Cookbooks in Contemporary India

How to Make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in Contemporary India
Author(s): Arjun Appadurai

Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Jan., 1988), pp. 3-24
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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How to Make a National Cuisine:
Cookbooks in Contemporary India
ARJUN APPADURAI
University of Pennsylvania
Cookbooks, which usually belong to the humble literature o

lizations, tell unusual cultural tales. They combine the sturdy
tues of all manuals with the vicarious pleasures of the literatu
They reflect shifts in the boundaries of edibility, the proprietie
process, the logic of meals, the exigencies of the househ
vagaries of the market, and the structure of domestic ideol
tence of cookbooks presupposes not only some degree of litera
effort on the part of some variety of specialist to standardize t
kitchen, to transmit culinary lore, and to publicize particular
ing the journey of food from marketplace to kitchen to tab
cookbooks reflect the kind of technical and cultural elaboratio
the term cuisine, they are likely, as Jack Goody has recent
representations not only of structures of production and dis
social and cosmological schemes, but of class and hierarc
spread is an important sign of what Norbert Elias has called
process" (1978). The increased interest of historians and anth
cookbooks should therefore come as no surprise (Chang 1977
Khare 1976a, 1976b).
This essay discusses cookbooks produced by a particular ty
a particular moment in its history. The last two decades hav
India an extremely significant increase in the number of pr
pertaining to Indian food written in English and directed at
readership. This type of cookbook raises a variety of interestin
involved in understanding the process by which a national c
Earlier versions of this article were presented at the University of Californ

University of California, Berkeley; Bryn Mawr College; the Center for Ad
Behavioral Sciences, Stanford; the Oriental Club of Philadelphia, and the Uni
I am grateful for comments and criticism made by participants at each of t
must especially thank Burton Benedict, Gerald Berreman, Stanley Brand
Shelly Errington, Nelson Graburn, Ulf Hannerz, Alan Heston, Joanna Kir
Robert Krauss, Paul Rabinow, Renato Rosaldo, Corine Schomer, Judith Sha
Dennis Thompson, and Aram Yengoyan. I owe special thanks to my wife,
cook, Carol A. Breckenridge. The staff of the Center for Advanced Stud
Sciences made the task of completing this paper far less painful than it w
been.
0010-4175/88/1193-0110 $5.00 ? 1988 Society for Comparative Study of
4 ARJUN APPADURAI
structed under contemporary conditions. Language a

ethnicity, women and domesticity, all are examples
these cookbooks. In examining these issues in the Ind
to sharpen our comparative instincts about how cuisin
about what cookbooks imply and create. But before I
interpret these books, I need to introduce a compara
culinary traditions to which they draw our attention.
Cookbooks appear in literate civilizations where the
archies is essential to their maintenance, and whe
communicable variety of expert knowledge. Cookboo
world are best documented in the agrarian civilization
the Middle East. In these cases, the historical impetu
the earliest cookbooks seems to have come from royal
because these were the ones that could afford complex
to the special resources required for the production an
ten texts.
The evolution of a high cuisine, to use Goody's term, does not follow
exactly the same form or sequence in each of these locales. But with th
possible exceptions of China and Italy, there is in every case a powerfu
tendency to emphasize and reproduce the difference between "high" and
"low" cuisines, between court food and peasant food, between the diet of
urban centers and that of rural peripheries. Imperial cuisines always drew
upon regional, provincial, and folk materials and recipes. Preindustrial elites
often displayed their political power, their commercial reach, and their cos-
mopolitan tastes by drawing in ingredients, techniques, and even cooks from
far and wide. Yet these high cuisines, with their emphasis on spectacle,
disguise, and display, always seek to distance themselves from their local
sources. The regional idiom is here decisively subordinated to a central,
culturally superior, idiom. French haute cuisine is exemplary of this type of
high cuisine. In the cases of China and Italy, by contrast, regional cuisines are
the hautes cuisines, and no imperial or metropolitan culinary idiom really
appears to have achieved hegemony, even today. In the Chinese case, to the
degree that a civilizational standard has emerged, it appears to be the colorless
common denominator of the complex regional variants. In Italy, at least unti
very recently, it appears to be impossible to speak of a high, transregional
cuisine.
1 The single most important comparative treatment of cuisine from a sociological point of
view is found in Goody (1982). In addition to that study, which has provided a good deal of the
comparative perspective in this essay, I have also consulted the following sources for my under-
standing of non-Indian culinary traditions: Ahsan (1979); Austin (1888); Chang (1977); Cosman
(1976); Forster and Ranum (1979); Furnivall (1868); Revel (1979); Roden (1972); Rodinson
(1950); Root (1977); Vehling (1977). Goody (1982) contains an excellent and extensive
bibliography.
NATIONAL CUISINE: COOKBOOKS IN INDIA 5
In India, we see another sort of pattern, one that is, in so

unique. In this pattern the construction of a national cuisine i
postindustrial, postcolonial process. But the traditional Indian
some parallels with those of the other major culinary regions
Like the cooking of ancient and early-medieval Europe, preind
and the precolonial Middle East, cooking in India is deeply
moral and medical beliefs and prescriptions. As in the Chinese
cases, the premodern culinary traditions are largely regional and
Ottoman Istanbul in the seventeenth century, court cuisines dre
recipes from great distances (Sharar 1975). But in contrast to al
dustrial cases, in India before this century, the emergence of
approach to food (that is, one that is independent of its mora
implications), the related textualization of the culinary realm, an
tion of cookbooks seem to have been poorly developed (Kha
In the Indian case, the cuisine that is emerging today is a natio
which regional cuisines play an important role, and the nation
not seek to hide its regional or ethnic roots.2 Like their counte
land and France in the early eighteenth century, the new Indian
fueled by the spread of print media and the cultural rise of t
classes. As in all the other cases, but notably later, food may fin
be emerging as a partly autonomous enterprise, freed of its mor
constraints. The Indian pattern may well provide an early m
might be expected to occur with increasing frequency and inte
societies having complex regional cuisines and recently acquire
and in which a postindustrial and postcolonial middle class is c
particular sort of polyglot culture. This pattern, which is discus
of this essay, might well be found, with the appropriate cultura
places like Mexico, Nigeria, and Indonesia.
THE SOCIAL WORLD OF THE NEW INDIAN CUISINE
The audience as well as the authors of the English-l

