Health and Society

EXCLUSIVE BREASTFEEDING AND FAMILY

INFLUENCES IN RURAL GHANA: A
QUALITATIVE STUDY

IDDRISU SEIDU

Supervisor:
Ronald Stade

Thesis in Master of Public Health Malmö University

30 credits Health and Society
May 2013 205 06 Malmö
ABSTRACT
Exclusive breastfeeding has been recognised as an important public health tool for the primary
prevention of child morbidity and mortality. Consequently, the WHO and UNICEF have
recommended exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months after delivery, followed by
introduction of complementary foods and continued breastfeeding for 24 months or more. Even
so, however, efforts to promote exclusive breastfeeding have either achieved limited successes
or run into severe problems due in part to poor understanding of the several influences on the
practice. As a social institution and more importantly the basic unit of society, the aim of this
study was to seek an in-depth understanding of family influences on exclusive breastfeeding in
rural Ghana. Using a qualitative method with unstructured interviews as data collection
instrument, a total of fourteen respondents comprising breastfeeding women and family from
Moglaa in the Savelugu/Nanton Municipality in Ghana participated in this study. All
Interviews were audio taped, transcribed, and analysed using seven analytic procedures. Four
themes emerged in relation to the forms of family influences on exclusive breastfeeding:
family knowledge of exclusive breastfeeding; collective sense of duty; family beliefs and
practices; and learning to breastfeed. Given how the family participate and influence infant
feeding practices, it is suggested that public health education must aim at increasing the
familiarity of family members on breastfeeding recommendations and also endeavour to work
with traditional and religious leaders so as to modify and/or discourage practices that involve
feeding newborns with herbal teas and ritual concoctions.

Key words: Exclusive breastfeeding, family, Ghana, influence, rural community

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT …................................................................................................................1
ABBREVIATIONS ………………………………………………………………..……4
DEFINITIONS …............................................................................................................5
Chapter One
INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND …………………………………………….6
1.1 Introduction ………………………………………….…………………6

1.2 Background ……………………………………………………….........7

1.2.1 Breastfeeding in historical context …...............................................................7
1.2.2 Exclusive breastfeeding trends in the developing world …..............................9
1.2.3 Health benefits of exclusive breastfeeding ……………………………………10
1.2.4 Breastfeeding practices in Ghana ……………………………………………..11
1.2.5 The Ghana context ……………………………………………………............12
1.2.5.1 Family structure …………………………………………………………..12
1.2.5.2 Geography ………………………………………………………………...13
1.2.5.3 Demographic profile ……………………………………………………...14
1.2.5.4 Infant and child health ………………………………………………….....15
1.2.5.5 Infant nutrition in Ghana ………………………………………………….16
1.3 Primary scientific problem ………………………………………………………….17
1.4 Aim of the study …………………………………………………………………….17
1.5 Research questions ………………………………………………………………….17
1.6 Significance of the study ……………………………………………………………17
Chapter Two
PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON EXCLUSIVE BREASTFEEDING…………………….19
2.1 Determinants of exclusive breastfeeding ………………………………………….19
2.2 Pre breastfeeding practices ………………………………………………………..20
2.3 Influences on breastfeeding ……………………………………………………….21
2.4 Weaning and the weanling’s dilemma ……………………………………………22
2.5 Delimitation of study ……………………………………………………………..24
Chapter Three
METHOD ……………………………………………………………………………….25
3.1 Selecting the study area and why? ……………………………………………….25
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 3.2 The qualitative method …………………………………………………………..25
3.3 Data collection …………………………………………………………………...26
3.3.1 Unstructured interviews …………………………………………………….26
3.3.2 Recruitment of study subjects ………………………………………………27
3.4 Data management ………………………………………………………………..27
3.5 Data analysis ……………………………………………………………………..28
3.6 Ethical consideration …………………………………………………………….29
3.6.1 Informed consent and confidentiality ………………………………………..29
3.6.2 Beneficence and risk …………………………………………………………29
3.7 Discussion of method ……………………………………………………………30
3.7.1 Validity ………………………………………………………………………30
3.7.2 Consistency …………………………………………………………………..30
3.7.3 Transferability ………………………………………………………………..31
3.8 Study limitations ………………………………………………………………….31
3.9 Theoretical framework ………………………………………………………………32
3.9.1 Social cognitive theory ………………………………………………………....32
Chapter Four
RESULTS ……………………………………………………………………………….34
4.1 Demographic characteristics of participants ……………………………………...34
4.2 Four Themes ………………………………………………………………………34
4.2.1 Family knowledge of breastfeeding …………………………………………..33
4.2.2 Collective sense of duty ……………………………………………………….36
4.2.3 Family beliefs and practices …………………………………………………...37
4.2.4 Learning to breastfeed …………………………………………………………39
4.3 Discussion of results …………………………………………………………………41
4.4 Implications for public health policy ………………………………………………..45
Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………….46
Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………………………48
References ……………………………………………………………………………….49
Appendixes……………………………………………………………………………….56

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ABBREVIATIONS
EBF: Exclusive breastfeeding

EAF: Exclusive Artificial Feeding

GDHS: Ghana Demographic and Health Survey

GSS: Ghana Statistical Service

HIV: Human Immunodeficiency Virus

MDG: Millennium Development Goals

UNICEF: United Nations Children’s Fund

WHO: World Health Organization

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DEFINITIONS
Colostrum: Colostrum is the first fluid that comes from the breast immediately after birth. It is
yellowish in colour and contains high protein and anti bodies. It is often described as the first
form of ‘immunization’ for a new born child.
Exclusive breastfeeding: refers to when infants are not given any other food or liquid
including water during the first six months after delivery.
Exclusive artificial feeding: a feeding method that solely involves the use of none breast milk
foods.
Neonate: refers to a new born baby especially one that is less than one month old.
Lactational amenorrhea: it is a natural form of birth control mechanism or protection against
pregnancy that occurs during breastfeeding. The effect is observed to be particularly strong
when breastfeeding is exclusive.
Otitis media: an infection involving the middle ear that is common among infants but is not
limited to them.
Prelacteal feeds: Prelacteal feeds are fluids given to newborns before breastfeeding is initiated
Postpartum: the immediate period after child birth especially the first 6 weeks
Stunting: it is also referred to as ‘shortness’. It is a condition characterised by low height for
age that is caused by insufficient nutrition over a long period and regular infections.
Wasting: this is also known as ‘thinness’. It is a condition characterised by low weight for
height that is caused by acute food shortage.
Weaning: this refers to a practice in the course of breastfeeding during which infants are
gradually introduced to non breast milk foods and thereby leading to cessation of
breastfeeding.
Wet nurse: a woman who breastfeeds another woman’s baby. In addition to the feeding, a wet
nurse may also be tasked to take care of the baby usually for a fee.

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 Chapter One
INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND
1.1 Introduction
Over the last couple of decades, there has been an increasing interest in the promotion of
exclusive breastfeeding as the ‘best’ feeding method for newborns. This, to a large extent, has
been inspired by mounting scientific evidence on the importance of exclusive breastfeeding in
reducing infant morbidity and mortality. In resource limited settings where poor and sub-
optimal breastfeeding practices frequently result to child malnutrition which is a major cause of
more than half of all child deaths (Sokol et al. 2007), exclusive breastfeeding is regarded as
imperative for infants’ survival. Indeed, of the 6.9 million under five children who were
reported dead globally in 2011, an estimated 1 million lives could have been saved by simple
and accessible practices such as exclusive breastfeeding (WHO, 2012). Consequently, the
WHO and UNICEF (1990) have recommended exclusive breastfeeding for six months,
followed by introduction of complementary foods and continued breastfeeding for 24 months
or more.
In Ghana, an estimated 84% of children younger than 2 months are being exclusively
breastfed. By age 4 to 5 months, however, only 49% continue to receive exclusive
breastfeeding (Ghana Statistical Service & ICF Macro, 2009 p. 187). In order to understand the
dynamics of the practice, several studies have been conducted in Ghana and in many parts of
the world. Much of these studies have focused on factors and barriers to exclusive
breastfeeding (Aidam et al. 2005; Otoo et al. 2009; Senarath et al. 2010). Some too have
looked at the health outcomes of exclusive and non exclusive breastfeeding (Duncan et al.
2009; Coutsoudis et al.1999; Kramer, 2003); while others have also studied the potential role
of husbands in breastfeeding decisions (Arora et al.2000; Susin, et al. 2008). Much less
attempts however, have been made at investigating how the family might influence exclusive
breastfeeding practices especially in sub Saharan Africa. This thesis is thus an endeavour to
meet the current knowledge gaps.

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1.2 Background
1.2.1 The historical context of breastfeeding
Humans and apes (all hominoids) have had similar defining features of their reproductive
physiology including lactation and breastfeeding throughout history (Kennedy, 2005); yet
detailed anthropologic work on ancient breastfeeding practices and patterns has rather been
scanty (Sellen, 2009), a dearth that is partly blamed on the male ˗ centred perspectives that
focus primarily on male activities to the neglect of female related ones such as breastfeeding
and child birth (Stuart-Macadam and Dettwyler,1995). Even so, however, breastfeeding has
been reported as an age-old practice that has been very critical not only to the physiology,
growth, and overall well-being of neonates but the physiology and health of women as well
(Stuart-Macadam and Dettwyler, 1995). Indeed, scarcely does a society exist without some
form of infant breastfeeding; for it is one of the practices among human societies that transcend
the boundaries of time and place. The practice has been a method of feeding to which infants
have not only adapted but lived on for most of human existence on earth (ibid). It was also in
the course of several centuries, significantly practiced, respected, and the primary attractor of
many artistic works such as paintings, drawing, and sculptures (Tonz, 2000; Sellen, 2009).
In many ancient societies, breastfeeding practices were often guided by traditions,
ancient medical literatures etc. For instance, the Susruta, an ancient Indian medical text
recommended that "in the six month of its birth the child should be fed on light and wholesome
rice'' (Fildes, 1986 p.16). Similar ancient medical texts such as the Ayur vedic stipulated the
use of breast milk as the sole food for babies until the end of the first year (ibid). Besides, early
religious scriptures such as the Bible and the Quran also had and still have some
recommendations on breastfeeding practices. In Isaiah chapter 66 verse 11, it is mentioned
‘that ye may suck, and be satisfy with the breast of her consolations; that ye may milk out and
be delighted with the abundance of her glory’ (Bible, the book of Isaiah 66:11). The Quran
similarly stipulates that ‘the mothers shall give suck to their children for two whole years, (that
is) for those parents who desire to complete the term of suckling……. And if you decide on a
foster suckling-mother, there is no sin on you, provided you pay the mother what you agreed
on reasonable basis’ (Quran 2:233). Indeed, until the 19th century, breastfeeding was the norm
in virtually all human societies; and almost every child was breastfed regardless of socio-
cultural environment and economic status (Soko et al. 2007). Even when mothers were not in a
position to breastfeed owing to sickness, death, e.tc other women were made to breastfeed the
newborn. Over time, these women, called wet nurses became readily and widely available for
breastfeeding services especially for affluent families. According to Stevens, Patrick and

