Nuruosmaniye Camii
Nuruosmaniye Camii
Nuruosmaniye Camii
METU NURUOSMANIYE
JFA 2011/2 COMPLEX METU
DOI: JFA 2011/2 145
10.4305/METU.JFA.2011.2.7
(28:2) 145-166
Started during the reign of Mahmud I (1748) and completed shortly after
his death (1755), the Nuruosmaniye in Ottoman architectural history is
considered to be the first royal religious complex displaying baroque
and neo-classical elements such as shells, scrolls, molded cornices, and
cartouches in its flamboyant surface decoration. Since it is the first sultanic
complex built after the Yeni Valide mosque (completed in 1663), the
Nuruosmaniye can also be considered as the visible expression of the
dynasty’s efforts to reaffirm its power and potency in a period of political
and economic hardship through the use of an innovative architectural
vocabulary.
3. It is agreed by general scholarship that The building has almost transparent façades with generous fenestration
Simeon Kalfa was the first prominent
non-Muslim architect responsible for an and elliptical windows (Figure 1); there are fluted capitals, round arches,
imperial project. Artan (2006) notes that he placing of the mihrab inside a half-domed apsidal recess, an imposing
had participated in the Laleli project as well.
There is not much information available
imperial ramp, and a horse-shoe shaped polygonal courtyard which is
about Simeon, nor any other building unique in Ottoman mosque architecture (Figure 2, 3). We do not know the
attributed to him, with the exception of patron’s motives behind the unusual innovative character of the mosque,
a house mentioned in a letter quoted by
Pamukciyan (1981). In this letter written but he was known to have launched certain reformist attempts in the
by an Armenian priest in 1759, there is empire and invited European experts for that purpose. It is important
the account of an excursion of Mustafa III
along the Bosphorus when he saw a “dark to note here that the architect who was responsible for the building was
red house in Kandilli, built by ‘Red’ Simon Simeon Kalfa, a non-Muslim Greek (3).
Kalfa who was the architect of the new
mosque of Sultan Mahmud”. Pamukciyan This study is devised to question whether the Nuruosmaniye, the
also comments on a number of sources to
corroborate that Simeon Kalfa was of Greek prominent, imposing monument with all its unusual stylistic features, was
origin. On the other hand, Kuban (2007, perceived as a novelty by contemporaneous observers through a survey of
528) states that the hearsay about Simeon’s
coming from the Balyan family cannot be
local and foreign accounts as well as twentieth-century perceptions and art
evidenced. historical narratives with the aim of addressing the image and status of the
4. This was not an uncommon practice, as Nuruosmaniye as it was established in modern historical writing.
written sources frequently mentioned plans
and models used by Ottoman architects
during the 15th and 16th centuries. This is THE NURUOSMANİYE COMPLEX IN OTTOMAN SOURCES
demonstrated by Necipoğlu in her study
on the plans and models from the Ottoman The most important primary source available on the complex is the
architectural practice. She states that since
the Ottoman architect was not trained in Târih-i Câmi‘-i Şerif-i Nûr-i ‘Osmânî (History of the Honorable Mosque
perspective drawing, architectural models of Nuruosmaniye), which is the Bina Defteri or Risâle written by Bina
were the only means to visualize a three-
dimensional perception. These models, she
Kâtibi Ahmed Efendi who was the secretary of the mosque’s construction
adds, were displayed in public festivities, comptroller. This is a rare document on the specifics of the building and
and also used as souvenirs or mementoes of gives a detailed account of the organization of construction and step by
an actual building. Necipoğlu (1986).
step information on the building process. It is also a first-hand narrative
5. “...bak benim bu esnâda cāmi’i şerif binâsı
hizmetinden ehem ve mültezim nazar-ı
about eighteenth century building techniques and site organization.
Humâyunumda bir iş yoktur.” Ahmed Efendi
(1918). The Nuruosmaniye openly manifests the courageous attempt of a bold
6. There is also the story of a blessed old
and daring sultan experimenting with innovative techniques and styles in
man who greeted Mahmud I at the corner his quest for a new architectural identity. There are narratives stating that
of the street and started to cry and pray for Mahmud I brought the plans of famous European churches and wanted
his health, thanking him for having chosen
this site for the erection of a lofty honorable to adopt one of these for his new mosque but he was strongly opposed
mosque and for making the people there by the ulema (Toderini, 1798, Vol.2, 20-2; Dallaway, 1795, 103). It should
very happy; the sultan hence decided to
have a royal mosque built there. See, Ahmed
be noted however; that these allusions to a European model are restricted
Efendi (1918). to foreign perceptions only and not mentioned in Ottoman chronicles
(Hamadeh, 2004; 2008). Ahmed Efendi’s version in the Târih-i Câmi‘-i Şerif-i
Nûr-i ‘Osmânî states that Mahmud had requested a drawing of the mosque
(4); a rather simple sketch of a building with four walls was drawn and
presented to him, but the Sultan was not content with it and ordered a
(three dimensional) model (Ahmed Efendi, 1918). The sultan considered
the construction of the mosque very significant for he said that there
was nothing more important for him at that time (5). The Nuruosmaniye
Complex was built next to the Bedesten, in a commercially active and very
busy area and consists of a mosque, an imaret, medrese, kütüphane, türbe,
çeşme, sebil, and arasta (Figure 4, 5) that spread out on both sides of a very
crowded street and stands like an annex to the commercially active area.
Ahmed Efendi notes that the sultan ordered a lofty mosque (grand sultanic
mosque) to be built in this location because it was an honorable esteemed
site close to the tradesmen, merchants, and artisans, and that it would be
convenient for the Muslim community to come for prayers (6).
The eighteenth-century chronicler Süleyman İzzî also referred to the
Muslim population in his account on the Nuruosmaniye:
7. Süleyman İzzî (1784, Vol.I, 189/b, 190/a). A lofty, charitable mosque and noble sanctuary will be built anew with
the orders of the sultan, near the old Bezazistan at the honorable, delightful
location inhabited by a large Muslim community, and all the people living
in the vicinity will benefit from this charitable pious mosque and munificent
mihrab” (7).
İzzî’s emphasis on the location and the Muslim population in the area
sheds some light on the underlying motive for the choice of site; it brings
to mind that since the Nuruosmaniye was built next to a busy commercial
zone it might have been intended to meet the requirements of the
8. “altı bin altıyüz altmış beş kuruş dahi merchants in the Bazaar, reconfirming Ahmed Efendi’s observations on this
Sırıkçılar kurbunda müceddeden ihyâsı irâde
buyurulan câmi-i şerif masarıfına mahsuben matter.
bina emini Ali Ağa’ya eda ve teslim ve bâ-
emr-i hümâyûn ber-minval-i muharrer sarf Ahmed Efendi notes for the building as “the beautiful, honorable, holy
olunmağla....” See, I. Mahmud Vakfiyesi. mosque in the new style” (câmi‘-i şerif-i nev-tarz-ı lâtif), referring to the
9. Sultan III. Osman Vakfiyesi (2003). Nuruosmaniye within the novelties of the architectural vocabulary of the
10. “...câmi’-i şerîf-i pür-nûrda...” See, Sultan eighteenth century. With reference to the size of the dome, he says that
III. Osman Vakfiyesi. according to the observations and measurements of scientists, the greatest
In vernacular language the complex is called dome in İstanbul is that of Hagia Sophia, the second is the Süleymaniye,
Nuruosmaniye, which is derived from Nûr-ı the third is the Fatih (Ebu’l-Feth) Mosque (the old), and the Nuruosmaniye
‘Osmâniyye, meaning the ‘heavenly light of
Osman’. rises with the fourth largest dome. According to Aras Neftçi (2007), the
dome of the Nuruosmaniye measures 25.40 meters in diameter and is the
third in İstanbul, after the Hagia Sophia and the Süleymaniye.
Ahmed Efendi (1918) notes the unequaled beauty and excellence of the
building:
It is hereby written that this noble mosque full of divine light, this beautiful
building erected with the graciousness of the sultan and munificence of
God, represents wishes fulfilled; and the truth is that this charmingly
ornate building, the exalted temple that gives a sense of relief, is
constructed out of solid marble; and has no equal not only in Istanbul but
probably throughout the world of Islam.
The author of the Târih talks very highly about the dependencies in the
complex and his narrative is full of praise:
The stately imâret and the noble, majestic medrese (imâret-i âmire ile medrese-i
lâtif ve medrese-i münîfe).
There are an exalted sebilhâne and a lofty fountain outside the courtyard on
the two sides of the Sarıkçılar Gate. There stands a magnificent, peerless
library (Figure 6) of unequaled beauty at the corner overlooking the Çörekçi
Gate of the Mahmud Paşa Mosque; inside the library there are marvelous
books for the use of students of science and knowledge. In the gardens of
the mosque there is a skillfully crafted fountain of unmatched finesse that
has water spouts on four sides and on top. There is also a small fountain
across the Cebeciler Kulluğu that provides water to the thirsty (Figure 7)
... the honorable mosque with a new style and the virtuous medrese and the
Figure 6. The library, detail.
imâret. The construction of this honorable mosque took eight years and [the
news] spread through the horizons from the East to the West [around the
world], and all those who will deserve [benefit] or not deserve, are obviously
waiting [for its completion] with longing eyes” (Ahmed Efendi, 1918).
The vakfiye of Mahmud I makes several notes of the finances that were
assigned to Bina Emini Ali Ağa to be spent for the “honorable mosque to
be built anew by imperial edict near the Sarıkçılar” (8). The construction of
the Nuruosmaniye, which was started during the reign of Mahmud I, was
completed seven years later when his brother Osman III came to power. It
is therefore appropriate to look at the vakfiye of Osman III as well and trace
observations on the Nuruosmaniye in this text:
“In the house of the empire, the great city of Kostantiniyye, at the poultry
market an honorable mosque, a noble sanctuary, grand medrese, pleasant
class-room, lofty library, an ornate room [office], a prosperous imâret, a
finely crafted source of water [fountain] were built and erected with God’s
munificence and the will of the Prophet” (9).
There is reference to the light in the building (both physical and probably
also spiritual) (10) and a detailed description of how water was brought
Figure 7. The fountain-sebil of the to the fountains from Ferhad Paşa Çiftliği, outside the city walls in
Nuruosmaniye.
150 METU JFA 2011/2 Selva SUMAN
11. There was a total of 72 du’âgûyâns Edirnekapı. It is also noteworthy that the number of du’âgûyâns (those
employed in the Nuruosmaniye. See,
Yediyıldız (2003, 239). who recite the Koran and pray for the longevity of the state, victory of the
12. Süleyman İzzî (1784, Vol. I, 189/b, 190/a).
Ottoman army, and the well-being of the Muslim community) appointed
for the Nuruosmaniye was much higher than those of the earlier mosques
13. There is an unexplained difference of 10
days between the dates given by İzzî and (11).
Ahmed Vâsıf.
The Teşrifat Defteri or the Merasim Defteri for the inauguration of the
14. Ahmed Vâsıf’s interesting observation on
the Nuruosmaniye as having a “symmetrical
Nuruosmaniye was recently discovered as a supplement to those of the
plan” (gayr-i müşevveş) is not repeated for any Laleli mosque. These documents include the names, ranks, and order of
other building in his chronicle. See, Ahmed people who would participate in the inaugural ceremony, their sartorial
Vâsıf (1994, Vol. I, 72).
codes, and where they were obliged to stand. It is specified that the
procession would follow the Divan Yolu from the Palace to the Mosque, and
there is a list of grandees who would receive gifts, fur coats, and clothes
as well as detailed information about the types and costs of these gifts.
It is interesting to note that in this document there is no reference to the
architectural style or the novel features of the building (Neftçi, 2007).
The eighteenth-century chronicler Süleyman İzzî wrote about the location,
the piety and charity of the sultan, ceremonial, and other important events
that happened on the day the construction began. His narrative is told
under the heading: “The Foundation of the Exalted, Lofty Mosque (Vaz’-ı
esâs-ı câmi’i mu’allâ).” Izzî notes that on the same day [8 Safer 1162 or
January 28, 1749] a galleon -Nasîr Nümâ- was put to sea and afterwards the
sultan was accompanied by the grand-vizier and other high officials came
to visit and inspect the site of foundation where sheep were sacrificed for
the occasion and gifts were distributed with munificence and generosity
(12).
Another contemporary historian, Ahmed Vâsıf (1994, Vol. I, 71), whose
chronicles were in sequence with those of İzzî, noted that:
“...the construction for the new mosque had started on 28 Muharrem 1162
[January 18, 1749] (13) during the reign of the late sultan Mahmud Han, and
while it was being built, made higher, and stronger, Osman Han, took over
the throne and became the new sultan of the Ottoman land. The building
was completed on the Gurre Rebiülevvel 1169 [December 5, 1755] with the
dependencies and was named Nûr-ı ‘Osmânî. The interior of the mosque
was furnished by colorful rugs and was full of priceless ornaments and
embellishments appropriate for the sultan”.
Ahmed Vâsıf depicted the visit of the sultan and his inspection, saying that
he gave fur coats and other gifts (ilbâs-ı hilât) to the high officials during
the inaugural ceremony. He referred to the Nuruosmaniye as the “second
Kâbe (beyt-i ma’mûr)”, praised its new style and layout, and how daylight
streamed through generous fenestration on the façades. He went on to
applaude the patron’s munificence:
.”..[the mosque is] indeed perfect and matchless with no equal; this bright,
and prosperous building, the luminous temple that makes all other temples,
old and new, envious; with an attractive layout and a symmetrical [well-
defined] plan; it is the strongest, sturdiest and reinforced, it is obvious that
the neat and orderly temple is delightful and pleasing, and is qualified as a
sacred, honorable, lofty mosque.
There is no need to describe the sun with its light,
The work of art [monument] is visible [obvious] to the skilled eye.
In the courtyard of the mosque, there is a medrese, library, and imâret built
where many people will be educated and benefit from, and they will pray
for the patron’s health and well being till eternity” (14).
THE NURUOSMANIYE COMPLEX METU JFA 2011/2 151
Figure 8. The courtyard of the Nuruosmaniye Şem‘dânî-zâde, the self-appointed chronicler of the second half of the
(Photo by A. Neftçi).
eighteenth century, recounted the inaugural ceremony of the mosque
Figure 9. The courtyard of the Nuruosmaniye.
in a more detailed passage describing the feast, fur coats, and coins
distributed to those gathered for the occasion, mentioning that there was
no applause inside the building since it was a mosque. He emphasized
the “architectural temperament” (tâb’-ı mi’mârisi) of Sultan Mahmud and
underlined the “charming plan and attractive layout” (hoş resm ve lâtif
tarh etmiştir) of the mosque. Şem‘dânî-zâde also gave the measurements
of the height of the dome, the minarets and wrote about the “medrese with
twelve cells, a lofty imâret, a library, fountain, sebil, and şadırvan.” He
concluded this section by praising the style, ornamentation, and decorative
vocabulary: “The truth is, this is an appropriate pious deed, skillfully
crafted, flamboyantly ornate and decorated, charming and delightful”
(Şem‘dânî-zâde, 1978).
İncicyan, the Armenian chronicler of the eighteenth century narrated
with the composure and precision of a scientist praising the style of the
Nuruosmaniye and said that it was built on a platform across the Old
Bedesten and its dome and general architectural style are superior to those
of all other mosques in İstanbul. “This building is adorned with marble
columns; the gate, windows, and capitals are elegant and charming” (1976,
50-51). In the Hadikatü’l-Cevâmi which is an encyclopedic account of the
mosques in Ottoman İstanbul, Hâfız Hüseyin Ayvânsarâyi (2000, 24-25)
wrote very briefly about the Nuruosmaniye, mentioning its epigraphic
program, and the imperial tribune (hünkâr mahfili) and the müezzin’s
tribune without addressing the style of the building.
In these contemporaneous Ottoman accounts about the Nuruosmaniye,
there are no specific references to the innovative character of the building.
Only Ahmed Efendi (1918) addressed “the new style” of the mosque (câmi-i
şerif-i nev tarz-ı lâtif) and praised its dependencies; however, he did not
even point out the unusual shape of the courtyard, except that, “since the
corners are rounded, it measures less than a quadrangle with the same
dimensions” (15). This is interesting because the horseshoe form is unique
in Ottoman mosque architecture and one would expect Ahmed Efendi to
15. “Ancak köşeleri müdevver olmağla terbi’inden
bir mikdâr noksan olur.” Ahmed Efendi (1918).
underline this very salient feature with greater strength (Figure 8, 9).
152 METU JFA 2011/2 Selva SUMAN
16. “On retrouve toujours le même dessein, si Other historians and chroniclers all regarded the building with admiration
ce n’est peut-être dans les mosquées qu’on a
construites sous la règne de Sultan Mahamout.” and agreed upon the excellence of the structure that they found charming,
Flachat (1766, v: I, 400-3). lofty, luminous, and peerless with a delightful design and layout.
17. Starting in the seventeenth century, as Şem’dânî-zâde emphasized the flamboyant decoration and ornamentation,
palace women became politically more whereas only İncicyan found architectural features such as marble
powerful, the political role of the chief black
eunuch also started to grow and reached columns, windows, and capitals worth praising. Since he was raised in
its zenith in the first half of the eighteenth a Venetian monastery, İncicyan must have been well aware of European
century. They were sometimes even more
powerful than the grand viziers, “The Vizier artistic styles and these features might not have appeared as “foreign” to
exists but by the Kızlar Ağası’s breath and him. A closer reading of these contemporary Ottoman accounts reveals that
does not take a step without him” said the
British ambassador Sir James Porter. See,
the Nuruosmaniye was planned, designed, and built as a very important
Itzkowitz (1977, 20-1). project in eighteenth-century İstanbul. The importance given to ceremonial
The growing political role of the chief aspects in the Târih and the Teşrifat Defteri is commensurate with the size
black eunuch was certainly reflected in and significance of the Nuruosmaniye at that time, an indication that it was
architectural patronage as well. Hamadeh
notes that nearly half of the thirty-two
probably the most prominent and courageous attempt launched almost 150
meydan fountains that were built between years after the last royal complex, the Sultan Ahmed.
1729 and 1746 were patronized by eunuchs.
See, Hamadeh (2002, 123-48).
On the other hand, Flachat may be referring THE NURUOSMANİYE IN CONTEMPORANEOUS FOREIGN
to Hacı Beşir Ağa here when he says ‘Agi ACCOUNTS
Bectache’, for although he died in 1746, Beşir
Ağa was the most prominent and powerful The Nuruosmaniye Complex attracted the attention of many foreign
Kızlar Ağası in the first half of the eighteenth
century. According to Itzkowitz (1977, 20) travelers, chroniclers, and diplomats who visited İstanbul after the second
he is credited with having brought to power half of the eighteenth century. The French manufacturer Jean Claude
and caused the downfall of over a dozen
grand viziers and with being very close to
Flachat who resided in İstanbul between 1740 and 1755, recounts how
Mahmud I. However, there are no references they went from one mosque to another, which he says were the best things
to the chief black eunuch in the Târih-i to see. However, he does not think that the interior decoration of the
Câmi‘-i Şerif-i Nûr-i ‘Osmânî.
