The community reproduction of life

Thinking of social trans-formation in the present1

Raquel Gutiérrez / Huáscar Salazar Lohman

Summary

We approach with a critical eye the question “Is social transformation possible?” and maintain that the
starting point for an answer lies in the set of specific collective and/or community activities that aim at
guaranteeing the material and symbolic reproduction of social life. We argue that transformation does not,
only nor mainly, have to do with sketching out an abstract future horizon; it is rather about a systematic flow
of actions of resistance and struggle in the present, which defends and expands the specific possibilities for
the reproduction of life as a whole, be it human or non-human. This is the starting point for our analysis of the
tensions and contradictions that exist between said possibilities for the reproduction of life and the structuring
logic of capital in its continuous cycles of accumulation. From this standpoint, we look into the popular-
communitarian aspects of certain theoretical difficulties that emerged during recent struggles in Latin
America. More specifically, the obstacles for the social deployment of concrete labour beyond the mediation
of value and in the polymorphic forms of collective political decision-making.

Keywords: social transformation, production of the commons, concrete labour, use value, popular-
communitarian struggles.

1. We consider the question “is social transformation possible?” to be imprecise and somewhat sterile. Even
more so when the question is projected towards the future. Sterile because it parts from a specific conception
of a world that is given, that has been established and is, therefore, motionless, configurated, finished. The
analysis chooses, to put it synthetically, to attend the totality of domination in the present. Those who attempt
to confront such a totality are overwhelmed by this perspective, rather than encouraged. If we assume this
starting point, all we are left with is a conception of the future as possibilis, that is, as a counterfact of what

1 Many of the ideas presented in this text are part of discussions conducted at the permanent research
seminar “Entramados Comunitarios y Formas de lo Político” [“Community Weavings and Forms of the
Political”], which takes place at the department of postgraduate studies in sociology of the Instituto de
Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Mexico (ICSYH-BUAP).
 Raquel Gutiérrez is a Mexican mathematician and research professor at the department of
postgraduate studies in sociology of the ICSYH-BUAP. Huáscar Salazar Lohman is a Bolivian economist and
doctoral student at the CEDES-BUAP. They both participate in the permanent research seminar “Entramados
Comunitarios y Formas de lo Político” [“Community Weavings and Forms of the Political”] at the department
of postgraduate studies in sociology of the ICSYH-BUAP.

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we have today. This turns social transformation into an imaginary negation of the present, a negation desired
by many but not by all. When approached like this, the issue of transformation has often led to the creation of
teleological counterfactual conditionals or sofisticated ad hoc justifications; encouraging nothing but
reflection on what we should be doing and are not doing in the present, or the justification of what has been
done, pointing towards what we should construct and have not constructed in the present. Once we find
ourselves in this perspective of an imaginary negation of the present -which can otherwise be mediated by
good intentions and a lot of creativity- we can give an affirmative answer to the question; however, we will
almost certainly be trapped within this designed preconception. If that is not the myth of socialist revolution,
what is? In the words of Bolivar Echevarria “The myth of revolution is precisely the one that tells of the
existence of a moment of absolute creation or recreation, when human beings tear every thing down and
create it anew. When all the forms of sociality are destroyed and other new ones are built from nothing”
(Echeverría, 1998: 68). Furthermore, says the author, this myth is constructed on the basis of capitalist
modernity's own imaginaries.

In order to pose more useful questions on social transformation, we must conceive the term beyond its typical
dictionary definition, which describes it as: “to convert one thing into another through a given process”. The
prefix “trans” etymologically refers to a 'beyond” or “on the other side”; therefore, to trans-form refers to a
capacity to produce form beyond or against and beyond what is given. Thus, social trans-formation turns
into the deployment of the human capacity to produce and reproduce collective forms of inhabiting the world
other than those of domination, exploitation and plunder. If social trans-formation is conceived like this, our
concern is no longer focused on totality: the fundamental issue is not the conversion of one social order that
we perceive as a totality into another social order that we also conceive as a totality, judging a priori that the
latter is better than the former.

When we abandon the point of view of totality, new questions arise: how do we collectively deploy the
specifically human capacity of social trans-formation? Which categories, notions and ideas can prove fertile
and which ones get in the way of our reflection? How do we produce social trans-formation every day? How
do we conserve the conditions for the deployment of social trans-formation? How do we persevere in the
trans-forming activity? The answers to these questions are not logical deductions that part from specific
principles; they will rather depend on a theoretical strategy that will allow us to account for the “practical
scope” of everyday struggles, as well as for the “horizons of desire” (Gutiérrez, 2013; 2014) of men and
women who, day in day out, trans-form and insist on trans-forming their concrete and located social reality.

2. The existence and persistence of social structures that reproduce life in a non-capitalist or not fully

capitalist way has been one of the main discussion topics in 20th-century Marxism. The production of a
critical discourse based on a linear conception of history led to an epistemic legality that tends to show history
as a succession of phases. Thus, beyond the specificities of each society, the passage from one phase to
another could be explained “objectively”, as if following a predetermined script. So, in capitalism, anything

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that was not truly or formally subsumed to capital was considered “precapitalist” and it was all about
explaining how the laws of history would inevitably lead to the conversion of said concrete practices of
production of social wealth -which sometimes configured societies- into abstract, i.e. modern and capitalist,
relations in some moment of history. Another deduction of the same debate wondered if this “precapitalism”
was a historical necessity of capital itself. Also, a very revealling conclusion of these discussions is that “the
existence of the peasantry within the capitalist mode of production is revealed to us as the result of the
reproduction needs of this mode of production”(Bartra, 1979: 65). So, everything was considered to be
determined by the needs of capitalism, the most advanced mode of production in terms of phase succession.