7
Pickler (2009) the emergence of wet nursing in human societies first served an ‘alternative of
need’ e.g. during sickness, and later an ‘alternative of choice’ e.g. when it became
commercialized. In Europe for instance, wet nursing became a lucrative employment and had
been the dominant form of infant feeding from early 15th century to mid – 18th century (Grieco
and Corsini, 1991). By late 16th to early 17th century, concerns about wet nursing had grown;
and calls for mothers to breastfeed their own babies were being supported by leading
authorities like Jacques Guillemeau, a French Obstetrician (Stevens, Patrick and Pickler, 2009).
Puritan theologians were also noted to have dedicated sermons and even tracts of behaviour
books to criticism of women who failed to breastfeed their own babies (Fildes, 1986). In spite
of the disapproval and growing rejection of wet nurses’ services, the practice however,
persevered until the 18th and 19th centuries (ibid).
In the 19th century, Justus Von Liebig, a German chemist invented was one of the first
breast milk substitutes. Not long after him, Henri Nestle, another German scientist, as well
invented ‘farine lactee’ (wheat flour with milk) on his arrival in Switzerland in 1843 (Palmer,
2009). Nestle’s new found milk quickly flourished and by 1873, an estimated 500,000 boxes of
farine lactee was sold each year throughout Europe, USA, Mexico, Argentina, and the Dutch
East Indies (ibid p.206). Beginning with the affluent and then poor working mothers, the use of
breast milk substitute became widespread on the heels of intensive advertisements and closed
collaboration with medical practitioners. As a consequence, many mothers were commonly
diagnosed with ‘breast milk insufficiency syndrome’ and then asked to cease breastfeeding
(Avishai, 2009). Almost immediately, breastfeeding rates plummeted throughout Europe and
North America as commercial milk gained dominance from late 19th century to much of the
20th century. It is instructive to note that while wet nursing coexisted and provided alternative
to maternal breastfeeding with little or no harm, the invention of modern breast milk substitute
by contrast, undermined and disturbed the bond between infants and the very act by means of
which they subsisted for centuries.
Perhaps, one of the things for which early breast milk substitutes would continue to be
remembered is the soaring infant mortality that attended to its use. Countless number of the
artificially fed infants suffered from infectious diseases e.g. diarrhoea and died more often than
their breastfed counterparts. In the southern part of Germany where infants were customarily
fed with a mixture of flour, water and animal milk, infant mortality skyrocketed to 400 deaths
per 1000 live births, a proportion that was four times the mortality rate in Norway (Palmer,
2009 p.178). Around the early part of the 20th century however, rising concerns about the risk
of commercial infant milk led in part, to improvements in artificial milk. Sterilization, hygienic

8
storage facilities, and knowledge about the energy requirements for infants made breast milk
substitutes a relatively safer alternative (Crowther, Reynolds and Tansey, 2009). But even so,
artificially fed babies bore substantial risk of morbidities and deaths compared with the
breastfed ones. In Boston for instance, a study in 1910 reported a six fold likelihood of death
among artificially fed babies than the breastfed ones (Palmer, 2009).

1.2.2 Exclusive breastfeeding trends in the developing world

In recognition of the essential role of exclusive breastfeeding (hereinafter referred to as EBF)
vis-à-vis infants’ survival strategies, a lot of effort has gone into scaling up the rates in
developing countries where incidence of child malnutrition and mortality is still high. Yet,
successes in increasing the levels of EBF have rather been modest. In an analysis of data on
EBF from 38 developing countries between 1990 and 2000 Labook et al. (2006) reported an
increase EBF rate from 46% to 53% among infants younger than 4 months and from 34% to
39% for those younger than 6 months. Higher increment was noted in urban areas (30% to
46%) than rural ones (42% to 48%). Although there were increases in all the regions studied
viz. Middle East/ North Africa (29% to 34%), South Asia (49% to 56%), East Asia/Pacific
(57% to 65%); the most impressive increment, however, was found in Sub Sahara Africa
where the rate nearly doubled from 18% in 1990 to 38% in 2000 (p. 275).
Recent analysis by Cai, Wardlaw and Brown (2010) on the global prevalence of EBF
across 140 countries, also reported an increase in the developing world from 33% in 1995 to
39% in 2010 among infants aged 0 ˗ 5 months. Increases from West and Central Africa were
more than twofold i.e. from 12% in 1995 to 28% in 2010. There had also been considerable
improvements from 35% in 1995 to 47% in 2010 among countries in Eastern and Southern
Africa whereas those in South Asia witnessed a modest surge from 40% in 1995 to 45% in
2010. Though it is still lower than the other regions, the rapid increase in West and Central
Africa is probably not a surprise since it hitherto had and continues to have one of the lowest
rates of EBF in the developing world for which reason intensive efforts were made to scale up
the practice in the last two decades. Although the rates of EBF for the past two decades have
been increasing, it is certainly clear nevertheless that the road to a world wherein 90%
coverage of EBF will be reached remains a demanding task. This is evident in the current low
prevalence in much of the developing world especially in West and Central Africa which
happens to have one of the highest rates of malnutrition in the world (Sokol et al., 2007). While
causal declarations about the modest successes that have been achieved throughout the 1990s
and early part of the 21st century are quite difficult to make, some (Labbok et al. 2006)

9
however, have linked the observe improvements in EBF rates to the efficacies of global and
national policy efforts in the 1980s e.g. International Code of Marketing of Breast milk
Substitute, Hospital and Baby Friendly Initiative etc.
Figure 1 Trends in EBF among infants younger than 6 months

Source: Adapted from Cai, Wardlaw and Brown (2012 p.4)

1.2.3 Health benefits of exclusive breastfeeding

Breastfeeding served and continues to serve as an appropriate method through which newborns
are offered essential nutrients necessary for optimal growth and intellectual development.
Breast milk is regarded as perfect, natural and protective food for newborns. Given that
prolonging people’s lives (by reducing mortality) and preventing disease (by reducing
morbidity) are some of the goals of public health (Brulde, 2011), breastfeeding and/or EBF has
been acknowledged as an effective approach to the achievement of these goals. In a study by
Vennemann and colleagues (2009) breastfeeding was found to be protective against sudden
infant death syndrome by reducing the risk by 50% at all ages during infancy; these benefits
have been reported to exhibit dose-response relationship, that is, health gains increases with
increases in duration and exclusivity.
Infants when exclusively breastfed for the optimal duration of six months are
significantly protected against the major childhood diseases conditions viz. diarrhoea,
gastrointestinal tract infection, allergic diseases, diabetes, obesity, childhood leukaemia and
lymphoma, inflammatory and bowel disease (WHO, 2012; American Academy of Pediatrics,
2012). In particular, the risk of hospitalization for lower respiratory tract infections during the
first year of life is reduced by 72% when infants are exclusively breastfed for more than 4

10
months (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2012, p. 828). Duncan et al (2009, p. 867) also
found exclusive breastfeeding to be protective against single and recurrent incidences of otitis
media. Infants who were given supplementary foods prior to 4 months had 40% more episodes
of otitis media than their counterparts.
In the developing world where access to antiviral drugs for HIV infected women is still
difficult, exclusive breastfeeding will be helpful in minimizing HIV 1 transmissions; this was
found in a prospective study of 549 HIV infected breastfeeding mothers in South Africa by
Coutsoudis and colleagues (1999). After adjusting for possible confounders, the researchers
found a significantly lower risk of HIV-1 transmission in children who were exclusively
breastfed for up to 3 months in contrast with those who had complementary feeding prior to 3
months. Mothers who exclusively breastfeed their children also enjoy an advantage of prolong
lactational amenorrhoea (WHO, 2001). The risk of breast and ovarian cancer among
breastfeeding women is also lower than those who use infant formula (WHO, 1990).

1.2.4 Breastfeeding practices in Ghana

Unlike EBF, breastfeeding per se is generally not a problem in Ghana. This is evidenced by the
fact that as high as 98% of all infants younger than six months are being breastfed; and even at
age 12 ˗ 15 months, 95% of children continue to receive breast milk along with complementary
foods. EBF on the other hand is short lived with an estimated 84% of children younger than 2
months being exclusively breastfed. Although initially higher, the percentage of children who
continue to receive exclusive breastfeeding by age 4 to 5 months plummets to about 49%
(Ghana Statistical Service & ICF Macro, 2009 p.186 ˗ 188). On the whole, the use of
colostrums has become common while early initiation of breastfeeding is improving. In
particular, children domiciled in urban areas (55%) are likely to be breastfed within the first
hour after delivery in contrast with children in rural areas (50%). Average duration of
breastfeeding however, is a bit higher among children in rural areas (21 months), compared
with 19 months for those in urban areas.
Unlike countries such as Namibia, Nigeria, Tunisia, and Sudan, where the rate of
bottle-feeding is as high as 30% (Sante Mont rouge, France), the proportion of bottle-fed
infants in Ghana is estimated at 5% among infants younger than 2 months and 21% among
those aged 6-8 months (GSS & ICF Macro p,188). At about six months of age and beyond an
estimated 68% of Ghanaian breastfeeding children are given both solid and semisolid foods.
Most of these complementary foods are made from grains, meat, egg, fish, fruits, and
vegetables (ibid). A general picture of these practices is illustrated in figure 2 below.

11
Infant feeding practices by age in Ghana
Figure 2

Source: adapted from Ghana Demographic and Health Survey, 2008 p.187

1.2.5 The Ghana context

1.2.5.1 Family structure
As the most basic nucleus of society, the institution of family has been ubiquitous throughout
past and present human societies; yet its conception and structural arrangement have varied
significantly from one group of people to another. A unanimous definition of family is
therefore difficult to find. McMurray (2003) describes family as a mediating structure which
serves as a link between individuals and the society in which they live, and through which the
society’s norms, values, roles, and responsibilities are transmitted (p.226). In traditional
Ghanaian societies as it is in many parts of sub Saharan Africa, the institution of family is
conventionally conceived in term of its core functions e.g. child birth, kinship ties etc.
Families in Ghana are either nuclear (family of procreation) or extended (family of
orientation). The former consist of husband, wife, and their children living in a rented
apartment, or in some cases their own house. It is progressively becoming the common and
favored type of family system in many cities due perhaps to urbanization and its demand for
smaller family sizes. The latter on the other hand, comprises grandparents, fathers, mothers,
uncles, aunts, cousins, and children. This type of family system is predominantly found in rural

12
or less urbanized parts of the country where people are more of a social group, that is, they
identify with one another, have shared experiences, strong solidarity, and more importantly
regular interaction.
It is important to note that, the continues existence of the extended family system
despite considerable social changes occasioned by formal education, economic conditions,
migration, and the globalization of western culture, cannot be attributed to chance but to a
number of important roles it performs. In Ghana where state sponsored social welfare services
are nonexistent, the extended family arrangement provides economic and emotional insurances
especially for the vulnerable ones viz. the elderly and children (Nukunya, 2003). The elderly
for instance take care of grand children while the young adults engage in economic activities to
provide for their needs and for the rest of the family. As a social organization wherein care,
protection, and emotional affection are expressed to new members, this type of family
arrangement provides a bigger platform for socializing children into the family and community
as a whole.
Despite the fact that there are many ethnic groups1 in Ghana, viz. Akan (47.5%), Mole
Dagomba (16.6%), Ewe (13.9%), and Ga Dagme (7.4%) (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010 p.5),
with some linguistic and cultural variations, certain family rituals are nonetheless similar. A
case in point is families’ practices on a neonate. A newly born Ghanaian child is customarily
kept indoors for a period of seven days for the reason that (1) the child is vulnerable to both
physical and spiritual harm (2) he/she is seen as a guest from the spiritual realm that may go
back during the first week. Surviving children are thus named on the 7th day amidst colorful
traditional ceremony to formally welcome and sanction the child’s membership to the family.
These ceremonies, called in the local parlance kpodziemo among the Ga, suuna among the
Dagomba, abadinto or dzinto among the Akan, and vihehedego among the Ewe (Salm and
Falola, 2002) are performed by all the different groups.

