Macedonia: At a Quiet Crossroads

JUNE 1, 2007
PROFILE
By Joanne van Selm

Macedonia avoided the interethnic conflict that ripped through the former
Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. It was the only state to emerge with its
independence (in 1991) and no loss of blood.

The country took center stage in 1999 when hundreds of thousands of Kosovar
Albanians sought refuge during the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO)
intervention in neighboring Serbia. In 2001, Macedonia came close to descending
into its own war as Albanian militia briefly fought with government forces. The
timely diplomatic involvement of the international community helped bring that
conflict to a rapid end.

Although the ethnic Albanian community in particular has gained greater rights
and regional autonomy within a unified Macedonian state, tensions between its
ethnic communities regularly challenge any sense of political harmony. The
possibility of independence for Kosovo, on Macedonia's northern border, also
contributes to currently heightened tensions.

Little research has been conducted on migration in Macedonia. Population data,

which focus on ethnicity, are subject to shifts in self-identification as well as
political manipulation.

Macedonia has a relatively significant and longstanding diaspora—both of

ethnic Macedonians (from the broader historical region including what are now
parts of Bulgaria and Greece) and of Macedonian citizens of various ethnicities.
This diaspora is becoming better organized for political and economic lobbying,
and receives significant attention, through cultural, and more recently economic,
ties from the Macedonian authorities.

Part of the Western Balkan "island" surrounded by European Union (EU)

Member States, the country stands at a crossroads on its journey to "Europe." In
2005, Macedonia became a candidate for EU membership although it will be
many years before it accedes. As such, Macedonia's approach to emigration,
transit migration, trafficking, asylum, and ultimately immigration are issues on
which European political attention will focus in the near future.

Historical Background
Macedonia's history is as Dispute over the Name "Macedonia"
complex as that of the Balkans
as a whole. British Relief Fund The constitutional name of the country discussed in this
article is the Republic of Macedonia. A dispute with
employee Edith Durham Greece concerning the use of this name means that
reportedly noted in 1905 that some countries (including China, Russia, Turkey, and,
"Macedonia, be it observed, is since November 2004, the United States) recognize the
a conveniently elastic term." country as "the Republic of Macedonia."
The name "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"
Although "Macedonia" in (FYROM or FYR Macedonia) is often used, including in
international arenas such as the United Nations.
2007 refers to a sovereign
Greece's concern is that use of the name "Republic of
country and defined territory Macedonia" implies a territorial claim on the Greek
(see sidebar), it also covers province of the same name. With consensus lacking, this
many places, identities, and article refers to the country by its constitutional name.
ideas attached to people from
different political, ethnic, and
religious groups over many centuries. Foreign occupation, changes in political
boundaries, and population movements have all contributed to making
Macedonia, like other states in the region, multiethnic and home to multiple
cultures and religions.

Throughout the 20th century, Macedonia—meaning both the current territory

and "ethnic Macedonians" from what are now parts of Bulgaria and Greece as
well as post-1991 Macedonian territory—saw significant emigration to the United
States, Canada, Australia, and Switzerland. Populations of Macedonian origin are
concentrated in Chicago in the United States; Toronto in Canada; Wollongong,
Sydney, and Melbourne in Australia; and Locarno in Switzerland.

Emigration from (broader) Macedonia was prompted by political unrest

under the Ottoman Empire at the turn of the 20th century and the search
for riches in the New World. After World War II, the search for
employment, opposition to Yugoslav communism, and the devastating
1963 earthquake all prompted emigration.

Relatively little migration to the United States took place, first because of the
immigration restrictions imposed in the 1920s, and later because migrants from Comment [Office1]: In the 1920s the United States had put
in place severe restrictions on immigration by EASTERN
Yugoslavia were not, under Cold War conditions, welcomed in the United States. Europeans (Ukrainians, Russians, Poles, Yugoslavians. It was
a racist policy similar to attitudes growing in Germany about
Canada and Australia, as well as some Western European countries, therefore Slavs being inferior and undesirable people.
became more attractive, and realistic, destinations. Emigrants to Canada and
Australia, and their descendents, tend to be citizens of those countries (estimates
suggest 92 percent of people of Macedonian origin in Australia are
Australian citizens, for example). Those who migrated within Europe tend not
to be citizens (only 4 percent of people of Macedonian origin in
Switzerland are Swiss citizens). Differences in naturalization policy can
partially explain these gaps.