In contrast with the above mentioned, we are interested in formulating a series of interpretative arguments so
as to understand the non-capitalist, the not fully capitalist and the potentially anticapitalist as a present trans-
formation; that is, as a way to shape social life from a different standpoint than that of capital and its political
and state form of regulating life. For that, we turn to the notion of the communitarian, which we basically
understand as a form of establishing and organizing social relations of sharing as compartencia* (Martínez
Luna, 2014), and cooperation. Shared and coordinated links and doings, not devoid of tensions, that tend to
generate dynamic equilibria and aim at the reproduction of social life. In this context, a collectivity assumes
the autonomous, self-determined and self-regulated capacity of deciding on issues relating to the material and
symbolic production that is necessary to guarantee the continuity of biological and social life through time. 2

Therefore, the community as a form of reproduction of social life is not only the negation of existing
domination, it is not only non-capitalist and non-state; it is that and, at the same time, so much more. The
communitarian is not determined ex ante by domination, it does not exist only due to capital, nor does it part
from capital, not even in terms of negation.3 To think of all forms of reproduction of social life in terms of
their antagonistic relation derived from capital can lead us to the epistemic pitfalls of the previously
mentioned Marxist debates. In one case, capitalist society produces the precapitalist because it needs it; in the
other, the non-capitalist emerges only as the antithesis of capitalist society, as a production that is undesired
but apparently necessary for capital. This conceptual weaving leaves no room for a broad constellation of
practices and efforts that are asserted in the reproduction of social life through the generation and regeneration

* Tr.N. The term “compartencia” has been coined by anthropologist Jaime Martínez Luna to describe the
reproduction and sharing of knowledge generated within communities amongst equals.
2 We attempted a positive reformulation of the communitarian on the basis of previous proposals by
Gutiérrez (2014), expanded and enriched by the ideas of Federici (2004), Navarro (2012) and Linsalata
(2014).
3 This assertion reflects an ongoing and unfinished discussion with critical Marxism and other forms
of reflection and argumentation from negative dialectics. The core of the disagreement is that we consider
life, human and non-human, to contain a positive drive towards its own self-reproduction. This drive can be
considered as a negative force that systematically confronts death. However, to argue from this standpoint
makes our reasoning even more complex; therefore, for the time being, we prefer to use the positive
formulation.

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of specific links that guarantee and expand the possibilities of collective -and therefore individual- existence,
in the sense that they produce a social plot that can always renovate and regenerate itself.

Such disjointed and complex networks of social relations –that we usually call the community weavings--
become clearly visible and intelligible in indigenous peasant communities, especially in moments of struggle
or celebration. However, they are also present outside this context, in urban life for example, in all the much
more ephemeral and volatile relations, creations and practices that allow or facilitate the reproduction of life
and are not mediated by capital.4 Therefore, we understand community weavings as the constellation of social
relations of compartencia -never harmonious or idyllic, but rather filled with tensions and contradictions-
operating in time in a coordinated or cooperative form that is more or less stable. Their multiple goals are
always specific and different in the sense that they are renovated, and tend to fulfill or expand the fulfillment
of the basic needs of social, and therefore individual, existence. Having said that, this form of social relations
is clearly strengthened when social antagonism is intensified and actions of struggle that defy, contain and
push back capitalist relations are deployed. Therefore, the communitarian is an interpretative tool that can
take us deeper into the analytical lacuna that Bolivar Echevarria encounters in Marxism and which comes
from Marx himself: the determinations of the process of capitalist accumulatin are studied, but the studies do
not refer to the other side, that is, to the “natural form” of the reproduction of life that focuses on “use value”.5

Of course, this does not mean that the community lives on in a separate bubble, in an idyllic world devoid of
capital. These varied forms of reproducing life are constantly under siege by capital, and many of the relations
that are generated and regenerated, as well as a lot of the concrete social wealth that is created on the basis of
these relations, are subordinated and functionalized by capital; also, many are mediated by the state form of
politics. Therefore, all the determinations that we use to understand the communitarian must be understood
and explained in specific contexts so as to understand how they are resolved –or not-- within the framework
of globalized capital, though always in a contradictory and ambiguous way. However, it is important to stress
that the heterogeneous and multiform trans-formation that emerges from community weavings implies their
capacity to reproduce social life, disrupting, deforming or reshaping domination in a way that allows for this
reproduction through time; in doing so, they oppose capital. That is why the communitarian is by definiton
antagonistic towards capital, even if its production is not defined by it.

4 A distinction must be made between a community practice that is subsequently functionalized by

capital and one that is created for capital to begin with. The first type can refer to efforts to reproduce life
beyond capital, or even against it, where capital manages to appropriate the human energy deployed through
different mechanisms of exploitation and plunder. As long as they exist, there will always be something more.
A material and/or social product is produced or regenerated that is not for capital and that, in one way or
another, will fulfill its goal of reproducing life.
5 We believe […] that Marx's main contribution to a critical understanding of modernity is somewhat
asymmetrical or one-sided. His comprehensive and penetrating research on the process of accumulation of
capitalist value –one of the two sides of the contradictory behaviour of modern society-- was not
counterbalanced by similar research on the other side of this behaviour, “use value” and its reproduction. So,
in this sense, we justify our work as a contribution to the reconstruction of the conception of a “natural form”
of things as “use values”. This conception is implicit in the “critique of political economy”; without
clarification, the latter is left incomplete and, in many ways, enigmatic” (Echeverría, 1998 [1984]).

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3. In line with a Marxist reading, Tapia (2012) argues that the two defining moments of social reality are the
productive and the political. To this we would add that the link between the two is a sense of the world or
multiple fragemented and contradictory meanings of reality – what anthropologists could define as culture.
We human beings need to satisfy material and inmaterial needs and that is why we produce social wealth: use
values. At the same time, we create a set of relations for the administration of collective life. We administrate
in order to produce (amongst other goals) and we produce in order to administrate (amongst other
aspirations). And thus we reproduce as species, as collective beings and as separate individuals. Production is
part of human reproduction and not viceversa. The administration of the social or political life is part of
human reproduction and not viceversa. And production and administration are social. Therefore, if we assume
the process of the reproduction of existence6 as the starting point of the analysis, they are one. Social
reproduction is truly an indivisible process, even if it is cruelly and violently separated from modern thought,
from the thinking that emerges when capital production is placed at the centre of the analysis (Federici, 2004).

This bond that we are accustomed to separates production from politics and pushes reproduction towards a
dark and subordinated place of production, as a horizon and as practice. In capitalism, the different processes
of reproduction of existence are subordinated to the production of capital, appearing as ensembles of
fragmented, secondary activities without a meaning of their own. Also politics, in this case state politics -
apparently the only locus for the realization of collective administration- is placed above society and claims to
be looking out for the “common good”, relegating social reproduction to the private sphere. In other words,
capital produces appearances: social wealth appears under the form of an accumulation of commodities while
concrete wealth, which nurtures the everyday reproduction of social life, is not only rendered invisible; the
activities that generate it are conceptualized as opaque sets of secondary affaires. After all, capital is a social
relation that de-forms the social reproduction that is based on use value, violently replacing the collective
capacity to decide on production with decision-making that emerges from private property.7 Capital takes
control of the social relations that reproduce life and privately appropriates them, turning them into a
mechanism of valuation. Therefore, in the words of Bolívar Echevarría, the reproduction of life within
capitalism is possible only if it is “betrayed in its essence”, because it can only be attained when it takes place
within the terms established by the valuation of capital. But for that reason precisely, capital cannot be

6 So, we define at least two starting points for reflection on transformation: the one that sets capital
production at its core, in order to guarantee its accumulation or criticize it; and the one that focuses on the
reproduction of existence, material and significant, human and non-human.

