Corporate Social Responsibility and Labour Standards: Bridging Business Management and Employment Relations Perspectives
Corporate Social Responsibility and Labour Standards: Bridging Business Management and Employment Relations Perspectives
Corporate Social Responsibility and Labour Standards: Bridging Business Management and Employment Relations Perspectives
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56:1 March 2018 0007–1080 pp. 3–13
1. Introduction
Gregory Jackson is at Freie Universität Berlin. Virginia Doellgast is at the ILR School of Cornell
University. Lucio Baccaro at University of Geneva and Director of the Max-Planck-Institute for
the Study of Societies in Cologne.
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4 British Journal of Industrial Relations
et al. 2015). At its worst, CSR may be associated with state deregulation and
the rise of neoliberalism, which have led to the erosion of social standards
globally (e.g. Kinderman 2012).
Just as trade unions themselves have been ‘reluctant stakeholders’ in the
CSR debate (Preuss 2008), employee relations (ER) scholars have been slow
to engage with CSR scholarship. Similarly, the management literature on CSR
rarely integrates perspectives and insights from ER, which focuses greater
attention to the role of employees and wider political dynamics of governance
(see also discussion in Tapia et al. 2015). Despite the plurality of theories
(Taneja et al. 2011), insufficient integration has taken place to do justice to
both the promise and limitations of CSR.
The BJIR Symposium hopes to build bridges between these perspectives,
and deepen understanding of why CSR policies emerge, how they function
and what concrete results they achieve.
Much existing literature in management has been concerned with the so-called
business case for CSR (Porter and Kramer 2011), which stresses the potential
positive sum relationship between ethical business and financial returns. This
idea has become conventional wisdom within public debates around CSR
and is strongly institutionalized in the field of socially responsible investing
and international standards around non-financial reporting and increasing
the transparency of economic, social and governance-related activities (for
Germany, see Lohmeyer 2017).
The CSR literature on the business case is built around several
interrelated assumptions. First, CSR is assumed to create tangible benefits
for stakeholders, which in turn give benefits back to the firms such as
better corporate reputation and improved financial performance (Brower and
Mahajan 2013; Tang et al. 2012). Employment policies such as worker safety,
social benefits and internal communication improve worker productivity due
to less employee turnover and protection of firm-specific skills; or better use
of human capital. Other benefits relate to improved reputation also among
customers. However, most of the literature on CSR includes employment
practices as one part of a larger CSR bundle; and does not attempt to measure
the impact on employment outcomes directly. It is thus perhaps unsurprising
that the business management scholars have yet to find clear supportive
evidence linking CSR to financial performance — these relationships apply
only in certain market niches (Vogel 2006) or face diminishing returns due to
associated costs (Barnett and Salomon 2006). The business case for CSR also
relies on a converse argument — namely, that stakeholders are able not only to
reward ‘good’ behaviours, but also sanction ‘bad’ behaviour. Recent evidence,
however, demonstrates this link to be very weak (see detailed discussion in
Jackson et al. 2014). Financial markets have only a short memory regarding
scandals, just as major brands such as Apple maintain positive reputations
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Corporate Social Responsibility and Labour Standards 5
with consumers despite controversies surrounding labour conditions or tax
avoidance (Hoi et al. 2013). Indeed, firms adopting more CSR also engage in
more irresponsible activities, not less (Kotchen and Moon 2012), particularly
in the USA, UK and Germany (Jackson and Bartosch 2016).
Second, the CSR literature is largely managerialist in orientation. CSR is
framed as a strategic choice by managers, which is voluntary and shaped by
instrumental motivations or in some cases also their personal characteristics.
Even the EU policy documents defined CSR in 2001 as ‘a concept whereby
companies integrate social and environmental concerns in their business
operations . . . on a voluntary basis’ [emphasis added]. The business case for
CSR is also argued to be stronger where salience of stakeholders is higher,
reflecting their legitimacy, urgency and power of stakeholders vis-à-vis the firm
(Mitchell et al. 1997). But analyses of how and why particular stakeholders
become salient remain underdeveloped (Perrini et al. 2011). Some important
contributions do examine the impact of non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) (Doh and Guay 2006; Seitanidi and Crane 2009) or the impact of
institutional investors’ use of CSR-related screening (Barnea and Rubin 2010)
on CSR adoption.
It is striking that employees and trade unions play almost no role in the
business literature on CSR. While workers are often the addressees of CSR
activities, their influence on shaping CSR and how CSR influences their
well-being are rarely studied.1 Management research has given insufficient
attention to the tensions related to the plurality of actors that negotiate and
implement CSR within organizations (Locke 2013), and thereby neglects the
symbolic and contestable nature of CSR itself.
Third, the business literature has only begun to address the institutional
embeddedness of CSR. The macro-level political dynamics of CSR as
an emerging field of ‘private regulation’ (Brammer et al. 2012) and its
relationship to new forms of transnational soft law (Baccaro and Mele 2012).
Neoinstitutional scholars have shown that CSR is a global norm undergoing
transnational diffusion and various local adaptation (e.g. Lim and Tsutsui
2012). Meanwhile, CSR is argued to build upon institutionalized forms of
stakeholders rights, and therefore develops to a greater extent in the presence
of more ‘co-ordinated’ forms of capitalism (Campbell 2007). Matten and
Moon (2008) interpreted this as a shift from being largely ‘implicit’ in these
contexts to being more ‘explicit’ and transparent to the market. Other studies
found evidence for the opposite, namely, that CSR develops as a substitute
for state regulation, with more extensive adoption in liberal market-oriented
contexts (Jackson and Apostolakou 2010). Along similar lines, multinational
firms adopt CSR in host countries with weak institutions or failed states
(Rathert 2016).
In sum, business scholars have developed a rich understanding of CSR
practices and tools for measuring these practices at the level of the firm, while
examining some conditions under which a ‘business case’ may exist for CSR.
At the same time, this perspective has clear limitations in understanding the
contingencies that make CSR more or less effective. Addressing these limits
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6 British Journal of Industrial Relations
would entail shifting attention: from financial performance to stakeholder
welfare, from management strategy to how stakeholders negotiate the content
and implementation of CSR and from the firm-level to the wider political
economy.
4. The Symposium
5. Outlook
Note
1. We are indebted for this point to Divya Jyoti, ‘Making Room for Factory Workers in
Corporate Social Responsibility’, at Stanford PACS PhD Workshop on Alternative
Organizational Forms in the Economy, Hertie School of Governance Berlin, 21–22
June 2017.
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