duced in India in the last two decades are middle-class urban women. But the
middle class in India is large and highly differentiated. It includes civil ser-
2 Goody's discussion of the Indian material (Goody 1982:114-26) takes issue at several points
with the approach and arguments of R. S. Khare (1976a, 1976b). On the question of whether a
pan-Indian high cuisine existed in premoder India, Goody appears to have confused the question
of regional and courtly high cuisines with the matter of a national cuisine. For the latter, there is
little evidence until the second half of this century. I am also inclined to support Khare's view that
the cultural significance of cooking within the Hindu system remains incidental. More exactly, it
might be said that Brahmanical normative thought gives short shrift to cooking, but royal
practices as well as the divine cuisines of the great temples show highly differentiated, though
regional, styles of cooking. On sacred cuisine in premodern South India, see Breckenridge
(1986). Even here, collections of recipes are hard to find, though lists of ingredients, dishes, and
meals frequently appear.
6 ARJUN APPADURAI
vants, teachers, doctors, lawyers, clerks, and businessme

stars, scientists, and military personnel. Some of these pe
upper middle class and a few to the truly wealthy. This m
to be found in the cities of India, which include not onl
entrepots such as Bombay and Calcutta, and the traditiona
and Madras, but also smaller industrial, railroad, comme
towns of varying orders of size, complexity, and heterog
The women who read the English-language women's
Femina and Eve's Weekly, as well as the cookbooks in Engl
allied sociologically to these magazines, are not only mem
elite of the great Westernized cities, they also belong to t
commercial bourgeoisie of smaller towns throughout
more public organizations (such as the army, the railr
service), as well as more and more business corporatio
professional personnel across India, increasing numbers of
lies find themselves in cities that harbor others like them
from their native regions. This spatially mobile class of
with their more stable class peers in the cities and town
small but important class of consumers characterized by
multicaste, polyglot, and Westernized tastes. This class is
towns by a network of clubs, social committees, children
classes, and residential preferences. They are nationally lin
in magazines, clothing, film, and music, and by their int
in many cities. Though this class has some very wealthy p
with some who can barely afford to belong to it, its core
ment servants, middle-rung professionals, owners of me
nesses, and middle-rank corporate employees. It is this cla
sophisticated super-elites of Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta,
other cities, that is constructing a new middle-class ideolo
style for India, which cuts across older ethnic, regional, a
Cookbooks are an important part of the female world of
middle class.
The interplay of regional inflection and national standardization reflected in

the new cookbooks is the central preoccupation of this essay. It represents the
culinary expression of a dynamic that is at the heart of the cultural formation
of this new middle class. Cookbooks allow women from one group to explore
the tastes of another, just as cookbooks allow women from one group to be
represented to another.
In the social interaction that characterizes these urban middle-class fami-
lies, women verbally exchange recipes with one another across regiona
boundaries and are eager to experiment with them. The oral exchange o
recipes is, from the technical point of view, the elementary process that
underlies the production of these cookbooks. In many of the introductions to
these cookbooks, the authors thank women they have kn

