Constructing Le Nozze Di Figaro: Sequins) - Da Ponte Damages His Credibility by Claiming in The
Constructing Le Nozze Di Figaro: Sequins) - Da Ponte Damages His Credibility by Claiming in The
Constructing Le Nozze Di Figaro: Sequins) - Da Ponte Damages His Credibility by Claiming in The
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
detriment de Benucci, puisque cet homme vaut plus que deux chief direction of the
Storaces.'6 Da Ponte's name does not occur in this particular corre- opportunity to offer
spondence, from which it might be inferred that he too stood on a majesty that Mozart h
lower rung than Benucci, as viewed by the powers that ran the Taken literally, Da P
Burgtheater. mean that work beg
Mozart suggested the Figaro play to Da Ponte according to both the months in questio
Extract and the memoirs. In both Baron Raimund Wetzlar, one of
unlikely to have com
Mozart's friends, is given credit for having generously offered to pay no earlier than the d
the poet for writing the libretto (the Extract specifies the sum of 50 who was in ignoranc
sequins). Da Ponte damages his credibility by claiming in the absence from the ci
memoirs that Don Giovanni was his idea, which claim can be rejected as was in Vienna thro
implausible.7 A passage in the Extract demolishes what Da Ponte says 1786.9 In October
in the memoirs; Guardasoni, the impresario, asked Mozart to set production in the Bu
Bertati's Don Giovanni. This inconvenient piece of information in the daughter, Leopold M
Extract obviously had to be deleted in the memoirs after Da Ponte dated 2 November d
decided to cover up his indebtedness to Bertati's libretto. Le nozze di Figaro. W
Joseph II framed his objections to the Figaro play in a letter to and the trials over Ido
Count Pergen of 31 January 1785, taking care to point out that the his memory, Leopo
censor, if he did not ban it outright, would have to see that such consuming negotiati
changes were made so that he could take responsibility for its the composer exactly
performance and the impression it made on the public:
Gott gebe, dass es in d
Ich vernehme, dass die bekannte Komedie le Mariage de Figaro in einer wird ihm eben vieles
deutschen Ubersetzung ffir das Kiirntnerthortheater angetragen seyn eingerichtet bekomm
solle; da nun dieses Stuck viel Anst6ssiges enthiialt; so verstehe Ich mich, er wird immer daran
dass der Censor solches entweder ganz verwerfen, oder doch solche seiner schinen Gewoh
Verainderungen darinn veranlassen werde, dass er flir die Vorstellung weil er vom Gr: Rosen
dieser Piece und den Eindruck, den sie machen diirfte, haften werde
kinnten.8 Da Ponte painted Co
the opera, not as th
Da Ponte echoes the banning in his memoirs, but not the emperor's
emperor, who dro
suggestion of redeeming the play through revisions: 'Vietato aveva accumulate to a poin
pochi di prima l'Imperadore alla compagnia del teatro tedesco di Da Ponte's main claim
rappresentare quella comedia, che scritta era, diceva egli, troppo a personal intervie
liberamente per un costumato uditorio.' In the Extract he writes:
memoirs at this point
There was an obstacle which first appeared insurmountable - the emperor
You know very well,
had a few days before forbidden its performance in Vienna. I resolved
in instrumental music
nevertheless, to write the drama secretly, and wait for a good opportunity
not good for much. A
to have it performed in Vienna, or in some other city. In the course of two
replied I, I should nev
months the opera was completed in all its parts; and as fortune would have
it, the person we feared [Salieri], a great rival of Mozart, and who had the Da Ponte, newly arr
only of Die Entfihr
6 Rudolf Payer von Thurn, Joseph II. als Theaterdirektor: Ungedruckte Briefe und Aktenstiicke aus den
possible to believe
Kinderjahren des Burgtheaters (Vienna and Leipzig, 1920), 70, letter of 29 September 1786 to words are put in his
Rosenberg.