1.2.5.2 Geography
Located in West Africa, Ghana is bordered with Togo to the east, Burkina Faso to the north,
Ivory Coast to the west, and the Gulf of Guinea to the south. It covers an area of about 238,538
square kilometers. The climate is tropical with both wet and dry seasons. The northern part of
the country has one rainy season that extends from March to November whereas the southern
half experiences two rainy seasons beginning from April to July and from September to

1
Those mentioned above are the major ethnic groups in Ghana. The rests include: Gurma (5.7%), Guan (3.7%),
Grusi (2.5%), Mande (1.1%), and others (1.4%) (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010 p.34)
13
November (David, 2009). For administrative purposes, the country is divided into 10 regions
viz. Ashanti, Brong Ahafo, Central, Eastern, Greater Accra, Northern, Upper East, Upper
West, Volta, and Western regions; each comprising several districts. In total there are presently
212 districts in the country.
Figure 3 Map of Ghana

Source: CIA World Fact book, 2007

1.2.5.3 Demographic profile

Ghana is home to about 24.6 million people with an annual growth rate of 2.5%. The
population density as of 2010 was 103 persons per square kilometer representing an increase of
30.4% from 79 persons per square kilometer in the year 2000 (Ghana Statistical Service, 2012).
Northern region is the most sparely populated with about 35 persons per square kilometer
whiles Greater Accra region, host of the capital city is the most densely populated with 1,236

14
persons per square kilometer (ibid). The percentage of male population is 48.7 in contrast with
51.2 for females. Ghana’s population continues to be youthful with a greater proportion
(38.3%) being children below 15 years, a trend that can be understood partly by the relative
high fertility and declining child mortality due to improvement in public health. Elderly people
aged 65 and above are less visible as they constitute 4.6% of the population. Total fertility rate
in Ghana has been on decline over the past two decades. The rate plummeted from 6.4 per
woman in1988 to 4.4 in 1998 and to 4.0 per woman in 2008 (GSS and IFC Macro, 2009).
Figure 4 Age structure of Ghana’s population

Source: adapted from Ghana Statistical Service 2012

1.2.5.4 Infant and child health

An estimate of infant and child mortality is one of the basic indicators of health, nutrition, and
quality of life in any given country. In Ghana concerted efforts (mainly by government and
nongovernmental organizations) over the past two decades have led to significant reductions in
mortalities rates. Child mortality rate has decreased from 122 deaths per 1000 live births in
1990 to 74 deaths per 1000 live births in 2010. Over the same period, infant mortality rate also

15
reduced from 77 deaths to 50 deaths per 1000 live births (Unicef et al.2011). While these
reductions have been substantial and promising, a great deal of commitment nonetheless still
needs to be made in order to achieve the target of Millennium Development Goal (hereinafter
referred to as MDG) 4 i.e. from 122 deaths in 1990 to 41 deaths per 1000 live births by 2015
(ibid). Like many other health indicators, rates of child and infant mortality in Ghana are
unequally distributed along regional, rural/urban, socioeconomic status and education. Infant
mortality for instance stands as low as 36 deaths in Greater region to as high as 97 deaths per
1000 live births in Upper West region (GSS and IFC Macro, 2009). Similar variations exist in
under five death rates between mothers with no education (102 deaths per 1000 live births) and
those with basic education (68 deaths per 1000 live births).

1.2.5.5 Infant nutrition in Ghana

Contemporary pages of post independent history of Ghana are replete with government
policies on nutrition. Gharty (2010 p.15) classifies these policies into six phases: the period of
food demonstration and nutrition education (1957 ˗ 1966); continuation of food demonstration
and transition into identifying attitude and behavior change (1966 ˗ 1974); the period of
weaning and supplementary foods (1974 ˗ 1987); addressing micronutrient requirements (1987
˗ 1990); planning and mobilizing for action: addressing micronutrient deficiencies and
exclusive breastfeeding (1990 ˗ 2000); and consolidation of strategies for addressing
micronutrient deficiencies, exclusive breastfeeding and community-based growth monitoring
(2000 ˗ 2008). It is worthy of note that the changing policy focus from one period to another
was often informed by prevailing local or national need and more importantly, influences from
development partners (ibid).
Even with all these policies however, malnutrition among Ghanaian children who
constitute a greater part of the population remains high. Recent anthropometric (measurement
of human body) data from the 2008 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey report indicate
that 28% of all under five children are stunted (chronic malnutrition) and 40% of the cases
involve children age 18-23 months. Children in rural areas (32%) are more likely to be stunted
than in urban areas (21%). The report similarly estimated those who are wasted at 9% (acute
malnutrition) whereas underweight children (combination of chronic and acute malnutrition)
are 14% (GSS and IFC Macro, 2009 p. 182). Inappropriate feeding practices coupled with
frequent episodes of infectious illnesses are primarily the causes of malnutrition. Given the
established relationship between malnutrition and a range of adverse health outcomes viz. child
mortality, slowed growth, impaired learning abilities (Unicef, 2009) etc. the need for improved

16
and sustained efforts at combating the condition is not only critical for improvements in child’s
health but central to the achievement of three of the eight MDGs namely elimination of hunger
(MDG1), reduction in child mortality (MDG4), and reduction in maternal mortality (MDG5).
1.3 Primary scientific problem
That infants below 6 months of age have not yet fully developed to make use of other foods
besides breast milk has been well established among Public Health scientists; hence the
recommendation for EBF for all children under six months old. Even so, however, efforts to
promote EBF have either in most cases achieved less than desired outcomes or run into severe
problems. One contributory factor to such outcomes is that public health interventions more
often than not are tailored to meet the individual needs of breastfeeding mothers without taking
into account the wider impact of family influence on behaviour and decision making. This
perhaps is conceivable given the poor understanding of family influences on infant feeding
particularly in rural areas. An in-depth understanding of family structures in rural communities
is thus central to the development of comprehensive approaches to health interventions and
education services in Ghana.

1.4 Aim of the study

The aim of this study was to understand and explain the influences of family on exclusive
breastfeeding practices in rural Ghana.

1.5 Research questions

How do family members define and participate in infant feeding practices?

What are the forms of family belief systems that shape infant feeding during the first
six months after birth and why do they exist?

How is the rural family organized and how does it influence exclusive breastfeeding
practices?

How do breastfeeding mothers come to acquire knowledge about breastfeeding?

1.6 Significance of the study

Goal four of the eight Millennium Development Goals is entirely devoted to reducing child
mortality by two-thirds between 1990 and 2015; with less than 2 years to 2015, however,
progress in many Africa countries is insufficient in achieving this goal. Poor feeding practices
such as sub-optimal breastfeeding is still widespread and often leads to malnutrition which is a
major cause of more than half of all child deaths (Sokol et al. 2007). By studying and bringing

17
out the influences of family on breastfeeding practices to the fore, this study will be salutary; as
it will contribute to a better understanding of how essential health interventions with proven
empirical efficacy such as EBF can be promoted. It is also hoped that this study’s outcome will
contribute to the growing body of scientific knowledge on infant feeding practices and how to
design and situate health interventions in rural communities. Moreover, this research will in no
doubt serve as a basis for future research.

18
 Chapter Two
PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON EXCLUSIVE BREASTFEEDING
2.1. Determinants of Exclusive Breastfeeding
Determinants of EBF are the factors or conditions that might lead to some changes in the
practice by for instance encourage or impede it. The extent to which these determinants or
factors affect EBF is fairly complex and varies from one country to another and/or between
different groups in the same country. Some are biological and beyond women’s control (e.g.
Breast engorgement, nipple problems etc.) while others are combinations of economic,
environmental, cultural, social etc. Albeit with quantitative approaches, several of these
determinants have been extensively studied and documented in recent years.
In a research to examine the perceive incentives and barriers to EBF among pre-urban
Ghanaian women, Otoo, Larty and Perez-Escamilla (2009) found supposed milk insufficiency,
family pressure, breast and nipple problems, and maternal employment as barriers to EBF. The
risk of diseases resulting from poor sanitation, readily availability of breast milk after birth and
the high cost of infant formula were also inter alia identified as motivations to EBF. An earlier
study by Perez-Escamillia, et al. (1995) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Honduras
and Mexico) also revealed that lower socioeconomic status (in Honduras and Mexico), prior
planning on EBF duration (in all the 3 countries), maternal unemployment (in Brazil and
Honduras), hospital delivery facilities that had breastfeeding promotion services, and having a
baby girl (in Brazil and Honduras) were all positively associated with EBF. In a similar study
to assess factors associated with EBF in Accra, Ghana, Aidam and colleagues (2005) too
reported delivery at hospital/polyclinic, prior intention or planned EBF at birth, higher
education, socioeconomic status, and positive attitudes towards EBF as the most essential
support factors for EBF (P.793).
Further research in Mazabuka of Southern Zambia by Fjeld et al. (2008) similarly found
feelings of breast milk inadequacy, perception of ‘bad milk’, limited knowledge about EBF,
and conventional family expectations as obstructions to EBF. Indeed, several other researchers
(Senerath, Dibley and Agho, 2010; Arora, Mcjunkin, Wehrer and Kuhn, 2000; Alemayehu,
Haidar and Habte, 2009) have also linked the practice of EBF to factors similar to the
aforesaid. Whereas some of the aforementioned determinants have been consistently
recognized as barriers to EBF (e.g. perception of milk insufficiency, maternal employment,
inadequate knowledge etc.), others have been less straight forward. For instance, the
connection between breastfeeding mothers’ level of education and desirable or undesirable
breastfeeding practices has been wavering from one study to another and in some cases from

19
one form of behaviour to another in the same study. Educated mothers in Western Uganda for
example were on one hand, more inclined to use prelacteal feeds; and yet on the other hand
were also likely to prepare nutritionally good complementary food for their children (Wamani
et al. 2005). The difficulty in relation to education’s role in this instance is whether education
enhances one’s cooking abilities or it is increased incomes resulting from education that
occasions one’s ability to prepare good complementary foods. In the work by Okolo,
Adewunimi, and Okonji (1999), mothers with some form of education e.g. post primary
(97.8%) and elementary (93%) were more likely than those with no education (2.5%) to feed
their babies with colostrums (p.324). Similarly, studies that have identified socioeconomic
status as a determinant of EBF are as well inconsistent and appear to be tentative or relevant to
the specific study areas; high socioeconomic status for instance was found to be an enabling
factor for EBF in Ghana by Aidam et al. (2005) while the reverse was found from the Latin
America study by Perez-Escamilla et al (1995). Additional research on the role of these less
straight forward determinants will thus be useful.
It appears to suggest at least from the cited findings that the determinants of EBF are
numerous and many of them as demonstrated above are frequently reported in different parts of
the world. All the same, it is plausible to think that success rates in Public health interventions
that are designed to promote EBF will improve if a broad-spectrum of these determinants is
taken into account.
2.2 Pre-breastfeeding practices
Early initiation of breastfeeding especially within the first hour after birth is of fundamental
importance to the processes of lactation and for that matter the success of breastfeeding of any
kind. That is, frequency of suckling and its duration are key determinants to how much milk is
produced and to some extent, the nutrient content of the milk (Quandt, 1995). Therefore, the
more the frequency and duration of suckling increases, the greater the quantity of milk that is
produce and the converse is true (ibid). For this and several other reasons e.g. vulnerability to
infections, the use of prelacteal feeds 2 which is shown to cause delay in early initiation of
breastfeeding is discouraged unless medically sanctioned. The practice however, is very
widespread and neonates are frequently offered varied combinations of fluids including herbs
prior to initiation of breastfeeding.
Among health care workers in Kaduna township, Nigeria, Akuse and Obinya, (2002)
reported that prelacteal feeds are given for variety of reasons: nurses are more prone to give it
on account of perceived insufficient production of breast milk, for doctors, prelacteal feeds are

2
Prelacteal feeds are fluids given to newborns before breastfeeding is initiated
20
given to prevent dehydration, neonatal jaundice, and hypoglycomia whereas for the non
medical staff it is given to ‘quench thirst’, ‘rest the mother’ etc.
In some cases the practice also appears to be rooted in tradition and fuelled by mistaken
beliefs about breastfeeding. Among the Kasem and Nankani in rural northern Ghana for
instance, new-borns to primiparous mothers are regularly given out to wet nurses or ‘fed on
herbal teas’ whilst the mother is taken through a cultural cleansing for a period of 3 or 4 days
depending on the sex of the child (Aborigo et al. 2012). Newborns in the savannah region of
Nigeria similarly have an average of 47.7 hours to be breastfed for the first time postpartum
(Okolo, Ademunmi and Okinji, 1999). In one rural community of India, many breastfeeding
mothers have been reported by Kaushal et al. (2005) as having likeness to give prelacteal feeds
(usually honey and ghutty) before breastfeeding; and for some grandmothers, breastfeeding
initiation is dependent on a baby’s time of delivery. ‘If the baby was born in the morning,
breastfeeding was started in the evening after seeing the stars’ (p. 367). In the study by Fjeld
et al. (2008) in southern Zambia, it was also realized that whereas most mothers were not in
favour of giving pre-lacteal feeds, others actively did; and in some cases water or herbs were
given in order to ‘wet the mouth’ or ‘throat’ of the new born’.