ropolitan contexts for sharing recipes and skills. In som
to discern a progression from orally exchanged recipes t
or "Indian" cookbooks. The terseness of many of the
cookbooks may testify to the fact that they are intended o
aids in a largely oral form of urban interaction.
But the exchange of recipes also has other implications,
the first stage in a process that leads to carefully controlle
In urban kitchens, there is often a good deal of informa
between female householders that by-passes the question
a society where dining across caste or ethnic boundarie
delicate matter, recipes sometimes move where people m
India, as we shall see, commensal boundaries were centra
caste system. But the movement of recipes in the new
milieu is one sign of the loosening of these boundaries.
movement of recipes across caste, language, and ethnic
panied by an increase in formal (and informal) entertain
these boundaries.
In turn, the exchange of recipes, oral in origin but aided and intensified by
the new cookbooks, clearly reflects and reifies an emerging culinary cosmo-
politanism in the cities and towns of India, which is reflected in other con
sumption media as well. The trend setters as well as followers in this process
are women who often-times work in multiethnic job settings (as their hus-
bands do), whose children are acquiring broader tastes in school lunchrooms
and street-vendors' stalls, and whose husbands feel the pressure to entertain
colleagues and contacts at home. In all these contexts, what are created,
exchanged, and refined are culinary stereotypes of the Other, stereotypes tha
are then partly standardized in the new cookbooks.
The predicament of these middle-class women is quite complex, however,
for the homogenization of a certain middle-class life style calls for diversifica
tion of consumption patterns in many domains, including clothing, interio
decoration, and cuisine. In the domain of food, the push to diversify the
housewife's culinary skills comes from a variety of sources: the push of guest
who want to taste your regional specialties (as they have constructed them in
the course of their own interactions, travels, and readings of cookbooks), th
push of children who are tired of "the same old thing," and the push o
ambitious husbands to display the metropolitan culinary ranges of their wives
At the same time that she is dealing with these pressures to diversify her skills
and add to her inventory of ethnic food specialties, the typical middle-clas
housewife also has another clientele, composed of her husband (in another,
more primordial guise), her more traditional in-laws and other relatives, and
important country cousins who crave food in the specialized mode of the
region, caste, and community from which they originally come. This clientele
8 ARJUN APPADURAI
is either simply conservative in its tastes or, worse still, has acq
fangled urban notions of authenticity regarding their own natal c
middle-class housewives are thus on a perpetual seesaw that alter
tween the honing of indigenous culinary skills (and if they have
there are books to which they can turn) and the exploration of n
regions. It is the tacit function of the new cookbooks to make t
seem a pleasant adventure rather than a tiring grind.
What is tiring is not only the acquisition, refinement, and displ
stantly new culinary wares, but other, less subtle pressures. In t
class world I am describing, the budget is a central instrument, for
money as well as time. Many of the new cookbooks emphasize th
specifically designed to resolve shortages of time and money in
tings. They therefore frequently offer menus, shortcuts, and hint
get more out of less. Some of them explicitly recognize the dual p
working women to earn part of the family's livelihood and simult
cater to the culinary sophistication of their families and friends. Wh
ticity, attractiveness, and nutritional value remain the dominant v
new cookbooks, efficiency, economy, and utility are becoming i
respectable themes.
One very striking example of how this new metropolitan pragm
to erode traditional concepts can be seen in the role of leftover fo
new cookbooks. Leftovers are an extremely sensitive category in
Hindu thought (Khare 1976b; Marriott 1968; Appadurai 1981) and
certain circumstances they are seen as positively transvalued, mos
eating of leftovers or wastes carries the risk of moral degradation
contamination, and loss of status. Their treatment and the etiquet
rounds them stand very near the moral center of Hindu social thou
new cookbooks, which are in other respects hardly iconoclastic,
suggest ways to use leftovers and wastes intelligently and creati
the traditional prohibitions concerned food contaminated by hum
rather than by the cooking or serving process, all waste products
bear some of the aura of risk associated with leftovers in the narrow sense.
Several books contain chapters on the treatment of leftovers. There is even
one cookbook, Tasty Dishes from Waste Items (Reejhsinghani 1973a), that is
built entirely around this principle. Its author goes so far as to say in her
introduction that she is "taking these discarded articles of food out of the
wastebin and [making] interesting and delightfully different dishes from
them." As caste differences come increasingly to be perceived as differences
between ethnic entities (Dumont 1970), so food differences come to be seen
as consumption issues divorced from the realm of taboo and prohibition. Of
course, as food emerges from its traditional moral and social matrix, it be-
comes embedded in a different system of etiquette-that of the drawing
room, the corporate gathering, the club event, and the restaurant.
The history of food consumption outside the domest

be written for India, but there is little doubt that t
commensality was confined to religious and royal m
social or religious boundaries could be maintained
places. To some extent, public eating places in mo
maintain boundaries among castes, regions, and food
rants, both humble and pretentious, have increasingly
transcendence of ethnic difference and for the expl
Other. Restaurant eating has become a growing part
cities, as wealthy families begin to socialize in restau
men and women find it easier to go out for their main
to work with them. These restaurants tend to paralle
dialectic of regional and national logics to be noted i
These twin developments sustain each other.
In addition to the homes and restaurants of the new
the new cuisine (in both its provincial and its nation
ticed, transmitted, and learned, a variety of public ar
food stands in train stations, dining cars of the train
racks, and clubs, student hostels, and shelters of all
these public arenas contributes to the new interethni
sine in a different way and to a different degree, they
ened importance of institutional, large-scale, publ
India. The efflorescence of increasingly supralocal an
arenas explains why the pace of change in traditiona
(so critical to the caste system) is so much greate
marriage, a matter on which there has recently been
1976b; Goody 1982). Food boundaries seem to be d
rapidly than marriage boundaries because eating permi
tied to particular contexts, so that what is done in a res
from what is seen as appropriate at home, and each of
in the context of travel, where anonymity can some
kind of compartmentalization, to use Milton Singer's
a realistic option in the domain of marriage, though
domain of sexual relations. The new cuisine perm
classes of Indian towns and cities to maintain a rich and context-sensitive
repertoire of culinary postures, whereas in the matter of marriage, there is the
stark and usually irreversible choice between staying within the ambit of caste
rules or decisively, permanently, and publicly breaking them.
The symbiotic differentiation of both class and cuisine that is flourishing in
Indian cities is supported by changes in the technology and economy of
cooking. The food blender, spice grinder, and refrigerator are seen in more
and more homes. There is a large and growing food industry, selling both
ingredients and instant foods of many varieties. The commercialization of
10 ARJUN APPADURAI
agriculture and the increasing sophistication of tra

credit make it possible to obtain a wide variety of fr
and spices in most major Indian cities. Major food co
inently in the women's magazines, sponsor specializ
vertise the glamour of culinary ethnicity. As in the
modem machinery and techniques alleged to be labo
fact agents in the service of an ideology of variety
elaboration in cuisine that puts middle-class housew
sure than in the past. Thus the seductiveness of varie
essay), as an important part of the ideological appea
masks the pressures of social mobility, conspicuous
getary stress for many middle-class wives. Regarded
the publishing industry, catering industry, food indu
cial sector in agriculture all have something to gain
developments in Indian cities. But the majority of h
exciting process of culinary give and take in which th
and beneficiaries. Before looking closely at the rhetor
cookbooks, it is necessary to examine briefly the his
drop against which they have materialized.
CULINARY TEXTS AND STANDARDS IN INDIAN HISTORY
In this section, we consider two distinct but interr