7 On this point, see The Origins of the Black Act by E.P. Thompson (1990).

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conceived without the reproduction of life, even if that is not its goal.8 From this standpoint it becomes clear
that our reproduction in capitalism as species, as collectivities and as individuals is an unbalanced
reproduction of life, because one side is deprived of material and symbolic wealth, as well as of the capacity
to collectively decide, while the other side privately accumulates this wealth and all privileges in collective
decision-making.9

Capital –and its heteregeneous processes of production-- abstract the use values that make up social wealth in
order to tie them down to commercial relations; only this way can value be valued in never-ending spirals. On
its part, the reproduction of life, be it human or non-human, or the polymorphic processes of the community
reproduction of existence are based on the care and production of an enormous multiplicity of ties and use
values that guarantee the satisfaction of a broad variety of human needs. The production and administration of
this concrete wealth is not divided to begin with. There are many different ways of attaining their balance.
Thus, the political is not necessarily an autonomized activity of reproduction.

We consider that the communitarian –or, to a certain extent, the “communitarian-popular”10-- allows us to
reveal the reproduction of life as the nucleous that shapes social relations, beyond ethnic differences that
could exist between different cultural moulds. In the social relations that emerge from community weavings,
what we understand as politics and the economy 11 are clearly components destined to guarantee the
reproduction of life and, therefore, of the same network of relations that make up the weaving. “The
production and consumption of the transformations of nature turns out to be, simultaneously and above all, a
ratification and modification of the concrete figure of sociality. They are two processes in one: in the
reproduction of the human being, the physical reproduction of the integrity of the community body of the

8 If there is a “trademark” for capital, it is its constitution -as a social relation- as a systematic negation of
the community reproduction of life; at the same time, this is the precondition for its existence.

9 For a more detailed analysis of the issue of the plunder of the political, see Mina Navarro (20120:
Luchas por lo común [Struggles for the Commons]

10 Generally speaking, the analysis of the communitarian uses as a starting point or as paradigmatic
examples the sets of practices that are developed in rural environments and are immediately linked to food
production. However, we can also find practices driven by a reformulated community logic in an urban
context and even in spaces that have been rendered transnational. Hence the notion of “communitarian-
popular”, more inclusive and flexible for thinking mostly about contexts of reproduction that are profoundly
permeated by capital. On this, see (Linsalata, 2014; Gago, 2014).

11 In this document, when we talk about the economy in the community sense, we are not referring to
its definition by modern economic science, but to the ancient and etymological sense of the term that was
clearly differentiated by Aristotle. In his Politics, Aristotle understands oikonomia as the household
administration, which can be understood as administration and production for reproduction. What we perceive
as economy in modern times, linked to the accumulation of wealth or money, is chrematistics.

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subject is fulfilled only to the extent that it is the reproduction of the political form (polis) of the community
(koinonía). It is a dual and always contradictory process, in the sense that its 'political' stratum necessarily
implies an exaggeration (hybris), a forcing of the very legality of its physical stratum” (Echeverría, 1998
[1984]: 167). The production of material wealth that evolves around community relations is always “forced”
by community politics, for it is the community weaving that will define its scopes and meanings in terms of
collective reproduction. Therefore, we assert that the productive process –relaunched within a community
weaving-- is not an exclusively material and/or physical process, it is rather fundamentally social. A very
interesting example of all this are the transnational networks for the reproduction and expansion of social life
that are produced by Bolivian immigrants in Buenos Aires. They combine the textile workshop, the fair or the
market and the organization of everyday life in the towns and celebrations in a way that is at the same time
ambiguous and promiscuous, but always in struggle against what is imposed as norm and destiny (Gago,
2014).

Keeping this in mind, we will present certain notions that allow us to go deeper into issues relating to the
production and social administration of the communitarian, that is, the reproduction of life in its community
form. Our analysis differentiates the economy and politics as separate but never divided moments of
reproduction; we wish to show that both spheres are part of the same process of social reproduction, which is
contradictory, enclosed and confronted with chrematistics; that is, with the processes of capital accumulation
that are usually described as “economic”.

4. We will now present certain reflections on the tensions and antagonisms that emerge
between the countless efforts to guarantee the possibility of the reproduction of life in the
community and the systematic processes of capital production. For that, we critically
recover classic formulations of Marxism while trying to answer a specific question: why is
it so difficult to think of the social nature of concrete labour?

When we human beings produce the necessary goods to guarantee the continuity of our life cycle, we do it
socially. That is, we appropriate a body of knowledge produced collectively throughout history and certain
means of existence -some of which are means of production (Dangelis, 2012)- that in most cases have also
been produced by other human beings. On the basis of this knowledge and these goods we produce other
goods –and other relations-- which we can use to satisfy our needs or to produce once again; i.e. they have a
use value. However, generally speaking, we also produce for others in the context of what is understood as the
social division of labour. We need the goods that result from the labour of others and the others need the
goods that result from our individual labour. So, beyond our own labour in its concrete sense -which we can
still consider as the use of physical and mental energy for the attainment of a specific goal- the capacity to
work socially is one of the most fantastic practices that characterize our species. Not only do we do things, we
also generate mechanisms and codes so that these things can be enjoyed by others and in turn we enjoy the

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usufruct of other people's labour. These mechanisms and codes are not constituted through material goods but
rather from social relations. According to Bolívar Echevarría, they are part of the semiotic dimension of
culture as well as, might we add, of its practical dimension. Human relations are generated and regenerated
socially through interaction, always collectively, between men and women and the “natural world” of which
they are part. Hence the eminently practical and not only structural dimension of these relations, which is also
significative and semiotic as it produces relationships and meanings and not only “things”, goods or products.