2.3 Influences on breastfeeding

Across many rural communities in Africa where breastfeeding appears to be the norm, the
question of whether to breastfeed or not, seldom arises since women are expected or required
by the cultural practices of those societies to do so. Indeed, in both developed and the
developing worlds, studies have showed the existence of several influences on EBF. In the
developed world, women’s breastfeeding decisions have been shown to be influenced by their
perception of partner’s attitudes (Arora, Mcjunkin, Wehrer and Kuhn, 2000) and paternal
involvement in breastfeeding promotion programs (Susin and Giugliani, 2008).
After employing ethnographic techniques to study socio-cultural influences on infant
feeding decisions among 22 HIV positive women in South Africa, Thairu and colleagues
(2005) highlighted among other things, the fundamental role of social stigma, economic
circumstance, maternal age, and family influences. The influence of family was particularly
strong on decisions regarding EBF and varied along what the authors described as ‘social
independence’. Young mothers below age 19 for instance were less socially independent and
tended to be influenced more than their older counterparts (p.6). The influences of friends and
neighbour networks have also been observed (Byrant, 1982).

21
 Arguably, one of the most widely reported sources of influence on infant feeding across
Africa, Asia, and south/Latin America has been an infant’s paternal grandmother; Kerr et al.
(2008) in the northern part of Malawi, concluded on the overwhelming influence of
grandmothers and even called for a discussion between them and health practitioners (p. 1103).
In their study on grandmother breastfeeding support in Texas, Grassley and Eschiti (2008)
argued that the act of breastfeeding is one in which the experiences and support of
grandmothers are not only at all times needed by new mother, but their breastfeeding advocacy
as well. According to Aubel (2006) these influences of grandmothers on infant feeding are
reasonable expectations from them given their role as information providers or what he
describes as ‘managers of indigenous knowledge’ (p.1)

2.4 Weaning and the weanling’s dilemma

After six months of exclusive breastfeeding, the WHO and UNICEF both recommend the rapid
introduction of complementary foods. This is premised on the realization that the
immunologic, developmental and contraceptive benefits of EBF tend to decline as (1) infants
start to develop their own immunocompetence, and (2) breast milk alone gradually becomes
insufficient to meet the nutritional needs of the growing infant especially in the second half of
infancy (McDade and Worthman, 1998 cited in Wilson, Milner, Bulkan and Ehlers, 2006).
Weaning thus becomes indispensable at some point in infants’ growth process. Just like
breastfeeding, weaning is equally a process rather than an episode; a process that comprises
three related stages: introduction of complementary foods; the period of complementary
feeding along with breastfeeding; and the cessation of breastfeeding (Moffat, 2001).
Inadequate food intake and/or poor nutrient content of the weaning foods in each of the three
stages could lead to negative growth outcomes such as stunting and wasting. In Ghana for
instance, children (29%) aged 6 to 8 months bear the highest burden of wasting while those
between ages 18 to 23 months (40%) are more likely to be stunted than those less than 6
months (4%) old (Ghana Statistical Service and IFC Macro, 2009). Though the primary causes
of growth differentials in children could be many, weaning foods nevertheless remain a key
determinant. This is pretty evidenced by observations that children in both industrialized and
developing countries experience early growth patterns that are comparably the same during the
period of EBF (Waterlow, 1981 cited in Weaver, 1994). According to Weaver (1994),
Weaning foods should under ideal circumstance be clean, contain high energy and protein,
easy to ingest and digest, culturally appropriate, and locally available. In many traditional
communities however, complementary foods are often made from cereal based flours such as

22
maize, rice, etc. that are not only difficult to digest but nutritionally poor. Nti and Lartey
(2007) in a study on young child feeding practices and nutritional status in rural Ghana
reported a general use of unfortified koko (a low nutrient porridge) as the first complementary
food among 65% of mothers. Only 27% of the respondents studied had fortified their
complementary food with legume flour and groundnut pate (p.329). Similar observations were
made by Fjled et al. (2008) in the city of Mazzuka in southern Zambia, where the common
complementary food that is introduced from age 2 to 6 months is maize flour light porridge
often fortified with vitamin A, salt, pounded groundnut etc.
This lack of easy access to nutritionally sufficient and uncontaminated weaning foods
coupled with concerns about breast milk insufficiency after 4 months have generated a certain
feeling of ‘weanling’s dilemma’; a dilemma that involves different views and discussions over
the universality of the optimal duration (six months) of exclusive breastfeeding (Kramer et al.
2003; Fangillo and Habicht, 1997). The debate is centred on the awareness that too early (i.e.
before to six months) introduction of non-breast milk foods places an infant at a high risk of
infectious diseases; yet, too much delay in giving complementary foods could also result to
growth faltering occasioned by low nutritional status particularly zinc, iron and protein
(Michaelsen, et al. 2000). Critics of the current universal recommendation of EBF are basically
concerned with two issues: (1) that the recommendation to exclusively breastfeed all infants in
all populations is driven by biomedical considerations to the neglect of local environment and
culture (Moffat, 2001) and (2) that delayed complementary feeding occasioned by EBF
contributes to growth faltering. While the former argument is based on the culturally dependent
nature of breastfeeding, the latter is premised on conclusions from a number of studies in the
industrialized countries (e.g. Copenhagen, Italy, Finland etc.) that infants with longer duration
of breastfeeding experience slower growth compared to those with earlier weaning (See
Michaelsen et al. 2000). Other studies however, have failed to corroborate such incidences of
growth faltering. In the developing world for instance, studies from rural Kenya and rural
Senegal have failed to confirm the existence of weanling’s dilemma. While the Kenyan study
showed a positive relationship between duration of breastfeeding and growth, the Senegal one
similarly reported a favourable effect of breastfeeding on growth even up to 28 months of age
(Habicht, 2000 p. 196). Also in a review study involving 22 independent clinical trials and
observational studies on weanling’s dilemma, Kramer and Kakuma (2009) found no objective
evidence of a weanlings’ dilemma for exclusively breastfed infants in both developed and
developing countries (p.2). Earlier study by Kramer and Colleagues (2003) on growth and
health effects of 3 compared with 6 months of exclusive breastfeeding in Belarus concluded

23
that exclusive breastfeeding is linked with a low risk of gastrointestinal infection and no
negative health effects in the first year of life. Indeed, in studies where exclusive breastfeeding
had reportedly led to growth deficits, reverse causality (see Habicht, 2000) and in some
instances selection bias, and confounding (Kramer and Kakuma, 2009) accounted for such
observed difference.

2.5 Delimitation of study

Considerable part of recent studies on child health has been devoted to breastfeeding and its
exclusivity. Most of the studies as evident in the above discussion were quantitatively designed
to seek associations or correlations. Albeit useful; correlations per se are insufficient in
understanding and explaining human behaviour. And even with those that were qualitatively
studied, most of them were concerned with determinants other than the family. As a social
institution and more importantly the basic unit of society, the focus of this study was thus
limited to seeking deep understanding of family influences on EBF in a rural community of
northern Ghana. The study participants included breastfeeding women, family members, and
traditional birth attendants, and a breastfeeding support group leader.

24
 Chapter Three
METHOD
3.1 Selecting the study area and why?

Given that qualitative research data from interviews are presented in words and not numbers,
an understanding of respondents’ language and perhaps culture, was judged to be critical. This
was to ensure that the original and actual responses of interviewees were to a large extent,
freed from possibilities of mistranslation and misunderstanding due to language barrier. The
researcher in recognition of this reality and on account of his fluency in the subjects’ language
thus chose to conduct the fieldwork in Moglaa, a rural community in the Savelugu-Nanton
Municipality.
The municipality is one of the twenty districts/municipalities that comprise the northern
region of Ghana. It is located about 27km south of the regional capital, Tamale. It has a total
population of 139,283 comprising 55,252 urban and 84,031 rural dwellers (Ghana Statistical
Service, 2010). The estimated number of households in the municipality is about 14,669 with
an average household size of 9.4 (ibid). The municipality is predominantly agro based with
about 97% of the economically active population engaged in peasant farming. Maize, rice,
yam, beans, and soya beans are some of the staple food crops that are grown. Shea nut, cotton
and cashew are the only cash crops in the district (Ministry of local government and Maks
Publication & Media Services, 2006). It has one hospital, three health centres, two clinics, two
health posts, and one health compound. Doctor to patient ratio as of 2005 was 1:25572 whereas
that of nurse to patient stood at 1:2582 (ibid). The number of health facilities with baby
friendly design increased from 18% in 2003 to 62% in 2005. During the same period, the
number of underweight children declined from 49% to 43% whiles those with stunted growth
also decreased from 45.8% to 40% (ibid).

3.2 The Qualitative method

The method used in this study was a qualitative approach. This choice was made in line with
the study’s aim and research questions. The appropriateness of this method was further
underpinned by the profundity of data required to understand and explain the experiences of
the subjects in relation to breastfeeding. The qualitative approach to knowing belongs to the
interpretative school of thought whose ultimate goal is inter alia to understand, describe, and
explores social phenomena (Naidoo and Wills, 2005). In qualitative studies the basic and
almost general supposition is that individual’s perspective is meaningful, knowable, and can be
expressed or shown in explicit terms (Patton, 2002). Unlike quantitative research, the
25
qualitative approach permits in-depth gathering of data with special care and attention to detail,
context and the slightest difference in meaning (ibid p.227).
With its focus on naturalism as a way of inquiry, qualitative research is typically
conducted in pursuit of holistic and contextual interpretations of subjective realities that are
socially created (Dahlgren, Emmelin and Winkvist, 2007). In contrast to its quantitative
counterpart, this method has an inductive orientation which allows the qualitative researcher to
put forward new theories (Dalgren, Emmelin and Winkvist, 2007; Patton, 2002; Norwood,
2010). Such inductive orientation is further evidenced by researchers’ attempt to comprehend
situations or occurrences as they happen without any imposition of their own prior knowledge
and expectations (Patton, 1987). Besides understanding, qualitative investigations also allow us
to explain human behaviours or social phenomena. In scientific inquires, explanation is
essentially motivated by two goals; first, to explain the world in which we live, and second, to
gratify our intellectual curiosity (Okasha, 2002). In contrast with the natural world which is
explained via the use of precise procedures, explanation of social phenomenon or human
behaviour on the other hand, cannot be reduced to a similar method nor can it ever be achieved
by looking for antecedent causes since people live in their world as active participants and not
merely passive objects (Buchanan, 2000). Indeed, to explain human action is basically to
identify the ‘beliefs and desires’ that occasioned them; usually by relying on tacit assumptions
(Rosenberg, 2008 p.32). In other words, the mechanism that may explain a social action and its
effect is premised on ‘meaningful and intentional’ behaviour of the acting individuals
(Tengland, 2012). Thus, some explanatory factors e.g. systems of norms and values, social
structures, economic factors, social relation, individual action etc may be helpful in
understanding and explaining social phenomena.

