristotle cites and refutes. (Cred
bile est hisce similibusque causis Philolaum mobilitatem terrae sensisse,
etiam nonnulli Aristarchum Samium ferunt in eadem fuisse sententia, no
ratione moti, quam allegat reprobatque Aristoteles.)
Copernicus associated Aristarchus and Philolaus with a view of the e
motion other than the traditional Pythagorean scheme, ridiculed by Arist
with its central fire and counter-earth.41 He continued:

Yet, since only keen wits and long effort can probe such things, it was then
hidden from most philosophers, and, as Plato said, only a few grasped the real
cause of planetary motion.

Copernicus drew an unwarranted assumption from Plato's notion that "true"

astronomy rested on intuitive reason.42 Aristotle had credited Plato with ad-
vocating motion of the earth about its axis,43 which was not expressed in
Timaeus, 40B, but was easily credible to Copernicus, who believed that Plato
had been enlightened by Philolaus.44 Copernicus continued:
But, if Philolaus or some Pythagorean knew, they were not likely to let pos-
terity know, for it was not the Pythagorean way to write and reveal the philo-
sophic arcana, but to disclose it only to true friends and thus hand it on to
kindred spirits. I will here add the Letter of Lysis to prove this, and also
because of its memorable sentiments. I translate it truly from the Greek:
"Lysis to Hipparchus, greetings. After the death of Pythagoras, I would never
have thought that the society of disciples would disband itself. Since, how-
ever, contrary to our hopes, we have dispersed as after a shipwreck, one here
and one there, it is nothing less than a sacred duty to guard his divine pre-
cepts, and to communicate none of the treasures of philosophy to those who
have not been regenerated by purification of the spirit. It is not fit to hand
over to them what we have achieved with such great effort. Just as it is not
permitted to divulge the arcana of the Goddesses at Eleusis to the profane,
those who do the one or the other must be held equally impious and sinful....
Because he did not peddle his doctrines, (Pythagoras) never wrapped the
truth in those subterfuges with which sophists muddle young minds; he was
the master of all things, human and divine. Some imitators of his doctrine
do impressive things, but not in the right way or as is proper for the guidance
of the young, which is why they turn out impudent and boorish students. For
they soil with impurity and vulgarity the pure doctrines of philosophy. It is
as if one might pour pure water into a pit of muck: it disturbs the mud, and
ruins the water."45

This extraordinary passage, so incongruous in an astronomical tract, re-

vealed Copernicus' conviction that Aristarchus and Plato shared the scientific
41 Aristotle, De caelo, II, xiii, 293A. 45 The deleted passage is printed in Zeller's
42 Plato, Republic, VII, 529D. text of De Revolutionibus, pp. 30-31. It is
43Aristotle, De caelo, II, xiii, 293B. Cf. also available with a French translation in
Plato, Timaeus, 40B. Alexandre Koyre's edition of Book I of De
44 Copernicus, De Revolutionibus, I, v, (Zel- Revolutionibus (Paris: Alc
ler, p. 15). Cf. Plutarch Numa, 11.2 and 135. The Letter of Lysis digressed on the sins
Aetius (Pseudo-Plutarch) Placita Philosopho- of the unpurified and ended damning Hip-
rum, III, 13.2 (Diels, p. 378). parchus for publishing Pythagorean secrets.

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408 THOMAS W. AFRICA

views of Philolaus, which were obviously not the public teachings of the Py-
thagorean Brotherhood, but the imagined secret doctrines of the Master, avail-
able only to the elect. In reviving the heliostatic system of Aristarchus with
improved mathematical embellishments, he felt that he was restoring the Py-
thagorean astronomy in its purity. "My master thought," Rheticus reported,
"that in order to determine the cause of the phenomena, circular motions must
be ascribed to the spherical earth, following Plato and Pythagoras."46 Kepler
reminded Galileo of the injunction of "our genuine masters, Plato and Pythag-
oras," to avoid rash exposure of truth to vulgar scholars.47
Copernicus took solemnly the mandate of the Letter of Lysis to preserve
the secret doctrine in Hermetic isolation from the muddied gaze of the igno-
rant and unpurified. His citation of the Letter was no chance allusion; it was
one of the school texts, from which the humanist Urceo taught him Greek
and the concept of an intellectual elite.48 It was part of the Neoplatonist apoc-
rypha of Iamblichus, whose mystic veneration of the Sun as the visible mani-
festation of the supreme Helios may be reflected in the Copernican encomium:
The Sun sits enthroned in the midst of all. In this surpassingly lovely temple,
could this luminary be placed in any position which would better illuminate
all at once. He is justly called the Lamp, the Mind, the Ruler of the Uni-
verse.49 Hermes Trismegistus named him the Visible God; Sophocles'
Electra called him the All-Seeing. So the Sun sits as upon a royal throne,
ruling the planets, his children, who circle about him.50

