Gender Representations in EFL Textbooks
Gender Representations in EFL Textbooks
Gender Representations in EFL Textbooks
Michio MINESHIMA*
(Received October 31, 2008)
The present study is an attempt to investigate how an EFL textbook currently used in upper secondary
English classes portrays the two genders. The investigation was conducted both quantitatively and
qualitatively in terms of gender visibility, character attributes, and picture representations. The results
revealed that throughout the text finely balanced appearances of both genders were observed in the
numbers of male and female characters, their utterances and their first appearances. Furthermore, both
genders are assigned with approximately the same number of school subjects, occupations, interests and
family roles. In picture representations as well, they are treated almost equally. Although gender imbalance
was observed in the number of pictorial and the quality of textual professions, all in all, there seems to be
ample evidence to suggest that the textbook examined exhibits fairly egalitarian representations of the two
genders.
1. Introduction
[w]e see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our
community predispose certain choices of interpretation.
If this is true, language is influencing, if not determining, our perceptions, thought, and, potentially,
behavior without our noticing it. According to Frank and Treichler (1989:110)[2], this theory is
supported by a great deal of sociolinguistic research that demonstrates correlations among language,
attitudes, and behavior. Thus, in Homes’ (2008:339) [3] words, ‘[s]peakers of different languages and
cultures may ‘filter or cut-up reality differently’.
It would be worthwhile to consider what implications this theory bears in pedagogy. Although
language plays a central role in socialization of children, it can also be ‘a primary factor through
which gender biases are explicitly and implicitly perpetuate’ (McClure, 1992:39)[4]. Porreca
(1984:705)[5] theorizes that:
[t]he role played by language in maintaining and strengthening sexist values…is less widely understood or
acknowledged [than economic gender inequality]… probably because linguistic sexism is much more
deeply rooted and far more subtle than other forms of sexism’.
2. Previous Studies
Many researchers have investigated sexism in different types of reading materials (see Kingston
and Lovelace, 1978:138-143[9]; Rifkin, 1998:235[7]) and it has become clear, as shall be shown soon,
that the two genders have been treated quite differently (or discriminately, some would say) much in
favor of males. They have discussed various aspects of sexism observed in their investigations, and
this section will look over some of them in the hope of gaining a better historical perspective on this
issue and also presenting justification for the two main focuses of the investigation of this study –
female invisibility and gender stereotyping.
The missing word in the last sentence is not women but housewives. Obviously girls were expected
to become housewives just as much as boys were expected to become men. This kind of implicit
conditioning of learners toward gender-role stereotyping is dangerous because, as Porreca (1984:
723)[5] warns, children can quickly and easily integrate such gender biases into their own value
systems. (See Appendix 1 for the famous ‘surgeon’ riddle that can be used to test to what extent one
is conditioned to be gender-stereotyped (Nilsen, 1977: 9) [17].)
Hence, this present research will investigate gender stereotyping as well as female invisibility, if
there is any, in a selected EFL textbook. Inspections of the roles and personalities assigned to the
female and male characters in the book would provide clues as to how the textbook writers perceive
each gender (Sections 4.2-4.4).
3. Method
3.1 Material
The textbook examined in this study is Birdland Oral Communication I (Yoshida et al., 2007)[22],
a Japanese high school English textbook for the subject of Oral Communication I. The book was
written by two native speakers of English and seven Japanese (eight males and one female) and
consists of twelve lessons, each of which has a different theme and consists of five sections. Its main
purpose is the development of learner listening skills, so the Dialogue section each lesson has at the
beginning, for example, is for the learners not to converse but to listen to recorded dialogues. (The
text analyzed by this research is thus from the scripts in the Teacher’s Manual[23].)
The book was chosen for its originality. It is not a compilation of various texts from different
sources written by other authors, which is usually the case with English course books in Japan. This
textbook is in a sense a universe of its own in which all the characters created by the authors talk
about a variety of topics, expressing ‘their’ feelings and opinions, through the investigation of which,
it is hoped, the writers’ views of gender roles in society would become apparent.