3.3 Data collection

3.3.1 Unstructured interviews
Data collection for this study was conducted during the last three weeks of April 2013 using
unstructured interviews as the main data gathering instrument. Kvale and Brinkman (2009)
delineate interviews as planned conversations with purpose. As an instrument in qualitative
research, interview enables a researcher to understand the social world from the perspective of
subjects (Kvale and Brinkman, 2009). When interviews are conducted between the interviewer
and participants, new knowledge is gained and existing ones may be understood in different
ways (ibid, p. 2). Unstructured interviews have open-ended approach as they provide for a high
degree of flexibility. The researcher is thus able to seek as much information as the situation or

26
the context allows for without fear of getting off track from a predetermined list of questions
characteristic of other methods of interviewing e.g. the interview guide approach (Patton,
2002).
This type of interviewing approach however is not without limitations. Due to its
greater degree of flexibility, unstructured interviews entail a likelihood that more data might be
obtained from some respondents than others (ibid, p. 347). Because interviews involve two or
more persons, unwillingness to cooperate on the part of subjects could also undermine the
depth and breadth of information required to understand a social phenomenon from the
respondent’s perspective. Inadequate or lack of knowledge about subjects’ native language and
culture might as well lead to misinterpretation and misunderstanding of responses (Marshall
and Rossman, 2006).

3.3.2 Recruitment of study subjects

The study participants included breastfeeding mothers, their respective family members,
breastfeeding support group leader, and traditional birth attendants. The date, time, and place
for each interview were scheduled by the researcher in accordance with what was most
conducive and comfortable for the subjects. Interviews lasted for about 35 to 50 minutes.
Given the colossal volumes of data, paper work, and audio recordings that usually go with data
collection in qualitative research, the researcher was assisted by a Medical student at
University for Development Studies and a graduate student of Economics at Kwame Nkrumah
University of Science and Technology. Although English is the official language in Ghana, the
interviews however, were conducted in the native language – Dagbani of which the researcher
and his assistants are fluent. The choice of the native language was based on the high illiteracy
level in the study community. The research team was fortunate to begin the interviews on a day
when breastfeeding mothers in the community had assembled for regular breastfeeding support
meetings. With approval from the community nurse, the researcher talked to the breastfeeding
women and two of them were interviewed after the meeting. Three more breastfeeding women
were later obtained using snowball sampling technique. Snowball sampling technique involves
identifying and interviewing the first subject who will subsequently help to identify the next
subject. The technique was very effective given the smaller size of the community and the fact
that the respondents new each other well. Each new subject assisted in identifying the next
until the desired sample size was reached. A determination of the sample size was made based
on the homogeneity of the participants and the limited resources of the researcher. The
breastfeeding women’s respective family members on the other hand were obtained by means

27
of purposive sampling. With this type of sampling, subjects were recruited by the researcher
because they possessed some characteristic and which in the researcher’s view was relevant for
the study.

3.4 Data management

While being in the field, the obtained data through Interviews were audio taped by digital
sound recorder. Data from each day’s trip to the field were stored in password protected
computer and kept under lock and key. At the end of the field exercise, the data were then
transported with due diligence back to Malmo University where it was again kept with utmost
care. Following the completion of data analysis and presentation of findings, all audio tapes
containing the interview data were immediately destroyed.

3.5 Data analysis

Qualitative data analysis is a process by means of which data is transformed into findings; yet
no universally fixed formula exists for such process (Patton, 2002). Many researchers thus
employ different strategies depending on the qualitative research genre. Data analysis in
qualitative research seldom proceeds in a linear style. Rather, it is a back and forth activity in
which the collection of data and analysis move together to produce a reasoned interpretation
(Marshall and Rossman 2006). Analysis of data in this study was carried out using a seven step
analytic process delineated by Marshall and Rossman (2006 p.156). These include: organizing
the data; coding the data; immersion in the data; generating categories and themes; offering
interpretations through analytic memos; searching for alternative understanding; and presenting
the study.
Data collection, transcription, and analysis were not completely divorced from one
another. With each successive trip’s interviews, the audio recorded conversations were partly
transcribed in the process of which conceptual expressions and emerging patterns from the data
and preceding ones were noted. Complete transcription of the interviews from oral discourse
to written discourse eventually ended in the third week of the field work, and the entire data
were subsequently organized and electronically catalogued according to date, identification
number, and type of respondent. In the next stage of the analysis, the data were repetitively
read through, revisited time and again to achieve ample immersion. Further to immersion, a
closed examination of the data yielded several categories including health, ‘pakopilla’,
breastfeeding, beliefs, knowledge, practices, learning, family relatives, water, sickness,
traditional birth attendants, support, gender, infant, etc. A numeric scheme of coding was

28
employed to mark all parts of the written discourse that contained one category or another. 1
for instance, was used to code ‘breastfeeding’; 2 for ‘family relatives’; 3 for ‘knowledge’ and
so on. These categories were reduced into a much smaller size by grouping similar and related
ones so as to arrive at new generated categories which were largely ‘analyst constructed
typologies’. That is, the typologies were formations made by the researcher and were not
essentially used in explicit form by respondents (Patton, 2002). All the conceptual expressions
and patterns that emerged from participants were categorised in a way that reflected the salient
and subtle meaning participants attached to their expressions. As further analysis of data
progressed, the initially identified concepts and categories were constantly interpreted and
modified to build an understanding and coherent picture of family influences on EBF.

3.6 Ethical consideration

All ethical dimensions in this study were of utmost interest. The study thus obtained an ethical
approval from the Ethics Review Board at the Faculty of Health and Society, Malmo
University prior to the collection of data. This study recognized the relative sensitivity that
discussions on breastfeeding had on the subjects. This was especially understandable since the
principal researcher and his assistants were men. Measures were hence taken to guard against
any form of harm and discomfort to the study subjects.
3.6.1Informed consent and Confidentiality
Informed consent as averred by Silverman (2011) is a ‘process of negotiation’ between the
researcher and the study subjects, and not a ‘one ˗ off action’ (p.98). In order to achieve
consent, I first introduced myself and the research assistants to each subject and subsequently
enquired about their welfare and that of their families in line with the customary greetings of
the people. The study purpose, risks and benefits were then explained in the local language
(Dagbani) of which the research is fluent. This consent seeking process was devoid of all traces
of deception and exploitation (Silverman, 2011). The researcher did again inform the
informants about their right to withdraw from the study or decline any to question they
considered inappropriate.Their voluntary consent in the end was sought and participants thumb
printed a consent form to participate in the study as well as to permit recording of the
interviews.
Confidentiality was also guaranteed by making sure that study subjects were not
represented by their names. Other forms of identities and private discussions remained

29
anonymous and undisclosed during and after the studies. Full disclosure about the study was
again made to participants and their respective concerns were also addressed accordingly.
3.6.2 Beneficence and risk
This study had no direct or immediate benefits for participants. It was however, envisaged that
by studying the influences of family on breastfeeding practices, this research’s outcome will
help to define the most important questions that would informed public health policy in the
district. It will also contribute to the growing body of scientific knowledge on how to design
and situate health interventions in rural communities.
Participation in the study equally entailed little or no risk at all for subjects. Although it
never manifested, some respondents however, might have felt uncomfortable in sharing their
family expectations and life experiences with someone they did not know particularly when the
principal researcher was a man.

3.7 Discussion of method

Given that the choice of a method or rather, any process by means of which knowledge is
produced is guided by certain standard principles of inquiry e.g. the objectives or research
questions that have to be answered, the qualitative approach was chosen in line with my
research questions which were carefully formulated after a thorough review of previous studies
on exclusive breastfeeding. Unstructured interview approach was accordingly employed to
elicit data from subjects.
In order to evaluate the soundness and/or trustworthiness of this study, the following quality
standard criteria were not only considered germane, but compelling as well.

3.7.1 Validity
Validity as used in this study also stands for research ‘trustworthiness’ or ‘credibility’.
Maxwell (2005) defined validity as the ‘’ correctness or credibility of a description, conclusion,
explanation, interpretation, or other form of account’’ (p.106). A common ‘validity threat’ that
is often discussed in qualitative inquiry and which was considered relevant in this study is the
researcher’s ‘bias’, preferably called ‘subjectivity’ in qualitative studies (ibid). It involves the
possibility of obtaining data that fits or corroborates the researcher’s prior notions, values,
beliefs, or even theories. This is conceivable in view of the fact that ‘value free’ qualitative
inquiry is hard if not impossible to achieve. Rather, what is important is for the qualitative
researcher to recognise and take into account how his/her own values and preconceptions
might have influenced the study’s findings; and the range of measures/steps that were taken to

30
tone down their impact (Patton, 2002). Validity and for that matter credibility in this study was
ensured through data triangulation (using multiple or variety of data sources); interviews in this
study were therefore not limited to breastfeeding mothers’ account or experience, but to other
sources viz. traditional birth attendance and family members e.g. grandmothers and
fathers/husbands.

3.7.2 Consistency
Consistency in qualitative research, alternatively called reliability, is employed to determine
the reasonable degree to which a study’s finding can be reproduced by a different researcher
(or even the same researcher) in similar or the same social environment. The whole idea of
‘replication’ in qualitative inquiry is problematic particularly because of its implicit suggestion
about the existence of ‘objective truth’ against which the ‘reliability’ or ‘consistency’ of one
research finding would be measured. Different layers of complexity associated with human
social behaviour and the fluidity of our social world further makes claims or efforts for
reliability complicated. Despite the intricacy however, qualitative researchers have not
abandoned hope in strengthening the reliability of their findings. A varying number of
strategies thus exist to that end.
To ensure consistency in this study, the researcher took a number of steps during the interview
stage, transcription stage, and the analysis stage. Leading questions for instance, were
completed avoided in order to obtain unprejudiced responses and experiences of subjects. The
researcher did not also hesitate to seek more clarifications on matters that were not clearly
understood. Subsequent to the interview transcription, one of the research assistants, who was
equally fluent in the interview language was made to compare the audio recorded oral
discourse with the written discourse (the transcribe work); all his suggestions were evaluated
and used appropriately to ensure consistency.

3.7.3 Transferability
When studies are transferable, they are reasonably useful to colleague researchers with similar
research problem and under similar milieu. As used in qualitative or interpretative inquiries,
the notion of transferability delineates the extent to which the finding of a qualitative study in
context ‘A’ can be generalized to ‘B’, where ‘B’ is a population in a similar or with
comparable characteristics. Thus, any new gain in perspective or knowledge is transferable to
similar populations irrespective of demographic features (Dahlgren, Emmelin, and Winkvist,
2007). Given how breastfeeding as a worldwide human practice is shaped by culture, the extent

31
to which the present findings would be transferable is difficult to ascertain. Nevertheless, the
use of several informants within the family setting, the clear delimitation of the study, and the
explicit description of the methods that were employed are expected to aid concerns for
transferability especially in similar populations.

3.8 Study limitation

Notwithstanding the care and deep thinking that went into the design of this study, two basic
methodological shortcomings are nevertheless observable and must be mentioned as such.
First, because data for this study were generated from a single data collection method i.e.
unstructured interviews, one cannot discount the additional insights that would have been
obtained if other methods of data gathering in qualitative research such as observation and/or
focus group discussion were used to complement the interviews. Second, since participation in
the study was limited to only breastfeeding women and family relatives, other important
interest groups such as health care workers were not represented; and this will obviously
impact our understanding and ability to explain the issues in relation to interventions.