question of why Indian history has not, until rec
degree of textualization of the culinary realm as s
lizations. The other is the question of the histori
century have militated against the formation of a
dard in India. These questions involve brief excur
Hindu, Islamic, and colonial contexts of Indian hi
The historical example of India runs counter to o
case of a highly differentiated, literate, text-orien
tion that has not produced a high cuisine on the
Eastern model. The puzzle is deepened when w
central trope in classical and contemporary Hindu
a very large number of basic moral axioms are co
part of social life revolves (Appadurai 1981; Kh
1968). Food in India is closely tied to the moral
viduals and groups. Food taboos and prescriptions
gods from humans, upper from lower castes, one
together, whether as a family, a caste, or a villag
exercise in the reproduction of intimacy. Exclusi
events is a symbolically intense social signal o
enmity. Food is believed to cement the relationshi
well as between men themselves. Food is never me
NATIONAL CUISINE: COOKBOOKS IN INDIA II
Whatever the perception of the purely gustatory a

issue of their implications for the health, the purit
balance of the consumer are never far out of sigh
of social solidarity, as fasting is the mark of asce
patterns is to be seen in other societies, but the
convergence of the moral, social, medical, and s
food consumption is nowhere greater than in tra
therefore left with the question: Why did Hindu
as a medium of communication on the one hand a
and rank on the other, not generate a significan
If we take the long view of food in Hindu tho
textual deposits, it is possible to assert that whi
critical role in the Hindu texts, culinary issues d
an immense amount written about eating and abo
said about cooking in Hindu legal, medical, or
cursory examination of the secondary literature
(Zimmerman 1982; Kane 1974; Khare 1976b) is su
is principally either a moral or a medical matter
It should also be pointed out that these two dime
and Chinese thought, are deeply intertwined. B
maxims, prescriptions, taboos, and injunctions co
where contains what we would call recipes. Ingre
sometimes mentioned (often in connection with
sonality, and the humors), and cooked foods als
nection with special ritual observances. But th
ingredients into dishes are invariably offstage. R
of the culinary life, are missing in the great tra
Yet it is clear that cooking is a highly develop
are we to account for the absence of recipes and
wise omnivorous tendency of the Hindu elite to
The answer must be sought on two levels. The f
at: Hindu thought is deeply instrumental, though
Its burning concern is always, however indirectl
ical and ontological bonds of this world. Food
concern as a matter of managing the moral risks
matter of sustaining the appetites of the gods (w
protection), or as a matter of cultivating those bo
conducive to superior gnosis. In each case, food p
are two sides of the same coin. Food thus stays e
and medical modes of Hindu thought, and nev
autonomous epicurean or gustatory logic.
Let us now consider the question of why a pan-
emerge in India. Two possible explanations mu
12 ARJUN APPADURAI
intuitive appeal. The first is the idea that the host of

surrounding food in Hindu India so impoverished the
of the upper castes, that the elementary conditions
complex gastronomic culture could not be met. Thou
surrounded by a large range of prescriptions and pro
this clearly did not prevent the development of fair
courtly high cuisines. Further, the existence of a very
moral do's and don'ts in the Chinese case had no
(Goody 1982:111-12). This leads to a second plausible
also be rejected, and that is the explanation which s
not a unified political entity before colonial rule, an
framework for standardization, communication, and
culinary center was absent until the formation of the
problem with this suggestion is that it does not acc
degree of pan-Indian standardization in other social
expressions, not least the so-called caste system, its
and the Hindu religious axioms on which it is found
Though the problem deserves more extended resea
gest that there are two specific cultural factors that ha
premodern Hindu high cuisine to emerge. The first
assumption in Hindu thought that local variation in
respected by those in power, and that royal duty con
variation unless it violates social and cosmic law (dh
tion, we bear in mind that the producers, distributo
major textual traditions, the Brahmans, did not par
religious point of view) about the culinary or gastro
can begin to see why a poorly developed culinary te
modem Hindu India and the nonemergence of a Hin
all of India might be related phenomena. What little w
science of cooking-pdka sdstra-(see Prakash 1961) su
book tradition, both in Sanskrit and in the vernacular
tary, and minor. Whether this is the result of a sma
indifferent preservation and transmission, the impre
unmistakable.
Like other humble traditions that do not enter the ambit of high Hindu
thought, Hindu culinary traditions stayed oral in their mode of transmission,
domestic in their locus, and regional in their scope. This does not, of course,
mean that they were static, insulated from one another, or immune to changes
in method or in raw materials. What it does mean is that there was no
powerful impetus toward the evolution of a pan-Indian Hindu cuisine. The
regional cuisines each had their festive foods, their royal elaborations, and
their luxury dishes interacting with plainer, peasant diets keyed to ecologic
and seasonal factors (Breckenridge 1986). Though it is hard to tell much in
retrospect about how this interaction worked, it is plain that, a