3.2 Procedure
Many researchers have used different criteria for the analysis of sexism in language (see
Appendix 2 for the criteria of Oliver (1974: 255)[24] and Porreca (1984: 713-8)[5]). The current study
conducts both quantitative and qualitative analysis of the textbook, with its main focus on language
but on pictures as well where appropriate.
Quantitative Analysis
The total number of female and male characters is 62, 29 of whom are female (46.8%) and 33 are
male (53.2%) with a difference of four characters (6.4%). The textbook thus seems to feature both
genders almost equally.
Although the difference of the numbers of females and males varies with each lesson, the largest is
two (L2, 7, 9). Birdland thus can be said to maintain an even distribution of the two genders
throughout the textbook. (See Appendix 3 for the parallel analysis of characters in pictures in each
lesson.)
The differences in the number of opportunities for the two genders to speak vary with each lesson
(the largest being 16 of Lesson 5, where a male waiter spoke eight times to take an order), but the
overall difference is no more than two, with female characters uttering 245 times and male 247. The
textbook guarantees both genders equal opportunities to speak. Females and males are evenly heard.
4.1.4 Firstness
Hartman and Judd (1978: 390)[8] investigated the order of mentioning of two nouns paired for
sex, such as Mr. and Mrs., brother and sister, and husband and wife, and discovered that (except
ladies and gentlemen) the masculine word always comes first. They argue that ‘such automatic
ordering reinforces the second-place status of women…’.
To further pursue this issue, this study examined all the instances in the textbook in which the
two genders are mentioned together in tandem and checked which appears first. The following is a
sample from Lesson 6 (Table 4).
Lisa is mentioned first in the Dialogue Situation and then initiates a conversation in the Dialogue, so
she has had two opportunities to be presented first. Although it may seem natural that the first
person in 1) will automatically be the first in 2), it is not necessarily the case. Table 5 summarizes
the frequencies of female and male appearances at the initial positions of various sections where the
two genders show one behind the other.
Table 5: Occupations of Initial Positions by Females and Males
Section Female Male
1 Dialogue Situation 9 3
2 Dialogue 8 4
3 Expression 1 Situation 2 2
4 Expression 1 4 5
5 Expression 2 Situation 1 1
6 Expression 2 4 3
7 Expression 3 1 0
8 Conversation 1 0
9 Let’s Compare Situation 1 1
10 Let’s Compare 3 3
11 Let’s Try 1 1 0
12 Let’s Try 2 Situation 1 0
13 Let’s Try 2 2 3
14 Life Abroad 1 1
15 Let’s Practice 1 4 0
16 Let’s Practice 2 Situation 2 8
17 Let’s Practice 2 2 9
Total 47 43
Females appear before males four occasions more often (F:M=47:43). This demonstrates that both
genders are provided with almost the same chances to be the first if slightly in favor of females,
which could be interpreted as another indication of equal treatment of the genders by this textbook.
‘[b]oth men and women should be shown cooking, cleaning, making household repairs, doing laundry,
washing the car, and taking care of children… Males as well females can be fearful, weak, mechanically
inept, and illogical….Male can be polite, cooperative, inactive, or neat. Because such characteristics are
shared by males and females in reality, textbooks that classify them as “masculine” or “feminine” are
misrepresenting reality’.
In order to check what reality this textbook depicts through the behaviors of the two genders, this
research now examines the female and male characters in their assignments of studies, occupations,
interests and lifestyles, and roles in the family.
4.2.1 Studies
Table 6 shows a list of school subjects that the characters in the textbook pursue.
Table 6: Studies
Female Male
1 English 1 English
2 Japanese 2 Japanese
3 biology 3 biology
4 calligraphy 4 social studies
5 computers 5 law
Some females are studying abroad as exchange students (in Japan, Australia and Britain) and so are
some males (in Japan, U.S., and Denmark). The same number of subjects (5) is studied by both
genders.
4.2.2 Occupations
Porreca (1984:706-7)[5] argues that ‘[a]nother reflection of sexism is in the portrayal of males
and females in occupational roles’, quoting Arnold-Gerrity (1978), who found that ‘men were
portrayed in four times as many paying occupations as women and that the females were most
frequently portrayed in a housewife-mother capacity…’
Table 7 shows various occupations the female and male characters engage in or are planning to.