In Capital, Marx describes with colossal clarity how capital accumulation is produced precisely on the basis
of social labour which, being social, cannot self-reproduce autonomously any more: it is through the private
appropriation of the labour of some people by others. In other words, exploitation. Along this line, Marx
explains that in capitalism these goods turn into commodities. He describes and analyzes processes through
which social labour is rendered private, parting from relations of production that are mediated by the private
legal ownership of the means of production and of specific relations of force -generally linked to the
monopolization of the “right to kill”- that lead to exploitation. Here we have a first reduction by Marx that has
been systematically criticized by Federici: Marx moves along the lines of classical political economy in that
he considers that the free worker exists in his/her own right -after the period of primitive accumulation that,
once descibed, is relegated to the past. The reproductive process in capital is understood only as a process of
consumption and not any more as a true process of production of human beings as well as of everyday
relations that guarantee the reproduction of human and non-human life.12

Now then, following the previous argument, we maintain that the capitalist relations of production fetishize
social activity in presenting its products and creations under the form of the commodity, in the sense that the
exchange between said commodities is based on exchange value. In other words, the terms of the exchange of
a good that has been socially produced but privately appropriated are determined on the basis of the socially
necessary labour time for its production: this good is exchanged with other goods that correspond to an
equivalent socially necessary labour time. The exchange process is in turn mediated by a general equivalent,
money. This way of producing and exchanging allows for the appropriation of surplus value, guarantees the
private control of surplus and promotes the recreation of the entire process of exploitation that we are already
familiarized with. What we want to stress through the previous claims is that exchange under the rule of
capital is socially conducted from the dictatorship of exchange value, measured in a specific type of socially
necessary labour time. What interests capital is not the usefulness of the product but its capacity to be
exchanged, to contain a universal value that can be accumulated; this value seems to spring from the product

12 A line of reflection that we will not explore in this work but that opens up from here is that of the
terms and conditions of the“multimple exploitation” of reproductive processes, paraphrasing Navarro and his
notion of “multimple plunder”: the exploitation of labour by capital that occurs in the course of the production
of capital is not the only exploitation that occurs under capital. For the exploitation of “free” labour by capital
to occur, it must hook up with another specifically capitalist set of actions that exploit the totality of the
reproductive activities that allow for the existence of this “free” labour.

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itself, but it is the result of a physical and mental effort involved in the creation of all products. This is what
Marx calls abstract labour.

In capitalism, abstract labour is the condition for the conversion of labour into social labour. The reduction of
concrete labour to a scale of value that is measured in socially necessary labour time and the corresponding
process of fetishization of the commodity allow for the generation of equivalents in order to access other
goods. All this is administered privately, consolidating the specifically capitalist form of the private
appropriation of surplus value. Importantly, we must always keep in mind that the time with which abstract
labour is measured is not a “natural” time. It is linear, empty and homogeneous time (Benjamin) which, as a
plague, parasitizes and obstructs the multiple reproductive processes that are filled with varied rhythms and
discontinuous and alternated cycles.

We agree with Holloway when he expresses that, in capitalism, “there is an abstraction from the very act of
producing: all that matters is the quantity of value produced.” (Holloway, 2014: 215). What interests capital is
abstract labour, so that it can access the general equivalent, money, and thus generate a process of amplified
accumulation. The goal is not use value. So, in capitalist society, the organization of the reproduction of social
life is not an end in itself, but rather a set of operations aimed at accelerating the creation and circulation of
exchange value. Exchange value cannot exist without use value, but the latter is subordinated to the
dictatorship of the former. This is particularly clear in the processes of food production of peasants or
indigenous communities as well as in the autonomous processes of production that focus on the use value of
products and on the relations that are created and consolildated from it.

Therefore, abstract labour becomes the specifically capitalist form through which social labour presents itself
to us. It is the corruption of social labour that turns into labour-for-capital and disguises the reproduction of
life as a component of commodity production. In capitalism, “progress” or “development” have to do with the
vertiginous acceleration of commodity production. If, at the end of the day, we manage to reproduce our own
life cycle, great for us! However, it will not necessarily occur.

So, what is the particular difference between the community reproduction of life and the one set up by
capital? With no intention of reducing all differences to this, we believe a central aspect is the social form that
concrete –and individual-- labour assumes in community societies. If the form adopted by social labour under
capitalism is that of abstract labour, concrete labour is stripped of its social capacity. Use value is only the
thing itself, its materiality; the goal of concrete labour, from the platform of abstract labour, is only the
creation of that material thing. What is produced for a specific reason is stripped ex ante of the capacity to be
labour-for-others. It is amputated, the deployment of its social character is made difficult.

Therefore, in capitalism, the capacity of use value to turn into social wealth is a characteristic only of abstract
labour: the materiality produced by the workers does not belong to them, in the sense that they cannot
conceive it -or can conceive it only in a “limited”, “enclosed” and “mediated” way- as a product also for
others, that is, as social labour beyond exchange value. The capacity of concrete social relations that are
centered in the material reproduction of social life to collectively produce a meaning will be crushed. Their

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semiotic capacity will be amputated as long as this tremendously broad sphere of social life is defined by
capital on the basis of the determinations of exchange value. In the words of Marx, “It is therefore the
physical body of the commodity itself, for instance iron, corn, a diamond, which is the use-value or useful
thing”, “We use the abbreviated expression “useful labour” [concrete labour] for labour whose utility is
represented by the use-value of its product, or by the fact that its product is a use-value”, “Not an atom of
matter enters into the objectivity of commodities as values [as socially necessary labour time]; in this it is
direct opposite of the coarsely sensuous objectivity of commodities as physical objects”. ” (Marx, 1990
[1867]: 126, 132, 138).

Here we have reached a crucial point of the contemporary discussion: the tyranny of money. Beyond the
practical fact of this tyranny, the issue is not linked to the “means” of circulation, but rather to the lack of a
measure with which to think of the concrete exchange of use values beyond capital. Importantly, use values
that are not only or even mainly things but, above all, social ties and relations that are established beyond
contractual figures. That is, we are faced with the problem that, in order to think -and deploy the social
character of concrete labour as struggle against the tyranny of abstract labour that is imposed as the only
measure for exchange and social wealth- it is necessary to conceive new forms of measurement which will
bring new meanings to the concrete exchange of use values and, generally speaking, to the always
asymmetrical processes of the reproduction of life. So, how can concrete labour be labour for others too?
Only if it is deployed within a community weaving that organizes and measures its exchanges and obligations
in a way other than that of the tyranny of abstract labour.