cuisine, traditional Hindu India was thoroughly Balkanized.
With the arrival of the Mughals in India in the first half of th
century, the textualization of culinary practice took a significant s
The famous Mughal administrative manual, the Ain-I-Akbari, co
cipe section, though the text as a whole is devoted to variou
statecraft. It is very likely that the culinary traditions of the prince
early modem North India were influenced by the practices of th
court. It is also probable that the current pan-Indian availability (
in restaurants) of what is called Mughlai cuisine is closely tied to
spread of Mughal hegemony through most of the subcontinent.
Mughlai cuisine is a royal cuisine that emerged from the interac
Turko-Afghan culinary traditions of the Mughal rulers with the p
of the North Indian plains. Because of its diffusion through the ro
North India, and because it is the cuisine of reference for the g
rateurs of northern and western India, Mughlai cuisine has b
onymous, particularly for foreigners, with Indian food. Though i
an important step toward an Indian cuisine, its Indic base is restr
north and west of the subcontinent. It derives nothing of significan
cuisines of Maharashtra, Bengal, Gujarat, or of any of the south
Though some version of Mughlai food is available throughout co
India, it cannot be considered an Indian cuisine if by that designat
a cuisine that draws on a wide set of regional traditions. It is the l
of a tradition that is "high" without being a civilizational standa
The textualization of culinary traditions was intensified by the arr
printing press. The proliferation of presses, journals, and books i
teenth-century colonial context did, among other things, usher
totypes of the moder cookbook. Thus, in Maharashtra in the
century, there are books on household management published in M
contain recipes. There is every reason to suppose that this was h
the other major linguistic regions of India. In the first half of th
magazines and newspapers began to address the urban housewife b
recipe columns. There is also evidence that the moder vernacular
press nurtured the popular taste for cookbooks and cooking skills
requisites for the recent rise of the English-language cookbook. O
of these genetic links is a book by Kala Primlani called Indian Coo
published in 1968. Primlani's book began its career as a serie
columns in the Sindhi-language daily Hindvasi; it was then publish
form in Sindhi before it achieved its English incarnation. An
famous example of the shift from an Indian- to an English-lang
Samaiththu Pdr (Meenakshi Ammal, 1968), whose title was litera
lated into the English Cook and See, since many of the young Tam
whom the original was addressed were functional illiterates in t
14 ARJUN APPADURAI
tongue and could not read Tamil. These examples suggest that the ve
cookbooks and the English-language cookbooks are not wholly
genres.3
Though the colonial version of Indian cuisine is the most significant precur-
sor of the emergent national cuisine of the last two decades, it was not
confined to the homes of the colonial elite and it did not end with colonialism.
Some of its content, and a good deal of its ethos, provided the basis of the
culinary manuals and procedures of the Indian army, which even today repre-
sents a rather specialized subcontinental culinary standard. And with broader
reach, there are certain clubs, restaurants, and hotels that carry on the colonial
culinary tradition. The other enclave in which some of the Anglo-Indian ethos
of this colonial cuisine is preserved is the Parsi community (Mehta 1979).
Though the colonial version of Indian cuisine is the most significant precur-
sor of the emergent national cuisine of the last two decades, it was not
confined to the homes of the colonial elite and it did not end with colonialism.
Some of its content, and a good deal of its ethos, provided the basis of the
culinary manuals and procedures of the Indian army, which even today repre-
sents a rather specialized subcontinental culinary standard. And with broader
reach, there are certain clubs, restaurants, and hotels that carry on the colonial
culinary tradition. The other enclave in which some of the Anglo-Indian ethos
of this colonial cuisine is preserved is the Parsi community (Mehta 1979).
In the national cuisine that has emerged in the last two decades, Mughlai
cuisine (to a considerable extent) and colonial cuisine (to a lesser extent) have
been incorporated into a broader conception of Indian food. The shape of this
new national repertoire can be seen in the recent proliferation of cookbooks,
whose structure and rhetoric are the topic of the next two sections.
PROLIFERATION OF GENRES AND THE CULINARY OTHER
The most striking characteristic of English-language b

is the rapid specialization that has occurred within this
already cookbooks directed toward special audiences, s
Woman's Cookbook (Patil 1979) and Cooking for the S
singhani 1977). There are also entire cookbooks dev
categories, such as chutneys and pickles (Jagtiani 197
Rahimtoola 1978), vegetable dishes (Lal 1970), and left
3 The question of vernacular cookbooks deserves separate treat

cookbooks raise a series of interesting linguistic and epistomolog
omitted from this essay because of limitations of space. It should be not
is only the most obvious of a series of changes in the sociology of l
cookbooks.
4 This manual itself appears to be modelled on the important Victorian treatise on household
management published by Isabella Beeton (1861). I am grateful to Justin Silber of the University
of Houston for drawing this work to my attention. The spread of European ideologies of house-
hold management to the colonies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is an important topic
for comparative research.
1973a). There are books about Indian cooking produced in th

oriented partly to Euro-American cooks in search of adventure an
expatriate Indians in search of their culinary pasts (D. Singh 1970;
B. Singh 1961; Hosain and Pasricha 1962; Kaufman and Lakshm
Jaffrey 1981; Time-Life 1969). There are cookbooks to guide
(Srivaran 1980), cookbooks produced by large companies that
tirely around a single industrially produced food product (Narayan
cookbooks that reflect the penetration of the large-scale framewor
ing schools and restaurant kitchens into the domestic milieu (Ph
Bisen 1970). There are books on Indian cooking that were first p
the United States or England and subsequently republished in Ind
1972; Day 1963). Finally, authentic tokens of a flourishing publis
try, there are cookbooks based entirely on sales gimmicks, like
Favourite Recipes (Begum 1981). This inventory is representative
means exhaustive.
The proliferation of subspecies suggests that a possible index for the

emergence of an authentic high cuisine is precisely the emergence of such
crosscutting functional classifications. My assumption here is that a complex
culinary repertoire underlies and facilitates the type of deconstruction and
recombination to which these specialized books testify. Such specialization i
very different from the regional and oral Balkanization that characterized
premodern Indian cuisine. This argument leads me to suggest that the surest
sign of the emergence of an authentically Indian cuisine is the appearance of
cookbooks that deal with special audiences and special types of food. T
dissolve this seeming paradox, I turn now to the emphasis of the new book
on specialized regional or ethnic cuisines.
An historian of China has suggested that among the prerequisites to the
emergence of a full-fledged cuisine is a widely based variety of recipes, so
that "cuisine does not develop out of the cooking traditions of a single
region" (Freeman 1977:144). The Indian material suggests a further refine-
ment of this observation. In the Indian case, perhaps the central categorical
thrust is the effort to define, codify, and publicize regional cuisines. There ar
books now on virtually every major regional cuisine, as well as on several
ethnic minority cuisines, such as the Parsi and Moplah. It is difficult t
imagine a book such as Rachel Mutachen's Regional Indian Recipes (1969)
being published much earlier than it was.
These regional and ethnic cookbooks do two things: Like tourist art (Gra-
burn 1976), they begin to provide people from one region or place a systemat-
ic glimpse of the culinary traditions of another; and they also represent a
growing body of food-based characterizations of the ethnic Other.s These tw
functions are distinct but intimately connected. A few examples will serve to
5 For a sociobiological treatment of ethnic cuisine in contemporary Western contexts, see van
den Berghe (1984).
I6 ARJUN APPADURAI
capture the texture of this communicative mode. In a book called