3.9 Theoretical frame work

3.9.1 Social Cognitive Theory
Any attempt to understand the tacit and/or manifest interactive influences between individuals
and their social environment is most likely to garner some success when placed under
appropriate theoretical guidance. This in part can be explained by the central role of theories in
aiding our efforts to make sense of the social world (Nutbeam, Harris and Wise 2010).
According to the theory, health behavior is influenced by a core set of determinants namely,
knowledge, perceived self efficacy, outcome expectation, perceived facilitators and social
structural impediments (Bandura, 2004).
Knowledge as averred by the theory is an important element of health behaviour
change. When people are adequately informed about the risk and benefits of certain actions or
life styles, they will be more likely or motivated to initiate a change. This knowledge or
information as Bandura argued is a necessary but not a sufficient basis for change. What is
needed in addition is the belief in personal efficacy (ibid). Self-efficacy as defined by Bandura
(1998) is ‘’beliefs in one’s capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to
produce given levels of attainments’’ (p. 624). It is self-efficacy that enables people to set goals
for themselves, and pursue the realization of those goals with much commitment and

32
perseverance. In the words of Bandura (2004), ‘unless people believe they can produce desired
effects by their actions, they have little incentive to act or to persevere in the face of
difficulties’ (p. 144) That is, individuals’ actions or inactions are closely tied to their perceived
capacity to produce desired results. Although important in modifying individuals’ beliefs and
lifestyles, self-efficacy however, is not an independent determinant of behaviour. It is always
an impetus which in concert with other determinants e.g. perceived outcome works to produce
a desired effect. Perceived outcome is a negative or positive self evaluation of one’s behaviour
or action. From a social perspective, Perceived outcome may also refer to any kind of approval
or disapproval that accompanies’ an individual’s action or behaviour (ibid). For any anticipated
positive or good outcome, people are likely to put up behaviours to that effect while on the
other hand, the same or similar behaviours may be withheld if the anticipated outcome is
deemed to be bad or negative. In all cases nonetheless, individuals’ behaviour change efforts
can be impeded by personal, socio-structural, economic, cultural, religious, or environmental
factors etc.
In relation to breastfeeding behaviours, previous use of this theoretical framework did
lead to some important insights. In one study for instance, Kessler et al. (1995) showed that a
woman’s significant other (an important or influential person in somebody’s life) was found to
be strongly and positively affected by intention to breastfeed. The theory’s application in this
study is similarly hoped to broaden our understanding and ability to explain EBF in the context
of rural families.

33
 Chapter Four
RESULTS
4.1 Demographic characteristics of Participants
This study included a total of fourteen participants from Moglaa, a rural community in the
Savelugu/Nanton Municipality. Of the total participants, there were five breastfeeding women,
four grandmothers, two traditional birth attendants, one grandfather, one husband, and one
breastfeeding support group leader. All participants were Dagombas and for that reason were
culturally homogeneous. Nine of them were Muslims while five were Christians. The
breastfeeding mothers had children aged 5 to 20 months. One breastfeeding woman was a first
time mother while the others were multiparous with about four children on average. Thirteen
participants had no basic or any form of formal education whereas one breastfeeding mother
was formally educated up to vocational level. In addition to working as housewives, the
breastfeeding women were also engaged in farming, trading, or hair dressing. Besides lacking
exact information on their ages, the respondents were also sensitive to questions about age and
were therefore allowed to give estimates. The youngest mother was about 22 years old whereas
the eldest was above 35 years old. Three of the grandmothers were about 65 years and the
other was about 50 or more years old. The grandfather too was more than 65 years. Two
participants (the husband and the breastfeeding support group leader) declined from giving
estimates about their ages.
4.2 Four Themes
Following analysis of the interview data, four themes emerged in relation to the forms of
family influences on EBF viz.: family knowledge of breastfeeding, family beliefs and
practices, collective sense of duty, and learning to breastfeed.
4.2.1 Family Knowledge of Breastfeeding
Participants showed familiarity with the concept and practice of excusive breastfeeding.
Nursing mothers in particular demonstrated a good level of knowledge on the benefits of EBF
and early initiation of breastfeeding. Irrespective of whether deliveries were made at home or
clinic, all the mothers reported being aware that newborns should be breastfed early and
exclusively during the first six months. Early initiation of breastfeeding was said not only to be
good for the child but is also needed when ‘the placenta delays or fails to come out after
delivery, breastfeeding then should be initiated in order to facilitate that’ (1st Traditional birth
attendant, breastfeeding support group leader). On the position of colostrums in infant feeding,
all breastfeeding mothers reported being informed ‘that colostrum is good for our children
because it gives them strength and good intellect’ (2nd breastfeeding mother). Another

34
participant also made related observations regarding her past and present attitude to colostrum:
For my first born, I didn’t feed him with colostrum although it was not expressed either. But I
did feed this baby with it. We are told it is very good for the child. That it gives him strength
and good intellect (3rd breastfeeding mother).
Other family members especially males (husband and grandfather) had little
information on exclusive breastfeeding recommendations. The male respondents viewed issues
relating to breastfeeding as the preserve of women. In response to a query on the forms of
guidance offered to new nursing mothers for instance, a male respondent answered that ‘it is
for the traditional birth attendants or old women to show them and not us’ (Grandfather).
Another male respondent corroborated the male perspective on breastfeeding in the dialogue
below:
Researcher: can you share with me your role [as a husband] in breastfeeding?
Respondent: as for breastfeeding, it hinges on our mothers [the baby’s grandmother].
They are responsible for all the training a woman would require especially for the first
time mothers who have no such experience (Husband).
While all the Grandmothers did demonstrate some level of awareness about EBF, not all of
them did exhibit approval and commitment to the practice. The following dialogue between the
researcher and a grandmother exemplifies that.
Researcher: can you tell me your position on giving babies water before the sixth
month?
Respondent: Hmmm! I will never allow my child to be thirsty. I will always give him
water. I heard something like that on one occasion when I visited the Savelugu Hospital
and we were told not to introduce water to the babies until 6 months later. I didn’t say
anything, what I did was to remain silent about it and continued to give small quantity
of water to him each time I bathed him. Water adds energy to the body so if you don’t
give the child water, he/she will continue to remain light weighted (1st grandmother).
Some of the breastfeeding mothers further reported being aware of the wavering commitment
of their mother-in laws; this is also contained in the following dialogue:
Researcher: Has there been any occasion where your baby was given water before 6
months?
Respondent: Yes there was. The child’s grandmother insisted that the child cannot
abstain from drinking water until 6 months as such she used to secretly give him water
after bathing him. Later he started having stomach aches and then the doctors said
there was plenty water in his stomach (1st breastfeeding mother).

35
In response to a question of preference between EBF and mix feeding, the lack of full
commitment by some participants became apparent as one respondent revealed that: ‘truly,
giving some water will be my choice. ‘Just imagine someone living without water for up to six
months?’ (2nd traditional birth attendant). When babies are still very young, it appears water is
only given immediately after bathing him/her ˗ which happens twice daily (morning and
evening). Because of that, one breastfeeding woman reported taken certain steps to prevent the
practice: I always make sure I’m present when my baby is being bathed so he has never been
given water……… because they are old people, if you are not around, they may be tempted to
do it( 4th breastfeeding woman).

4.2.2 Collective sense of duty

The data again showed that a baby’s welfare including how he/she is breastfed is a
responsibility on adult members of a family. Breastfeeding women are acknowledged as
primary caregivers of newborns whiles the rest of the family participate as secondary care
providers who equally have a significant role to play. Failure to breastfeed a baby in
accordance with what the family defines as appropriate could provoke family displeasure on
the breastfeeding woman. One breastfeeding participant for instance, recalled how her ‘first
born later refused to eat Tuo Zaafi [a staple food in the community] and people were saying
it’s my fault since I delayed introducing him to food’
Researcher: Who were the ones blaming you for his refusal to eat Tuo Zaafi?
Respondent: It was just people in town and some members of my family particularly the
father and the grandmother (1st breastfeeding woman).
In another interview, a traditional birth attendant also expressed similar remarks about how
family participate in infant breastfeeding in the dialogue as follow:
Researcher: In what way do family members assist breastfeeding mothers?
Respondent: Members of a family do assist in many ways. Some women for instance are very
lazy or reluctant to breastfeed; in such cases, it is members of the family [who in many cases
are the influential female members e.g. the paternal grandmother] who will insist that the child
should be breastfed appropriately. You know, if a child is not fed well, he/she will not develop
well (2nd traditional birth attendant).
In addition to a breastfeeding mother, a baby’s paternal grandmother was identified as
an important stakeholder who is not only limited to giving guidance on breastfeeding but
actually spends more time with the baby whilst the mother is engaged in something else e.g.
cooking. In the words of one breastfeeding respondent, ‘the grandmother takes care of the

36
child to enable you do your work; she is also responsible for bathing the child every day’ (4th
breastfeeding woman). Male members of the family especially the husband and grandfather
have little participation in direct breastfeeding matters because of the thinking that issues
relating to breastfeeding are for traditional birth attendants or the grandmothers, not us
(grandfather). These male family members nonetheless were found to be supportive and
showed concern when a child is sick, crying, or fails to sleep at night. This was demonstrated
in the dialogue below:
Researcher: What kind of assistance do you normally get from your husband in relation
to breastfeeding?
Respondent: Not much. He only calls you to breastfeed the child when he/she is crying
and you are busy doing something; in that case he will ask you to leave whatever you are
doing and feed the baby first (4th breastfeeding woman). Other nursing women expressed
similar comments about the little involvement of fathers and for that matter adult male family
members on breastfeeding issues ‘except when the child is sick or is crying’ (1st breastfeeding
woman). For the father, a baby’s cry is understood to mean either a want for breast milk or that
the baby is not well. If the cry is interpreted to mean the former, and the breastfeeding mother
is not around the immediacy of the child; this then elicits the father’s intervention to call her or
take the baby to where she is.

4.2.3 Family beliefs and practices

Further analysis of the data also showed the existence of belief systems and practices
connected to breastfeeding. Two broad forms of these cultural and/or religious practices were
reported viz. 'pakopilla moag' and 'nyuhibu'. The pakopilla moag [literally translated as 'white
widows’ herbal concoction'] is primarily performed to protect newborns against diseases and
sicknesses believed to be caused by contact with widows who are sexually active even though
they haven’t remarried. This ritual concoction was succinctly explained by one respondent as
follows:
We still have the ‘pakopilla moag’ in this community because all the women I recently
assisted to deliver did use that herbal concoction after their births. If the baby is a boy,
he is bathed with the concoction for three days; and for baby girls, it is done for four
days. Besides bathing, the baby is further made to drink a little. Once it is done, the
baby will be protected against diseases /harm from ‘pakopilla’ (2nd traditional birth
attendant).

37
Further description of the practice was again detailed by another respondent in the dialogue
below:
Researcher: Are you aware of any ritual(s) or use of concoction that is linked to
breastfeeding or is done after child birth?
Respondent: The one I know is called ‘pakopilla moag’ which is undertaking to protect
the child from harm caused by ‘pakopilla’
Researcher: Can you describe what that means?
Respondent: When a woman’s husband dies and she begins to engage in sexual
activities before being married again then she is not supposed to take or come across
new born babies. If she does that, the baby will become sick. The herbal concoction is
therefore given to the baby to prevent such sicknesses.
Researcher: How is the herbal concoction administered?
Respondent: The baby is bathed with it and made to drink a small quantity.
Researcher: When is it done?
Respondent: Just after delivery (3rd breastfeeding woman)
Not all the respondents reported having observed the practice in their families. Those who
reported abstinence (three breastfeeding women) from the practice had either abandoned the
traditional account of disease aetiology or were motivated by their faith (Islam or Christianity).
On the whole, participants who professed Christianity were more likely to completely give up
any use of concoction in relation to breastfeeding while whose professed Islam were more
inclined to use an alternative concoction deemed to be ‘Islamic’. One such respondent recalled
that ‘the baby’s father gave him a concoction prepared by writing some Quranic verses for him
to drink. The purpose is to protect the baby from evil forces and harm’ (2nd Grandmother).
Besides the ritual concoctions meant for newborns, participants again identified ‘nyuhibu’
[which literally refers to the process of aiding someone to drink something] as a Dagbon
traditional ritual concoction that is performed to essentially increase breast milk supply. ‘Cow
milk, millet, and other ingredients are the ones required to prepare the drink’ (grandfather).
Neither every male member of the family nor the family head can make the ritual. Only few
people have the knowhow; and ‘we have only two of them in this community’ (Husband).
Unlike the pakopilla herbal concoction, the ‘nyuhibu’ ritual concoction is made for only
breastfeeding women ‘and once they drink it, the milk will become plentiful by the end of that
day’ (Husband).
In addition to the aforementioned practices, participants in this study also held a belief
that a drop of breast milk on a baby’s penis would lead to impotency in adulthood. Such effect

38
of the breast milk is connected to the presence of the ‘bad hair’ (the hair with which a baby is
born) which is usually shaved on the 7th birth day. It is thus strongly recommended to cover a
baby’s nether region whilst breastfeeding during that period. This was expounded by a
traditional birth attendant in the following:
‘What is encouraged especially during the first week of breastfeeding is to cover a baby boy’s
penis while breastfeeding. This will prevent the breast milk from dripping on the penis which
when happens, causes infertility later in life; In some cases, the infertility can only be
overcome after the death of the man’s mother’ (2nd Traditional birth attendant).
Another belief that was reported by some participants is the relationship between breastfeeding
and pregnancy. On the average, children in the community are breastfed for two and half years
and thereafter weaned. On few occasions however, a child could be weaned much earlier than
the norm as a result of an onset of pregnancy. Breast milk during pregnancy is ‘believed to be
warm and causes diarrhoea as well’ (breastfeeding support group leader).