About the same number of occupations is allocated to both genders (F:M=9:10) though males seem
associated with more paying and higher status jobs than females. (See Appendix 4 for the other
professions mentioned in the textbook but not attributed to either gender, and Appendix 5 for
occupations shown in pictures.)
Table 9: Lifestyles
Female Male
1 make a lot of friends 1 enjoy exploring something new
2 go to bed before midnight 2 go to bed around 2 a.m.
3 feel comfortable in quiet atmosphere 3 teach basketball to children
4 want to see the bigger world 4 play soccer in the rain
5 *rarely cook or clean
6 *never helped cooking in Japan
7 *come home late
8 *sleep late on weekends
[Note] * indicates negative connotation
Although the number of items in each genre varies, the total numbers of interests of females and
males are almost the same (F:M=22:21). Furthermore, female activities 4-6 (henceforth F4-6)
(fishing, scuba diving, camping) and F21 (meeting new people) serve to depict very active, outgoing
females. Character traits such as F7 (rock music), F13 (like historically-based fiction), F14 (collect
stamps) and F22 (keep tropical fish) may also help deconstruct stereotypical images of female
hobbies. Similarly, M11-14 (enjoy shopping, buy new clothes, like to cook, make soba himself ) are
probably not typical male pastimes and hence may serve to modify learners’ ideas of conventional
male interests. On the other hand, there are some male behaviors which are evaluated negatively
(items of T9:M5-8) whose counterparts cannot be found in female characteristics. They are all signs
of inadequate contribution by males in household chores. On the whole, however, it seems that the
authors have succeeded in portraying characters, female and male, with diverse interests and
personalities.
The numbers of household chores for females and males are almost the same (F:M=22:21), but a
close inspection reveals that the workloads for each are obviously not: females cook more often
(F2-M1), clean more often and wider areas (F4-M4,5), do the laundry (F5) (which males do not), do
what males do (F3-M3), do the dishes (F6) (which males only put in the machine (M6)), take care of
humans (the mother-in-law [husband’s mother] and little brother (F8,9))(while males look after a
dog (M7,8) and leave the baby in the care of others (M9)). In short, although females and males
seem to share about the same number of domestic chores, females in fact carry heavier burdens than
males. The images described here by the textbook writers are those of females who are
overburdened and of males who should be more cooperative.
Qualitative Analysis
This study now proceeds to qualitative analyses of the textbook to further probe the images of
females and males the textbook writers portray. It is hoped that it would supplement the statistical
observations discussed thus far and serve to provide another dimension or depth for a better
understanding of the gender representation by this textbook.
4.3 Dialogues
Five cross-gender dialogues, which seem to illustrate most clearly the authors’ perceptions
about gender roles and characteristics, will be examined.
Yuko : Oh, you are taking out the garbage! You’re a good boy!
Bill : That’s my job at home. Don’t you share the household chores in your family?
Yuko : Yes and no. Dad takes out the garbage and I sometimes do the dishes, but Mom does most of the
chores, though she has another job…
Bill : Isn’t that unfair?
Yuko : I couldn’t imagine my father cooking or cleaning.
Bill : Then what about you? Don’t you cook or clean?
Yuko : Well, I do sometimes. I clean my room every weekend.
Bill : And how often do you cook?
Yuko : Occasionally. I’m usually too tired from the [sic] basketball practice.
Although this conversation starts with Yuko lightheartedly complimenting Bill on taking out
garbage (You are a good boy!), she soon finds herself on the defensive. Bill almost sounds as if he is
blaming her for her mother’s excessive workloads. (Then what about you? Don’t you cook or clean?
And how often do you cook?) Readers may almost feel sorry for her.
The picture portrayed here is that of a boy insisting on the importance of family members
sharing household chores and of a girl making excuses for her inadequate contribution. For Bill to
be able to claim ‘Isn’t that unfair?’ so self-assuredly, he must be doing much more than his fair
share of the housework. The textbook writers may have wished to present what the family life
should be like, not what it really is, because male students like Bill are probably in a decided
minority in Japan.