Bengali Dishes, Aroona Reejhsinghani says of Bengalis: "Besi
they are also very fond of rice and fish, especially fresh-water f
Bengali will eat fish at least once daily and no celebration is
complete unless there are a few dishes of fish served in it" (Reejh
1975:1). Or consider the following characterization of Gujaratis an
cuisine by Veena Shroff and Vanmala Desai in 100 Easy-To-Mak
Dishes (1979:i-ii):
Few states in India have such a variety of savory dishes as Gujarat, or a tradition of
making and storing snacks. And in a Gujarati home, sweets and snacks are always
waiting to be offered to a welcome guest. The use of condiments (vaghar) is a practice
peculiar to the region. There is a widespread use in Gujarat of mustard seed, fenu-
greek, thymol, asafoetida and other additives that both make the food tastier and help
digestion.
Examples of such ethnic cameos could be multiplied. They play an impor-

tant part in the introductory sections of the regional and ethnic cookbooks. It
is worth noticing that their authors are either transplanted and uprooted pro-
fessionals (like Premila Lal, a Sindhi born in Tanzania who returned to India)
characterizing cuisines that they have themselves learned in a cosmopolitan
context, or they are self-advertisements by articulate urban members of a
particular ethnic group who seek to publicize its culinary wares, as in the case
of Shroff and Desai, both Gujaratis living in Delhi. It should also be noted
that these small ethnological cameos hark back to the potted portraits that are
the stuff of government gazetteers and ethnographic encyclopedias from the
colonial period, where tribes, castes, and linguistic groups were often
metonymously captured through the use of the telling custom or the dis-
tinctive piece of material technology.
What we see in these many ethnic and regional cookbooks is the growth of
an anthology of naturally generated images of the ethnic Other, a kind of
"ethnoethnicity," rooted in the details of regional recipes, but creating a set
of generalized gastroethnic images of Bengalis, Tamils, and so forth. Such
representations, produced by both insiders and outsiders, constitute reflec-
tions as well as continuing refinements of the culinary conception of the Other
in contemporary India.
But not only do these constructions build on long-standing and distinct
regional cuisines. They also invent and codify new, overarching categories
which make sense only from a cosmopolitan perspective. Perhaps the best
example of such a process is the growing number of books on "South Indian"
cuisine (e.g., Reejhsinghani 1973b; Skelton and Rao 1975) which, taking a
distinctly northern perspective, collapse the distinctions between Tamil,
Telugu, Kannada, and Malayali cuisines and lump them together as South
Indian cuisine. These books divide their recipes into functional classes orga-
nized around basic ingredients or courses (thus crosscutting the internal re-
gional categories), though the names of the various dishes do rev

specific local origins to those who recognize the names. Of cours
sines, however local, reflect the aggregation upward of more hu
idiosyncratic cuisines from as far down as individual househo
styles. Such telescoping and recategorization is also doubtlessly a
constant feature of history in complex societies. But certain reg
and levels are relatively stable and well formed in the Indian cas
these that are now being vigorously articulated in print, juxt
reaggregated.
One consequence of the bustling marketplace of regional and ethnic culi-
nary images is the sense of advocacy that animates many of the authors, who
seem aware that there is a good deal of crowding in the gallery of regional or
ethnic cuisines and some danger of exclusion from it. Thus Ummi Abdullah,
who has produced a specialized book on Malabar Muslim Cookery, states: "I
would consider my efforts recompensed if at least some of the traditional
Moplah recipes find a permanent place on the Indian menu" (1981:4). A
slightly different strategy is exemplified by Shanta Ranga Rao, who boldly
calls her book Good Food From India (1968), though it is exclusively a
collection of recipes from a rather small subcommunity from a microregion in
South India.
Books like the one by Shanta Ranga Rao remind us that Indian regional or
ethnic cookbooks in English are the self-conscious flip side of books that are
engaged in constructing a national cuisine. In this, they differ markedly from
vernacular cookbooks, which take their regional context and audience largely
for granted.
The new cookbooks are not simple or mechanical replicas of existing oral
repertoires. The transition to print in this particular social and cultural context
results in a good deal of editing. Most of the ethnic or regional books are
selective in specific ways. When written by insiders, they represent fairly
complex compromises between the urge to be authentic and thus to include
difficult (and perhaps, to the outsider, disgusting) items and the urge to
disseminate and popularize the most easily understood and appreciated items,
and to promote those already popular, from one's special repertoire. Outsiders
who write these books, on the other hand, end up including the easy-to-grasp
and more portable examples from alien ethnic or regional cuisines, partly
because their own tastes for the exotic are first nurtured in restaurants or other
public eating contexts, where the subtleties of that cuisine (which are often
domestic) have already been pared down. In both cases, one of the results of
the exchange of culinary images is the elimination of the most exotic, pecu-
liar, distinctive, or domestic nuances in a particular specialized cuisine. In
national or "Indian" cookbooks, of course, the selective process is much
more obtrusive, and whole regional idioms are represented by a few "charac-
teristic" dishes, which frequently are not, from the insider's perspective, the
best candidates for this role.
I8 ARJUN APPADURAI
In the jostling of the various local and regional traditions