7 See Daniel Heartz, 'Three Schools for Lovers: The Mozart-Da Ponte Trilogy', About the But that Marriage of F
House.. The Magazine of the Friends of Covent Garden (Spring 1981), 18: 'Da Ponte claimed in his
memoirs, written four decades after the fact, that he was the one who selected the Don Juan 9 Ignaz von Mosel, Ueber das
legend, but this does not jibe with other facts, or with Mozart's clear precedence over his 1827), 93.
partner, even in literary matters.' 'o Mozarts Briefe und Aufzeichnungen, ed. W. A. Bauer and 0. E. Deutsch (Kassel, 1963), iii,
8 Von Thurn, Joseph II. als Theaterdirektor, 60. 443-4.
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CONSTRUCTING LE NOZZE DI FIGARO 81 82 DANIEL HEARTZ
freue.'"
in the national theatre: you ought to have known that. Sir, answered I, as I The pressure
had to write an opera, and not a comedy, I have been able to score
omit certain in November po
scenes, and shorten others, and I have carefully expunged whatever might
Christmas, during the
offend the decency of a theatre over which your majesty presides. If that is
until after Easter in th
the case, replied he, I rely on your opinion for the goodness the
of the music,
absence of Luisa La
and on your prudence for the choice of the characters:had you may been given leave
immediately give the parts to the copyist.
Soler's successful settin
The translator has done poorly here in rendering 'della Storace,
vostra Benucci and t
January
prudenza quanto al costume' (meaning theatrical propriety, as in Da and Februar
Ponte's phrase quoted above, 'per un costumato uditorio'). had to learn Salieri's
If we believe Da Ponte, the emperor capitulated with theentertainment
speed of an in the
opera buffa clown. This demands a credulity of the reader1786,
that few can to which Mozart
play
possess. By suggesting that the play be revised to make it more Der Schauspieldir
respectable, Joseph had, from the beginning, shown moreduring
interest in it Lent of Idome
than Da Ponte let on. And although the planned production Auersperg,
in the for which
and
Kiarntnerthor theatre was abandoned, Joseph allowed the German write two new p
translation of the play to be printed as it stood, uncut, came
somethingto fulfilment with
Burgtheater
unthinkable even a few years earlier, when Maria Theresa was alive. late in Ma
What Da Ponte, many years later, claimed credit for Cobenzl,
initiating - his ambassado
revising, cutting and cleaning up the play - is similar to earlier,
what Joseph at which tim
told Pergen would have to be done with it in JanuaryPaisiello's
of 1785. We operas as t
suggest that, contrary to Da Ponte's tale, the emperor was serious,
in on the he specified; t
'secret' from the beginning. entry in Zinzendorfs
At this point in his tale Da Ponte brings in Mozart. In the padrona,
Extract musique
thenouvelle de Paisiello au lieu de l'ancienne de
Pergolese.
composer is made to seem an eavesdropper waiting in the shadowsBenucci et Storace jouerent.'"3 Not until 1 May 1786 was Le
for
his cue: nozze di Figaro ready to be exposed to the public, after several weeks of
rehearsals. The emperor attended the dress rehearsal on 29 April,
I instantly brought Mozart into the imperial presence, to perform some according to Zinzendorf and Da Ponte's memoirs.
pieces of his music; and the emperor was most agreeably surprised. I need
not add, that this proceeding was by no means gratifying to the other Salieri provides a detailed description of how a composer approached
composers, nor to the manager, Count Rosemberg [sic], who hated both
Mozart and myself. We had to make head against a host of intriguers, both
setting a comic opera to music in those days (see Appendix). His
before and after the representation of the piece.
teacher Gassmann, imperial court composer, was called to Italy to
write an opera seria (Metastasio's Ezio) for the Roman Carnival of 1770.