Having said that, in the reproduction of the social life of communities 13 and indigenous societies -and also in
the collective and autonomous efforts to create goods and ties against and beyond capital- what we understand
as concrete labour in capitalim contains a double purpose: that of the thing itself, which is its use value, and
that of being labour-for-others. The enjoyment of the product of this labour is both at the same time. Thus, the
function of abstract labour as a vehicle that turns concrete -individual- labour into social labour makes no
sense; therefore, within the community weaving, the analytical differentiation between concrete and abstract
labour makes no sense either. Community labour14--as we shall call it for the sake of exhibition-- is not

13 There were difficulties in the argumentation of the reproduction of community life: firstly, it was
necessary to unveil certain characteristics of the reproduction of life under capital in order to, subsequently,
counterpose the communitarian. The totalizing vocation of capital is egocentric, in the sense that it forces us
to deduce any analysis of social reality from its own terms. This is important and must be taken into account,
for it is part of the difficulty of the “Copernican inversion” in the comprehension of the social issue that we
are set to attain.

14 Another approach to the same problematic is by following the line of the “production of the
commons”, that is, by attending to the characteristics of the collective activities that are deployed in order to
produce some type of wealth that is commonly shared. “Community labour” is another way of referring to

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assaulted by the separation that the process of valuation exerts upon the worker and the product of his/her
labour. Following Bolívar Echevarría, we could say that it is labour in its “natural form”. Community labour
produces community goods, which also transcend the differentiation between use value and exchang evalue
that constitutes the commodity. They aim at the satisfaction of biological and cultural needs through
individual and collective consumption –materiality itself. At the same time, these community goods also have
the purpose of satisfying the needs of others on the basis of the same plot of meaning they generate –the
semiotic dimension of culture-- and are therefore “objects” equipped with meaning beyond exchange value. 15

Therefore, we can talk of a system of circulation and flow of community goods where the products of labour -
the goods- can be exchanged on the basis of mechanisms and codes that are established by the community
itself. These mechanisms and codes -the semiotic dimension of culture that also challenges the dominant
symbolic order- are produced and interiorized in each one of the repeated community and individual labour
processes as an immanent part of their goal. So, it follows that this system of circulation and flow of
community goods not only allows for the normal and eminently material reproduction of the members of the
community, it also generates and reasserts its mechanisms of inclusion and reproduces -through reiterating-
the sociability of the latter; it produces a symbolic order that gives meaning to the exhuberant forms of
reciprocity in community life.

The specific mechanisms and codes that organize the circulation and flow of community goods repeatedly
define different ways of exchanging goods on the basis of the establishment of notions of comparability, not
equivalence. These notions of comparability can be founded on the comparison of labour times to be
exchanged (such as the mano-vuelta and the ayni*). However, it must be made clear that community labour is
not subordinated to the abstract determination of measurable periods of abstract labour, neither to exchange
value, but to the possibility of reproducing community life. “In communal forms, labour time not only is not
an abstract quality of the activity of individuals, for it is dependent on ritual and symbolic forms, it actually
does not exist either as a social substance of wealth or a form of exchangeability. At most it is a matieral
requisite that underlies the meaning and purpose of the activity of the individuals” (García, 1995: 267, italics

this same heterogeneous and polymorphic set of activities. (Gutiérrez 2014a and Linsalata 2014 broadly
address the notion of “production of the commons”.)

15 An eloquent example of this class of “community goods” are the castillos [castles] of fireworks present in
community festivities. They are complex structures made only to be burnt during the festivity. We thank
Jaime Martínez Luna for insisting on this example during a talk on the social reproduction of life and
social transformation [Coloquio sobre Reproducción Social de la Vida y Transformación Social] Puebla,
September 8 and 9, 2014.

* Tr.N A mestizo term used to refer to reciprocity in indigenous communities. It is part of the Central
American philosophy of labour as a means of communication, a means of life. In South America it is
known as minga or anyi. (source http://issuu.com/cenco_uacm/docs/encarte_lafama)

11
in original). The ayni or mano-vuelta, for example, can be presented as an exchange of individual labours on
the basis of an estimated quantification of a specific labour time: a day´s work for a day´s work. However, the
deeper significance of this exchange is mediated by the meaning of the community goods that will be
produced, starting from the strengthening of ties between those who engage in the exchange. It is on the basis
of these exchanges that give a social character to concrete labour that the social bond is regenerated and
recreated, in a different though equivalent way each time, between those who share a community weaving
and, at the same time, “belong” to it. The organization and enjoyment of the festivity, the set of behaviours
that grant prestige, the ratification of ties through practices of compradrazgo,* etc., as well as the ties and
commitments crystallized in moments of struggle; these are all relations filled with a symbolism that, above
all, tends to reproduce and conserve the social bonds in the community.16 It is this way of reproducing life
that will organize -and perhaps determine- a system of flow of community goods and of exchange of concrete
labour. Depending on the specific cultural network that is set up and reproduced through these exchanges,
there will exist within it a specific logic, a guide of rationality that will allow for a set of calculations and
strategies for individual performance within the weaving (Gago, 2014).

To sum up: the very possibility of community labour -or of collective activities for the production of the
commons- comes about through a dynamic process that administrates and organizes the reproduction of
community life. The system of circulation and flow of community goods cannot appear “out of thin air”, as

* Tr.N. The word compadrazgo refers to the relationship existing between a godparent or godparents and the
godchild and its parents. However, in the Andes –and Latin America-- this relationship exceeds the
religious bond created and is perceived as an element of a framework of reciprocity.

16 Another more complex example is that of the chuqu or minka, deployed when large quantities of
labour are required, generally for sowing or harvesting in only one day. The member of the commune that is
carrying out this activity calls to others to help out in his/her farm and labour for the entire day. When the day
is over, the member must offer food and the drink chicha in abundance. All those who work receive a
significant portion of food and drink to share with family members or friends, who might or might not have
worked. The activity ends in a small celebration. It is interesting to note that this form of community labour
aims at reproducing a social bond, appart from carrying out the concrete labour. The sharing at the end of the
labour process is part of the meaning of community labour and this is what it means to socially share in the
context of the established relationship: one cannot pay for this labour and enjoy the use values outside this
socialization. In this sense, there is no direct exchange of comparable labours. However, there is an indirect
exchange; whenever considered necessary, another commoner will be able to call a chuqu; those who have
received the labour of others in the past will now have to participate and offer their own labour to another
member of the commune. This is one example amongst many, depending on the place and the activity; and
we must not forget the practices deployed in struggles. They are all relations filled with a symbolism that,
above all, tends to reproduce the social ties of the community. And it is this way of reproducing life that will
determine the system of flow of community goods.