The graph shows how much husbands share household chores in comparison to their wives. Overall, the
percentage of chores done by husbands is less than 30% of those done by wives. The only exception is
“washing the dishes.” Swedish husbands do that the most. Husbands in the United States prepare meals as
much as those in Sweden and Britain, but they don’t seem to help out as much as after meals. Asian
husbands help their wives less than European or Americans. Japanese husbands seem to depend most
heavily on their wives.
The writers describe husbands’ contribution as ‘less than 30%’ of their wives, and with Japanese
husbands ranked lowest in all the four categories of the chore (cleaning, laundry, preparation for
meals, and clearing of the table) making virtually zero contribution to all. By comparing with other
more cooperative husbands of different nationality, the textbook writers have succeeded in depicting
exceptionally unsupportive Japanese husbands/males as they are.
Beth: (1) I’m surprised to know that Japanese husbands depend so much on their wives to do the
household chores.
Shin: (2) Come to think of it, I rarely see my father doing the cooking or cleaning. (3) On weekdays
he comes back home late at night, and on weekends he sleeps late.
Beth: (4) Does your mother have a job as well?
Shin: (5) Yes, she works part time three days a week from 9:00 in the morning to 4:00 in the
afternoon. (6) She also has to take care of my father’s mother, who cannot walk very well.
Beth: (7) That’s unfair. (8) Do you think you will be like your father in the future?
Shin: (9) Things are changing. (10) Actually my brother, who has a family, does a lot more. (11) His
wife works full time and he takes their baby to the day care center every morning. (12) He
cleans his house on weekends, too.
Beth: (13) That’s great. (14) I hope my future husband will share half of the household chores.
Shin: (15) In the future we might have robots that would do the cooking and cleaning for us.
True to the graph, Shin paints a picture of an irresponsible husband (his father) who shares no
housework (S2-3) and an overworking wife (his mother) who does a part-time job, domestic chores,
and cares for her mother-in-law (S5-6). S7 (That’s unfair) resonates with what Bill said to Yuko in
Section 4.3.1 (Isn’t that unfair? ), only this time it is more appropriately a female who says that. It is
probably not a coincidence that it was again a non-Japanese (Beth) who denounces the gender
inequity. The textbook writers seem eager to underscore the current gender imbalance in the
household chores.
Although Hiroko is expected by her parents to take over their bakery shop, she also wishes to
explore the world (A) and try other possibilities (B) before settling down. The teacher encourages
her to study English, which would lead to many more career options (C). The authors are portraying
a female who is serious about her future, unsatisfied with merely following her parents’ wishes and
footsteps. Students, especially females, may be encouraged by this conversation and pursue their
own possibilities.
Most Japanese high school students, female or male, would not follow the course of Cathy since in
Japan it would be either the parents pay for their children’s college education, or the children start
their own career after graduation. The independent-minded Cathy might encourage some students,
though, who wish for a higher education but are suffering from financial difficulties. The textbook
writers have assigned this courageous role to a female.
4.4 Pictures
Pictures can certainly convey some messages to the readers, whether it is to ‘reinforce the
traditional images’ (Hartman and Judd, 1978:387)[8] or ‘to provide…models…so that there is room
for selection and individual differences’ (Nilsen, 1971: 921)[26]. It is hoped that qualitative analysis of
some visual images of the two genders would clarify the messages from the authors.
There are five female and three male figures (in photos and illustrations) who wear aprons. As has
been shown in Appendix 3, the total numbers of females and males in pictures are 188 and 187
respectively, so the overall percentages of apron-clad females and males are a mere 2.6% and 1.6%.
If the females and males who are without an apron but engaged in cooking or serving are also
included, the numbers increase to 11 females and 7 males, or 5.9% and 3.7% each (Table 12).