This account must have struck Da Ponte as somewhat brisk, or lacking In his absence, young Salieri (born 1750) was asked by Giovan
in plausibility, because he padded it with several further details Gastone Boccherini, brother of the composer and a dancer in imperial
between 1819 and 1823. In the memoirs he runs to Mozart to give him service, to set a libretto he had written with the help of Calzabigi. Le
the good news, only to find an imperial courier already at hand with a donne letterate (adapted from Moliere's Lesfemmes savantes), given in the
note bidding the composer to bring his score to the palace instantly. Burgtheater in January 1770, was the result. Salieri says they first
Mozart obeys the royal command and plays diverse pieces 'which decided on the distribution of the roles, according to the abilities of
pleased the Emperor marvellously and, without any exaggeration, the singers then in the company (and subject to the approval of the
astounded him'. There follows a digression on the emperor's exquisite
musical taste - all this material is added to the version found in the " Irmgard Leux-Henschen, Joseph Martin Kraus in seinen Briefen (Stockholm, 1978), 310. The
Extract. letter is written to the composer's sister Marianna in Frankfurt-on-Main.
'2 Roger Fiske in his article on Nancy Storace in the The New Grove Dictionary of Music (London,
The new opera was talked about openly by late 1785, and not only 1980), xviii, 182, says that the part of the Countess was intended originally for Storace, on the
in Vienna. In far-distant Paris the German composer Joseph Martin basis of what evidence we know not. Since Storace was more experienced than Laschi, and more
highly paid, it seems reasonable to believe that she had her pick of either role.
Kraus knew what was going on; in a letter to his sister dated 26 '3 Joseph II. und Graf Ludwig Cobenzl: Ihr Briefwechsel, ed. A. Beer and J. von Fiedler (Vienna,
December 1785 he wrote about Mozart: 'Er arbeitet nun an seinem 1901), i, 370, cited in H. C. Robbins Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works (Bloomington and
Figaro, eine Operette in 4 Aufziigen, worauf ich mich herzlich London, 1976-80), ii, 413, note.
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
ensure
theatre director, it goes without saying). He read the applause,
libretto through, as he
then read it again, and read the lyric verses a thirdadded finale,
time. Only then concoct
did he begin to think of the music: 'Following the narrowed
practice of my down to C o
teacher I decided first on the key appropriate to the character of each He
reasons. chose E
lyric number.' Upon further reading of the text heafterthought,
began to think of also to be
3
some passages in terms of melody for the first time. When in a blaze
he returned of trumpet
to his task after lunch he was seized with a desire contrast to
with Acts 2 and 4. With the
compose distribution of his three universal
the
music for the Introduzione. He sought to imaginekeys the the character
scaffolding of theand edifice was in place. Every subsequent
situation of the actors as if they were alive before his
choice of key hadeyes, and
to be calculated on textual affect (and traditional
suddenly he found an orchestral motion which seemed musical affecttotoo)carry
from the andone side, and relationship to the three
bind together the sung texts of different sections: act-ending 'I
keystransported
from the other.
myself to the parterre of the theatre and imaginedEighteenth-century
hearing my sensibilities
ideas allowed that a key could take on a
performed: they seemed characteristic; I wrote them quite down,
specific personality,
triedor,them depending on how it was used, it could
over, and as I was satisfied, I continued further.' remain
In half neutral.anThis,hour
at least, isaone way we might read Schubart's
sketch for the Introduzione stood on the music desk. Thestatement
enigmatic sameonevening,the subject: 'Jeder Ton ist entweder gef'rbt,
working until midnight, he attacked the first finale,oder nicht reading
geflirbt.'"4 Take it over
the case of Mozart's uses of the key of E? in
twice before making a tonal and rhythmic plan of the
Figaro. It waswhole,
broad enough 'which
to embrace the strepitosissimo racket that
took three hours, without a single note being written down'.
ends the finale of Act 2;In four
but when used to project a tender mood and
coloured by delicate shadings from the clarinets and other winds, it
weeks' time the score was more than two-thirds complete.