12
the network of commercial trade claims to have done. Commercial trade is based on the abstract exchange of
equivalents that conceals the process of destruction of the capacity to produce concrete wealth that always
precedes the beginning of commercial circulation. Neither does this system of circulation and flow of
community goods consist in a series of rules that are established once and for all, as certain positivist
ethnographers argue, and even less so does it depend on the altrouism of the members of the community. The
system of exchange and flow of community goods is based, above all, on the capacity to collectively decide
on what is to be exchanged and on the very terms of the exchange. Once again in the words of Bolívar
Echevarría, it creates the conditions for the “politicity” of the reproductive process, including different
systems of circulation and flow of goods that configure a network of material and symbolic exchanges. 17

5. In order to account for the politicity of the multiple processes of collective labour that configure

community reproduction, we should remember with Foucault that “'all social relations are power relations' to
the extent that 'all social relations are none other than the deployment of certain capacities, according to the
specific needs of some people regarding other people which, in order to be fulfilled, must manage, regulate,
neutralize, affect or highlight the capacities and needs of others; that is, 'other people´s behaviours'”
(Gutiérrez, 2001: 59). Here we must clarify something important: not all power relations are relations of
domination. There are many social and collective mechanisms that allow for the generation of equilibria on
the basis of existing social asymmetries. If these mechanisms are in operation, relations of power between
different people will be harmonious, they will be reconfigurated time and again and they will evolve around
ever renovated equilibria. On the contrary, when certain power relations become crystallized, rigid and fixed,
they lead to ties that are not only asymmetrical, but also strongly hierarchical; relations in which one pole
conditions other people's behaviours and those who gather around the other pole “accept being directed”. This
crystallization and fixing is the source of a relation of domination that is generally expressed in law, in which
the capacity to decide on issues affecting both poles of the relationship is concentrated and placed in only one
of the poles. “In the community form of politics, social sovereignty is not delegated, but rather directly
exercised. It is not based on a contract that surrenders (and mortgages) individual will; the mechanisms for

17 Obviously, this type of community exchange networks, of old or new breed, is systematically
enclosed and stalked by capital. One of the pending tasks which in this text we simply draw out, is that of
going deeper into the notion of the comparability that guides these exchanges. As we mentioned previously,
they point towards a renovated concept of “measurement” which does not keep to the numeric –merely
quantitative-- identity that allows for the possibility to enumerate and compare, but rather explores qualitative
comparability. This is one of the intellectual possibilities opened up in the threshold of modernity, as can be
seen in the work of the so-called “medieval scholars” (Álvarez J.L., 2012). Measurement and comparability
are notions that can boost a renovated reflection on dynamic systems of exchange that evolve around balance
and not around the systematic lack thereof, as occurs in capital´s chrematistics.

13
dealing with a common affair are constructed on the basis of agreements between specific subjects that share
activities and destinies” (Gutiérrez, 2001: 70); even so, these subjects are different and display different
capacities.

In community weavings with activities focused on guaranteeing the satisfaction of the needs for social
reproduction or on expanding the possibilities for its satisfaction (note that we are not talking in any way, only
or even mainly, of issues of “survival”) power relations are eminently harmonious and are realized through
agreements that oblige. Belonging to a community weaving does not “grant rights”, it rather “obliges one to
take charge” of one part of the decision-making. Futhermore, it is the fulfillment of agreements collectively
discussed and decided upon that guarantees the belonging of each individual in the community fabric. The
contrast between this form of the political and of politics and what we call “formal democracy” is absolute.
The only right that formal democracy does not concede, given that it is based on delegation, is the right that is
fundamental in the community weaving, although here it is expressed as an obligation. An obligation to
accept responsibility for the needs that have to be satisfied, to deliberate with others on how to do it, to
collectively take charge of the execution, etc. An obligation, therefore, to “collectively reach an agreement”,
an obligation to generate a consensus as a condition for the possibility of reproduction. Thus, the way in
which the agreements between the members of a community weaving are permanently established and
reestablished, on the basis of the fabric's own frameworks of meaning that can always be adjusted, is the
specific social practice that renders the solidification-crystallization of power relations impossible. It is a
shared administration of what “can be done” -in terms of power-to, of what others and ourselves can do.
Within this political framework no one monopolizes decision-making and the members do not delegate their
capacity to collectively produce decisions. The members maintain the autonomy and sovereignty of , let's say,
their “proportional quota of power”, though no one “has the power”, the capacity, if it is not deployed
collectively through the community weaving. This is precisely the foundation of what Zibechi calls
“dispersing power” (Zibechi, 2010). The specific and collective politicity that is generated in the community
weaving is, therefore, also a specific dimension of the production of the commons that is based on a specific
dimension of community labour: the “service” or labour for the commons. In quiché, the specific term used to
refer to this type of eminently concrete community labour is caxq'ol.

In contrast, abstract labour is the vehicle for the monopolization of the capacity to decide on the processes of
production. The abstraction of labour sets up a specific mechanism of power concentration based mostly on
the control and configuration of vital time. The only way to privately appropriate the product of a process of
social production is either coercion –slavery or the imposition of tributes are classic examples of this-- or the
violent separation of the labour process into concrete and abstract labour. The workers are alienated from the
product of their labour and its reproduction is left in hands of the value of their labour power; that is, abstract
labour that is homogeneous and quantifiable in time. The solidification of power relations -domination- in
capitalism allows for the monopolization of deciding on the production process and, therefore, the systematic
and growing separation between abstract and concrete labour. This monopolization is the foundation of the
state form of politics.

14
On the contrary, community labour is based on the collective production of –concrete-- meanings that
organize the labour processes and the usufruct of the products of social labour. This immediately opens up a
political dimension of the social, with the contradictions and tensions that are characteristic of social activity
and where violence is also regulated and contained. This way there can be a collective production of
meanings for the regulation of production as well as for the exchange of the products of social labour, through
shared codes and mechanisms that are inherited and updated by the very community weaving that is
reproduced. It thus becomes possible to document and reflect on the different practical strategies of
community self-regulation, as they are oscillations and dynamic adjustments evolving around a certain
equilibrium.

When community goods are produced within a social weave that is focused on the conservation and
expansion of the possibilities for the reproduction of life, these community goods become a part of the social
flow of relations and useful goods –the social flow of doing?-- that are exchanged and distributed between the
members of the community fabric. Even when they are part of this social flow, community goods are not de-
personified, as occurs with use values that turn into commodities. They remain the expression of concrete
labours: labours with a name and a surname, a place of origin and a meaning of their own. The possibility to
enjoy the usufruct of the goods of this flow -from within the reproductive framework- is determined by the
participation of the labour put in by its members. And it is always the object of accute and difficult
controversies that channel vague and contested balances which configure the specifically political sphere of
the communitarian.18 That is, they grant the community weaving that is set on reproduction the capacity to
self-regulate. Here we must stress that we are talking of processes of self-regulation of the individuals
themselves and of their labours; in no way are we referring to the supposed self-regulation of the exchange of
fetishized commodities that are independent from their concrete labour, as the promoters of the so-called “free
market” argue.