Little is known about these emigrants—or their total numbers—not least because
destination countries used varied categorizations (Macedonians, Bulgarians,
Greeks, Serbs, and Yugoslavs) over the decades of geopolitical changes in the
Balkans.

To most ethnic Macedonians who headed to North America in the late-19th and
early-20th centuries, the United States and Canada were apparently
indistinguishable. They went where work was available or to the places where
they already had family members or networks.

Immigration regulations and employment opportunities alike made Canada more

attractive than the United States. Migration of "Macedonians," primarily from
Bulgaria and Macedonia to North America in the first two decades of the 20th
century, is estimated to have been on the order of 50,000, primarily men.

Toronto is home to the largest community in the Macedonian diaspora at

between 80,000 and 150,000. In Canada, early-20th century immigration from
broader Macedonia is characterized as mainly political, as it followed the
unsuccessful 1903 Illinden uprising against the Ottoman Empire. Comment [Office2]: This is an example of political push
factors combined with economic pull factors. There is
Many Macedonian migrants found industrial work in Toronto (particularly in the information about this uprising in the Macedonian Museum
metal industries), from which they progressed to ownership of restaurants, of Independence beside the Holocaust Museum.
grocery stores, and butcher shops.

Macedonian immigration to Australia in the same period was mainly

economic. The earliest immigrants, in the late-19th century, sought gold
fortunes, with the intention of returning home. Comment [Office3]: Unlike Canada, where Macedonians
moved with the intention of staying, those that went to
Australia only wanted to make money and go back home.
Following World War II, Macedonians, among other Yugoslavs, migrated as guest This is probably because Canada is a really cool country,
workers to European countries, particularly to Switzerland and Germany. As unlike Australia. J
states do not offer figures broken down by republic of origin within (former)
Yugoslavia, it is impossible to say exactly how many Macedonians migrated. It is
known that there are about 55,000 Macedonians in Germany (2005) and about
40,000 in Switzerland (2002) although their ethnicity and actual citizenship are
not specified.

Similarly, little is known about the flows of internal migrants during the
Yugoslav period, both how many people from other Republics moved to
Macedonia, and how many people from Macedonia moved elsewhere in
Yugoslavia. The latest census figures from Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia Herzegovina,
and Slovenia suggest about 36,000 Macedonians live in those countries
collectively—the highest number (about 26,000) in Serbia according to Serbia's
2002 census.

Counting Macedonians Abroad

No one knows the size of the Macedonian diaspora, which is considered to

include individuals (regardless of ethnicity) with Macedonian citizenship and/or
those of ethnic-Macedonian ancestry depending on which organization is
counting. Estimates vary from 350,000 to 2 million. The lower end correlates
with census data in major destination countries (see Table 1).
Macedonian officials dealing with diaspora Table 1. Macedonian-Origin Population
relations, although hesitant to offer by Country of Residence
statistics, suggest doubling the total from
some 350,000 to 700,000 to allow for
Country Macedonian-origin Census
underrepresentation of ethnic Macedonians population Year
born (or with ancestors born) in geographic (including foreign
locations now beyond the borders of the born)
present-day territory of Macedonia. Australia 81,898 2001
Macedonian representative groups abroad, United 38,051 2000
promoting statistics at the higher end, also States
suspect underrepresentation in census data. Canada 31,270 2001

These data issues are a result of the shifting

Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics,
geographical and ethnic boundaries in the US Census Bureau, Statistics Canada
Balkans throughout the 20th century. Some
diaspora organizations consider all ethnic Macedonians and their descendents as
part of the Macedonian diaspora.

Another issue is the phrasing of census questions, as some countries ask about
country of origin while others ask about ancestry or ethnicity. Some individuals
respond to questions based on their ethnicity and not their place of birth,
regardless of the phrasing of the questions. A further factor complicating the
counting of individuals of Macedonian origin is the time span between an
ancestor's emigration and the present.

For example, in the 2001 Australian census, the state of Victoria counted 19,539
people claiming Macedonian heritage. This figure represents about one-third of
the number of people who had, prior to its break up, been counted as saying they
came from Yugoslavia.

The Diaspora's Influence

Macedonia's diaspora has not been a well-organized community. An organization

called United Macedonian Diaspora was established in Washington, DC, in 2004
to represent the issues facing and needs of Macedonians worldwide. United
Macedonians, based in Canada since 1959, works to unite ethnic Macedonians
globally. However, the diaspora has little lobbying power on major issues, such as
EU and NATO membership.

The governing coalition, elected in Macedonia in 2006, put four members of the
diaspora in key cabinet positions aiming to stimulate foreign direct investment.
The diaspora's economic input (through remittances on a personal level but also
broader investment) is seen as having potential to assist the country. According
to the International Monetary Fund, remittances formed up to 18 percent of GDP
in 2005, the amount having doubled since 2002.

In 2006, a group of 20 entrepreneurs led by Macedonian-born Mike Zafirovski,

CEO of Canadian telecommunications company Nortel, established "Macedonia
2025" to assist with economic reforms, including combating corruption, so that
Macedonia can reach EU levels of competitiveness by 2025.

Since 1951, the government has had an agency for communicating with its
emigrants. The Agency for Emigrants, its current name, primarily provides
Macedonian language books, textbooks, posters, and flags to those applying for
assistance. These materials are available to all people from Macedonia as well as
all ethnic Macedonians. In reality, most supplies go to people of Macedonian
ethnicity, whether or not they are Macedonian citizens.

The agency's other goal is to bring the diaspora home—temporarily, permanently,

or through financial investment. Recently it has started to produce its own
promotional materials, focusing on DVDs aimed at children and the potential
investment community. The government, seeking foreign investment and
targeting the diaspora as potential investors, has asked the agency to survey
regions and cities in Macedonia with industries and products that could be
attractive to investors or for export. Comment [Office4]: Interesting, the government wants to
bring money in from the diaspora.

Who Is Macedonian?

According to Macedonia's 2002 census, the country's total population was just
over 2 million, of which about one-quarter are of Albanian ethnicity and about 64
percent are of Macedonian ethnicity (see Table 2). Comment [Office5]:

The focus in population data collection within Macedonia is ethnic affiliation. For
primarily political reasons, people apparently shift their self-identified affiliation
with each census. For example people will sometimes self identify as "Muslim"
and on another occasion identify themselves as "Albanian" or "Turkish"
depending not only on their own wishes but also the pull of political forces in the
country at the time of the census.

Table 2. Population of Macedonia by Ethnicity, 1994 and 2002

Ethnicity 1994 census 2002 census

Source 1 Source Source 3 Sources 1
2 and 3 Comment [Office6]: Interesting chart. There are a lot more
groups here than most people probably realize.
Macedonian 1,295,964 1,288,330 1,297,981
Albanian 441,104 442,914 509,083
Turk 78,019 77,252 77,959
Roma 43,707 53,732 53,879
Serb 40,228 32,260 35,939
Bosniac 6,829 7,244 17,018
Vlach 8,601 8,467 9,695
Bulgarian 1,682 1,547 1,487
Greek 368 349 422
 Jew 23 53
Egyptian (i.e., 3,080 3,169 3,713
Ashkaeli)
Italian 61 41
Muslim 15,418 15,315 2,553
Russian 340 368
Slovene 403 365
Croat 2,248 2,686

Montenegrin 2,318 2,003

Yugoslav 595
Other 8,703
(Not included -7,302
according to total
figure from census)
TOTAL 1,945,932 1,936,877 2,015,245

Source 1: State Statistical Office, "Data and Indicators of

Municipalities in Macedonia," November 2004.
Source 2: Table 8, "Population according to ethnic affiliation: 2002
census 'other' category" in Natasha Gaber and Aneta Joveska,
"Macedonian census results — controversy or reality?" South East
European Review, 1/2004.
Source 3: Table 7, "Results of the 1994 census" in Natasha Gaber
and Aneta Joveska, "Macedonian census results — controversy or
reality?" South East European Review, 1/2004.
Note: Gaber and Joveska argue that census data are politically
manipulated. The results they used, provided by the State
Statistical Office (which gave different figures without explanation),
and that same office's 1994 results as produced in their 2004
volume clearly show discrepancies that Macedonian researchers
analyze as politically influenced. The data reported for the 2002
census in publications found to date maintain the same statistics.

As part of Yugoslavia, Macedonia took a relaxed approach toward the migration

of Yugoslavs while other republics took a more planned approach. This is why
Macedonia has become home to a number of ethnic communities.

All people resident in what became Macedonia in 1991 had one year to apply for
citizenship. To be eligible, they had to be able to support themselves financially Comment [Office7]: Wow, what happened to the people
who could not meet these requirements.
and have at least 15 years of legally uninterrupted residence in Macedonia
regardless of ethnicity or Yugoslav republic of origin.

Those who did not apply for citizenship within a year fell under the 1992 Law on
Citizenship's naturalization procedure, which involved extensive criteria and
made the acquisition of citizenship more difficult for members of ethnic
minorities. This was thought to be in large part a deterrence to Kosovar
Albanians seeking Macedonian citizenship, but the law also penalized other
groups.

A 2002 temporary law loosened the strict criteria, giving greater access to
citizenship for many members of ethnic minorities, particularly those who were
stateless (including many Roma, semi-nomadic people found throughout
Europe) but long-term residents of Macedonia. A 2004 amendment to the law
reduced the residency requirement to eight years.

Media reports suggest that in 2002 some 17,000 long-term residents of

Macedonia were not in possession of Macedonian citizenship. The center-right
government, which took office in August 2006, is set to review a Ministry of
Interior proposal that would reportedly seek to resolve the situation of all people
without citizenship who have been in the country since 1990.

Economic Hardship at Home

According to the government's 2005 Report on the Millennium Development

Goals, in 2004, 27.7 percent of the Macedonian population lived in a household
in which no member was employed. Also in 2004, 29.6 percent of Macedonians
were estimated to be living below the poverty line. Broken down along ethnic
lines, unemployment among Macedonians in 2002 stood at 32 percent, ethnic
Albanians at 61.2 percent, and Roma at 78.5 percent.

With the highest unemployment rate in the world, and an average net Comment [Office8]: WOW! Number one?
monthly wage of $256 in 2005, it is perhaps not surprising that 21.0 percent of
the population sees their own or their children's future lying in working abroad
according to the United Nations Development Program's (UNDP) December
2006 Early Warning Report (EWR). Those who were neither of Albanian nor of
Macedonian ethnicity had the highest positive response rate to this question
(26.9 percent).

The report also found that 18.5 percent of the population depends on remittances
as their main source of income. Calculations on remittances to Macedonia are Comment [Office9]: OMG – it is only about 4% of Mexican
households, which I would say is about the same percentage
hampered by poor reporting by banks, the presumed high rate of unofficial of total population. So about the same dependency as in
transfers (maybe up to 6.5 times that of bank transfers), and the absence of Mexico.
official definitions of migrants. Research is needed to ascertain the actual levels.
According to IMF estimates, total remittances could have been some 840 million
euros in 2005.

Recent Emigration and Internal Migration

The Statistical Office reported that 1,282 Macedonian citizens emigrated in 2005.
Of these, 518 were said to have left for employment, 420 for family reasons,
85 in order to marry, 41 to pursue educational opportunities, and 218 for
other reasons.
This number of reported emigrations increased significantly over previous years
(see Table 3). Even if these figures include all legal emigrants (which is doubtful)
they do not, of course, capture Macedonians becoming irregular immigrants.

In 2005, a total of 2,050 Macedonian citizens were Table 3. Official Number of

readmitted to Macedonia after failed attempts to Macedonian Citizens Who
migrate illegally to primarily Western European Emigrated, 1998 to 2005 Comment [Office10]: So the numbers of people leaving
Macedonia are increasing.
states. Macedonians have also attempted to enter
the United States illegally. The deaths of five Year Number
Macedonians of Albanian ethnicity trying to cross
1998 241
the Mexico-U.S. border in late February 2007 gave Comment [Office11]: So they have some of the same
1999 127 problems as in the US/Mexico situation with people trying to
rise to intense media coverage of irregular enter places illegally. This may explain why I saw such
movements. 2000 165 horrible treatment of my fellow passengers when I flew fro
2001 312 Skopje to Belgium.

Of Macedonians admitted to the United States in 2002 81

2005, 230 were temporary workers, more than half 2003 112
with H-1B specialty occupation visas. Another 1,070 2004 665
Macedonians were granted lawful permanent
2005 1,282
residence (green cards) in the United States; the
majority of them relied on family members with
U.S. citizenship for sponsorship. Source: Republic of Macedonia
State Statistical Office
Current levels of actual emigration appear to be low, as are people's concrete
short-term plans to move. The December 2006 EWR asked people whether they
planned to leave Macedonia in the coming year to work abroad: 83.5 percent said
no and 8.2 percent said yes. Those planning to leave for the longer term appear to
be primarily urban males, aged 25 to 34, with a secondary education.

Another 5.5 percent said they planned to leave in order to seek temporary
employment abroad. Indeed, seasonal migration from Macedonia, primarily to
Greece and Bulgaria, which often goes unreported, is thought to be significant. Comment [Office12]: There is some irony in the fact that
many Macedonians go to Greece and Turkey for temporary
However, only 0.3 percent of those surveyed for the EWR said they relied on work.
temporary work abroad for their income.

There are suggestions based on Statistical Office data that, due to the return of
Macedonians living abroad, the country was experiencing net immigration until
2003. As these data again capture only a part of legal migration, they are not
totally reliable.

Meanwhile, rural-urban migration within Macedonian has been high, as it was

during the Yugoslav period. At least a quarter of the country's population now
lives in Skopje, the capital. In 2002, 121 villages no longer had residents, while
366 had fewer than 50 residents.

Trafficking

Macedonia's social and economic transition since gaining independence, its weak
economy, the prevalence of corruption and organized crime, and its geographic
location have created a fertile environment for human trafficking. Macedonia is
primarily a country of transit and, to a lesser extent, a destination for traffickers.

Those involved in trafficking to and through Macedonia—both victims and Comment [Office13]: Again similar to Mexico with this
being a place people are trafficked through, like Central
criminal groups—have mainly originated in Ukraine, Moldova, Russia, Belarus, Americans on their way to USA.
Bulgaria, Romania, Albania, and Serbia, according to a 2005 report from the
International Organization for Migration (IOM).

Since 2002, successive governments have developed public information

campaigns and stronger legislation against trafficking and, in particular, training
for and coordination of the various government and law-enforcement agencies.
Strengthening the criminal code is one of the key conditions for Macedonia's
admission to NATO. A National Coordination Office on trafficking was opened in
April 2007 to assist in the fight.

The government and IOM have established a Transit Center for Foreigners in
Skopje that can shelter up to 40 trafficking victims as well as provide them with
medical care and legal assistance.

IOM is responsible for a return and reintegration program for eligible victims
(i.e., those meeting international definitions and understandings of trafficking).
Victims may choose to waive access to the program, in which case they are
accommodated separately though still within the center.

Between September 2005 and September 2006, 23 suspected victims of human

trafficking, mostly girls under 19, were registered in Macedonia. Both the
government and international organizations consider this figure to be unrealistic.
It is not known how many other victims might be in the country undetected, or
how many victims transited through Macedonia.

Transit Migration

While both emigration from and immigration to Macedonia are limited in scope,
transit migration to the European Union is thought to be more significant. Most
transit migration involves people entering Macedonia illegally on the way to enter Comment [Office14]: Very much again like the situation in
Mexico.
an EU Member State illegally. Therefore, the government has no reliable statistics
on transit migration.

The statistics on returns or attempted returns of third-country nationals from EU

Member States to Macedonia under some readmission agreements also show
only a partial picture of likely total transit migration. Those responsible for
organizing voluntary returns from Macedonia report assisting people coming
from places as far away as China and Pakistan. They indicate fewer than a dozen
such returns in 2006.