mosques deserve much attention and notes that it is usually sufficient to
18. Cosimo Comidas de Carbognano was an
Armenian, born and educated in Italy. He
merely enter one mosque or look at it from a distance, for the decoration
worked for the Spanish Embassy in Istanbul is the same in all of them. Nevertheless, Flachat emphasizes that the
and was ennobled with Chevalier rank by architectural style of the Nuruosmaniye stands out among the others: “One
Pope Pius VII. His most prominent work,
originally written in Italian is a presentation would always find the same design in the mosques, except probably in
of the historical topography of İstanbul and those constructed under the reign of Sultan Mahamout”(16). He is deeply
its monuments.
impressed by the style of the Nuruosmaniye (the mosque built by Sultan
Mahmud) to which he has devoted a lengthy paragraph:
“...without doubt, the most beautiful mosque that anyone can see in the
Empire, when one has seen St. Sophie. There one can recognize the genius
and the good taste of Agi Bectache, the famous Keslar Aga [Kızlar Ağası] or
chief of the black eunuchs, that I shall talk about later: he has approved the
plan (17). They have worked on it for five years. Whatever majestic height
the building has achieved, there is as much construction underground as
above ground level. Nevertheless I do not pretend that this is a masterpiece
of art. It has a square plan topped with a dome without columns. The walls
are made of large blocks of white marble that gives the thickness. They
are linked to one another using the same marble [in the cracks] so that the
mosque seems to be made out of a single block of white marble, sculpted on
all sides with beautiful cornices that are supported by pilasters en relief that
are placed around the building. A framed double cornice forms the windows
that are embellished by English crystals. The courtyard is decorated by a
number of large columns of granite from Egypt. They are exceptionally
beautiful and the capitals are covered with gold [there is no other reference
to this in any other source]; the main dome and the domes in the courtyard,
and the minarets are capped in lead” (Figure 10) (Flachat 1766, Vol. I, 400-3).
Carbognano (18) focuses (1993, 63) on the architectural beauty and the
Figure 10. The Nuruosmaniye Mosque decorative vocabulary of the Nuruosmaniye in his writings:
with minarets capped in lead (Photo by
B. Kargopoulu, circa 1870-1875) (İstanbul “The mosque named Osmaniye was erected near the Constantinus Column
Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Fotoğraf Arşivi). on the second hill and stands out with its architectural finesse and
THE NURUOSMANIYE COMPLEX METU JFA 2011/2 153
distinction among the others. The construction started during the reign of
Sultan Mahmut and was completed by Osman III who wanted to name
the mosque Osmaniye. The most beautiful decorations of the building are
the mouldings, portals, and windows; the marble galleries on the sides are
magnificent, yet the most striking feature is the dome which is one of the
most conspicious in İstanbul”.
Joseph Purgstall von Hammer was an Austrian diplomat who worked
in İstanbul at the turn of the century and wrote incessantly for many
years. His seminal work is the History of the Ottoman Empire in which
he notes that the Nuruosmaniye consists of a square measuring seventy
six pas on each side and it is accordingly covered by a single dome with
the same diameter and does not have any lateral domes. He explains how
the French architect M.Le Roi, visiting İstanbul in 1753, marveled at the
technique of constructing the dome and gives a brief technical description
on the building of domes. With reference to the architectural style, he
says that there are no marble columns and galleries (péristyle) inside the
Nuruosmaniye and this is what differentiates the building from the others.
There is also an interesting allusion that von Hammer suggests on the
name of the mosque: he says that it was named Nouri Osmani (la lumière
d’Osman), after the reigning sultan Osman III and notes that it also brings to
mind the third Chalif Osman who put the verses of the Koran together in a
single book and since he was married to the two daughters of the Prophet,
he was nicknamed “possessor of two lights” making another reference to
the “luminosity of the mosque” (1992-2000, Vol.15, 86-8, 151-3).
Giambattista Toderini was an Italian Jesuit who studied Ottoman
civilization in İstanbul and he spoke very highly of the Nuruosmaniye
saying that with its gilded galleries and elegant gold inscriptions, the
mosque looks like a graceful and refined piece of jewelry. He was
also the first author to refer to the plan of a church as a model for the
Nuruosmaniye:
“The mosque was built by Sultan Mahmud who had an appreciation for arts,
painting, and a refined taste in architecture. Mahmud brought drawings and
models of the renowned buildings in Italy, England, and France and wanted
to build a mosque inspired from these plans. However, the ulema made
objections upon seeing this design by saying that the plan resembles that
of a Christian temple rather than a mosque and advised the sultan to make
modifications according to Muslim tradition in order to avoid discontent
and upheaval among the public. Sultan Mahmud, feeling obliged to listen to
the ulema, chose a plan that put both European and Turkish styles together.
When the building was completed in 1755, Osman III (who was the reigning
sultan) consulted the müftü, and obtained the fatwa; he was hence happy
and content to name the mosque Nûr-i ‘Osmânîye, giving his own name to
the mosque and not that of his brother, Sultan Mahmud” (19).
The accounts of Jacques Dallaway, an English traveler who visited İstanbul
in the second half of the eighteenth century, were curiously analogous
to those of Toderini published six years earlier. Reverend Robert Walsh,
another British traveler who came to İstanbul in the beginning of the
nineteenth century, most probably based his writings on these accounts.
Dallaway (1795, 103) and Walsh (1838, Vol. II, 12) both referred to the
refined taste of Mahmud I, how he brought plans of Christian cathedrals
as a model, and how he was made to renounce this choice by the men of
law (ulema). Ottoman sources need to be checked on what the European
travelers mean by “objections from the ulema”, nevertheless Michael Levey
(1976, 121) commenting on these accounts says that “if the story is true, the
19. Toderini (1789, Vol. II, 20-22). See,
Yediyıldız (2003, 238-9). Sultan seems to have largely had his way, for the resulting complex is more
154 METU JFA 2011/2 Selva SUMAN
22. Hamadeh (2008, 226). See Toderini (1789, The analysis of these accounts mirrors an interesting divergence between
Vol. II, 20-22), Dallaway (1795, 103), and
Walsh (1838, Vol. II, 12). Ottoman and European chronicles on the style of the Nuruosmaniye.
23. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Mimarisi (Usūl-i
While Ottoman sources point to the elegant beauty and grandeur of
Mi‘mārī-i‘ Osmāni) (1998, 16, 56).See, Ersoy the lofty mosque, underlining its conspicuous decoration, ornaments,
(2000, 256-60). embellishments, brightness, and prosperity, none of them seems to be
impressed by the stylistic changes in architecture introduced by this
building. Foreign writers on the other hand, made implications to western
references, such as cathedral plans brought from Europe and the possibility
of an inspiration from Christian temples (22).
who introduced the Louis XV style and the baroque that prepared the
degeneration of the Ottoman style. The Ottoman artists started to get
acquainted with different types of European ornamentation which rapidly
became the vogue and was commonly called “à la franka” in vernacular. It
was too soon and quick for them to forget the principles of Ottoman art.
Ignoring the basic concepts of this art [Ottoman], the builders started to mix
all styles so that they produced ugly and displeasing works. One of these
monuments is the Nouri Osmanié, started by Mahmoud I and completed by
Osman; such as the Mosque of Laleli, and both of them belong to that period
of décadence. The former (Nouri Osmanié) has a heavy and disgraceful aspect
and is said to be built after a plan made by Sultan Mahmoud I himself”
(Celal Esad, 1909, 179-80).
Saladin and Celal Esad have both termed the style of Nuruosmaniye
as epitomizing the “décadence of Ottoman architecture”, attributing this
degeneration to the mediocre talent and quality of the European artists
practicing in İstanbul at that time. In his later work Türk Sanatı, Celal
Esad (1928, 93) continues to praise the art of the classical Ottoman period,
saying that art and architecture had reached an apogee at that time. It was
pure and simple he says, was rid of the pomp and extravagance, and the
Ottomans had found the most aesthetic solutions with simplicity and pure
logic. He further notes that until the reign of Ahmet III, the Turks had been
inspired from the East and it was only after this sultan’s accession that they
started to turn to Europe. Curved details, scrolls, and shells of the baroque
style started to appear on buildings and objects, while plain and simple
forms of the classical period were gradually abandoned for the sake of
these new ornamental features. Nevertheless, Celal Esad emphasizes that
this style was not totally modeled after the European baroque; noting the
creativity of the Turkish artists he says that in their search for a new idiom,
they combined new forms and decorative elements with the characteristic
features of their own taste and created a “Turkish Baroque” style. It is
interesting that Celal Esad does not call this style “Ottoman Baroque” but
prefers to use the term “Turkish” (Celal Esad, 1928, 170-1) (24).
During his stay in İstanbul the Hungarian architect Károly Kós (1995,
98-99) drew attention to the European inspirations within the building
program of Mahmud I, saying that he was one of the most interesting
advocates of change and renovation.
“New forms and elements were imported from France and Persia and
were blended into admirable artistic creations. These buildings were not
monumental works of art though, they were renovated structures with
flamboyant decorations; there was nothing new in this Turkish Baroque
idiom, it only involved renovation and embellishment of the past.
The Nuruosmaniye built between 1730-1754 was the first sultanic mosque
after almost one hundred years of pause and the first baroque religious
building in İstanbul. The Laleli (1773-89) was the last grand mosque built
in İstanbul, but none of the two buildings represent characteristic features
of the period nor display monumental grandeur and beauty, they did not
transform the architectural landscape of the city”.