One last insight on this issue: although the balances that are continuously updated in the specifically political
sphere of the structure of community reproduction can occasionally contain exchanges based on equivalences,

18 “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” is, we believe, an incomplete
Marxist phrase, for it assumes an axiological assumption from the different individuals in a communist world.
The immediate question that one can ask is “what happens if people decide their abilities are null and their
needs enormous”? This clearly unveils the weakness of the formulation. Surely, Marx did not conceive this
issue in a simplistic manner, though many of his followers did. However, what we are arguing here is that the
production of community goods and the usufruct of these goods is obviously possible only if there is a
process of production of equilibria in time, on the basis of the social capacity to collectively reach political
decisions, that is “agreements that oblige”. In the long run, they render possible the self-regulation of the
weave that tests and deploys their specific forms of reproduction. Otherwise, this way of understanding the
production of community goods allows us to dismiss the metaphysical and hardly fertile debate on if human
beings are “naturally” good or bad, selfish or disinterested.

15
they are usually deployed in terms of comparing differences in order, precisely, to balance them. This means
there can be similar and comparable usufructs on the basis of completely different labours, as is the case in
the labour of old and young people. What is important here is to understand that this balance is founded on
mutual agreements that are produced in common and are binding for all. Also, they are not fixed; that is, their
terms are permanently redefined in repeated deliberations to guarantee the collective and individual
reproduction of each of its members. Community labour is the condensation of these processes of repeated
collective decision-making and therefore allows for the systematic modification and regeneration of the flow
of exchange and distribution of goods that are in some way useful to others. These goods are full of diverse
and multimple meanings that spring from the different common agreements; that is, from the collective
capacity to self-regulate that renders unfeasable other forms of reproducing life that are focused on the
accumulation of value.19

From this standpoint, the community process of reproduction is based on a tense and always demanding
request for updating that dynamically combines eminently productive -economic- processes and political
activity. There is no separation between these two spheres of social life. Furthermore, this perspective does
not require an ex ante framework of values or norms: neither do the commoners do things in a certain way
because they are “good” by nature, nor is social life idyllic and free of tensions. What is highlighted is the
relevance of reflecting and supporting forms of organizing social life and guaranteeing the possibilities for its
reproduction in terms that are completely different to those imposed by the dynamic of capital and its never-
ending cycles of accumulation. Cycles filled with self-reinforcing spirals of wealth concentration based on the
organizational axis of private property, backed by the abstract-metaphysical notion of the autonomous
“individual”.

Let us make it clear once again: we are not arguing that this type of community social relations or the
dynamic that regenerates them refer to a certain “state of purity”. We are rather driven by the desire to
understand, as clearly as possible and with a certain degree of formality, certain forms of “doing” that are
specifically human and are based on the satisfaction of vital necessities, drawing out community weavings
that focus on the reproduction of life. In analyzing specific cases we can always run into situations where the
coveted balances reproduce inequalities and hierarches or, in other words, where tendencies towards the
solidification of certain power relations exist. However, it is also true that these rigidities and crystallizations
can be confronted from the community dynamic itself, that tends to be permanently updated, deploying self-

19 In another work, Gutiérrez argues on the need to understand the “capacity to self-regulate” as a
“property of certain complex systems, of their dynamics”. Hence the particularly interesting conservation and
self-transformation of complex systems in specific living systems on the basis of their capacity to self-
regulate. Generally speaking, they conserve themselves, they reiterate the dynamic that distinguishes and
characterizes them. That is, they exchange in the same way as they attained dynamic stability; but, at the same
time, in case of an alteration in the conditions of exchange with the outside world, they also have the capacity
to modify themselves in order to achieve new equilibria” (Gutiérrez, 2014b).

16
regulating processes that insist on a systematic dispersion of power. We understand this capacity to be an
indicator of the vitality of the community weaving.

6. And, finally, one more question: how to understand the community dynamic within a globalized world of
capital? If we are to think of the totalizing logic of capital that besieges and encloses the communitarian, we
must account for the logic of the subsumption of community labour from the community weaving itself as a
whole; that is, not from the individualised processes of subsumption of the process of immediate labour that
capital imposes: a formal and real subsumption of the process of immediate labour. Indeed, capital
appropriates community labour and turns it into surplus value to be added to the global mass of surplus value,
generating a process of exploitation within the community. However, it does so without taking into account
the properties of the means of production and even less so implementing a labour process that is specifically
capitalist. In this sense, it is fertile to recover certain ideas from the work of Armando Bartra (1979); they are
part of his effort to render comprehensible the specific characteristics of the process of exploitation of
peasants, but we will use them for the argument that we have presented so far.

First of all, we must explain a form of exploitation where the labour process is not controlled by capital, nor
do the means of production or final product of the labour process belong to it. So, how can a process of
exploitation come about under these conditions? The answer is based on the qualitative difference -once again
the issue of measurement!- that exists between the goods and use values produced by community labour and
the commodities produced by capital. The former are determined by their usefulness and concrete meaning,
while the latter by being bearers of surplus value. Those who are part of a community are interested in
accessing use values that are not produced within the community, while capital is interested in surplus value.
This qualitative difference between products of labour that appear undifferentiated in the labour market is
what allows for these community goods to collapse into alien units of measurement: prices! That is, abstract
quantities of value that cannot incorporate the average rate of profit and in certain cases can even be sold at
prices that are below the costs of production because, in community production, the internal calculation is
based on use value. “The condition of exploitation is fulfilled in the process of production. While production
aims at reproduction and is carried out with means that have not acquired the free form of capital, the
exploitation occurs in the market, where the peasant transfers his/her surplus through unequal exchange”
(Bartra, 1979: 89).20 This is the foundation of the “multiple” exploitation of the communitarian, though it also
constitutes its possibility to exist confronted with capital in terms of material subsistence. In other words, if
the community produces a great mass of goods that do not enter into the market of capital and maintain their
community form of distribution, the community can continue to reproduce the conditions for its material life,

20 Bartra's text also refers to other forms of exploitation, not necessarily related to the sale of farming
products but following the same logic.