Several useful points emerge from Salieri's candid assumed observations.
the 'plaintive softness' claimed for it by the historian
The finales required special attention from composersHawkins (1776),no less
and also than
the 'noble and pathetic' character attributed
from librettists (and the same applies to the finale toprocedure
it by the composermoved to By a stroke of genius (surely
Gretry (1797).'5
the beginning of the act, i.e. the Introduzione). NotMozart's
onlyidea), this
the potently
finale'sloaded weapon of affect-laden EO as
sequence of keys, but also their sequence of time-changes
amorous plaint was planted required
at the beginning of Act 2 in a solo scene
advance planning. Salieri's many successes as a for
theatre
the Countess,composer
making her first appearance (whereas she had
surely had a lot to do with visualizing how his music appearedwouldin Act 1 ofwork in
the play, momentarily). 'Porgi, amor, qualche
projecting the dramatic action across the footlights. His in
ristoro' capitalized notion
text and music of on a long tradition adherent to
orchestral textures and rhythms tying together separate the aria d'affetto. sung pas-
sages, one of his earliest musical thoughts, represents More was at stake a for
valuable
Mozart and Da Ponte than just a tradition of
testimony to the beginnings of this indispensablelove finale
songs in EO. technique.
They were putting themselves in competition with a
His first musical thoughts of all, it should be emphasized, solo scene for young
were Rosina,
how beforeto she married Count Almaviva, in
stretch the available tonalities over the whole framework so as to the opera by which, more than any other, Figaro would be measured: II
match key and textual affect (while achieving both unity and variety, barbiere di Siviglia by Petrosellini and Paisiello. Exactly halfway through
he might have added). In this vital respect he merely copied the Il barbiere, at the end of Act 1, part ii, Rosina, alone on stage for the
practice of his teacher Gassmann, he says. only time in the opera, pours out her secret emotions; amorously
Mozart fell heir to the Viennese opera buffa tradition of Gassmann attracted to Lindoro (the Count in disguise), she sends her sighs up to
and Salieri. There is no reason to believe he operated very differently Heaven, asking it, in its justice and in knowledge of her honest heart,
when approaching a libretto (except that he seems to have taken more to grant her soul the peace that it does not have. The poet says this
pains than any other composer with the shape of the libretto in the very economically in a cavatina of four short, mellifluous lines:
first place). In 1785, as in 1770, a great French comedy provided the Giusto ciel, che conoscete
initial impetus. By this time the art of the finale was raised to its Quanto ii cor honesto sia,
highest peak of poetic and dramatic perfection in the two crowning Deh voi date all'alma mia
glories of the species that end Acts 2 and 4 of Le nozze di Figaro. Quella pace che non ha.
Choosing the key of the second finale meant choosing the keynote of
the opera. There were not many possible choices, to be sure, for only
"' Christian Friedrich Daniel Schubart, Ideen zu einer Asthetik der Tonkunst (Vienna, 1806), 377.
three keys commonly accommodated trumpets and drums in the The treatise was written in the 1780s.
1780s: C, D, and Eb. Mozart chose D major. Since he wanted a noisy ~5 Rita Steblin, A History of Key Characteristics in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (Ann
end with trumpets and drums to the opera's medial finale as well (to Arbor, 1983), 70 and 107.
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CONSTRUCTING LE NOZZE DI FIGARO 85 86 DANIEL HEARTZ
AI"f 6I&
Giu - sto ciel, giu- sto ciel Example 4. From cavatina No. 3 in Le nozze di Figaro
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
S~ R"94 2 Violini
Gio - va - i lie - te
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CONSTRUCTING LE NOZZE DI FIGARO 89 90 DANIEL HEARTZ
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Benucci! The account of the opera by Michael Kelly, who created the
roles of Basilio and Don Curzio, singles out Benucci's performance of Conte: Non du - bi- tar, o Fi - ga-ro, non du - bi - tar, o Fi - ga -ro, dell'
this aria as winning Mozart's praises:
I remember at the first rehearsal of the full band, Mozart was on stage ...