Although Kós does not interpret the style of the Nuruosmaniye as
24. This might be construed through the décadence in Ottoman architecture, he nevertheless employs a rather
ideology of the Republic where national
identity and “Turkishness” became
cautious overtone and notes that both the Nuruosmaniye and Laleli
the prevalent discourse within the new lacked “monumental beauty.” It is also interesting to note that he does not
secular state. Bozdoğan writes about mention any European inspirations in the building but merely notes, “it
the “Turkification” of Ottoman forms and
architecture during that period (2001, 34-55). was the first baroque mosque in İstanbul”(1995, 99-101).
THE NURUOSMANIYE COMPLEX METU JFA 2011/2 157
25. For the problematics of Turkish national widely-acclaimed “rise-and-decline” paradigm by exalting the sixteenth
historiography of the early Republican years,
see Tanyeli (1999, 43-9). century and “othering” the so-called period of “stagnation and decline”
hence degrading the architectural style of the eighteenth century for
contaminating the beauty, simplicity, and purity of the classical tradition
(25).
26. Ahmed Efendi in Târih-i Câmi’-i Şerif-i Later twentieth-century observations on the other hand, underline the
Nûr-i ‘Osmânî, points to “the lofty mosque in
the new style” (câmi’-i şerif-i nev-tarz). features that display novelty; they view the eclectic flamboyant decorative
repertoire of the building as an artistic creation, as opposed to their earlier
counterparts who mostly regarded the style as an unconscious emulation
of western models in a period when signs of self-doubt started to prevail
all over the empire. With the decline of modernism and the assimilation of
new post-modernist trends in cultural and academic spheres, perceptions
in art and architecture are transformed so that hybridity and eclectica gain
prominence. As cross-cultural dialogues are intensified, and artistic and
cultural appropriations become significant, the style of the Nuruosmaniye
is now regarded as a “creative appropriation and assimilation” rather than
“degeneration.”
CONCLUSION
The conspicuous appearance of the Nuruosmaniye lies in its unusual
decorative features where western baroque forms like shells and scrolls;
‘S’ and ‘C’ curves are displayed within a traditional Ottoman mosque
design (Figure 12-14). Although completed during the reign of Osman
III who gave his name to the complex, the Nuruosmaniye was initially
the project of his brother Mahmud I who had approved of its design and
plan. Hence, contemporary accounts indicate that it was Mahmud I who
deserved and merited this building more than his brother who was merely
the inheritor. The style of the Nuruosmaniye seems to be more appropriate
to the reformist character and the architectural patronage of Mahmud I
who had a “good taste in architecture” (Dallaway, 1795, 103). This was
also commensurate with the new tendencies in the residential palaces,
waterside mansions, and the fountains that he patronized in İstanbul.
Kuban (2007, 523) notes that the revivalist role of Mahmud I becomes
evident in the cultural environment that was shaped during his reign and
in the artistic climate that produced a building like the Nuruosmaniye.
An analysis of contemporary Ottoman sources demonstrates that these
authors are aware of the building’s new features and architectural style
(26); however, although the charming design of the Nuruosmaniye is
Figure 12. View from the interior, the
Nuruosmaniye Mosque. highlighted, its formal and decorative features, innovative excellence,
and beauty praised, these observers make no reference to a western
Figure 13. Decorations on the portal, the
Nuruosmaniye Mosque. source of inspiration. On the other hand, quite interestingly, there are
Figure 14. Ornamental detail, the
allusions to European models in foreign accounts of the eighteenth
Nuruosmaniye Mosque. century. Later sources adopt a rather different overtone, early twentieth-
162 METU JFA 2011/2 Selva SUMAN
27. Although it was still the dominant century art historian Celal Esad (1928, 169-70) notes in Türk Sanatı that the
architectural style when Ankara was
declared as the new capital, Ottoman penetration of European forms contaminated the Turkish style and that
Revivalism or the First National the Nuruosmaniye symbolizes décadence with its “disgraceful appearance,”
Architectural Movement was deemed
anachronistic in the 1930s and was
while classical Ottoman architecture is praised for its “purity” and
abandoned in favor of a new “modernist” “simplicity” in line with the assessments of a number of other early
architectural movement in line with the twentieth-century narratives that have been analyzed in this study.
ideology of the early Republic. For the
National Architectural Movements and
Modern Turkish Architecture, see Batur
This is commensurate with the advent of Ottoman Revivalism, or the
(1984), Tekeli (1984), and Bozdoğan (2001). First National Architectural Movement that appeared at the turn of the
century as a synthesis of classical Ottoman, Seljuki, and local styles with
Islamic references. These architects rejected the imported eclecticism and
architectural pluralism of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries;
hence, stylistic transformations and the influx of a hybrid decorative
repertory were regarded as corrupt and degenerate. Concomitantly,
a search for national identity and authenticity became the prevalent
discourse and the style of the Nuruosmaniye was identified with
contamination of the traditional architectural style (27).
However, recent narratives in the later years of the twentieth century
approach hybridity differently. With the waning of nationalist trends
that highlighted the early Republican years, there is a gradual change in
the stance of the scholars towards the hybrid architectural style of the
Nuruosmaniye; their assessments, in line with the post-modern perceptions
in cultural studies, convey a “cluttered, but colorful and creative” image
and make allusions to a “turning point” in Ottoman architectural history.