and mutual recognition, certain linguistic and regional tradi
access to urban resources, institutions, and media are pushin
bors out of the cosmopolitan view: Thus Telugu cuisine is be
pushed out of sight by Tamil cuisine, Oriya by Bengali cui
Marathi, Rajasthani by Gujarati, and Kashmiri by Punja
mean that the humbler traditions have no cookbooks (theirs
the relevant vernacular), but they are losing in the struggle
cultural repertoire of the new national (and international)
The construction of, and traffic in, culinary representatio
regional, or linguistic Other has one dimension that is not re
cookbooks. These books, whether national or regional, unif
positive ethnic stereotypes; but the orally communicated im
nary Other are often less than complimentary, as in other
throughout history. Thus, South Indians are said to eat (an
sively runny food that trickles down their arms to the elb
said to eat "sickeningly sweet" food, Punjabi food is said
greasy, Telugu food to be inedibly hot, Bengali food to
pungent mustard oil, and so forth. The new cookbooks, the
the friendly end of a traffic in interethnic images that h
I turn now to the question of how, at the same time as co
are generating an anthology of specialized culinary represen
also increasingly responsible for constructing the idea of a
an" cuisine.
THE INGREDIENTS OF A NATIONAL CUISINE
In the contemporary Indian situation, and to som

books appear to belong to the literature of exile,
books are often written by authors who now live
away from the subregion about which they are w
intended for Indians abroad, who miss, in a vague
they think of as Indian food. Sometimes they ar
reconstruct the colonial idea of Indian food, and
trope is likely to be curry, a category of colonial o
glow of empire, in which recipes are largely a Pro
lying rationale of at least one book, The Raj Cook
few "colonial" recipes, squeezed between sundr
ments, and newspaper clippings from the twilight
How do moder-day cookbooks go about const
national cuisine in the context of an increasingly
cialized ethnic and regional cuisines? Although
teristically different strategy, there are a few st
simply to inflate and reify an historically special t
NATIONAL CUISINE: COOKBOOKS IN INDIA I9
metonymously, for the whole. I have already mentio

Rao flatly asserts that hers is a book of Indian recipes
more local in its scope. There is also the widespread a
earlier, in cookbooks and restaurants both in India and
Mughlai food with Indian food.
Another strategy for constructing a national cuisine
nominal: The author assembles a set of recipes in a m
manner and then, in the introduction to the book, gro
might unify them. For many books this theme is fou
the spices and spice combinations, which are often dis
But even here, since regional variation is so great, the
often forgotten. Other authors discuss processes, suc
basting, etcetera, in the Indian context in an effort to t
of regional cuisines. Yet others take an encyclopedic a
implements and ingredients (on the model of the Fren
de cuisine). Finally, and also in the inductive and enc
are many books that focus on a particular kind of fo
simply provide a set of recipes from many regions.
assume nothing general at all, but content themselves
and comments about Hindu festivals and customs, wh
relatively weak sense of the Indian by juxtaposing spe
one way or another, many of the prefaces to these co
intuitive, and encyclopedic in their approach to what
cuisine.
But beneath the superficial inductivism lies a deeper set of assumptions
concerning the structure of an Indian meal that seems shared by many of these
authors. These assumptions can be represented as a structural model of an
Indian meal and are reflected in the organization of chapters in many of the
books. The structure may ideal-typically be represented in terms of the fol-
lowing sets of items, usually each given a separate chapter: rice-based prepa-
rations; breads (usually made of wheat flour, but also including rice and lentil-
based pancakes); lentil preparations; vegetable preparations, sometimes sub-
divided; sweets and savories, which laps over into the contemporary Western
domain of the "snack"; pickles and chutneys; and sometimes beverages.
Salient sets of regional recipes are then brought together under the appropriate
headings. This organization seems to reflect a fairly natural (that is, cultural)
ordering of the range of preparations that emphasizes their distinctive proper-
ties in terms of the base ingredient (grain, lentil, vegetable, etcetera), or of the
process used to prepare them (thus pickles, though based on vegetables and
fruits, are processed differently from regular vegetable dishes), or of the mode
of consumption (thus snacks and savories are largely set apart by the con-
text-either time of day or of year-in which they are consumed). Though
this structure creates strange regional and ethnic bedfellows (the Tamil dosai
20 ARJUN APPADURAI
is placed along with the Punjabi chapati under the rub

though the first is a snack food and the second a basic m
the collection and dissemination of regionally and ethn
What suggests that what is emerging is more than an
of regional recipes is the increasingly widespread invok
Many recent cookbooks have suggested menus, based o
the sort I have discussed above, which are then filled w
ent regional or ethnic traditions. The interesting thin
that while, in European and some other cuisines, t
associated with a succession of courses, Indian meals d
significant sequential dimension. Everything arrives m
most everyday contexts, although certain key liquid a
base grains and certain key condiments may appear at
festive contexts, the temporal dimension is greatly el
style courses are more prominent. Routinely, howeve
synchronic set of discriminations and does not display
ination associated with the idea of courses. Variety is
rhythm and pace as it is in other complex culinary trad
menu is clearly a way to organize the proliferation of
ethnic traditions and to subordinate them to the count
culinary idiom. The concept of the menu is sufficiently
least one book, The Working Woman's Cookbook (Patil
of recipes organized entirely as a sequence of suggeste
bine regional items in extremely interesting ways. Wh
is the availability of an Indian meal structure, as w
regional and ethnic options that can be combined and
scaffolding.
The appearance of structural devices for organizing a national cuisine is
accompanied by the development of a sometimes fairly explicit nationalist
and integrationist ideology. Thus, for example, a newspaper review of Indian
Recipes (Lal 1980) says: "Hindi may or may not help in unifying the country;
while it is trying hard, there may be no harm in letting an Uttar Pradesh snack
win over a Tamil Nadu heart."
But nationalist exhortations are of limited rhetorical value in the arena of
the dining room, the kitchen, and the grocery, and the more subtle and
effective ploy of many of the transregional cookbooks involves the seduc-
tiveness of variety. Thus, Thangam Philip, a major Indian authority on cook-
ing and nutrition, says in her introduction to another author's cookbook that
"if you wish to move out from the traditional and classic recipes of your own
community to a wider repertoire, you will find Malini Bisen's Vegetable
Delights a delightful aid." Or listen to Aruna Sheth, who says in her introuc-
tion to The New Indian Cookbook (1968), "Can it be that we are not aware of
variety in India? It was with this thought in min