The Canon of Thorn respectfully quoted the thrice-great Hermes as another

custodian of ancient wisdom accessible only to the initiate.51 Rheticus recorded
Copernicus' Hermetic role in his account of the master's opposition to Bishop
Giese's plea to, share his discovery with the world:
[He wished to] imitate the Alphonsine Tables rather than Ptolemy, and com-
pose tables with accurate rules but no proofs.... True scholars, upon whom
Jupiter had looked with unusually favorable eyes, would easily arrive, from
the numbers set forth, at the principles and sources from which everything
was deduced.... The ordinary astronomer would not be deprived of the use
of the tables,... and the Pythagorean principle would be observed that phi-
losophy must be pursued in such a way that its inner secrets are reserved for
learned men, trained in mathematics.52

The inner secrets, at least for Rheticus, included the questionable insight

46Rheticus, Narratio Prima, (Rosen, pp. vision of the universe." Thomas S. Kuhn, The
147-148; Prowe, II, 329-330). Copernican Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.:
47J. Kepler, letter to Galileo, 13 October Harvard University Press, 1957), p. 130.
1597, Gesammelte Werke, XIII, 145. 51 Hermetic texts were widely circulated and
48 Prowe, I (pt. 1), 260; II, 129. translated by men of the stature of Ficino. See
49Luceram mundi, alii mentem (mundi), Paul Kristeller, The Classics and Renaissance
alii rectorem (mundi) are Latin paraphrases Thought (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni-
of expressions of Hermes Trismegistus, avail- versity Press, 1955), p. 21, and pp. 48-69.
able to Copernicus through Stobaeus, (Zeller, Matteo Palmieri linked Hermes with Plato,
p. 442, Notes). the "Attic Moses," as precursors of Christian-
50 Copernicus, De Revolutionibus, I, x, (Zel- ity: Necca A. Robb, Neoplatonism of the Ital-
ler, p. 26). "Neoplatonism is explicit in Coper- ian Renaissance (London: Allen & Unwin,
nicus' attitude toward both the sun and mathe- 1935), p. 52.
matical simplicity. It is an essential element in52Rheticus, Narratio Prima (Rosen, pp.
the intellectual climate that gave birth to his 192-193; Prowe, II, 373).

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 COPERNICUS' RELATION TO ARISTARCHUS AND PYTHAGORAS 409

that the course of world history was determined by the position of th

apogee, with the fall of the Turk scheduled for 1600 and the Secon
about 2400. Copernicus neither affirmed nor repudiated this astrologic
but permitted its inclusion in Rheticus' popular summary of Cope
in 1540.53 Jean Bodin ascribed the astrological determinism of h
Copernicus,54 and "the Copernican system was first publically ann
not precisely under astrologic auspices, at least to an astrological ac
ment, and... was for long after associated with it in many men's m
The Copernican Revolution, to which Copernicus was not party,
reaching philosophic and religious effects. In contrast to the medi
that "the visible universe itself was infinitely smaller than the realm
. . man begins to appear for the first time in the history of thou
irrelevant spectator and insignificant effect of the great mathematica
which is the substance of reality.""5 As a member of a spiritual co
committed to the salvation of men, Copernicus could not accept th
of the inconsequence of man. He was not only convinced of his w
Christian; he felt that his status as a scientist was sacred and un
that scientific discoverers should heed the Platonic injunction:
I do not think that a statement of what has been attempted in this
good thing for man, unless it be for the very few who can be enab
slight indication, to make the discovery for themselves. Of the re
would be puffed up with an entirely offensive spirit of false superiority
ers, with a lofty and presumptuous conceit of understanding some
matter.57

Copernicus hoarded his vision and only reluctantly released it, not
fear of rack or polemic, but because he dreaded that its "Pythagorean"
would be contaminated by contact with lesser vulgar minds. "It is
might pour pure water into a pit of muck: it disturbs the mud, and r
water."

53 Rheticus, Narratio Prima (Rosen, pp. 55 Ibid., p. 414.

121-122; Prowe, II, 305). Rosen (p. 123, n.57) 56 Edwin A. Burtt, The Metaphysical Foun-
denies Copernicus' support for this idea, but dations of Modern Physical Science (London:
Dreyer (History of Astronomy, p. 333) ar- Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1951), p. 6 and p.
gued that Rheticus would not have included 80.
it without his master's approval. 57 Plato, Epistle, VII, 341E, in The Pla-
54 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and tonic Epistles, ed. J. Harward (Ca
Experimental Science (New York: Columbia Cambridge University Press, 1932), p. 135.
University Press, 1941), V, 418, n.48.

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