17
even if that involves handing over a part of its surplus to capital, but never all of it. 21 That is why community
structures are hardly ever entirely dispossessed, contrary to what the vulgar discourse of the absolute
dispossession of the worker sustains, concealing any type of wealth that is generated over and over again,
almost always by women in the domestic, that is reproductive, sphere of the working class. They rather
manage to collectively accumulate the material foundations that allow them to confront adverse situations,
from natural disasters to long-lasting processes of struggle, where this small portion of concrete material
wealth serves as a mattress that redirects human power destined for productive labour.

Therefore, it would be more convenient to talk of processes of general subsumption22 of community labour, in
the sense that there have not been -or at least not entirely- any processes of formal or real subsumption of the
processes of community life reproduction. That is, capital manages to price a heterogeneous set of labour
processes that do not aim at reproducing suprlus value, but it does so through besieging the forms of
reproduction of social life and on the basis of mechanisms that “do not pertain” to its logic. The very
existence of the community deforms the process of capitalist exploitation, 23 it does not eliminate it but it does
condition it. It is due to this that we can also reflect upon processes of “multiple exploitation”, though, despite
the siege, communities also continue to reproduce, but obviously not in an exclusive manner. They reproduce
outside and against capital and, on the basis of their own processes of political self-regulation, they also

21 Obviously, this is not always possible. In many cases there are situations of restricted reproduction
where processes of continous impoverishment are generated, possibly rendering inviable the reproduction of
the community at a specific moment.

22 Bartra develops the idea of the general subsumption of the labour of peasants to capital on the basis
of the following explanation by Marx: “It is this that I refer to as the formal subsumption of labour under
capital. It is the general form of every capitalist process of production; at the same time, however, it can be
found as a particular form alongside the specifically capitalist mode of production in its developed form,
because although the latter entails the former, the converse does not necessarily obtain”. (Marx, 1990 [1866]:
1019 Appendix: Results of the Immediate Process of Production ). Formal subsumption involves an
individualized subsumption to the production of capital, whereas general subsumption would entail the
possiblity of capital to subsume what is not capitalist; in this case, the communitarian.

23 In a sense, general subsumption can be understood as a process of domination that is to a certain

extent administered from both poles of the relationship. In a sense, community weavings, though they might
be forced -by the sieges, enclosures and plunders they are subjected to- to access commodities produced by
capital, they also have a certain capacity to determine the conditions of their subsumption to capital, at least in
two ways. On the one hand, on the basis of their own processes of collective self-administration and self-
regulation, which limit capital in its effort to appropriate all energy produced by community labour. On the
other hand, parting from themselves, they adopt and adapt certain commodities and knowledges that are
relevant or useful to them.

18
produce and repeatedy adjust the mechanisms needed for their continuous reproduction as community
weavings despite capital and in an everyday struggle against it.

7. Therefore, social transformation conceived through the community prism allows us to understand that

capitalism is not total, despite its totalising logic; that different ways of reproducing life are currently being
drawn out and deployed that are not -or not completely- ruled by capitalist relations; that these not fully
capitalist forms are deployed over and over again as struggle, as a creative energy that in a way might
overflow as a constellation of long-lasting resistances. In this sense, we understand that the varied and
systematic collective efforts to guarantee the possibilities for the reproduction of life always imply struggle
against capital and its political forms, confrontation and antagonism at different levels.

The way we see it, community struggles are not mainly or exclusively struggles of resistance. The
transforming force of community struggles must be traced back in history; their dynamic is focused on
guaranteeing the reproduction of life and in this sense they appear in everyday life as resistance. The great
moments of community insurgency are the outcome of processes of articulation that can last decades, during
which withdrawal and resistance tend to conserve and regenerate specific and, above all, concrete forms of
doing and exchange. Therefore, men and women “in resistance” or whose capacity for struggle is in
temporary retreat will exert themselves to reproduce and strengthen multiple weaves of social relations with a
capacity to relaunch the production of the commons; that is, the capacity to self-produce a material foundation
that habilitates life beyond and against capital. Thus, we perceive the internal dynamic of struggle, resistance,
basically as a moment of withdrawal of this capacity to struggle, an instance of introversion of the community
weaving in struggle so that it can ensure its cohesion and guarantee its permanence in time.

Therefore, resistance as a moment of withdrawal of community struggle is a necessary condition for struggle
to be deployed on and off as part of a never-ending cadence. There are times dedicated to the production and
cultivation of a certain type of social ties, to the protection and expansion of the material wealth that is
available for collective reproduction beyond, against and beyond capital. There are other times when these
capacities are deployed, but almost never in a way that will endanger the reproduction of life itself. Our
perspective, therefore, implies more that a simple qualitative difference between resistance and struggle. We
rather perceive a scheduled and rhythmical deployment and withdrawal of the capacity for insubordination
and struggle, both of which are focused on the conservation-transformation of the material conditions for the
reproduction of social life, which at times manage to put in check -in directly opposing them- the deepest
pillars and foundations of capital domination and its political forms.

Furthermore, in their repeated reproductive cycles, community weavings confront capital by establishing
limits to its expansion. They collectively produce “capacities to veto” its plans and projects of expanded
accumulation, de-organizing its rythms of labour and, above all, conserving and regenerating concrete social
ties and social relations oriented towards the reproduction of the trans-formed life in community terms. This

19
expresses a relentless struggle to evade and confront the formal and real subsumption of the varied
community labour processes and, at the same time, veto the efforts of the state to expropriate the capacity of
collective decision-making. In this sense, the telos, the horizon of desire that mediates community struggle, is
the deployment of its own form of reproducing life, the expansion of its capacity of transformation. Along this
line, social Revolution has nothing to do with transforming things once and for all on the basis of
preconceived imaginaries; it rather turns into a revolution through repeated distancing or recurring
distortions. In other words, we refer to a process in which what is important is pathos and not so much the
moment in which everything turns into a different totality. Therefore, the everyday social transformation that
is deployed in struggles of different scales involves the deployment of different forms of reproducing the
communitarian, which do not only veto the totalising logic of capital, but rather enclose, little by little, from
the other side of social antagonism, the social relations that are established by and for capital accumulation.
An example of this are the successive waves of insurgence and protest that have been witnessed in Bolivia,
Ecuador, Argentina, Mexico and many other parts of Latin America during the past fifteen years. We believe
it is worth our while to continue to think from these deployed capacities and to reflect on the goals adnd
desires that shone during the most energetic moments of struggle.

Puebla, México, septiembre de 2014.

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