4.2.4 Learning to breastfeed

Data from all breastfeeding women also did reveal a number of channels through which they
learn various aspects of breastfeeding. Participants identified the community clinic, the women
breastfeeding support group meetings, family tutelage and observation as the learning
resources on breastfeeding. Respondents reported being informed and assisted by nurses to
initiate breastfeeding immediately after delivery. Subsequent information about breastfeeding
recommendations including EBF and breastfeeding on demand were passed on to them (the
breastfeeding women) via the leadership of the breastfeeding support group in the community.
The group was originally founded by some few women as a ‘self help’ platform to promote
their children’s welfare. It was later recognised and absorbed by the clinic to serve as a link
between breastfeeding women and the Reproductive and Child Health Unit of the Community
Clinic. Group leaders convene with members (nursing mothers) twice every month (on
Thursdays) at the clinic. It has four leaders who are regularly taken to the Savelugu Municipal
Hospital for updates on breastfeeding and child health. At some of their training programs, the
leaders are supplied with pictorial breastfeeding pamphlets copies of which are given out to
nursing mothers to enable learn more about breastfeeding (breastfeeding support group
leader). Participants’ learning experiences with the breastfeeding support group are further
illustrated in the dialogue below:
Researcher: How did you acquire information on breastfeeding?

39
 Respondent: People from the clinic used to come and teach us three times every month.
They later stopped but have now started again.
Researcher: Is the teaching done at your homes or where?
Respondent: it is done at the clinic. Two women are trained by the by clinic and they
too will come and teach us (1st breastfeeding mother).
In addition to the clinic and the women support group, breastfeeding mothers again identified
grandmothers (mother- in laws), and traditional birth attendants as other important resources on
breastfeeding. Grandmothers and traditional birth attendants were particularly named for
providing guidance on appropriate breastfeeding positions and how to ensure good attachment.
One grandmother pointed out that they ‘normally educate breastfeeding women on the kinds of
food items that can increase milk supply. We also educate them on how to properly position the
baby for optimal feeding’ (Grandmother). Another nursing mother recalled after her delivery
that ‘it was she [the baby’s paternal grandmother] who guided me on the basic techniques of
infant feeding such as how to correctly position the child for successful breastfeeding’ (4th
breastfeeding woman).
On traditional birth attendants, nursing mothers indicated that ‘they also provide lots of
support. They are still very active in teaching us about breastfeeding although the hospital is
taking over that duty. Pregnant women in some cases may give birth at home and they will be
in charge. But the Traditional Birth Attendants and the hospital are now together since they
teach them about current breastfeeding methods’ (1st breastfeeding woman).
Whereas all the aforementioned learning platforms constituted the major learning resources for
all the nursing mothers, observation too was named by some respondents and confirmed by
family significant others as a learning tool. Breastfeeding in the presence of family and friends
or even in public places is an acceptable practice is most rural and urban Ghana. This provides
an indirect learning platform for some expectant mothers who are interested in learning.
Observational learning in most instances was linked with nursing mothers’ previous role as
baby caretakers. With the exception of one participant, the rest of the breastfeeding participants
recalled being a child caretaker at some point in time and that means ‘you will have another
opportunity to learn something about breastfeeding’ (2nd breastfeeding mother). Such
observational learning by child caretakers was again pointed out by a traditional birth attendant
in an interview. She emphasised that ‘a caregiver may even offer her own breast to a baby
although it contains no milk yet; this is one of the strategies baby caregivers normally use
when a baby is crying for milk and the mother is not immediately available’ (2nd traditional
birth attendant).

40
4.3 Discussion of Results
The findings of this study highlight the influences of family on EBF in rural Ghana. The study
reveals that decisions on how an infant is breastfed in an extended family setting are influenced
by complex cultural, religious, power and gender relations, and socio-structural factors. For
purposes of clarity, the following discussions will again be grouped into the four themes
presented above.

Family knowledge of breastfeeding

It is often thought that a breastfeeding woman with adequate information about EBF and its
benefits for the child and herself will be more apt to practice it than her counterpart with little
information. Such an assertion although plausible, is however problematic as it ignores the
importance in levels of understanding of those of her kin who might in one way or another be
involved in child care and feeding processes. In this study, family members’ knowledge of
breastfeeding recommendations has been showed as having fundamental influences on efforts
and decisions to exclusively breastfeed. All the breastfeeding women in the study were found
to be well informed on EBF. Besides EBF, they (breastfeeding mothers) also showed desirable
forms of infant feeding practices such as early initiation of breastfeeding and the use of
colostrums. Breastfeeding mothers’ use of colostrums is mainly explained by two motivations.
First, that colostrum makes babies healthier and less susceptible to sicknesses; and second, that
babies who are fed with colostrum will have good intellect to enable them perform well at
school. While the former motivation about colostrums’ use is totally supported by
epidemiological research, scientific findings on the latter have been lacking. Given the
scientific origins of these beliefs about colostrum, it is reasonable to think that the
breastfeeding mothers might have acquired such understanding about colostrums from nurses
and the breastfeeding support group meetings.
Other important players in the family e.g. grandfather and father exhibited a rather little
understanding of breastfeeding recommendations due mainly to cultural and gender
explanatory factors. The participants’ household structure is built on a patriarchal system
wherein gender is an important determinant of what one is expected to ‘know’ and/or ‘do’. As
averred by one participant, issues of direct breastfeeding import3are meant ‘for traditional birth
attendants or the grandmothers, not us’ (grandfather); as such, men’s little knowledge about
breastfeeding maters is seen as typical and not an exception. Unlike their male counterparts,

3
An exception is when breastfeeding related rituals need to be performed; and this is because men are often
the performers of such rituals.
41
grandmothers on the other hand were found to be very supportive and influential on how
infants’ are breastfed. Their influential role as found in this present study corroborates an
earlier finding by Kerr and colleagues (2008) in the northern part of Malawi. Similar studies
have also reported the advocacy function of grandmothers (Grassley and Eschiti, 2008) and
grandmothers as ‘managers of indigenous knowledge’ (Aubel, 2006 p.1). Besides their
influence, they had also been moderately informed about EBF recommendations which
although promising, seem in adequate in winning their commitment for the practice. Some of
them as noted early on questioned the relevance of allowing babies to be thirsty over a six
month period. The lack of commitment on their part can fairly be explained by disparities on
EBF familiarity. More often than not, information on EBF recommendations is primarily
tailored to meet the needs of breastfeeding mothers as if they live in isolation from other family
members. Such approach consequently creates disparities in levels of understanding between
breastfeeding mothers and their family relatives; and this is especially true for paternal
grandmothers who notwithstanding their level of influence, are often left out in many public
health interventions. Traditional birth attendants also exhibited a good understanding about
breastfeeding recommendations primarily because of their closed working relations with the
community nurses.

Family beliefs and practices

The findings of this study also revealed a number of practices with both cultural and religious
significance that are associated with breastfeeding and/or infants’ welfare. In support of the
earlier proposition by social cognitive theory, breastfeeding women although were found to be
aware and interested in EBF, they nevertheless could not translate their knowledge into
successful EBF due in part to these socio-cultural and religious practices which acted as
impediments to their quest. Of the practices that were identified, the ‘pakopilla’ ritual
concoction, while being traditionally perceived to be protective against diseases or any form of
harm caused by ‘pakopilla’ (‘white widows’), has nonetheless, a harmful effect on EBF since it
involves feeding an infant with small quantities of herbal teas for a number of days. Public
Health interventions to completely stop the practice are unlikely to succeed in view of its
perceived protective benefits. What might work instead is negotiating an end to that aspect of
the ritual which involves feeding newborns with the herbal tea/concoction. Fortunately, there
appears to be a gradual transition away from the ‘pakopilla’ ritual concoction; Christians in
particular have given up the practice to their faith, while Muslims have sought an ‘Islamic’
substitute. The effect of religion especially Christianity, in dwindling similar traditional

42
practices connected to breastfeeding was previously noticed by Aborigo and colleagues (2012)
in a related study in northern Ghana. Moreover it is tempting to think that the biomedical
account of disease aetiology and prevention techniques is gaining acceptance among sections
of rural families. This is a least evidenced by the full commitment and trust with which
breastfeeding women have reposed in exclusive breastfeeding recommendations.
In contrast with the aforementioned practice, the ‘nyuhibu’ ritual as reported in this
study is mainly carried out to increase breast milk supply. In the past, most women who were
thought to lack adequate breast milk supply had their babies’ breastfed by wet nurses ˗ who
were mainly family relations or friends. Due to changing perceptions about wet nursing among
the families, the practice is no longer in use and women with perceived breast milk
insufficiency problems are ask to visit the clinic if the ‘nyuhibu’ breast milk ritual fails to yield
satisfactory results. Although newborns are not directly involved in the ritual, its success or
failure significantly influences how a baby is fed.
It is instructive to learn that the interests of breastfeeding mothers are considered less
important and practically have no effect on the performance of traditional or religious
breastfeeding rituals. The paternal grandmother, father, and the grandfather are basically the
decision makers. In a qualitative study in Mozambique, Arts et al. (2011) made similar
conclusions on the role of these family actors in influencing decisions on exclusive
breastfeeding. Also important to point out are some of the breastfeeding related beliefs that
were found. One of them is the belief that a drop of breast milk on a baby’s penis will lead to
impotency if it happens before the baby’s seven birth day. An important part of the belief as
stated early on is the presence of the ‘bad hair’ which implies that any drips of breast milk
subsequent to shaving such bad hair may not occasion the impotence. Accidentally, the effect
of this particular belief on EBF seems to be neutral because it neither encourages nor impedes
a quest to exclusively breastfeed. In a similar vein, respondents’ perception of breastfeeding
during pregnancy further adds to how breastfeeding as a universal act is understood and shaped
by cultural beliefs and practices. These beliefs about how breastfeeding is affected and/or
affects some acts and bodily states or processes e.g. pregnancy, have again been observed in
many other cultures. Awumbila (2003) for instance, also reported early cessation of
breastfeeding due to pregnancy among the Kusasi in northern Ghana, while among newly
delivered mothers in Nigeria, Ojofeitimi (1981) as cited in Popkin et al. (1983) found that
majority (88.3%) of the respondents studied refrained from after birth sexual contact for fear
that the baby ‘might suck sperm from the breast which might eventually lead to diarrhoea’
(p.14). All these aforementioned beliefs and practices in one form or another constitute the

43
cultural/religious explanatory factors that influence exclusive breastfeeding practices among
the families studied.