With the European Union now bordering Macedonia on two sides (Greece and
Bulgaria), EU-bound transit migrants can only enter Macedonia via Albania and
Kosovo, making the Balkan route more challenging than other routes into the
European Union. As such, it is suspected that most migrants attempting to transit
through Macedonia in the coming years will be Albanians from one of these two
points of origin. Recent press reports seem to back up these suggestions,
although it is impossible to know from available sources either the extent of such
movement or whether it is high compared to that of other nationalities.

In January 2007, five policemen at Skopje's airport were arrested for smuggling
Kosovar migrants. The following month, two Kosovars were found in a French
KFOR (the NATO peacekeeping force in Kosovo since 1999) vehicle being
transported by train at Skopje's railway station, hoping to continue the journey Comment [Office15]: Trafficking of migrants is big money
and tempts many people to get involved.
through Thessaloniki, Greece, and by ship to France. This was not the first such
incident, and Macedonian media reports suggest KFOR troops might frequently
be involved in such attempts at irregular migration.

In spite of these incidents, those working on migration in Macedonia and the

European Commission's Progress Report all suggest that border guards are better
trained and better coordinated than three years ago. As a result, fewer cases are
thought to be slipping through.

Immigration

Although Macedonia currently experiences little immigration, political attention

to the subject, due in part to the prospects for EU accession, inspired a new
Aliens Act. The act, which came into force in March 2007, is in line with EU
requirements, such as they exist on immigration.

It is estimated that some 20 bylaws are required to enable implementation.

The government's short-term priority was a law on the employment of foreigners,

which had been postponed until the new Aliens Act was in place. This law was
adopted at the end of May 2007, and stipulates the conditions under which
foreign citizens may be employed in Macedonia and the procedures for their
employment. A foreigner may work in Macedonia only if staying legally, and with
a work permit. Comment [Office16]: OK so the government is putting
things in line with the European standards. I predict this may
mean that Macedonia may have more immigrants once it
Asylum joins the EU.

The Kosovo experience of 1999 demonstrated the need for a new law on asylum
and temporary protection, which Macedonia passed in 2003. According to the
European Commission's November 2006 Progress Report, key institutions
needed to deal with the various aspects of asylum are in place but require
strengthening.

Also, Macedonia has had problems implementing processes for legal appeals and
material assistance. As is the case for the Aliens Act, a series of bylaws are
required for implementation, and although the asylum law was passed in 2003,
these bylaws are not yet in place.
However, the country has had little need for its asylum law. The total number of
asylum seekers and refugees in the country as of August 2006 was 1,985, mostly
Roma from Kosovo. Comment [Office17]: So many of the Roma we see could be
asylum seekers from Kosovo.

Some suggest this low number is artificial because there should be more asylum
seekers based on statistics from other countries in the region. If the critics are
right, the question is whether there is underreporting, a lack of people applying
(because they are in transit to the European Union), or a problem with
Macedonian authorities not dealing with asylum applications properly.

Some 755 internally displaced persons (IDPs) are registered in Macedonia,

a result of the 2001 conflict that displaced more than 76,000 people. The few
remaining IDPs are reluctant to return home or lose their status, primarily for
socioeconomic reasons.

Macedonia and the European Union

Macedonia was the first western Balkan state to engage in a Stablization and
Association Agreement with the European Union, in April 2001. Although the
country became a candidate for accession in 2005, the European Commission
seems increasingly skeptical as to Macedonia's progress in reforms and thus its
suitability to proceed in negotiations.

One example of how the European Union has been working in the region to push
for improved migration management is the CARDS Regional Project on Asylum,
Migration, and Visa Management 2004-2005. The roadmap of this EU project
targets integrated migration management and includes instructions on
administrative and agency management.

The roadmap also says that western Balkan states need to "show they can
cooperate and meet modern European standards in relations between states."
Among the tools recommended to demonstrate international cooperation are
readmission agreements, participation in EU-organized training and capacity
building projects, and participation in the Migration, Asylum, Refugees Regional
Initiative (MARRI) regional forum and regional center.

Aimed at assisting the western Balkan states in achieving EU standards, MARRI

grew out of the Stability Pact of the 1990s. The Regional Center of this initiative is
based in Skopje and is staffed by secondees from the governments of each of the
six member states. Thus far, in spite of strong attempts and significant Member
State and Commission support, the western Balkan states in general have not
been entirely successful in their adaptation as far as EU-style migration practices
are concerned.