variety in the form of dishes from different pro
to present the following revealing anecdote: "Even
with many dishes of different provinces. I have
favorite in Maharashtra and sent a plateful to a frien
Next day when she met me she thanked me for th
delicious." This little anecdote contains a good dea
among other things, something of the cross-ethni
nodes of which many authors of the new cookbook
savory snack item that she has rendered a Maharas
that exemplifies the culinary stereotyping mentio
("from the North"), unfamiliar with this item, c
sweet with which she is familiar (a jalebi is a dee
pretzel-like quality and in some of its ingredients
by adding the prefatory masala (savory spicing) s
culinary oxymoron. This sort of linguistic mis
accompaniment of the social interaction associate
these new cuisines.
There is one final sign that the idea of national Indian cuisine is now taken
for granted-though its structure and logic are by no means standardized-
and that is the proliferation of cookbooks that subsume and absorb "Indian"
recipes into other, more transcendent, categories. Examples abound. Than-
gam Philip's Modern Cookery (1965), produced with an eye to nutritional
benefits, restaurant cooking, and extremely Europeanized urban audiences,
makes Indian recipes "modem" by looking at them from the perspective of
the nutritionist, the food technologist, and the caterer. Madhur Jaffrey's bril-
liant Vegetarian Cooking (1981), like several others, juxtaposes Indian vege-
tarian recipes with those from the Middle and Far East, thus appealing main-
ly, in this case, to a particular audience in the United States. Others stick to
Indian vegetarian recipes. The third volume of Harvey Day's multivolume
Curries of India runs the reverse operation and includes dishes from Indo-
nesia, Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Malaya, and Thailand under the label curry, il-
lustrating a kind of gastronomic imperialism under the colonial trope of curry.
There are also books like the recent Appetizingly Yours (Currim and Rahim-
toola 1978) that are clearly directed to wealthy urban audiences in India,
where Indian and Western snacks are promiscuously combined, with the
Indian side of the book drawing on a transregional inventory. Thus not only is
a national cuisine being constructed from regional or local traditions, but
access to this national repertoire permits it to be subordinated to the purposes
of other, more general classifications.
The idea of an "Indian" cuisine has emerged because of, rather than
despite, the increasing articulation of regional and ethnic cuisines. As in other
22 ARJUN APPADURAI
modalities of identity and ideology in emergen

parochial expressions enrich and sharpen each ot
Especially in culinary matters, the melting pot i
CONCLUSION
The emergence of a national cuisine in contempora

cessual model that needs to be tested comparativ
situations in the contemporary world. The critical f
the twin processes of regional and ethnic specializat
the development of overarching, crosscutting natio
These processes are likely to be reflected and repr
signed by and for the urban middle classes, and pa
members, as part of the larger process of the const
cultures involving media, travel, and entertainment
Of equal comparative interest are the historical and
which the new national cuisines are appearing, conte
considerably. In the Indian case, a national cuisine
spite of a relative historical disinterest in gastr
(Hindu) traditions, so that both the textualization of t
creation of a civilizational culinary standard are re
question that deserves further comparative investig
term historical and cultural idiosyncrasies of each
dynamics of contemporary societies different, in s
cessual similarities. To answer these questions, we
the contemporary world as revealing artifacts of cu
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How to Make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in Contemporary India

Author(s): Arjun Appadurai

Cookbooks, which usually belong to the humble literature o

Earlier versions of this article were presented at the University of Californ

0010-4175/88/1193-0110 $5.00 ? 1988 Society for Comparative Study of

structed under contemporary conditions. Language a

In India, we see another sort of pattern, one that is, in so

THE SOCIAL WORLD OF THE NEW INDIAN CUISINE

The audience as well as the authors of the English-l

vants, teachers, doctors, lawyers, clerks, and businessme

The interplay of regional inflection and national standardization reflected in

these cookbooks, the authors thank women they have kn

The history of food consumption outside the domest

agriculture and the increasing sophistication of tra

CULINARY TEXTS AND STANDARDS IN INDIAN HISTORY

In this section, we consider two distinct but interr

Whatever the perception of the purely gustatory a

intuitive appeal. The first is the idea that the host of

retrospect about how this interaction worked, it is plain that, a

PROLIFERATION OF GENRES AND THE CULINARY OTHER

The most striking characteristic of English-language b

3 The question of vernacular cookbooks deserves separate treat

1973a). There are books about Indian cooking produced in th

The proliferation of subspecies suggests that a possible index for the

capture the texture of this communicative mode. In a book called

Examples of such ethnic cameos could be multiplied. They play an impor-

gional categories), though the names of the various dishes do rev

In the jostling of the various local and regional traditions

THE INGREDIENTS OF A NATIONAL CUISINE

In the contemporary Indian situation, and to som

metonymously, for the whole. I have already mentio

is placed along with the Punjabi chapati under the rub

variety in India? It was with this thought in min

modalities of identity and ideology in emergen

The emergence of a national cuisine in contempora

Abdullah, U. 1981. Malabar Muslim Cookery. New Delhi: O

Currim, M., and Rahimtoola, M. 1978. Appetizingly Yours: Snacksfor

Revel, J.-F. 1979. Un festin en paroles. Paris: Pauvert.

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