Collective sense of responsibility

Rapid economic and technological developments in western industrialized societies have in
part led to a dramatic disappearance of extended family structures. Consequently, matters of
reproductive importance including child birth and care have been greatly redefined and
restructured. In its place, several maternal and paediatric institutions have been entrusted with
the responsibility of assisting breastfeeding women in ways comparable to what families had
hitherto done. This description, however different it might look, is clearly the converse of what
prevails in rural communities of Ghana. The family continues to be an important social
network wherein effective participation and support from members are a necessary part of
everyday activities including child care. In this way, the family sense of collective
responsibility exerts some noteworthy influences on breastfeeding and its exclusivity for that
matter. Results from this study show that breastfeeding women are primary caregivers of
children who are expected to breastfeed in line with what secondary caregivers (members of
her family) may defined as appropriate. Equal participation of each member is not expected
because child care is constructed and understood in terms of gender. As such, female members
of a family have significant involvement in matters of direct breastfeeding than their male
counterparts. Indeed, all the families studied were without exception patriarchal, with gender
based social roles and statuses; which to some extent explains why decisions on how newborns
are breastfed rest with a woman’s female significant other who in most cases happens to be a
child’s paternal grandmother. By virtue of their previous birth experiences and elderly wisdom,
grandmothers are deemed to possess in-depth insight on infant feeding which when differs
from modern breastfeeding recommendation is difficult to challenge. The upshot consequently
is that, nursing mothers face multiple and conflicting expectations regarding how to breastfeed.
While nurses would recommend exclusive breastfeeding for newborns, grandmothers or aunts
may on the other hand insist on energising babies with water or porridge. By taking such
stance, grandmothers appear to be cognitively motivated by certain outcomes which they
perceived as ‘threats’ (e.g. the claim that children will be ‘thirsty’ or ‘light weighted’ if not
given water) to the well being of infants. Amid such conflicting demands and expectations,
breastfeeding mothers are often confronted with a dilemma which eventually diminishes their
self-efficacy to start and maintain exclusive breastfeeding.

44
 The results further indicate that male members of a family especially the father and the
grandfather have little participation in matters of direct breastfeeding import. This result is
slightly different from findings in a study by Aborigo et al. (2012) in Kassena - Nankana
district of northern Ghana where males were found to have had considerable involvement in
breastfeeding matters (p. 8). Albeit their little participation, the male family members were
found to be concerned when a baby is sick, consistently fails to sleep at night, or crying; and
this again is explained by the gender based division of responsibility. Men are considered bread
winners of the family while women are practically responsible for domestic works such as
cooking, cleaning, child care etc. which are done under the supervision of grandmothers.
Because of this division of labour, the tacit assumption is that everyone (the male ˗ female
divide) performs or at least is expected to perform his/her role with little or no interference
from the other divide except when something is perceived to have gone amiss. So depending
on how a baby’s cry is interpreted, a husband or grandfather for that matter might intervene to
help remedy the ‘situation’ by for instance, consulting a soothsayer, or herbalist if the cry is
interpreted to mean spiritual sickness. A husband may also provide money for medical and
transport expenses if a child is deemed to require clinical treatment.

Learning to breastfeed
Finally, the data from this study as indicated in the results identified a relatively varied means
through which nursing mothers acquired knowledge on breastfeeding. The main learning
resources for breastfeeding women included the community nurses, family guidance, regular
education from the women’s breastfeeding support group, and observation. Much of the
education from the nurses is targeted at breastfeeding women especially postpartum. Learning
activities of the women’s breastfeeding support group as alluded to earlier constitute not just a
regular learning resource but an important source of support for nursing mothers who are
paying attention to EBF. Notwithstanding the group’s manifest goal of providing support for
breastfeeding mothers and child welfare promotion in general, it is still nonetheless interesting
to question the primary inspiration behind the group’s formation. After all, both the community
clinic and the family system are designed to accomplish similar goals. This, to reasonable
extent, is explained by the group’s latent desire to meet their unmet support and learning needs
through collective action. By forming such support group, the breastfeeding women are not
only gradually achieving their manifest and latent goals but are also leading a learning
revolution; a revolution in which so much optimism and confidence are reposed in modern
medical recommendations, and for that matter, exclusive breastfeeding.

45
 Until fairly recently, the aforesaid and rather formal means of learning how to
breastfeed rarely existed in most rural Ghana; and even now, the family as a social and learning
institution continues to serve as an important resource for breastfeeding women. Elderly
members of the family are considered repositories of traditional beliefs and knowledge
inherited from forebears to present members. Issues of reproductive importance such as
marriage, child birth and child care are under the purview of elderly women (grandmothers)
from whom the younger women are expected to learn. From the adolescent period until child
birth, young women are socialised and taught on what constitute proper infant feeding through
observations and then practical guidance. Given their subordinate position in families,
breastfeeding women are not only expected to learn their family’s conception of appropriate
feeding but are required to demonstrate much interest in practicing them. Unlike the practice in
the developed world, learning from family neither involves formal guidance from
paediatricians, nor reading breastfeeding books. It is instead, by osmosis ˗ a gradual and often
unconscious process which may start as early when a teenage girl works as baby caretaker to as
late as during pregnancy or postpartum.

IMPLICATIONS FOR PUBLIC HEALTH POLICY

Much of the current public health interventions on exclusive breastfeeding are traditionally
tailored to the needs of breastfeeding women. Given how family players participate and decide
on the type of feeding for newborns, it is suggested that public health education campaigns
should aim at increasing the familiarity of family relations on EBF. This can be achieved by
empowering family members especially those at the top of the family echelon viz.
grandmothers, fathers, traditional birth attendants, and grandfathers. Increased access to
information on breastfeeding and reproductive health in general would especially be vital in
modifying families’ conceptions of ‘appropriate’ infant feeding.
Results from this study also reveal the importance of breastfeeding support group in
disseminating knowledge on EBF and may thus be an important partner in public health
interventions. The formation of similar groups in other rural communities may as well be an
essential policy target. Beyond incorporating such groups’ activities into community clinics’
own, further discussions and logical support for them would be useful in winning the EBF
battle.
Finally, it is important to realize that not all traditional beliefs and practices are harmful
to EBF. Some of them appear to be neutral (e.g. covering the neither region to avoid drips of
breast milk on the penis) while others seem to be helpful (e.g. believing that colostrum gives

46
good intellect). As such, awareness creation on breastfeeding issues needs to be examined
beyond breastfeeding know-how to include clarifications of common beliefs and perceptions
that are unhelpful to EBF practices. While some religious and cultural beliefs about
breastfeeding seem entrenched, important family actors and religious leaders if properly
educated about EBF could be used to modify and/or discourage such practices that involve
feeding newborns with herbal teas and ritual concoctions.

Conclusion
The present study was an attempt to understand and explain influences on exclusive
breastfeeding in the context of rural families in Ghana. The study showed that rural families
are important social organizations and networks wherein effective participation and support
from members constitute an essential part of everyday activities including child care. Infant
feeding and for that matter exclusive breastfeeding is thus heavily influenced by breastfeeding
women’s families. The results show very informed breastfeeding women who are committed to
learning and practising exclusive breastfeeding. Nurses and breastfeeding support group
meetings were the main sources of information on EBF recommendations for breastfeeding
women while family relatives heard about the recommendations from them. As a result,
Grandmothers, fathers, and grandfathers who are the main decision makers in the family and
also constitute breastfeeding mothers’ significant others were found to possess little knowledge
on breastfeeding recommendations and hence exerted little commitment to support the
practice. It was further shown that breastfeeding mothers’ quests to exclusively breastfeed were
regularly influenced by their families’ beliefs and practices over which they lacked control.
The families’ system of mutual infant care that regard breastfeeding women as primary
caregivers of babies who are expected to breastfeed in line with what secondary caregivers
(members of her family) may define as appropriate also contributed to making exclusive
breastfeeding practice a lot more difficult for breastfeeding women. While the influences
highlighted by this study contain many implications for public health policy, a lot nevertheless
remains to be studied. Further research is particularly needed to explore how traditional
beliefs, practices, and indigenous knowledge on breastfeeding can be negotiated and modified
to promote public health interventions especially on issues relating to breastfeeding.

47
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In the course of writing this thesis and by extension the period during my training in Public
Health, I have incurred lots of debts for which acknowledgements are necessary. I am
particularly grateful and eternally thankful to the following:
˗Almighty Allah with whose permission I live and with whose countless favours I continue to
remain grateful. Verily, you are the all-sustainer and all-provider for mankind.
˗European Union and the MUNDUS ACP team at Malmo University and Porto for your
generosity in awarding me a scholarship to pursue my dream
˗Ronald Stade, my supervisor, for your expert comments and friendly company throughout the
period
˗Ellis Janzon, my lecturer and program director, for being available at my service all the time;
this project would have been very difficult but for your assistance and guidance.
˗Oscar Anderson, my lecturer and initial supervisor, for your preliminary insightful comments
about my topic and research design.
˗Per –Anders Tengland, Berglund Staffan, and Slobodan Zdravkovic, my lecturers, for all your
stimulating lectures, seminars and exams; we couldn’t have gotten better than we had. Tack!
˗Limpho, Kudzai, Julius, Fanny, Shifra, Sandra, Niclas, Vicky, Sonja, and Muna, my course
mates for your friendship and wonderful contribution to discussions in class
˗Nengak Daniel, a true friend, for all your critical comments on my work and the interesting
discussions we had.
˗Jane and Chandra, my former floor mates, for your company, friendship, and the IT assistance
you offered me on numerous occasions.
˗Mba Afa and Mma Moshie, my dad and mum for your care, love, best wishes and prayers;
May Allah bless you
˗My brothers (Mr.: A. Salam, Adam, A. Majeed, Habib, Ismail, Hardi etc.), sisters (Rukaya,
Kubra etc.), uncles, and cousins (K.D) for all the love, support, and prayers throughout my
education
˗Awula, my wife for your patience, prayers, and encouragement
˗Muhammad and Suale, my friends and assistants during my data collection exercise. I really
enjoyed your company and appreciate your assistance.
˗All the breastfeeding mothers, grandmothers, husband, grandfather, traditional birth
attendants, and the breastfeeding support group leader whose voluntary participation made this
study a reality.

48
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APPENDIXES

Form

Informed consent Appendix 2

(submitted along with Appendix 1 to the participant joining the project for signature)

Projektets titel: (ifylles av student) Datum: (ifylles av student)

Family influence and exclusive breastfeeding
in rural Ghana 13th, March 2013

Studieansvarig/a: (ifylles av student) Studerar vid Malmö högskola, Hälsa

och samhälle, 206 05 Malmö, Tfn
Iddrisu Seidu 040-6657000

Utbildning: (ifylles av student)

Din E-post som student vid Malmö högskola: Masters in Public Health
ej din privata e-post (ifylles av student)

Nivå: (ifylles av student)

[email protected] Advance

I have been verbally informed about the study and read the accompanying written
information. I am aware that my participation is voluntary and that I, at any time
and without explanation, can withdraw my participation.

59
I hereby submit my consent to participate in the above survey:
Date: ……………………………………………………………………………..
Participant’s signature: …………………………………………………………..

Form

Permit to conduct research Appendix 3

(to be signed by the head of department)

Projektets titel: (ifylles av student) Datum: (ifylles av student)

Family influence and exclusive breastfeeding in 13th, March, 2013
rural Ghana

Studieansvarig/a: (ifylles av student) Studerar vid Malmö högskola, Hälsa

och samhälle, 206 05 Malmö, Tfn
Iddrisu Seidu 040-6657000

Utbildning: (ifylles av student)

Din E-post som student vid Malmö högskola: Masters in Public Health
ej din privata e-post (ifylles av student)

Nivå: (ifylles av student)

[email protected] Advance

Hereby, I offer the following student/students permission to conduct the above

mentioned study in my working area.

60
Name: …………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………

Head of Department at: ………………………………………………..

…………………………………………………………………………………………

Date: ………………………………………………………………………………

Signature: …………………………………………………………………………

Name (block capitals: …………………………………………………………………

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62