The Stabilization and Association agreement between Macedonia and the

European Union, like all others, stipulates that readmission agreements be
concluded with all existing EU Member States. Macedonia has ratified
readmission agreements with 10 EU Member States, and four others are signed
and in the process of ratification. Estonia, Ireland, Latvia, and the United
Kingdom have stated that they do not need readmission agreements with
Macedonia.

All western Balkan states began separate negotiations with the European
Commission for visa facilitation and a readmission agreement with the European
Union at large at the end of 2006. Macedonia signed agreements with the
European Commission, after difficult negotiations, in April 2007.

The Macedonian government was reluctant to include noncitizens in its

readmission agreement with the European Union. This reluctance was based on
the nature of the noncitizens most likely to be sent to Macedonia through
readmission, namely transit migrants and stateless persons with some
connection to Macedonia, who would primarily be Kosovar Albanians. Germany
is currently home to the largest number of such Kosovars in the European Union.
As Macedonia's existing agreement with Germany contains a clause for the
readmission of these noncitizens, Macedonia ultimately had no grounds to refuse
the European Union's insistence on its inclusion in the broader agreement. Comment [Office18]: So Germany has the most Kosovo
refugees and there is an agreement between Macedonia and
Germany that Macedonia needs to take them if they decide
Macedonia had particularly high demands on the visa front, largely because it to move back to the Balkans.
was seeking visa liberalization rather than facilitation. Liberalization will only
come at a later stage in the process of EU candidature, and will require significant
changes in Macedonian regulations.

As the International Crisis Group pointed out in 2005, the EU visa regime for the
western Balkans has long caused resentment. The visa regime is a major obstacle
to these countries' integration in the world economy, as well as to their economic
development. Macedonian students, in particular, are very vocal in their
demands to both their own and EU governments for greater freedom to travel
and be European.

Relations with both Greece and Bulgaria present hurdles in the negotiating
process on visas. Greece has difficulties related to the name issue. Bulgaria has
long considered ethnic Macedonians to be Bulgarians.

Until Bulgaria's accession to the European Union, in January 2007, many

Macedonians traveled frequently to Bulgaria for vacations and to visit family and
shop. They now need a visa to do so, and applications are reported to have been
low.

From December 2001 until the end of December 2006, ethnic Macedonians could
apply for Bulgarian citizenship if they had at least one Bulgarian grandparent or
parent. It is not known how many applied or were successful in their applications.
Those whose applications were accepted thus became EU citizens ahead of
Macedonia's own potential future accession.

Conclusion

Macedonia is standing at a rather quiet, but not tranquil, crossroads. Although

the country is keen to join the European Union and NATO, reforms and economic
development are proceeding slowly. The current government's actions since
coming to power in September 2006 seem to have added to the delays, and have
not been well received by the European Union in particular.

Meanwhile, Macedonia stands on what has been a significant transit route for
migrants seeking to enter the European Union, although the route has become
less traveled. Measures are in place to deal with immigration and asylum, if not
yet really implemented, and the quality of border police and other control
measures has been improved. Although transit migration and trafficking are still
major issues, the number of these cases seems to be decreasing.

In sum, migration issues are not a high priority for politicians in Macedonia. The
main area of activity and concern is visa facilitation and liberalization. The
government is also seeking greater economic involvement from the diaspora.
Although not well known, this might be the biggest story related to migration in
Macedonia.

Meanwhile, if anything seems likely to unsettle Macedonia's progress, it would be

events in neighboring Kosovo. What happens in Kosovo in the coming months
will be the source of either peace or significant unrest across the western Balkans
in the years ahead. Comment [Office19]: Immigration and migration are not
top priorities for Macedonia. If something bad happens in
Kosovo that may change.
Joanne van Selm conducted several interviews for this article between
September 2006 and March 2007.

Sources

Australian Foreign Ministry. "Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Country

Brief." Available online.

Baldwin-Edwards, Martin. 2006. "Visa Policies In South Eastern Europe: A

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