Although regarded as “corrupt and degenerate” in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth century, the Nuruosmaniye, built in a period when sultanic
complexes were no longer as prevalent and frequent, is considered to be
an “innovative and creative” attempt to assimilate foreign styles into the
Ottoman vocabulary.
This is also mirrored in the transformation in Doğan Kuban’s approach
towards the Nuruosmaniye; while in 1954 he regarded its style as
décadence, in his recent seminal work Osmanlı Mimarisi he asserts that
the Nuruosmaniye is the most important monumental creation after the
Selimiye. Kuban (2007, 506, 680) says:
“we are now far ahead of the scholarly tradition (which was the mainstream
in the early years of the republic) that viewed the era of Sinan as the ‘ideal
national style’; we no longer denigrate the artistic cross-cultural creativity
and innovative originality of the post-classical years that produced
prominent architectural monuments through the assimilation of foreign
elements into local traditions and the physical environment.”
He underlines that the Nuruosmaniye is the “turning point” of this
assimilation process and symbolizes an extraordinary attempt for renewal
and revivalism, in spite of the traditional spatial configuration that the
building displays underneath its innovative “dressing.”
The unusual architectural features and ornamental profusion of the
Nuruosmaniye symbolize a flourishment in eighteenth-century Ottoman
building repertory. The innovative stylistic vocabulary of the building
might also be considered as a prominent architectural representation of the
social transformations of the period. The importance of the Nuruosmaniye
lies in the fact that it is the first sultanic complex built after a long period of
time (one hundred and fifty years after the Sultan Ahmed and eighty years
after the Yeni Valide Camii), that nevertheless pioneers other mosques like
the Laleli and the Ayazma. With its dome second to the Süleymaniye, it is
THE NURUOSMANIYE COMPLEX METU JFA 2011/2 163
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Alındı: 13.05.2011. Son Metin: 12.10.2011 NURUOSMANİYE KÜLLİYESİNİN OSMANLI MİMARLIK TARİHİ
Anahtar Sözcükler: Nuruosmaniye Külliyesi; YAZILIMINDA BİR ‘DEĞİŞİM SİMGESİ’ OLARAK İRDELENMESİ
Târih-i Câmi‘i Şerif-i Nûr-i ‘Osmânî; I.
Mahmud; Onsekizinci Yüzyıl Osmanlı Onsekizinci yüzyılda İstanbul, önemli politik, sosyo-ekonomik ve kültürel
Mimarisi; Osmanlı Barok tarzı.
değişikliklere sahne olmuş, halkın değişen zevkleri ve hayat tarzları ile
devletin gücünü ve otoritesini yeniden kurma çabaları geniş ve yoğun bir
mimari yapılaşmayı da beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu değişiklikler kentin
genel görünümüne de yansımış, ithal edilen yabancı formlar ve yeniliklerin
geleneksel Osmanlı unsurları ile birlikte kullanılması sonucu yeni ve
karışık bir mimari dil ortaya çıkmaya başlamıştır.
Bu çalışmanın konusu olan Nuruosmaniye Camisi ve külliyesi, Osmanlı
mimarlık tarihinde ilk kez barok ve neo-klasik elemanların uygulandığı
dini bir yapı olması ve bir daha tekrar edilmeyen at nalı şeklindeki
avlusu ile büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu yapının yenilikçi özelliklerinin,
onsekizinci yüzyıl dinamikleri ışığında dönemin yerli ve yabancı yazarları
tarafından nasıl algılandığının irdelenmesi amaçlanmakta, aynı zamanda
ikincil kaynaklar ve sanat tarihi alanındaki çalışmalar araştırılarak modern
tarih yazımında Nuruosmaniye’nin nasıl ele alındığı sorgulanırken
Osmanlı mimarlık tarihinde bir “Değişim Simgesi” olarak algılanışı da
incelenmektedir.
Onsekizinci yüzyıl Osmanlı yazarları binanın mermer sütunları, aydınlık
görünümü ve süslemelerinden övgü ile söz ederken, Batı etkisine işaret
etmemektedirler. Buna karşılık dönemin yabancı yazarları yapının
mimari unsurlarında Batı’ya gönderme yapmakta ve Nuruosmaniye’nin
gerçek banisi olan I. Mahmud’un Avrupa’dan örnek kilise planları
getirme çabalarını anlatmaktadırlar. Yirminci yüzyıl tarih ve sanat
tarihi yazımlarında ise ilginç bir özellik göze çarpmaktadır. Yüzyılın
ilk yarısındaki anlatımlar binanın Batı’dan esinlenen karışık uslubunu
eleştirerek klasik Osmanlı mimarisini adeta “kirlettiğinden” söz etmekte,
ikinci yarının modern yazarları ise Nuruosmaniye’yi cesur bir yaratıcılık
örneği olarak görmektedirler.