Table 12: Females and Males Cooking and/or Serving with or without Aprons
female male
total number of figures 188 % 187 %
with an apron 5 2.7% 3 1.6%
without an apron but cooking/serving 6 3.2% 4 2.1%
total 11 5.9% 7 3.7%
Although the ratio of females to males who wear aprons is 1.6:1, the overall percentages of
these figures do not seem statistically significant (2.7% and 1.6%). It could be argued that though in
the textbook more females still wear aprons than males, the gender-biased stereotypical association
of the female and the apron seems no longer applicable.
Finally, the male in an apron (T11-M1) may be worth a comment (Appendix 9). He stands alone
with arms akimbo in front of an open refrigerator in the kitchen on the very first page of a new
lesson (L5: Food). Even though he is no more than one sample of a male in an apron statistically,
the strong impact of this man cannot be measured the same way. The textbook writers may have
intended to present him as a new role model for males just like the male nurse in the previous
section (S4.4.1). In this sense, they may be adopting more of a prescriptive than descriptive
approach in their representations of males.
5. Conclusion
5.1 Summary
The present study examined the EFL textbook Birdland Oral Communication I to investigate
how it portrays the two genders and discovered the following. There were about the same numbers
of female and male characters in the textbook (F:M=29:33) with more or less balanced appearances
of either gender in each lesson. The numbers of utterances of females and males are again quite
close (F:M=245:247) and so are the numbers of their first appearances (F:M=47:43). Both genders
are also assigned with approximately the same numbers of occupations (F:M=9:10), interests
(F:M=22:21), family roles (F:M=10:9) and school subjects (F:M=5:5). In pictures, too, the two
genders are provided with almost equal appearances of 188 females and 187 males. The number of
interests in pictures for each was identical (F:M=4:4). However, gender imbalance was observed in
the numbers of pictorial professions (F:M=4:8) and in the quality of textual ones (i.e. some male
occupations are obviously more highly paid and prestigious than those of females (see Table 7)).
Qualitative analysis of the textbook, on the other hand, revealed some of the writers’ basic
attitudes toward gender roles. One theme that appeared repeatedly was the gender inequity in terms
of domestic chores: females carry much greater burden than males. Bill (S4.3.1) and Cathy (S4.3.3),
who denounced gender unfairness, and three males who are cooking in aprons (S4.4.2), may be
symbolic manifestations of the authors’ prescriptive approach to gender roles. Another image the
writers seemed eager to depict was that of courageous females who are willing to face the life’s
challenges. Among them are a female student who is serious about her career and eager to explore
the world before making the crucial decision (S4.3.4) and another who is ready to work her way
through college (S4.3.5).
In conclusion, there seems to be ample evidence to suggest that the textbook examined in this
study exhibits fairly egalitarian representations of the two genders. It has succeeded in maintaining a
generally well-balanced proportion of females to males in text and pictures, and in describing both
genders in a variety of personalities and interests, emphasizing multiformity of individuals
regardless of their gender. As well, it seems to take more of a prescriptive than descriptive approach
to gender roles, emphasizing especially the importance of male contribution to the household
chores.
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[Note]: Nilsen (1971: 919)[26] in her examination of 80 children’s picture books discovered a total of
386 female and 579 male figures, or the ratio of females to males being 2:3. The table above shows
the numbers of females and males in photographs and illustrations in each lesson. (Those people in
photos who are obviously not the intended focus of attention were excluded from the tally.) The
number of figures naturally varies with each lesson depending on its topic. Lesson 11: Party, for
example, has the greatest number of picture presentations of 41 females and 38 males, totaling 79,
whereas Lesson 7: Household chores has the smallest of 5 females and 7 males. Despite the uneven
appearances of both genders in lessons, the ratio of pictorial presence of females to males
throughout the book is an impressive 1:1 (F:M=188:187).
[Note]: It has already been observed in this study (S4.3.2) that about the same number of
occupations is assigned to either gender (F:M=9:10). In pictures, both genders are allocated with
additional jobs as the table illustrates (F:M=4:8). The total numbers of female and male occupations
are now 13 and 18, respectively (regarding prince as a job). As far as professions are concerned, the
textbook seems to favor males over females in diversity and probably in financial reward (S4.2.2)
(see the qualitative analysis of pictures in S4.4.1, though).
Appendix 6