giving the time of the music to the orchestra. Figaro's song, 'Non piui
o - ro io por - - te - rb, deli' o - ro io por - te - ro.
andrai, farfalone amoroso' Benucci gave out with the greatest animation
and power of voice. I was standing close to Mozart, who, sotto voce, was
repeating, Bravo! Bravo! Benucci; and when Benucci came to the fine partly because it was the first tonal resolution following the
passage, 'Cherubino alla vittoria, alla gloria militar', which he gave out Introduzione. There is a sense thus of completing the tonal span
with Stentorian lungs, the effect was electricity itself, for the whole of the proposed by the beginning of the act, following the intervening stops
performers on stage, and those in the orchestra, as if actuated by one
feeling of delight, vociferated Bravo! Bravo! Maestro. Viva, viva, grande 20 Sabine Henze-D6hring analyses the music and dramatic action of Act 1, part i, in Opera
Mozart.19 Seria, Opera Buffa und Mozarts Don Giovanni: Zur Gattungsconvergenz in der italienischen Oper des 18.
Jahrhunderts (Laaber, 1986), 104-10. She shows that Paisiello matches music with stage action
here in a manner that before this time had been found only in finales.
Perhaps the time has come, after 200 years, when we can give a little 2' Edward J. Dent, Mozart's Operas: A Critical Study (London, 1947), 108-9. Speaking of
credit to Mozart's singers for inspiring such a triumph of the operatic Paisiello, Dent says: 'The influence of his music on Figaro is apparent mainly in Voi che sapete,
which was very probably intended as an improvement on the serenade of Count Almaviva at the
beginning of Il Barbiere di Siviglia.' Dent argued (p. 112) that 'the supreme moment of the opera is
the sextet in act III'. It is odd that he did not note its technique of passing short motifs from
'8 For a Venetian example of 1745 see Daniel Heartz, 'Vis Comica: Goldoni, Galuppi and voice to voice in a rising sequence adumbrated in the quintet No. 14 of II barbiere. For the best
L'Arcadia in Brenta', Venezia e il melodramma nel settecento, ed. M. T. Muraro (Florence, 1981), 37. argument that can be made against Dent, see Wye J. Allanbrook, 'Pro Marcellina: The Shape of
'~ Reminiscences of Michael Kelly (London, 1826), i, 255-6. "Figaro" Act IV', Music and Letters, 63 (1982), 69-84.
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CONSTRUCTING LE NOZZE DI FIGARO 93 94 DANIEL HEARTZ
Act 2
D. G B 0 F D A EI BO G of C characters. The
where 'it is obvious that the arias for Basilio and Marcellina in Act IV
big
10 11 12 13 14 15 Finale are very much in the way and contribute nothing to the drama; and
they come far too late to illustrate the characters of their singers - we
EIOB0 G C G E[BO GC F BO EO
were left in no doubt about those in Act I'.23 The relationship of the
Act 3 two following arias for Figaro and Susanna, which are both essential
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 for the drama, gave Mozart a lot of trouble. He first sketched the
garden aria, No. 27, as a rondo in cut time and in the key of E? to a
a/A D F CI B0 GjCaC text that began 'Non tardar amato bene vieni vola al seno mio' (see
Act 4 Example 15). Evidently he intended to produce a big rondo of the
23 24 25 26 27 28 Finale
4k l tI6 1, pi a+I 1 Ii i.
keys in successive numbers and within the two finales. The pairings
occur in every act. At the end of Act 1 the terzetto No. 7Susanna:
andNon the
tar - dar a -ma - to be- nc vie- ni vo - la al sc - no mi- o
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CONSTRUCTING LE NOZZE DI FIGARO 97 98 DANIEL HEARTZ
This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC This content downloaded from 193.204.40.97 on Fri, 04 Jan 2019 16:31:22 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms