(Juan Francisco Salazar Sarah Pink Andrew Irving (B-Ok - CC)

Anthropologies and
Futures
ii
Anthropologies
and Futures
Researching Emerging and
Uncertain Worlds
EDITED BY JUAN FRANCISCO

SALAZAR, SARAH PINK,
ANDREW IRVING AND
JOHANNES SJÖBERG
Bloomsbury Academic
An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
Bloomsbury Academic
50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway

London New York
WC1B 3DP NY 10018
UK USA
www.bloomsbury.com
BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
First published 2017
© Selection and Editorial Material: Juan Francisco Salazar, Sarah Pink, Andrew Irving,
Johannes Sjöberg, 2017
© Individual Chapters: Their Authors, 2017
Juan Francisco Salazar, Sarah Pink, Andrew Irving, and Johannes Sjöberg have asserted
their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Editors
of this work.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or
any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the
publishers.
No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining

from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or
the author.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN: HB: 978-1-4742-6488-4

PB: 978-1-4742-6487-7
ePDF: 978-1-4742-6490-7
ePub: 978-1-4742-6489-1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
Cover design: Adriana Brioso

Cover image: Entrance to Global Seed Vault, Svalbard, Norway (© Cultura RM Exclusive/
Tim E White/Getty Images)
Typeset by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NN
To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com. Here you will
find extracts, author interviews, details of forthcoming events and the option to sign up for
our newsletters.
Contents
List of Figures vii

Acknowledgements ix

Notes on Contributors x

1 Futures anthropologies manifesto EASA future anthropologies

network 1

2 Anthropology and futures: Setting the agenda Sarah Pink and

Juan Francisco Salazar 3

3 The art of turning left and right Andrew Irving 23

4 Cripping the future: Making disability count Faye Ginsburg and

Rayna Rapp 43

5 Contemporary obsessions with time and the promise of the

future Simone Abram 61

6 Pyrenean rewilding and ontological landscapes: A future(s)

dwelt-in ethnographic approach Tony Knight 83

7 Digital technologies, dreams and disconcertment in

anthropological worldmaking Karen Waltorp 101

8 Future in the ethnographic world Débora Lanzeni and Elisenda

Ardèvol 117

9 Researching future as an alterity of the present Sarah Pink,

Yoko Akama and Annie Fergusson 133

10 Speculative fabulation: Researching worlds to come in

Antarctica Juan Francisco Salazar 151

11 Ethno science fiction: Projective improvisations of future

scenarios and environmental threat in the everyday life of
British youth Johannes Sjöberg 171

Bloomsbury Academic
50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway

London New York
WC1B 3DP NY 10018
UK USA
www.bloomsbury.com
BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
First published 2017
© Selection and Editorial Material: Juan Francisco Salazar, Sarah Pink, Andrew Irving,
Johannes Sjöberg, 2017
© Individual Chapters: Their Authors, 2017
Juan Francisco Salazar, Sarah Pink, Andrew Irving, and Johannes Sjöberg have asserted
their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Editors
of this work.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or
any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the
publishers.
No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining

from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or
the author.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN: HB: 978-1-4742-6488-4

PB: 978-1-4742-6487-7
ePDF: 978-1-4742-6490-7
ePub: 978-1-4742-6489-1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
Cover design: Adriana Brioso

Cover image: Entrance to Global Seed Vault, Svalbard, Norway (© Cultura RM Exclusive/
Tim E White/Getty Images)
Typeset by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NN
To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com. Here you will
find extracts, author interviews, details of forthcoming events and the option to sign up for
our newsletters.
List of Figures
Figure 3.1: 11 September 2001 23

Figure 3.2: Sandra in 2009 holding picture of herself taken on the
same spot on 11 September 2001 26

Figure 3.3: Sandra’s childhood home 29
Figure 3.4: The building where Sandra most likely caught HIV 30

Figure 3.5: Life in the Slum 31

Figure 3.6: Bed Nine 32

Figure 3.7: The Testing Clinic 32

Figure 3.8: Sandra 11 September 2001 33

Figure 5.1: Banalized urban futures materialized 65

Figure 5.2: The village idealized from the inside 68

Figure 5.3: The village seen in planning documents 70

Figure 5.4: Village houses 72

Figure 6.1: Berestet estive 87

Figure 6.2: View from Cominac 89

Figure 6.3: Eleveurs demonstrate fear of their own extinction 93

Figure 9.1: Two faces of the exterior of the Fab Pod 137

Figure 9.2: Working inside during the Essaying the Fab Pod
workshop 138

Figure 9.3: Sarah and Annie video record 140

Figure 9.4: Imagine the feeling of anticipation on walking down the
corridor 141

Figure 9.5: Shanti reached out to touch the Fab Pod’s furrier
shapes 143

viii L F

ist
of
igures
Figure 10.1: Exterior view of Julio Escudero Station in King George
Island 158

Figure 10.2: Exterior of a living quarter at the Russian Station
Bellingshausen 159

Figure 10.3: Teachers and students at School F-50, Villa Las
Estrellas 160

Figure 10.4: The fabulated character of Xue Noon (Victoria
Hunt) 164

Figure 10.5: A scene from the film Nightfall on Gaia 165

Figure 10.6: Juan F. Salazar filming in Fildes peninsula, King George
Island 167

Figure 11.1: James Hudson-Wright in Call Me Back (2017) 173

Figure 12.1: ‘My future return’ (Mahmoud) 189

Figure 12.2: Ali imagines himself imprisoned after seeing the car
lights 197

Figure 12.3: Screenshot of animation in progress 198

Figure 12.4: Ali imagines his future return to Porto Nogaro 199

Figure 12.5: Mohamed imagines receiving his residence permit at
the reception centre 201

Figure 12.6: The beautiful sea, seen from land (Mahmoud) 203

Figure 12.7: Mum and Dad (Mahmoud) 204

Acknowledgements
T his book was inspired by the formation of the EASA (European Association
of Social Anthropologists) Future Anthropologies Network, established in
2014. We would like to thank all of our network colleagues and collaborators
who worked with us in the development of our collective Future Anthropologies
Manifesto, which is available online and published as Chapter 1 as a reminder
of our intent. We also thank Bloomsbury’s editorial team for their support of
our project, especially Jennifer Schmidt, Commissioning Editor, Food Studies
and Anthropology and Clara Herberg, Editorial Assistant, Anthropology and
Food Studies.
Notes on Contributors
Simone Abram is Reader at the Anthropology department at Durham

University UK, where she is also a Director of the Durham Energy Institute.
She has published widely, including books, Culture and Planning (2011) and
Rationalities of Planning (2002 with Jonathan Murdoch), and edited volumes
including, Elusive Promises (2013 with Gisa Weszkalnys), Media, Engagement
And Anthropological Practice (2015 with Sarah Pink) and Tourism Ecologies in
the European High North (2016 with Katrìn Anna Lund). Simone has been a
visiting Professor at the University of Paris and at Tromsø University, and a
visiting researcher at the universities of Oslo and Gothenburg and at l’EHESS,
Paris.
Yoko Akama is an award-winning design researcher in the School of Media

and Communication and co-leads the Design+Ethnography+Futures research
program (http://d-e-futures.com/) at RMIT University, Australia, where she is
Associate Professor. She also established the Design for Social Innovation
and Sustainability in Asia-Pacific network (http://desiap.org/). Her Japanese
heritage has embedded a Zen-informed reflexive practice to carve a ‘tao’
(path) in human-centred design. Her practice is entangled in complex ‘wicked
problems’, shaped by working with regional communities in Australia in
strengthening their resilience for disaster preparedness and with Indigenous
Nations to enact their sovereignty and self-determination. She is an Adjunct
Fellow of an ecosystem innovation studio, Re:public Japan and Visiting Fellow
at the Centre of Excellence in Media Practice, Bournemouth University. She
is a recipient of several major research grants in Australia and the UK and
winner of the prestigious Good Design Australia Awards (2014). For more
information please go to www.rmit.edu.au/staff/yokoakama.
Elisenda Ardèvol is Associate Professor in Social Anthropology and Cultural

Studies at the Department of Arts and Humanities, at the Universitat Oberta
de Catalunya. Current Director of mediaccions Digital Communication and
Culture Research Group at UOC, she participates in different Masters and
PhD programs in Media, Digital and Visual Anthropology and has been Visiting
Scholar at the Centre for Visual Anthropology of the University of Southern
California, Los Angeles, and EU Visiting Fellow at the Digital Ethnography
N C xi

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ontributors

Centre at the RMIT, Melbourne. Her main research is related with ethno-
graphic methodologies, digital culture, visuality and media in everyday life.
Recently, she is also exploring design, creativity and collaborative practices
in digital technologies.
Alexandra D’Onofrio is in her final stage of her practice-based PhD in AMP

(Anthropology Media and Performance) at the University of Manchester. She
is a photographer, filmmaker and community theatre facilitator and has been
working on experiences and narratives of migration since 2005. Her previous
work includes the audio-visual documentary ‘Caught in Between Darkness
and Light’ (2008, winner of the Richard Werbner award), which was the
outcome of her MA in Visual Anthropology at the University of Manchester,
and ‘La Vita che non CIE’ (2012, a trilogy of short documentaries on detention
and repatriation centres in Italy, of which ‘Luck will save me’ was winner of
Lavori in Corto Festival 2012 – Turin) in collaboration with journalist Gabriele
Del Grande (Fortress Europe).
Annie Fergusson completed her PhD using the methodological approach of the
ethnography of communication to understand how meaning and social value
is created in a speech community in Mexico. As a polyglot she brings multi-
faceted experiences to her applied intellectual work which centres on the ways
in which communicative practices are responsive to context. Theoretically, she
subscribes to Bourdieusian notions of social theory and practice and Hymesian
notions of diversity which situate man-made units of meaning within inter

actional exchanges. Geographically she is fascinated with emergent paradigms
of the Global South. She currently works as a User Experience Designer working
on digital technologies. In this work, she applies her methods for understanding
broad social contexts, localized communities of practice and individual micro
practices in order to enhance human-computer interactions.
Faye Ginsburg is David B. Kriser Professor of Anthropology at NYU where she

is also founder and director of the Center for Media, Culture and History, and
the Council for the Study of Disability. Her work focuses on cultural activism
and social transformation, from her early work on abortion activism to her
current book in progress (in collaboration with Rayna Rapp) Disability Worlds:
Cripping the ‘New Normal’ in 21st Century America. A multiple award-winning
author, she is also a recipient of Macarthur, Guggenheim and other awards for
her research. Ginsburg is President of the Dysautonomia Foundation.
Andrew Irving is Director of the Granada Centre for Visual Anthropology at

the University of Manchester. His research areas include sensory perception,
time, illness, death, urban anthropology and experimental methods. Recent
xii N C

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ontributors
books include Whose Cosmopolitanism? (with Nina Glick-Schiller, Berghahn
2014); Beyond Text? Critical Practices and Sensory Anthropology (with Rupert
Cox and Chris Wright, Manchester University Press 2016) and The Art of Life
and Death (University of Chicago, 2016). Recent media works include the
play The Man Who Almost Killed Himself (2014) in collaboration with Josh
Azouz and Don Boyd, which was premiered at the Edinburgh Film Festival
and was concurrently live-streamed to Odeon Cinemas and BBC Arts. Other
recent media works include the New York Stories Project (2013), which is
currently hosted on more than thirty websites, including Scientific American,
the Smithsonian, Wenner Gren and National Public Radio.
Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston is an anthropologist, performance theorist,

and theatre director. She is Associate Professor of Theatre and has graduate
appointments in Theatre & Performance Studies and Social Anthropology
at York University. Her research explores performance ethnography, ethno-
graphic storytelling and ethnographic (non)fiction as collaborative, reflexive,
and affective research methodologies in the study of future, migration,
interiority, violence, and ageing. She has collaborated on imaginative ethnog-
raphy projects with Romani minorities in Poland, Nazi-Holocaust survivors
in Poland and Canada, and low-income residents in Vancouver’s Downtown
Eastside. She has also worked as a professional theatre director, performer,
and playwright, both nationally and internationally. Her book, Staging
Strife (2010), was awarded the International Congress of Qualitative Inquiry
(ICQI) Outstanding Qualitative Book Award and the Canadian Association
for Theatre Research (CATR) Ann Saddlemyer Book Prize (2011). She is the
co-founding member of the Centre for Imaginative Ethnography (CIE), a
project committed to advancing critical and politically conscious research.
Tony Knight is as an environmental anthropologist completing his PhD

thesis at the University of Kent following a successful career in international

management consulting. His research focuses on the relationships that
exist between humans and ‘wild’ nature, specifically at the interstices of
modern pastoralism and a contested landscape in the process of being
rewilded by charismatic large predators in the French Pyrenees. Tony’s trans-
disciplinary approach draws heavily on ethnographic fieldwork and political
ecology, dealing with multispecies actors who dwell in different overlapping
ontological landscapes. Tony has a particular interest in a public anthropology
that contemplates the Anthropocene and future imaginaries.
Débora Lanzeni is a junior researcher at the Universitat Oberta de Catalunya

and member of mediaccions Digital Culture Research Group, and holds a
visiting fellowship in Information and Media Studies in Aarhus University,
Notes o Co tributors xiii

n
n

Denmark. She holds a PhD in Information & Knowledge Society. Her publica-
tions include ‘Digital Visualities and Materialities: Paths for an Anthropological
Walk’ (2014); ‘Technology and Visions of the Future: Imagination in the
Process of Digital Creation from an Ethnographic Approach’ (2014) and ‘Smart
Global Futures: Designing Affordable Materialities for a Better Life’ in Pink,
Ardévol and Lanzeni, Digital Materiality: Anthropology and Design (2016).
Annette Markham is Professor of Information Studies at Aarhus University in

Denmark & Affiliate Professor of Digital Ethics in the School of Communication
at Loyola University, Chicago. She holds a PhD in organizational commu-
nication (Purdue University, 1998), with a strong emphasis in interpretive
and ethnographic methods. She researches how identity, relationships, and
cultural formations are constructed in and influenced by digitally saturated
socio-technical contexts. Her pioneering work in this area is well repre-
sented in her first book Life Online: Researching Real Experience in Virtual
Space (Altamira 1998). Annette is internationally recognized for developing
epistemological frameworks for rethinking ethics and methods in twenty-
first-century networked contexts. Her writing can be found in a range of
international journals, handbooks, and edited collections.
Sarah Pink is Distinguished Professor and Director of the Digital Ethnography

Research Centre at RMIT University, Australia. She is Visiting Professor at
Halmstad University, Sweden and Loughborough University, UK, and Guest
Professor at Free University, Berlin, Germany. Her recent works are usually
collaborative and include the books Theoretical Scholarship and Applied
Practice (2017), Digital Materialities (2016), Digital Ethnography: Principles and
Practice (2016), and Screen Ecologies (2016). Less conventional works include
Un/Certainty eBook (2015), Laundry Lives documentary film (2015) and the
Energy and Digital Living website www.energyanddigitalliving.com
Rayna Rapp is Professor of Anthropology at New York University. Her areas

of research are gender, reproduction, health and culture and science and
technology in the U.S. and Europe. She is the author of Testing Women,
Testing the Fetus: The Social Impact of Amniocentesis in America (Routledge,
2000). Her recent articles include ‘Genetic Citizenship’ and ‘Gender, Body,
Biomedicine: How Some Feminist Concerns Dragged Reproduction to the
Center of Social Theory’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly. She is currently
working on a book with Faye Ginsburg entitled Disability Worlds: Cripping the
‘New Normal’ in 21st Century America.
Juan Francisco Salazar is Associate Professor in Media Arts at Western

Sydney University. For over a decade, he worked with Indigenous media
xiv N C

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ontributors
organizations and cultural activists in Latin America on communication rights
and citizens’ media practices. His current research interests are on life in
extreme environments, human-soil relations and futures. He has conducted
ethnographic research in Antarctica since 2011 where he produced the
Antarctic Digital Storytelling Project (2012–13) and filmed the documentary
Nightfall on Gaia (2015), which premiered at the 14th RAI Ethnographic
Film Festival (Bristol 2015) and has screened at numerous international film
festivals. Since 2011 he has been a member of the executive committee
of the Humanities and Social Sciences Expert Group (HASSEG) of the
Scientific Committee for Antarctic Research (SCAR). He is co-author (with
H. Cohen and I. Barkat) of the award-winning Screen Media Arts: Concepts
and Practices (Oxford University Press, 2008) and has been a visiting
fellow at University of Sussex (UK); Universidad de Las Américas (México);
Universidad de Valparaíso (Chile).
Johannes Sjöberg is a lecturer in Screen Studies at The University of

Manchester. He specializes in film practice as research and more specifi-
cally in the boundaries between artistic and academic forms of research and
representation. His approach is based on the combination of extended ethno-
graphic fieldwork and improvisational art forms, mediating complex cultural
understanding within a reflexive context. This approach has developed
as a research interest through previous professional work with theatre
improvisation and as a documentary filmmaker. Sjöberg was awarded a
PhD in Drama for his practice-based research on the ethnofictions of Jean
Rouch, focusing on the use of projective improvisation in ethnographic
filmmaking and applied on identity, performance and discrimination among
transgendered Brazilians. He is currently convening the PhD programme in
Anthropology, Media and Performance at The University of Manchester and
conducting research on psychodrama and play in fieldwork research, and
‘ethno science fiction’ as an ethnographic film method.
Paul Stoller is Professor of Anthropology at West Chester University and has

been conducting anthropological research for more than thirty years in West
Africa (Niger) and among African immigrants in New York City. This body of
research has resulted in the publication of fourteen books, which include
ethnographies, memoirs, novels, a biography and collections of academic
essays. His most recent work, published in October 2014, is Yaya’s Story:
The Quest for Well-Being in the World. In April 2013, the King of Sweden,
Carl XVI Gustav, awarded him the 2013 Anders Retzius Gold Medal to honor
his significant scientific contributions to anthropology. In 2015, The American
Anthropological Association awarded him the Anthropology and Media Award
(AIME) in recognition of his longstanding The Huffington Post blog that brings
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ontributors

an anthropological perspective to politics, higher education, culture and
media. His latest book, The Sorcerer’s Burden, a novel, was published in the
Fall of 2016.
Karen Waltorp is an anthropologist and filmmaker. She is the director of

Manenberg (2010) building on her long-term fieldwork in the South African
township, which received the Royal Anthropological Institute’s Basil Wright
Film Prize. A follow-up film is currently in production. She is part of the Danish
Research Council funded research group Camera as Cultural Critique at the
Department of Anthropology at Aarhus University, where she also teaches
design anthropology, as well as in the experimental visual master program Eye
& Mind. Previously, she taught at the Department of Anthropology, University
of Copenhagen and at the Royal Danish School of Design. She spent the
spring semester 2016 as visiting scholar at the Department of Anthropology,
UC Berkeley. Her fourteen-month PhD-fieldwork and filmmaking was with
young Muslim, second-generation women in Copenhagen, and focused
on place-making with smartphones, moral experimentation, and on anthro

pological knowledge-making processes.
xvi
1
Futures anthropologies
manifesto
EASA future anthropologies network
Introduction
The ten-point manifesto laid out below was written over the course
of three days at the Conference of the European Association of Social
Anthropologists (EASA) in Tallinn, August 2014. More than twenty partici-
pants in the Anthropology at the Edge of the Future: Forward Play Lab1
contributed lines, which were cut and moulded by Juan Francisco Salazar,
Jude Robinson and Lydia Nicholas, then presented to the attendees of
the Media futures panel.2 The Manifesto incorporates feedback from dozens
of anthropologists, and it has been established as the starting point for the
continued collaborative work of a network of engaged, creative and bold
practitioners.
Future anthropologies manifesto
1 We are critical ethnographers engaged with confronting and

intervening in the challenges of contested and controversial futures.
2 We are stubbornly transdisciplinary and transnational: we collaborate,

hybridize and compromise. We break boundaries and network without
fear of incapacity or contamination.
3 We de-centre the human, embracing larger ecologies and

technological entanglements.
2 ANTHROPOLOGIES AND FUTURES

4
We probe, interrogate and play with futures that are plural, non-linear,
cyclical, implausible and always unravelling.
5 Anthropology of the future is accretive. It builds on traditions, reflects

on pasts.
6 We are bold enough to engage with complexity and stay with

differences and uncertainties. We traverse the macro, mundane and
minute and embrace the chaotic, multisensory, performative and
material dimensions of social life in the Anthropocene.
7 We understand and are understood. We foster a politics of

listening attuned to a diversity of voices and we tell stories that are
imaginative, illustrative and informative. We create and design a
variety of materials and processes that are provocative, disruptive,
adaptable and reflexive.
8 We get our hands dirty. We are ethical, political and interventionist,

and take responsibility for interventions.
9 We may be epistemologically filthy, improvisational and undisciplined.

We may struggle, and fail and transform.
10 Anthropology of the future supports current and future members to

be part of a strong and recognizable community of practice.
Notes
1 See http://www.nomadit.co.uk/easa/easa2014/panels.php5?PanelID=3230

(accessed 22 May 2016).

2
Anthropologies and futures:
Setting the agenda
Sarah Pink and Juan Francisco Salazar
A nthropologies and Futures calls for a renewed, open and future-focused

approach to understanding the present, anticipating the unknown,
and intervening in the world. It is aligned with the movement toward a
critical anthropological ethnography whose practitioners are engaged with
confronting and intervening in the challenges of contested and controversial
futures, and it advances the agenda to depart from the constraints of conven-
tional mainstream anthropological practice, as stated in the critical manifesto
of the Future Anthropologies Network (this volume Chapter 1). Collectively, its
contributors are determined to refigure anthropology: beyond its reliance on
documenting and analysing the past; its dependence on long-term fieldwork;
and its tendency to close itself off in critical isolation. Such approaches have
paralyzed the discipline in a world where the insights of creative, improvisa-
tional, speculative, and participatory techniques of a renewed anthropological
ethnography have the potential to make a significant contribution in the
making of alternative futures.
This book, as a collective action, seeks to derail mainstream social and
cultural anthropology from an insular and inward looking single-discipline
route that threatens to exacerbate its isolation and incapacity to participate
and intervene in the major worldmaking activities of our times. At the margins
of anthropology, applied, interdisciplinary, futures, and interventional strands
have long since militated for a useful and engaged anthropological practice,
and have gained traction. Yet, as a discipline, anthropology has been on track
to arrive late on the futures research scene. By opening our scholarship,
practice, and intentions to other disciplines, techniques, and aspirations, we
have the opportunity to bring to the study and making of futures an approach

inflected by the ethical and participatory principles of anthropology. The
benefits are both the contribution that anthropology can offer to world making
and a renewed anthropology that nevertheless maintains its critical core, its
ethnographic origins and its capacity to engage with the world and people at
a depth and moral perspective. These characteristics of an anthropological
commitment to attempt to comprehend the world in a way that cares are
fundamental to our discipline and to the practice of Futures Anthropology. Yet
we call for an anthropology that is more daring, open, and interventional: that
faces futures and our role in shaping them, full on, while retaining a critical
perspective. This book sets the ground for this movement in anthropology,
as a shared concern.
The critical manifesto developed collectively by the Future Anthropologies
Network (this volume Chapter 1) states ten principles established collec-
tively by a group of about thirty anthropologists in Tallinn, Estonia, after our
founding workshop at the conference of the European Association of Social
Anthropologists (EASA) in 2014.1 The manifesto is ambitious and intentionally
provocative. While this book may not achieve its call in full, it takes a step
towards, and argues for the Futures Anthropology that we believe the network
envisages. Likewise, the chapters are not all equally radical. However, the
spirit of the book lies in a desire to move on, beyond what anthropology
conventionally does, and to lay the foundations to advance towards a new
state of the discipline. While it could be argued that these foundations already
exist in the fields of applied anthropology and design anthropology, and to
some extent in STS (Science and Technology Studies) anthropology, and
environmental anthropology, we propose something different; we argue for
an interventional anthropology that puts at its core a theoretical and practical
consideration of futures, and the possible ways they might be conceptualised
and played out.
This is not to say that attention to futures has been absent in anthropology
as a discipline, or in the work of individual anthropologists. As we outline below,
the notion of future has been pondered from a variety of perspectives within
anthropology. It is therefore surprising that in place of a dynamic set of critical
debates, and a field of practice enthused by a concern with futures, instead
(as we show below), we encounter a history of truncated pathways, which
have never sustained a coordinated field of future-focused anthropological

enquiry. Establishing techniques for researching futures sits at the core of
the work of this book, and is played out in the work of the contributors. By
techniques we do not simply refer to practical methods, detached from their
users or communities that can be transferred from one project to another.
Rather, drawing on Tim Ingold, we understand that ‘technique is embedded
in and inseparable from the experience of particular subjects in the shaping
of particular things’ (2000: 315); a method or approach is always situated
A :S 5

nthropologies
and
futures
etting
the
agenda

and emergent from within the particular circumstances through which it
plays out. The techniques we are concerned with should not be confused
with ways of doing anthropological fieldwork. Rather we are interested in
the application of future-oriented theoretical, methodological, and practical
techniques of research and intervention as part of a renewed anthropological
agenda. In this endeavour we are not alone. Some applied anthropologists,
design anthropologists, and anthropologists engaged in public-oriented activ-
ities likewise seek to join up the anthropological and ethnographic cores of
their theory and practice, to make change in the world. Where our agenda
is different is that rather than attaching our work to one specific discipline
that we might then blend with anthropology to make change in the world,
we are committed to making futures in ways that diverge from conventional
anthropology. This could involve coupling our endeavours with those of, for
example, design, STS, geography, policy-making, creative practice, planning,
and the life sciences. This task also requires us to account for the contested
politics of uncertain, emerging, and as yet unknown worlds. In a context
where it is claimed that ‘numerous tools and methods have been developed
to study not just probable and possible but also preferred futures’ (Adam and
Groves 2007: 32) an engaged futures-oriented anthropology needs to redress
the fact that ethnography has been to date a neglected method for studying
futures. In an interdisciplinary context we need to make futures ethnographi-
cally thinkable, and to demonstrate how an anthropological ethnography can
put this into practice.
In this chapter we have chosen to use the label Futures Anthropology to
denote the field of practice that we wish to nurture. The plural in this label
refers to the multiplicity of futures and modes of future thinking that fall
into this category. We refer to anthropology in the singular rather than in the
plural, not because we wish to speak of a unified and homogeneous disci-
pline, but because we would like the see the field of Futures Anthropology
as a movement that consolidates a number of principles and ideals, as called
for in the manifesto. We also differentiate our deliberations from those
concerned with the future of anthropology. While the latter is of course at the
core of our concerns too, it is however, an outcome, rather than the motive
for our discussions. The chapters of this book suggest a number of ways to
realize a Futures Anthropology, and advance what we believe is viable and
possible. Yet to understand how to proceed we benefit from learning from
past limitations. We next explore anthropologists’ past attempts to engage
with futures, to explain how futures research was, in the past excluded from
the anthropological mainstream.

Being in the wrong temporality at the
wrong time
The temporalities and timings of anthropology as they emerged during the
twentieth century, and have persisted into the present, have had related
problematic dimensions for a Futures Anthropology. The first is the tempo-
rality of ethnographic practice with its past orientation and the second is that
attempts to develop future-focused anthropologies have always been badly
timed, since theoretical turns in the discipline never seem to have worked in
their favour. Thus the anthropological method itself is embedded with a past
orientation, and the theoretical canons of the discipline have not accommo-
dated a future-focused shift. Below we propose that the current theoretical
and methodological environment of an interdisciplinary anthropology opens
up possibilities for Futures Anthropology to emerge. First we outline how
being in the wrong temporality at the wrong time has inhibited the making of
Futures Anthropology.
We begin our story in the 1970s, when the futurist Alvin Toffler famously
published Future Shock, a best-selling book concerned with the accelerating
changes in post-industrial societies (Toffler 1970). This book marked a period in
the 1970s when the future as an object of forecast and technological manipu-
lation, David Valentine argues, ‘seemed to most fully capture the imaginations
of the lay public, politicians, policy makers and forecasters, including some
anthropologists’ (Valentine 2015: 110). Shortly after Margaret Mead wrote ‘A
Note on Contributions of Anthropology to the Science of the Future’ (1971)
and along with some other anthropologists began a focus on the future as a
matter of scholarly interest and engaged research. As Samuel Collins notes,
Mead began to conceptualize the future in a way that remains unique, by
outlining a robust architecture for anthropological contributions to the future
(Collins 2007: 1184), which attempted to show the importance of studying
the possible and desired sociocultural futures of human civilization, as well as
other future oriented topics strange to anthropology, such as the existence of
aliens and the colonization of outer space. In the wake of Mead’s work, anthro-
pologists Magoroh Maruyama and Arthur Harkins wrote Cultures Beyond the
Earth (1975) and Cultures of the Future (1978). Both books suggested the
role anthropology could play in the search for extra-terrestrial intelligence or
the study of the future in anthropology in relation to the 1980s sustainability
debate, but went largely unnoticed in anthropology and other disciplines at the
time. Theirs and Mead’s work on anthropological futures was largely dismissed
as populist by a generation of anthropologists concerned with developing a
‘scientific’ anthropology (Collins 2007: 1183) and an interpretive anthropology
bound by the study of non-western cultural symbols and meanings.
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Around the same time, an ‘anticipatory anthropology’ began to emerge
as a more applied futures approach. Pioneered by Robert Textor, Reed Riner
and others (Riner 1987; Textor 2005) this approach influenced a small number
of applied anthropologists in the 1980s. In developing a critique of the field
of futures research at the time, these researchers sought an integration of
anthropological and futures research theories by adopting the assumptions,
aims and methods of futures research, but enveloping these within an
anthropological understanding of concepts such as ‘culture, time, holism,
and cross-cultural perspectives’ (Riner 1987: 317) to develop grounded work
towards anticipating middle-range futures within existing local, regional,
national, and global socio-cultural systems (Textor 2005). This move involved
theorizing futures by starting from empirical phenomena as the basis from
which to develop general statements about the future that could be verified
by data. It used the perspective, theories, models, and methods of anthro-
pology in an anticipatory manner, so that individuals, citizens, leaders, and
governments could better make informed policy decisions, thereby improving
the community’s or society’s chances of realizing preferred futures and
avoiding undesired ones (Razak 2000). Nevertheless, this form of anticipatory
anthropology was restrictive because it situated anthropology’s contribution
at a micro-level, whereby available information plus ethnographic inquiry
would be used to anticipate and visualize possible alternative futures for
a given cultural group at a very particular moment in time. Thus, it would
prohibit its contribution to wider macro-level debates or theory building either
in anthropology itself or in applied research fields.
As the 1980s progressed, some of the most significant turns in the
history of the discipline emerged, as anthropologists increasingly bought
into the ‘writing culture turn’ (Clifford and Marcus 1986), and the discipline
was gripped simultaneously by the political critique of an emerging feminist
anthropology and the influence of postmodernism and continental philosophy.
Within this environment the anthropological focus on the particular, reinforced
further by Johannes Fabian’s (1983) opportune exposition of the ethics of
ethnographic temporalities, meant that anthropological ethnography would
for some time yet remain fixed in the past tense and in a representational
idiom. Anthropologists interested in futures have commented on the past
temporality of anthropological ethnography ever since. For example, Riner
pointed out three decades ago that anthropology’s forte has always been
disciplined hindsight’ (Riner 1987: 311), while in the 1990s Nancy Munn
observed that in anthropology ‘futurity is poorly tended as a specifically
temporal phenomenon’, attributing this to a tendency by anthropologists
to view the future in ‘shreds and patches’ in relation to the close attention
given to ‘the past in the present’ (1992: 115–16). This point is raised in
different ways by a range of anthropologists. Jane Guyer protested, that ‘the

anthropology of time settles so quickly into the “past in the present” and
memory’ (2007: 10), while Matthew Hodges has argued that anthropologists
have mostly operated within the constraints of spatialized conceptions of
linear time (Hodges 2008). Daniel Rosenberg and Susan Harding in the intro-
duction to their edited volume Histories of the Futures assert that futures
seem always to be haunted by the ‘semiotic ghosts’ of futures past (2005),
a point also raised by Collins (2008) in his attempt to propel anthropology’s
engagement with the future as a reaction against the hegemonizing impulses
of ‘mass-produced homogeneity’ (Collins 2008: 8). Similarly, David Valentine
observes that ‘the very idea of “the future” provokes suspicion in anthropolo-
gists because of its suturing to the teleologies of modernity and capitalism’
(2012: 1064). Most recently Peter Pels (2015) has brought ethics back into the
discussion, by suggesting that anthropologists have long neglected the future
as an object of study as a result of an unfinished project of postcolonial reflex-
ivity. Indeed it is not surprising, given the ethical weight of anthropology’s

colonial past, and the use of a reflexive past-tense to redress this, that there
have never been too many openings to contest this past-orientation, since
it had been the basis upon which anthropology as a whole discipline had
re-validated its moral and ethical worth. In this line Ulf Hannerz has argued
for the relevance of a subjunctive anthropology that might develop in the
public domain and reveal the stance that anthropologists could adopt towards
the abundant variety of macro-scenarios at play today and contribute to an
informed citizen’s understanding of the contemporary world – and to the
debate over both present and future worlds (Hannerz 2003: 174, 184). Below
we explain how new ethical horizons relating to our responsibility for shaping
global futures shift this perspective. First we reflect on the theoretical
contexts that constrained further attempts at Futures Anthropology.
Turning theory out of time

Since the early 1990s an anthropology of time has addressed questions of
how people in different cultural contexts orient themselves in relation to
known and unknown futures, and of how such futures are envisioned and
acted upon. As Nielsen (2011) notes, detailed ethnographic accounts have
often been employed to show how possible worlds unfold and how ‘the
future emerges as anticipation inscribed in the present’ and how ‘hopes and
aspirations reorient individual life trajectories’ (Nielsen 2011: 398. See also
Appadurai 2013; Miyazaki 2006; Nielsen and Pedersen, 2015). These works
represent a wide range of different theoretical commitments and disciplinary
priorities. While it is not our concern here to unpack their debates and
trajectories, we argue that this diversity of approaches has militated against
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the formation of an anthropological theory of the future, and reveals how
anthropologies of futures have been influenced by theoretical turns, rather
than themselves being the basis for theory building. This is something that
needs to change, as argued below. First, we interrogate two examples of how
attempts at anthropologies of futures clashed with anthropologies of time, in
order to understand how this occurred.
In the 1990s and 2000s new anthropological approaches to futures
emerged, yet these were not coherent with the most popular theoretical
developments in mainstream anthropology. For example, Sandra Wallman’s
volume Contemporary Futures (1992), which examined the future in classi-
cally framed ethnographic case studies, was published in the same year as
Alfred Gell’s monograph (1992) The Anthropology of Time, which has had
an enduring influence in anthropology. While Wallman and her contributors
argued for ethnography’s capacity as a technique for ‘knowing’ the world, this
was precisely one of the assumptions that Gell developed a critique of. For
Wallman, anthropological perspectives were not really about the future as it
will be, could be, or ought to be, but were concerned with futures visualized
in our own or others’ cultures in the present. Wallman’s approach concurred
more with George Herbert Mead’s view of a future that is only possible and
revocable as a dimension of the present, and simultaneously endorsing a
Geertzian-type strategy for the ‘interpretation of futures’ through a framework
that attended to the role of symbols in the construction of meaning. Her
proposal ‘to interpret the way we and others picture the future, and then to
understand the effects of our (or their) picturing it as we/they do’ (1992: 2),
was therefore already anachronistic at the time, and thus slipped out of view,
as new theoretical perspectives led anthropology’s mainstream debates in
another direction.
Similar interpretations can be made of more recent attempts to put futures
on the anthropological agenda, such as Arjun Appadurai’s lament that ‘in
spite of many important technical moves in the understanding of culture,
the future remains a stranger to most anthropological models of culture’
(Appadurai 2013: 5). Following a broadly culturalist and representational
approach Appadurai identified that ‘there is still an underlying pull in the core
concepts of anthropology – such as culture, diversity, structure, meaning
and custom – toward persistence, stability, fixity’. He has argued that ‘[t]his
tendency has limited the anthropological contribution to the study of how
different human societies organize the future as a cultural horizon’ (Appadurai
2013: 5). While a focus on stability would most likely limit the anthropological
study of where future lies in different cultures, we arrive at a different expla-
nation. That is, we argue, that interpreting Futures Anthropology as the study
of how future figures in models of culture, in itself limits anthropology as a
field of study. Contemporary departures from a representational anthropology

offer alternatives that broadly refigure the focus whether towards phenom-
enological and ontological approaches, questions of materiality and agency, or
towards an ‘anthropology of emergence’ (Maurer 2005) that does not ‘settle
in mere descriptive adequacy but that uses its objects to unsettle anthropo-
logical claims to knowledge’ (2005: 1).
Interdisciplinary parallels
While the future-focused anthropologies outlined above emerged during
the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, in other social science and
humanities disciplines, parallel and perhaps more impactful investigations
of futures began to develop. We do not encompass this whole history, but
refer to selected contributions from sociology and human geography. These
works reveal further the limits of a traditional anthropology of futures, form
backdrops to the anthropological discussions of future developed by contrib-
utors to this book, and endorse the need for a renewed and interdisciplinary
Futures Anthropology.
A core difference between anthropological attempts to bring a focus on
futures that built up from the particularity of ethnographic examples, and
sociological approaches to future lies in the capacity of the latter to gener-
alize about society. This difference between anthropological and sociological
approaches to the world is frequently revealed in the tendency of anthro

pologists to chip away critically at grand sociological theories that are belied by
the specificity of ethnographic investigation. However in the case of futures,
where the specific is unknowable, sociologists have been more successful
in establishing an agenda (Bell 2009; Adam and Groves 2007). Wendell Bell
suggested that the study of the future, offered social researchers ‘both a
scheme for organizing and analysing the social realities that confront us, and a
way of orienting and directing our efforts’ (Bell 1971: 328), and Barbara Adam
and Christopher Groves’s work has been particularly influential in offering an
analysis of how futures are not merely imagined but also made, told, traded,
tamed, transformed and traversed through uneven approaches to the future
which they frame as doing, knowing and caring, that is, between action,
knowledge and ethics (Adam and Groves 2007: 11). Bell’s work also had an
applied strand since he sought to engage these categories to assist social
scientists as responsible change agents in future-knowing and future-shaping
processes. Recent future geographies analysis has also been influential,
tackling questions such as ‘how life is now governed under conditions of an
uncertain unfolding of events and networks of relations’ (Anderson and Adey
2012: 1529) and pursuing an analytical framework to better understand how
geographies are made and remade through processes of governing the future
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as these futures ‘are brought into the present and take on some form of
presence’ (Anderson and Adey 2012: 1529). There, the future is not an object
of study, but the focus is on those ‘measures, registers, apprehensions,
engagements and movements that appear to be important for understanding
the unfolding of many events’ in the present (Merriman 2012: 24).
Anthropology’s commitment to cultural relativism, the study of the
particular, and moral investment in the ethics of situating knowing in a past
temporality has thus been both its saviour and its limitation. Anthropologists
committed to this approach have scorned those whose work involves the
development of universal theories, arguing, for instance, for attention to
indigenous epistemologies and for honouring other ways of knowing, beyond
modern western theory, as being owed equal weight. This creates a complex
minefield for anthropologists working with futures to navigate, since we have
two possible fates: either to be constrained by the inability to generalize
about where futures lie in whole societies; or see futures as an universal
element of human ways of being in the world; or to be criticized for advancing
theories of futures that do not prioritise the critique that the very study of
futures is derived from a modern western paradigm, that claims to identify
its own definition of futures in the lives of others who might see things rather
differently.
If we contrast this impasse with how sociologists and geographers have
successfully integrated the study of futures into their disciplines, there are
lessons to be learned. For example, the geographer Ben Anderson has influ-
entially argued that people anticipate and act on futures through assemblies
of what he terms styles, practices and logics (Anderson 2010). As such, in
cultural geography, theory has been advanced to provide ways to ‘see’ how
futures are articulated and activated in society. Effectively Anderson has
constructed a set of concepts that can then be employed to refer to how
futures emerge performatively and discursively. However for us as anthro

pologists these typologies and conceptual frameworks for futures lack
attention to the messy ways a detailed exposition of how such futures play
out and are imagined and experienced would reveal. They offer interpreta-
tions and typologies of societal phenomena but do not engage them to
understand how change happens on the ground or better put, how futures
emerge as complex configurations of things and processes of different
qualities and affordances that coalesce and change, and the relationalities
and contingencies through which this happens. As anthropologists we would
argue here, that at least in part this means that an ethnographic approach is
needed, but, as the examples developed in this book also demonstrate, by
this we do not mean a recourse in the very ethnography of the last century
that as argued above has impeded the emergence of Futures Anthropology
within the mainstream. We also do not mean an anthropology that simply

chips away at the theories proposed by sociologists and geographers.
Instead, we call for the development of more productive dialogues between
ethnography and theory to produce more adventurous approaches for making
Futures Anthropology including inventive and affective methodologies. We
next outline how future-focused anthropologies have more recently begun to
develop, before arguing for the need to develop techniques for future-focused
anthropologies – ways of doing Futures Anthropology that are theoretical,
methodological and that attend to an anthropological way of doing ethnog-
raphy with others, and that are based in dialogues between ethnography and
theory (where theory might not always originate in anthropology), rather than
being strictly led by one or the other.
Has futures anthropology at last arrived

in time?
Rosenberg and Harding’s edited volume mentioned earlier was an important
volume in that it invited readers to speculate about possible pasts that
never eventuated, and open up speculation as an approach for exploring
more radical future possibilities that may confound those of predictions and
forecasting. It was an innovative volume as it included a series of interludes
– including a game, a short story, a timeline and, as in our case, a manifesto.
This volume marked a renewed engagement with futures surging in the
mid-2000s in anthropology and cognate disciplines and led to a series of
contemporary anthropological endeavours that have increasingly incorpo-
rated a focus on the modalities through which the future – as a contingent
set of possibilities – is made present and decided upon (Rabinow 2008).
This includes contexts such as urban planning (Abram and Weszkalnys
2013), scientific modelling of climate change (Hastrup and Skrydstrup 2013;
Taddei 2013), biotechnology and the life sciences (Helmreich 2009), finance
(Maurer 2002), economentality (Mitchell 2014) religious time (Guyer 2007),
HCI (Human-Computer-Interaction) and ubiquitous computing (Dourish and
Bell 2011), contemporary environmental politics (Mathew and Barnes 2016;
Hastrup and Skrydstrup 2013), cosmos and outer space (Battaglia 2005;
Valentine et al. 2012) and design anthropology (Gunn et al. 2012).
For example, Abram and Weszkalnys show how urban planning is an inher-
ently optimistic and future-oriented activity that entails ‘a broad set of tactics,
technologies and institutions’ for both imagining the future and preparing
in advance, but also for ‘managing the present’ (Abram and Weszkalnys
2013: 2) (see also Abram, this volume). They have thus characterized planning
as ‘a key material practice through which we attempt to project ourselves
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into the future’ (Abram and Weszkalnys 2013: 9). Likewise Mark Nuttall’s
‘anthropology of anticipation’ in the Arctic has demonstrated the role of
anticipation in climate change studies, while outlining the possibilities for
ethnography as an approach to understanding anticipation multiplies, as a
form of knowledge, as ontology, as foresight and insight, as engagement,
as orientation, as self-realization, and as a consideration of potential (Nuttall
2010: 33). A similar future-focused anthropology is also emerging beyond
the study of the future in the present, for instance in the collaborative work
of David Valentine, Valerie Olson and Debbora Battaglia who have turned
to the notion of extreme spaces, to propose a future oriented ethnography
that explores forms of sociality that cannot yet be fully imagined, but which
humans strive for (Valentine et al. 2012: 1008). The concept of the extreme
here postulates a new way to convey practices and visions of the future,
and to move beyond the limits of Earthly politics. In focusing on the cosmos
and outer space, Valentine et al. have effectively asked what anthropology’s
stakes are in this field.
While these recent works do not together represent a field of established
practice in Futures Anthropology, they collectively signify a readiness, an
openness and a demand for engagement with futures in anthropological
theory and practice. There is however a greater role for Futures Anthropology,
which we argue defines its possibility as an expanded field of practice. While
the study of future as imagination in the present is important to Futures
Anthropology research (Crapanzano 2004), it is limited in the extent to which
it can participate in interdisciplinary theory building and in significant debates
of our time. As Marilyn Strathern has observed, ‘people’s actions are all the
time informed by possible worlds which are not yet realized’ (2005: 51). Other
initiatives have pushed further to identify a role for anthropology in developing
new practices of imagining futures, for new perspectives on anticipatory
action ‘which takes seriously those ‘possible worlds’ which, although not
yet realized, inform people’s everyday actions’ (Nielsen 2011: 399). Hence,
as anthropologists we mustn’t lose sight, as Anna Tsing insists, of ‘imagining
the about-to-be-present’ (2005: 269) in ways that avoid the ‘shadow of inevi-
tability’ of neoliberal globalization and attend ‘to states of emergence – and
emergency … [where] hope and despair huddle together’ (2005: 269).
Such a path can be complicated for anthropologists – particularly given
the trajectories we outlined above. For example, the predictive stances of
future scenarios as built by economists, or climate change scientists, or the
objectifying models of future personas offered by design researchers, are
equally valid as topics for anthropological deconstruction (like examples of
planning and environmental anticipation discussed above). Yet, if we let these
tendencies constrain us, anthropologists will be unable to make the important
contributions we can offer fields including environmental research, synthetic
vi C

ontents
12 Reaching for the horizon: Exploring existential possibilities

of migration and movement within the past-present-future
through participatory animation Alexandra D’Onofrio 189

13 Agency and dramatic storytelling: Roving through pasts,

presents and futures Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston 209

14 Remix as a literacy for future anthropology practice Annette N.

Markham 225

Afterword: Flying toward the future on the wings of wind

Paul Stoller 243

Index 249

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One more relevant instance for thinking about a Futures Anthropology that
we would like to bring into account is the context provided by the so-called
ontological turn in anthropology and related disciplines. The expediency of
this theoretical method and its particular mode of practicing ethnography is
manifold for thinking futures anthropologically. First, as a reaction against the
‘writing culture’ focus on culture as representation and the emphasis on the
textual and social construction of cultural accounts it allows us to think about
futures beyond the discursive aspects of cultural representations of the future
to allow for a more speculative engagement with the existence of multiple
futures existing simultaneously. The implications are manifest for how we in
this edited volume propose that worldviews about the future be challenged
in support of an emphasis on future worlds and worldmaking practices that
take into account human as well as more than human agencies. As Holbraad,
Pedersen and Viveiros de Castro (2014) argue, the politics of an ontologically
inflected ethnography or ‘ontography’ resides ‘not only in the ways in which it
may help promote certain futures, but also in the way it “figurates” the future
in its very enactment’ (2014). Or, in other words, and to paraphrase Elizabeth
Povinelli (2012), how the future ‘otherwise’ can be accounted for ethno-
graphically. The counterpoint to this approach as Bessire and Bond (2014)
have rightly observed, is that this paradigm’s analytical focus on the future
redefines the coordinates of the political as well as anthropology’s relation
to critique. As they suggest, an ontological approach ‘shifts the insurgent
front lines of ethnography from located descriptions of resistance, suffering,
and governance to anticipatory evocations of heterogeneous assemblages’
(Bessire and Bond 2014: 441). Yet, while the ontological turn has invited
anthropologists to consider alternative futures, Bessire and Bond prompt us
to not overlook that a project on futures in anthropology has to begin ‘with
the recognition that our futures are contingent because our present is as well.
If ontological anthropology fails to account for such contingencies, then it
assumes the form of a modern myth and the only image it reflects is its own’
(Bessire and Bond 2014: 450).
Techniques for an engaged futures

anthropology
We are at a moment where some of us, as outlined in our Manifesto, are
moving toward a renewed, experimental anthropology, which is also involved
in the theoretical turns of its time. This version of Futures Anthropology
is moreover an engaged anthropology that actively responds to the moral
obligation for us to implicate ourselves in futures. As Appadurai (2013) has

discussed there is increasingly a moral responsibility to be mindful of and
prepared for doing cultural research that accounts for the future – to create
anticipatory and interventionist public/applied anthropologies of the future.
The challenges this poses have been recognized by others such as James
Ferguson who has warned that ‘if anthropology is to contribute to the work
of creating better human futures, it will need to demonstrate the relevance of
anthropological knowledge and anthropological ways of thinking to the great
practical and political issues that today confront our increasingly intercon-
nected but unequal world’ (Ferguson 2014: n.p.).
The ethics of responsibility are thus complex. Indeed, to quibble with
Strathern, it is not simply that possible worlds are not yet realized, rather,
possible worlds are precisely merely possible, and might not be realized in
the forms that they are ‘possible’. The ontological status of possible worlds is
that they are emergent from a particular way of imagining through contingent
configurations of the present. Future worlds will likewise be emergent, but
constituted through different configurations of things, processes and the
contingencies that are part of them. We are therefore, all in different (but poten-
tially complementary) states of expert not knowing. The challenge becomes
how we might form such expertise, both for ourselves as researchers, and
in collaboration with others, whose possible futures or everyday alterities
we wish to comprehend. The types of futures expertise that ethnographic
not knowing can generate are distinctly anthropological. Here we differ from
those who take predictive approaches, such as economists and others who
analyse and model future scenarios, as experts in this (in fact unknown and
uncertain) terrain. While it might be that as anthropologists we share with
other ‘experts’ a world where ‘one defining quality of our current moment
is its characteristic state of anticipation, of thinking and living toward the
future’ (Adams et al. 2009), as anthropologists our stance is to never be the
expert. Instead we learn about and with other people’s expertise, accredit
this expertise to them as collaborators in shared endeavours. In futures
research this means creating generative forms of not knowing with others,
which might involve imagining, planning, designing, enacting, intervening or
anticipating the future on an everyday basis.
The techniques for researching the future developed by the contributors
to this book are theoretical, analytical and methodological. Some are more
conventional in their encounters with participants. Others, as discussed later,
develop novel methods. All, in a typically anthropological way are reflexive.
As the contributors to this book show, what will happen next can be under-
stood as contingent on the relatedness of different scales of global events.
Indeed, contingency is at the core of understanding how futures play out. For
instance, Andrew Irving examines how people’s future selves, experiences
and modes of expression are intertwined with and affected by the globally
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dispersed contiguous actions of others. Similar global entanglements emerge
in Karen Waltorp’s account of how dreams, digital technologies and religious
attitudes of patience figured in how a young Palestinian-Jordanian woman
in Denmark narrated the kidnapping of her daughter. This is also something
that Alexandra D’Onofrio addresses through her research with Egyptian
migrants in Milan to show the existential possibilities of certain imagined
futures through which migrants often redefine who they are and ascribe
new meanings to their past and present circumstances. These two chapters
link back to Irving’s emphasis on contingency, which reminds us both that
we cannot know what will happen and of the tendency for logics to be
constructed not only around what will happen, but also around the narration
of what has happened. Similarly, by examining critically the way that futures
are manifested in planning in the UK, Simone Abram shows not only the many
kinds of futures always at play in urban planning, but the many ways of these
futures are negotiated and contested future, of seeking to secure the passage
from now to then, of securing action today that ensures desired futures or
avoids undesired futures. Abram’s political critique of how futures are forged
in ways that unveil the silence and exclusion of those who do not figure in
neoliberal visions of the future is also taken up by Faye Ginsburg and Rayna
Rapp who present an inspiring case of a politically entangled ethnography
of ubiquitous disability in the United States. Ginsburg and Rapp’s work is an
example of an emergent, future-oriented form of anthropologically informed
longitudinal ethnography that illustrates how disabilities are produced by
mediated relations on the part of both producers and audiences with invest-
ments in embracing particular understandings of disability. Critiques about
neoliberal figuring of the future are also implicit in Anthony Knight’s account
of how the multispecies worlds of ‘traditional’ pastoralists, conservationists,
wolves and bears in the French Pyrenees, contest future macro-scenarios
of ecomodernist projects of rewilding Europe. Thus suggesting how antici-
patory ethnography could usefully inform policy-making and planning in such
contexts.
Other contributors, while maintaining theoretical and contextual under-
standings, have sought to develop interdisciplinary methods for encountering
futures, thus militating for new ways of doing future ethnographies. Sarah
Pink, Yoko Akama and Annie Ferguson introduce a future-oriented ethno-
graphic practice where future is an alterity of the present. They examine
how possible alterities are sensed, imagined and ‘felt’ through a blended
practice of design, ethnography and video methodologies. Débora Lanzeni
and Elisenda Ardèvol also focus on design processes to tackle how the notion
of the future is made and fixed in mundane social and digital-material life
and the vernacular futures of smart technology designers. The engagement
with the future as experiential, sensory and embodied is also advanced by

Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston who together with Roma communities in
Poland creates ethnographic experiments situated at the intersections of
imagination, performance-centred research, and storytelling to that generate
‘affective interiorities’ that may act upon futures. Juan Francisco Salazar
similarly experiments with making a speculative documentary film, Nightfall
on Gaia, as a generative ethnography through which to speculate futures
with, blurring fact and fiction to develop a critical description of how
distinctive forms of sociality and subjectivity are unfolding and coalescing in
Antarctica. Like Salazar, Johannes Sjöberg and Alexandra D’Onofrio also use
film as a technique for engaging with futures. Sjöberg for instance examines
how to apply projective improvisation in ethnographic film – what he calls
ethno science fiction, a co-creative genre of ethnographic film – to explore
how fieldwork young people in the UK relate to their imagined environmental
futures future. And finally, Annette Markham invites us to think of remix as
an ethical literacy for anthropologies of futures. Markham acknowledges that
remix as a metaphor for anthropologies of futures is more attitudinal than
formulaic as a way of emphasizing the generative and playful aspects of
anthropological research.
These proposals for researching the future anthropologically respond to
the earlier lament that anthropology ‘has designed relatively few methods
to analyze or speculate about the future’ (Heemskerk 2003: 932) and
re-examine the basis and nature of the tools we speculate or imagine with
and the contexts we imagine in, especially considering (like Pink 2015), how
sensory or mythical concepts become part of this (Connor and Marshall
2015: 7). As the following chapters attest, the future is never a tabula rasa of
endless possibilities. Futures are already crowded with fantasies, paranoias,
traumas, hopes, and fears of the past and the present (Rosenberg and
Harding 2005). A Futures Anthropology requires a set of techniques that
support or initiate the work outlined in our manifesto. However, in a Futures
Anthropology, techniques do not refer simply to methods for collecting ‘data’
or learning about how futures are sensed or mythologized. Our techniques
need to be theoretical, methodological, and interventional, to provide ways of
researching futures that attend to the particular in dialogue with theoretical
concerns about how futures unfold, and in relation to an interventional and
engaged impulse to work towards claiming back alternative futures.
Future-focused anthropologies have always been lurking at the margins.
As we have shown there are several reasons why they have not grown out of
the anthropological centre or mainstream. But that is perhaps a good thing,
since often the more interesting accounts emerge at margins. This is thus a
call for anthropology to engage at its edges, with other disciplines and with
future temporalities.
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Note
1 After the workshop, about thirty participants went to a pub, divided into three

groups to each produce a set of points, which were synthesized by four
volunteers from our group into the collective manifesto, to state a vision for
Future Anthropologies.
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3
The art of turning left
and right
Andrew Irving
FIGURE 3.1 11 September 2001 (Photo by Andrew Irving) (Photo by Spencer

Platt/Getty Images)
I would like to begin by inviting the reader to look at the two photographs
above in order to ask: what is the connection between these two images?
I am particularly interested in the imaginative space that exists between
the images and how this is filled with possible events and scenarios. It
is almost as if the mind cannot help but establish a connection between

the photographs and is compelled to construct a narrative, filling the gap
with storyline, content and meaning. The process of forming a connection
between the images also places them in time, given that the content and
character of their relationship is not revealed in the moment of perception
but like all relationships unfolds over time towards a future not yet known.
A narrative bridge is built through our capacity to make creative associations
across space and time, to combine elements into new forms and patterns
based in resemblance, contiguity and the imaginary rather than what is
present to the eye, attesting to our species-wide facility for metaphorical
thinking, alchemy and montage.
It was Aristotle who suggested ‘thinking’ was ‘part imagination’ and
‘part judgement’, and that ‘the soul never thinks without a mental image
[phantasma]’ (1936: 177/431a 15–20). His Law of Contiguity states that things
or events proximate in time or space become intertwined and associated in
the mind and imagination, and implies a temporality where, relative to each
other, one event exists in the past and the other in the future. However,
according to Aristotle, it is also possible for the imagination to establish
relationships with events that have not yet happened and he suggests that
it is by means of ‘images or thoughts in the soul’ that a person ‘calculates
and plans for the future in view of the present’ (1936: 179/431b 5–10). Many
centuries later, Hume similarly recognized that the imagination is not only
necessary for comprehending things such as cause and effect – and thus
how relationships are established between past and future events – but also
the development of complex ideas and the understanding of art and literature.
Hume argued that thinking encompasses three principles of association,
namely (i) resemblance, (ii) contiguity in time and place, and (iii) causation,
which combine to establish links between our past and present experi-
ences and expectations of the future. For Hume, contiguous and associative
thinking is necessary for all forms of learning and understanding. However,
he also warned of its dangers, noting how one can make erroneous causal
connections and predictions about the future, or take two things such as
‘gold’ and ‘mountain’ and combine them to construct false, fantastical notions
of golden mountains that exist in make-believe and not in reality.
When approaching the two photographs from a practical and ethno-
graphic perspective, critical questions emerge concerning the embodied and
empirical relationship between the images, including how connections are
made between individual persons and global events in the contemporary
social, political and global landscape. Persons and cultures throughout
the world have long been interconnected by language, stories, ideas and
technology, as well as trade, migration, travel and war, but perhaps never
with quite the same intensity as over the last few decades, as graphically
evidenced by 9/11. People’s lives and future possibilities are now routinely
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affected on an individual and collective basis by small- and large-scale actions,
events and occurrences that happen in proximate and far-away places. Daily
life, from rural Afghanistan to downtown New York, has become increasingly
inter-connected through terror, technology and political events that reveal the
complex global and economic relationships that shape people’s perceptions,
experiences and understandings of the contemporary world.
People’s future selves, future experiences and future modes of expression
are inextricably intertwined with the contiguous small- and large-scale actions
of others whose understanding exists beyond the limits of our current
theories and methods. Our collective disciplinary approaches and episte-
mologies are often trivialized by the complex interrelation of actions and
events that take place at scales, densities and distances unknown to both
Aristotle and Hume. This leads us to ask how we might research or represent
the relationship between people’s current and future lives and interactions
from an empirical, ethnographic or corporeal perspective, when the life of a
person or social group can be radically affected and shaped by ordinary and
extraordinary events which take place in distant lands.
In response, this chapter seeks not an answer but attempts an ethno-
graphic consideration of the temporal and spatial interconnection of global
events both large and small from a fieldwork-based perspective. More specifi-
cally, it investigates how simple everyday acts, movements and decisions
of the kind that are performed on a continuous basis – such as turning left
or right, deciding to stop for a coffee, walking down one street rather than
another – have radical consequences for a person’s future life. By considering
how such commonplace actions do not exist in isolation but are necessarily
intertwined and contiguous with large- and small-scale events around the
world, this chapter aims to offer an ethnographically grounded exploration of
the relationship between action, contingency and the future. In doing so, it
follows William James’s argument that there is always some form of practical,
as opposed to merely theoretical or conjectured, connection between
present and future events. This reinforces how understanding the future in
an increasingly interconnected world is not only a theoretical, philosophical
or scientific problem but a profoundly ethnographic and anthropological one
insofar as people around the world from all walks of life are continuously
linked through actions that define the possibilities and constraints of their
own and other people’s futures.
As such, I would now like to return to the two images from the start of the
chapter to consider their practical, embodied and ethnographic connection in
more detail.
I took this photograph (Figure 3.2) outside the Hotel Africana in Kampala,
Uganda, in May 2009. The subject of the photograph is Sandra Kyagaba, an
HIV+ Ugandan activist who has been open about her HIV status since being

FIGURE 3.2 Sandra in 2009 holding picture of herself taken on the same spot on

11 September 2001. Photo by Andrew Irving
diagnosed at nineteen years old. The photograph shows Sandra holding a

photograph of a younger woman. The woman in the photograph is none
other than Sandra herself taken eight years previously on the morning of 11
September 2001, shortly after she had been informed she did not have long
to live. In my photograph from 2009, she is standing on the very same piece
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of grass she was originally standing on when she posed for the earlier photo-
graph on 11 September 2001. A complex temporal interplay emerges whereby
Sandra faces my camera and carries a photograph of her younger self, as seen
from the perspective of an unknown and unforeseeable future that she never
thought she would be alive to see.
The photograph of the Twin Towers was taken on the same day on the
other side of the world, and became one of the most famous and widely
circulated images in human history. It captures the exact moment the second
hijacked plane hit the World Trade Center on the morning of 11 September
2001. The photographer, Spencer Platt, woke up hungover, switched on the
news and heard about the first plane hitting the North Tower. A professional
photographer who lived close to Brooklyn Bridge, he grabbed his camera and
ran to the bridge to get a good vantage point. Unbeknown to him as he stood
on the bridge taking pictures, the second plane was travelling towards the
South Tower, striking in the same instant he pressed his shutter.
In the photograph of Sandra that was also taken on 11 September 2001,
she can be seen looking at the camera, having just given a talk at a conference
aimed at tackling the problems faced by women in Africa. Entitled, Focus on
Women, the conference brought together HIV+ women, journalists, NGOs,
medics, policy makers and international activists to come up with concrete
proposals to address the HIV crisis. Sandra had just presented her life history
with the aim of bringing to life the challenges people experience but are rarely
captured in official statistics and reports. The telling of one’s life history is an
effective and necessary means of communicating the issues beyond mere
numbers. As someone who was public about her status from a young age,
Sandra had retold her life history many times in many different contexts. Life
histories involve a complex temporality in which the past is reshaped from
the vantage point of the future, including a recasting of critical events whose
causality, consequences and outcomes are understood retrospectively. As
with other kinds of narrative account, life histories can also coalesce and
become reified into established or static forms. Each of us creates a life story
for ourselves and for others, which can become almost canonical versions
of events that may or may not bear a close relation to the truth and, like all
autobiographical narratives, involves a construction of the self that might not
correspond to other people’s interpretations and understandings.
Consequently, in order to open up the narrative process, Sandra and
myself engaged in a research method that built on fieldwork techniques I had
previously developed (Irving 2007, 2011a, 2016) and which can be termed the
Life Journeys Method. The Life Journeys Method is very simple and involves
physically retracing the journey of someone’s life chronologically. The first
stage is to plot the shape of someone’s life journey from past to future onto a
map, then the second stage is to physically travel that route in chronological

order, stopping at key locations. The process involves the person narrating
out loud their spontaneous thoughts, ideas and memories as they emerge,
and responding to questions as they travel around the shape and contours
of their life. As a basis for Sandra’s life journey, we used the story she had
presented at the conference; the idea being that physically moving around
and tracing the trajectory of her life would open up new possibilities for
memory and expression. As such the following photo essay, which Sandra
entitled ‘Existence is Curved’, is an attempt to plot Sandra’s Life Journey,
beginning with the house in which she was raised.
Existence is curved
This building (Figure 3.3) is a staff house on the premises of the Nile Hotel,
a five-star hotel located in central Kampala where Sandra’s father worked.
Although owned by the hotel, this was the family home and Sandra spent most
of her childhood and teens living at the house. Her father’s steady employment
meant she had a comfortable existence and worked hard towards her education.
When Sandra was seventeen years old, she fell in love with one of the recep-
tionists at the hotel. They did not sleep together but would hold hands, have long
conversations, spend their free time together and eventually became boyfriend
and girlfriend. People, places and things are not always what they appear to be
and it turned out that Sandra’s boyfriend was not a receptionist but a soldier and
spy. In countries where the state is less extensive than in western contexts,
it often relies upon a network of persons to maintain control, surveillance and
security, and many hotels have people placed in various roles to keep a check
on the movements and actions of outsiders. Even the activities of lowly anthro-
pologists such as myself are tracked during times of instability or on the eve of
a high profile visit, such as on one occasion when Muammar Gaddafi visited
and I received a knock on my door late in the evening to check I was at home.
This meant that when Sandra left home to live with her boyfriend – ‘infor-
mally’ as opposed being accompanied by the usual formal blessings and
ceremonies of her culture – she moved from her modern family home to
a rundown military building shared with three or four other families. This
building (Figure 3.4) was the place in which their relationship was consum-
mated, and is almost certainly the place where Sandra caught HIV.
Sandra loved her boyfriend but was unhappy living under such cramped
conditions with other families, so they found a small two-roomed place in a
local slum. Although her place did not have water or electricity and she had
to cook on an open fire in the street outside, they were both very happy and
started a family.
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FIGURE 3.3 Sandra’s childhood home. Photo by Andrew Irving


FIGURE 3.4 The building where Sandra most likely caught HIV. Photo by

Andrew Irving
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FIGURE 3.5 Life in the Slum. Photo by Andrew Irving

Sandra had a young daughter, Zam, and her life and the family’s future
seemed settled. One day Sandra was at home cooking outside on the
street when her boyfriend rushed past without saying a word to her. Sandra
followed him into the house and asked what was wrong. He told her that he
had just been diagnosed with AIDS. Sandra stayed with him and outside the
food was left to burn.
Sandra’s boyfriend had been selected for a routine HIV test as part of
standard military policy to ensure that all personnel have regular check-ups.
Eight weeks after finding out he was HIV+, Sandra’s boyfriend was dead.1
Bed nine
This is bed nine (Figure 3.6) where Sandra’s boyfriend passed away. Following
his death, Sandra was left alone, living in the slum with no income or money
and a young child to feed, clothe, educate and support. It was possible that
she was also HIV+ and might die soon. Sandra went for an HIV test and
found out that she too had the virus. Her boyfriend’s family came and took

FIGURE 3.6 Bed Nine. Photo by

Andrew Irving
FIGURE 3.7 The Testing Clinic. Photo by

Andrew Irving
Sandra’s daughter away against her will on the grounds that she had no
money or means of raising her child alone, and that she might fall sick and
die soon. As her boyfriend’s family lived in the far west of the country, a long
and expensive journey away, it was unlikely that she would be able to see her
child many times before she too succumbed to AIDS. The loss of her child
was extraordinarily traumatic for Sandra. Although looking back at the actions
of her boyfriend’s family, she can now understand their rationale as to why
they took her child away, this did not not make the loss of her child any easier
to bear. Instead it left her bereft, and unable to perform her role as a mother
to nurture, care for and raise her child (see Irving 2011b). On discovering that
she had HIV and then losing her child, Sandra recounted how she also lost
the feeling that she was a human being and had little to look forward to on
earth. Life became meaningless and ‘I locked myself in a dark room and the
only thing I thought of was death.’
It was the voice of another soldier on the radio, Major Rubaramira Ruranga
that changed Sandra’s life. The Major was worried about his HIV status and
went for a test in the late 1980s. For the test, blood is drawn and examined
for anti-bodies indicating the presence of HIV and it commonly takes a couple
of weeks for the test to be processed and the results to be disclosed. In
Major Ruranga’s case it took thirty days. The time between taking the test
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FIGURE 3.8 Sandra 11 September 2001. Photo by Andrew Irving


and receiving the results is a period of liminality and uncertainty that Major
Ruranga described as ‘a very strange and complicated month’ in which he
encountered the world as someone who may or may not have a terminal
illness and found himself imagining two possible futures, which in the late
1980s, was one of life or one of death. After a month of waiting, the Major
went to pick up his results and the man behind the desk said: ‘there are two
numbers: 1 and 2. If you are 1 it means that you don’t have AIDS. If you are
number 2, then it means that you have AIDS. You are number 2.’
The major was preoccupied by images of the Ugandan singer Philly
Lutaaya, who had gone public about his HIV status and whose demise was
tracked through the national media. One particular photograph of Lutaaya on
the verge of death haunted Major Ruranga who saw: ‘a diseased flesh that
could still speak and think’, and in anticipating his own future, he thought:
‘Am I to become that?’ Soon after, the major publicly declared his status and
set up The National Guidance and Empowerment Network of People Living
with HIV/AIDS, giving up his military career to fight AIDS. Nowadays he is on
the other side of the testing desk and often sees people who have just been
diagnosed. ‘I am one of you’ he says and then takes off his shirt to show his
herpes zoster scars. ‘You are not alone. We are in this together, and together
we can fight it.’ It was in this guise that Sandra heard the major talking about
his experience on the radio and giving out his phone number for anyone who
was listening. Sandra scribbled it down and called him. The next day they
arranged to meet. She looked at him across the desk and burst out crying.
Over the next few weeks, talking with the major began to dismantle her fear.
Her humanity was restored and her faith in life was renewed. Soon after,
Sandra went public about her status and became a peer counsellor, educator
and activist alongside the major.
Sandra: 11 September 2001

By the time Sandra gave her life testimony to the Focus on Women conference
on 11 September 2001, she had not seen her daughter in the five years since
her boyfriend’s family had taken her away. She recounted the story of the
loss of her daughter as part of the life history told to the assembled activists,
journalists, medics and policy-makers attending the conference. At the end
of her testimony she thanked them for listening and then the conference
stopped for a break. On leaving the room, Sandra walked outside onto the
hotel grounds, composing herself and getting ready for lunch, and she turned
left. As she did so, a young woman who had been listening – a journalist from
New York called Emily Bass who was one of the conference organizers – came
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out of the other door and turned right and they bumped into each other. Emily
said to Sandra, ‘Thanks so much for that very moving testimony of your life.
I really hope you can get your daughter back. When I come back next year, I
hope we can meet and let’s see if we can do anything.’ In response, Sandra
said: ‘Thank you very much, I really appreciate it but this is probably the last
time we’ll meet or you’ll see me’. Emily asked why and Sandra said, ‘I’ve had
some very bad news. My CD4 cell count is down to 12. I’ve lost 30kg. The
doctor thinks that I probably won’t have much longer.’
CD4, blood and radical contingency

To put Sandra’s future expectation of death into perspective: her CD4 count of
12 cells per mm3 of blood was life-threateningly low. HIV/AIDS is an immune
deficiency syndrome that makes the body susceptible to infections, tumours
and virally induced cancers. Consequently, a person does not die from AIDS,
but from various opportunistic infections and diseases that the immune-
compromised body cannot stave off. CD4 cells are vital to the immune system
insofar as they are key to coordinating the body’s responses. A healthy adult
may have a CD4 count of up to 1200 cells per mm3 of blood compared to
Sandra’s count of just 12 cells per mm3, placing her at substantial risk and
giving her the expectation of imminent death.
The advent of antiretroviral medications in 1996/97 had radically changed
the future for people living with HIV/AIDS in Western countries. Antiretroviral
medications boost the CD4 count and have the potential to massively
reduce the effects of the HIV virus in the body. In Western countries antiret-
rovirals have restored health and re-opened time, space and the future for
many hundreds of thousands of people, triggering a massive shift of in
consciousness, body and emotion away from death and back toward life.
Having anticipated an impending death, hundreds of thousands of people
with HIV/AIDS had to learn how to ‘live’ again. Many found it impossible
to return to their previous lives and are now living in a future they never
imagined they would see, often having made irreversible decisions and life
choices when they thought they were going to die (Irving 2016). In tragic
contrast to those living in Western countries, the vast majority of people
throughout many parts of the world, including Africa, were denied access
to antiretrovirals, and as a result millions of people continued to die from
treatable opportunistic infections, experiencing sickness and anticipating their
future death in the knowledge of life-saving medications, freely available in
the West, but effectively disallowed to them as a consequence of their nation-
ality and economic status.

Antiretroviral medications are cheap to make but expensive to buy. In
2001, a year’s supply of triple combination antiretrovirals cost around $300
to manufacture, but driven by the profit to be made from the US insurance
system, the market price in the USA and elsewhere in the world averaged
US$10,000 per person per year, or US$835 per month. To put this in the
Ugandan context, at the time medication would cost around ten times
the entire monthly income of a qualified professional, such as a teacher or
nurse. Although Indian pharmaceutical companies offered to manufacture
and distribute the medication to Uganda at cost price – which at around
US$1 a day would have made them affordable – Western multi-national drug
companies, lawyers, copyright specialists and the judicial system combined
to repeatedly block such attempts through sanctions, bullying and law courts.
In doing so they attempted to determine levels of suffering for African people
that would not be tolerated for European and North American populations.
Consequently, the medications were set at a global market price, ensuring
that Sandra and other Africans with HIV/AIDS were unable to access life-
saving medication that would have relieved their suffering, opened their
futures and prevented the deaths of millions.
Accordingly, the advent of antiretrovirals in 1996/97 fundamentally altered
and exacerbated the differences between different parts of the world, illus-
trating how experiences of living with HIV/AIDS cannot be understood unless
placed in a global comparative context (Irving 2011b). Sandra had to confront a
future of illness and death in the knowledge that a ‘cure’ was freely available
elsewhere in the world but was denied to her due to her land of birth, national
identity and economic circumstances. This reveals an unequal definition of
the person that was enforced through a nexus of legal, economic and political
powers, and emphasizes the relative status and value of human life. Sandra
could imagine a future of health but was unable to live that life given her
body was designated as expendable and of lesser importance than profit and
ultimately not worthy of saving as determined by individuals, institutions and
companies in distant places.
The conversation between Sandra and Emily in which Sandra anticipated
her death happened around 11.30 a.m. on 11 September 2001, which
meant it was still only 3.30 a.m. in New York. Little could anyone imagine
that a few hours later, at 8.46 a.m. a high-jacked plane would strike the
first of the Twin Towers, nor that a second plane would strike at 9.03 a.m.
At 9.59 a.m. the South Tower collapsed and the North Tower soon followed
at 10.28 a.m.
As news of the World Trade Center disaster came through to Uganda,
Emily became distraught, not just because her home city had been attacked
but because her father worked in the North Tower. Just a few hours earlier, life
seemed much more stable and certain for Emily, her parents and the people
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of New York. Death for the majority of the American population was based on
a specific cultural expectation of what constitutes a natural life trajectory and
was associated with old age. An early death was seen as unnatural and the
contingency of life – whereby a person could die at any moment – was rarely
prominent in most people’s daily concerns. The news coming from New York
thus disrupted the established order of life and expectations of the future,
and opened a process of critical reappraisal and reconsideration. By contrast,
in Uganda, it is widely understood that one is old enough to die as soon as
one is born. Children tend to be present to most things that life offers and
will have seen numerous dead persons before they become adults. Around
one in seven births end in death for either the mother or the baby, and in
2001 14.1 per cent of children did not live to see five years old. Life and one’s
future are widely understood as uncertain and contingent, and death is seen
as something that can strike at any time.
On learning that the North Tower had been hit, Emily found herself caught
in a liminal space between life and death alongside Sandra. In 2001 it was
difficult to make a routine phone call in Kampala, given that Uganda has one
of the lowest number of landlines of any country in the world. Often it was
impossible to even call across the city, let alone make an international phone
call to New York on 11 September 2001 when America’s phone network was
inundated. Emily was confronted by a range of possible futures in which her
father was alive, missing, critically injured, dead or rescued, the outcome
of which was unknown. As news of Emily’s situation spread, Sandra and
her fellow Ugandan women who were at the conference began chanting
and praying for Emily’s parents. The next morning, word came through that
Emily’s father was alive and unhurt. He had not been at his desk – perhaps he
had gone to the gym, perhaps he had stopped to buy a newspaper, perhaps
his train was delayed, perhaps he ironed his shirt or stopped off to buy a bagel
– Emily did not know, but word had come though that he was alive. He had
not been at the World Trade Center.
Sandra recounted to me how Emily then came to find her and shared the
news of her father’s survival. Sandra was overjoyed and Emily’s next words,
as Sandra remembers them, were: ‘God has spared the life of my parents.
Because their lives have been spared, they now have a duty to save someone
else’s life. And so, even though they don’t know this yet, they are going to pay
for your medications.’ Soon after, Sandra started on antiretroviral medications
and slowly began to regain her health. Her wellbeing restored, the following
year she was able to start working steadily and married her colleague, John
Bosco, who was also HIV+. Together they moved into a small bungalow
in Kitende and soon after, Sandra’s daughter joined them. Then with the
advent of the global fund initiative in 2004, Sandra was able to access free
medications.

The future is not written but neither is
the present
Had Sandra finished her life story and on coming out of the door had turned
right rather than left, she would most likely be dead. If Emily had come out
of the other door and turned left rather than right, Sandra would most likely
be dead. If the World Trade Center had not been hit or if Emily’s father had
been at his desk, Sandra would most likely be dead. This illustrates how the
simple act of turning left or right can open up radically different futures, in
this case of life and death, and how these are embedded within the complex
inter-relations of persons, actions and events in a world shaped by contiguity,
contingency and the global political economy.
The relationship between action and the indeterminacy of the future that
emerges in Sandra’s story reinforces William James’s observations that truth
and reality do not inhere within the present or belong definitively to the
moment of perception, but necessarily exist ‘further on’ through the unfolding
of experiences that ‘continually gives us new material to digest’ (James
2000: 150). In other words, the meaning of an experience or event is only
revealed over time through an unfolding of future events and experiences.
The crucial meeting that took place when Sandra turned left and Emily turned
right, proved not to foreshadow Sandra’s impending demise, but to open up
a different life trajectory in which the events of 9/11 changed Sandra’s future,
alongside hundreds of thousands of other people’s.
On one hand, this reveals how the present consists of multiple possible
presents, whose character remains undetermined and is subject to revision in
light of future events that have not happened. On the other hand, it reinforces
that there is always some form of practical, contiguous connection – as
opposed to merely conceptual or conjectured association – between present
and future events. Elaborating on this, I suggest there are at least three
modes of action that shape our practical engagement with the future. The
first of these is when we try to impose a structure on the indeterminacy and
contingency of the future so as to make the future knowable in a particular
kind of way. On a mundane level, this might simply be planning what to
cook or how to spend the evening, while a less mundane example would
be an HIV+ person planning for their children’s future well-being in the event
of prolonged sickness or their death. In each instance there is a process of
planning and decision-making involved in which specific futures are imagined,
narrativized and made possible, and in which there is an attempt to impose
a structure on the contingency of the future, albeit in the knowledge of
potential failure. This process has a specific cultural and pragmatic character,
an example of which is when one of Sandra’s friends was diagnosed with HIV/
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AIDS and another friend asked her whether she decided to buy a motorbike
or a cow when she had found out. It was a question that did not make sense
to me, but revealed a particular way of engaging with the future insofar as to
other Ugandan women the rationale was clear: both the motorbike and cow
could provide ongoing income in the event of prolonged illness or death – the
cow by producing milk every day and the motorbike by being hired out as a
boda-boda taxi – thereby providing income for children’s future education and
school fees in one’s absence.
A second mode of action, which is equally prevalent, is where we act in
the world without necessarily consciously thinking about or rationalizing it. It
is only retrospectively that we engage in a process of narrative reconstruction
whereby a structure is imposed on the world from a position of hindsight,
as per Kierkegaard’s decree that ‘life is lived forwards but understood
backwards’. Or perhaps, following Lawler, it is a mode of action that can be
seen as ‘being both lived and understood forwards and backwards in a spiral
movement of constant interpretation and reinterpretation. People constantly
produce and reproduce life stories on the basis of memories, interpreting
the past through the lens of social information and using this information to
formulate present and future life stories’ (2014: 32).
There is at least one further mode of action of the kind that we perform
on an ongoing basis that sometimes possesses radical consequences for
our whole existence, such as turning right or turning left. A person turns left
and bumps into an old friend and gets offered a new job or turns right and
gets knocked over by a car. As such the act of turning left or right stands as a
metonym for all the other actions we perform multiple times a day and which
expose us to the radical contingency of the future, including futures that we
do not and will never know about. In Sandra’s case it shows how the future is
continuously shaped, sometimes minimally and sometimes radically, by the
actions of others on an intensity and scale that takes us beyond the limits of
scientific understanding.
Coda
On 22 March 2010 I arranged to meet Emily in Dizzy’s Diner on 9th St and
8th Ave in Brooklyn. I had never met Emily before and she arrived having just
had her first baby. I recounted Sandra’s Life Journey to Emily, as given the
inherent mutability of memory and narrative, I was interested in Emily’s inter-
pretation and version of events. One of Emily’s first responses was: ‘Well, I
don’t even believe in God, so why has Sandra said that?’ My own response
was ‘perhaps the contingency of those events means that it is necessary to

ascribe a kind of fate, divine intervention or of religiosity. I wonder if she is
trying to impose some kind of meaning on contingency by appealing to God?
Don’t all of us impose structure and meaning on contingent events?’ Emily
responded: ‘Although I don’t believe in God, you know what’s interesting, and
I’ve never told anybody this, but the African women who were singing and
chanting, I think they did something. I think their chanting worked’. Then Emily
surprised me again when she said, ‘I don’t think that we met on that piece of
grass either. I think we had the conversation when Sandra ended up sitting
next to me at the dining table.’ When I returned home after seeing Emily, I
wrote down a summary of the conversation in my field-notes whereby I tried
to understand the different events and interpretations.
I wonder if Emily, Sandra and myself are all seeking some kind of expla-
nation to make the contingency not contingent, to make the turn of future
events somehow necessary, to provide contingency with cause, an effect
and an explanation. It is almost as if the mind cannot help but work along
contiguous lines and form some kind of connection, whether that is religious,
scientific or in my case anthropological. Or perhaps we have entered the
realm of the mythical: a realm where past, present and future events take
on the character of myth and/or certain dream-states and the imagination
becomes intertwined with the materials of the world. Not so much Hume’s
golden mountains but Lévi-Strauss’s Asdiwal, where there is a free play of
time and place, where signs and symbols can be interchanged at the level
of speech and storytelling, but at the level of deep structure, the structure
remains. Consequently, whether one bumps into each other on the grass or
at the dining table, or appeals to the high power of god or science, it does not
matter, as the structure remains the same.
The different interpretations reinforce how memory is unstable, right down
to the proteins and molecules in the brain, and how memory pertains as
much to the future as it does to the past. Every time a memory is accessed
it becomes labile and becomes re-patterned into the brain within a new
emotional context, be that tragedy, humour, relief or whatever. As such,
the future continually provides new contexts for the expression and articu-
lation of memory through storytelling and narrative that becomes physically
patterned into brain and body so as to reshape and reconstruct the past. With
the addition of my own narrative in the form of this chapter, there are now
three versions of the events of 9/11, none of which are settled. As such, the
accounts of 9/11 that are contained in this chapter do not reveal immutable
truths, but ones that are subject to revision by future modes of being within
in a continuous process of disillusion wherein:
“The destruction of the first appearance does not authorize me to define
henceforth the ‘real’ as a simple probable, since they are only another name
for the new apparition, which must therefore figure in our analysis of the
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dis-illusion. The dis-illusion is the loss of one evidence only because it is
the acquisition of another evidence” (Merleau-Ponty 1968: 40; emphasis in
original).
Note
1 When Yoweri Museveni, the current leader of Uganda, led a five-year

guerrilla war (1981–6) against Milton Obote’s violent regime, Museveni’s
rebellion was backed by Cuba and Libya. When Museveni eventually seized
power in 1986, he faced the problem of how to hold onto a post-revolution
nation and a number of high-ranking military personnel were selected to
go to Cuba and Libya to undergo advanced military training. Sixty officers
were sent to Cuba and received medical check-ups on their arrival. Shortly
after, when Castro and Museveni met in Zimbabwe in September 1986 at
a meeting of Non-Aligned Heads of State, Castro pulled Museveni aside
and informed him that out of the sixty soldiers he sent, eighteen had been
found to have HIV/AIDS. Both men were concerned that this might reflect
the level of prevalence among the general population. Museveni responded
quickly, spoke about the problem in the media and implemented a series of
measures that are credited with reducing the scale and spread of HIV/AIDS.
As a consequence, Ugandan soldiers and military personnel have regular
check-ups and are frequently tested for the HIV virus, and it was via one of
these routine tests that Sandra’s boyfriend found out he was HIV+.
References
Aristotle. On the Soul; Parva Naturalia; On Breath. W. S. Hett (trans. 1936).
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Hume, David, 1739. A Treatise of Human Nature. London: John Noon. Available
online: https://www.gutenberg.org/files/4705/4705-h/4705-h.htm (accessed
20 October 2016).
Irving A. 2005. ‘Life Made Strange: An Essay on the Reinhabitation of Bodies
and Landscapes’. In W. James and D. Mills (eds), Qualities of Time: ASA
Monograph 41. Oxford and New York: Berg.
Irving A., 2011a. ‘Strange Distance: Towards an Anthropology of Interior
Dialogue’. Medical Anthropology Quarterly 25 (1): 22–44.
Irving A., 2011b. ‘I Gave My Child Life but I Also Gave Her Death’. The Australian
Journal of Anthropology 22: 332–50.
Irving A., 2016. The Art of Life and Death: Radical Aesthetics and Ethnographic
Practice: HAU Malinowski Monograph Series. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
James, William, 2000. Pragmatism and Other Writings. London: Penguin.
Lawler, Steph, 2014. Identity: Sociological Perspectives, 2nd edn. Cambridge: Polity.
Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, 1968. The Visible and the Invisible. Evanston, IL:
Northwestern University Press.
42
4
Cripping the future:
Making disability count
Faye Ginsburg and Rayna Rapp
Introduction
If one considers people who now have disabilities, people who are likely to
develop disabilities in the future, and people who are or who will be affected
by the disabilities of those close to them, then disability affects today or
will affect tomorrow the lives of most Americans. The future of disability in
America is not a minority issue. Current statistics suggest that the number
of people with disabilities living in the community or in institutional settings
now totals more than 54 million. (Institute of Medicine 2007: 16)
Disabled people have more than a dream of accessible futures: we continue

to define and demand our place in political discourses, political visions and
political practice, even as we challenge those very questions and demands.
More accessible futures depend on it (Kafer 2013: 169).
How are we as a society to successfully incorporate, support, and care for
the increasing numbers of Americans with disabilities, a future that ultimately
includes all of us? As the quotation from The Future of Disability in America
(FoD) indicates with stark clarity, the number of people with disabilities
has grown dramatically in the twenty-first century. This chapter places the
perspectives of demography and disability studies in conversation with our
anthropological research to ask what is the relationship between ‘counting
disability’ and ‘making disability count’? As feminist scholar Alison Kafer

persuasively argues from a disability studies perspective, the political and
existential stakes for recognition of disability are high, especially in imagining
and creating what she calls ‘accessible futures’.
Written in the language familiar to policy analysts and demographers, The
Future of Disability (FoD) shares many of the concerns that Kafer’s quote
articulates. This volume by the Institute of Medicine is one of the very few
policy-oriented publications that bring focused attention to this increase in
numbers and its implications for the future.
As disability scholars and activists frequently point out, the fifty-seven
million people now classified as disabled, along with their allies, are rarely
considered as a significant political constituency with sufficient power to
draw attention in local, state or federal elections, let alone the American
political imaginary. And, despite dramatic predictions suggesting that people
with disabilities across the life span will constitute an expanding proportion
of the US population for the foreseeable future, we are struck by the
remarkable absence of almost any discussion of the policy implications of
these demographic projections, outside of specialized research centres.
With rare exceptions, policy debates – which increasingly focus on trimming
programmes for social support in an increasingly neoliberal public sphere –
largely ignore the rights and needs of the diverse and growing numbers of
Americans with disabilities.
How might we imagine the future of disability in the US that takes into
account the demographic social facts along with the concerns of disability
scholars? How do these intersect with the presence and absence of
disability in everyday life and popular culture? For example, Emily Kingsley,
a scriptwriter for television programme Sesame Street and longstanding
indefatigable advocate for the inclusion of disabilities on children’s television
and other forms of public culture for nearly half a century, speaks compellingly
about the impact of this lack of political recognition as a fact of the ‘habitus’ of
daily life, even in the most mundane aspects of consumer capitalism.
Every day I go through catalogues I get in the mail to see if there is a model
with a wheelchair. I do a disability check. Why aren’t we in advertising?
I have a form letter on my computer that I use every week:
To Whom it May Concern:
I will not be ordering anything from your catalogue. People with disabilities
are America’s largest minority. No one realizes we have pocketbooks.
We have not yet gotten our voice, yet we are 57 million people strong.

We have not yet found our Martin Luther King. (Emily Kingsley March 22
2012, NYU presentation)
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The advertising circulars are one more instantiation in everyday life of the
erasure of disabled citizens in so many arenas, creating the illusion of
able-bodied normalcy as the hegemonic condition. Despite legislation that
mandates inclusion of people with disabilities in public life, such everyday
realities are diagnostic of an ongoing lack of recognition for them, not only in
the present but also as part of an anticipated future. This point is underscored
by Alison Kafer, who argues persuasively that as a social category, disability
is continually rendered invisible and undesirable.
[…] the value of a future that includes disabled people goes unrecog-
nized, while the value of a disability-free future is seen as self-evident …
casting disability as a monolithic fact of the body, as beyond the realm of
the political and therefore beyond the realm of debate or dissent, makes
it impossible to imagine disability and disability futures differently … I
argue that decisions about the future of disability and disabled people are
political decisions and should be recognized and treated as such. Rather
than assume that a ‘good future’ naturally and obviously depends upon the
eradication of disability, we must recognize this perspective as colored by
histories of ableism and disability oppression. (Kafer 2013: 3)
Many other disability scholars have underscored this erasure of disability –

past, present, and future – as a social fact in the US (McRuer 2006; Sandahl
2003; Schweik 2009). Their efforts are given additional political heft by putting
them in conversation with demographers, who are forecasting the growing
presence of disability in the American body politic.
Who and what counts? The Epistemology

of numbers
What is not normal? What needs to be fixed? What needs to be prevented?
The act of forecasting is useful not for the predictions, but rather in forcing
awareness of futures not necessarily bound by what is familiar (Fujiura and
Parish 2007: 192).
Many important historical trends are fuelling the anticipated growth in
the numbers of people with disabilities. These include deinstitutionalization,
improvements in medical care, and the on-going impact of the Americans
with Disabilities Act. Before the 1970s, efforts to provide alternatives to the
dehumanizing world of custodial institutions, many people lived, languished
and died behind locked doors, segregated from their families and commu-
nities (National Council on Disability 2012). Medical advances have saved and

often improved the quality of life of those diagnosed with life threatening
conditions and chronic illness across the life span (Anderson and Horvath
2004). These include (among others) low birth weight infants who are NICU
beneficiaries but who statistically are at higher risk for cognitive disabilities
(Stephens and Vohr 2009); military veterans returning from Afghanistan, the
longest war in US history, often with PTSD, TBI, amputations and a range of
other issues (Hoge et al. 2004); and people living into extreme old age with
all the frailties and caregiving that entails (Poo 2015). Thus, many people are
surviving and living with disabilities who might not have in the past. They are
living independently, sometimes with assistants, with families or friends, or in
supported environments integrated into community life, or often in less than
desirable circumstances.
While these social transformations wrought by political change and
medical care collectively represent a huge step forward, obtaining services
and support has not been easy. People with disabilities continue to experience
economic and political precarity as well as barriers to community integration
(National Council on Disability 2014). Based on data from the last census, they
are nearly twice as likely as those considered able-bodied to have an annual
household income of $15,000 or less. The unemployment rate for adults is ten
times greater than the national rate: 65 per cent are unemployed. Nearly one
third of those who work earn an income below the poverty level, and racial
and ethnic minorities are at greater risk (ibid). These social facts raise difficult
questions regarding the inequalities shaping the experience of disability in
the United States and what the actual shape of accessible futures might be.
The rising numbers of people with disabilities encompass a broad and
extremely heterogeneous array of circumstances that have profoundly
different implications for accommodations that might be required at different
points in the life cycle. Clearly, the support systems are different for a dyslexic
child entering school, a post-polio adult navigating family life or a wheelchair
user negotiating the workforce. Additionally, new categories are constantly
emerging. These social facts are evident to us, emerging from the research
we have been carrying out since 2007 in ‘disability worlds’ that are marked
by both stigma and cultural innovation using longstanding ethnographic
methods: participant observation fieldwork in schools, labs, with families,
at film festivals, in adaptive cultural programmes at museums and theatres;
long-form qualitative interviews with activists and innovators, life histories
with parents, and analyses of media and secondary documents, especially
the proliferating memoirs reflecting on ‘cripping the new normal’ in personal,
familial, and community life. A reflexive approach enabled us to study and
theorize our own experiences as parents of children with disabilities along
with those of our research subjects as we all navigated the complex medical
and educational bureaucracies that shape the world of ‘special education’.
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Along with our interlocutors and allies, we struggled with the difficulties
of less than adequate transition programmes for young adults that made
clear the diminished futurity imagined for disabled citizens. Additionally,
we often found ourselves productively caught up in the projects we were
studying, at times taking an active role in enabling the very activities we were
examining, working with local schools for students with learning disabilities,
helping design and incubate a model alternative transition programme at our
university. Such projects and the broader place (or lack of it) of disability in
cultural imaginaries that addressed futurities, resonated with the work of
disability scholars we were encountering such as Kafer and her compelling
writing on accessible futures, along with the demographic realities noted
above that bespeak a rapidly changing future that is hidden in plain sight.
In this section, we explore two particular conditions that have grown
enormously in numbers and public recognition in the twenty-first century:
Alzheimer’s disease and Autism Spectrum Disorder. We focus on them
because they raise important questions about escalating needs for specific
accommodations and caretaking now and in the projected future of the body
politic, and these are conditions that are neither predictable, preventable
nor curable, but whose numbers are increasing exponentially. The realities
of living with these conditions reverberate through the experiences of so
many people in the US (and elsewhere), changing the landscape of normalcy
that characterizes contemporary life. While each condition brings with it an
exquisitely particular set of empirical realities, these two raise particularly
compelling questions as well as future-making projects that have spurred
widespread discussion across many fields, from medicine to the arts. In
these cases, we see how the seemingly distinct fields of numbers and narra-
tives each bespeak a changing futurity in which disability will increasingly be
incorporated into a ‘new normal’.
The demographic data we have been exploring raise important questions
about the future of caretaking for those who cannot fend for themselves,
including many intimate allies and loved ones, along with the service
providers and paid caretakers who are part of their lives (Poo 2015). The
projected need for caregiving, both paid and unpaid, is predicted to explode
as the population ages. Age-related dementias are especially prominent as
conditions that require considerable support; many more of our elderly live
well into their nineties, often – although not always – with considerable
frailty, including cognitive losses. A recent report projects that the number
of people over sixty-five diagnosed with dementia will double by 2040,
‘skyrocketing at a rate that rarely occurs with a chronic disease’ (Belluck
2013). Such demographic projections can mask the fact that increased life
span is dramatically stratified in the US: the national life expectancy (with
regional variation) for African-American men is around sixty-seven years old, a

full eight years less than their white counterparts. Ageing, of course, involves
far more than simple chronological time: various adverse events (medical
neglect, racism, poverty) might actually create age-related disability (diabetes-
related amputations; arthritis, congestive heart failure with consequence of
decreased mobility) in a chronologically ‘younger’ population (Cook 2015).
The familial and psychological impact of ageing and accompanying
dementia is always profound. As Donald Moulds, acting assistant secretary
for planning and evaluation at the federal Department of Health and Human
Services, commented, ‘The long-term care costs associated with people with
dementia are particularly high because of the nature of the disease. People
eventually become incapable of caring for themselves, and then in the vast
majority of cases, their loved ones become incapable of caring for them’.
Dr. Michael Hurd, an economist and lead author of the study, speaking to
the implications of this research, made clear that the costs go beyond the
numbers, which, he explained ‘could not capture the full toll of the disease’.
In a refreshingly candid if sobering moment on the limits of disciplinary
knowledge, Hurd offered an existential reflection on the implications of
this study: ‘One thing we haven’t talked about, and it’s not in the paper, is
the tremendous emotional cost,’ he said. ‘Economists are coldhearted, but
they’re not that coldhearted’ (Belluck 2013: A1).
Alzheimer and dementia are not the only diagnoses with ballooning
numbers that implicate different kinds of caregiving. Autism Spectrum
Disorder (ASD), for example, is a diagnosis that generally requires consid-
erable support (Hoffman 2013). And while the methodologies by which they
are collected are contested, the numbers have almost doubled in less than
a decade. The implications for social support are clear. As autism expert
Deborah A. Fein explained with eloquent simplicity in response to the latter
study: ‘We need to find ways of funding and providing help to these children’
(quoted in Hoffman 2013: A17).
Indeed, unpaid family caregiver services – provided by family, friends and
neighbours – were valued at $450 billion per year in 2009, a steep increase
from $375 billion in year 2007; these relationships will likely continue to be
the largest source of long-term care services in the US (Family Caregiver
Alliance 2012). At the same time, ‘the need for professional caretakers is
skyrocketing … Yet the 3 million people currently in the home care workforce
cannot meet even the current need, let alone the demand for care that will
accompany the elder boom … By 2018, demand for homecare workers will
increase by more than 90 percent’ (Poo 2015: 3–4; Boris and Klein 2012).
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Avalanches, looping and futurity
These rapidly escalating figures for the exemplary cases of Alzheimer and
ASD, have had an impact on more than caregiving. The growing public
awareness around them illustrates a contemporary instance of philosopher
of science Ian Hacking’s ‘avalanche of numbers’. He used this phrase
to highlight the rise of probabilistic and statistical reasoning that shaped
regimes of knowledge in early modern Europe. The gathering of numbers
became central to modern governmentality. These statistics are marshalled
as evidence of the need for regulation and social policy, a practice that in the
eighteenth-century was initially deemed ‘political arithmetic’. But, of course,
as the phrase itself suggests, numbers are never simply objective facts; the
categories under which they are collected are subject to cultural perceptions
and relations of power. And with the dramatic expansion of certain diagnoses,
we are in part seeing what Hacking calls ‘a looping effect’ in which the
very existence of the classification itself increases the likelihood of people
accepting and enacting it on an individual as well as group level (Hacking
2002). Such processes undergird the way the body politic is governed in the
present and imagined in the future.
In his book, The Future as Cultural Fact, Arjun Appadurai builds on Hacking’s
ideas, juxtaposing two ways of constructing ideas about the future that are
relevant to our discussion of demography, disability and biopolitics (Appadurai
2013). Appadurai names these (1) the ethics of possibility, embracing a
horizon of hope, and (2) the ethics of probability, emerging from regimes of
quantification. As he explains:
By the ethics of possibility, I mean those ways of thinking, feeling, and

acting that increase the horizons of hope, that expand the field of the
imagination, that produce greater equity in what I have called the capacity
to aspire, and that widen the field of informed, creative, and critical
citizenship. [This ethics is part and parcel of transnational civil society
movements, progressive democratic organizations, and in general the
politics of hope.] By the ethics of probability, I mean those ways of thinking,
feeling, and acting that flow out of what Ian Hacking calls ‘the avalanche of
numbers,’ or what Michel Foucault saw as the capillary dangers of modern
regimes of diagnosis, counting, and accounting. (Appadurai 2013: 295)
We find Appadurai’s formulation generative as we bring together the discursive

fields of demography – an ethics of probability – and an ethics of possibility
spelled out in critical disability studies. How do we engage with the apparent
explosion in the numbers of people with disabilities that demographic data

track and forecast through Appadurai’s framework for an ethics of possibility?
Can we use this knowledge to produce not only awareness but also ‘critical
sites for negotiating paths to dignity, recognition, and politically feasible maps
for the future’? (Appadurai 2013: 288).
Appadurai’s work is resonant with other contemporary anthropologists in
focusing on how future imaginaries open up or foreclose cultural practices in
the present (Miyazaki 2015; Rabinow 2011; Tsing 2015). Indeed, they/we are
intellectually aligned with a range of critical scholarship under disparate terms
– such as potentialities, anticipation, futurity, and hope – that has emerged
in the twenty-first century, spurred by the rapid transformations wrought by
globalization, climate change, social precarity, long-term warfare, new digital
technologies, migration, chronic illness, biomedicine/global pharmaceutical
markets, increasing economic inequalities and more (Adams et al. 2009;
Taussig et al. 2013). Disability lurks in all of the aforementioned problems
and possibilities. Disability is rarely directly addressed in these works, or
more broadly in the anthropological literature that considers futurity, such as
Appadurai or Miyazaki, whether in the US or the developing world, despite
the fact of its perennial, ubiquitous and increasing presence, with only a few
exceptions (cf. Mattingly 2014; Rouse 2009). This omission is consequential.
As Kafer reminds us, disability is almost always accompanied by discrimi-
nation and erasure in the present, which virtually guarantees its absence from
‘the future as cultural fact.’ As she remarks:
To put it bluntly, I, we, need to imagine crip futures because disabled

people are continually being written out of the future, rendered as the sign
of the future no one wants. This erasure is not mere metaphor. Disabled
people – particularly those with developmental and psychiatric impair-
ments, those who are poor, gender-deviant, and/or people of color, those
who need atypical forms of assistance to survive – have faced sterilization,
segregation, and institutionalization; denial of equitable education, health
care and social services; violence and segregation, and institutionali-
zation; and the withholding of the rights of citizenship. Too many of these
practices continue, and each of them has greatly limited, and often literally
shortened, the futures of disabled people … . We must begin to anticipate
presents and to imagine futures that include all of us. (Kafer 2013: 46)
Cripping the American imaginary

Kafer is not alone. She is part of an important expanding conversation among
critical disability scholars deeply influenced by feminism, queer theory,
critical race theory, affect theory, biopolitics and animal and environmental
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studies, who identify themselves as ‘crip’ theorists (Chen 2012; Crenshaw
2015; Erevelles 2011; Linton 1998; McRuer 2006; Puar 2017; Sandahl
2003; Garland-Thomson 2013). These disability scholars have appropriated
the once-pejorative term ‘crip’, used to stigmatize those with atypical
movements (‘cripples’). They have resignified it as a verb indicating a radical
repositioning of the concerns of disabled subjects from the margins to the
centre, much as the word ‘queer’ has been similarly reclaimed. Most impor-
tantly, the term ‘crip’ highlights the significance of coalitional movements
for collective transformation of the actually existing world. As Rob McRuer
explains:
Many consider the defiant reclaiming and reinvention of crip is linked to

the critical reinvention – by activists, artists, and scholars – of queer. Most
important, queer and crip activisms share a will to remake the world, given
the ways in which injustice, oppression, and hierarchy are built (sometimes
quite literally) into the structures of contemporary society. (McRuer 2012: 1)
The concerns raised by crip theorists are more than academic. They are erupting
across a wide swath of public culture; the affective and experiential depth of
the lived demographic realities sketched above are catalyzing lively creative
work reaching diverse audiences. We argue that these are creating ‘disability
publics’, a term we use to call attention to how people with disabilities and
their allies are interpellated and materialized through a range of media, across
widely distributed networks of people with shared experiences of disability.
These constitute an emergent form of recognition as well as locations for
alternative engagements on the part of both producers and audiences.
The cultural works discussed here reflect a widespread desire to commu-
nicate about the existential reality of living with a particular disability across
the life course. They are the instantiations in other registers of the rising
numbers and increasing awareness that the expansive future of disability can
create. In our prior writing, we have attributed this emergence to what we call
‘narrative urgency a creative response to the experiential pressures that give
shape to an alternative understanding of everyday life lived against the grain
of ‘normalcy’ (Rapp and Ginsburg 2001, 2011). We think of these creative
works – books, movies, blogs, poetry, and more – as inscribing ‘unnatural
histories’ that reflect the diversity of disability that is still too rarely part of
public discourse, despite a generative genealogy of counter-discursive texts.
This sort of ‘public storytelling’ has worked its way into media of all sorts and
in many parts of the world, ranging from personal memoirs and television
shows to scholarly works that offer compelling perspectives on the ‘new
normal’ established by living life with a difference (Bérubé 1996; Frank 2000;
Grinker 2007; Rapp and Ginsburg 2001).

The innovative projects we describe below push back against a hegemonic
representational economy in which children are easily launched, adults are
continuously in the work force, soldiers return seamlessly to viable lives,
elders decline gracefully, cognitive differences are inconsequential, and
unruly emotional states and sexual desires are invisible outside normate
categories, to mention only a few of the vast cascade of tropes in which daily
life in the US is typically rendered. The disjuncture between such dominant
narratives and the quotidian experiences of the rapidly increasing numbers of
those living in disability worlds fuels a robust and growing field of counter-
public cultural production. As cultural studies scholar Michael Warner argues,
a counter-public is often mobilized against its ‘… subordinate status. The
cultural horizon against which it marks itself off is not just a general or a wider
public but a dominant one’ (Warner 2002: 119).
Of course, resignifying a hegemonic frame is in itself a project of futurity,
even when those who count disability demonstrate that numbers increasingly
are on ‘our side’. We remain far from the broadly inclusive imaginary envisioned
by the activists who long struggled for the legislation, that led to the ADA,
as well as those who have come of age since its passage. Nonetheless, the
utopian future the ADA bureaucracy potentially represents continues to spur
action aimed at remedying sites of neglect, from curb cuts to classrooms to
cinemas. In other words, these historical contingencies – when the increasing
presence of disability as part of everyday life meets the uneven landscape of
inclusive legislation – give rise to the sense of narrative urgency that catalyzes
counter-public production. The more popular works discussed below, we
suggest, are ‘cripping’ the American imaginary in ways that are establishing
‘disability publics’, materialized through a variety of media. Across a variety
of genres, they constitute an emergent, future-oriented form of recognition
produced by mediated relations on the part of both producers and audiences
with investments in embracing particular understandings of disability. The
capacity of these works to reach widely distributed networks of people with
shared experiences of disability is fundamental to their efficacy in expanding
relevant discursive fields.
Consider how ‘disability publics’ are evolving in the twenty-first century
for our two cases of Alzheimer and Autism Spectrum Disorder, whose
recent exploding demographic impact we discuss above. As recently as
three decades ago, the categories of senility and dementia covered a range
of degenerative cognitive diseases associated with ageing. Now, Alzheimer
is routinely part of public discussion as part of the overall demographic
escalation that activist authors have dubbed ‘the elder boom’ (Poo 2015)
(Tarach-Ritchey 2012). As Ai-Jen Poo, co-author of The Age of Dignity:
Preparing for the Elder Boom in a Changing America (2015), writes: ‘I think
there’s a sense of urgency that people are experiencing at a very personal,
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familial level. Our task is to really take that into the public arena and start a
different kind of public conversation about it.’
In the arts and letters, that conversation has already started. The dilemmas
of ‘the new old age’, for example, have been everywhere evident. In 2014,
Julianne Moore received an Oscar for Best Actress in Still Alice for her
moving portrayal of a professor coping with early onset Alzheimer and
its profound effect on her family (Glatzer and Westmoreland 2014). Other
feature films on Alzheimer preceded Still Alice, laying the groundwork for its
increasing presence in public culture, while giving shape to the widespread
anxieties stirred by increasing clinical diagnosis, intensive caregiving and their
‘looping effects’ discussed below. The critically acclaimed 2006 Canadian film
Away From Her (Director: Sarah Polley), was adapted from The Bear Came
Over the Mountain, a short story by Nobel prize-winning author Alice Munro.
Close to home, we have followed the popular weekly NY Times blog, ‘the
new old age’, which coined that name in 2008. Weaving together existential,
medical and practical perspectives from both journalist/authors and reader/
commentators, this blog explores ‘aging and caregiving covering topics
such as medical decision-making, housing and long-term care, government
policies, end-of-life choices, the personal rewards and headaches of caring for
aging loved ones, becoming a kind of online support group’ (http://newoldage.
blogs.nytimes.com/2015/01/09/a-new-direction/). The robust responses to
every topic signal how widespread the issues surrounding caregiving and
extreme old age have become, quickly constituting a present and future
platform for this particular rapidly growing disability public.
We also note the remarkable popularity of the aptly named graphic memoir
Can’t We Talk About Something More Pleasant? (2014). Cultural commentator
and New Yorker staff cartoonist Ros Chast takes her title from her Jewish
mother’s words, expressing the elder Chasts’ reluctance to speak about their
declining circumstances. The title itself also suggests a broader social denial
of the unaddressed needs of a frail elderly population. Chast’s bestselling
bittersweet book chronicles her efforts as an adult and only child to care
for her ageing, eccentric, and once-fiercely-independent Brooklyn parents;
as they lived into their mid-nineties, their lives were changed by dementia
and deterioration. While Chast’s work always sells well, this particular book
received far more widespread recognition than her prior ones. Review after
review made clear that the book’s popularity tapped into pervasive concerns
and shared dilemmas of eldercare among her readers who constitute yet
another instance of an increasingly self-aware disability public – in this case
emerging around ageing – as articulated in the copious commentary that
follows online reviews of the memoir.
Other forms of cultural production move beyond narratives ‘about’ to
genres drawing on modalities that can be inclusive of those with Alzheimers,

such as music and improvisational drama. The Unforgettables is illustrative;
this unusual chorus is made up of individuals with dementia and their
caregivers. Established in 2011 by Dr Mary Mittelman, director of the Center
for Psychosocial Research and Support Programs at the Comprehensive
Center on Brain Aging at NYU Langone Medical Center, her intention is ‘to
give families and people with Alzheimers a respite from the disease—a sense
of normalcy, a moment of happiness and ease’. Inspired by the innovative
and very successful Alzheimer’s Art Program at the Museum of Modern Art
entitled Meet Me at MoMA. The Unforgettables ‘rehearse weekly, select
their own songs, learn standard breathing and performance techniques’ and
offer public performances twice a year, building a very particular disability
public, that incorporates those with Alzheimers, their caregivers, and other
allies. We argue that taken together these kind of creative efforts, exemplary
of a much larger social field (Bourdieu), now comprise an Alzheimer’s future
imaginary.
No judgements
Of course, the eruption of narratives and other forms of cultural production
addressing the existential realities and futurities of this changing demographic
landscape is not confined to works on ageing and mortality. The ever-expanding
category of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) has catalyzed its own forms
of significant cultural activism. A myriad books, websites, blogs, You Tube
videos, TED talks, documentaries, feature films and television shows provides
venues for the creation of disability publics around ASD. For example, the
British writer Mark Haddon’s 2003, prize-winning book The Curious Incident
of the Dog in the Night-Time, based in part on his experiences working
with children with disabilities, has been particularly influential. This fictional
mystery is told and solved in the voice of an adolescent mathematical prodigy
with characteristics resembling Asperger’s syndrome (although the term is
never used in the book). The story has been adapted to great acclaim for the
London and New York stages in 2012 and 2014 respectively.
In New York City, shortly after the theatrical debut of Curious, an ‘autism
friendly’ matinee was organized by the Autism Theater Initiative (ATI). Formed
in 2011, the ATI is dedicated to making Broadway theatre accessible to ASD
audiences, their families and other allies, with the support of the Theater
Development Fund, a longstanding non-profit organization that encourages
diverse audiences to attend live theatre and dance productions. This was the
fifth Broadway play adapted for audiences on the spectrum for whom lights
and volume are adjusted, ‘fidget toys’ and earplugs are provided, and people
are free to move around and make noise during the performance, part of ATI’s
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‘no judgement’ motto. To be sure all feel welcome at ATI events, the theatre
sells out to this particular demographic; a brigade of red-shirted volunteers
are trained to assist audiences on the street as they approach the theatre.
At the training we attended, we received unexpected and revelatory instruc-
tions that drew on ATI’s experience of a prior performance of the Curious
Incident, demonstrating how moved many people were by the opportunity to
participate, unjudged, in Broadway theatre.
Parental memoirs are a staple of the disability publics formed around
autism, exemplified in Ron Suskind’s bestseller Life Animated: A Story of
Sidekicks, Heroes and Autism. In this moving story of his family’s journey
with Owen, his autistic son, Pulitzer prize-winning journalist Suskind recounts
how they all learned to ‘express love and loss, kinship, brotherhood’ through
the language of Disney movies whose scripts Owen had memorized. Over
time, these formed his primary communication system, one that the family
learned to embrace, opening up an alternative pathway to shared futures.
Beyond compelling perennial parental narratives, first-person accounts
of people with autism have had a huge impact, on opening up a sense of
autistic futures, initially emerging with the notable autobiographical works of
American autistic activist and professor of animal science Temple Grandin’s
1996 book Thinking in Pictures, and Australian writer, artist and singer-
songwriter Donna Williams’ 1992 memoir Nobody Nowhere (Grandin 2010;
Williams 1998). Both women have gone on to author many more books; their
writings have been adapted as television dramas, and most importantly, have
inspired countless others who identify as having ASD to tell their own stories
across a range of platforms. More recently, in 2010, for example, Jesse
Saperstein, an Asperger’s self-advocate, wrote Atypical: A Life in 20 and 1/3
Chapters, a memoir from childhood through his early twenties in which he
chronicles his outsider status, overcoming bullying and rejection, and finding
a path toward self-acceptance and the making of a young adult life (Saperstein
2010). Two years later, David Finch published his account of his late discovery
of his own Asperger’s from a different point in the life cycle, well described
in his title: The Journal of Best Practices: A Memoir of Marriage, Asperger
Syndrome, and One Man’s Quest to Be a Better Husband (Finch 2012). In
2014, ‘Aspie mentors’ provide advice on coping with the daily stressors that
they themselves have identified as being the most significant, in a collection
entitled Been There. Done that. Try This! An Aspie’s Guide to Life on Earth
(Attwood 2014). These articulate self-advocates are doing more than illumi-
nating their lives as part of the arc of human difference. Beyond reaching and
building a disability public, they have designs on the future, throwing a lifeline
to others who share their experiences and are struggling to find their place.
One of the most notable locations is found in the work of the Autistic Self
Advocacy Network (ASAN), notably their self-published work, Loud Hands:

Autistic People, Speaking, described on their website as ‘a collection of essays
written by and for Autistic people … from the dawn of the Neurodiversity
movement’ to contemporary blog posts of today, ‘preserving the commu-
nity’s foundational documents’ in the interest of creating accessible futures
(Bascom 2012). The title Loud Hands has an important and profoundly
instructive genealogy. As the editor Julia Bascom explains in the foreword:
Abuse and silencing is a constant, pervasive theme in the lives of autistic

people, and for many people it is best expressed by that old familiar
phrase from special education: Quiet hands! Loud Hands means resisting.
Loud Hands means speaking however we do, anyway – and doing so in
a way that can be very obviously Autistic. It means finding ways to talk
and think about ourselves on our own terms …. It starts with the basic
foundational idea that there is nothing wrong with us. We are fine. We are
complete, complex, human beings leading rich and meaningful existences
and deserving dignity, respect, human rights, and the primary voice in the
conversation about us. We can have loud hands. To say that flapping can
be communication, that autistic people have voices regardless of whether
or not we speak orally, and that our obviously autistic communication and
thoughts have intrinsic worth is an inherently revolutionary thing. This
anthology, and The Loud Hands Project as a whole, serves to document
and explore that. Bit by bit, piece by piece, we’re rewriting the world into
one where our voices are heard. (Bascom 2012: 8, 10)
Like so many of the projects we have been describing, Loud Hands is clearly
propelled by a combined sense of social justice and narrative urgency to
creatively construct a more radically inclusive future. Numbers are on their
side. As is the case with all media, a dedicated and expanding audience
of ASD people and their allies is fundamental to survival, success, and the
creation of an accessible future.
Thinking forward
The emerging works we have described here are only a small sample of a
continually expanding set of future-making projects across a range of experi-
ences and genres. They are, we argue, beginning to fill a vacuum left by an
absence of public recognition in other idioms, forging a counter-public world
reflective of what we see as the present and coming demographic explosion
in disability. In this chapter, we make the case that the seemingly distinct
fields of numbers and narratives each bespeak a changing futurity in which
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disability will increasingly be incorporated into ‘the new normal’, whether
through demographic imperatives, narrative expression, and/or the force
of political mobilization. In order to comprehend the impact of the upturn
in numbers of Americans with disabilities throughout the life cycle, we
have tacked back and forth between the abstractions of population trends
and a range of media forms that express distinctive experiential realities.
We have used the cases of Alzheimer’s and autism, chosen as twenty-first
century exemplars of recent and proliferating diagnoses, rapidly expanding
demographics as well as disability publics in formation. Given the inevitable
increase in disability across the life cycle sketched in our discussion of
demography, and the expanding expectations of inclusion, we suggest that
the intersection of disabilities and futurities will be under constant negoti-
ation. We hope that our work as anthropologists can play a key critical and
practical role to play in contemporary debates about futures in general and
accessible futures in particular.
Acknowledgements
We thank the editors of this collection, and Juan Salazar in particular, for their
helpful conversations in thinking through our material in relationship to the
book’s project. We are grateful to all our interlocutors and allies who have
helped us develop our thinking for this project, and the funding agencies
that have supported it including The Spencer Foundation, The Guggenheim
Foundation, The National Endowment for the Humanities, and the Humanities
Initiative (now The Center for Humanities) at NYU. An earlier version of this
chapter was published in the online journal Somatosphere (Ginsburg and
Rapp 2015).
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Potentiality in Biomedicine: An Introduction to Supplement 7’. Current
Anthropology 54 (S7): S3–S14.
Tsing, Anna. 2015. The Mushroom at the End of the World: On the Possibility of
Life in Capitalist Ruins. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Warner, M., 2002. ‘Publics and Counterpublics’. Public Culture 14 (1): 49–90.
Williams, D., 1998. Nobody Nowhere: The Remarkable Autobiography of an
Autistic Girl. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishing.
5
Contemporary obsessions
with time and the promise of

the future
Simone Abram
Contemporary obsessions?
This chapter considers the notions of future that are embedded in the notion of
land-use planning, sometimes known as Urban Planning or Town and Country
Planning. Since planning as it is practiced in Western Europe would appear
to be inherently future-oriented, it offers insights into future-methodologies
both as ethnographic objects (planning’s futures) and for ethnographic
methods themselves (studying planning’s futures). Through a discussion of
forward planning and planning for housing in England, the chapter highlights
the different temporal horizons of the future, the varying notions of human
agency in achieving particular futures, whether dangerous or mundane,
and the very different means of conceptualizing both a static future of the
imagination, and a dynamic trajectory between now and then. While planning
futures are sometimes conceptualized as Utopian, the reality of governmental
planning is far more mundane and instrumental, with only quite occasional
appearances of overblown scenarios or imagined worlds. More commonly,
future planning is reduced to a process of applying governmental method-
ologies based on quite abstract policy imperatives. This chapter shows how
Utopian or Dystopian futures bounce in and out of the mundane practice of
governmental planning to show how bureaucratic processes work to reduce
broader future concepts to manageable mechanisms.
Land-use planning is an example of future-thinking to have emerged
strongly in the twentieth century, in contrast to conventional religious or

enlightenment temporalities and most certainly with different temporal
horizons. Foucault noted a shift in the concern of governments once the devel-
opment of statistical techniques enabled them to manage their populations (or
at least to imagine that they did), but this can be complemented by the obser-
vation that the concern to govern changed in form again from the nineteenth
century to the twentieth century. The most notable shift was the increasing
attention paid not just to managing the population now, but in controlling its
future. The field of town planning thus emerged in its contemporary form in
the UK early in the twentieth century on the back of new sciences of hygiene,
for example, as well as through the domestication of colonial development
practices (Reade, 1987; Porter 2010; cf. Peattie 1970). The social movements
that were to become institutionalized through the Town and Country Planning
Association and then formalized in various parliamentary Acts, for example,
aimed to improve the conditions of the poor, in the name of progress and
humanity, ultimately aiming to replace Christian charity with comprehensive
Welfare by means of rights related to land and property. In brief, they were
concerned with what Reade refers to as ‘the land question’ (1987: 36), essen-
tially a question of class. Land-use planning gradually evolved into a concern
with the ‘balanced’ distribution of economic activity, followed by attempts to
promote material equality after World War II, before it morphed into a primarily
technical bureaucratic operation to maximize resource use, presaging a
bouncing back and forth between government-directed social improvement
versus investor/market-led development. Gradually, through the twentieth
century, a stronger imperative to instigate increasingly comprehensive state
forward-planning emerged (Murdoch and Abram 2002).
Despite a declared political adherence among many Western governments
to ‘free’ markets, the practice of demanding long-term future plans from
regional and local government bodies continues. At the central governmental
level, the motivation for planning is often rhetorically linked to grand, global or
existential issues: the need to tackle issues that cannot be accommodated in
the market, by individuals or isolated groups such as climate change, environ-
mental pollution, or civilizational aims. The motivation to plan thus relies on
both apocalyptic and utopian ambitions, but as it moves into practice, the
invocation of threatening or inspiring scenarios becomes more marginal,
appearing more often as a framing comment or reference.
Materially planned futures

In the UK, the state requires all local authorities (municipalities) to produce
regular forward plans that are used as guidelines for decisions on particular
development applications made by external parties in the planning period.
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This reflects a split in planning practice between future-oriented policies
and the detailed regulation of particular acts of development. The scope of
forward plans has varied over time, but such plans generally set out directions
of future development, from the broad brush (an aim to be sustainable) to the
specific (x number of units of development in y location). The four to five year
planning period is usually considered in relation to a future-horizon of up to
two decades, so a more distant future is the premise for more concrete near-
future policies. Each plan is ostensibly public, and is put in the public domain
for comments and objections before it is authorized. This is pragmatic, in
the sense that planning is about externalities – ensuring that development
does not impinge on neighbouring property (or the rights of its owner), but
also hard won through post-war campaigns for citizen-participation. Although
the planning system does categorize development actors into proposers
and objectors of specific policies, in practice objectors often have alternative
suggestions as well as different approaches to articulating priorities for the
future. Anthropologists have long taken for granted that the objects of their
interest are the subjects of regimes, and it makes sense to see that govern-
mental urban or land-use planning are means by which the state attempts to
govern populations, and through which contests over who controls land and
resources are played out. I use the term ‘played out’, since ‘resistance’ and
its corollary, ‘force’ offer a crude dualistic model for the multi-party struggles
over loosely specified aims in varying contexts. While the focus in studies of
resistance is largely on the issues at stake and how various actors organize
to attempt to control them (or resist their control), anthropologists are now
paying more attention to the subtle ways by which the future is presented
materially in the everyday (Pink and Lewis offer a discussion in terms of
resilience: 2014). The future is not only invoked in the grand debates about
future plans noted above, but future urban plans have quiet ways of making
themselves present.
Since the post-war period, British planning has also required local author-
ities to make public announcements of all applications by landowners
for permission to embark on development activities (known as ‘planning
permission’). Questions over particular, concrete futures have found their
way into material forms in largely obfuscatory, if public, ways. Lists of current
applications usually appear in small print in the adverts section of the local
press (which in Britain is largely the vehicle for reporting local crime and
planning issues). Sheets of formally coded, tightly printed A4 text also appear
in the location of a site that is the subject of planning permission, often nailed
to nearby lamp-posts, or sometimes taped to trees. The use of visual methods
to observe the materialization of the future in the present reveals broader,
if equally taken for granted, visual indications of future plans. Hoardings
are often a precursor to the transformation of a building site, for example,

either anonymously shielding secret activities, or flamboyantly advertising
a future utopia, complete with the name of its sponsor.1 Thus the signs of
future construction activities are displayed in the present through various
visual means other than the actual activities of building (see Figure 5.1). Our
ability to interpret these signs depends on our familiarity with contextual
information about building regulations, planning permission, tax exemptions
or other institutional conditions. All is not always as it seems, however, since
the promise of completion may be elusive. For example, for years Spain was
rife with half-finished buildings where one floor was left unfinished, since tax
was only liable on completed buildings. Ireland was left with arrays of half-
built villas and ranches when the financial crisis led to an abrupt cessation in
the flow of capital for building projects. And as Baxstrom reports, residents
in some areas of Kuala Lumpur might find buildings suddenly demolished
or constructed without notice as they leave their houses in the morning, or
return at night (2013).
Such observations might suggest that futures have only a rhetorical
(including visual) role in planning practice. But planning practice refers to a
broad range of activities, from urban design to abstract policy development.
While one might imagine that a plan is a kind of ‘blueprint’, a detailed site-
specific design for something to be constructed, British plans are more like
policy papers including general principles and some general site-identification.
In this they are quite different from the development plans found in other
European countries. Norwegian plans, for example, often contain detailed
holistic mapped-guides to development, tying in provision of schools, medical
centres, sports grounds, shops and other facilities related to new housing
development. Swedish housing development plans include design principles
and rules on the number of metres between housing and children’s play
areas. British plans contain no design guidance, outside broad designations
such as conservation areas or areas of ‘outstanding natural beauty’.
These forward policy plans, while interesting documents in themselves,
are only a small part of the planning process. Rather like the dry minimal
minutes of long, crowded, contentious meeting, they reflect little of on-going
practices of revision, negotiation, political competition and public contest.
The many, differently conceptualized futures that are elaborated and debated
during the process of planning are often quite invisible in the plan document
itself, and the plan is later invoked rarely, perhaps only referred to as one factor
to be considered when applications to develop a particular site are debated in
council planning committees. Even so, the plan – either the document or the
idea of a plan existing – operates as a kind of promise that requires validation,
and promises, as Austin recognized, may live for a long while without being
fulfilled, as long as their fulfilment can be imagined (Abram and Weszkalnys
2013). Even a municipal housing plan promises something. Whether it is hope
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FIGURE 5.1 Banalized urban futures materialized. Images from the city of

Sheffield. Photos by Simone Abram.

or fear, it is a statement about the future that must have some credible chance
of becoming, if it is to maintain its status as a policy. Whether promises made
into the plan then begin to become apparent in the hoardings and notices on
boards by building sites becomes a measure of felicity that could (although
it very rarely is) become a measure of governmental credibility once its
imagined future becomes the present or past.
Planning for the future

Studies of the future note that futures are not merely visions of possible
worlds, but that they generate action in the present to effect or avoid those
visions (see Wallman 1992). Nowhere is this clearer than in state and local
practices of planning, since planning, by definition, is a means to try to
stabilize the very uncertainty of the future. Planning proceeds by ascertaining
predictabilities and attempting to secure them by design, or, as Abram and
Weszkalnys suggest, by conceptualizing the possibilities that time offers
space (2013).
One means by which this is attempted is through the adoption of
statistical and demographic procedures. Population trends, house-building
records and economic forecasts circulate in a hierarchical flow from central
government to local government and then back to central government, in an
example of what Rose and Miller call the state’s own system (1990). Until
2013, the system worked by first gathering information locally, aggregated
to a centralized planning level, then disaggregated down again to distribute
the additional capacity required. There are ‘statutory consultees’ at each
step of the planning process, including service providers, national interest
groups and NGOs, including RSPB (Royal Society for the Protection of Birds:
a major UK landowner), TCPA (Town and Country Planning Association), CLA
(Country Landowners Association), HBF (House Builders Federation), utilities,
health services, education services, Friends of the Earth, National Trust, etc.
(Murdoch and Abram 2002).
Since 2013, when the English regional tier of government was abolished,
each district has to produce a Local Plan with a fifteen-year horizon, taking
account of ‘longer-term requirements’ and being kept up to date. Each local
authority has to prepare a ‘Strategic Housing Market Assessment’ (note the
introduction of markets), to identify the likely need for housing in their area to
meet demographic projections. They must also prepare a ‘Strategic Housing
Land Availability Assessment,’ ostensibly to identify land that could satisfy
the identified market demand for different scales and mixes of housing
(DCLG 2012). While apparently delegating planning to the most local level, in
fact these local plans must now be in accordance with a series of national
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plans for major infrastructure, housing, gypsy sites, waste management, and
so forth.
This is all well and good in theory, but what does it mean in practice? In
a series of publications throughout the late 1990s and early 2000s, Jonathan
Murdoch and I outlined the workings of this system in practice, and in 1997, I
spent six months doing fieldwork on a local plan in Aylesbury Vale to examine
the process of local planning ‘on the ground’. We used a combination of
methods, including analysing the planning texts and reviewing all of the objec-
tions made to the proposed plans, taking guided tours of the districts with
different people, in-depth interviews with a cross-section of these objectors
(from citizens to landowners and statutory authorities) and with officials,
attendance at public examinations of the policies, council meetings, protest
actions, and participant observation in one designated development site over
six months. Taking the plan as the focus of the ethnographic enquiry, rather
than a particular location, our research was more non-sited rather than multi-
sited (Abram 2001a), although we also pursued a kind of nested geographical
focusing. So while our research activities took us all over the southeast of
England, we focused in first on the county of Buckinghamshire (north west
of London), within that the district of Aylesbury Vale, and within that, the
settlement of Haddenham. By ‘following the plan’ and its various policies,
we were able to use principles from ANT to trace the links and relations
between actors and actants, and to use ethnographic methods to dig below
the policies and institutions and understand how each element was inter-
preted by the actors involved. Since planning disputes are often about the
broader implications of policy and the significance for different participants of
the plans proposed (including elements of landscape-nationalism), each party
often adopts stereotyping language about their opponents. To get beyond the
performative conflictual language of ‘nimbyism’ or ‘selfish capitalists’, and
the manipulative PR strategies of the professional participants, we needed to
understand the human actors are rounded social beings. In-depth extensive
ethnographic methods were the means to achieve these aims.
It was swiftly clear that little of the planning perspective from the district
council planning office was shared by local residents, while house builders
approached the planning system through game-playing with the ultimate
and over-riding concern of maximizing profit and ‘shareholder value’. Much
of the debate around the plan concerned housing numbers (see Abram
2001b). In the large village where I did most of my participant-observation,
many residents recognized that houses in the village were far too expensive
for young or lower-earning people, but that additional housing numbers
identified in the plan would not ensure that smaller, cheaper housing would
be constructed. The village’s history is documented back to Saxon times; it
was a key location in the English civil war, and one of the first English villages

FIGURE 5.2 The village idealized from the inside. Photos by Simone Abram.

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to buy itself out of servitude to the church. A village of land-owning farmers
(or ‘yeomen’), it had held an annual market for centuries, and had declined
only during the general urbanization of the twentieth century, particularly
post-World War II. A new estate of 400 houses built in the 1970s in a village of
then around 2,000 people had been a great upheaval, and villagers described
how it had taken many years before the ‘old’ village had adapted to the new
arrivals. Expanding village activities and traditions to accommodate new
residents was demanding and was felt to have endangered village social
life for some time. Continued expansion changed the nature of the village,
from an intensely social location to a commuter dormitory. Escalating prices
also meant that ‘our children’ were forced to move away, a doubly difficult
problem for low-earning young families who were forced to move away from
the free childcare and support that grandparents provide. Most villagers
were keen that smaller and cheaper homes should be made available for
village families, but as illustrated above, this is not catered for in the planning
system. So, while villagers would say that they welcomed affordable homes,
they could not see any justification for more highly priced ‘executive housing’,
and objected most strongly to the proposed plans.
At the same time, villagers had concerns about broader social and environ-
mental issues, relating to the capacity of village services to accommodate
a growing population (a medical centre, library, two primary schools), the
potential increase in car traffic and associated pollution (including noise
pollution and road danger to children), loss of landscape, including views from
existing buildings, and so forth. The future vision of villagers was thus heavily
influenced by the idiom of village life, the risk of overwhelming the social
relations imagined as a small rural community, and the generalized issue
of ‘over-development’ and loss of biodiversity, alongside inter-generational
justice. Some villagers were also concerned that the value of their property
might diminish if the village became a town, which could make it difficult to
move elsewhere, to some other village more fitting to their ideal of village
life if the current one were to be ‘ruined’ through ‘excessive development’.
Groups of villagers met in each others’ comfortable living rooms to plan
demonstrations outside planning meetings; actions to raise money to employ
barristers to fight their case against the plans; and general village awareness-
raising. On another day, one might meet them helping out at a coffee
morning for elderly people, at Morris-dancing training sessions in preparation
for Mayday, or practicing handbell-ringing for the village fête. This description
does not do justice to the variety and distinctions of village life, of course.
There were also newer residents who campaigned to stop lorries visiting the
poultry farm in the middle of the village (much to the farmer’s distress); a
distinctive working-class community within the village; a generation of profes-
sionals who had downsized in the 1970s; a range of Christian fellowships

and churches (Anglican, Methodist, Unitarian); as well as various commercial
organizations, including the national headquarters of a charity founded in
the village, manufacturing and other business. Even so, during the 1990s,
the village had lost its local bank branches, most of its shops and several
pubs, although quite a few remained. Many villagers I interviewed, however,
described their ‘discovery’ of the village through the approach to the church
and village green, and seeing the vision of the idyllic English village, ‘knew’
that they would move here and perpetuate that ideal.
In contrast, the future-vision of the planners, shared at least partly by
members of the planning committees at regional and to some extent local
level centred on the question of where to house future generations. These
imagined future generations were not imagined as kin or offspring of current
actual residents, but as a general demographic proportion of the national
FIGURE 5.3 The village seen in planning documents (Aylesbury Vale District

Local Plan Proposals Map 2004)
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future population who deserved good housing as well as anyone. Their future
vision was also framed around an environmental concern with climate change
and a need to reduce pollution and energy consumption. This concern was
channelled through criteria-based evaluations such as national policies on ideal
features of sustainable settlements, including the magical 10,000 population
figure of government guidance, and the possibility of reducing people’s ‘need
to travel’ by providing housing and employment sites in the same settlement,
and expanding those settlements with connections to public transport.
For the planning authorities, this history of increased housing – the building
of several large housing estates around the original village – became not a
reason for some other village to take its turn to increase its housing stock,
but a trend that justified further expansion. In DCLG’s terms, sustainable
housing should be located where there was access to work and transport,
and a population of 10,000 was considered sufficient to justify investment in
public transport infrastructure. Based on its proximity to railway connections
(a commuter service taking around an hour to London) and the presence of
manufacturing industry (paper products, garden equipment and later spice
processing – see Abram 2004), the village was identified even at the regional
level as a likely location for further housing development that would be
considered ‘sustainable’. In other words, from the planners’ perspective this
village could expand ‘sustainably’.
Amongst these diverse formulations of the future, planning arguments
about the appropriate number of new houses, derived from the rather arcane
and abstract statistical techniques of the ministry were perceived as an
extremely blunt instrument, but dominated (and continue to dominate) both
planning and media discussions about housing. Debates in the media about
housing in Britain, or at least in England, revolve around all sorts of arguments
about a shortage of housing. But as Danny Dorling has pointed out, there are
more than enough dwellings in all English cities to accommodate the people
who require housing. The so-called housing shortage in the UK is more
accurately understood as a problem of unequal access to housing finance
and relates to the location of available housing. Through the forum of their
Federation, house builders adopted an approach of discussing construction
numbers, and have largely co-opted government departments into thinking in
terms of annual housing completions as the key measure for housing policy
evaluation. By comparing household formation and housing construction,
government and lobbyists succeeded in reducing land-use planning to more
or less the allocation of housing construction figures and business land avail-
ability. They became a system for producing profitable planning permissions.
Even governments convulsed by housing numbers have retained a system of
housing numbers, despite apparently seeking to delegate housing decisions
to local councils. One reason it works so well is that resistance is nicely

FIGURE 5.4 Village houses. Photos by Simone Abram.

Notes o Co tributors xiii

n
n

Denmark. She holds a PhD in Information & Knowledge Society. Her publica-
tions include ‘Digital Visualities and Materialities: Paths for an Anthropological
Walk’ (2014); ‘Technology and Visions of the Future: Imagination in the
Process of Digital Creation from an Ethnographic Approach’ (2014) and ‘Smart
Global Futures: Designing Affordable Materialities for a Better Life’ in Pink,
Ardévol and Lanzeni, Digital Materiality: Anthropology and Design (2016).
Annette Markham is Professor of Information Studies at Aarhus University in

Denmark & Affiliate Professor of Digital Ethics in the School of Communication
at Loyola University, Chicago. She holds a PhD in organizational commu-
nication (Purdue University, 1998), with a strong emphasis in interpretive
and ethnographic methods. She researches how identity, relationships, and
cultural formations are constructed in and influenced by digitally saturated
socio-technical contexts. Her pioneering work in this area is well repre-
sented in her first book Life Online: Researching Real Experience in Virtual
Space (Altamira 1998). Annette is internationally recognized for developing
epistemological frameworks for rethinking ethics and methods in twenty-
first-century networked contexts. Her writing can be found in a range of
international journals, handbooks, and edited collections.
Sarah Pink is Distinguished Professor and Director of the Digital Ethnography

Research Centre at RMIT University, Australia. She is Visiting Professor at
Halmstad University, Sweden and Loughborough University, UK, and Guest
Professor at Free University, Berlin, Germany. Her recent works are usually
collaborative and include the books Theoretical Scholarship and Applied
Practice (2017), Digital Materialities (2016), Digital Ethnography: Principles and
Practice (2016), and Screen Ecologies (2016). Less conventional works include
Un/Certainty eBook (2015), Laundry Lives documentary film (2015) and the
Energy and Digital Living website www.energyanddigitalliving.com
Rayna Rapp is Professor of Anthropology at New York University. Her areas

of research are gender, reproduction, health and culture and science and
technology in the U.S. and Europe. She is the author of Testing Women,
Testing the Fetus: The Social Impact of Amniocentesis in America (Routledge,
2000). Her recent articles include ‘Genetic Citizenship’ and ‘Gender, Body,
Biomedicine: How Some Feminist Concerns Dragged Reproduction to the
Center of Social Theory’ in Medical Anthropology Quarterly. She is currently
working on a book with Faye Ginsburg entitled Disability Worlds: Cripping the
‘New Normal’ in 21st Century America.
Juan Francisco Salazar is Associate Professor in Media Arts at Western

Sydney University. For over a decade, he worked with Indigenous media

an ideal location for filming popular TV series, and gave the village the veneer
of being ‘archaic’ and timeless. The village green was constantly in the
process of being perfected to match an idealized image of Englishness that it
had probably never previously inhabited. This archaic timelessness was thus
the object of future concern, a concern that the future should maintain conti-
nuity, that the village should, if anything, be allowed to fulfil the romantic ideal
of the English village, while accommodating wealthy commuter demands
for luxury living and ease of transport. The future, just as the present,
thus encompassed the juxtaposition of contradictory desires and fantasies.
Planning futures need to remain sufficiently distant in the future or distant
enough in space so as to pose as little threat as possible to the imagined
sociable tranquillity of village life.
State or investor-led planning proposals thus emerged into the village as
threats to an ongoing project of creating a certain kind of English middle-class
home, with the inclusion of housing for subsequent generations of village
families. At least for some, that future should include the possibility of sharing
current goods with future generations of kin. At the same time, a consistent
criticism of planning futures is that they are inadequately informed by the
past. Villagers who were not familiar with planning process were aghast at
the lack of prior research before proposals were circulated. No concept of the
vernacular history of the village was present in the plan’s policies, with the
village’s entire, contested, radical and archaic history obscured by projected
trends in house-building completions. As mentioned above, while villagers
saw the previous housing expansions as a trial they had survived, planners
saw them as a precedent (an argument that was rehearsed throughout
the planning process). From the village perspective, planning’s future had
no history, invalidating its imagination of the future. So now the future of
planning looks rather different: less an open debate about future ideals – be
they utopian (ambivalent) or rationalistic – and more a battle over the here and
now, and between different continuities. Through proposed plans, a distant
and potentially disruptive future came crashing into the lives of villagers,
dedicated as so many of them were, to the continuity of the present.
What does anthropology tell us about planning?

Anthropological analysis of the future offers a means to disaggregate the
ways that the future is of concern to different people at different times, in
different ways, and enables us to see how particular futures may become
dominant for shorter or longer moments, or how particular futures appeal
in certain contexts. In much the same way that anthropology of history
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was less concerned with ‘what happened in the past’ than how histories
were discussed, interpreted and reproduced in the present, Wallman’s
1992 volume distinguished between writing about how things would be in
the future, and considering visions of the future today. She noted different
kinds of futures that featured in traditional ethnographies – futures related to
specific activities or points in time (harvest, initiation, ceremonies or desired
arrivals, such as cargo) but little discussion of future in the abstract. Wallman
herself wondered whether the absence of discussion of the future in anthro-
pological research demonstrate an absence of the concept in non-industrial
cultures, in which case it might not be a concept with comparative force,
or whether these ethnographers did not ask informants about non-specific
future time? (Wallman 1992: 3).
Rosenberg and Harding (2005) are among those who point out that the
supposedly linear futures of the West have never been exclusive, even in that
most Western of societies, the USA. Unilinear progress towards an abstract
future exists in parallel to the event-focused and circular or ritual futures that
Wallman outlines. The future, rather like the past, appears in different guises
(cf. Zonabend 1984). The future has different scales – natural, global, social or
personal – that are not congruent, and just as in the non-Western societies
of an earlier Anthropology, modern people imagine futures associated with
ritual or ceremonial cycles (Christmas is always coming), futures in our own
biochronology, and varied as well as conflicting visions of futures predicted
or desired. We are now well aware that people can hold multiple senses of
temporality, just as there are different scales and senses of the past, so it
follows that we can hold multiple futures. Planned futures are similarly scaled
and contested, filled with competing notions of idealism and pragmatism. As
Rosenberg and Harding insist, the future in the modern West ‘is not the empty

category that it is supposed to be’ (2005: 8). On the contrary, they argue that
the conflict of futures past and present is central to modern temporality, and
that this is a paradox of modern dispositions toward the future: ‘while we are
taught to believe in the emptiness of the future, we live in a world saturated
by future-consciousness as rich and full as our consciousness of the past’
(p. 9). What fascinates Rosenberg and Harding about the future is its infinite
potential, as it opens up to a myriad possibilities, in contrast to a past that
is finite: finished, closed and determined.3 If the modern period rejected
prophecy, it welcomed new techniques of foreseeing the future, projecting
fictions and fantasies onto open-ended time. One means of imagining these
futures was by fixating on future-dates, dates that were destined eventually
to become the past, but remained far enough ahead to allow for wildly fictive
visions of personal flying machines, or technological totalitarianism.
These futures veer between the fantastic and the threatening, both of
which can be equally realizable or unimaginable. While town planning is

conventionally oriented to a time-horizon that is rarely more than generational,
modern industrial society’s material impacts will be felt for multi-generational
timespans. The lack of fit between the management techniques of contem-
porary states and the problems to be managed offers a striking insight into
the limitations of states and their bureaucracies.
The limitations of conventional planning are clear in Masco’s discussion
of Desert Modernism, which considers a future threat that is both real,
concealed, and continuous, as well as self-perpetuating: the on-going future
danger scenario that is nuclear waste storage in Nevada (2005). Here,
confident political promises about safe 10,000-year storage facilities are
belied by on-site engineers’ discussions of the difficulty of securing 100
years of safe storage in a site that is subject to geological faults and variable
rock types. Whether or not the storage is technically secure for 100, 1,000 or
10,000 years, what kind of state is it, Masco asks, that a 10,000-year storage
facility could envisage? Can we imagine a nation-state that lasts for ten
thousand years, or even a hundred thousand years?4 A narrative of ‘absolute
technical mastery and control of nature’ (p. 36) gives legitimacy to the state’s
attempts to manage nuclear waste, but has little techno-scientific basis.
There are thus two rather different narratives of the future, one envisioning
an eternal nation-state that will manage radioactive waste over thousands
of years, and one in which the technology of storage might be guaranteed
for a hundred years, but after which a new technology must be sought to
solve the ongoing problem. Both narratives could be thought of as modern
in different ways, but the contradiction between political visions of a techno-
state and the reality of the state of technology are smoothed over by naïve
beliefs in technological futures that will secure not only material, but also
political continuity.
Conclusions
The future is not going away. On the contrary, anthropologists are becoming
increasingly focused on understanding how imagining the future, planning
for the future, and acting on the future can tell us about life today. As this
analysis of the way that futures are manifested in planning demonstrates,
there are many kinds of future – abstract or fantasy, concrete or eventful,
domestic or familial, public or political and so on. There are as many ways,
if not more, of negotiating this future, of seeking to secure the passage
from now to then, of securing action today that ensures desired futures or
avoids undesired futures. And exhortations about possible futures can act as
signposts for contemporary action, as well as to legitimize current choices.
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A central paradox of statutory planning in Britain is that it often appears not
to accomplish this action of envisioning a desired future and facilitating the
move towards it. On the contrary, it appears to be a means to perpetuate
existing capitalist relations of investment and return, to stabilize property
values and protect the interests of financial investors and commercial actors.5
Yet participants in planning processes understand that such plans will hinder
or facilitate their preferred future from coming into being. During the planning
process, multiple futures co-exist, as Wallman and Rosenberg and Harding
also note.
These contested futures far from the kinds of imaginative future that
fuels the hope that has captivated some anthropologists (Crapanzano 2004;
Miyazaki 2004; Josephides 2014), although its corollary, despair, is never far
away. Such work begs the question of how we can account for the work
of imagination that the future demands. Josephides argues that the sense
of possibility in hopes about the future are existential, with hope oriented
towards a future that is different from the past, and anthropological interest
being in the ways in which people desire that future and act on their desires.
In other words, to hope is to imagine a future, while to imagine is to think in
the present, whether that is about the future or the past. To imagine is thus
existential in that it is an act of being human and eliciting meaning. Imagining
the future can thus be conceptualized as a way of thinking out what it is to
be oneself, by expanding one’s horizon beyond oneself. Planning futures, on
the other hand, are supposed not to be about the self, but must be about
the grounded and socio-political imagination of the progression from now
to a bounded reality to come, yet its means of imagination corresponds
to Josephides’ existential practice. It is worth noting that such existential
imagination is also neither linear nor consistent: changes can be traced in
the concepts of future that emerge in planning over time. In the Norwegian
context, for example, Vike finds striking changes in the character of the future
since World War II (2013). In the post-war period, the welfare state was a
future object, for which sacrifices could be made now in the journey towards
a utopian future. But in the current welfare state, citizens expect satisfaction
now – the welfare state is understood to be in a contemporary future, in
which its imperfections are understood as fatal flaws in the present, not
obstacles on the way to an ideal future.
If thinking about the future – or imagining a future – is a means of thinking
through existence, then Guyer’s critique of the changing horizon of the future
can be understood as a broad critique of contemporary life. Guyer describes
an unease with contemporary present in what she calls ‘a strange evacuation
of the temporal frame of the “near future” … of the process of implicating
oneself in the ongoing life of the social and material world that used to be
encompassed under an expansively inclusive concept of “reasoning”’ (2007:

409). Her argument is directed towards changing economic policy, and in
particular the combination in monetarist and neo-liberal economics of a
prophetic vision of a distant future in which market values work themselves
out to perfection, with an immediate future of action in which money supply
is regulated in order to achieve that distant goal of prices determined by
supply and demand. For Guyer, this long-term (the long-term in which
Keynes noted that ‘we are all dead’) has a parallel in messianic prophecy
of evangelical Christianity. Life is divided between the present and the
end-times; the present as a hiatus between two eternities, thus removing
history and reason and evacuating the space of medium-term action. Her
concept of temporal horizons is particularly useful in contrasting the scales
of future that are argued through planning, with its immediate, near, medium
and distant timescales.
In summarizing where the analysis of planning futures takes us, we may
usefully add to the list of statements that Wallman compiled, which offer a
valuable starting point for conceptualizing the significance of the future in
contemporary rhetoric and practice:6
M That the future can be used to justify present action – a forward-looking

M
version of mythical charter.
M Scenarios of the future function to illuminate the present and/or to
M
offer at-a-distance and so politically (and emotionally?) safe ways of
criticising it.
M Belief in the future underpins the sense of self and its survival.
M
M Changes in those beliefs, however generated, can work radically to
M
alter the way individuals and groups relate to each other, to the natural
environment, and to culture itself. (Wallman 1992: 16)
To these we might add that the future can be put to work in the service of
a promise, in the context of a correct set of ritual and social circumstances
such that the future does not merely hold out promise, but is implicated in
the act of promising. Such promises may be politically effective or infelicitous.
We do not necessarily know that the promise is infelicitous until the promised
outcome is not fulfilled, by which time the promise may have served its
purpose.
One further capacity that the future has is thus to defer dilemmas that
are irreconcilable, to structure difficulties and to respond to dissonance. We
know that our lives today are initiating consequences that can be catastrophic
in the future. We know that driving cars or burning gas contributes to climate
change, yet for most people it is impossible to continue with their estab-
lished life without these things happening. The collective – and certainly
the political – response, not surprisingly, is to shunt them forward, to make
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promises about how we may act in the future; promises that may or may not
be infelicitous, or more or less convincing.
State planning is also imagined as a mechanism to compensate for the
inability of citizens otherwise to address large, overarching or structural
challenges of the kind generated by state modernism itself (hence the resort
to idealized settlement sizes for sustainability). The archetypal Western
Modernist abstract notion of ‘The Future’ is dependent on a unilinear view
of time and optimism, with an underlying sense of progression toward
something better. Enlightenment visions of progress required an optimistic
future to counter a puritan day of doom in which earth and humanity would
inevitably be destroyed. Ironically, astronomy tells us that this will come, but
given that the timescale of its coming is on such a different plane to our own
sense of lifetime and time passing, it remains possible to remove it in some
way from everyday consciousness (cf. Guyer 2007). It is another form of the
death that we all know is coming, that is part of life, and that largely fails
to dampen human enthusiasm for that life. The future offers life and death,
and this is one of its paradoxes: not resolved but suspended because of the
incompatibility of the ideas and the uncertainty of their timings. As Guyer has
pointed out, the horizons of the future are shifting, but they still provide a
guide to the present through the imaginative work of linking different futures
with present possibilities and moral imperatives. This chapter has thus
considered the fantasy of planned futures that enable a life in the present.
Notes
1 The European Commission has long employed a persistent tactic of

public awareness-raising by insisting that its emblem be displayed on any
development project in receipt of European Union funding.
2 The same effectively applies to political engagement, since alliances and

compromises over local planning decisions happen within the council over
a long period, and each local politician is in a minority position in relation to
specific housing locations.
3 Rosenberg and Harding consider the Y2K bug as a contemporary

reproduction of apocalyptic dread, one that, of course, was a huge
anti-climax.
4 See http://www.intoeternitythemovie.com/ (accessed 20 October 2016) on

the Finnish 100,000 year repository for nuclear waste. See also Salazar, J. F.
(2015) analysis of this film as a case of futuring in documentary film.
5 In contrast to Scandinavian plans, with their glowing slogans about idealized

common social futures, British plans offer little to the casual reader.
6 Within Wallman’s collection there are essays that challenge the very

deterministic notion of future that is implicit in the statements, such as the
N C xv

otes
on
ontributors

an anthropological perspective to politics, higher education, culture and
media. His latest book, The Sorcerer’s Burden, a novel, was published in the
Fall of 2016.
Karen Waltorp is an anthropologist and filmmaker. She is the director of

Manenberg (2010) building on her long-term fieldwork in the South African
township, which received the Royal Anthropological Institute’s Basil Wright
Film Prize. A follow-up film is currently in production. She is part of the Danish
Research Council funded research group Camera as Cultural Critique at the
Department of Anthropology at Aarhus University, where she also teaches
design anthropology, as well as in the experimental visual master program Eye
& Mind. Previously, she taught at the Department of Anthropology, University
of Copenhagen and at the Royal Danish School of Design. She spent the
spring semester 2016 as visiting scholar at the Department of Anthropology,
UC Berkeley. Her fourteen-month PhD-fieldwork and filmmaking was with
young Muslim, second-generation women in Copenhagen, and focused
on place-making with smartphones, moral experimentation, and on anthro

pological knowledge-making processes.
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(eds), Histories of the Future, 23–49. Durham and London: Duke University
Press.
Miller, P. and N. Rose, 1990. ‘Governing Economic Life’. Economy and Society
19: 1–31.
Miyazaki, H., 2004. The Method of Hope. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Murdoch, J. and S. Abram, 2002. Rationalities of Planning. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Nader, Laura, 1972. ‘Up the Anthropologist – Perspectives Gained from Studying
Up’. In D. H. Hymes (ed.), Reinventing Anthropology, 284–311. New York:
Pantheon Books.
Peattie, L. R., 1970. The View from the Barrio. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Press.
Peattie, L. R., 1987. Planning: Rethinking Ciudad Guayana. Ann Arbor: University
of Michigan Press.
Pink, S. and T. Lewis, 2014. ‘Making resilience: everyday affect and global
affiliation in Australian Slow Cities’. Cultural Geographies 21 (4): 695–710.
Porter, L., 2010. Unlearning the Colonial Cultures of Planning. Aldershot:
Ashgate.
Reade, E., 1987. British Town and Country Planning. Milton Keynes: Open
University Press.
Rosenberg, D. and S. Harding, 2005. Histories of the Future. Durham and
London: Duke University Press.
Salazar, J. F., 2015. Science/Fiction: Documentary Film and Anticipatory Modes
of Futuring Planetary Change. In Companion to Contemporary Documentary
Studies. A. Lebow and A. Juhasz (eds), 43–60. Malden, MA and Oxford:
Wiley-Blackwel
Scott, J. C., 1998. Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the
Human Condition have Failed. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Searle, J. R., 1969. Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Vike, H., 2013. ‘Utopian Time and Contemporary Time: Temporal Dimensions
of Planning and Reform in the Norwegian Welfare State’. In S. Abram and
G. Weszkalnys (eds), Elusive Promises: Planning in the Contemporary World,
35–55. Oxford: Berg.
Wallman, Sandra, 1992. Contemporary Futures. Perspectives from Social
Anthropology. ASA Monographs 30. London and New York: Routledge.
Zonabend, F., 1984. The Enduring Memory: Time and History in a French Village.
Manchester: Manchester University Press.
82
1
Futures anthropologies
manifesto
EASA future anthropologies network
Introduction
The ten-point manifesto laid out below was written over the course
of three days at the Conference of the European Association of Social
Anthropologists (EASA) in Tallinn, August 2014. More than twenty partici-
pants in the Anthropology at the Edge of the Future: Forward Play Lab1
contributed lines, which were cut and moulded by Juan Francisco Salazar,
Jude Robinson and Lydia Nicholas, then presented to the attendees of
the Media futures panel.2 The Manifesto incorporates feedback from dozens
of anthropologists, and it has been established as the starting point for the
continued collaborative work of a network of engaged, creative and bold
practitioners.
Future anthropologies manifesto
1 We are critical ethnographers engaged with confronting and

intervening in the challenges of contested and controversial futures.
2 We are stubbornly transdisciplinary and transnational: we collaborate,

hybridize and compromise. We break boundaries and network without
fear of incapacity or contamination.
3 We de-centre the human, embracing larger ecologies and

technological entanglements.

Indeed, given the degree of uncertainty surrounding the social, cultural and
environmental fields of our ethnographic gaze, it is increasingly critical that
anthropology ceases limiting itself to being a reflexive witness to the ethno-
graphic present. Partnering with local field subjects and state institutions,
we must co-embrace the future to help communities better understand and
traverse the challenges of the Anthropocene. My objective in this chapter,
then, is to develop an anthropological argument and approach to exploring
‘future worlding’ and ‘dwelling in the future’, to critically engage with these
uncertain imbricated futures. Ulf Hannerz (2003: 174) similarly calls for anthro-
pologists to publicly embrace what he calls the ‘macro-scenarios’ widely
contemplated as (negatively) defining complex ‘present and future worlds’;
he suggests that we can use ethnography to ‘give a human face – better yet,
a number of human faces, and voices – to large-scale, too easily anonymous
processes’ (ibid.: 176).
I will draw on my fieldwork in the French Pyrenees, where I studied
conflict between ‘traditional’ pastoralists and conservationists resulting from
the reintroduction of bears and wolves, to demonstrate that an empirically
and theoretically sound engagement with such macro-scenarios and their
uncertain futures is quite realizable within our core ethnographic method-
ological framework. Indeed, Robert Textor (1995) has long propounded
using targeted ethnographic questioning to elicit informants’ views of their
future(s). To minimize the pressure of direct questioning, my approach is
less structured, so informants can project themselves informally into their
future worlding, an ongoing, generative process imagining a future being-
in-the-world (Heidegger 1962). Building on Heidegger’s work, Ingold (1993)
argued that people dwell-in the world, experiencing it synaesthetically and in
an embodied manner: the landscape becomes a part of us and yet we are a
part of it. By rejecting the nature-is-real / nature-is-constructed dualism, this
‘dwelling perspective’ becomes one
according to which the landscape is constituted as an enduring record

of – and testimony to – the lives and works of past generations who have
dwelt within it, and in doing so have left something of themselves there.
(Ingold 1993: 152)
My theoretical framework develops this future(s) dwelt-in ethnographic

approach, using the point-of-view of being there with my informants, in their
dwelt-in future reality, to contextualize different future local worlds situated
within potential grander socio-geopolitical ecologies. As I explore this decep-
tively simplistic localized situation, I reveal that it can potentially be seen
as a microcosm of the broader conflictual relationships between humans
and nature that lie at the heart of the Anthropocene. This will show how
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ethnographic research can help reinstall anthropology as an important facili-
tator in future policy-making and planning. Of course, given its epistemological
conditioning to focus on the ethnographic present with an implied causality in
historicity (Persoon and van Est 2000: 10), this might also represent an(other)
existential challenge for anthropology.
Nevertheless, we must acknowledge that futures have not been totally
ignored within anthropology, and this helps greatly in framing a theoretically
sound futures-centric methodology. Luminary Margaret Mead, for example,
was an anticipatory anthropologist, politically engaged in creating more
desirable future possibilities. As Mead (2005 [1977]: 329) understood them,
such futures were not ‘pre-determined’ or ‘predictable’, but ‘open-ended …
something that lies within our hands, to be shaped and molded (sic) by the
choices we make in the present time’. Thus the future should not be viewed
as something that somehow passively happens, for this clearly cannot be the
case; there is a plurality of possible futures, not one single ‘future’ extended
from the past through the present. Indeed, Rainer Maria Rilke mused in his
Letters to a Young Poet, ‘the future is entering into us … in order to transform
itself in us long before it happens’ (1903: 30). The future, then, is a reality
shaped by the present while simultaneously shaping the present.
Indeed, anthropology’s role in contemplating such future ontologies was
tentatively interrogated over a quarter of a century ago by the Association of
Social Anthropologists in its 1990 ‘Anthropology of the Future’ conference.
Boissevain (1992: 78) was encouraged by his (unsuccessful) engagement
with the ‘emerging present’, acknowledging that he should have situated
his work within a more thorough historical understanding encompassing the
longue durée and not just the immediate past as he had done. Strathern
(1992: 185) argued that human-nature relationships were already being
challenged by rapidly changing technological progress that would give
humans increasing control over ordinarily ‘natural’ processes. Therefore, she
argued, anthropological ideas should intend to ‘make a radical impression
on the future – provided … some kind of continuous link can be maintained
with the present that will be its past’ (ibid.: 176). Finally, Peter Harries-Jones
(1992: 157ff.) presciently argued that anthropologists should be more impli-
cated in holistic biocultural ecosystems thinking combining present and
future imaginaries of the biosphere with local and global human cultural
systems. Thus if anthropologists were to participate meaningfully in discus-
sions about ecological and cultural survival, then a future-visioning approach
was essential.
Nevertheless, despite these promising beginnings, Milton (1990: 22)
observed that the conference failed to ‘make a coherent package’. Indeed,
anthropologists still rarely consider future imaginaries in their research
(Persoon and van Est 2000: 14). Yet, they increasingly consider their cultural

subjects within the context of their ‘natural’ environment and thus should
be well qualified and situated to ethnographically ground futures research
to evoke the hopes, fears, and other imaginaries of the peoples they study.
As an environmental anthropologist working with conserving biocultural
landscapes (Knight 2016), this seems self-evident to me; conservation is
intrinsically future-oriented (Persoon and van Est 2000: 19). Conservationists
(and many quantitative scientists) use lessons-learned from past initiatives
to model future scenarios to predict the most likely outcomes based on the
methods being considered. In effect, scientists are trying to constrain the
range of possible futures within models of probability and preferability based
on different ways of conducting the present (Adam 2006; Bell 2010).
Public anthropologists who wish to co-produce knowledge with their
ethnographic communities (Pink and Abram 2015) in order to help make
potentially better future worlds can draw on such scientific frameworks to
develop more robust futures methodologies.
Pyrenean pastoralism
Pastoralism has been central to Pyrenean culture for millennia and is still
important today, although facing unprecedented pressure from globalization,
politically-conditioned European subsidies, and neoliberal requirements for
lowest-cost and maximum productivity. Pastoralism is (simplistically) the
traditional extensive grazing of herd animals. Pyrenean transhumant pasto-
ralism is defined by the vertical translocation each summer of almost 600,000
sheep from the plains and low-mountain farms to the high mountain estives
(pastures) at elevations between 1,500 and 3,000 metres. Small-scale farming
exploitations typically own from sixty to 500 or so animals, and join forces to
create groupements pastoraux, pastoral collectives, that employ seasonal
shepherds responsible for maintaining the estives while caring for combined
flocks of 800 to over 3,000 sheep.
My fieldwork was conducted in the Couserans, a small, topographically
challenging territory in the southwest of the French department of Ariège
in the Central Pyrenees. The approximately 35,000 hectares of Couserans
estives, smaller and more fragmented than in the rest of the department,
are notoriously treacherous due to their relief and loose, rocky surface (see
Figure 6.1). About 15,000 sheep as well as a few thousand cattle and horses
(about a third of the department’s meat production) use the estives.
I chose the Couserans for my research, as it is ‘ground zero’ for the
presence of reintroduced bears, and is now expecting the imminent arrival
of wolves making their way naturally from the southern Alps. Extensive
pastoral farming and large predators are a socially explosive combination, and
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FIGURE 6.1 Berestet estive: steep and rocky, but reasonably accessible. Photo by

Tony Knight.
in Europe, the two coexist nowhere without incurring unsupportable depre-

dations (Kaczensky 1999: 68). Conflict between pastoralism and predator
conservation in such areas is inevitable, and probably the best way to
visualize this is through ethnography.
A winter walk in the Couserans

‘Merde!’ Nathalie1 stopped suddenly, and jabbed her bâton into the hard
ground sending a small stone flying over the edge of the path on which we
were walking. The narrow trail rose steeply, cutting through the dense forest
that towered like a wall above us, falling sharply away on our right. There was
no protection barrier. Marie-Claire and I stopped and turned to face Nathalie;
tears were forming in her eyes. ‘Damned écolos [collective description for
citizen environmentalists, conservationists, and ecologists],’ she said quietly.
These were the first words spoken in the fifteen minutes since we had left
the village of Cominac, some 900m up in the Couserans, still visible in the
valley below us (see Figure 6.2). Despite it being early March, the weather
was abnormally warm and it felt bizarre to be below the snow line; at this time
of year, snowshoes were usually essential equipment.
In the bright mountain sunshine and the light westerly breeze, none of us
wore coats; the two women accompanying me were dressed in jeans and

polaires (simple fleece jackets). The only things that distinguished them from
‘ordinary’ hikers and tourists were their hands and faces, grained by years
of working outdoors in the mountains, and their bâtons, not the standard-
equipment tourists’ telescopic aluminium hiking poles, but time-polished
traditional wooden canes used by Pyrenean bergers (shepherds). This had
been suggestive enough to provoke an interested reaction from some young
people hovering next to the community bulletin board as we entered the
village.
Two members of the group, women, wore identical t-shirts, emblazoned
with the green, half-moon shaped logo of FERUS, enclosing the unmistakable
silhouettes of a bear, a wolf, and a lynx. They were attaching a poster to the
board inviting people to an upcoming discussion in Massat, a nearby village
and haven for hippies, baba-cools, and other refugees from civilization.
FERUS, from the Latin word for wild or savage, is a major predator conser-
vation association in France. Quickly assessing the bâtons and faces of my
companions, one of the FERUS militants asked if we might join the meeting
to discuss the importance of pastoral-predator cohabitation for biodiversity
and development, adding that the participation of bergères (shepherdesses)
would be very welcome.
Marie-Claire fleetingly touched Nathalie’s arm, imploring her not to engage,
although my ethnographic self was quietly wishing for precisely such an
engagement. I was not disappointed. ‘You FERUS people are always so
presumptuous!’ Nathalie’s voice was sharp, angry.
I sell my cheese at local markets, and when you see me there, it’s always
the same. You see an organic-dairy shepherdess and just assume that
I must be pro-ours [pro-bear] and ask me to take your flyers to give to
my customers. Well, I’m not. I’ve nothing against bears, and I tell your
colleagues that. Our bears – our Pyrenean bears – died out decades ago. I
don’t transhume my cattle, so I don’t risk any predation, but I can’t support
this reintroduction of bears, or God forbid, wolves, in our mountains. They
don’t belong here. I support my fellow éleveurs (livestock farmers) …
not the bears. If we have to live with large predators, we’ll be forced to
abandon the estives, perhaps permanently abandon pastoralism. I, I …
(Field notes, 03/2014)
Marie-Claire jumped in, to help out her friend:
The mountains can survive without the bear. Ariège can survive. But
without the éleveurs and their brebis [ewes or sheep] and vaches [cows],
it would be catastrophic. Just look at this [gesturing with her arm at the
mountain vista beyond the village]. It’s beautiful. The estives; the forests;
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FIGURE 6.2 View from Cominac. The high estives are still covered with snow.

Photo by Tony Knight.
the peaks … It’s just so … It makes you want to be here. That’s what
people come to the Pyrenees for. Not bears or wolves. Not wilderness.
Without pastoralism, these mountains will become totally overrun. And
that wouldn’t be good for biodiversity, it would be terrible! Who’d want to
visit a mountain where all that beautiful verdure [pointing with her arm] is
gone, réensauvagé [rewilded] by thorns and brush; where all the sentiers
(mountain paths created by pasturing sheep) are impassable? (Field notes,
03/2014).
Friction: An ecomodernist divide

The above ethnographic vignette reveals many ecological and social issues
that cloud large predator conservation in the Pyrenees, particularly the core
disagreements between the pro- and anti-ours groups. The pro-ours écolos
believe they have a moral and legal duty to reintroduce brown bears in order
to restore some ‘balance’ to local ecosystems, without which, making a
viable future world becomes an undesirable probability. This forms part of a
broader argument to combat the sixth mass extinction of life on the Earth,
which is claimed to be occurring many thousands of times faster than during
the Cretaceous terminal extinction, 65 million years ago (McCallum 2015:
2498). Humanity is the metaphorical asteroid for this sixth mass extinction
and, therefore, we must urgently intensify our efforts to reverse the loss of

biodiversity which otherwise will be catastrophic for human survival (Ceballos
et al. 2015: 4).
The écolos argue that pastoralists and predators have ‘always’ coexisted
in the Pyrenees, and they imagine a future in which continued cohabitation
will be beneficial for biodiversity while creating opportunities for development
income based on ecotourism’s desires to spend time in an idealized ‘pristine’
nature.
The brown bear (Ursus arctos) and the wolf (Canis lupus) are keynote
species, nonhuman ‘spokespersons’ for biodiversity whose state of wellbeing
indicates the current and future resilience of the broader ecosystem. By the
end of the nineteenth century, wolves were extinct in the French Pyrenees,
and bears numbered fewer than 150; the ecosystem was not doing well.
Indeed, by the 1980s, fewer than twenty bears remained.
Following the 1984 Bern Convention and the 1992 Rio Convention on
Biological Diversity, France reintroduced three Slovenian brown bears in the
Western Pyrenees during 1996/97 and five more in 2006. Such rewilding
imagines apex predators as nonhuman engineers who will (re)engineer the
present ecosystem to resemble an implicit ‘wilder’ past state, to enable a
preferred future ‘wild’ ecology adapted to the uncertainties of the Anthropocene.
Such ecologies predict ‘better’ ecosystem services and more resilient biodi-
versity; reintroducing top predators creates a trophic cascade where effects
trickle down through lower trophic levels. For example, reintroduced wolves
in Yellowstone National Park reduced elk numbers and dramatically improved
damaged riparian ecosystems (Beschta and Ripple 2009).
The écolos are guided by such ‘rational’ conservation science, but also by
much harder to define emotions; they frequently perceive bears and wolves
as among the most iconic symbols of ‘wild’ and wilderness, animals who
perfectly define their culturally constructed authenticity of this preferred
future landscape. There are, however, important epistemological differences
between the various écolos. Ecologists and conservationists are working
together scientifically to understand the past and present ecosystem, and the
multiple species upon which it is depends. Conservationists, though, have
a specific additional agenda to conserve certain of these species for future
posterity. Thus, in the present, they are worldmaking with a view to improving
the chances of these species’ future survival; in the case of the brown bears,
they determined that a planned reintroduction was necessary. In doing
so, they are following a Weberian logic of science, which, as Adam (2005)
notes, ‘is grounded in a mode of enquiry that was established for objects in
motion’. In this way, these scientists can define a probable outcome for their
project based on a causal chain whose goal is to minimize any divergence
from their desired objectives as the chain moves forward. The resulting
worldmaking will inevitably overlap or be different than those of other actors.

4
We probe, interrogate and play with futures that are plural, non-linear,
cyclical, implausible and always unravelling.
5 Anthropology of the future is accretive. It builds on traditions, reflects

on pasts.
6 We are bold enough to engage with complexity and stay with

differences and uncertainties. We traverse the macro, mundane and
minute and embrace the chaotic, multisensory, performative and
material dimensions of social life in the Anthropocene.
7 We understand and are understood. We foster a politics of

listening attuned to a diversity of voices and we tell stories that are
imaginative, illustrative and informative. We create and design a
variety of materials and processes that are provocative, disruptive,
adaptable and reflexive.
8 We get our hands dirty. We are ethical, political and interventionist,

and take responsibility for interventions.
9 We may be epistemologically filthy, improvisational and undisciplined.

We may struggle, and fail and transform.
10 Anthropology of the future supports current and future members to

be part of a strong and recognizable community of practice.
Notes



for the present because their practices have changed dramatically over the
last few centuries, in particular, shifting production from dairy to meat. Dairy
farming demanded much smaller flocks enclosed at night so the shepherds
could milk the animals. However, this practice disappeared several genera-
tions ago, as there was no longer any such need for sheep being raised for
meat.
Pastoralists also deride the environmentalists’ statistics while proclaiming
adamantly that no predations are ever acceptable. Today, reflecting Nathalie’s
claim that the original Pyrenean brown bear is extinct, the thirty bears who
still survive in the Pyrenees are from the reintroduced Slovenian stock, a
different sub-species. These bears are not trans-Pyrenean, but spend most
of their time in the Couserans. A truer rate of predation calculated against
15,000 sheep, is 1 per cent (forty times greater). Furthermore, the predations
mostly occur in just five estives, and individual éleveurs frequently lose 10
per cent or more of their flock in a single bear attack, when sheep panic on
loose scree and fall to their deaths. As Nathalie implored, for most éleveurs,
predators and predations are simply unsupportable, and have no place in the
Pyrenees. Her comment that a forced cohabitation will cause pastoralism
to be abandoned visualizes a probable, but undesirable future, in which the
number of bears will be exponentially greater than today; all parties accept
that several hundred bears are needed for a sustainable population. Thus
while today, predations are very high in just a few localized zones, the future
imagines these zones expanding across the entire massif. Furthermore, the
future also promises a significant wolf population mirroring the issues in the
southern Alps, where predations are several thousand per year. In this type of
scenario imagining, then, pastoralists also project themselves into the future
– a world imbricated with the others I have discussed – only to find that they
no longer exist, that they became ‘extinct’ in the past-present (see Figure 6.3).
Moreover, this past-present confirms Marie-Claire’s concern that the pastures
will become naturally rewilded by impassable pre-forest, and ultimately new
forest. While she sees this as a threat to tourism development, many environ-
mentalists see it as a return to a more ‘pristine’ wilderness, and therefore
something to be desired. Ultimately, then, the pastoralists have everything
to lose, whereas environmentalists’ worldmaking efforts succeed in both of
their imagined futures, with or without pastoralists.
The conservation programme is therefore condemned as a deliberate
attempt to replace a past landscape where pastoralists have had no preda-
tions for generations, with a future landscape where predations will ultimately
force the abandonment of pastoral activities, simply to appease environ-
mentalists’ desires for a ‘wilder’ future world. Any appeal for a synergistic,
symbiotic cohabitation between pastoralism and large predators is dismissed
as political rhetoric obfuscating its real motives. Indeed, Rewilding Europe,
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FIGURE 6.3 Eleveurs demonstrate fear of their own extinction. Photo by Tony

Knight.

the leading association promoting European rewilding, is actively appro

priating abandoned, or imagined-abandoned, land for their projects, and has
this to say about pastoralism:
It is not economically sustainable in the long term. So we want to develop

a new, parallel approach, that we call rewilding, which will work much
better for many of these areas and give space to develop new, modern
ways of combining income, jobs and business with biodiversity conser-
vation … [Domestic grazing animals] do an almost as good grazing job as
the wild herbivores, to keep our lands open. (Rewilding Europe 2015, my
emphasis).
Rewilding Europe reveals its desire for a wilder Europe based on the premise
that ‘wild’ is better than ‘domestic’, and therefore human interactions should
ideally be removed from this future wilder landscape. Paradoxically, this
is justified by a modernist rhetoric of continued economic development,
especially increased ‘sustainable’ ecotourism (Rewilding Europe 2015). Along
with much conservation thinking, then, rewilding becomes one component
of what is becoming known as ecomodernism.
An Ecomodernist Manifesto promotes using global ‘social, economic, and
technological powers’ to develop a ‘good Anthropocene’ that ‘stabilize[s] the
climate, and protect[s] the natural world’ (Asafu-Adjaye et al. 2015); science
and technology will integrate synergistically with ‘free markets’ to develop
conservation and geoengineering solutions, and further intensify/productivize
human activities (especially farming) to free up enough land to assure the
ecosystem services required by these markets. In other words, this is a vision
for ‘land sparing’ (rewilding), not ‘land sharing’ (Phalan et al. 2011).
Ecomodernism, then, is future worlding characterized by an increas-
ingly technological modernity and its inevitable, but apparently necessary,
ecological ruination (Collard et al. 2015). Such a world is potentially yet another
imbrication, but nevertheless appeals to many ordinary people who see it as
a continuously enhanced life-as-usual. Furthermore, scientific and economic
communities believe themselves the most qualified makers of such a world,
justified by future-cost/benefit analyses and continuing rhetoric predicting
decreased global poverty and hunger (Asafu-Adjaye et al. 2015). This is clearly
a worlding imaginary that demands critical deconstruction by anthropologists,
sociologists, political ecologists, and environmental humanitarians concerned
with improving rights for humans and the natural world.
In the preceding discussion, I have used ethnographic research into the
historiographic longue durée, the present, and the future. I have attempted
to insert myself into the various actors’ dwelt-in future worlds so that I can
join them in being-in their ontological realities. Clearly, I would have liked
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to have done much more of this co-worlding, but that will have to wait for
future research. Nevertheless, anthropologists can also facilitate such a
dwelling-in-the-future understanding by drawing on existing ethnographic
research that provides insights into, for example, (de)colonial and post-
colonial research (see Collard et al. 2015) that reveals the effects of intensely
industrializing farming processes. However, ethnography, alone, might be
inadequate. Almost certainly, to challenge such ecomodernist future worlding
imaginaries, these disciplines will need to adapt some of the statistical
modelling techniques common to more quantitative sciences. Anthropology,
in particular, might benefit from exploring other innovative futures-visioning
methods. The key issue to confront is the generally superficial considerations
given to social implications (Sharpe 1998).
Not surprisingly, ecomodernism is already vociferously contested (Crist
2015; Hamilton 2015), notably because it prioritizes the preservation of
neoliberalism rather than nature, while obfuscating past, present, and future

roles of politics; its thesis, according to Clive Hamilton (2015: np), is ‘not
merely untrue. It is irresponsible’. Neoliberalism is, indeed, the underlying
socio-economic paradigm within which both Pyrenean ‘traditional’ pasto-
ralism and conservation operate. It is a ‘governing rationality’, beyond
capitalism, through which everything is economized (Brown 2015: 30); ‘every
field of activity’ is a market (ibid.: 33) requiring all human beings to become
market actors ‘rendered as capitals’ (ibid.: 65), with the sacrifice of ‘all other
hopes and dreams’ (Graeber 2013: 203). The future itself, then, is a market
actor and future identity/value is determined by continuous unbridled specu-
lation at the expense of the present. Thus worlds are ‘made and lived in the
name of preempting, preparing for, or preventing threats to’ neoliberalism
(Anderson 2010: 777). Therefore, as I have shown above, the often narrowly
focused goals of modern conservation and environmentalism can lead to
worlding that presumes a particular desired future – ignoring the imbrication
of many possible alternate futures – that might conflict with those hoped for
by the people most implicated (Sharpe 1998).
Colliding ontological landscapes

The friction between pastoralists and conservationists, as I have expounded,
is an inevitable outcome of neoliberal development ideologies (Tsing 2005).
Yet, while this might be a useful construct to try to understand what is
happening in the present and past I feel that it is inadequate in addressing the
future for it assumes that common sense will reveal common ground with
which to resolve such friction. To the contrary, I believe this friction comes not
from ideological differences in the neoliberal uses of a shared single ‘nature’,

but from the collision of ontologically different ‘natures’ that form a more
challenging pluriverse with an imbricated spatiality and temporality.
The dominant discourses represented in my ethnographic data are
culturally constructed and fused with authority and power, but founded
more in collective memory than historicity. The popular discourse of many
residents, tourists, and environmentalists reveals that for them, the Pyrenees
are a needed antithesis of modern, urban civilization, a shared beautiful
and ‘wild’ nature in which pastoralism has always more or less peacefully
coexisted with large predators (field notes, Laurent, 10/2013). The mountains
in which the pastoralists dwell – ‘our mountains’, as Nathalie called them – are
also beautiful but have never been ‘wild’: ‘We’ve architected the Pyrenees for
four thousand years. It’s always been a “humanized nature”, and it’ll always
be a “humanized nature”’ (field notes, Dominique, 12/2013). When the ‘wild’
– bears and wolves – transgressed this pastoral landscape, increasing use of
technology (traps and weapons) and habitat destruction caused by modernity
all but extirpated them (Knight 2016).
Despite the semiotic and symbolic epistemologies of these differing
relationships with nature, they are not alternative perceptions or represen-
tations of a single shared environment. Rather, they depend on profound
meanings that have developed between humans and nonhumans being-in
the specific landscapes over the longue durée. Each human group dwells
in its own specific reality in which landscape, activities, ideologies, imagi-
naries, and realized/realizable temporalities intertwine in ways that occlude
any understanding of how the other group cannot dwell in the same reality.
Thus the two realities become ontological landscapes that constantly collide
(Knight and Montesi forthcoming).
Ultimately, as revealed by the future(s) dwelt-in ethnographical approach
I have highlighted (which might not have surfaced in traditional ethnographic
study), the friction between the two worlds is not situated in the past and
present, but reflects contested futures, each an ontological reality incapable
of accepting any alternatives as things stand today. If a mutually desirable
future world is to be made, then my analysis shows that the only possible
way to achieve this would be to work with both écolos and pastoralists and
encourage them, perhaps in an experimental laboratory-like setting, to project
themselves into a future-present in which cohabitation is actually functioning.
By co-interpreting this future-present, we might collectively determine what
the eco-social structures look like (with or without a neoliberal operating
framework, for example), and then use this data as causal requirements with
which to move backwards in time to the past-present, highlighting the various
changes that occur.
2
Anthropologies and futures:
Setting the agenda
Sarah Pink and Juan Francisco Salazar
A nthropologies and Futures calls for a renewed, open and future-focused

approach to understanding the present, anticipating the unknown,
and intervening in the world. It is aligned with the movement toward a
critical anthropological ethnography whose practitioners are engaged with
confronting and intervening in the challenges of contested and controversial
futures, and it advances the agenda to depart from the constraints of conven-
tional mainstream anthropological practice, as stated in the critical manifesto
of the Future Anthropologies Network (this volume Chapter 1). Collectively, its
contributors are determined to refigure anthropology: beyond its reliance on
and its tendency to close itself off in critical isolation. Such approaches have
paralyzed the discipline in a world where the insights of creative, improvisa-
tional, speculative, and participatory techniques of a renewed anthropological
ethnography have the potential to make a significant contribution in the
making of alternative futures.
This book, as a collective action, seeks to derail mainstream social and
cultural anthropology from an insular and inward looking single-discipline
route that threatens to exacerbate its isolation and incapacity to participate
and intervene in the major worldmaking activities of our times. At the margins
of anthropology, applied, interdisciplinary, futures, and interventional strands
have long since militated for a useful and engaged anthropological practice,
and have gained traction. Yet, as a discipline, anthropology has been on track
to arrive late on the futures research scene. By opening our scholarship,
practice, and intentions to other disciplines, techniques, and aspirations, we
have the opportunity to bring to the study and making of futures an approach

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change scenarios predicting a better
than 50 per cent chance of maintaining global warming within 2°C are predi-
cated on global-scale geoengineering (Anderson 2015: 899). The essence
of the Anthropocene, then, is entangled in global neoliberal power relations
revealed through the complex political ecologies of an emerging anthropo-
cenic/scientific governance. This raises serious questions as to whether or
not democracy is even compatible with such governance: who will control the
technologies and their implementations, and who will be responsible for their
unforeseeable consequences at unimaginable local levels?
At the intersection of the local and global, anthropology has an incredible
opportunity to facilitate imaginaries that address the pessimistic uncertainties
of the Anthropocene and help open pathways to realizable, optimistic futures.
I imagine a worldwide public anthropology that profoundly examines its
multitude of field sites in order to expand our temporal assessments of local
dwelt- and dwelling-in experiences, explicitly considering multispecies and
human-nature entanglements. This will require a rapid epistemological shift
in our methods to truly embrace contemplating our ethnographic futures
within transdisciplinary research. Together, these myriad informed biogeo-
cultural vignettes from public anthropology might begin to meld together a
global vision for future imaginaries that are more desirable for human and
nonhuman wellbeing.
Note
1 All names are changed to assure anonymity.

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inflected by the ethical and participatory principles of anthropology. The
benefits are both the contribution that anthropology can offer to world making
and a renewed anthropology that nevertheless maintains its critical core, its
ethnographic origins and its capacity to engage with the world and people at
a depth and moral perspective. These characteristics of an anthropological
commitment to attempt to comprehend the world in a way that cares are
fundamental to our discipline and to the practice of Futures Anthropology. Yet
we call for an anthropology that is more daring, open, and interventional: that
faces futures and our role in shaping them, full on, while retaining a critical
perspective. This book sets the ground for this movement in anthropology,
as a shared concern.
The critical manifesto developed collectively by the Future Anthropologies
Network (this volume Chapter 1) states ten principles established collec-
tively by a group of about thirty anthropologists in Tallinn, Estonia, after our
founding workshop at the conference of the European Association of Social
Anthropologists (EASA) in 2014.1 The manifesto is ambitious and intentionally
provocative. While this book may not achieve its call in full, it takes a step
towards, and argues for the Futures Anthropology that we believe the network
envisages. Likewise, the chapters are not all equally radical. However, the
spirit of the book lies in a desire to move on, beyond what anthropology
conventionally does, and to lay the foundations to advance towards a new
state of the discipline. While it could be argued that these foundations already
exist in the fields of applied anthropology and design anthropology, and to
some extent in STS (Science and Technology Studies) anthropology, and
environmental anthropology, we propose something different; we argue for
an interventional anthropology that puts at its core a theoretical and practical
consideration of futures, and the possible ways they might be conceptualised
and played out.
This is not to say that attention to futures has been absent in anthropology
as a discipline, or in the work of individual anthropologists. As we outline below,
the notion of future has been pondered from a variety of perspectives within
anthropology. It is therefore surprising that in place of a dynamic set of critical
debates, and a field of practice enthused by a concern with futures, instead
(as we show below), we encounter a history of truncated pathways, which
have never sustained a coordinated field of future-focused anthropological

enquiry. Establishing techniques for researching futures sits at the core of
the work of this book, and is played out in the work of the contributors. By
techniques we do not simply refer to practical methods, detached from their
users or communities that can be transferred from one project to another.
Rather, drawing on Tim Ingold, we understand that ‘technique is embedded
in and inseparable from the experience of particular subjects in the shaping
of particular things’ (2000: 315); a method or approach is always situated

suspects’, affecting the everyday lives of ordinary Danish Muslims (Rytter and
Pedersen 2014). As the symbolically potent ‘Migrant Bill’ (L87) was recently
approved by parliament (as of 26 January 2016) implementing measures
against letting refugees and other immigrants into Denmark (and bringing
families) it added to a growing feeling among some of my Muslim inter

locutors of being unwanted in the country where they were born and grew
up. In short, debates about integration, citizenship, belonging and shared
futures formed a politically charged climate as the backdrop of my fieldwork.
Widespread future scenarios, images built around ‘the clash of civil

izations’ between Islam and the West (Huntington 1993), circulate and inform
people in their passages through public life in intricate ways. Such scenarios
purport to be early warnings, attempts at consciousness-raising, but arguably
work as self-fulfilling prophecies and global mythologies (Hannerz 2015: 803;
Werbner 2004: 462–3). In Denmark, a number of political commentators
embraced the scenarios of clashing civilizations or a subtle Muslim takeover
as realistic scenarios (Rytter and Pedersen 2014: 2310). Anthropology offers
no clear-cut counter-prophecies in the face of such future scenarios, but it
unfixes and unsettles them through being ‘more thoroughly grounded in the
rich materials of world ethnography and in anthropological thought’ (Hannerz
2015: 804). Due to this unfixing nature, it may be a much less effective tool
in capturing the popular imagination. Yet I argue that it is an important move,
to insist on an open-ended worldmaking through our writings and encounters.
This chapter is a response to the increasing calls for an engaged anthro-
pology, part of this edited volume’s larger prospect of a future-oriented
anthropology. I work from one of the most disconcerting encounters in my
fieldwork: the kidnapping of Isra, the daughter of Amal, a young woman of
Palestinian-Jordanian origin whom I befriended while carrying out fieldwork in
the Copenhagen social housing estate. At first, I found it nearly impossible to
make sense of Amal’s reactions to her daughter being taken away, and only
gradually did I come to understand it as meaningful and paradoxical: without
severing family ties, she behaved in a manner that kept the future open – and
continues to do so. I focus here on Amal’s Muslim/Danish tactics and on sabr,
the religiously informed attitude of patience. I describe dreams and digital
technologies as an infrastructure of the flow of images of the future – an
infrastructure that has a tendency to disappear from focus and blend into the
background in much research, but will be made the explicit focus here.
In the following passages, I move from a particularly dark Friday afternoon
in October 2014 where Amal’s eight-year-old daughter was taken/saved/
kidnapped (depending on who’s perspective is taken as the departure point)
to the responses and future orientations that I discerned in Amal’s actions and
attitudes over time. In this move, I insist on the difficult task of researching
futures anthropologically as they emerge and are experienced by interlocutors
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and the anthropologist, striving to espouse ‘prospective’ or even hopeful
orientations, regardless that these will always be of a ‘provisional, indeter-
minate and open-ended nature’ (Miyazaki 2004: 137): what Hirokazu Miyazaki
calls hopeful reflections on knowledge, rather than mere disclosure.
I suggest that being faithful to our ethnographic encounters, and to living
with difficult differences, disconcertments and paradoxes – on all scales from
within the individual person, within groups and within societies – demands
that we stay with the trouble and disconcertments. To reiterate, while
not necessarily producing counter-narratives to future-scenarios, a future-
oriented anthropology works towards subtly unfixing and unsettling them. In
Miyazaki’s work, he seeks to illustrate the idea of ethnography as an art of
reception and response. In his book The Method of Hope (2004), the Suvavou
people, disenfranchised by the Japanese government, have kept their claims
to the(ir) land open by repeatedly reorienting their knowledge toward the
future, and incessantly re-phrasing their demand (Miyazaki 2004; 2014: 520).
Miyazaki seeks to replicate this hopeful stance in his analysis and writing.
In the specific ethnographic case at hand in this article, the attitude of sabr
(patience) was a religiously motivated, hopeful stance on the part of Amal
that I struggled to understand. A stance that was present simultaneously
with other strategies, more easily recognizable within the modern concept
of the individual as striving to gain agency over his or her own life and future
(see Mahmood 2012). I seek to describe the workings of sabr without losing
sight of the tactics that Amal simultaneously applied that contradicted this
very stance.
My attention to future-making is through a focus on digital technologies
and dreams as particular techniques for researching the future anthro

pologically, and as co-generating imagination and futures in underdetermined
ways. The way that dreams in my fieldwork was understood as relating to
the future is connected to the concept of the imaginal realm (alam al-mithâl)
(see Chittick 1994; Corbin 1976; Marks 2016), and offers a way to engage
with what lies beyond and between the intelligible and sensible/corporeal
realm. Contemporary relationships across the world are constituted and play
out through practices such as co-presence in and through digital media and
technologies (Pink et al. 2016: 16).
Throughout my research the smartphone and social media platforms both
configured centres of attention, and worked as fieldwork devices to inter-
rogate imaginings of futures in its emergent forms. These imaginings were
often manifested in glimpses: a quote or picture posted in a social media
platform, or a private message presenting a ‘hoped for future self’ rather than
a ‘factual’ present state. The focus on sabr, tactics, digital technologies and
dreams as future-producing is a response to and replication of my encounters
in the field. This is inspired by Miyazaki’s (2014: 526) call for a ‘shared

commitment to achieving analytical openness and the various divergent
forms in which such openness may materialize in any specific ethnographic
situation’: an open-endedness that is a patient, responsive stance and
direction, rather than a means to an end.
The incident
Twenty-six-year-old Amal came to her daughter’s school to pick her up on
a Friday afternoon, but she was not there. When Amal returned home, she
found suitcases and the passports of her daughter and her now ex-husband
to be missing. She kept the possibility open that he did not intend to stay
away with their daughter, simultaneously acting as if a kidnapping was in
fact happening, and alerting the police that very same day. Amal had been
married to her paternal cousin, her father’s brother’s son (FBS) and Isra was
now staying with her grandparents in Jordan. On the following Monday, they
contacted Amal’s father to let him know what had happened. They contended
that Denmark was not a good place for Isra to grow up.
I met with Amal in Copenhagen, a week after the incident had taken place:
we smiled at each other, kissed each other on the cheeks, and hugged.
Longer than usual. Amal lit a cigarette and updated me on the events
following immediately after the kidnapping. Amal had no direct contact with
her ex-husband after he left Denmark with their daughter. She talked to her
daughter regularly on Viber,2 able to see her face ‘live’ on the pink iPad that
Isra had brought with her from Denmark. Amal was unsure whether she
could believe her daughter when she insisted that she was happy.
We’ll speak our language, I told Isra when we Facetimed the first time. I
didn’t say the word Danish, just called it ‘our language’ … and she told me
in Danish, that she knew they would be leaving, but her father made her
not say anything about it to me or to anyone else. When we talked, Isra
repeated, ‘I’m fine, mama, I’m with my cousins and having a fun time, you
don’t need to call all the time, I’m on vacation …
Was Isra ‘just on vacation’, after all, as she said? Was this a kidnapping, or
could it be re-negotiated? Amal was in suspense. She had overheard her
uncle and former father-in-law tell Isra to sit down next to him, while she
talked to her on Viber. Amal would pose Isra a question in Danish, and she
would watch Isra on-screen look up behind the iPad, and the answers to
Amal’s questions would come hesitantly. Soon Isra said she was not allowed
to speak Danish anymore and preferred to only speak in Arabic.
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One night, some months after the incident, during one of the many
sleepovers at Bita’s place in Nørrebro, Bita (Amal’s friend of twenty-five years’
standing), and another close interlocutor analysed the situation. Bita viewed it
in light of her own experience as a child in Denmark. She identified with Isra
trying to do the right thing towards both her mother and father. She spoke in
rather clear-cut sentences:
I feel sorry for Isra. You have to have been through something like that to
really understand it. I fucking hope, by God, that Amal’s ex will be punished
for what he’s done. I tried the same thing with my mom and dad. To get
your dad to leave your mom alone, and not end in ‘argument-argument’,
you do everything you can to make your dad happy. But I should have
just let them divorce, that would’ve been better … The father loves his
daughter – and he doesn’t know what he’s doing to her …
We went back to discussing the legal aspects of the situation. Amal and Bita
disagreed on whether it was national legislation in Jordan or sharia (Islamic
law) that would guide how the family there would solve the situation. Amal
spoke:
I looked more into it, and according to sharia, the child belongs with the
mother until the age of twelve, or until a girl starts menstruating. After
that, the child belongs (equally) with both parents … I was told that this is
what it’s like in Jordan too. Still I don’t want Isra to worry. I just take away
her worries and say: ‘Have a nice time, I’ve told the school that you are on
vacation’ – because she worried about school – but I can feel that she isn’t
happy … she isn’t happy. I feel it.
Amal worked with a number of intermittent, tentative future scenarios that

she did not concretize when I pressured her on the matter. She sometimes
struggled with the feeling of seeing no horizon at all, not feeling like getting
up in the morning and carrying on, seemingly oscillating between different
states of mind, through which the world was disclosed to her. An imaginative
horizon of multiple plans and possibilities is in no way straightforward or
‘singular’, as the person is ‘engaging in a retrospective⁄ prospective process
and drawing on previously collected knowledge and possible paths of actions,
focusing ‘rays of attention’ on a plurality of possible states’ (Mische 2009:
696). Interpreting actions is invariably predicated on the time that passes,
and in light of other events, past and future that re-signify the ‘original’
event. Different temporal moments (both futures and pasts) co-existed in
the present as guiding tendencies for Amal. In the days, weeks and months
following the kidnapping, the uncles in Amman discussed the matter over

the telephone with Amal’s father in Copenhagen, Amal eavesdropping by
the door.
My questions to Amal, infused with impatience and a wish to know
concretely the likelihood of one scenario over another and what to do next
were met by Amal with unfinished sentences, silences, diversions, or simply:
‘I don’t know Karen, I hope Insh’Allah (God willing).’ I sensed these shifts in
Amal’s mood in both telephone conversations, text messages and face-to-
face. Instead of a profile picture on her WhatsApp-profile,3 a short text was
displayed:
Crying is the only way your eyes speak when

your mouth can’t explain how things
made your heart broken.
Through digital technologies Amal sent out tentative, hopeful and despairing
images and into the world; open-ended requests that might do unforeseen
work. Amal sent these digital images out into the world, and lobbied intensely
with family members and others in the local community, exploring both the
possibilities within the legislations of the Danish nation state as well as
sharia. I will go into these various responses and attitudes in more detail
below, starting with the simultaneous lobbying-tactics and sabr.
Constant lobbying and sabr

Sometimes I had trouble understanding that Amal’s inaction was an action:
how could she let time pass and not do more, freak out? While in fact
Amal was doing something: practicing patience for her family in Jordan and
everyone else to witness, both directly and mediated through gossip and
by sharing pictures on various social media platforms. As Saba Mahmood
reminds us, drawing on her fieldwork with women of the piety movement
(da’wa) in Egypt, the subject’s exteriority and interiority can be in a relationship
where a bodily act (and in my reading, a ‘selfie’ taken in various situations) is
both an expression of, and a means to, the realization of the subject. As ‘many
dimensions of practice – linguistic and nonlinguistic – cannot be grasped in
terms of a theory of representation alone’ (Mahmood 2012: xi), we need to
depart from the idea of performing/form as not sincere (see also Hirschkind
2006: 15, 94–5).
Ultimately, Amal needed her family’s support whatever she chose to do.
They are her network, her world and her future. And she needed God to bear
the trials he himself put on her. Sabr, living according to the knowledge that
God ultimately knows best, is not to be confused with inaction. It is a virtue
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highly valued that helps a person bear the tests that God presents in dunya
(this world) before the Day of Judgement. Within this framework, the way
to get Isra back was not for Amal to go to Jordan and fetch her by force –
which in any case she could not do – as the Danish police had made it clear
that they could do nothing to help her unless her ex-husband was within the
EU-borders. Instead Amal travelled to Mecca and Medina with her father,
praying, drawing closer to God. As she herself pointed to, though, this stance
was applied after having ‘tried everything’: she had gone to the police, the
Foreign Ministry, the Social Services, the free Legal Aid, lawyers specializing
in kidnapped children, trying every official route she could think of. ‘This is
Denmark – how come no one can help me, my child has been kidnapped,
hello!’ The last hello seems a metaphor for the non-response to her call for
help that Amal experienced from the Danish state.
She did succeed in having lawyers from Legal Aid contact the Swedish and
Norwegian embassies, but to no avail. She convinced her father to meet with
a lawyer specializing in cases with kidnapped children. A simultaneous tactics
of lobbying with various family members seemed to work better. After Amal
and her father had visited Isra and the family in Jordan, and many subsequent
talks back and forth between the senior men in the family had ensued, it was
agreed that Isra would be returned to Amal and the family in Denmark before
the beginning of the new school year August 2015.
As this promise of Isra’s return was ultimately not kept, Amal again
contacted the police. At the station, she was told ‘There’s nothing we can do,’
the officer adding, ‘You can try to kidnap her back yourself, that’s what I would
do, I guess.’ The only tangible result of the police interview recounted above
was Isra being ‘re-categorized’ as having been out of the Danish system since
the Friday afternoon in October 2014, where Amal had called the police to
alert them. Amal was told to pay back child support and housing subsidy for
the months that had passed since.
If Amal was to act on her own single-handedly, without the consent and
support of her family, she would possibly get her daughter back, but the
everyday life they had lived before the kidnapping and their social network
and support structure would be lost in the process. Her family would be
deeply disconcerted should she disregard the way her parents and her
father’s family in Jordan would seek to solve the situation. Thinking through
future relationships is an important part of considering the consequences of
action and it implies differing models of causality, agency and influence. In
the case at hand, for example, divine intervention seems one of the under-
lying frames at play in relating to the future. Contemplating one’s own death,
dhikr al-mawt, is a fundamental reminder of behaving ethically in this life
(Hirschkind 2006). The final test is when one is faced with God, naked, to
be judged.

What is important, Christian Suhr writes, drawing on his work with Danish
Salafi’s is ‘the cultivation of certain virtues, so that one may embrace what
is being given with thankfulness (shukr), perseverance and patience (ṣabr)
… Emphasis is not so much on agency in the sense of the ability to act
outwardly, as on the ability to receive what is being given with an ethically
correct sensitivity … the relevant part of the self that needs to be freed is
not so much the mind–brain “ego”, but rather the “heart” (qalb) and its ability
to respond emotionally and ethically in accordance with its circumstances’
(Suhr 2013: 167). According to my Muslim interlocutors, the return for sabr
is blessings, mercy and guidance of Allah. Yet these blessings might be very
concrete. In Amal’s case she was consciously hoping and praying to God to
grant her support and to make her ex-husband and their relatives change their
minds and return her daughter. Her hardships facilitated her becoming more
religious, and displaying, or rather enacting, religiosity became a strategy –
perhaps the only viable strategy for getting her daughter back.
Amal lived through the trials put on her. She attempted to show in her
actions over the year following the kidnapping, that she was patient, pious, a
good person – a good mother. She was hoping and constantly lobbying for the
short-term return of her daughter, whilst aligning with God and the ultimate
long-term perspective. Through this practice, she was given strength to
carry on in this tragic situation of impasse, showing ‘radical open-endedness
entailed in the exchange with God’. (Miyazaki 2014: 521). As she commented:
‘Where would I end up if I didn’t focus on patience? In the psychiatric ward?
This is my child – it is a piece of me.’
According to my interlocutors, the help from God can be asked and
received via prayer and via dreams. In what follows, I turn to dreams as
infrastructure for the flow of images of the future, and afterwards to digital
technologies as an infrastructure for images impacting the future.
Dreams as infrastructure for images and

technique for researching futures
Amal’s former marriage was arranged, her ex-husband came from Jordan to
Denmark in his late twenties, and Amal, a young school-girl at the time, was
born and grew up in Copenhagen. The couple were very differently situated
in terms of belonging in and to Denmark, and in ways of envisioning their
future, and that of their daughter, accordingly. In one of my first conversa-
tions with Amal’s ex-husband, he asked me what my husband thought about
my spending so much time with Muslims. To my surprised reply that he did
not mind, he then asked without a trace of irony in his voice, ‘Is he not racist
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the formation of an anthropological theory of the future, and reveals how
anthropologies of futures have been influenced by theoretical turns, rather
than themselves being the basis for theory building. This is something that
needs to change, as argued below. First, we interrogate two examples of how
attempts at anthropologies of futures clashed with anthropologies of time, in
order to understand how this occurred.
In the 1990s and 2000s new anthropological approaches to futures
emerged, yet these were not coherent with the most popular theoretical
developments in mainstream anthropology. For example, Sandra Wallman’s
volume Contemporary Futures (1992), which examined the future in classi-
cally framed ethnographic case studies, was published in the same year as
Alfred Gell’s monograph (1992) The Anthropology of Time, which has had
an enduring influence in anthropology. While Wallman and her contributors
argued for ethnography’s capacity as a technique for ‘knowing’ the world, this
was precisely one of the assumptions that Gell developed a critique of. For
Wallman, anthropological perspectives were not really about the future as it
will be, could be, or ought to be, but were concerned with futures visualized
in our own or others’ cultures in the present. Wallman’s approach concurred
more with George Herbert Mead’s view of a future that is only possible and
revocable as a dimension of the present, and simultaneously endorsing a
Geertzian-type strategy for the ‘interpretation of futures’ through a framework
that attended to the role of symbols in the construction of meaning. Her
proposal ‘to interpret the way we and others picture the future, and then to
understand the effects of our (or their) picturing it as we/they do’ (1992: 2),
was therefore already anachronistic at the time, and thus slipped out of view,
as new theoretical perspectives led anthropology’s mainstream debates in
another direction.
Similar interpretations can be made of more recent attempts to put futures
on the anthropological agenda, such as Arjun Appadurai’s lament that ‘in
spite of many important technical moves in the understanding of culture,
the future remains a stranger to most anthropological models of culture’
(Appadurai 2013: 5). Following a broadly culturalist and representational
approach Appadurai identified that ‘there is still an underlying pull in the core
concepts of anthropology – such as culture, diversity, structure, meaning
and custom – toward persistence, stability, fixity’. He has argued that ‘[t]his
tendency has limited the anthropological contribution to the study of how
different human societies organize the future as a cultural horizon’ (Appadurai
2013: 5). While a focus on stability would most likely limit the anthropological
study of where future lies in different cultures, we arrive at a different expla-
nation. That is, we argue, that interpreting Futures Anthropology as the study
of how future figures in models of culture, in itself limits anthropology as a
field of study. Contemporary departures from a representational anthropology

38–58) from a different line of argument ends up also pointing to dreams as
being like myths or fables. He writes about dreams that ‘they don’t predict
the future. Dreams are sort of suspended in time. They don’t have any tenses
… if dreams have not tenses and are somehow suspended in time, then it
would be forcing the wrong sort of objectivity to say that a dream ‘predicts’
something. And equally wrong to say that it is a statement about the past, it’s
not history …’ (ibid: 51). In this understanding, the moral is not stated in the
dream, but the whole dream is the moral. It is then up to the psychoanalyst
within the Freudian tradition to get the patient to find the moral, Bateson
writes (ibid: 52).
Amira Mittermaier, drawing on her fieldwork in Egypt, turns our attention
in a different direction, namely how ‘certain dreams come to the dreamer
as opposed to being produced by her or him’ (2012: 248). In this sense,
the dreamer is ‘never in charge’ (ibid.: 254) because dreams come from
Elsewhere, troubling the notion of ‘a unified subject’ and pointing towards
‘the imaginal realm’ (ibid.: 249, 260). In my material the dreams encountered
emerge as an amalgam of divine or spiritual intervention, the practices of
du’a (prayer), the nightly dreaming, and the negotiating with oneself and
others about what meaning the dream holds. Paying attention to dreams
can be a technique of ethnographically researching the future, as Iain Edgars
proposes; the images of ourselves and images that we portray to the world
when rehearsing future action explores imaginative resources and reveals
implicit knowledge and emotional states (Edgar 2004: 1).
Researching uncertain futures through

digital technologies
I received snaps4 from Amal as she visited her daughter in Amman, accom-
panied by her father, the second time. Almost a year had passed since the
incident. There were ‘selfies’ of Amal looking worried with accompanying
texts that underlined that she was nervous and excited. While in Jordan,
her ‘Snapchat MyStory’ (a compilation of snaps which all one’s contacts
can view) was updated every day with pictures and videos of Isra, Amal and
her father having fun; at the pool, at fun fairs, and out and about on excur-
sions in Jordan. There are snaps with mother and daughter posing together
in identical pyjamas and looking happy. There are pictures from restaurants
and at home in a garden, sharing food with family members; uncles, aunts,
and cousins. I (and her other friends, sisters and sister-in-law) snapped back,
adding heart emoticons to the picture and ‘liked’ her posts in the Instagram
social media platform.
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I received a snap of Amal’s sad face and a text stating that she did not want
to ‘leave the apple of her eye’, her ‘one and only love, forever’, her beloved
Isra. Then later a snap of a plane in the airport at night, and an accompanying
text: ‘Goodbye Isra’ with a sad smiley-emoticon with a tear down the cheek.
I was on the telephone with Amal a few days later. It was only 2.00 p.m., but
I could hear her and her mother already preparing dinner in the background,
the noise of chopping vegetables and scrambling with pots and pans. Several
of Amal’s sisters and their husbands were coming for dinner, so there would
be a lot of people.
It was hard visiting Isra in Jordan, Amal confided over the telephone.
But she pulled herself together, and made sure that they made the most of
their time together. I was curious as to what happened before she left her
daughter again. What was said, or agreed on, concerning the future.
Amal: I told her ‘You know you just call me, and if you want to come to
me, you know where I am.’ ‘Yes, mama, I know,’ she said. She can call me
and tell me to come anytime, and I will find a way, but I do not want to put
more stress on her. She is very concerned with not upsetting her father,
and says that she is happy there.
Karen: I’m beginning to understand … You remember when I told you that
time at the café that I think I would be standing in the street screaming, if
it happened to me. I didn’t get the idea of having to show patience, sabr
and all that.
Amal: Yeah, what good would that do? It would not help in getting her
back. My Dad has played a really big part in helping me understand that it’s
better to go there and show them that I have nothing to be ashamed of. I
hold my head high. Going to Jordan and make problems would just make
it much harder to ever get her back. He has really been supporting me, my
Dad … Now I feel good, Karen, that I at least know I’m doing everything I
can. You know I’m not ‘extremely’ religious, you know me, but still when
you believe and you let God into your life, it’s such a warm feeling inside …
I don’t know when I will get her back, I hope I will, insh’Allah – if it doesn’t
happen in this life, then ...
For a long time Amal’s only updates on social media were pictures of her
daughter. In the Snapchat platform, though, you can only share what is in the
moment and Isra was not in the moment with Amal. She would still send
snaps with Isra indirectly, her absence present: a picture of the drawings
and letters that Isra’s classmates had made for her; the framed compilation
of pictures of herself and Isra that she had hung up on the wall; the necklace

with her daughter’s name in gold letters she received from girlfriends on
her birthday; and snaps of Amal herself at events and celebrations with a
text across the pictures reading, ‘First Ramadan without my Isra’, or the like,
decorated with emoticons expressing sadness. Other snaps would show the
everyday life that Amal was living – without her daughter physically present.
Digital technologies and dreams as open-ended

future-making
Feminist media scholar Laura U. Marks traces how Arabic philosophers synthe-
sized Greek philosophy with Qur’anic thought, ‘developing a psychology
from Aristotelian sources and a cosmology of emanation from Neoplatonic
ones’ (Marks 2016: 3). Contemporary Muslim scholars continue to develop
the concept of the imaginal realm, and Marks argues that it describes a
progressive collective imagination (ibid.: 4). In William Chittick’s words,
drawing from Ibn al-Arabi:
The rational faculty (‘aql ) works by a process of stringing concepts together

and drawing conclusions, ‘reflection’ (fikr ). In contrast, the imaginal faculty
(khayâl) works by an inner perception that perceives ideas in sensory form.
Hence imaginal perception may be visual, but this vision does not take
place with the physical eyes; it may be auditory, but things are not heard
with the physical ears. Again, dreams prove that everyone has nonphysical
sense experience. (Chittick 1994: 70)
And as underscored by Corbin: ‘Of course, the forms and figures of the
mundus imaginalis do not subsist in the same manner as the empirical
realities of this physical world’ (Corbin 1976: 10). Experiences pertaining to
the imaginal realm are real, but on a different plane than the realities of the
physical worlds, consequently, the sense experience is nonphysical – as in a
dream.
The alam al-mithâl is also described as the world of ‘Images in suspense’
(mothol mo’allaqa) (Corbin 1976: 10). The analogy of images in suspense is
the reflection in a mirror describing the relation of images to the empirical
world. In this I find a resemblance to the ‘selfies’ and other digital images
in social media that my interlocutors share with others, particularly in the
Snapchat platform, where an image shared will cease to exist after maximum
ten seconds. Marks points to a move where contemporary Western thought,
tired of the sovereign subject, is trying to conceive of an extra-subjective
reality that binds individuals ethically to others (Marks 2016: 4). Henry Corbin
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suggested the ‘the imaginal realm’ or ‘mundus imaginalis’ as the proper trans-
lation of alam al-mithâl, as he saw it as problematic that ‘the term imaginary
is equated with the unreal, with something that is outside the framework of
being and existing … I had to find a new expression to avoid misleading the
Western reader, who, on the contrary has to be roused form his old engrained
way of thinking in order to awaken him to another order of things’ (1976: 3–4).
The concept of the imaginal realm offers a way to engage with what
lies beyond and between the intelligible and sensible/corporeal, adding a
different dimension to the work on the imaginary in continental philosophy
and anthropology.5
Conclusion
Why do we do what we do as anthropologists? More specifically, why
do I recount such a disconcerting case of a Muslim interlocutor’s moment
of impasse? When confronted with disconcerting and unsettling events that
seem impossible to come to terms with for those involved as well as the
anthropologist, such as the case of the kidnapping I have recounted here,
the commitment to the ethnographic encounter and a future-orientation
is imperative. ‘Meeting each other across serious oppositional difference
doesn’t resolve into some kind of dialectical resolution’ (Haraway 2016: 212),
and/but we need to ‘think collectively even when answers seem impossible’
(Mahmood 2012: xxviii).
I believe (following Brit Ross Winthereik, personal communication) that
there is a special generosity to be found in subjecting ourselves to the
question of how we inhabit infrastructures for seeing, thinking and knowing.
My starting point is from the trajectory of a Western, scientific tradition with
all that it entails. ‘Allowing’ myself to inhabit the infrastructure of the digital
technologies as part of fieldwork, and experiencing dreams as entangled in
fieldwork, open up different ways of knowledge-making and consequently
future-making. This, then, is a tentative proposal for a responsive open-
endedness as future-making.
Miyazaki (2014) underscores that the response and replication he calls for
entails anthropological commitment to analytical openness, and resides in
‘the cultivation of an outward orientation toward, and a willingness to receive
and respond to others’ (Miyazaki 2014: 526). Through looking at the infra-
structure of images, I have shown how dreaming and digital technologies are
ways of enduring hardships patiently and of simultaneously seeking to facil-
itate a better future. Amal employed digital technologies, sending out images
of herself enacting/being the good Muslim woman and mother. I have sought
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into the future’ (Abram and Weszkalnys 2013: 9). Likewise Mark Nuttall’s
‘anthropology of anticipation’ in the Arctic has demonstrated the role of
anticipation in climate change studies, while outlining the possibilities for
ethnography as an approach to understanding anticipation multiplies, as a
form of knowledge, as ontology, as foresight and insight, as engagement,
as orientation, as self-realization, and as a consideration of potential (Nuttall
2010: 33). A similar future-focused anthropology is also emerging beyond
the study of the future in the present, for instance in the collaborative work
of David Valentine, Valerie Olson and Debbora Battaglia who have turned
to the notion of extreme spaces, to propose a future oriented ethnography
that explores forms of sociality that cannot yet be fully imagined, but which
humans strive for (Valentine et al. 2012: 1008). The concept of the extreme
here postulates a new way to convey practices and visions of the future,
and to move beyond the limits of Earthly politics. In focusing on the cosmos
and outer space, Valentine et al. have effectively asked what anthropology’s
stakes are in this field.
While these recent works do not together represent a field of established
practice in Futures Anthropology, they collectively signify a readiness, an
openness and a demand for engagement with futures in anthropological
theory and practice. There is however a greater role for Futures Anthropology,
which we argue defines its possibility as an expanded field of practice. While
the study of future as imagination in the present is important to Futures
Anthropology research (Crapanzano 2004), it is limited in the extent to which
it can participate in interdisciplinary theory building and in significant debates
of our time. As Marilyn Strathern has observed, ‘people’s actions are all the
time informed by possible worlds which are not yet realized’ (2005: 51). Other
initiatives have pushed further to identify a role for anthropology in developing
new practices of imagining futures, for new perspectives on anticipatory
action ‘which takes seriously those ‘possible worlds’ which, although not
yet realized, inform people’s everyday actions’ (Nielsen 2011: 399). Hence,
as anthropologists we mustn’t lose sight, as Anna Tsing insists, of ‘imagining
the about-to-be-present’ (2005: 269) in ways that avoid the ‘shadow of inevi-
tability’ of neoliberal globalization and attend ‘to states of emergence – and
emergency … [where] hope and despair huddle together’ (2005: 269).
Such a path can be complicated for anthropologists – particularly given
the trajectories we outlined above. For example, the predictive stances of
future scenarios as built by economists, or climate change scientists, or the
objectifying models of future personas offered by design researchers, are
equally valid as topics for anthropological deconstruction (like examples of
planning and environmental anticipation discussed above). Yet, if we let these
tendencies constrain us, anthropologists will be unable to make the important
contributions we can offer fields including environmental research, synthetic
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Miyazaki, H., 2014. ‘Insistence and Response: On Ethnographic Replication’.
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8
Future in the
ethnographic world
Débora Lanzeni and Elisenda Ardèvol
Introduction
In this chapter we propose an approach that treats future as an analytical tool
that emerges in the context of ethnographic work. This involves a concept of
future that is produced as the outcome of a mutual engagement between the
ethnographer on the one hand, and on the other the people and things who
are part of our ethnographic worlds. In doing so we draw on the example of
how this approach was developed and mobilized in an ethnographic project
undertaken in, and with participants of, the world of digital technology design.
In this world, future is in the making, and ethnography has a specific mode
of knowledge production that actively participates in this worldmaking (Pink
2014). Future does not exist outside the world we inhabit and there is no
singular, universal future. As suggested by Hodges (2014), in both our ethno-
graphic and analytical practice we need to seek concepts that are actively
produced through everyday life, rather than treat concepts as things that can
stand for everyday life, as empty forms awaiting content.
In this chapter we discuss how we came to conceptualize the future on
the terms of technology developers and designers, in a way that is rooted in
anthropology, but empirically informed and interdisciplinary in scope. Here,
future, rather than a ready-made concept that can be applied to ethnographic
analysis, has emerged as something that has to be conceptualized and
contextualized through vernacular doings and understandings.

discussed there is increasingly a moral responsibility to be mindful of and
prepared for doing cultural research that accounts for the future – to create
anticipatory and interventionist public/applied anthropologies of the future.
The challenges this poses have been recognized by others such as James
Ferguson who has warned that ‘if anthropology is to contribute to the work
of creating better human futures, it will need to demonstrate the relevance of
anthropological knowledge and anthropological ways of thinking to the great
practical and political issues that today confront our increasingly intercon-
nected but unequal world’ (Ferguson 2014: n.p.).
The ethics of responsibility are thus complex. Indeed, to quibble with
Strathern, it is not simply that possible worlds are not yet realized, rather,
possible worlds are precisely merely possible, and might not be realized in
the forms that they are ‘possible’. The ontological status of possible worlds is
that they are emergent from a particular way of imagining through contingent
configurations of the present. Future worlds will likewise be emergent, but
constituted through different configurations of things, processes and the
contingencies that are part of them. We are therefore, all in different (but poten-
tially complementary) states of expert not knowing. The challenge becomes
how we might form such expertise, both for ourselves as researchers, and
in collaboration with others, whose possible futures or everyday alterities
we wish to comprehend. The types of futures expertise that ethnographic
not knowing can generate are distinctly anthropological. Here we differ from
those who take predictive approaches, such as economists and others who
analyse and model future scenarios, as experts in this (in fact unknown and
uncertain) terrain. While it might be that as anthropologists we share with
other ‘experts’ a world where ‘one defining quality of our current moment
is its characteristic state of anticipation, of thinking and living toward the
future’ (Adams et al. 2009), as anthropologists our stance is to never be the
expert. Instead we learn about and with other people’s expertise, accredit
this expertise to them as collaborators in shared endeavours. In futures
research this means creating generative forms of not knowing with others,
which might involve imagining, planning, designing, enacting, intervening or
anticipating the future on an everyday basis.
The techniques for researching the future developed by the contributors
to this book are theoretical, analytical and methodological. Some are more
conventional in their encounters with participants. Others, as discussed later,
develop novel methods. All, in a typically anthropological way are reflexive.
As the contributors to this book show, what will happen next can be under-
stood as contingent on the relatedness of different scales of global events.
Indeed, contingency is at the core of understanding how futures play out. For
instance, Andrew Irving examines how people’s future selves, experiences
and modes of expression are intertwined with and affected by the globally
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daily management of the future in fablabs feed into concepts used in the
technology market, but these are not the same thing. Futures that matter
inhabit the very processes of making technology possible. Visions of future
interpellate what in the market is seen as innovation in dialogue with design
processes that obviously are never linear, or new. That is, to comprehend how
designers conceptualize ‘innovation’ and strategically play with its meanings
it is necessary to understand that future is not just a temporary moment in
a line. Rather we need to acknowledge that there are several futures, which
interweave with each other to simultaneously bring these native notions of
innovation into play while also confronting them.
For example, Luc became a tech evangelist in addition to other projects
related with smart technologies he was carrying out. Speaking of his
involvement he said, ‘I believe in this. Telling Debora that I organize these
meetings because what I want is to bring in the ones that are interested in
technology for the future.’ He explained that to be an evangelist is a way to
open the market. This involves not simply seeking to make people understand
what smart technology is, but mainly to help companies understand the roles
they can play in the development of the Smart Tech field. Large companies
such as Intel, have their evangelists, too. For instance, tech evangelists
are responsible for going to hackathons and new platforms designed to
promote the virtues that technology brings. Specifically smart technologies
are attached, on the one hand, to the creation of an internal market (which
encourages companies to develop them) and on the other, to an external
market (which encourages society to be open to receive these technologies).
This is based not only on what these technologies make possible, but
reflects a situation where in order for these technologies to participate in
the future, the future needs to be projected into (and by) them. The role of
the evangelist is therefore integral to the design of smart technology as it is
aligned to visions of the future, and is designed for a ‘world to come’, and for
an emerging market (Lanzeni 2016b).
Future is made and fixed in mundane social and digital-material life, as
Watts (2015) explains for the mobile industry. The common sense definition
of innovation is, with reference to the market, is built on this everyday future
making. However in order to understand how other processes are bound to
vernacular understanding of futures, we need to reconsider the temporality of
future. This allows us to examine how design processes enact certain notions
of future that, for the market, are linked to innovation but for the designers
themselves are strategically used but never conceptualized as such (Lanzeni
2016a). Existing studies of technological futures however do not attend this
tension between vernacular understanding of future and the visions of a
future for the specific project at hand, which we argue is at the core of the
actual making of technology.

No future for you: Then, you have to make it
In DIY Citizenship (2014) Ratto and Boler have highlighted the contemporary
call to make things by ourselves in order to fully participate in the social fabric,
across fields such as technology, medical care or, even, biology. This idea is
well known and circulates in the makerspaces and in the fablabs where the
development of smart technologies is happening. One of these spaces is
MOB makers of Barcelona. Some evenings the co-workers of MOB make
space in their schedules to organize talks and meetings about their interests.
Internet of Things, 3D printing and DIY are the hottest topics but food, social
economy or games are also part of the repertoire and their meetings are open
to anyone in the city. One Tuesday evening two years ago, there were two
events scheduled at the same time: a Michel Bauwens talk on Peer-to-Peer
economy and an Internet of Things (IoT)1 Barcelona meeting. Bauwens was
speaking on the main floor of MOB and the IoT meeting was in the basement
where, at that time, the makerspace MADE was located. From the stairs both
the speakers at the IoT meeting and Bauwens’s very passionate speech were
audible. On the first floor, listening to Bauwens, was an assorted group of
academics, designers, eco-activists, and people who self-labelled as hackers
and makers. They were paying careful attention to the presentation, which
aimed to introduce the public to a new kind of economy that was flourishing
all over the world. Meanwhile, in the basement, most of the attendees
were seeking hints and tips about new technologies, as Marc, who was the
event’s main host and a very well-known engineer in the IoT scene, usually
says: ‘We are a bunch of people that have in common an interest in learning
how make good technology.’ The presentations ranged from ‘how to calibrate
a spectrometer’ to ‘the management of an IoT start-up’, but all of them
included technical explanations and a personal introduction by the speakers.
‘The market’ appeared in both events: on the first floor as a common enemy
for a healthy social future, in the basement, as something to reach with a
myriad modes and strategies, ranging from a start-up to the deployment
of a smart homemade sensor that enabled citizens to measure their own
local environment. A newcomer to the co-working scene at that moment
could have easily understood both events as two unconnected meetings
that barely had anything in common, with such different communities and
presentation formats. Yet sooner or later that impression would have changed
as the speakers advanced over time into the more practical elements of their
performances. Within seconds, the newcomer would have begun to hear
phrases like ‘we need to do it by ourselves’, ‘the citizens have to embrace
technology as makers not as consumers’, ‘the future has been compromised
by the governments and the multinationals without scruples’. In other words,
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two very dissimilar speeches finally melted into the same words which were
delivered in what at first glance appeared to be almost opposite contexts. One
could say that on the first floor these ideas were genuinely radical, while in
the basement they represented a second-hand appropriation by mainstream
capitalism. Nevertheless this would be a clumsy interpretation and would
involve the imposition of the moral values of the observer onto the events.
Moreover we note that there was no clear boundary between the two floors,
and people moved freely between the two events. It is significant that in
both events, ‘future’ was seen as something that had to be built, technology
was seen as constitutive of that future, the citizens responded to take part in
defining it, and the particular way future was being built was crucial. The two
events were part of the same scene, and despite their apparent differences,
they are implicated in the same sets of consequences.
Similar themes emerged in other ethnographic encounters. World Mobile
Congress in Barcelona took place in February 2014, and the Mini Maker Faire,
in June of the same year. One is a large international congress that sits at
the core of the technology industry: the other is a local version of a global
action consisting of a craft and artisanal faire pivoting around smart and digital
technologies, and with many international participants. Initially these likewise
appear to be opposed contexts, where similar technologies and their related
meanings were performed by attendees and organizers. At both events the
technological future was propelled and topped as ‘the’ theme but differently
enacted.
There is no doubt that imagery of future is part of the marketing of digital
technologies, and it was a very visible component in the stands of the
companies in the World Mobile Congress. The congress was full of images of
how bewildering our technological future might be. However, unexpectedly,
this context also called on anyone concerned about the world we live in to
get involved in its making. Most of the images and slogans reflected the
potential of smart technologies to help regular people to take part in the fabric
of the future in an easy and affordable ways. The two biggest companies in
this business sector were located in a pavilion where visitors could go to
participate in workshops and ‘speed dating’ with them about the kind of
mobile industry it would be worth developing for the future, and learn how to
collaborate to make such future practicable.
Meanwhile, in the Mini Maker Fair, future was also part of the imagery but
rather than representing technology companies already established in the
market, it presented crafted technological artefacts which had been made
to be understandable and reproducible by non-experts as well as experts.
In the corridors of the venue people walked around stands holding not only
‘Do It Yourself’ smart technology projects but artisan objects and a myriad
of 3D printing designs. All of these claimed to have gone through the same
A :S 19

nthropologies
and
futures
etting
the
agenda

Note
1 After the workshop, about thirty participants went to a pub, divided into three

groups to each produce a set of points, which were synthesized by four
volunteers from our group into the collective manifesto, to state a vision for
Future Anthropologies.
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Russell Sage Foundation.
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Knowledge, 5th edn. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Bessire, L. and D. Bond, 2014. ‘Ontological anthropology and the deferral of
critique’. American Ethnologist 41 (3): 440–56.
Clarke, A. J., 2011. Design Anthropology: Object Culture in the 21st Century.
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of Ethnography. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
the Future. Oxford and New York: Berghahn Books.
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future, which is both rooted in the ways they develop technology and makes
technology development possible.
The future is (not) a strange land

In anthropology, the future has often been displaced by a focus on the past-
present. Yet, the way that we relate past and present also inevitably has to
do with the way past and present relate to the future. Thus, any study about
past-present or present-future relations bears an inescapable connection to
past-present-future relations. To paraphrase L. P. Hartley, that ‘The past is a
foreign country’ (which is also the title of David Lowenthal’s great treatise
about the past), the future in anthropology has conventionally appeared as
a ‘strange land’ that it seems impossible to step into when standing in the
present.
The future takes different forms in the different attempts that anthro

pologists have made towards analysing it. In earlier work this was manifested
for example in Alfred Gell’s (1992) focus on the anthropological study of time,
and the work of Nancy Munn (1992), as discussed in the introduction to this
book. However, more recently time-future related studies have proliferated,
with a particular concern for people’s expectations, and how people orient
themselves in relation to the unknown future. These works range from the
sociology of expectations (Brown and Michael 2003; Adam 2009) to human
geography (Thrift and French 2002; Anderson 2007; Zook and Graham 2007;
Kinsley 2012) and anthropology (Moore 1990; Maurer and Schwab 2006;
Bell 2011; Nielsen 2011; Suchman 2012), and many other works related to
technology studies and design (Bowker and Star 1999; Dourish and Bell 2011;
Fuller 2011; Mackenzie 2012). In addition, in the last five years in the social
study of new technologies there has been a focus on technology and space
(through notions of cyberspace, media space, media ecology and digispace,
etc.), often inspired by Doreen Massey’s (2005) discussions of the space-time
relationship.
Munn (1992) has argued that the space-time dynamic is usually understood
in the social sciences in relation to the actions, the actors and the objects of
study. Space and time are taken either as cognitive categories that work such
as theoretical constructs used by researchers and applied to the social forms
we study. Therefore, the production of knowledge about time and place and
the different analyses that are made are usually coupled to theoretical and
empirical arguments that precede them.
In contrast to these socio-cognitive approaches, the emphasis on time as
experienced, or time that can be experienced, has been a constant concern of
anthropology (Gell 1992). This phenomenological perspective also paves the

way to consider time as a subjective experience, alongside the idea that time
is something that can be counted (and thus, is objective); this dual conception
of time has been used to build time as a cultural category rather than being
solely something of the physical world (Fabian 2014). This latter approach has
become a kind of sociological common sense that has leaked into most of
the contemporary studies that attempt to analyse notions of time and space
in relation to new technologies and media. However an analysis of the origins
of the common sense demonstrates how anthropology has backed certain
images in relation to time in order to avoid apriori typifications. Munn (1992)
distinguishes two movements in anthropology: one refers to the quality of time
and the other is the temporary movement. These are not mutually exclusive
but both are based on two common sociological understandings that are
recurrent in the study of the visions about the future to our knowledge. The
concept of the quality of time is based on Durkheiminan notions of social time
and personal time, which distinguishes between subjective and collective
mental perceptions of time. The temporary movement is based in the course
of activities, events and units that are likely to be recorded by people. This
time is collective and responds to human action and social behaviour with a
particular passage of time or related to a specific event (such as a birthday, or
a ritual of transition). Both are based on cultural perceptions of the passage
of time; the first refers to ‘activities’ (reckoning time) while the second
refers to experience derived from immersion in activities (inner durée).
These two images have survived and have become quasi qualities of our
contemporary notion of time. Nevertheless spatial and temporal dimensions
cannot always be unravelled, it is essential to understand this entanglement
(Munn 1992: 94), and to account for how other categories, such as materi-
ality, are also inseparable from everyday life and our conceptualizations of
‘lived’ time. Thus, the conceptualization of lived time enables us to imagine
other conceptions of time that are not subject to these binomial categories:
either subjective experience or objective countable duration. Moreover, this
freeing of the concept of time from its reference to duration and subjective
experience, allows us to explore how future is present in its vernacular forms
among smart technology developers, where it exceeds its temporal-spatial
categorizations.
Active futures
‘The river is the only thing that separates my company and here … I do
firmware here and there.’ Tom was answering Anne’s question about the
differences between his everyday work in his company and what he was
doing at the time in the London Open Data Hackathon. Tom develops firmware
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(enduring software programmed into a read-only memory) in a company that
makes ‘resources for Smart City makers’. He makes shields that connect
sensors to each other, to a diverse infrastructure network and to the Internet.
Tom’s company was regarded by the ‘local maker community’ as the best in
the ‘British maker market’; and provided most of the shields that participants
were using to build kits for grab data from London network railways. At the
beginning of the first day of the hackathon, Tom expounded to his group the
leitmotiv of what they had to develop in response to the challenged posed by
the organization: ‘They are asking us to create new devices for the future of
public data … that help people to engage with their city and its infrastructure.
What we will do is keep our shit ongoing, so let’s connect the Bombay shield
with the sensor platform that the train company bring and then convert
the wagon vibrations in data ….’ The rest of that day and next day Tom and
his three workmates worked on making from scratch the shield that they
produce in their company, so they could connect it to the sensor platform that
the municipality of London use to measure seismic movements. Anne, who
was working as host of the event, was walking around the working groups
and collecting impressions of what the participants were doing so she could
do a wrapping up at the end of the hackathon. When she arrived at Tom’s
group she asked what kind of innovation they were working on; one of the
participants, Peter, said, ‘Perhaps we may show you.’ The members of the
group were working around group an octagonal table, over which there was a
set composed of the shield with three sensors connected, a laptop and two
very old accelerometers. Peter started talking about how in using the acceler-
ometers they had recalculated vibrations from the railway platform that they
received in real time and connected it to the shield that could combine this
with other environmental (noise and light) measurement devices. Ann then
asked what was new about this arrangement and how it could help improve
Londoners’ experiences of everyday commuting. ‘Well, what we are doing is
a concrete way to processes the data that is already there,’ Tom said, looking
at Peter. ‘So, the municipality has the platform, we have the shield, all of us
have the accelerometers, and what we are doing is combining the maps
of route and distances with the amount of everyday passengers and with
the vibrations, so we will know in which areas the train is triggering more
tremblings … so we can calculated in which areas they need new lines of
trains ….’
‘But this information is already there, so what is innovative and open here?’
Ann insisted. ‘We are using something that municipality is not using that it is
very important to know, where is more need of trains … that is open, isn’t?’
Pete replied. ‘I think the challenge of this hackathon was to create a new
tool that helps people to manage their own data and have a nicer commuting
experience, right?’, said Ann, demonstrating that she was worried about the

performance of the team, and continuing, ‘OK, then when the municipality
gets this shit done come to visit me to the nursing home!’
What the group was doing is perceived as part of what could be made
here and now to propel people into an improved future that would fulfil the
vision of ‘a nicer commuting experience enhanced by technology’. Based
on the concrete things they had at hand (Bombay shield, accelerometers,
the railway platform, etc.) intertwined with the designers’ vision of future
concerning the role that data plays in technology development they sought
to make ‘something that only would be useful when [it] enables other
uses of the infrastructures’. Therefore they continued making and exploring
existing technology by making new connections while keeping in mind others
people’s future visions. However the designers could not make the future
that they had been challenged to create by the hackathon, since future for
them was only reachable though making the actual technology at hand, which
would eventually become future. Innovation then is not understood here as
introducing new things (which is a waste of time), but as improvising and
improving with what you have at hand.
For these designers, because future is linked to a very material practice
(applications, a platform, multiple ways of connecting the same shield, etc.), it
can only be reached through action. This specific form of action is connected
to certain visions of future, which involve doing what can be achieved with
the technologies at hand, is also related to visions of desirable future (a nicer
commuting experience, a safer life through technology, etc.). Yet within this
vision, what future will be like is unknowable, and designers, managers and
lay people acknowledge that the majority of the image of future that are
implied may never come about.
Therefore smart technology design is a future oriented practice linked
to visions of future that are shared social imaginaries concerning what
technology could make possible (Dourish and Bell 2011; Kinsley 2012). It
tends to be combined with social imaginaries about the capacity to solve
problems through technology, or a ‘solution paradigm’ and cutting-edge
images (of unknowable but imagined futures) that are used to project the
technology into the world. These three interrelated dimensions were evident
in ethnographic fieldwork (Lanzeni 2016b) where making technology emerged
as, rather than being action in the present, action that brings into existence
the vernacular understandings and the experience of the future. As we
have shown, future is part of making technology in many different ways.
Moreover, it operates in practice in everyday life. As Ahmed has noted, orien-
tation matters (2010) and in design and technology development actions and
thoughts of the future are oriented towards the making of ‘things’. As outlined
below, following the logic that seems mark design processes, challenged
‘future’ through native conceptions involved in making and doing, can open
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a fruitful analytical path and tangentially illuminate the significant role that
the ‘future’ has in creating everyday social worlds for technology developers.
Future here goes beyond the past-present-future tenses. Future is not only
a category of time but instead it articulates several dimensions. In the case
discussed here, these are orientation for design, and a possible, collective,
social and unknowable future (Lanzeni 2016a). If we release future from its
temporal constraints, we can open a fruitful analytical path that demonstrates
the role of ‘future’ in creating everyday social worlds.
By putting the materialization of smart technologies at the centre of the
analysis of a vernacular understanding of future we do not intend to eliminate
time as a relevant category, but to open up alternatives ways of under-
standing the meaning the future and how it is practiced, lived and enacted
by people. This includes the possibility of investigating other categories that
emerge as a key to understanding our partners in ethnography and in turn
enrich our research. By divesting (if only temporarily) the processes of design
and technology making from the imagery of time it is possible to enable
native categories to come to the fore and therefore to open up alternative
ways ways of doing and thinking to those that have conventionally dominated
anthropological-ethnographic practice and theory. In other words, we argue
for an anthropological approach that focuses on the heterogeneous processes
through which vernacular future and technological making emerge in life.
Conclusions
In this chapter we have approached the notion of futures ethnographically, as
a lived category that should not be pre-configured. Thus we call for a fresh
dialogue around the future as a category of thought, to avoid the imposition
of our existing concepts and common sense understandings of time onto the
sites of our ethnographic fieldwork and analysis.
Here we have conceptualized the vernacular future of smart technology
designers as always existing within the realm of action. As we have seen, for
smart technology developers action goes hand-in-hand with the envisioning
of possible worlds and possible worlds open up the conceptualization of the
technologies that are in the processes of being. Future in the ordinary life of
the designers we have been working with is not reducible to the pursuit of
an improved world or to a specific temporal moment that is coming or that is
reachable. Future is something alive which only exists thought the processes
by which it is made in the form of technology.
We have revealed how future as an analytical category can be produc-
tively related with ours and other vernacular categories of thought and as
actions in the world. In doing so we have followed five steps. First, we

resituated future in the ordinary world we live in; people are ‘in’ time, rather
than simply conceiving or perceiving it (Munn 1992). Second, we sought
to avoid a priori typifications that do not fully embrace the complexities of
future constructions in multiple actual contexts; for instance, we evaded
using future to describe an historical era or to characterize societies, profes-
sions or tasks by tempo or duration (Suchman 2011). Third, we placed
future in its past-present-future relations, looking not only to ‘the past in the
present’ but also to ‘the future in the present’, and how these relations are
lived in the ethnographic context we engaged with, in order to chart how
this category is related with other categories, actions and situations in the
flux of everyday life (Nielsen 2011). As a fourth step, we show how future
is not only a time tense, mode or aspect (‘I will do that in the future’), but
rather can be the product of an action (‘I am making the future’), a state of
being (‘this is a thing of the future’), a site (‘the future is around the corner’),
something that acts and moves (‘the future is coming soon’), something
that needs to be fed (‘I do this for the future’), and so on. Moreover as
we have shown through ethnographies of smart technology designers,
future is something that can be made. Future, we argue, as an analytical
category can be released from its restrictive lodging in time relations, and,
when this theoretical movement is grounded in ethnographic knowing and
experience, it allows us to understand how future operates, lives and is lived
in every ethnographic context. Finally, we undertook a fifth methodological
movement to acknowledge that by learning others’ futures in this way we
are also actively intervening (with them) in future making, whatever that
means. As Tim Ingold (2013) remarks, knowing from the inside is learning
from others what they have to teach us and involves becoming wayfarers
with them. In this wayfaring we did not seek to know what future really is,
but to enhance future with other understandings and in doing so to open
up future as an analytical tool of inquiry. Through these five movements we
propose that we need to construct open categories of thought in order to
an alternative methodological path through which to work with the future
ethnographically (and anthropologically).
Acknowledgement
We thank Sarah Pink for her comments on this chapter and to the corre-
spondents in the field, whose names have been changed in order to keep
their privacy. This chapter presents selected findings from Débora Lanzeni’s
PhD thesis: Future Makers; un estudio etnográfico sobre los procesos de
diseño de Smart Things/ Smart Citizens y sus visiones de futuro (2016), and
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ethnographic
world

it is part of our current research in the project D-Future; Future Practices:
Spaces of Digital Creation and Social Innovation founded by Ministerio de
Economía y Competitividad (MINECO) – Ref. CSO2014-58196-P.
Note
1 The Internet of Things (IoT) is the network of physical objects – devices,

vehicles, buildings and other items – embedded with electronics, software,
sensors, and network connectivity that enables these objects to collect and
exchange data. Source Wikipedia.
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9
Researching future as an
alterity of the present
Sarah Pink, Yoko Akama and
Annie Fergusson
Introduction
In this chapter, we introduce an approach to ethnographic practice that
focuses on how possible alterities are sensed, imagined and might be
realized. In doing so we treat the future as an alterity of the present, rather
than something viewed as if from afar. In doing so we suggest that as an
alterity of the present, the future is ‘other’ in that it is both imaginable but
unknowable. This, we argue, offers a beneficial way to frame futures in the
context of research that seeks to inform, make or understand changes or
interventions with people. Our approach blends ethnographic, documentary
video and design research in order to shift our terms of engagement with
participants and temporalities. We propose that if ethnographic practice (in
dialogue with disciplinary theory) is to be fruitfully engaged for collaborative
change-making, it needs a methodology that enables researchers to exceed
the aim beyond knowing as (and what) others do. Instead, a contemporary
approach to ethnographic practice needs to depart from just the known, to
consider the uncertainty of the sensory and emotional possibilities of what
could or should happen next. Such an approach, we suggest, needs both
researchers and participants to imagine possibilities of futures as an alterity
of the present, rather than as a distant eventuality. In this chapter, we present

an example of how we have put this into practice. The aim of the chapter is
therefore not so much to present the findings of a project as something that
has been ‘discovered’ but rather, through a discussion of how we worked
with one research participant, to demonstrate the possibilities of the research
practice.
To explore with participants the question of how experiences that seep out
of the temporality of the present might feel, we call for the use of methods
and technologies that afford researchers ways to learn and communicate
beyond empirical note taking and writing. Therefore we explore the use of
video (and/or film) as it has been associated with the production of ways
of knowing and understanding the experiences of others that are intimate
(Biella 2008), tactile (Marks 2000; MacDougall 1998, 2005) and empathetic
(Pink 2015). Moreover because our methodology seeks to blend disciplinary
approaches, the anthropological convention of the lone ethnographer is
also abandoned. We reflect not on how a single researcher can learn and
communicate about other people’s experiences and imaginations, but we
examine how working in interdisciplinary teams requires us to create/make
both forms of documentation to share ways of knowing across persons and
disciplines, and methods that blend disciplinary approaches. The blending
of the recording techniques of video ethnography (Pink 2013) and phenom-
enological approaches to ethnographic documentary (e.g. MacDougall 1998,
2005) with design research practices of material documentation (Akama, Pink
and Fergusson 2015) creates an ethnographic process which involves shared
ways of knowing and audio/visual sensibilities, and becomes more than/
different to any of these three practices when undertaken in isolation.
Blending and unknowing

Our work builds on and advances two key issues that have become part
of the way in which ethnography has recently been discussed. First, the
increasing ‘popularity’ of ethnography outside anthropology, which is of
concern to anthropologists (see Ingold 2014) who believe that a theoretical-
ethnographic dialogue (Pink and Morgan 2014) is generative of ‘theoretical
insights that could not have been generated in any other way’ (Mitchell
2010: 1). We agree with this position but call for it to be disassociated from
the long-term fieldwork method as the definition of anthropological practice.
Definition via the ‘immersion’ involved in the long-term fieldwork has already
been challenged, for instance through the notion of multi-sited ethnography
(Marcus 1995), which leads to shorter fieldwork and methods such as ‘inter-
views, focus groups, life histories, etc’ (Mitchell 2010: 7). Yet such methods
remain conventional and, we argue, methods that draw from creative practice

Valentine, D., 2012. ‘Exit strategy: Profit, cosmology, and the future of humans
in space’. Anthropological Quarterly 85 (4): 1045–67.
Valentine, D., 2015. ‘What happened to the future?’ Anthropology Now 7 (1):
110–20.
Valentine, D., V. A. Olson and D. Battaglia, 2012. ‘Extreme: Limits and horizons in
the once and future cosmos’. Anthropological Quarterly 85 (4): 1007–26.
Wallman, S. (ed.), 1992. Contemporary Futures: Perspectives from Social

Therefore we discuss how to open out from ‘ways of knowing’ to explore
the ‘not known’, through short-term ethnographic encounters, and by probing
through inviting participants to respond to a speculative question asked in
situ. In doing so we have welcomed participants not knowing or not being
sure about something as a route to speculative ways of knowing. That anthro-
pological ethnographers would be alert to finding the unexpected will be
obvious to some readers; the serendipity (e.g. Okely 1994) of ethnographic
learning is well established. However we suggest pushing this further to
interrogate the qualities of unknown and uncertainty and make it the site/
material for curiosity. While not knowing and speculation is always rooted in
existing ways of knowing, speculation has particular characteristics that shift
the research agenda. It needs to be theorized as a practice of reconfiguring,
adapting and crafting that accommodates risk. To research speculatively we
need to engage beyond the certainties of what we and research participants
(think we can be certain that we) know or have known in the past. This
implies the making of ethnographies that focus towards the future (Gunn
and Donovan 2012; Pink 2014), the possible (Halse 2013) and the imagination
(Crapanzano 2004). This means shifting the temporal site for ethnography
from the unknown to the yet to come.
Fab pod futures

We now explore our approach in relation to a specific project – Fab Pod
Futures, part of the Design+Ethnography+Futures research programme
(http://d-e-futures.com/). Design+Ethnography+Futures explores the relation

ship between ethnography and design through a series of themes including
uncertainty, disrupting and making. First, we introduce the Fab Pod and
our project, and drawing on examples of research encounters with Shanti,
one participant, we demonstrate how the methodology has played out in
practice. As noted above, we stress here, that our intention is not to report
on the findings of the research, but to reflect on the process of the research
technique as it was played out with one participant in order to be able to give
continuity to the different stages of our encounter. To conclude we argue for
blended practice – an approach to researching and imagining that engages
practice-based techniques in dialogue with a theory of uncertainty and a
penchant for the unknown.
The Fab Pod is situated on the ninth floor of RMIT’s Design Hub, an award
winning building, inhabited by staff from RMIT University since 2012. It has
ten floors, six of which are made up of open-plan ‘warehouse room’ work
space, alongside ‘long room’ corridors. Two of the authors witnessed its
construction. We had begun to sense that there was some debate over how
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it was experienced as a meeting space, and we were interested in unpacking
this. However, the core aim of our project was to learn about the possibilities
(both speculative and actual) that had been created by the Fab Pod’s design,
and how they could play out into future uses and meanings.
The Fab Pod was designed by architecture and spatial sound research
colleagues at the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology University (RMIT)
University, as a meeting room to be used in the Hub’s open plan workspace.
The makers describe it as ‘a prototype meeting enclosure located in an open
knowledge space … developed to address acoustic performance … bringing
together existing knowledge of acoustic diffusion, cnc prototyping and digital
workflows and craft traditions of making’ (Williams et al. 2013). At a creative
writing workshop that formed part of our research process (Carlin et al. 2015),
Jane Burry, one the Fab Pod’s architect, explained how the inspiration for its
acoustic design, which uses hyperbolic structures, had come from their work
on Antoni Gaudi’s Sagrada Familia Cathedral in Barcelona.
Fab Pod Futures began with meetings with two colleagues: Jane Burry,
the architect and Xiaojun Qiu, the acoustic engineer who had undertaken
measurement studies of the Fab Pod’s acoustic performance. The Fab Pod
was both an architectural design prototype and a research project in acoustic
design, but had not yet achieved an optimal level of acoustic privacy (Qiu
et al. 2015). We had learned through experience that there was something
unusual about the acoustic properties of the Fab Pod, which had not always
FIGURE 9.1 Two faces of the exterior of the Fab Pod. Photo by Kyla Brettle.

Creative commons license 2014

FIGURE 9.2 Working inside during the Essaying the Fab Pod workshop. Photo

by Kyla Brettle. Creative commons license 2014.
met users’ expectations for acoustic privacy. To a certain extent, these

starting points indicate a process of ethnographic evaluation of how the Fab
Pod prototype was experienced by users, to produce insights for making a
better meeting room. While our findings do generate such insights, during
the research process this was an idea that we sought to disrupt, since we
were seeking to undermine the very assumption that it was a meeting room,
in order to engage its materiality and sensoriality to invoke ideas that were
beyond what it was meant to be and known to be like. Therefore, we treated
the Fab Pod as a design probe through which to learn about the potential of
designed enclosures, and to some extent about open plan work places. Our
work was also an experiment in how to learn about engaging people in fields
of potentiality through an artefact.
Knowing in ethnography
Above we noted the focus on knowing in anthropological discussions of ethno-
graphic methodology, around the first decade of the twenty-first century. This
literature was part of a move towards situating knowing as incremental, ongoing
and as a process that also impacted on other disciplines. The idea that knowing
was learned through and generated through practice was disseminated widely
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through the influential work of Lave and Wenger (1991) and Wenger (1998) on
‘communities of practice’. For anthropologists the question of knowing became
central to understanding how ethnographers may understand the people they
work with in fieldwork (e.g. Harris 2007) and how they distinguished between
the knowledge that might be crystallized in representational texts of schol-
arship, and the ongoing process of embodied and non-representational ways
of knowing. Video thus could be used as a medium through which to explore
with participants, not simply the knowledge that they could articulate and
represent in words, but the ways of knowing in and with things in the world
that are performative, sensory and embodied, and perhaps never spoken about
(e.g. Grasseni 2004; Pink 2015). Some such approaches have also developed
in organization studies, which due to the site of our fieldwork is relevant to
account for. In the field of organizational aesthetics Antonio Strati has argued
that organizations are not ‘exclusively cognitive’ constructs but derive ‘from
the knowledge creating faculties of all the senses’ (2000: 13, cited by Warren
2002: 227). Davide Nicolini, Silvia Gherardi and Dvora Yanow have stressed
‘knowing in organizations’ (2003), and Samantha Warren has advanced this
field through a focus on the ‘interplays between consumption, aesthetics and
organization’ with an interest in the ‘experiences and feelings’ (2002: 231) of
employees. By asking her participants to photograph their experiences of their
working environment Warren was able to understand how they sensed and
felt the work environment, noting how their photographs often referred not
to visual sights or forms, but to invisible referents, ‘the intangible and largely
ineffable experiences of the photographer’ (2002: 233). Warren’s work illus-
trates an understudied area in organization studies, and endorses the need for
us to take seriously the argument that knowing in organizational environments
is embodied, sensory and atmospheric.
The first stage of our Fab Pod Futures research process was focused
on bringing to the fore two existing ways of everyday knowing the Fab
Pod. To do this we focused on two themes: First Encounters; and Knowing
through Contact. Video recording provides an ideal and a reason to be with
and follow the traces of participants around their worlds (Pink 2007; Pink
and Leder Mackley 2014). As such, being with people with video, and to
video record them as they (re)inhabit, show and experience their environ-
ments, their activities and memories is a way of engaging with participants
through a shared encounter. However in this case, sharing goes beyond
the relationship between the participant and researcher in situ since, in
teamwork, the research design, tasks, theoretical conversations and analysis
are distributed between researchers. This creates a research context which
is generative of co-produced ways of knowing that involve assemblages of
different researchers, disciplines, participants and materials, what Pink (2015)
has elsewhere called an ‘ethnographic place’.

The Fab Pod futures video ethnography
We used video ethnography precisely to explore the Fab Pod, across three
themes, each of which represented a different temporality and was broadly
divided into: how participants had ‘met’ and learned about the Fab Pod in
relation to the building it is part of; how they had experienced the Fab Pod
as users; how their expectations as users had been framed, and the disap-
pointments and the pleasure these led to; and to speculate with participants
FIGURE 9.3 Sarah and Annie video record, reflected in the door (left), while

Shanti reached out to the building with her hands to explain how she had
contemplated its exterior (right). Video still. Copyright Sarah Pink 2014.
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about possible futures or alternatives for the Fab Pod. We wished to
undermine its identity as a meeting room, and to collaborate with participants
to refigure what they might do with it. This final stage deliberately sought to
open up ways of thinking about the Fab Pod as possibly being something else
and in doing so, to understand its potentiality beyond the purposes for which
it was already being judged.
The first steps of our Fab Pod Futures project were taken outside at the
door of the Hub. We asked participants to recollect the first time they came to
the building and to then re-trace with us, on video, the route they had taken to
encounter the Fab Pod on the ninth floor. Using the building as a prompt, we
invited participants to narrate how they felt and what they thought in those
moments prior to encountering the Fab Pod.
Shanti recounted, how on arriving, she was not quite sure how to navigate
her way to the ninth floor. Smiling as we stepped into the lift, she recalled,
‘And I was excited. I was wearing a blue coat. I remember. I remember what
I was wearing … I felt excited in a really positive way, not in a scared or
anxious way.’ As we stepped out of the lift into the Long Room on the ninth
floor Shanti continued to describe the ‘delicious sense of anticipation of what
was going to unfold in this quite beautiful space’.
Shanti led us next to the Fab Pod. She had arrived at the building after
the Fab Pod was constructed, and had encountered it as already part of the
environment she would work in, obscured from view from her desk by a
partition. She told us that ‘One of the first things we would have looked at
FIGURE 9.4 Imagine the feeling of anticipation on walking down the corridor

towards the door around the corner at the end. Video still. Copyright Sarah Pink
2014.

would have been the Fab Pod … I don’t remember exactly what happened,
but I do remember going along the floor, and thinking “no one else works
here because there was like no one else around, but there was this sort of
Fab Pod there”’. Shanti did not know about the Fab Pod before she entered
the main open-plan area called a Warehouse space. She opened the large
glass door and led us in, like other participants, lowering her voice as she
entered. She reflected on how ‘you come into this space, right, and your
voice drops’, and that this generates awareness of where others are and
of their conversations, thus bringing to the fore the acoustic environment
of the open-plan room. This, she said, constituted the ‘moment of being at
work’ – a shift in embodied sensibility to the environment of a work(ing) place
which felt different to the entrance area and the lifts. As she commented,
re-enacting this process, it enabled her to articulate this experience, in that
she ‘hadn’t realized until we came through that door … that’s the moment,
I think you move … well I sort of move into a more, a stiller kind of state,
maybe its the quiet that does that’. The quiet, she said, was ‘quite palpable’.
Shanti recalled her first encounter with the Fab Pod, as an experience in
knowing and feeling: ‘When I first saw it … it made me laugh because it was
like this crazy design thing … there’s this object that’s modern looking, and
kind of strange … what I think of as designed.’ At first, ‘you don’t really know
what it is’. She told us how they had gone in, put the lights on and then come
out, which was part of the ‘tour’ that she later repeated whenever she hosted
visitors to the Hub. Sarah asked if she had touched it the first time she saw it.
Shanti was not sure, but said she would have wanted to, and that she often
wants to touch it, going on to show us how she likes its ‘furry’ blocks.
The auditory, tactile, visual – multisensory – ways that Shanti recalled her
first encounter of the Fab Pod and the environment in which it is situated,
invites us to reflect on how, when going beyond the conventions of participant
observation, an interventional video ethnography can enable participants to
(re)create embodied and articulated ways of knowing about past experiences.
They explored both what they felt they knew and the embodied, sensory and
affective ways in which they had known. Yet, implicit in ethnographic practice
is both the impossibility of knowing exactly what others know, and the notion
of ethnographic fictions (Clifford 1986), each of which contest the likelihood
that we will ever know, or communicate accurately to others, what partici-
pants in our research have experienced. We have engaged Shanti’s words and
video stills to open up the possibility of imagining through her recollections
of experiences and ways of knowing, but invite readers to reflexively imagine
the rest.
The next stage in our encounters with participants focused on their experi-
ences as users of the Fab Pod. We do not dwell on this here but note that
we approached participants’ experiences as users through the Fab Pod as
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FIGURE 9.5 Shanti reached out to touch the Fab Pod’s furrier shapes. Through

this gesture she demonstrated the feeling of being drawn to it, which encouraged us
to empathize with this feeling. It is shown here to invite readers to engage with the
experience. Video still copyright Sarah Pink 2014.
an artefact. We learned about different uses for it, sometimes as a meeting

room or as a design object to show on tours. In each case we realized that
how important it was to to be in or to show the Fab Pod. Knowing what
the Fab Pod was about, at least in part knowing through the experiences of
its qualities and affordances, some of which, due to its design intent as an
acoustic space, were pre-framed as sonic.
By moving beyond an observational approach in our encounter with
Shanti, and inviting her to recollect her experiences, we have shown how we
invited participants to speculate about their past experiences with the Fab
Pod. This is on the one hand a critical response to the observational mode of
traditional ethnography, and on the other it is an insistence on the relevance
of the historicity of contemporary and past ways of knowing to the future
orientation of design. Here the role of ethnographic knowing in design is not
in understanding how and why design artefacts are used, and suggesting
how they might be improved so as to be more satisfactory (or marketable).
Instead, the focus is on exploring speculatively how this artefact can partic-
ipate in the generation of possibilities for human experience, activity and
environment. In the next section we take this further through a focus on not
knowing.

Ethnography of the not known
Having established what participants thought they knew about the Fab Pod,
our next step involved inviting them to speculate about the Fab Pod from new
starting points. In this approach we concur with Gatt and Ingold (2013: 141)
who wish to depart from ‘thinking about anthropology … as the description
and analysis of what has already come to pass’, calling ‘for a discipline of
anthropology conceived as a speculative inquiry into the conditions and possi-
bilities of human life’. We approached this in two ways: through our Essaying
the Fab Pod creative writing workshop and publication (Carlin et al. 2015) in an
eBook created by Adrian Miles; and by taking a future-focused stance in our
video ethnography, discussed below. We detail the latter below.
As outlined in the introduction to this book, there has recently been an
increasing move towards anthropologies of futures. Particularly relevant for
the discussion here are social science literatures that show how forms of
future thinking impact on us as academics working in institutional settings, and
have documented and analysed tendencies towards risk-averse or predictive
approaches to futures within society (see Pink 2017). Critical approaches call
for academics to be engaged more actively with futures. For instance Collins
(2008: 8) has argued that anthropology should ‘gesture to radical alterity’ in its
treatment of the future and sociologists have critically revealed how futures are
constituted across a range of societal practices and discourses (e.g. Adam and
Groves 2007). These sites for discussing futures invite us to ask how – if futures
are so central to social research and theoretical agendas – might we research
them ethnographically? How might we seek, invoke and research embodied
ways of knowing the yet to come, the imagined, or the possible? Concerning
how the Fab Pod might be re-thought or differently experienced, concepts of
potentiality and the possible offer one way to consider these questions,
Drawing on their anthropological study of biomedicine, Taussig and
colleagues (2013) discuss the ‘anthropology of potentiality’. They suggest
that ‘As a conceptual apparatus, potentiality does complex work: to imagine
or talk about potential is to imagine or talk about that which does not (yet and
may never) exist’ and that, ‘In some respects, potentiality can be understood
as the partner to, or flip side of, “risk” – also defined as a set of possibilities
– though it has yet to be theorized in the same way’ (Taussig et al. 2013: xx).
Like Bunn (2011), their reference to risk and the uncertainty associated with
it has positive connotations and potentiality might be engaged ‘productively’.
They argue for a study of potentiality that should be reflexive about the
‘tacit assumptions’ underpinning it and the power dynamics that frame it, by
focusing on the specific rather than the universal and allows for subjectivity
(Ibid.: xx).
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The growing field of design anthropology has highlighted the concept of the
possible, and ways of engaging with the future that disrupt the practices and
principles of traditional ethnographic practice. Ton Otto and Rachel Charlotte
Smith (2013: 3) point to how ‘anthropology lacks tools and practices to actively
engage and collaborate in people’s formation of their futures’ whereas the
discipline of design has always been oriented towards the future. Approaches
in participatory design have been catalytic in informing the design anthro-
pology discourse to enable change-making practices in response to social
concerns and people’s wellbeing. For example, Akama’s (2014) work with
regional communities in Australia assisted residents to imagine unexpected
incidents of natural disasters through ‘what if’ scenarios that prompts them
towards collective preparedness. Instead of prototyping designs in artificial
labs and isolated environments, such case studies in participatory design are
deliberative in its intervention to provoke alternative ways of imagining and
taking action. In other words, there is a ‘pursuit of how to best bring people
into the design of the invisible, mediating structures around them’ (Light and
Akama 2014: 153) to enable people to participate in the making of their own
futures. In a context where Ingold has argued that ‘Anthropology’s obsession
with ethnography, more than anything else, is curtailing its public voice’ and
that ‘the way to regain it is through reasserting the value of anthropology
as a forward-moving discipline dedicated to healing the rupture between
imagination and real life’ (Ingold 2014: 383), these moves to future-focused
ethnographic techniques pave the way to research what is not yet known in
ways that are co-directed by participants and researchers.
Likewise we explored, with participants, ways of imagining possible,
embodied and sensory experiences of future environments, atmospheres,
relationships and relationalities. Like design anthropology where futures and
possibilities are explored through both social and material assemblages, in
Fab Pod Futures, we sought to engage objects for embodied imagining of a
socio-material future.
In this research process, we understand the body and its relationship
to the environment as productive of an affective sense or perception of an
atmosphere of another alterity. In a way similar to theorists of atmospheres
(Böhme 1993), we see this sense or perception as emergent from the
relationship between the environment of the present and a human capacity
to imagine (in cognitive and embodied ways) what it would feel like beyond
the present. Importantly, in a practical sense this means bringing together the
materiality of the present with the imagining, sensory, embodied, affective
selves of research participants. In this stage of the research we asked partici-
pants to re-imagine their encounters with the Fab Pod, by posing questions
that consistently removed elements that underpinned the identity of the Fab
Pod as an acoustically designed meeting room. We tested possibilities, some

as simple as asking what they would do with the Fab Pod if they could take
it home, and others more interventional such as inviting them to imagine
the Fab Pod as like the ‘Tree of Souls’ from the feature film Avatar and thus
the life-source of the Design Hub Building. Significantly, there was a noted
shift in how participants engaged when we focused on these imaginative
questions. For instance, in dialogue with Shanti, we began to speculate based
on her suggestion that the Fab Pod had a sense of non-permanence about
it. She wondered if one day she would arrive at work and it would have been
taken away. Our speculations ranged from how Shanti thought it had been
constructed, how it would be removed in pieces of the right size to go out
of the doors, and how she imagined it would be stored, somewhere, out of
public view, because ‘it wasn’t specifically enough purposed to have a place
to stay’ – in that they ‘wouldn’t know what to do with it’ or it having expired
as a design object, in that what had been researched through it had been
learned.
If the above emphasizes the limits for the Fab Pod in its current use,
Shanti’s discussion of how it would feel in other contexts brought to the fore
the generative qualities and affordances that she sensed its interior had. For
instance, if she could take it home, she would ‘make it its own space that
either individuals or a group, as a family, we could go to have quiet, cuddly
time … watch a movie, cuddle in there … read, maybe listen to music with
headphones on’ – with ‘beanbags or a shag pile carpet’ ‘I think you want to
do quiet, sort of physical attitudes of repose … if there was a giant beanbag.’
When we suggested that it might stay in the Hub as something akin to the
‘Tree of Souls’ from the film Avatar, Shanti’s comments told us about how her
experiences of encountering the Fab Pod in the hub suggested possibilities
for its exterior. She suggested that ‘it would be almost something you would
come to as an object to worship … the first thing that implies to me is that
you are not going in it, you are surrounding it … if you’re having ceremonies
for example, where you were recognizing the wonderful ambiguity of this
object, then you would be gathering around it … and to focus people’s gaze
inward on it’. She mentioned that there might be some ‘special’ people who
could go inside ‘and do mysterious unknown things in there’, which could be
glimpsed in through the windows. Sarah replied that this often does happen
when people come on tours of the Hub and see the Fab Pod, indeed as a
‘public face’, it is a key moment in tours of the building. When we asked
Shanti what she would do if the Fab Pod was her office, she returned to the
qualities of its interior, saying it would be like a ‘cocoon’ which for her working
style she would find very appealing. She would not be prepared to share it,
because ‘there is something enclosed about it, which is not just a physical
enclosure, it is a contemplative enclosure’ and sharing it with someone at
work would be ‘too intimate’ and ‘intolerable’.
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As for other participants, the Fab Pod was not a meeting room. For Bianca,
who had also been a Fab Pod user, for example, standing in its interior became
a probe for connecting its affordances and qualities with imagining its possi-
bilities. Bianca, who had earlier noted the scifi affordances of the Fab Pod
suggested that ‘aliens would probably like this kind of environment, or some
kind of frog amphibian man’. She continued to share: ‘it kind of feels like frog
eggs … its sort of got that kind of “am I going to emerge as another being?”
… it’s the green and the circles and the fact that light is slightly transferred
and it’s not, its muted, but it’s still there … it’s kind of like looking out through
lots of eggs’. Bianca’s narratives resonate in several ways with those of the
participants in our Essaying the Fab Pod (Carlin et al. 2015) workshop. Indeed,
we argue that ethnographies, even when undertaken with the presentist
capacity of video to record what is happening right now, can be coaxed into
ambiguous temporalities. In some ways, imagining future alterities is what
people do in many contexts, as diverse as renovating a house or participating
in forms of activism. If so, the challenge we face as researchers involves
developing ways to bring attention to this future orientation that acknowl-
edges our interventions and to critically examine our approaches. In other
words, we need a shift from purely attempting to understand how partici-
pants imagine alternatives to consider how we (participants and researchers)
imagine in ways that make futures together. The implication is that we need
to define our role in the inscription of futures with our research participants
in ways that trouble traditional paradigms.
Conclusion
We have used our discussion of a methodology of ethnographic, design and
video practice to critique traditional anthropological ethnography in its past-
orientation, claiming that this renders it difficult for it to participate in change
or future-making. Our methodology constituted a technique that was not
simply video making, ethnography or design inflected by its partner practices.
But rather a blended practice, that was grown in dialogue with a theory of
knowing and of the future as an alterity of the present.
Such blending also distinguishes our work from classic anthropology.
Our approach to knowing is generated not by the lone ethnographer – the
assumed protagonist of much writing on ethnographic knowing and indeed
of most anthropological writing about ethnographic fieldwork at all, including
that of the reflexive turn of the 1980s. In the context of design anthropology
which involves teamwork and interventionist, Otto and Smith have suggested
that this brings a ‘distinct style of knowing’ (2013: 10) whereby ‘the production
of knowledge involves more than thinking and reasoning: it also comprises

practice of acting on the world that generate specific forms of knowledge’
(2013: 11). Interdisciplinary and team ethnography makes knowing through
dialogue or in dialogue, between participants and between researchers,
between practice and theory and between disciplines.
In this chapter, we have presented one possible way to research the
future, as an alterity of the present. However the question remains open:
we propose putting the question ‘what does a future alterity feel like’ at the
centre of investigations of imagination, the possible, the not yet to come
or be. By putting the emphasis in this way on the embodied, sensory and
affective ways in which the future becomes part of the present, we open up
an alternative way of thinking about what the future means.
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FIGURE 3.3 Sandra’s childhood home. Photo by Andrew Irving

10
Speculative fabulation:

Researching worlds to come
in Antarctica
Juan Francisco Salazar
Introduction
Antarctica has been imagined and fantasized for millennia, yet it has remained
– until now – off-limits to the ethnographic imagination. In this chapter I
reflect on a specific aspect of my on-going research and many years of
short-term ethnographic fieldwork in the Antarctic Peninsula: the making of
the documentary film Nightfall on Gaia1 (2015), which, I argue, illustrates a
creative approach to researching futures anthropologically and engaging with
an anthropology of extreme environments.
An overarching aim of my research endeavour in the Antarctic has been
to better understand how humans are learning to live on the Ice. That is,
how humans have come to inhabit an extreme environment that was almost
completely out-of-bounds as recently as little more than 100 years ago.
For the most part Antarctica has been depicted as a last wilderness, as a
continent of science, a place inhabited by fictional characters, as a tourism
hotspot, a natural resources frontier, and a space of geopolitical influence,
interest and manoeuvring. This chapter situates Antarctica anthropologi-
cally through accounts of how transient communities think and perceive the
Antarctic world they inhabit and how this world inhabits them. It describes
how people living there imagine and explain how the future of the Antarctic
is unfolding through a situated, and embodied approach to knowing – and
being in – these emerging polar worlds. This chapter is thus a reflection on

these experiences in experimenting ethnographically and creatively with
anticipatory and speculative narratives of life in Antarctica and how we are
beginning to imagine – and inhabit – an anthropogenic Antarctica. The main
interest is to offer a ‘critical description’ (Tsing 2013) of distinctive forms of
sociality and subjectivity emerging in Antarctica as a way of suggesting a
future ethnographies approach. Drawing on Anna L. Tsing’s notion of critical
description entails asking urgent (critical) questions and immersing oneself
into being curious about how humans and other species ‘come into ways of
life through webs of social relations’ (Tsing 2013: 28).
In this particular case the urgent questions have to do with the predicament
that humanity is no longer able to control most of the feedback effects derived
from its own actions. Human activity has so profoundly impacted geology
and atmospheric cycles that a new geological unit has become necessary
to account for measuring the impact of human activities on Earth systems.
The Antarctic continent and surrounding ocean are undergoing a profound
transformation impelled largely by accelerated change in its ecosystems
dynamics. Scientists are painting a sober picture of an unfolding and relent-
lessly unravelling future where changes will only intensify considerably in the
next fifty years. These changes are also linked to shifting geopolitical under-
currents, improved technological and logistical capabilities, intense human
activities in the continent and surrounding ocean, and increased interest in
its bio-resources. The scope and intensity of human activities in the southern
polar region has changed dramatically over the past 100 years and Antarctica
is becoming an ‘anthropogenic landscape’ where the challenges of inten-
sifying human activities entail that the current governance system may be
insufficient to meet the environmental protection obligations set out under
the Madrid Protocol twenty-five years ago. In this regard, Antarctica presents
an inherently futures-oriented problem and one of the most serious tests
of our collective and coordinated capacity to exercise foresight. Not only to
protect these fragile environments, but also to rethink our species as part
of and in relation with nature, and to mobilize novel experiments with living
differently in the Anthropocene.
On the one hand this entails looking at how Antarctica shapes the future
of the planet, but also to speculate how Antarctica can be thought of not only
as a laboratory for science, but as a laboratory for thinking alternative ways of
living in the Anthropocene.
Discussing the film Nightfall on Gaia, a speculative documentary film that I
completed in 2015 after four years returning each summer to do ethnographic
work in the Antarctic Peninsula, the chapter foregrounds a concern with the
relational conditions of life in extreme environments. It also recognizes the
future as a deeply relational category that invites facing non-tangible and yet
to be worlds: worlds that are nevertheless immanent to the present as they
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uphold real and material weight in the here and now. As I develop in more
detail in the pages that follow, the film seeks to speculate futures through
the enactment of a form of generative ethnography. The plot brings together
a fictional character in the year 2043 with glimpses of life in the Antarctic
in 2012–14 which are treated both as ethnographic fragments and research
events which Mike Michaels drawing on Isabelle Stengers (2010) describes
as ‘open, unfolding and oriented toward the not-as-yet’ (Michaels 2016: 100;
Stengers 2010). The film was initially conceived as a form of ‘immersement’
and ‘atmospheric attunement’ (Stewart 2011) into human and more than
human life in the Antarctic. However, it grew into a speculative engagement
with Antarctica that sought to identify something beyond the imaginaries of
my interlocutors, who were a diverse group of transient and semi-permanent
populations of scientists, military, teachers, families, logistics personnel
and tourists. It sought to find events that could be narrated with a ‘specu-
lative intent’ (Michaels 2016). Drawing on the centrality of the speculative
as ‘a multi-form worlding practice’ (Haraway 2013), that is, of being in and
making of Antarctic worlds, my concern has been to explore how futures are
imagined and hoped for in relation to how novel forms of sociality emerge
in extreme environments. These futures are performed and given substance
through material entanglements and lively engagements with the more than
human world.
Creative experimentations in
‘futures anthropology’
As discussed in the Introduction to this volume (Pink and Salazar), since
the 1970s anthropologists have highlighted that anthropology’s forte has
always been disciplined hindsight (Riner 1987) primarily as a consequence
of anthropology’s inability to describe, critique, and interrogate futures
without being imbricated in those same discourses (Collins 2007). Perhaps
to an embarrassing extent, thinking about time in anthropology has been far
less illuminating about the future than about the past (Guyer 2007) given
that anthropologists have consistently engaged with futurity in shreds and
patches (Munn 1992). It is not entirely clear whether this has been solely
the result of the futility of anthropology’s key methodological techniques in
analysing or venturing into the future (Heemskerk 2003). Here, in the context
of the emergent interest in researching futures across a range of disciplines,
I propose that the speculative might be a useful approach for thinking future
ethnographies of both a people yet to come and for understandings of
present and future ‘more-than-human sociality’ (Tsing 2013). In this specific

case this entails examining ethnographically a range of social practices for
inhabiting the extreme, including the very particular and contingent cultural
dynamics among international scientific and military stations in the South
Shetland Islands, Antarctic Peninsula. It also involves examining concomitant
processes of ‘making Antarctica familiar’ (Bureaud 2012), where living in
Antarctica becomes not only a mode of transforming Antarctica into a
habitable world – a terraforming process of sorts – but also a way of opening
up ways of thinking more than human sociality on Earth and beyond.
While speculation has often lingered at the margins of established
histories of knowledge production in both the ‘natural’ and ‘social’ sciences,
significant exceptions are certainly not hard to find. Speculation takes place
across a range of knowledge practices concerned with the uncertainty of
unfolding futures, such as commodity futures, predictive genomics, climate
change modelling or astrobiology to name a few. Most importantly in relation
to this chapter, speculation has gained theoretical traction in disciplines as
varied as continental and pragmatist philosophy, speculative design, fiction
and literary theory, as well as social science fiction studies. Across a range
of social sciences, particularly those inflected by phenomenology, object-
oriented ontologies and feminist new materialism, the speculative is being
taken up as a practical-theoretical approach to reconceptualising problems
and seeking more imaginative propositions. As I explore in the following
pages, speculation acts as a means for asking more inventive questions about
life in Antarctica.
‌
Consequently, this project plunges into uncertain futures by foreshad-
owing possible worlds to come in Antarctica. It seeks to re-shape what an
Antarctic politics looks and feels like on the ground, or on the Ice, by jostling
documentary film and ethnography in new ways. I draw on Donna Haraway’s
ambivalent and ambiguous notion of ‘speculative fabulation’ (2013, 2016), to
argue that in coupling arts practice and cultural research though ‘material-
semiotic entanglements’ of the factual, the fictional, and the fabulated, both
the filmic and the ethnographic become correlated to interact with each to
enact a realism of the possible. This enables an account of how the Ice, as
an everyday extreme, confronts its inhabitants with problems of survival and
habitation that can be scientifically, ethically and temporally scaled outward.
Such predicament of inhabiting the extreme makes visible big quandaries
about the future of habitable conditions for earthly life. Moreover, when
modulated by the speculative it invites a recalibration towards a future-facing
cultural inquiry that enables research to follow forked directions, to both
respond and anticipate phenomena that may not simply be held, observed
and acted upon. In this particular instance the film embraces speculative
fabulation and mobilizes it as an ethnographic method for researching worlds
to come in Antarctica. In this way both ethnography and documentary film
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become entangled as a mode of practice to be effected as creative treatment
of possibility and potentiality, not just actuality.
Anticipating Antarctic futures

Anticipation has recently been considered ‘a regime of being in time’, and
as some have provocatively pointed out it seems more and more likely that
‘one defining quality of our current moment is its characteristic state of
anticipation, of thinking and living toward the future’ (Adams et al. 2009). In
such a perspective, anticipation as an affective state or disposition acquires
epistemic value when a mutual adjustment occurs between future expecta-
tions and contingent dynamics – as a process through which the present is
transformed, intervened in and ultimately governed in the name of the future.
According to geographer Ben Anderson futures are ‘disclosed and related
to through statements about the future (or what he calls styles); rendered
present through materialities, epistemic objects and affects (what he terms
practices); and acted on through specific policies and programmes (what he
names logics)’ (Anderson 2010: 779). He outlines three types of anticipatory
practices: those of calculating futures; of imagining futures; and of performing
futures, each of which produces different pre-emptive and precautionary
logics.
The geophysical and life sciences have been anticipating a sober picture
of the future of the Polar Regions for some time now, with widespread
ecosystems change and both the Arctic and parts of the Antarctic Peninsula
warming at twice the rate of the rest of the planet. Since the International
Geophysical year of 1957–8 international science has deployed an anticipatory
practice of calculating futures through a range of styles and epistemic objects,
to the point that both the Arctic and the Antarctic befit long-lasting sources
of imagery of amplified environmental change and have become the spatial
setting for climate crisis discourses and affects. The human as geological
force field is significantly pervasive in the poles as evidenced across a range
of phenomena including melting and calving of glaciers and ice-sheets, rapid
spread of invasive species, and also – as in most other parts of the planet –
high concentration of CO2 and aerosol pollutants in the atmosphere or ocean
pollution and ocean acidification.
Antarctica has thus become an anthropogenic landscape where ever-inten-
sifying human activities are prompting doubts about how current governance
system are turning to be insufficient to meet the environmental protection
obligations set out under the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the
Antarctic Treaty signed in 1998 (which may be opened for review in 2048).

Antarctica is thus an inherently future-oriented matter of concern due to
inevitable crossings of thresholds in Earth systems and the shift into whole
new systemic states, both of which set out a serious test of our collective and
coordinated capacity to exercise foresight. An exercise that not only demands
action to protect these fragile yet resilient ecologies, but which also invited a
rethinking of multispecies life in extreme ecologies.
The scope and intensity of human activities in the Antarctic has changed
dramatically over the past 100 years, including a rising interest in resources
together with growth and diversification of existing commercial activities,
such as fishing and tourism. In the Antarctic context ‘resources’ include
‘minerals, meteorites, intellectual property of Antarctic bio-prospecting (the
quest to find commercial uses for bio-resources), locations for scientific
bases, marine living resources, and preferred access to the continent for
tourism’ (Brady 2010: 759). In the past decade or so there has been a
broadening awareness of the potential of the polar regions as global political
spaces as well as sources of valuable resources. Like the Arctic, Antarctica
has sprung up as a geopolitical space, where investing in Antarctic science
is often an anticipatory logic to signal presence and influence in Antarctic
decision-making and future geopolitical settings.
In an exercise of synthesis of future scenarios in Antarctica, Tin et al. (2014)
for example examined a series of prevalent scenarios to offer three alter-
native scenarios for Antarctica. The first, utopia, where there is no interest
in resources and internal influence; second, nationalism and economic
globalization on the opposite side – with a future of unlimited exploitation
of resources and external influence; and third, in between these more
extreme possible scenarios, a cluster of three business-as-usual scenarios:
slippery slope, self-control and low interest. In the first case, by extrapo-
lating current trajectories into the future, Tin, Liggett, Maher and Lamers
(2014) argue that there will be an expansion of virtually all anthropogenic
activities in the Antarctic over the next fifty years, predicting that synergistic
and cumulative impacts will exacerbate existing threats and reduce the resil-
ience of ecosystems to further anthropogenic threats. In anticipatory horizon
scanning exercises like this one, business as usual futures are pre-empted
on the basis that sovereignty disputes, scientific endeavours and tourism
will continue to define the logic of engagement with the Antarctic region. If
we were to apply Anderson’s framework we would see how within these
business as usual settings the future of the Antarctic is expected to be driven
by two complementary logics: one of economic resource exploitation and
national sovereignty interests, where bioprospecting continues to develop in
a vacuum of regulation, parties continue to position themselves for a future
lifting of the mining ban, and tourism and fishing industries continue to
expand. And a second, opposing view: that of an Antarctic sanctuary, where
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Antarctica becomes a common heritage for all of humanity and where the
trend towards environmental protection through current governance arrange-
ments prevails into the future. These preferred and aspirational futures carry
with them a problematic vision in which Antarctica remains a ‘wilderness’
where there is little impact of human presence; where human footprint
shrinks thanks to the development of new technologies and infrastructures.
The big elephant in the room is therefore the failure to foresee any materi-
alization of human settlements in the coming decades, a process that in my
view has already started.
Nightfall on Gaia and a poetics of ‘tomorrowing’

The Antarctic Peninsula is the northernmost part of the mainland of Antarctica
and is where I conducted fieldwork and produced the film titled Nightfall on
Gaia (Salazar 2015b). The peninsula has been since the 1940s part of disputed
and overlapping sovereignty claims by Argentina, Chile and the UK. None of
these claims has international recognition under the Antarctic Treaty System
(ATS). The ATS, which provides a high-level forum for cooperation and a
regime of governance, was negotiated and signed by twelve countries in the
midst of the Cold War (1959) and entered into force in 1961. Since then it has
provided a mechanism and a regime for governing the Antarctic based on
science and international collaboration.
The Peninsula offers some of the most dramatic scenery in the whole
of the Antarctic continent and boasts a huge level biodiversity, particularly
in the South Shetland Islands. Located across the Drake Passage, roughly
1,000 kilometres south of Tierra del Fuego, the southern-most tip of South
America, King George Island is one of the South Shetland Islands and is
one of the areas experiencing the most rapid and pervasive global warming
on the planet comparable only to certain places in the Arctic. King George
Island has been pictured as a ‘mesocosm of the change that is occurring in
response to climate warming and a test-bed for predicting future responses
to climate change’ (Kennicutt 2009). The island is dominated by a pervasive
ice cap with more than 90 per cent of the island being glaciated. However,
the Fildes peninsula, on the southern end of the island, is in fact one of the
largest ice-free areas in the maritime Antarctic, and together with adjacent
coastal zones of the island has high levels of biodiversity. Eighty-seven per
cent of the island’s glaciers have retreated over the past fifty years. The island
is host to fifteen international research stations as well as a military-civilian
permanent village – Villa Las Estrellas or The Stars Village – with families, a
school, a community gym and a small supermarket. The area is home to about
200 inhabitants all year round and up to 2,500 people in summer including

scientists, visitors and tourists. Figure 10.1 shows the Chilean Julio Escudero
Station where I stayed during the fieldwork seasons of 2012, 2013 and 2014.
After visiting this place for the first time in 2011 to conduct a series of
digital storytelling projects (Salazar 2013; Salazar and Barticevic 2015) and
after undertaking a critical examination of a range of anticipatory logics
deployed by science and international governance in Antarctica since 1959,
I felt frustrated that it wasn’t enough to capture the scale, the magnitude of
this affective becoming: ‘a world in the making in an extreme environment
that could have been but never was’ as Xue Noon, the main character in
Nightfall on Gaia says. Perhaps enough to understand who goes there today
and why, but not enough to capture a glimpse of a possible people to come
– let alone of a polity to come, yet unformed and unnamed.
Travelling to Antarctica for the first time in 2011 was also a big wake-up call
on the state of affairs of what it means to live in an extreme environment and
a corroboration that any understanding of a becoming is always a becoming
with other species. During many moments it didn’t feel too different with how
outer space travel and exploration is often imagined: the affective division of
labour; the performance of communal tasks; the hierarchical social context;
how our bodies swiftly acquired a different rhythm under the three layers of
clothing; or the permanent feeling of being outside of Earth. My main preoc-
cupation was with how to research Antarctic futures anthropologically, if this
was a viable option, and how I could combine the ethnographic and specu-
lative to recalibrate the research into a future-oriented inquiry. A key challenge
was how to develop a critical account – or at least a glimpse – of these
Antarcticans, by definition ontologically agile but not automatically attuned to
multispecies entanglements; and how they become ‘agents of anticipation’
(Mackenzie 2013) in places where human habitation has been barely possible
until now. Critical in this instance means looking at the shaping of Antarctica
into an inhabitable world beyond the realm of seasonal scientists and logistics
FIGURE 10.1 Exterior view of Julio Escudero Station in King George Island.

Photo by Juan Francisco Salazar.
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FIGURE 10.2 Exterior of a living quarter at the Russian Station Bellingshausen.

personnel and questioning ethnographically how things might be otherwise

than previously assumed or commonly foreseen. The environmental historian
Tom Griffiths observed that these emergent human communities living in
the Antarctic are ‘a peculiar civilisation where the workings of history might
be laid bare’ (Griffiths 2008: 4). This affective future orientation of a peculiar
community-to-come on the Ice comes out strongly in the ethnographic
material. To me this is indicative of how specific sites are becoming places
for human sociality, or perhaps a pre-figurative configuring of sociality ‘taking-
place’ in precarious cultural spaces, most of which seem still more like
national enclaves (Figure 10.2).
Four periods of ethnographic fieldwork were undertaken in the Antarctic
Peninsula during the summer seasons of 2011 to 2014, totalling sixteen
weeks. The latest phase of the fieldwork included three weeks aboard the
Chilean Navy Ship Aquiles and five weeks in the Julio Escudero Research
Station in King George Island (Figure 10.3) and other five scientific research
stations in the Fildes Peninsula – Bellingshausen Station (Russia); Great Wall
(China); King Sejong (South Korea); Artigas (Uruguay) and Presidente Eduardo
Frei and Villa Las Estrellas (Chile) all in King George Island.
Ethnographic participant-observation was carried out during field sampling
by marine biologists and during conversations and meetings on-board the
ship and the stations. In-depth ethnographic interviews, semi-structured
interviews and informal interviews were carried out with eighteen scien-
tists (across marine microbiology, astrobiology, ecology, glaciology) both

FIGURE 3.6 Bed Nine. Photo by

Andrew Irving
FIGURE 3.7 The Testing Clinic. Photo by

Andrew Irving
Sandra’s daughter away against her will on the grounds that she had no
money or means of raising her child alone, and that she might fall sick and
die soon. As her boyfriend’s family lived in the far west of the country, a long
and expensive journey away, it was unlikely that she would be able to see her
child many times before she too succumbed to AIDS. The loss of her child
was extraordinarily traumatic for Sandra. Although looking back at the actions
of her boyfriend’s family, she can now understand their rationale as to why
they took her child away, this did not not make the loss of her child any easier
to bear. Instead it left her bereft, and unable to perform her role as a mother
to nurture, care for and raise her child (see Irving 2011b). On discovering that
she had HIV and then losing her child, Sandra recounted how she also lost
the feeling that she was a human being and had little to look forward to on
earth. Life became meaningless and ‘I locked myself in a dark room and the
only thing I thought of was death.’
It was the voice of another soldier on the radio, Major Rubaramira Ruranga
that changed Sandra’s life. The Major was worried about his HIV status and
went for a test in the late 1980s. For the test, blood is drawn and examined
for anti-bodies indicating the presence of HIV and it commonly takes a couple
of weeks for the test to be processed and the results to be disclosed. In
Major Ruranga’s case it took thirty days. The time between taking the test
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prefiguring of novel modes of subjectivity and sociality emerging in Antarctica
in this order. The collaborative labour of scientists and logistical-technical
labour produce a very concrete worldview of what it is like to inhabit the
Antarctic. This worldview is often analogous with outer space colonization
(the techno-scientific-military complex). It is precisely here where speculation
in the molecular mode might conjecture about what other sorts of human and
more-than-human ecologies are possible in extreme environments (such as
Antarctica or outer space) that might engender values and relations in which
the ‘naturecultures’ of inhabiting the extreme can be enacted and imagined
differently.
Speculation is thus central to my research, and I am still testing, experi-
menting and putting it to work in different, sometimes contradictory ways. I
would note that anticipation differs from speculation in subtle yet important
ways. Anticipation, as a lived condition or orientation, always demands a
response in the present; it is the future materializing in the present, which
gives way to a series of anticipatory regimes. Etymologically anticipation
concerns a taking care of (preparing for) ahead of time. In contrast, the
etymology of speculation relates to ‘observing from a vantage point’, from
the Latin verb speculari, from the Latin specula ‘watchtower’. In other words,
a vantage point for grasping alternate futures. Thus, the anticipatory gaze is
ultimately fixed on the present while the speculative gaze is entrenched on
the future. So the visionary elements within the speculative dimension are
different than in anticipatory practices since they open up the possibility of
‘extracting from the present certain immanent potentialities that may be
capable of opening up a transition into otherwise unlikely futures’.
A key entry point into the speculative, both in the ethnographic account
and the film, was to engage with Donna Haraway’s ambiguous and ambivalent
notion of speculative fabulation (Haraway 2013). The way to grasp Haraway’s
impulse is, I think, as a kind of chimera – a single organism composed of cells
from different zygotes. As Haraway herself explains (2013), a hybrid infused by
Alfred N. Whitehead’s speculative pragmatism filtered via Isabelle Stengers’
(2011) notion of ‘speculative thinking’; mixed and situated in feminist specu-
lative fiction (Ursula K. Le Guin) and ultimately morphed by the US academic,
feminist theorist and writer Marleen Barr into feminist fabulation. SF implies
the tight coupling of writing and research, where both terms require the
factual, fictional, and fabulated; and where both terms are materialized in
fiction and scholarship. In the process philosophy of Whitehead – and as
developed later by Stengers – the speculative acquires renewed expediency
as a set of responses, as members of the Unit of Play at Goldsmiths,
University of London put it, ‘to phenomena that cannot be held, or observed or
acted upon’.2 But these set of responses are indeed as Cecilia Åsberg, Kathrin
Thiele and Iris van der Tuin argue ‘a very material process, a performative

process of the world, a form of worlding itself’ (Åsberg et al. 2015: 152). This
is what Haraway refers to as a SF mode: a process of worlding and a ‘potent
material-semiotic sign for the riches of speculative fabulation, speculative
feminism, science fiction, speculative fiction, science fact, science fantasy
… and string figures’ and also means ‘so far, opening up what is yet-to-come
in protean entangled times’ pasts, presents, and futures (Haraway 2013: 10).
In light of these perspectives, the process of making Nightfall on Gaia
became a form of situated knowledge-making, or in Haraway’s terms, of
doing things ‘in the SF mode’. By this I mean a new way of organizing
knowledge about the Antarctic, where both ethnographic knowledge and
film practice might meet. Conceived in this way, the fascinating aspect of
speculation as method is the particular way it might propel cultural research in
general and anthropological research in particular ‘to follow forked directions’
as Celia Lury and Nina Wakeford argue ‘to trace processes that are in disequi-
librium or uncertain, to acknowledge and refract complex combinations of
human and non-human agencies, supporting an investigation of what matters
and how in ways that are open, without assuming a single fixed relation
between epistemology and ontology’ (Lury and Wakeford 2012: 19). In other
words, speculation transforms a fieldwork site into a ‘garden of forking paths’
(Borges 1962) where the factual, the fictional and the fabulated become
entangled across possible and impossible worlds that exist simultaneously
within future contingents. Once again, as Åsberg et al. would argue, specu-
lation implies ‘both the envisioning of a different world and a challenge to
taken-for-granted knowledges by way of situating them in specific historical,
sociocultural, material and bodily contexts (2015: 153).
In order to turn these ideas into practice I opted for a speculative exper-
iment: the making of a feature length documentary film: Nightfall on Gaia.
The film was shot entirely in the Antarctic Peninsula during four fieldwork
trips between 2011 and 2014, apart from a couple of scenes (set in the near
future), which were filmed at a studio in Sydney. I argue that the film seeks
to demonstrate a performative anticipatory practice (in reference to Ben
Anderson 2010), which embodies the speculative mode to foster what I call a
‘poetics of tomorrowing’. This is a call to conceive documentary film practice
not as a creative treatment of actuality but ‘creative account of possibility’
(Salazar 2015a), and in this sense one of the things I tried to explore was how
to make the film work as a diffractive reading (Barad 2007) how Antarctic
futures might look and feel like. What I mean here by a diffractive reading is
a way of avoiding images of Antarctica as static representations of Antarctic
wilderness or scientists at work, to productive accounts of multispecies
ecologies, hence moving from the binary and oppositional to the multifarious
and differential, from critical reflection after the fact, to critical, embedded
involvement in the there and then.
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fabulation

Hence, the diffractive moves the speculative mode beyond an enumer-
ation of possible Antarctic futures or even a representation of a set of
plausible futures of Antarctica, towards an embodying of an ‘as if’ future.
By arguing that documentary film should not be confined/defined as ‘the
creative treatment of actuality’ (as defined by John Grierson in the 1930s) but
as ‘creative treatment of possibility (Salazar 2015a), my purpose is certainly to
provoke, by arguing that as a mode of practice and desire both documentary
media and ethnographic practice must not be limited by an emphasis on repre-
senting the past and documenting the present, and might be reinvigorated
by being an anticipatory practice for presenting and embodying possible and
preferred futures. Thus the film is a response to what Åsberg, Thiele and van
der Tuin call, ‘current re-emergence of a feminist (Whiteheadian) philosophical
urge to speculate’ and follows ‘a methodological line of flight that emphasises
practice and situatedness’ (2015: 163).
In her ‘Cyborg Manifesto’, Haraway (1991) contends that the boundary
between science fiction and social reality is ‘an optical illusion’. In the case of
Nightfall on Gaia, the erasure of this boundary between ethnography, science
fiction and social reality also becomes an illusion in both the film and the ethno-
graphic account. At the core of this experiment in speculative anthropological
storytelling is the fictional/fabulated character of astrobiologist Xue Noon in
the year 2043. She is of Maori background, works at the NASA Jet Propulsion
Centre and is leading a team undertaking extremophile bioprospecting in
Antarctica as preparation for the first manned expedition to Europa – one
of the moons of Jupiter. She finds herself stranded in the fictional GAiA
International Antarctic Station. This is not a random fact, but a critique of the
fact that at the time of making the film there was no International Antarctic
Station, as compared, for instance, with the International Space Station. As
the polar night closes in, Xue Noon connects herself to the artificial intel-
ligence system of the research station to scavenge digital memories and
archives. As a figure resembling that of the cyborg, I wanted Dr Noon – as the
AI calls her – to open up new imaginative possibilities for thinking about what
Antarctica is becoming, by refiguring and embodying a different structure of
feeling – the negotiation that results from different ontologies but also kinds
of labour in Antarctica. First, Xue Noon is a cyborg-punk-looking androgynous
figure with a Maori background and she is a top scientist in her field. She
is not a cybernetic organism in the strict sense. She is presented as having
a hybrid human-machine consciousness. She is a Matakite, a seer into the
future and the past in traditional Maori society, daughter of another Matakite
woman. She is a fabulated character of fiction as well as social reality, created
from ethnographic interviews with astrobiologists and marine biologists as
well as the personal life story of the award winning Maori performer Victoria
Hunt who plays the role of Xue Noon (Figure 10.4). In this sense Xue Noon is

a personal and modest homage to the tradition of feminist speculative fiction
and I wrote her character as a result of long and intense moments during
fieldwork following Antarctic microbiologists in sampling fieldtrips, observing
their practices of DNA sequencing, engaging with them in undergraduate
teaching; following them at international conferences; and looking at plans by
NASA to send a manned expedition to Europa in the 2040s.
As such, the ambition here is to propel the film work as a kind of material-
semiotic experiment in ‘inventive methods’ (Lury and Wakeford 2012), which
pushes us to acknowledge the inseparability of epistemology and materiality
when we look for techniques for researching futures. Functioning then as a
sort of ‘thought experiment’, useful to problematize in provocative ways a
time of planetary transition such as the Anthropocene, the film invites viewers
not only to critique and respond constructively to the current predicament of
socio-ecological change, but also to both anticipate possible effects of global
change processes and speculate in the subjunctive mode about the ‘what if’
and the ‘not as yet’. Therefore the film attempts not only to depict fragments
of the lives and visions of human communities living in the Antarctic
Peninsula. Set across multiple temporalities (2013 and 2043) it also fabulates
with fragments of a future, by juxtaposing fictional/fabulated characters,
events, places and phenomena with observational material, and with ethno-
graphic interviews with a range of transient and semi-permanent dwellers,
including people who have lived in Antarctica for six months a year for the
past thirty-three years. The film thus becomes a kind of probe, a ‘diegetic
prototype’ (Kirby 2011) that for a moment suspends disbelief about possible
FIGURE 10.4 The fabulated character of Xue Noon (Victoria Hunt). Photo by

Juan Francisco Salazar.
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futures, not only to tell a story, but also in order to narrate a world made out
of fragments of stories, events and phenomena. Engagement with the future
often rests on tacit knowledge. Yet, futures are not merely imagined; they are
also made. The film is concerned then with the ‘what if’ and the ‘not as yet’,
but ultimately with the ‘about to be’ and in search of a people to come. In
such a way, both as final product and as process of storytelling, Nightfall on
Gaia enacts a form of generative ethnography to speculate futures with, as a
kind of modest witnessing (Haraway 1997: 269), where ethnography remains
open to and aware of its partiality and subjectivity. In opening up a speculative
orientation it aims to offer some coordinates for understanding how people
envision the making of extraterritorial spaces social. As a filmic+ethnographic
account (not an ethnographic film in the traditional definition) of the ‘spectral
gatherings’ (Thrift 1999) of Antarctic life, the film tries to capture the many
different things and forces that gather, some of which we know about, some
not, some of which may be just on the edge of awareness (Anderson and
Harrison 2010), and some of which may probably exist across multiple simul-
taneous temporalities and time-space dimensions (Figure 10.5).
For me then, speculative fabulation as method and poiesis enacts a
realism of the possible to account for how the Ice, as an everyday extreme,
confronts its inhabitants with problems of survival that make visible big
predicaments about the future of habitable conditions for earthly life and the
transgressing of planetary boundaries. The film’s ending is confusing and for
some frustrating in that it doesn’t guarantee an outcome or an explanation. It
hints though a subtle critique: we must think how to overcome that scientific
FIGURE 10.5 A scene from the film Nightfall on Gaia. Photo by Juan Francisco

Salazar.

or ‘scientistic’ worldview that sees the Antarctic as a source of data, so that
new arrangements of relationality can be envisioned. Xue Noon engages the
AI system to hold the past, present and future in attention simultaneously.
Also important is how the film as device deploys an ‘ethographic sensibility’
(van Dooren and Rose 2016), in that it attempts not to be a detailed revealing
of another’s (human) way of life, but an opening into a lively world of relation-
ships between humans and the non-human or more than human. The film
thus wants to be a resource of hope to open up to multispecies stories and
the relationality of life in anthropocenic environments. In Nightfall on Gaia,
this framing asks viewers to speculate a future moment in which the Ice is
at an end due to a massive solar storm, but leaves it open to the imagination
whether this is in fact due to resource exploitation as a consequence of the
end of the Antarctic Treaty, or even as a consequence of science/instrumen-
tality gone awry – that the human-AI interface has turned out badly.
Conclusion
Given the growing interest in anticipation and speculation in social and
cultural research, the aim of this chapter has been to examine how specu-
lative fabulation can be mobilized as an ethnographically inflected method
to attend to epistemological, ontological, ethical and political implications of
doing research in a site like Antarctica. In so doing, I wish to, first, invite a
dialogue into the expedience of the speculative for anthropological research
as a productive mode of thinking, feeling and knowing that might offer new
perspectives from which to tackle otherwise seemingly intractable matters of
concern in uncertain times. And second, invite readers to reflect on an exper-
iment in inventive methods whereby documentary film and ethnographic
practice are brought together into a speculative mode that might illustrate the
‘worldmaking’ role of speculative ethnographic approaches.
New ways of knowing Antarctica also mean new ways of acting on/in it, and
the mode of colonization of the Antarctic may well serve both as harbinger of
future conditions of life on Earth as well as a proxy for planetary space explo-
ration. In tracing this relational trajectory of Antarctica as ‘that place outside
the circuits of the known world that both precedes the moon as a desti-
nation of otherworldly knowledge and is coterminous with “outer space”’
(Glasberg 2012: 34), speculation is a trope to engage with the emergence
of ‘an extra-terrestrial mode of thinking about the planet’ (Helmreich 2012:
1133) where Antarctica is that liminal space: not completely Earthly and partly
extra-terrestrial. Antarctica turns out to be not only a laboratory for science,
but also a laboratory of ideas for thinking life in extra-terrestrial Earths, but
at the same time an extra-terrestrial mode of thinking Earth. In this way, I
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think speculation regains its meaning as a form of observation engaged from
a different vantage point, where Antarctica itself becomes a place of specu-
lation, an ecological watchtower.
In this case the vantage point is not only for observation but also for inter-
vention. As Adam and Groves (2007) have argued, researching futures entail
acknowledging the ‘uneven relation between acting, knowing and taking
responsibility’ for the future, or in other words between doing, knowing
and caring. In this chapter I have addressed the making of anthropologies in
relation to the future in a geo-political moment in which questions of what
the future might be appear to overshadow events right now. I began this
chapter with a note on how critical work in anthropology can be relevant to
tackle urgent questions. My hope is that Nightfall on Gaia – as an example
of an ethnographically informed film in the SF mode – captures this process
as one that requires both an attitude of urgency as well as contemplative
understanding (Figure 10.6).
There is a need for increased public understanding of how processes of
global change in the Polar Regions are adding new and even more intrac-
table dimensions and casting doubt over the future of these regions. As the
Antarctic becomes peopled, as new life forms with potential commercial and
health applications are discovered, and as Antarctica potentially becomes a
new commodity and resources frontier, it is imperative to develop novel future-
oriented approaches that can open up alternative modes of knowing-making
FIGURE 10.6 Juan F. Salazar filming in Fildes peninsula, King George Island.


that construct multiple, often contested, narratives of the future, and prepare
to take action in the present in anticipation to those futures.
Notes
1 See www.nightfallongaia.net for more details or watch the film at https://

vimeo.com/juansalazar/nightfall (accessed 23 September 2016).
2 Speculation in Social Science: Novel Methods for Re-Inventing Problems.

British Sociological Association Annual Conference, 25 April 2014, http://
www.gold.ac.uk/unit-of-play/events/speculation-bsa-abstracts/ (accessed 23
September 2016).
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T 37

he
art
of
turning
left
and
right

of New York. Death for the majority of the American population was based on
a specific cultural expectation of what constitutes a natural life trajectory and
was associated with old age. An early death was seen as unnatural and the
contingency of life – whereby a person could die at any moment – was rarely
prominent in most people’s daily concerns. The news coming from New York
thus disrupted the established order of life and expectations of the future,
and opened a process of critical reappraisal and reconsideration. By contrast,
in Uganda, it is widely understood that one is old enough to die as soon as
one is born. Children tend to be present to most things that life offers and
will have seen numerous dead persons before they become adults. Around
one in seven births end in death for either the mother or the baby, and in
2001 14.1 per cent of children did not live to see five years old. Life and one’s
future are widely understood as uncertain and contingent, and death is seen
as something that can strike at any time.
On learning that the North Tower had been hit, Emily found herself caught
in a liminal space between life and death alongside Sandra. In 2001 it was
difficult to make a routine phone call in Kampala, given that Uganda has one
of the lowest number of landlines of any country in the world. Often it was
impossible to even call across the city, let alone make an international phone
call to New York on 11 September 2001 when America’s phone network was
inundated. Emily was confronted by a range of possible futures in which her
father was alive, missing, critically injured, dead or rescued, the outcome
of which was unknown. As news of Emily’s situation spread, Sandra and
her fellow Ugandan women who were at the conference began chanting
and praying for Emily’s parents. The next morning, word came through that
Emily’s father was alive and unhurt. He had not been at his desk – perhaps he
had gone to the gym, perhaps he had stopped to buy a newspaper, perhaps
his train was delayed, perhaps he ironed his shirt or stopped off to buy a bagel
– Emily did not know, but word had come though that he was alive. He had
not been at the World Trade Center.
Sandra recounted to me how Emily then came to find her and shared the
news of her father’s survival. Sandra was overjoyed and Emily’s next words,
as Sandra remembers them, were: ‘God has spared the life of my parents.
Because their lives have been spared, they now have a duty to save someone
else’s life. And so, even though they don’t know this yet, they are going to pay
for your medications.’ Soon after, Sandra started on antiretroviral medications
and slowly began to regain her health. Her wellbeing restored, the following
year she was able to start working steadily and married her colleague, John
Bosco, who was also HIV+. Together they moved into a small bungalow
in Kitende and soon after, Sandra’s daughter joined them. Then with the
advent of the global fund initiative in 2004, Sandra was able to access free
medications.
11
Ethno science fiction:

Projective improvisations
of future scenarios and
environmental threat in the
everyday life of British youth
Johannes Sjöberg
Introduction
It’s me, James, from the future. The year is 2036. All the houses have
gone. They’ve built some shops over the top of where the houses were.
The only thing that is recognizable around here is the pub. The pub has
stayed, which is incredibly impressive. They’ve built more and more units
over the whole of Otley Road. It’s like one big [commercial] park and it has
taken over the whole side by the river. […] Shipley is almost completely cut
off now due to the frequent flooding. Everyone has to take the long road
around Bingley to come to Baildon now. They’ve just ruined it: just ruined
it. There are just so many things wrong with it, everybody is fighting for
place with everybody. […] It’s horrible […] It’s nothing like it ever was and
it’ll never be the same again.
This dystopic vision of the future was recorded as part of my ongoing

research project Forward Play, which commenced in 2014. The objective
of the research is to apply and critically examine the use of ‘ethno science
fiction’ as an ethnographic and anthropological film method. In the first of a

series of ethno science fictions, I ask English youth living in regions affected
by drastic environmental change to improvise their own science fictions,
especially with regard to climate change, in order to research and represent
young people’s perceptions and understandings of the future.
James Hudson-Wright is twenty years old. He lives with his grandmother in
Shipley, a town near Leeds in West Yorkshire, in a rented Victorian house origi-
nally built to accommodate mill workers during the boom in wool production
that took place in Yorkshire in the mid- to late 1800s. Their house is built on the
water table of the River Aire, which resulted in the flooding of their house and
the entire neighbourhood in 2000 and 2015. During recent years James has
seen other drastic changes, including a major property development adjacent
to his house. The Victorian textile mill next to his house was torn down and
replaced with a parking lot and plans for a commerical development, radically
changing the material and social environment of his neighbourhood.
There is ongoing speculation among the local population about the possi-
bility of increasing flood risk from the River Aire. Previous estimates predicted
major flooding in the area ‘once every fifty years’ based on the inundations
of 1947 and 2000. However, December 2015 saw the worst flooding in the
area in living memory, and climate change has very much been part of the
local conversation following these events. Some of those at risk have begun
embarking on major flood prevention measures, believing that another flood
will happen sooner rather than later.
In July 2014, James and I started to make the film Call Me Back (2017) as
part of my research into the future. It begins with eighteen-year-old James
entering an old style red phone booth next to his house in Shipley (Figure 11.1).
He phones his future self and asks a series of pressing questions about the
future, including his own life, the local town and the world in general. Exactly
one year later I filmed James, who is now nineteen years old, walking into the
same phone booth and responding to his past self, revealing changed outlooks
and perspectives in the process. Over the course of the year, the shopping
centre continues to be constructed and its changing outline can be seen in
the background of the phone booth. Documentary shots reveal the changes to
the environment surrounding the phone booth and James’s home, which he
tries to relate to through his phone dialogues with his past and future selves.
In the summer of 2016, James enters the phone booth again. Twenty-
year-old James responds to recent developments in his life, including the
drastic events of the 2015 Boxing Day flooding of his neighbourhood, and
other changes in his life and environment. The imagined forty-year-old James
of 2036 also joins the phone calls to tell his previous incarnations about
developments in the region over the past twenty years. Finally, sixty-year-
old James of 2056 will enter the phone booth reporting back to his younger
selves on another twenty years of changes to his life and old neighbourhood.
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FIGURE 11.1 James Hudson-Wright in Call Me Back (2017)

The phone conversations between James and his future selves are intercut
with documentary shots of James guiding us through his neighbourhood and
scenes showing the drastic changes the area has gone through since 2014.
James’ greatest passion is music, and the film will be accompanied by songs
that James has written and performs to express his vision of the future.
Ethno science fiction

The chapter explores how to apply projective improvisation in ethnographic
film to understand how fieldwork informants relate to and imagine the
future through a technique I call ‘ethno science fiction’. More specifically,
ethno science fiction is a co-creative genre of ethnographic film in which the

informants express their imagined future through improvisation and other
forms of applied theatre and artistic practice.
The method I am proposing offers an alternative approach to ethno-
graphic research on the imagination, and about the future. It is intended to
complement existing methods in ethnographic film – such as interviews and
participant observation – and combines the traditions of qualitative research
in anthropology and creative practice in applied art, in order to challenge
positivist research traditions and quantitative methods within Future Studies.
Ethno science fiction is also meant to provide a means of reflexive inter-
vention, conducted with ethical care and anthropological critique in mind. The
ethnographic film material is screened back to the participants to facilitate
reflection and change, drawing on the film as a sounding board for innovation
in times of crisis. I will ask if ethno science fictions could contribute to a
‘temporal proximity’, encouraging critical debate, speculation and sympathy
in relation to the lives of future generations, similar to how ethnographic
film traditionally has facilitated cultural proximity through a complex under-
standing of ‘the other’.
The three words ‘ethno’, ‘science’ and ‘fiction’ that constitute the
neologism, represent three very specific methodological claims and research
interests that sets this film method apart from other science fiction genres.
‘Ethno’ suggests the same methodological rigour as other ethnographic film
methods, including extended ethnographic fieldwork informed by anthro

pological theory. ‘Science’ refers to how fieldwork informants relate to scientific
predictions of the future. Scientific progress has allowed researchers to
predict changes in economy, politics, population, health, geography, climate,
etc., with increased precision, and ethno science fiction allows fieldwork
informants to critically and playfully engage with these predictions through
their imagination. ‘Fiction’ refers to the human necessity to speculate, to fill
the blank canvas of uncertainty with imagined utopias and dystopias.
However, unlike mainstream science fiction in literature and film that is
written and produced for the commercial market, ethno science fiction is
co-created with the participants to make an imagined future explicit and
tangible though projective improvisations. The philosophy of fiction in the
practice of everyday life suggests the close link between fictions about the
future and how we conduct our lives. Ethno science fiction offers a practical
means to reveal these links, not only showing how our imagined futures are
realized, but also how they impact on our interpretation of past and present
experiences.
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Fiction in practice
Ethno science fiction is a development of the ethnofictions of pioneering
visual anthropologist Jean Rouch. Rouch asked his West African and French
friends and informants to act out and improvise their own and others’ experi-
ences in front of the camera, in order to show aspects of ethnographic
research that could not be revealed and presented in any other way. Rouch
regarded these films as surrealist games inspired by Songhay-Zerma culture.
(Henley 2009; Rouch 2003; Sjöberg 2008, 2009a; Stoller 1992).
While contemporary French speaking film critics referred to these films
as ‘etnofictions’ (Fr), Rouch himself saw little value in labelling his film
practice (Yakir 1978: 10). On occasion, he did however refer to the films as
‘science fictions’ (Marshall and Adams 1978: 1005). Rather than attempting
to place his films within the pulp genre of science fiction, he used the term
ironically and critically. He saw no difference between art and ethnography or
fact and fiction in his practice. He regarded his films to be both social science
and fiction (Rouch 2003: 185). The reference to science fiction played a part
in Rouch’s provocative and anti-authoritarian attitude towards positivist and
other academic conventions that dominated contemporary anthropology.
It was a humorous monkey-wrench intended for the machinery of a social
science still grounded in the Cartesian divide between subjectivity and objec-
tivity (Rouch with Fulchignoni 2003: 156; Rouch 2003: 185). Interestingly,
similar hermeneutic ideas that would make the inter-subjectivity of fieldwork
relationships transparent were later introduced to the discipline through
Geertz’s interpretative anthropology, which would revolutionize the social
sciences more than a decade after Rouch’s own forays.
Rouch explicitly encouraged the protagonists of his ethnofictions to act
out possible scenarios of the future. In the film Petit a Petit (1970), two West
African protagonists from his previous ethnographic films decide to fly to
Paris to study high-rise buildings and to observe what use Parisians make of
them. Rather than a science fiction these films draw on surrealist improvi-
sation techniques. The imagination of the fieldwork informant is expressed
through improvised acting. This approach was inspired by griot storytelling of
West African culture, as well as surrealist art techniques such as automatic
writing and drawing, in order to tap into the creative subconscious of the
protagonists (Henley 2009; Rouch 2003; Sjöberg 2008, 2009a; Stoller 1992).
Jean Rouch and co-director Edgar Morin also compared their approach in
Chronique d’un été (1961) to the psychodrama of Jacob Moreno (Morin in
Rouch 2003: 233). Psychodrama is psychotherapeutic techniques developed
by the Austrian physician Moreno in the United States from the 1920s and
onwards. Rouch and Morin were influenced by their academic and artistic

environment, and obviously drew on contemporary ideas. In spite of their
frequent references to psychodrama they never seemed to have applied
the techniques of Moreno as a consciously preconceived methodology
for their films, but rather as a product of the general zeitgeist of the time
(Sjöberg forthcoming). The approach to improvised acting in Rouch’s films
does however recall Moreno’s use of enactment in psychodrama: ‘There
are several forms of enactment – pretending to be in a role, re-enactment
or acting out a past scene living out a problem presently pressing, or testing
oneself for the future’ (Fox 1987: 13). The ethnofictions of Jean Rouch
provided a space where the protagonists of the films could live out their
dreams and aspirations, as well as their anxieties about uncertain futures, in
a surrealist and ethnographic game.
My previous use of Rouch’s method of ethnofiction (Sjoberg 2008, 2009a,
2009b, 2011) was in collaboration with transgendered Brazilians living in São
Paulo, resulting in the film Transfiction (2007). One scene in the film is exclu-
sively concerned with the future where the transgendered prostitute Zilda,
played by Savana ‘Bibi’ Meirelles, meets Philippe, a Frenchman visiting São
Paulo. Together they dream about living in Paris together and at the end of
the film Zilda moves to Paris to live with Philippe. We follow her to the airport
and enter into her utopian vision of her future life in Paris, as represented by
dreamy shots of the Eiffel tower, French flags and sunny blue skies. While this
‘happy ever after’ ending was perceived as less authentic and more clichéd
than the rest of the film, it nevertheless offered a faithful account of Bibi’s
dreams of going to Paris.
More specifically, the main protagonists of the film wanted to create a happy
ending to critique and avoid reproducing the stereotypical, often negative,
representations of transgendered Brazilians that reduce the complexity of
their lived experience to images of suffering, poverty, discrimination and
health problems. I asked them to try Rouch’s enactments of dreams, similar
to when Oumarou Ganda enacts his dreams of being a world champion boxer
in Moi un Noir (1958). Rather than being presented as an object of study or
offering a routine account of social identity, marginalization and his day-to-day
life as a migrant worker, Oumarou Ganda tells us who he would like to be and
how he would like to live (Sjöberg 2008, 2009a, 2009b). Similarly, Bibi came
to use some of the improvisations in the film to paint an image of another
life, happier than the reality she had to face as a transgendered prostitute in
São Paulo.
The approach behind this filmed scene of the future was inspired by
Moreno’s psychodrama so as to offer the possibility of testing ‘oneself for
the future’ (Fox 1987:13) through a series of performative and improvised
enactments. While Moreno’s motivation was to give his patients the courage
to dream again, the enactment of the future as part of the ethnographic
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process provides a possibility to tap into the imaginary world of the fieldwork
informants. For Bibi and other trans people in São Paulo, Paris represents
a combination of success and possibility. A city of glamour and chic where
their female and/or feminine identity (Kulick 1998; Sjöberg 2011) would be
accepted and affirmed, ideally in the protecting arms of a wealthy gentleman
or handsome dreamy prince who offers unprejudiced and unconditional love.
These glimpses of utopia that are created, enacted and reflected on by the
fieldwork informants also provide ethnographic research data on their present
lives and future existential concerns. For example, it provided me with a
tangible and contextual understanding of some of the primary motivations
among many transgendered prostitutes to participate in sex trafficking to
Europe despite the substantial risks (ibid.).
The political activism of the transgendered fieldwork informants,
encouraged me to turn to the techniques of Brazilian theatre director Augusto
Boal. Inspired by philosopher Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed
(1968, 1970), Boal created Theatre of the Oppressed (1979) a political form
of applied theatre. I had participated in several of his workshops previously
and recognized similarities between Boal’s Forum Theatre, Moreno’s psycho-
drama and Rouch’s ethnofictions. They were all drawing on the process
of dreaming to facilitate improvisations with different aims and objectives
in mind (Sjöberg, forthcoming). One key technique involved Boal asking
members of the audience to present a problem that was then enacted by
the theatre ensemble. Other participants in the audience would then suggest
solutions to the problem that they then also enacted with the ensemble. The
Forum Theatre sparked debate, and also turned out to be particularly useful
among illiterate participants that found a useful and effective medium to
express and discuss political oppression.
The political documentary dramas of British filmmaker Peter Watkins
were contemporary to Boal’s theatre practice and were likewise inspired by
the political movements of the 1960s and 1970s. The War Game (1965) and
Punishment Park (1971) are often referred to as science fictions about a near
future. Watkins filmed his dramas with documentary techniques to challenge
the media objectivism of the time. Through documentary aesthetics including,
long shots and shaky hand-held cameras, on-location shooting, natural
lighting, enactments by non-professional actors and interviews, his intention
was to encourage the modernist audience of the time to be critical of facts
and claims to objectivity and not take news and documentary media at face
value (Watkins 2015).
The War Game depicts a nuclear war in Britain and its consequences. It
is based on research that non-professional actors illustrate though scenes
showing the repercussions of the nuclear blast. In contrast, the narrative
content of Punishment Park is based on the improvisations of the participants
42
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circle’ (Huizinga 1938, 1955), while for Turner (1964), play creates a ‘liminal
space’ that allows the participants to transgress their own realities.
In my own work, the protagonists of the film are provided with a personal
testing ground, where they can play with and live out their own ideas in
fictions about a possible future. Consequently, in a recollection of Oumarou
Ganda’s dream of winning a boxing championship or Zilda’s dream about
leaving Brazil for Paris, and when James calls himself from 2036 he has
realized his dream to leave the town of Shipley to become an international
rock star:
I’m working in music, I’m living elsewhere, I’m miles away. I’m […] still
in a Horror Punk band. We had a resurgence about fifteen years ago and
it just catapulted into the limelight, which was like an overnight thing. The
one thing we didn’t do, we didn’t sell out, we didn’t sell out to a label. We
did it on our own and it was hard work but we have the rewards now. The
money, […] the bits of fame. Not that it’s the most important thing, it’s
just nice to know that I can live comfortably now and do the thing that I
love. I could never ever complain about the way things have turned out
so far and I just hope that the success just carries on, more for the fact
that I love playing the crowds, see the crowds’ reactions, the vibe that
you get out of it really, the number of shows I’ve done for free purely
because they were enjoying themselves. […] We made our money, we
made millions and millions as a group. We don’t ever have to worry […]
about living, about where our next meal is coming from. […] I’m loving it,
absolutely loving it and I don’t want it ever to stop. I will push the music,
I will write music, I will release solo albums, things like that. […] Nothing
will ever, ever beat moving away from here, that was the thing that shot
us to fame.
The liminal space of the ethno science fiction provides a possibility to play
with and test boundaries. James’s dystopian vision of Shipley in the future
and his personal utopia as a rock star after a successful escape from his
life in Shipley, represent two extremes that helps him navigate his own
life. The fiction he creates allows him to explore and test his possibilities.
It is thus important to acknowledge the links between fiction and lived
experience. As it is important to recognize how we make our history (Kean
2010) it is also important to recognize the processes of how we make our
future.

Fiction in theory
Crapanzano (2004) draws on literature and philosophy to show the structure
and process of imagination and boundary formation, and how imagination
plays an important role in exploring possibilities. While Crapanzano sets out
the theoretical possibilities of the subject, there remains a lack of methods
in the social sciences and anthropology to study imagination from an ethno-
graphic, fieldwork based perspective (Harris and Rapport 2015). This is
especially relevant when exploring the process of how these possibilities
are imagined and created on a personal level in the lives of the fieldwork
informants, and more specifically in relation to the future. Ethno science
fiction provides one such alternative and acts as a complement to other
methods in an attempt to expand the toolbox of ethnographic possibility. The
validity of this method is however based on certain theoretical assumptions
related to theoretical understanding of imagination and fiction.
The definition of science fiction, as a literary and film genre, is an ongoing
and often contested project. The theoretical struggle to define science fiction,
as with other genres, is nevertheless helpful in articulating and establishing
the shared reality that is created between the author and the audience.
Freedman draws on literary historian and critic Darko Suvins’ definition of
science fiction as determined by the dialectic between estrangement and
cognition:
We may validly describe a particular text as science fiction if we under-

stand the formulation to mean that cognitive estrangement is the dominant
generic tendency within the over determined textual whole. (Freedman
2000: 20)
Moreover:
The first term [estrangement] refers to the creation of an alternative

fictional world that, by refusing to take our mundane environment for
granted, implicitly or explicitly performs an estranging critical interrogation
of the latter. But the critical character of the interrogation is guaranteed
by the operation of cognition, which enables the science-fictional text to
account rationally for its imagined world and for the connections as well as
the disconnections of the latter to our own empirical world.’ (Ibid: 16–17)
In this interpretation of the genre, the text could be defined as realistic

mundane fiction if there is cognitive account for the fiction without any
estrangement, and fantasy if the text estranges without any rational and
theoretical legitimacy. Freedman also emphasizes that texts are rarely that
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clear cut. He means that a genre is a generic tendency that happens within
a text, rather than a classification filed under a generic category (ibid.: 20).
James’s ethno science fiction phone call from 2036 is based on his cognitive
and critical perception of his current neighbourhood. The estrangement
consists of his dystopic visions of its transformation into a gloomy place of
poverty and exploitation. The ground where his old neighbourhood once stood
is now entirely covered with commercial units. The population is poor and the
people of Shipley either work in the commercial units or live off government
support that they spend in the units:
Different developers trying to make money, different businesses trying

to make money. […] We’re all to blame. Everyone living around here is
to blame for not standing up when they we’re doing it and realizing how
wrong it was. It’s everybody’s fault from around here, more so the people
that have built the units, but the people that weren’t willing to stand up for
what they believed in and what they believed was wrong. […] Politicians
are the same old, same old. […] They say they [care], but clearly they don’t,
they give permission for all these units, all these units [where people]
spend their hundred thousand pounds, emptying their wage on it, […]
so [that the politicians] can go on holiday three times a year. Most of the
people […] are struggling to eat, but yet they have a job, how does that
work, how is that fair?
James’s ethno science fiction has very strong cognitive links to his current
world and worries, where the buildings he grew up with are torn down and
replaced with a soulless commercial development, creating a new social
environment that he perceives as hostile. He feels that he lacks power to
influence the future of his environment, which is controlled by the developers
and politicians he distrusts, but the science fiction allows him the freedom to
develop and elaborate his critique towards them. In contrast to the cognitive
aspects of his ethno science fiction, the ‘estrangement’ offers a liminal space
where he can explore future scenarios without any limitations.
Crapanzano (2004) argues that the process of imagination allows us to
explore what lies beyond the ‘horizon’ in the ‘hinterland’. While the bound-
aries of possibilities usually are represented by cognition in science fiction,
estrangement offers the means to also imagine possibilities and hope. In
James’s imaginative construction of the future, he comes back to Shipley
to use the fortune that he has earned in the music business to help young
people realize their dreams:
I know what it’s like to be a musician and not earning money, feeling awful
and nobody likes your music. [I want to make use of] all of those zeros at

the end of my bank account. I want to put some of that back into people
and help more people get out there and do something they love. [I want
to help them with] not even just the music, just their dreams, their aspira-
tions, anything they want to do I’m willing to hear about it. You know, I don’t
see it as a loan, anything like that, I just hope that if I create one success
story out of a million, I’ve succeeded, and I hope that if I ever find myself
in trouble, monetary wise for some reason, that that person might do the
same for me. […] And yes, I might have earned a lot of money in what we
did but I could have been in a totally different boat and I appreciate that, I
think that’s why I’ve come back, that’s why I’ve come to make a difference,
to come and show these people I am still the young lad from Shipley. I
might have made my money, the money isn’t important, the people are.
The ethno science fiction becomes a laboratory where James can try out
different possibilities for the future, of how to save his world. James imagi-
nation of his future life is not that for from his current life. The imagined
possibility presented in the ethno science fiction also becomes a plan and
a model to act upon in James’s life. In The Philosophy of ‘As If’ (1911) the
German philosopher Vaihinger argued that we make up systems of thoughts,
models that we treat ‘as if’ they correspond to our actual real world, to deal
with the uncertainty of it; by establishing ‘constructs that, from a practical
point of view, are useful and necessary, though theoretically they are false’
(Vaihinger 1924: 63). For example, Vaihinger observes how scientific models
of atoms and molecules in physics can be regarded as figures of the imagi-
nation or as fictional, given that we cannot see them, but this does not make
such models any less useful:
It is, of course, true that many fundamental scientific concepts are fictional
and contradictory and are not a reflection of the world of reality—a world
quite inaccessible to us—but this in no way renders them valueless. They
are psychical constructs which not only give rise to the illusion that the
world is being comprehended, but which make it possible, at the same
time, for us to orient ourselves in the realm of actuality. (Ibid: 65)
Crapanzano argues along similar lines by quoting literary critic Starobinski to

describe the power of imagination to distance oneself and speculate but also
to deal with our real worlds:
Insinuated into perception itself, mixed with the operations of memory,

opening up around us a horizon of the possible, escorting the project, the
hope, the fear, speculations – the imagination is much more than a faculty
for evoking images which double the world of our direct perceptions: it
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is a distancing power thanks to which we represent to ourselves distant
objects and we distance ourselves from present realities. Hence, the
ambiguity that we discover everywhere: the imagination, because it
anticipates and previews, views, serves action, draws before us the
configuration of the realizable before it can be realized. (Starobinski 1970:
173–4, quoted in Crapanzano 2004: 19)
Not only does the imaginative consciousness allow us to transcend (depasser)

the immediacy of the present instant in order to grasp a future that is at first
indistinct, Starobinski argues, in turn it facilitates our ‘practical domination
over the real’ or our breaking ties with it. (Crapanzano 2004: 19)
Intervention
The ethnographic value of ethno science fiction lies in that the method can
contribute with data on (i) how future scenarios are tested and realized
through a process of imagination in the present, and (ii) how fictional
accounts of the future indicate how past and present experiences are inter-
preted. Other applications of ethno science fiction are more controversial
from a traditional non-interventional point of view in anthropology. As ethno
science fiction encourages participants to imagine their futures, the reali-
zation of these fictions is one step closer. It presents a potential for the
participants to consider the prospect of realizing future possibilities explored
in the ethno science fiction. This entails an interventionist fieldwork research
and filmmaking that in turn, brings a range of epistemological and ethical
problems. Even if we accept that fieldwork research is inter-subjective, there
are limitations for how much anthropologists can impact on the contextual
reality of the fieldwork, and still maintain their roles as researchers. And are
we ready to shoulder the ethical responsibility for the intervention?
The film Call Me Back intersects with my colleague in Drama Stephen
Bottoms’, research in Shipley ‘Towards Hydro-Citizenship’ (2014–17) which
explores how citizens and communities live with each other and their
environment in relation to water (www.hydrocitizenship.com) and waterways
(http://multi-story-shipley.co.uk). Intervention is less controversial in theatre
and performance studies, and especially applied theatre that aims to facilitate
positive change. My own work has thus been a careful balance between the
different ethical frameworks of applied theatre and anthropology.
This interdisciplinary negotiation became apparent when the River Aire
broke its banks on Boxing Day 2015. Since James’s home and neighbourhood
is built on the water table of the River Aire it is vulnerable to flooding in two

ways: water might enter the house from below the ground through rising
groundwater, and also above ground when water from the river surrounds it.
Groundwater entered the house in both the 2000 and 2015 floods, while in
2015 overground water from the river also almost reached inside the house.
James and his grandmother had to move out of their home for several
months and were both shaken by the experience, while the owners had to
pay for flood damage to the house.
Scientific experts commenting on the 2015 floods in media emphasised
the likely relationship between the recent heavy rain and the global problem
of a changing climate. Centre for Ecology and Hydrology (CEH) deputy
director Professor Alan Jenkins did for example say that:
We are absolutely convinced that there is weighty scientific evidence

that the recent extreme rainfall has been impacted by climate change.
(Cookson 2016)
However, the James of 2036 reads the situation in terms of more local
causes:
About ten years ago […] they started building all the [commercial] units
and it disturbs the land. It ruined the water table and it just causes more
and more frequent flooding. Every time the river gets quite high because
of the rain […] it floods further down near Esholt, because they’ve just
built big flood defenses behind the shops. It just pushes the water
elsewhere. It has made Esholt a ghost town, everywhere else they’ve
got flood defences to protect the commercial units, not to protect the
houses of Esholt that were flooded and destroyed. And they wonder
why people left. It’s disgusting, it’s wrong, it’s immoral. That’s what it is,
it’s immoral.
James 2036 sees a clear connection between the flooding and the commercial
development that he despises so much. As might be the case with the rest
of the world, it is difficult to consider economy and environmental concerns
separately when debating the future of Shipley. James 2036 is however more
positive with regards to the future of climate change:
Things have gotten a little warmer. […] The actions that they’ve put in place
are working. But it’s like trying to stop a train down a big hill, you put the
brakes on and it’s not going to stop instantly. It’s going to slow down and
it’s still slowing down but it’s getting to an almost no change. It’s almost
like the train stopped on the hill. And soon we’re going to pull it back up
that hill and repair it and try to undo the damage.
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The interventional function of ethno science fiction allows us to explore how
we relate to scientific predictions of the future. Scientific progress has made
it possible to predict changes with increased precision. Ethno science fiction
provides an expression for how fieldwork informants relate to these predic-
tions through their imagination. Scientific predictions on climate change and
its impact on the population are usually based on statistical data collected
over an extended period and are representative of large areas and groups
of people. People’s individual perceptions and moral understandings are
often overlooked in these predictions. Anthropology provides the opposite
perspective. The ethnographic tradition of qualitative research relies on
methods that foreground people’s lived experiences, whereby the life story
or words of particular informants are used to stand for and represent a wider
social perspective in a metonymic relation of part to whole.
In the production of ethno science fiction, imagined narratives of the
future are generated in the tension between the personal imagination of the
participants and the predictions of the scientists. In doing so, ethno science
fiction films offer an individual perspective on the future that complements
scientific predictions and conceptualizations of the future across a range of
possible social and cultural scenarios. Environmental instability caused by
climate change, including that of flooding, presents an especially interesting
focal point in this context. Climate change is perceived as one of the main
future threats to humanity among the vast majority of scientific experts and
world leaders. This acknowledgement has spurred the release of interna-
tional resources allowing scientists to predict the consequences of climate
change over a long-term perspective with improved accuracy. But what do
such predictions, for example in relation to rising water levels and increased
flooding, mean locally? And how does this shape people’s perceptions and
imaginaries of the future among those living in areas prone to flooding
whereby climate change threatens the livelihood, housing, health and safety
of one’s friends, neighbours, relatives and the local population?
Official and governmental reports on the effects of climate change are
rarely read and do not play a significant part in the everyday life-worlds of
most British people. More immediate concerns such as employment, the
local neighbourhood, leisure activities and one’s future job prospects are
often prioritized. And yet, media coverage about environmental disasters
and scientific predictions about future environmental threats still play on the
imagination of individuals. Swedish reports, for example, show an increase
of so-called ‘climate change anxiety’ (Lagerblad 2010), which affects the
mental health of people and often centres on the responsibility they feel in
relation to their own children and future generations. I refer to this relation as
‘temporal proximity’. This is reflected in the documentary shots I recorded of
James having a phone conversation with his past, present and future selves

persuasively argues from a disability studies perspective, the political and
existential stakes for recognition of disability are high, especially in imagining
and creating what she calls ‘accessible futures’.
Written in the language familiar to policy analysts and demographers, The
Future of Disability (FoD) shares many of the concerns that Kafer’s quote
articulates. This volume by the Institute of Medicine is one of the very few
policy-oriented publications that bring focused attention to this increase in
numbers and its implications for the future.
As disability scholars and activists frequently point out, the fifty-seven
million people now classified as disabled, along with their allies, are rarely
considered as a significant political constituency with sufficient power to
draw attention in local, state or federal elections, let alone the American
political imaginary. And, despite dramatic predictions suggesting that people
with disabilities across the life span will constitute an expanding proportion
of the US population for the foreseeable future, we are struck by the
remarkable absence of almost any discussion of the policy implications of
these demographic projections, outside of specialized research centres.
With rare exceptions, policy debates – which increasingly focus on trimming
programmes for social support in an increasingly neoliberal public sphere –
largely ignore the rights and needs of the diverse and growing numbers of
Americans with disabilities.
How might we imagine the future of disability in the US that takes into
account the demographic social facts along with the concerns of disability
scholars? How do these intersect with the presence and absence of
disability in everyday life and popular culture? For example, Emily Kingsley,
a scriptwriter for television programme Sesame Street and longstanding
indefatigable advocate for the inclusion of disabilities on children’s television
and other forms of public culture for nearly half a century, speaks compellingly
about the impact of this lack of political recognition as a fact of the ‘habitus’ of
daily life, even in the most mundane aspects of consumer capitalism.
Every day I go through catalogues I get in the mail to see if there is a model
with a wheelchair. I do a disability check. Why aren’t we in advertising?
I have a form letter on my computer that I use every week:
To Whom it May Concern:
I will not be ordering anything from your catalogue. People with disabilities
are America’s largest minority. No one realizes we have pocketbooks.
We have not yet gotten our voice, yet we are 57 million people strong.

We have not yet found our Martin Luther King. (Emily Kingsley March 22
2012, NYU presentation)
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References
Boal, A., 1979. Theatre of the Oppressed. London: Pluto Press.
Bottoms, S., 2014–17. ‘Towards Hydro-Citizenship’. Available online: www.
hydrocitizenship.com (accessed 20 July 2016).
Bottoms, S., 2016. ‘Multi-Story Water: Celebrating Shipley and its waterways’.
Available online: http://multi-story-shipley.co.uk (accessed 20 July 2016).
Cookson, C., 2016. ‘Climate change strongly linked to UK flooding’. Financial
Times, 8 January.
Crapanzano, V., 2004. Imaginative Horizons: An Essay in Literary-Philosophical
Fox, J., 1987. The Essential Moreno. Writings on Psychodrama, Group Method,
and Spontaneity. New York: Springer Publishing Co. Inc.
Freedman, C., 2000. Critical Theory and Science Fiction. Hanover and London:
University Press of New England.
Freire, P., 1970. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Herder and Herder.
Harris, M. and N. Rapport (eds), 2015. Reflections on Imagination: Human
Capacity and Ethnographic Method. Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate.
Henley, P., 2009. The Adventure of the Real: Jean Rouch and the Craft of
Ethnographic Cinema. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.
Huizinga, J., 1955. Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play-element in Culture.
Boston: Beacon Press, 1938.
Irving, A., 2011. ‘Strange Distance: Towards an Anthropology of Interior Dialogue’.
Medical Anthropology Quarterly 25 (1): 22–44.
Kean, H., 2010. ‘People, Historians, and Public History: Demystifying the Process
of History Making’. The Public Historian 32 (3): 26.
Kulick, D., 1998. Travesti. Sex, Gender and Culture among Brazilian
Transgendered Prostitutes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Lagerblad, A., 2010. ‘Klimatångest nytt fenomen i psykiatrin’. Svenska Dagbladet,
6 December.
Loizos, P., 1993. Innovation in Ethnographic Film. Manchester: Manchester
University Press.
MacDonald, S., 1993. Avant-garde Film: Motion Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Marshall, J. and J. W. Adams, 1978. ‘Jean Rouch Talks About His Films to
John Marshall and John W. Adams (14 and 15 September 1977)’. American
Anthropologist 80 (4): 1005–20.
Morin, E. and J. Rouch, 2003. ‘Chronicle of a Summer: A Film Book by
Jean Rouch and Edgar Morin’. In J. Rouch. S. Feld (ed. and trans.),
Ciné-Ethnography. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press.
National Geographic, 2011. ‘8 Jules Verne Inventions That Came True’,
8 February.
Rapport, N., 2008. ‘Gratuitousness: Notes Towards an Anthropology of
Interiority’. Australian Journal of Anthropology 19 (3): 331–49.
Rouch, J. (Director), 1958. Moi un Noir [Motion Picture]. France: Les Films de la
Pléiade.
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often improved the quality of life of those diagnosed with life threatening
conditions and chronic illness across the life span (Anderson and Horvath
2004). These include (among others) low birth weight infants who are NICU
beneficiaries but who statistically are at higher risk for cognitive disabilities
(Stephens and Vohr 2009); military veterans returning from Afghanistan, the
longest war in US history, often with PTSD, TBI, amputations and a range of
other issues (Hoge et al. 2004); and people living into extreme old age with
all the frailties and caregiving that entails (Poo 2015). Thus, many people are
surviving and living with disabilities who might not have in the past. They are
living independently, sometimes with assistants, with families or friends, or in
supported environments integrated into community life, or often in less than
desirable circumstances.
While these social transformations wrought by political change and
medical care collectively represent a huge step forward, obtaining services
and support has not been easy. People with disabilities continue to experience
economic and political precarity as well as barriers to community integration
(National Council on Disability 2014). Based on data from the last census, they
are nearly twice as likely as those considered able-bodied to have an annual
household income of $15,000 or less. The unemployment rate for adults is ten
times greater than the national rate: 65 per cent are unemployed. Nearly one
third of those who work earn an income below the poverty level, and racial
and ethnic minorities are at greater risk (ibid). These social facts raise difficult
questions regarding the inequalities shaping the experience of disability in
the United States and what the actual shape of accessible futures might be.
The rising numbers of people with disabilities encompass a broad and
extremely heterogeneous array of circumstances that have profoundly
different implications for accommodations that might be required at different
points in the life cycle. Clearly, the support systems are different for a dyslexic
child entering school, a post-polio adult navigating family life or a wheelchair
user negotiating the workforce. Additionally, new categories are constantly
emerging. These social facts are evident to us, emerging from the research
we have been carrying out since 2007 in ‘disability worlds’ that are marked
by both stigma and cultural innovation using longstanding ethnographic
methods: participant observation fieldwork in schools, labs, with families,
at film festivals, in adaptive cultural programmes at museums and theatres;
long-form qualitative interviews with activists and innovators, life histories
with parents, and analyses of media and secondary documents, especially
the proliferating memoirs reflecting on ‘cripping the new normal’ in personal,
familial, and community life. A reflexive approach enabled us to study and
theorize our own experiences as parents of children with disabilities along
with those of our research subjects as we all navigated the complex medical
and educational bureaucracies that shape the world of ‘special education’.
12
Reaching for the horizon:

Exploring existential
possibilities of migration
and movement within the
past-present-future through
participatory animation
Alexandra D’Onofrio
FIGURE 12.1 ‘My future return’ (Mahmoud)1


full eight years less than their white counterparts. Ageing, of course, involves
far more than simple chronological time: various adverse events (medical
neglect, racism, poverty) might actually create age-related disability (diabetes-
related amputations; arthritis, congestive heart failure with consequence of
decreased mobility) in a chronologically ‘younger’ population (Cook 2015).
The familial and psychological impact of ageing and accompanying
dementia is always profound. As Donald Moulds, acting assistant secretary
for planning and evaluation at the federal Department of Health and Human
Services, commented, ‘The long-term care costs associated with people with
dementia are particularly high because of the nature of the disease. People
eventually become incapable of caring for themselves, and then in the vast
majority of cases, their loved ones become incapable of caring for them’.
Dr. Michael Hurd, an economist and lead author of the study, speaking to
the implications of this research, made clear that the costs go beyond the
numbers, which, he explained ‘could not capture the full toll of the disease’.
In a refreshingly candid if sobering moment on the limits of disciplinary
knowledge, Hurd offered an existential reflection on the implications of
this study: ‘One thing we haven’t talked about, and it’s not in the paper, is
the tremendous emotional cost,’ he said. ‘Economists are coldhearted, but
they’re not that coldhearted’ (Belluck 2013: A1).
Alzheimer and dementia are not the only diagnoses with ballooning
numbers that implicate different kinds of caregiving. Autism Spectrum
Disorder (ASD), for example, is a diagnosis that generally requires consid-
erable support (Hoffman 2013). And while the methodologies by which they
are collected are contested, the numbers have almost doubled in less than
a decade. The implications for social support are clear. As autism expert
Deborah A. Fein explained with eloquent simplicity in response to the latter
study: ‘We need to find ways of funding and providing help to these children’
(quoted in Hoffman 2013: A17).
Indeed, unpaid family caregiver services – provided by family, friends and
neighbours – were valued at $450 billion per year in 2009, a steep increase
from $375 billion in year 2007; these relationships will likely continue to be
the largest source of long-term care services in the US (Family Caregiver
Alliance 2012). At the same time, ‘the need for professional caretakers is
skyrocketing … Yet the 3 million people currently in the home care workforce
cannot meet even the current need, let alone the demand for care that will
accompany the elder boom … By 2018, demand for homecare workers will
increase by more than 90 percent’ (Poo 2015: 3–4; Boris and Klein 2012).
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future!’, interestingly linking his actual labour as a builder and decorator with
the practical and imaginative process of giving form to his future. Likewise,
all the hardship he went through, starting from the perilous Mediterranean
crossing and the subsequent abuse at work, or unemployment, started to
make some sense. Although the amount of time that it took for his papers to
arrive had often made him feel that he was wasting his life, now he had finally
found a purpose in waiting.
So if imaginings are present to us, what qualities does their existence
have? What ontological status is accorded to an absence, or to a remote
possibility? Understanding the future and the imagination in terms of people’s
perceptions, is not a theoretical question but a practical, empirical one. In
order to relate the future to lived experiences and make the discussion
relevant anthropologically, we need to find new ways to interact with the
people we work with.
Method and process in context

I first met Mahmud, Ali and Mohamed during Theatre of the Oppressed
workshops that I co-facilitated in 2010, as a project of the Fandema group
which is a community-based theatre company I founded in 2006. Its
members have been asylum seekers, refugees, migrants and Italian activists
who have used Forum Theatre2 to create more public awareness and debate
around socio-political issues arising throughout the experience of migration.
Subsequently, as part of my fieldwork between 2012 and 2015, we experi-
mented with various creative methods, starting with already familiar theatre
and storytelling techniques. Through games and exercises we focused on
physical and verbal, improvisation and representation. The aim was to explore
and enact different possible futures and existential options through theatre
improvisations. The storytelling workshops were devised with Mahmoud,
Ali and Mohamed who narrated a story which was meaningful to them,
for the topic or questions they identified with. This process trained them,
as storytellers, to select themes, words and moral or existential questions
that could engage an audience that didn’t have similar experiential or social
backgrounds.
The second stage of fieldwork consisted in experimenting with audio-
visual methods. Initially my informants were involved in a participatory
photography workshop which I co-facilitated, with the objective of exploring
autobiographical storytelling through still images. After this process we
recorded documentary footage following their wish to re-visit the first places
of arrival in Italy. During these journeys I asked them to take photographs of
the most significant places as they walked through them to capture in an

image and in their improvised speech some of the memories and imaginary
future possibilities associated with their past experiences. According to
Peter Loizos, this is one of the major innovations that Jean Rouch brought to
ethnographic filmmaking ‘to convey something fundamental about real lives’
(1993: 50) by encouraging informants to improvise their acting in front of
the camera in ‘ethnofictions’ (Sjöberg 2008; Stoller 1992). Similar to psycho

analysis, the protagonists of the ethnofictions would make previously implicit
information explicit (Sjöberg 2008), by a process Loizos called ‘projective
improvisation’ (Loizos 1993: 50). When improvising what they say or do in
front of the camera, the protagonists express what they would normally
take for granted (Sjöberg 2008). As I filmed Mohamed, Ali and Mahmoud
react to places that had been meaningful for the beginning of their lives in
Italy, I realized how the environment was triggering the associations that my
subjects were making. Similar to the process of ethnofictions, the situation
triggered another experience that they suddenly remembered, as the
unforeseen environment and unrehearsed situation fed the imagination and
gave life to new associations (Sjöberg 2009). My own participants engaged
in a creative flow that was the outcome of the dialogic relationship between
their material surroundings and their subconscious, and also an interplay
between memories and imaginings. The photographs from these journeys
attempted to capture a still image of this free flow which would have been
very difficult to visualize there and then, without interrupting the creative
momentum the protagonists were experiencing. Imaginative horizons, in the
sense of future envisionings, are by definition in perpetual (trans)formation,
and they are unfixable and unreachable projections of people’s minds. Their
very nature poses a challenge to conventional anthropological method-
ologies, which heavily rely on observation, interviews and text and ‘are often
too static to capture the unfinished, transitory, and ever-changing character of
people’s interior experiences and expressions as they emerge in the present
tense’ (Irving 2011: 25). In exploring the intangible dimensions of people’s
everyday lives, as social scientists, we should perhaps engage in a more
‘adventurous relationship to the real’ (Henley 2010: xiv), as Rouch did using
improvised filmmaking and his actors’ projective improvisation and fantasy.
He often blurred the boundaries between fact and fiction as his ethnographic
filmmaking documented the manifestations of the surreal in the forms of
the real, in order to produce what he poetically described as ‘a postcard at
the service of the imaginary’ (Fieschi and Téchiné 1967:19).3 Similar achieve-
ments have been echoed by scholars in animation studies (Skoller 2011;
Wells 1998; Ward 2006; Honness Roe 2011; Callus 2012), sustaining the
argument that the rising interest and the popular acceptance of the hybrid
form of animated documentary signals a deepening awareness that the
truth claims of non-fiction forms no longer reside in the ‘reality effects’ of
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the photographic trace, but rather ‘in a developing understanding that the
realities that surround us and the events that structure our present are not
always visualizable, that their meanings are unclear, and that documentary
evidence is not always possible, revealing or clarifying’ (Skoller 2011: 207).
Hence, the aesthetic and narrative re-elaboration of the memories, feelings,
imaginings associated with those places, was carried out at a later stage of
the research in a studio, a very different, confined, professionally defined
space. After making a careful selection, my informants used some of the
images as the visual and the storytelling basis of the painted animation
thanks to the collaboration of Francesca Cogni, a professional animator who
helped facilitate the process.
This chapter will focus on participatory animation as a practice towards
new anthropological directions of envisioning and working with people’s,
and not only migrants’, life stories, which need to encompass future and
conditional tenses as much as they do the present and the past. I argue
that animation brings an innovative contribution to ordinary ethnographic
practices and representations as it creatively engages with people’s imagi-
native possibilities that often lie beyond our grasp. By belonging to a type of
film that would not necessarily be of anthropological intent, animation offers
the opportunity to expose ‘anthropologists and ethnographic filmmakers to
ways of using image and sound to create expressive, rather than realist,
representations of aspects of human experience and discourse’ (Pink 2001:
24). It is in its own power to penetrate an aspect of ‘reality’, that we may
want to find access and an expression to, that social scientists can gain
outstanding advantages. In Understanding Animation (1998), Paul Wells
defines the penetrative character of the animated documentary as its ability
to evoke internal spaces of being, to portray what is generally invisible
to the naked eye. Thus, the animated film can become the very method
that can help us identify and represent particular kinds of experience and
perceptions, which do not find adequate expression elsewhere. Being
completely constructed, this genre of films also indicates the limits of other
methods and forms that claim to be more ‘objective’ and neutral, but whose
truth claims have been highly critiqued and contested in post-colonial and
postmodern theory.
The following ethnographic examples aim to show how my methodological
experimentation has been also a way to trace the ontological status of my
participants’ imaginings of the future through creative practice. In the attempt
to identify the forms that imaginative possibilities take in people’s experi-
ences this chapter will be looking at some basic questions: Where do we find
evidence? When is it that they become manifest? What qualities (physical,
emotional, mood-like etc.) do they have? And why do certain imaginings
appear to some and not others?
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studies, who identify themselves as ‘crip’ theorists (Chen 2012; Crenshaw
2015; Erevelles 2011; Linton 1998; McRuer 2006; Puar 2017; Sandahl
2003; Garland-Thomson 2013). These disability scholars have appropriated
the once-pejorative term ‘crip’, used to stigmatize those with atypical
movements (‘cripples’). They have resignified it as a verb indicating a radical
repositioning of the concerns of disabled subjects from the margins to the
centre, much as the word ‘queer’ has been similarly reclaimed. Most impor-
tantly, the term ‘crip’ highlights the significance of coalitional movements
for collective transformation of the actually existing world. As Rob McRuer
explains:
Many consider the defiant reclaiming and reinvention of crip is linked to

the critical reinvention – by activists, artists, and scholars – of queer. Most
important, queer and crip activisms share a will to remake the world, given
the ways in which injustice, oppression, and hierarchy are built (sometimes
quite literally) into the structures of contemporary society. (McRuer 2012: 1)
The concerns raised by crip theorists are more than academic. They are erupting
across a wide swath of public culture; the affective and experiential depth of
the lived demographic realities sketched above are catalyzing lively creative
work reaching diverse audiences. We argue that these are creating ‘disability
publics’, a term we use to call attention to how people with disabilities and
their allies are interpellated and materialized through a range of media, across
widely distributed networks of people with shared experiences of disability.
These constitute an emergent form of recognition as well as locations for
alternative engagements on the part of both producers and audiences.
The cultural works discussed here reflect a widespread desire to commu-
nicate about the existential reality of living with a particular disability across
the life course. They are the instantiations in other registers of the rising
numbers and increasing awareness that the expansive future of disability can
create. In our prior writing, we have attributed this emergence to what we call
‘narrative urgency a creative response to the experiential pressures that give
shape to an alternative understanding of everyday life lived against the grain
of ‘normalcy’ (Rapp and Ginsburg 2001, 2011). We think of these creative
works – books, movies, blogs, poetry, and more – as inscribing ‘unnatural
histories’ that reflect the diversity of disability that is still too rarely part of
public discourse, despite a generative genealogy of counter-discursive texts.
This sort of ‘public storytelling’ has worked its way into media of all sorts and
in many parts of the world, ranging from personal memoirs and television
shows to scholarly works that offer compelling perspectives on the ‘new
normal’ established by living life with a difference (Bérubé 1996; Frank 2000;
Grinker 2007; Rapp and Ginsburg 2001).
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become particularly fervent during critical transitions (such as sea crossings,
escapes from reception centres and legalization processes) and have a hold
on their immediate reality. Having acknowledged this, how do these other
possibilities affect people’s actions and decisions in crucial moments? How
does it affect the way they re-interpret their own life trajectory (from present
to past and then to future)?
The relationship between the so called reality and our images of what lies
beyond the horizon is one of ‘interdependence’ (Crapanzano 2003) because
as much as dreams, projections, calculations, and prophecies may give form
to ‘the beyond’, the images that are created also form and inform people’s
experiences. What is particularly interesting about this dialectical relationship
is the role played by what lies beyond the horizon, ‘the possibilities it opens
up to us, the licit or illicit desires it provokes, the plays of power it suggests,
the dread it can cause – the uncertainty, the sense of contingency, of chance
– the exaltation, the thrill of the unknown, it can provoke’ (ibid.: 14).
Concurrently, the irreality of these possibilities affects how people recon-
struct their autobiographical stories, the interpretations of their immediate
experiences and perceptions, and the decisions and actions they put forward.
During border crossings and on escape routes, people’s imaginative horizons
were importantly also providing the direction. This dialectical tension which
Crapanzano so poignantly describes as ‘the paradoxical ways in which the
irreality of the imaginary impresses the real of the reality and the real of reality
compels the irreality of the imaginary’ (ibid.: 15) is at the heart of my research.
Although both Jackson and Crapanzano have made a case for engaging
analytically with the imaginative realms of our informants, this inquiry has
been extending their concept by encompassing the realms of the future (as
perceived from the present, or the past, in its direct, conditional and past
forms) but most importantly through the methodological investigation of a
practice, which also gives the initial ontological quest its relevant epistemo-
logical turn.
Ali
During the legalization process, following an amnesty decreed by the Italian
government in September 2012, my informants expressed the wish to film
their return to their places of arrival in Italy. The amnesty after many years of
uncertainty served to revive their hopes as they had the chance to redeem
themselves and their future was again vividly re-inhabited by possibilities.
Interestingly though, it was not just the future, in the sense of the forward
tense, to be the focus of their talking, but also their past was being recovered,
as memories would re-emerge in the light of the changed circumstances.

For Ali however, the decision of returning to Porto Nogaro, a port near
Udine in northern Italy where he had abandoned the merchant ship he was
working on, had to take into account how he felt about his present and how
close he perceived to be in realizing his dreams about the future. This place
was invested by symbolical connotations due to the meanings ascribed to
it through Ali’s narration of his past. Going back was not a simple action to
carry out.
Although at the beginning he himself wished to travel soon after he
received the residence permit, his initial enthusiasm was soon deadened by
the difficulty in finding a job in the midst of the Italian economic crisis. So our
journey was postponed until Ali could tell me that the right time had arrived.
‘I want to go to the port that brought me into Italy and say – “Bless this
port!” – instead now I’m almost regretting having come. I want to go there
as a complete man, as a man satisfied with himself.’ Work and the ability
to compare himself to the successful professional lives of his siblings and
friends back home, were fundamental to Ali’s conception of manhood.
A year later, when Ali was managing two different jobs we finally arranged
to do the shooting in and around Porto Nogaro. We decided to shoot at
dawn, closer to the time he had escaped and his excitement was evident by
the detail and the drama he put into his narration. His body moved swiftly
amongst the goods on the quay, along the wall, beyond the gates, behind the
bushes, re-living the excitement of that moment where he had bravely taken
hold of his life. At times he would stop, take a picture of a specific place and
think aloud: ‘Why didn’t I go right instead of left? Why did I take this street
down? I don’t know myself ….’ As we retraced Ali’s escape, his body began
to stiffen and his movements became quicker and quicker. For a second he
would look ahead and then suddenly look back towards the port, until we
finally came to the first side street he took during his escape.
From this point onwards we stopped looking at the port. From this street
it started … this line separates that side [the side of the port] from this
side with its future. Past and future. The street if you look at it from here,
it doesn’t tell you anything. Because it was exactly like this, empty and
dark. You’re entering a street as if you were entering a forest. In darkness,
there was no light.
During shooting Ali photographed the street as he remembered it (Figure

12.2). Some months later, when he was animating that moment, he drew what
suddenly crossed his mind when a set of car lights pointed into his direction.
Without even knowing whether it was a police car, as soon as he noticed
the lights his imagination immediately drew three possible future scenarios.
If caught, he would be sent back to the ship, imprisoned or repatriated.
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FIGURE 12.2 Ali imagines himself imprisoned after seeing the car lights.

The technique, which would enable Ali to draw over the image he had
captured, without altering it, was to paint on glass. We built a light box
together, which was composed by a drawer, a small table lamp and a glass
picture frame. The photograph, printed in black and white to allow the
contrast of the coloured animation to emerge further, was attached to the
interior side of the glass frame providing in transparency a constant reference
to Ali’s drawings. A still camera, fixed to a tripod and tilted facing down
towards the frame, was connected to the computer and to the software
which commanded the shutter to close when the frame was ready to be
photographed. The image then was automatically imported on the software’s
timeline (Figure 12. 3).
While animating, to convey how intensely he experienced his imaginative
possibilities at that given moment, Ali wiped his body off his original position
(in the street, when he first saw the car lights), and re-drew it directly in
his imaginative ‘bubbles’. Once again indicating that the ‘reality’ of his
imagination existed not just in abstract terms, but was made present and
embodied through his nervous system.
In order to avoid being caught and identified, Ali got rid of his Egyptian
passport in the bushes anticipating, thus, the future in a present action.
By predicting what could have happened, Ali legislated his behaviour. His
quick decision making, as much as his experience as a whole, was influ-
enced by stories he had heard by acquaintances, who had previously taken
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familial level. Our task is to really take that into the public arena and start a
different kind of public conversation about it.’
In the arts and letters, that conversation has already started. The dilemmas
of ‘the new old age’, for example, have been everywhere evident. In 2014,
Julianne Moore received an Oscar for Best Actress in Still Alice for her
moving portrayal of a professor coping with early onset Alzheimer and
its profound effect on her family (Glatzer and Westmoreland 2014). Other
feature films on Alzheimer preceded Still Alice, laying the groundwork for its
increasing presence in public culture, while giving shape to the widespread
anxieties stirred by increasing clinical diagnosis, intensive caregiving and their
‘looping effects’ discussed below. The critically acclaimed 2006 Canadian film
Away From Her (Director: Sarah Polley), was adapted from The Bear Came
Over the Mountain, a short story by Nobel prize-winning author Alice Munro.
Close to home, we have followed the popular weekly NY Times blog, ‘the
new old age’, which coined that name in 2008. Weaving together existential,
medical and practical perspectives from both journalist/authors and reader/
commentators, this blog explores ‘aging and caregiving covering topics
such as medical decision-making, housing and long-term care, government
policies, end-of-life choices, the personal rewards and headaches of caring for
aging loved ones, becoming a kind of online support group’ (http://newoldage.
blogs.nytimes.com/2015/01/09/a-new-direction/). The robust responses to
every topic signal how widespread the issues surrounding caregiving and
extreme old age have become, quickly constituting a present and future
platform for this particular rapidly growing disability public.
We also note the remarkable popularity of the aptly named graphic memoir
Can’t We Talk About Something More Pleasant? (2014). Cultural commentator
and New Yorker staff cartoonist Ros Chast takes her title from her Jewish
mother’s words, expressing the elder Chasts’ reluctance to speak about their
declining circumstances. The title itself also suggests a broader social denial
of the unaddressed needs of a frail elderly population. Chast’s bestselling
bittersweet book chronicles her efforts as an adult and only child to care
for her ageing, eccentric, and once-fiercely-independent Brooklyn parents;
as they lived into their mid-nineties, their lives were changed by dementia
and deterioration. While Chast’s work always sells well, this particular book
received far more widespread recognition than her prior ones. Review after
review made clear that the book’s popularity tapped into pervasive concerns
and shared dilemmas of eldercare among her readers who constitute yet
another instance of an increasingly self-aware disability public – in this case
emerging around ageing – as articulated in the copious commentary that
follows online reviews of the memoir.
Other forms of cultural production move beyond narratives ‘about’ to
genres drawing on modalities that can be inclusive of those with Alzheimers,
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FIGURE 12.4 Ali imagines his future return to Porto Nogaro.

As Ali and I started returning to the harbour from the side street where he
had thrown his passport and uniform, he stopped again in front of the main
entrance of the port and told me that he now wanted to take another picture.
This time it’s not a picture of the past. This picture is for the future. […] I
don’t want to enter this port on foot again. I want to enter it with my own
car. Perhaps with the shipment papers of some goods. Which goods, I
don’t know. The important thing is to do a job like that. I would love to do it.
He later added that his newly acquired residence permit allowed him to
project himself and capture this image of the future.
When animating this picture and by re-claiming some sort of belonging to
the place, Ali decided to rename the port with his name (Figure 12.4).
Jackson recognizes the existential qualities of storytelling ‘as a vital
strategy for sustaining a sense of agency in the face of disempowering
circumstances’ (2002: 15). Ali’s wishful animated anecdote about his future,
enabled him to actively re-elaborate events in a story, and no longer to live
those events in passivity.

such as music and improvisational drama. The Unforgettables is illustrative;
this unusual chorus is made up of individuals with dementia and their
caregivers. Established in 2011 by Dr Mary Mittelman, director of the Center
for Psychosocial Research and Support Programs at the Comprehensive
Center on Brain Aging at NYU Langone Medical Center, her intention is ‘to
give families and people with Alzheimers a respite from the disease—a sense
of normalcy, a moment of happiness and ease’. Inspired by the innovative
and very successful Alzheimer’s Art Program at the Museum of Modern Art
entitled Meet Me at MoMA. The Unforgettables ‘rehearse weekly, select
their own songs, learn standard breathing and performance techniques’ and
offer public performances twice a year, building a very particular disability
public, that incorporates those with Alzheimers, their caregivers, and other
allies. We argue that taken together these kind of creative efforts, exemplary
of a much larger social field (Bourdieu), now comprise an Alzheimer’s future
imaginary.
No judgements
Of course, the eruption of narratives and other forms of cultural production
addressing the existential realities and futurities of this changing demographic
landscape is not confined to works on ageing and mortality. The ever-expanding
category of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) has catalyzed its own forms
of significant cultural activism. A myriad books, websites, blogs, You Tube
videos, TED talks, documentaries, feature films and television shows provides
venues for the creation of disability publics around ASD. For example, the
British writer Mark Haddon’s 2003, prize-winning book The Curious Incident
of the Dog in the Night-Time, based in part on his experiences working
with children with disabilities, has been particularly influential. This fictional
mystery is told and solved in the voice of an adolescent mathematical prodigy
with characteristics resembling Asperger’s syndrome (although the term is
never used in the book). The story has been adapted to great acclaim for the
London and New York stages in 2012 and 2014 respectively.
In New York City, shortly after the theatrical debut of Curious, an ‘autism
friendly’ matinee was organized by the Autism Theater Initiative (ATI). Formed
in 2011, the ATI is dedicated to making Broadway theatre accessible to ASD
audiences, their families and other allies, with the support of the Theater
Development Fund, a longstanding non-profit organization that encourages
diverse audiences to attend live theatre and dance productions. This was the
fifth Broadway play adapted for audiences on the spectrum for whom lights
and volume are adjusted, ‘fidget toys’ and earplugs are provided, and people
are free to move around and make noise during the performance, part of ATI’s
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FIGURE 12.5 Mohamed imagines receiving his residence permit at the reception

centre.
and not live as an outcast as he had done for ten years (Figure 12.5). This
imaginary possible life probably has accompanied Mohamed all the time, as
when asked about the future he would plunge into confusion and sadness.
He realized he had lost too much time of his youth, which was the time appro-
priate according to him for dreams and for developing his knowledge. On
top of that he lamented the idea of having lost proximity to his family, to his
people, to whom he once was, and now was unable to change his situation.
Jackson also encountered similar feelings and perceptions in his Sierra
Leonean informants: ‘[…] constant exposure to a negative social environment
will easily lead one … to a nagging guilt that the price of one’s own improved
chances in life is the loss of one’s kith and kin and one’s heritage’ (2008:70).
Mahmud
Mahmud, first thing after getting his papers, wished to go back to visit his
family because, as he said, not being able to return for so long was a defining
aspect of being, or becoming a migrant, adding that there is a difference
between travelling and migrating: ‘When we were in our country we used

to say we were going to travel. But then during the journey, this turns into
migrating. Because many years pass and we can’t go back. That is how a
journey turns into migration.’ As a defining feature of an undocumented
migrant’s identity therefore, Mahmud was saying that at the same time as
they were losing the proximity to their own familiar people and places, they
were also losing a part of their future which would have included being able
to visit their families whenever they wished, to feel connected to their places
of origin. In Mohamed’s and Mahmud’s words it is possible to trace the sense
of loss they have developed for a future that they will never get to know.
Mahmud boarded a plane for the first time in his life with me, on our flight
to Lampedusa, a now famous small island in the middle of the Mediterranean
where so many undocumented migrants following the smuggling routes
disembark on. Since Lampedusa is the southernmost part of Italy, and the
closest European island to the African continent, many boats carrying undocu-
mented migrants and asylum seekers that enter international waters, try to
disembark there or in Sicily and end up being detected by the Italian coastal
guards.
In April 2015 Lampedusa was the site of one of the most tragic shipwrecks
in the post-war history of the Mediterranean, when more than 900 immigrants
drowned.
Mahmud had been on a similar journey, ten years ago, when he too was
only seventeen. While we were in Lampedusa he expressed the desire to film
the dawn from up a cliff. He said it was so lovely to observe the sea from land.
It’s not like being in the middle of the sea, on a small boat with 40 people,
where all you can see is the sea. There, the water comes and hits you,
there’s no need to go and touch it … the water is beautiful from a beautiful
beach, from a mountain, from a big nice ship!
One of the images we photographed on that cliff ended up on our animation

light box. Mahmud thought he could tell part of the story of the crossing
by animating the photograph of himself looking at the sea (Figure 12.6).
Francesca, our professional animator, asked him whether he wanted to start
from the ‘beautiful sea, seen from land’, in order to recall what he had said at
the time, so he decided to start the animation with the sun rising.
The attention he gave to detail was impressive. The more Francesca and
I tried to simplify the act of drawing, the more Mahmud came up with quite
elaborate aesthetic ideas. In the picture he stood there still, like in real life and
watched, and not until the sun moved up in the sky did he move his arms in
a relaxed position of admiration. Then slowly, as he was starting to remember
the quality of the sea when he saw it from the boat, his colours became
thicker, and the sea started surrounding him. Suddenly he stopped and said,
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FIGURE 12.6 The beautiful sea, seen from land (Mahmoud).

‘I don’t remember anything anymore.’ We persisted for a while in asking him
questions thinking they might help unblock his memory: ‘What happened
there? What part of the story would you like to tell now?’ He replied, ‘While
I was there I didn’t wish to keep these memories; I didn’t want them to stay
with me. It was horrible … It took me so long to forget, and now you come
and ask me to tell you the story.’ After a reflective pause, we felt we had to
reassure Mahmud and clarify that the purpose of our work was not to dig
out discomforting traumatic memories. Although I knew Mahmud very well,
and had previously discussed my ethical concerns with Francesca and all
participants of this research, I felt obliged to remind Mahmud that there was
no need for us to continue to work on this story if he wished to stop. The fact
that he resisted giving testimony to what had happened was integral part of
the process and he had the freedom to twist or conclude the story in any way
he preferred. Moreover, the creative practices we had been engaging with
had been used ethically so that my participants could co-direct their narration
and use fiction and metaphors whenever they wished to avoid descriptive
accounts of troublesome experiences.
Finally, Mahmud abandoned the brush, and coloured his fingers with some
paint and began to smudge the colours and the lines on the picture. As he
began mixing the colours little by little an image seemed to start emerging.
Slowly, they became clearly visible. Two faces, with watery eyes and
contours. Mahmud then spoke up: ‘It’s Mum and Dad. They are crying for
their son who’s in the middle of the sea.’ (Figure 12.7)
I realized only later that I had learned something very valuable from
Mahmud about the relationship we had developed throughout our research.

FIGURE 12.7 Mum and Dad (Mahmoud).

The fact that he had control over the animation process also helped him to
feel in the right position to re-negotiate and resist the claims that Francesca
and I could have made about his process of remembering, and the ways in
which he would have recounted this experience in the future. What was more
relevant to him was not the exact description of his terrifying journey but the
devastating effects it must have had in his parents’ thoughts and feelings.
Was he trying to relive this experience as seen through the watery eyes of his
parents? Did his imagining at that time, of their faces and their worries, prevail
over his individual recollection of the crossing? It can be argued that, deciding
to substitute his personal perspective with theirs, he is making a claim over
whose experience he believed best represented the drama of that moment.
In analysing the process of making Running for Freedom (2003/04) a film
about refugees coming to London, Piotrowska makes an argument for hybrid
forms to be used for representing, and I would add, for researching, people’s
traumatic memories and experiences. In asking herself the question of what
happens when our subjects’ narrative breaks down, she realizes that ‘Some
things, that are too intimate or too traumatic are best left alone – or to fiction’
(2011: 337). By using live action together with animation she allowed for the
fictional and symbolical recuperation of language, as the participants to her
film found a way of telling part of their story. If it hadn’t been for animation,
Mahmud would have most probably felt more uneasy. But he had always
been very keen to tell and share his own experience in the form of stories.
He would often tell me how he wished to bring part of his documentary to his
family, in Egypt, and in future share it with his own children. Even enriched by
fictional or more metaphorical content, he would always refer to the account
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he made as ‘real’. Post-structuralist philosopher Jaques Derrida offers a
defence of fictionalized accounts based on lived experiences, which attempts
to bring fantasies and fears closer to one’s life experiences. Animation within
documentary, gives this possibility as it is completely ‘created’ by the work
of imagination. Moreover, lies, fiction and imagination have the potentiality
of creating something ‘anew’ (Ricoeur 1984), which takes us safely beyond
an uncomfortable, and often unethical research of truth claims. This isn’t to
say, Paul Ward warns us, that the claims represented are thereby completely
invalidated: ‘on the contrary, it might well be the case that an animated
documentary manages to reveal more of the “reality” of a situation than
any number of live-action documentaries. Animated documentaries want to
engage with the world in all its complexity and contradiction’ (2006: 89).
When reflecting on the process of animating, Mahmud told us that he
hadn’t imagined it would turn out the way it did. Every time he was adding
something, he said, the next step would come into his mind, by itself, as if
it would appear into his imagination. After the workshop, Francesca added
something she herself had realized while working with this technique: ‘This
technique enables imaginary perceptions to emerge step by step as one
draws … Sometimes I get so immersed, imagining my characters and their
actions, that then it’s kind of automatic for me to do certain things that I
wouldn’t have seen otherwise.’
Conclusion
The reflections and considerations that have emerged from the ethnographic
context created by the filmmaking and the animation process, have led me as
a researcher to recognize the value of the animated film as a creative method.
It is capable of venturing within the realm of future existential possibilities,
which are crucial in providing guidance and a reference in the lives of people
that have experienced migration. The animation process has shed light onto
the workings of imaginings related to possible futures and the impact these
may have on people’s lived experiences and decision-making. Furthermore,
animation has also provided Ali, Mahmud and Mohamed with a narrative
form that gave them the creative possibility to reproduce the experience of
the different temporal tenses, as sometimes overlaying or complementing
one another, as discording and contrasting on other occasions. For its very
nature, this hybrid form also has a tendency to facilitate the development
collaborative working methods, which is a beneficial characteristic for all
anthropological methods. Ward considers this a vital point to make when
we consider that the topics of animated documentaries are precisely the
supposedly incommunicable thoughts and concepts, belonging to people’s

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13
Agency and dramatic
storytelling: Roving through

pasts, presents and futures
Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston
The scene
Christmas tree lights flickering in the corner. A cat sleeping on a still-warm
stove. Randia, an elderly Polish Roma1 woman, and I are sitting in her living
room, sipping hot tea. It’s Christmas Day. Randia is alone and claims that no
one will visit her today. Her children haven’t called. I am holding a dramatic
storytelling session with her to learn about her life in Poland after her children
moved abroad. We are narrating a script based on her life experiences; more
than a recitation of lines, this involves full-fledged acting in which Randia and I
assume the roles of different characters. Today Randia, playing Córka, enthusi-
astically tells her friend Ela (played by me) about her plans to move to England
and live with her children there. She is full of anticipation; the future belongs
to her. But after the session wraps up, she says, ‘Only my cats and me. …
There is no future.’ What does it mean to own the future while in character but
then see no future outside of it? This chapter explores dramatic storytelling as
a framework for researching, imagining and intervening into futures.
In recent years, anthropologists have been reflecting on how anthropology
might engage with futures. Studies consider, among others, how different
futures are imagined, assembled and contested in the global present (e.g.
Roy and Ong 2011); futures as ‘the capacity to aspire’ to a more just world
(Appadurai 2013); futures as imagined risks, dangers and catastrophes (e.g.
Giddens 2000); futures as nostalgia, hope, despair and panic (e.g. Miyazaki

2004); and futures as consequences of, and effects on, the present (e.g.
Nowotny 1994). This project is particularly important in our uncertain present,
with its looming environmental disasters, violence and poverty, refugee
crises and privatization and deregulation. While anthropologists are increas-
ingly concerned about the discipline’s moral responsibility to intervene in
futures, scant attention has been paid to how to do so through ethnographic
practices and techniques.
This chapter is a step in this direction, asking: how might a transdisciplinary
ethnographic practice, such as dramatic storytelling, provide embodied and
affective ‘routes to knowing’ (Hogan and Pink 2010: 158) how futures are lived,
imagined, produced and disrupted in people’s everyday lives? How might such
storytelling foster agentic practices of reimagining and transforming futures? And
with such methods, how might we re-envision a collaborative, deeply reflexive
and engaged interventionist anthropology of futures? This chapter draws on
the emergent interest in the imaginative, experiential, sensory and embodied
realms of everyday experience (e.g. Hogan and Pink 2010; Irving 2011; Rapport
2008); studies of affect (e.g. Coole 2005; Massumi 2002; Stewart 2007); and
recent ethnographic experiments situated at the intersections of imagination,
performance-centered research, and storytelling (Conquergood 1988, 1991;
Crapanzano 2004; Kazubowski-Houston 2010; Madison 2010; Robertson and
Culhane 2005). I suggest that agency can materialize in the context of dramatic
storytelling by generating ‘affective interiorities’, an intersubjective process that
can act upon futures. By ‘affective interiorities’, I mean people’s more articu-
lated and conscious inner dialogues, feelings, sensations, moods and urges,
as well as their more pre-reflective, subliminal bodily feelings, sensations, and
moods (Irving 2011; Massumi 2002; Stewart 2007). I explore how these might
materialize in interactions between the ethnographer and interlocutor, and how,
in a dramatic storytelling context, ethnographers may engage with such futures
imaginatively and collaboratively with our interlocutors.
My interest in futures arises as part of my larger research project on post-EU
accession migration, and its impact on the lives of Poland’s non-migrant
elderly Roma women. In Poland and other Eastern European states, the lives
of elders have been tremendously affected by the transnational migration of
young and middle-aged adults. Many elderly people have been fending for
themselves since Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004, which opened access
to Western labour markets, and the 2007 Schengen Treaty, which eliminated
tourist visa requirements for Polish citizens (White 2011). Romani elders are
one of the social groups most affected by these migrations (Kazubowski-
Houston 2012), and ongoing socioeconomic transformations have seen
Romani minorities’ quality of life deteriorate. Negative stereotypes, combined
with economic crises and resurgent Polish nationalism, have increased acts
of prejudice, marginalization and violence against the Roma (Jasinska-Kania
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2009). Consequently, nearly 60 per cent – in some regions up to 90 per
cent – of Poland’s Roma migrated to Western Europe. Many of the Roma I
have worked with report that some Romani communities in Poland are now
populated primarily by the elderly, often widows, who are unable to travel
abroad due to their advanced age and/or ill health (Kazubowski-Houston 2012;
Zwiazek Romow Polskich 2012). However, my interest in futures also arises
from my personal life, as my mother in Poland was diagnosed with a serious
illness. She never wanted to relocate to Canada and now was too ill to be
approved for Canadian landed-immigrant status. I faced an uncertain future of
juggling my university job and family responsibilities in Canada with the care
of my mother in Poland.
Since 2001, I have been conducting fieldwork in Elbląg – a mid-sized city
of 130,000 people in northern Poland – located in the Warmińsko-Mazurskie
voivodeship (region), which has one of the country’s oldest populations, an
unemployment rate of approximately 20 per cent (between 2010 and 2015)
(Powiatowy Urząd Pracy w Elblągu), and high migration rates among the
Roma (Kazubowski-Houston 2012). My two main research participants have
been Randia, in her late sixties, and Maria, in her mid-sixties. Both women are
widows, and most of their children and relatives have emigrated to Western
Europe. Their pensions are meagre, and they live in decrepit government-
subsidized apartment blocks. They both suffer from heart disease, diabetes,
high blood pressure and depression. Randia recently lost most of her vision
to diabetes.
We adopted dramatic storytelling as an approach to ethnographic research,
because it turned out that, in a small Roma community, issues of confidentiality
were paramount. The women were reluctant to discuss many aspects of their
lives in interviews, and were concerned that pseudonyms alone would not
guarantee their anonymity. Our storytelling sessions took place over a period
of five years, wherein each woman met with me individually to narrate impro-
vised dramatic scripts based on her life experiences; these were recorded
with a digital voice recorder. Frequently, the women stepped into character by
assuming different voices and physicalities, and treating me as an audience
member or as another character in the play (Kazubowski-Houston 2012). They
acted in a style that I refer to as psychological realism2 and, later in the process,
even adopted elements of magic realism3 (Ahmadzadeh 2011: 289).
Imaginative ethnography
Our approach to dramatic storytelling was a form of imaginative ethnography,
bridging storytelling and performance-centered research (performance as an
ethnographic research process and means of representation). Attuned to our

interlocutors’ ‘imaginative lifeworlds’ (Irving 2011: 22) – the diverse, messy,
incidental, improvisational, and generative processes that constitute people’s
inner experiences, social practices, and relations with us as ethnographers
– imaginative ethnography embraces collaborative, embodied and critical
research methods that draw from ethnography, anthropology and the creative
arts (see Kazubowski-Houston forthcoming).
In the last few decades, performance has garnered much interest as a
form of ethnography. This trend has arisen out of the desire to transform
traditionally hierarchical interactions between ethnographer and informant
(Yeich 1996), and to find ways to disseminate knowledge more effectively
and accessibly than through conventional scholarly publications (Denzin
2003; Mienczakowski 2001; Saldaña 2003). Many scholars see the collective
nature of performance as facilitating more collaborative research relation-
ships, wherein the ethnographer and interlocutors can co-create both the
research process and its performance (Conquergood 1988; Culhane 2011;
Fabian 1990; Kazubowski-Houston 2010, 2011, forthcoming; Madison 2010).
The interplay of dramatic text, image, and sound has also been seen as a
means of documenting and representing research findings, and potentially
facilitating a more engaging and accessible knowledge exchange (Allen and
Garner 1995; Mienczakowski 1995). Importantly, storytelling is a form of
social performance because meanings do not reside within the stories told,
but rather, are co-created between storyteller and listener – or interviewee
and interviewer – through verbal and nonverbal interactions, and are mediated
by technique, audiences, and context (Benjamin 1973: 91; Cruikshank 1998).
Dramatic storytelling vs. interviews

Randia and Maria imagined futures differently in our interviews and our
dramatic storytelling sessions. I suggest this is because the two research
approaches facilitated different processes of knowledge construction. In the
interviews, the women tended to tell stories in rather schematic and matter-
of-fact ways, as if they were delivering a lecture. They often talked about
the negative aspects of their lives: poverty, discrimination, violence, illness,
loneliness and isolation. Another theme was the migration of their relatives,
about which they always spoke favourably, expressing gratitude that family
members were able to eke out a better existence abroad. Both Maria and
Randia emphasized that they would never leave Poland: they did not want to
burden their children; their health was too poor to relocate; and, as Randia put
it, ‘old trees shouldn’t be replanted’.
In the interviews, they sometimes spoke about their mutual support as an
important means of getting by, though they were more hesitant in general
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to talk about coping strategies. Generally, however, the women saw their
lives as largely hopeless. They spoke about the future as being worse than
the present, and much worse than the past. The futures were largely articu-
lated within a logic of linear time: the past is what has already happened, the
present, what is happening now, and the future, what is yet to come. While
this logic rests on the hope that it is possible to progress from a worse past
to a better present and an even better future, in their interviews, the women
reversed this logic. This was evident when Maria remarked, ‘There were
better times before. We were all together, all Roma; there was more respect
for the Roma tradition. Roma were real Roma. … Things are hard for me now,
but what can I expect? I’m old and nothing will change now.’ The women
construed themselves and others as largely ‘flat’ characters with ‘flat futures’
that ‘never surprise us, never waver’ (Mattingly 2008: 146).
But in our dramatic storytelling sessions, the women told stories in unpre-
dictable ways, with an abundance of personal detail and emotional depth. For
example, characters expressed anger at their children for failing to provide
them with care in their old age, disrespecting them and even exploiting
them monetarily. Indeed, in the play Randia created, the scenes portraying
an idyllic family life – where loving children and grandchildren live together
with parents and grandparents – simultaneously represent the elders as
abandoned, depressed and angry. In one of Córka’s soliloquies, she abruptly
switches from anger at her migrant daughter, Hania, to asking her to make
tea and set out biscuits for guests, as if Hania were there with her in the
flesh:
Córka (to herself): She [Hania] won’t call me anymore! I won’t answer
the phone! I won’t! I had all these children – raised them on my own, fed
them, and gave them whatever they wanted. They weren’t deprived. And
what was this all for? What for? (pause) I don’t want to hear from her! …
(Long pause)
Randia (to me): Now Córka addresses Hania.
Magda: But Hania is not around.
Randia: No, but Córka can hear her – like always, like normal.
Córka is addressing her imaginary daughter Hania.
Córka: Hania, make tea, won’t you? And set out biscuits – those chocolate
ones, my favourite. Yes, they’re in the cupboard. Maybe someone will

come today, someone must – it’s Sunday. Do you think someone might
come?
Similarly, while the women rarely discussed their coping strategies in the
interviews, the characters of their plays sought to improve their well-being
by, for example, taking on employment, pawning personal items or visiting
their children abroad. Furthermore, the stories told in the interviews empha-
sized the women’s camaraderie, but the relationships between the elderly
characters of their plays were more intricate. On many occasions, the
elderly characters competed with one another over attention and resources,
expressed jealously, bad-mouthed one another in front of neighbours or
refused to help one another in times of need. In the following scene
performed by Maria, Myca and her sister Roxana are bad-mouthing their
elderly cousin Reza:
Roxana is visiting Myca. They are sitting in the living room, drinking tea.
Myca: Reza is very irresponsible; she constantly gets herself into debt.
She wants a new sofa – what does she need it for? She complains her
children don’t help her out – what would she want from them? They give
her enough. They have their own families to feed, not just her. But she’s
selfish. I’m telling you Roxana, I don’t feel like visiting Reza. She always
complains, but she has more things than we both combined.
Roxana: I know. She has more than we both ever could. Do you think she’s
truly blind? I’ve seen her do things she couldn’t do if she were truly blind,
no way!
A break with the real: Roving through space

and time
As the dramatic storytelling sessions progressed, and the Roma women began
employing elements of magic realism, their stories grew more unpredictable
and ambiguous. Eventually, they started flouting the rules of the real by
subverting common assumptions about time and space. The characters were
rarely unified persons with fixed biographies, age or class for longer than a
scene or two. Instead, they embodied different personhoods, living many lives
simultaneously. In some scenes, Córka was the elderly protagonist of Randia’s
play, living in present Poland; in other scenes, she was the protagonist’s cousin,
sister-in-law, daughter or friend, from the past or the future. The characters
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simultaneously lived alone (depressed and abandoned) and with their children
(happily looked after). As such, the characters were akin to Amazonian notions
of personhood as ‘uncertain and transitory … caught in a continuous process
of “Other-becoming”’ (Rival 2012: 130). In Córka’s soliloquy, she disparages her
daughter Hania for leaving her behind, and then asks her to put out biscuits.
Here, Hania’s presence haunts, as Córka seems to summon her like a ghost
from another place or time. Hania and Córka occupy realities where places
and temporalities are ‘tangled’ (Schneider 2011: 3). In this scene, conse-
quently, they (re)imagine time and space as something like circular essences
(Crapanzano 2004: 34), rather than bound to linear progression and place.
Their spatio-temporal framework is supported by how the characters’ imagine
presence (and absence) beyond the visual. This is evident when Randia explains
that Córka is able to summon Hania to put out biscuits, not because Córka can
see Hania, but because she can hear her; Córka (re)conceptualizes presence
in auditory terms. Thus, one might argue that, at least in that particular scene,
presence and absence, as are conventionally understood, are no longer part
of the framework that defines Córka’s world. What may seem absent is never
absent, because all things are always here (and there). On one occasion, Randia
remarked, ‘I wish my mom were here – I wish I could speak with her – to get
it all off my chest … Sometimes, I wonder if she can hear me, because I know
she’s here – she watches, listens – I’d like to talk to her. I know one day I will.
But not in this world. When I go over there’. In dramatic storytelling sessions,
Córka was able to speak to her late mother, her daughter who lives abroad, and
others who were no longer alive or nearby because, as Córka, she did not need
to wait to go ‘over there’ to be able to hear them or to be heard. In these story-
telling sessions, the past and the future sit at ‘the very fingertips of the present’
(Schneider 2011: 2), just as the ‘over there’ sits at the fingertips of the ‘here.’
Subjectivity and storytelling

Why were there such differences in knowledge construction between the
interviews and the dramatic storytelling? These disparities could be linked
to the different ways in which the respective modes of research articulate
subjectivity. In the interviews, the women’s stories were more predictable,
and evoked ‘flat’ chronological futures, because the women tended to tell
them in terms of a fixed and unitary selfhood. I believe the women managed
their portrayal of selfhood to address the politics of representation that
defined our project, which were linked to the benefits and ends the women
were trying to negotiate for themselves in and through my research.
They also knew that the excerpts from the interviews would be quoted
verbatim in my published work, and thus might reach both their local

community and a larger international audience. This may explain why they
presented their stories in ways that could generate national and international
interest in their plight. For example, following her first interview, Maria asked
me, ‘Do you think I spoke well? You know, I want people to know how we
live here, that it’s hard for Roma women – we have terrible lives. Do you think
anybody will care?’ This may also have been the reason why they presented
their migrant relatives, as well as the relations between each other, in a
positive light. One day Randia urged me, ‘Tell people in Canada that the Roma
stick together for each other. This is how it’s always been. Let them know
how Roma truly are!’ The women also spoke about their lives with a certain
emotional detachment, perhaps explained by Randia’s worried comment:
‘You don’t think I said too much? Hmm? … I don’t want to cry too much, or
people will think that the Roma just whine, complain and want things for free.’
On the other hand, in the dramatic storytelling sessions, the Roma women
told more unpredictable stories because they were able to construct – through
the characters they created – their subjectivities as ‘becoming’ (Deleuze
1994). This is likely attributable to the interplay of a variety of factors. First, the
characters, relations and locales in the dramatic scripts were fictional, which
promised some level of anonymity. And, as such, it also mitigated some of
the politics of representation that constrained the interviews. As Randia aptly
put it in a storytelling session, fiction allowed her to ‘say what [she] really
want[ed] to say’. Maria also once remarked, ‘I guess it doesn’t matter if [the
character] says she was stealing. It’s a play after all, not a documentary – like
the interviews. No one will know who Ana [the character] is.’
The storytelling sessions can also be seen as liminal – ‘betwixt and
between’ (Turner 1982: 13) – spaces, where the women could express
themselves as someone else and thus feel ‘safe’ to express what they
would otherwise suppress. In our project, this anonymity was bolstered by
the fact that the women participated individually in the storytelling sessions
rather than together, and because the plays were not intended for public
performances. As such, this liminal storytelling space can be seen as what
Amira Mittermaier (2011: 30) defines as a barzakh – a space ‘that shifts the
attention from observable, material realities to the emergent, the possible,
the prophetic, the visionary’.
On the other hand, the women may have constructed their subjectivities
as ‘becoming’ because the storytelling sessions might have mobilized their
interiority by tapping into its affective qualities differently than the interviews
did. The interviews may have constructed ethnographic knowledge at the
level of consciously experienced and acknowledged thoughts, feelings,
emotions and desires, while the storytelling sessions might have drawn
more on unarticulated, subliminal bodily sensations, and moods (Irving
2011; Massumi 2002). Improvising, the Roma women had to allow their
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stories, movements, expressions and emotions to arise with little time for
rationalization. For Brazilian theatre director and theoretician Augusto Boal,
working intuitively with the body allows actors to connect to their uncon-
scious feelings and desires (Jackson 1992: xxiii). Working with fiction – which
also opens a window onto the unconscious – might have contributed to
this process. And while not every aspect of the women’s inner lives was
brought to the surface and rendered comprehensible, the process could
have generated a spark, what theatre artist Jerzy Grotowski (1968) calls a
physical ‘impulse’ – a push from the inside that fuels an actor’s action (see
also Richards 1995: 94–5) – that ‘opened the way to discovery, something
new, potential becomings, possible futures (Kumar 2013: 729). As such, it
might have allowed the women to ‘project [their] “fables” in a direction that
does not have to reckon with the “evident universe”’ (Crapanzano 2004: 19;
Starobinski, cited in Crapanzano 2004: 19).
‘I’ll live like a lady one day!’

How is one to understand these imaginative breaks with the real? Were they
merely an escape into fantasy? I suggest that rather than simple escapism,
telling stories facilitated imaginative, embodied and affective ‘agentic capac-
ities’ (Coole 2005: 124) in and through which the Roma women were able to
re-envision their futures, turning them from dead ends to something alterable.
By creating characters whose lives both mimicked and departed from
their own lives – acts of mimesis and alterity (Taussig 1993) – the women
were able to watch inner dialogues they would have normally had only with
themselves (or imaginary others) now play out before their own (and my) eyes,
and be taken in new directions. They might have watched their less acknow

ledged feelings, sensations, moods and dreams rise to the surface and be
articulated in surprising ways. Randia, while enacting Córka’s frustration with
Hania, might have been really enacting, and witnessing herself enact her own
feelings of disappointment towards her daughter, Marta. This process may
have either made her aware that she does in fact harbour those feelings or – if
she was already aware of them – might have given her courage to confront
Marta, just like Córka confronted Hania. Similarly, bad-mouthing Roxana as
her sister Myca may have enabled Maria to realize, and want to act upon,
her own acrimonious relationships with other Roma women. Indeed, the
dramatic storytelling sessions did seem to impel the women to act in certain
ways and renegotiate their relationships with others.
After storytelling sessions, Randia was able to alter – even if only tempo-
rarily – her relationships with her children. Following one session, she confided
in me that she would no longer let her children take advantage of her. And

then one day, when I was visiting her at home, she refused to answer a
call from her daughter, brusquely remarking, ‘It’s Marta. I won’t answer –
she needs to know how it feels.’ This took place following the storytelling
session in which Córka asserts that she will not answer Hania’s phone calls.
And, while she never discussed this scene in connection to her relationship
with her daughter, on several occasions when enacting this scene, Randia
as Córka slipped and referred to Hania as Marta. Similarly, while Maria was
normally reluctant to visit her daughter in England for monetary reasons, after
recording a scene in which her character Reza planned to visit her children
abroad for Christmas, Maria decided to visit her children for the holidays.
The storytelling sessions also impacted the women’s relationships with
others in the community. After scenes portrayed a contentious relationship
between her elderly characters, Maria grew concerned about her own
relationships with other Roma women, especially Randia. Another time,
after narrating a scene in which her protagonist, Myca, was recounting her
exploitative relationship with her employer, Maria noted, ‘See, this is how it is
for Myca – I’m also not going to work for [my employer] any longer. All these
years and they haven’t given me a single raise. I asked them once and they
said they’d think about it, but that was it. They never mentioned it again’. In
fact, Maria did take a few months’ break from work. I recognize that Randia’s
and Maria’s actions cannot be solely attributed to the dramatic storytelling
sessions, as there were also other developments in their lives that were likely
to have influenced how they acted. The fact that Maria’s daughter bought
her a ticket to travel to England certainly contributed to Maria’s decision to
take some unpaid leave from work. Nevertheless, I believe that the dramatic
storytelling sessions served as a reference point against which the women
were able to evaluate their lives and, consequently, act; on a few occasions,
they even stated this themselves. Maria once observed that, as a result of
one storytelling session, she decided not to relocate. Her original plan was to
move to her daughter’s vacant apartment and sublet her own. She explained
that she decided against it because ‘the play’ had helped her ‘think things
through’ and realize the risks inherent in ‘letting someone else move into
your home’.
The ‘roving’ spatio-temporal framework permitted in dramatic storytelling
facilitated an important agentic capacity in our sessions. To even begin
reimagining their futures as alterable, perhaps the women first needed to
temporarily abandon the notion of the future as a linear what-is-yet-to-be.
Once the future became a part of a roving temporal framework, where it
could be imagined as both what-has-been and what-is-now, the women might
have found it easier to conceive of a future that is better, more hopeful and,
thus, worth trying for. The storytelling session transcript below demonstrates
the ways in which Randia was able to intervene in the future by reworking
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the past. In this scene, Córka (played by Randia) was just telling Ela (played
by me) about how she is afraid to live alone, without her children. Then she
paused and said:
Córka (to Ela): What should I do, Ela? What should I do?
Ela: Uhmmm, I’m not sure. Maybe go and visit them [her children in
England]? … I’m sure they wouldn’t mind!
Córka: No, they wouldn’t mind! Sure, they wouldn’t mind. You know what,
Ela – I’ll go! I’ll go soon, before it gets cold. I’ll go and live with them. I’ll
cook for the children! And maybe even find some fortune telling work …
help them out! Then I could put away some money for myself too! But
I’ll come back here one day. I’ll buy myself a flat – my very own! With hot
water and central heating! No more coal! Imagine that! I could even take
a bath! I’m telling you, Ela, I’ll live like a lady – like a lady one day!
Randia (to me): Now you, Ela, say: Work there!? What got into your head!
[…] Where will you find fortune telling in England?! A lady!? A lady! When
will you be that lady, huh?
I repeat the text suggested by Randia.
Córka: Just you watch, Ela! I’m telling you. I’ll live like a lady one day. Yes!
– When? When? Uhmmm, I’ll tell you when – perhaps yesterday! Yes, let’s
see …
Randia begins describing the subsequent scene.
Randia: So now we are in the living room. Hania, her husband and children
are packing. They are leaving for England. It’s 2008. The children are still
young. They are asking Córka to go with them. She doesn’t want to, but
finally agrees. They leave early in the morning. She doesn’t sell the house,
because she knows she’ll return. They go by bus and arrive in England in a
couple of days. (To me) And what happens then?
Magda: Then they rent a small place. Córka is happy there. Her children
look after her. Her health improves, she goes for walks, to church – has
something to live for.
Randia: Yes! She has it good there! And she is fortune telling … looking
after her family...

Through the character of Córka, Randia constructed a subjectivity that could
freely straddle the past, the present and the future, the here and the there.
Following this storytelling session, Randia said to me, ‘What if, what if, what
could’ve been. But nothing to be done now. Nothing can change. … Only my
cats and me. … There is no future.’ But in Córka’s world, nothing was finished,
and time could always be turned back like a page in a book; the boundaries
between the past, the present and the future were porous, things could still
take place in the past, even if for some reason they no longer could in the
present or the future.
Although the storytelling sessions encouraged the women to act in certain
ways and renegotiate their relationships with others, some of these effects
were short-lived. For example, when I returned to Poland a year later, Maria
was still working, without a raise, for her exploitative employer. The agentic
capacities of our storytelling sessions were not permanent, but rather,
particular and situated – emerging in, and adjusting to, their immediate
contexts (Coole 2005: 126). These capacities broke into smithereens in the
outside world in unpredictable and unfinished ways. As such, they need to
be understood as what Kathleen Stewart (2007: 2) defines as ‘heterogeneous
and incoherent singularities’ that ‘happen in impulses, sensations, expecta-
tions, daydreams, encounters, and habits of relating’, working underneath
larger systems and structures.
Intersubjectivity
As the women cast me as different characters alongside them, our dramatic
storytelling sessions were not only about their break with the real, but also
about my own. In that sense, the Roma women and I became spectators
and actors, or – to borrow Boal’s term (1979) – ‘spect-actors’ in our own and
each other’s lives. This term was coined to describe audience engagement in
Boal’s Forum Theatre – created in response to a particular group’s oppression
– where the spectators are invited to take the actors’ roles and replace the
play’s protagonists, and improvise alternatives to the narrative underway.
The Roma women and I were simultaneously actors and spect-actors, as
we both performed and witnessed each other’s performances. The dramatic
storytelling sessions became the staging of all of our interior lives. For
example, when I suggested to Randia that Córka visit her family in England,
and that her life would be good there and that she could take walks to
church, I (as Ela) was re-envisioning what my mother’s life could have been
like had she emigrated to Canada years ago. In retrospect, I realized that I
was clearly referring to my mother, a practicing Catholic, as neither Córka
nor Randia were churchgoers. Like the Roma women, I was breaking with
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the real to re-envision my mother’s future in the space-time of the imaginary
(Crapanzano 2004).
One can argue that it is in and through these practices of co-performing
and co-witnessing that the agentic capacities of our storytelling sessions
materialized. Even though inextricably linked to our individual affective interi-
orities, such agentic capacities need to be understood not as individualistic,
but rather, as intersubjective processes ‘that instantiate an inner world’
(Coole 2005: 128). As Diana Coole notes, interiority needs to be under-
stood as ‘irreducibly interwoven with exteriority; individuality with sociability;
subjectivity with intersubjectivity’ (ibid.: 134); agents thus arise in and through
lived experience as it unfolds onto ‘a field of forces that incites, shapes,
and constrains their development’ (ibid.: 135). In our dramatic storytelling
sessions, experience was converted into theatrical expression, and such ‘a
field of forces’, with agency mobilized, was constituted through affective
knowledge summoned between the performer and spectator (Kazubowski-
Houston 2011: 179).
Yet why did the Roma women insist that I co-perform their stories? While
I think it was a practical decision on their part – it would have been difficult to
be always switching between different characters – it might have also been
one of those intricate and unpredictable ways in which the agentic capacities
of our storytelling sessions took on a life of their own, apart from the women’s
intentions. For it seems that these co-performances also constituted for
the women yet another layer of protection in a world where, for the Roma,
no public expression – not even a fictive one – is completely free of risk.
When not only theirs, but also my interior thoughts, feelings, desires, hopes,
dreams and fears were rolled out for scrutiny, we were finally in it together.
As Randia once mused, ‘This play of mine isn’t too out there, is it? Or people
will think I’m not there! Or even worse – but, ha! I guess you’re in it as much
as we are!’
So what does it mean to own the future ‘in character’, but then see no
future outside of it? What does it mean to tell a story full of future but believe
in no future for oneself? Following one session, Randia confessed, ‘When I
think of all the stories I’ve told you – what a life I had! A hard life, but I also
think now, that maybe – maybe, despite everything, a life worth living?’
Perhaps storytelling the future means to search for it, courageously and
stubbornly, in a world that systematically and consistently takes that future
away. And perhaps it means to take the anthropologist along on the search so
she realizes what it might involve to both take and give that future back. And
maybe, on the search through her own interior life, the anthropologist might
imagine what a collaborative, deeply reflexive and engaged interventionist
anthropology of futures might look like.

Notes
1 In this paper, I use the term Roma both as adjective and noun in accordance

with the Oxford English Dictionary usage guidelines. While Romani or
Romany can also be used as adjectives, my Roma participants favoured
the adjectival form of Roma due to the ambiguity of the terms Romani
and Romany, which can refer to both a Roma girl or woman, and to the
Indo-Aryan language of the Roma people.
2 In psychological realism – an approach to acting defined by Russian theatre

director/actor Konstantin Stanislavski (1863–1938) – actors invoke their own
‘emotion memory’ in order to faithfully represent the characters’ emotions
and intentions.
3 The term magic realism – coined by German art critic Franz Roh in 1925 – is

used in reference to certain postcolonial literature, drama and performance
that incorporate magical elements into otherwise realistic representations
of life to subvert Western hegemony and dominant forms of representation
(Ahmadzadeh 2011).
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14
Remix as a literacy for future
anthropology practice
Annette N. Markham
I n 2014, I participated in generating the Future Anthropology Network

manifesto, a document that boldly calls for transdisciplinary stances, interven-
tionist attitudes, and other transgressive modes of being. These can be taken as
tactics for figuring out how to grapple with the challenges of turning the anthro-
pological gaze toward the future. In this article, I offer a framework whereby we
can draw on the metaphor of remix as a way to enact these strategies.
Remix, a term long used to describe the process of rap or hip-hop music,
now more broadly describes the everyday practice of cut/copy/paste in the
digital and networked age. From fan fiction and internet memes to mashup
videos, remix involves the creative recombination of cultural units of infor-
mation for the purposes of comedy, parody, art or critique. As an even
broader concept, remix can be seen as a primary way of everyday sense-
making. Out of the endless swirl of stimuli around us every day, we somehow
manage to create a relatively sensible understanding of our lived experience.
This process certainly applies to researchers who spend their time making
sense of the social worlds we live in.
Remix offers a dialogic and reflexive metaphor for thinking about future-
oriented anthropology. The concept of ‘remix methods’ (Markham 2013)
encompasses both the process of remixing and the product of remix.
Adopted as a foundation or premise for ethnographic inquiry, remix highlights
not only how inquiry actually happens but also how research functions in
larger conversations. It offers an intriguing framework for resisting the typical
labels associated with inquiry practices. Remixing in an Internet era is a
playful and lively exchange of speculative, anticipatory, suggestive, critical,
and interventionist arguments about cultural meaning.

The model of remix may seem far removed from the academic world, but
it’s a productive way to prompt a future-orientation. Remix doesn’t just value
experimentation and playful recombination of cultural units of information
but also reminds us that our research products always exist within larger
communities of remix. Whatever is created, is a temporary assemblage that
will change almost immediately. In fact, the power of remix relies on the
participation of others. The form of the remix will change over time as others
remix it. Thus, anything we produce has the potential to grow in quality and
cohesion over time through various iterations by others. Or, it might morph
into something completely unrecognizable with very few elements to trace
it back to the origin points (or like some memes that never flourish, it might
wither and die from neglect). This view allows us to consider that quality
emerges from how our work exists and functions in the larger sense, not
simply from the manner in which it was conducted. Without abandoning
rigorous criteria for quality, remix enables creative innovation for finding and
honing practices and techniques that analyse what is not quite yet, what
could be, or what ought to be.
I’ve used five terms over the past few years to describe a remix approach
to studying complexity: Play. Borrow. Interrogate. Move. Generate.
When I use these terms, I deliberately imagine that these five activities
comprise the entirety of the social research process, in any discipline across
what we might call the social, human, and hard sciences. I don’t make this
claim blindly – I draw on remix theory, almost three decades of training and
experience in interpretive ethnographic methods in organizational culture
studies as well as a range of social science methods, and six years of giving
talks and workshops on this topic. To allow myself to believe this whole-
heartedly, I rely on the classic advice of rhetorical theorist Kenneth Burke,
who places our role as thinkers directly in a larger, longstanding, and ongoing
conversation:
Imagine that you enter a parlor. You come late. When you arrive, others have
long preceded you, and they are engaged in a heated discussion, a discussion
too heated for them to pause and tell you exactly what it is about. In fact, the
discussion had already begun long before any of them got there, so that no
one present is qualified to retrace for you all the steps that had gone before.
You listen for a while, until you decide that you have caught the tenor of the
argument; then you put in your oar. Someone answers; you answer him;
another comes to your defense; another aligns himself against you, to either
the embarrassment or gratification of your opponent, depending upon the
quality of your ally’s assistance. However, the discussion is interminable. The
hour grows late, you must depart. And you do depart, with the discussion
still vigorously in progress. (Burke 1941: 111)
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With this imaginary in place, I am allowed considerable freedom to rebuild
an ethnographic practice to grapple with the demands of the specific context
in which I find myself studying a phenomenon. In doing this, one doesn’t
abandon current tools or methods, but reconsiders how and why these are
enacted. In this chapter, I discuss terms and concepts of a remix methodology
to help readers consider the following: If these terms guide practice instead
of traditional discipline-specific terminology, what is gained, highlighted or
hidden through these terms? What is enabled and constrained?
To hint at some of the answers I would offer: This framework offers a way
of thinking about methods as everyday practice, which can then be highly
adaptable to complexities of twenty-first century technological mediations.
A remix framework could be understood as a literacy focused on a set of
critical strategies, skills and competencies for analysing, making sense of
and communicating ethnographic knowledge about contemporary cultural
phenomena. As a literacy, ethnographers in this emerging community
of practice can explore ways of engaging in ethnography that foreground
possibilities, critical speculation, anticipation, and uncertainty, all important
considerations for future-oriented anthropology.
Remixing terminology of inquiry

By reconfiguring the terminology for ‘what counts’ as appropriate ethno-
graphic method, researchers can explore what they actually do as they attend
to notable features of the lived world, interpret these features or instances
from some sort of stance, and then present accounts in particular forms
for specific audiences. Deliberately dismantling what might be habitual in
research practice allows one to rebuild and reframe – not necessarily reject
or reinvent – practices. This is a matter of considering the focus and aims
of our activities of sensemaking. If we take remix as an inspiration (and the
five modes of playing, borrowing, interrogating, moving, and generating), we
might notice that a remix approach
M enables a range of creative processes without privileging any single

M
method,
M blends playful experimentation with critical interrogation,
M
M values the continual shifts in attitude and focus inherent in the activity
M
of continually moving, borrowing, and generating,
M recognizes that quality is something found both in the making and the
M
reception of the product,

M
M
highlights the way that our activities are similar across disciplines,
enabling us to work across contradictory or conflicting discipline-
specific procedures,
M focuses attention on the unfinished or experimental mode of creating
M
cultural knowledge with a keen awareness that one’s individual
products will and should be remixed by others, which will refine and
improve the product, or transform it to be useful for other contexts,
M calls attention to the temporal qualities of knowledge, highlighting the
M
way that ideas shift as they are used and mixed with other ideas, by
communities both near and distant from the origin point.
These are attitudes that draw attention to certain values and relevant modes
of action, most of which are commensurate with contemporary anthropo-
logical practice. If applied to considerations of what we might call ‘futures’,
these ideas can strengthen the position of speculative or provocational forms
and outcomes of inquiry, by framing these practices as typical and normal
way of making sense of the world.
Such a reframing may seem unnecessary to those who already enact
a contemporary postmodern anthropological stance. The point remains
worthwhile if conducting transdisciplinary research, since discussions about
methods would situate such a list of attitudes within an ‘alternative’ space.
The symbolic pattern of qualifying one’s approach as ‘post-’ or ‘anti-’
maintains and even reinforces some central or default position to which we
are responding, or against which we are acting. To this tacit fetishism of
positivism, we must add the explicit subjugation of nonpositivist scholarship

to decades of modernist evaluation criteria. This has only worsened as
funding sources dry up, increasing an academic’s dependence on resources
that privilege statistical findings over narrative accounts. For good reasons,
taxpaying publics demand evidence-based impact with measurable results. I
repeat a tired complaint when I say that these external forces constrain the
ethnographic project at its very core.
Remix processes help break this pattern because the resulting products
of research cannot be evaluated using traditional measures for the social
sciences, such as replicability or validity – and here, ‘cannot’ means two
things: ‘should not’ in the normative sense; and ‘not possible’, referring to the
flaw of using illogical measures. Remix is not intended to produce anything
that might be replicable because it creatively combines cultural information
into a form designed for a particular purpose. If it has resonance with cultural
members from whom the material is drawn, it is because it holds strong
validity for that community. Like all interpretive creative scholarship, remix
is also not necessarily intended to simply convey or transfer meaning from
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one context to another. Rather it is meant to build or encourage others to
find new layers of meaning by shifting one’s orientation slightly. Remix is
always a future-oriented mode of reflexive inquiry that exchanges precision
for projection, allowing for explorations of what could be.
Remix is already quite visible in the contemporary anthropological practices
of pastiche, montage or bricolage, which help situate inquiry as particular and
specific, situated and idiosyncratic. Engaging with these types of products
is a constant reminder that ethnographers engage in a process of selecting,
abstracting, editing and reimagining the world for others. Rather than
obscuring the everyday practice of making, fashioning, and fabricating results
of inquiry, remix becomes a reasonable and even apt way to describe how we
enact and characterize ethnographic research even in the most classic sense.
For when we deconstruct the activities of the researcher in situ, the strength
of a great ethnographer lies in his or her ability to interpret, or write, culture.
When we begin with the assumption that this activity is one of cutting and
pasting various elements of the actual cultural experience into a new form
that can be experienced by others, research becomes remix. Acknowledging
that remix is already present as a dominant, if mostly obscured, practice,
anthropologies of futures can reach in multiple directions outside typical disci-
plinary or institutional boundaries for inspiration and support. In this way, it
becomes more possible to be, as the FAN Manifesto states, ‘stubbornly trans-
disciplinary and transnational: we collaborate, hybridise, and compromise. We
break boundaries and network without fear of incapacity or contamination’.
When we speak of anthropology of becoming or anthropology of possible
futures, it is important to recognize the larger landscape within which ethno-
graphic methods currently operate and to challenge the frameworks that
keep it locked in a backward facing gaze. While ethnography may be known
for its broad and flexible approach to the study of culture, the primary criteria
for evaluation remain embedded in trends that deny the viability of inductive
or exploratory processes of engagement and inquiry. This is a problem we can
combat by shifting the terminology we use to talk about research practice. As
Burke (1941) continues in his discussion of the larger scholarly conversation,
[A]ll these words are grounded in what Malinowski would call ‘contexts
of situation.’ And very important among these ‘contexts of situation’ are
the kind of factors considered by Bentham, Marx, and Veblen, the material
interests (of private or class structure) that you symbolically defend or
symbolically appropriate or symbolically align yourself with in the course
of making your own assertions. (111)
Our literacies about what we might consider our methodological compe-

tencies are embedded in particular symbolic alignments or appropriations.
5
Contemporary obsessions
with time and the promise of

the future
Simone Abram
Contemporary obsessions?
This chapter considers the notions of future that are embedded in the notion of
land-use planning, sometimes known as Urban Planning or Town and Country
Planning. Since planning as it is practiced in Western Europe would appear
to be inherently future-oriented, it offers insights into future-methodologies
both as ethnographic objects (planning’s futures) and for ethnographic
methods themselves (studying planning’s futures). Through a discussion of
forward planning and planning for housing in England, the chapter highlights
the different temporal horizons of the future, the varying notions of human
agency in achieving particular futures, whether dangerous or mundane,
and the very different means of conceptualizing both a static future of the
imagination, and a dynamic trajectory between now and then. While planning
futures are sometimes conceptualized as Utopian, the reality of governmental
planning is far more mundane and instrumental, with only quite occasional
appearances of overblown scenarios or imagined worlds. More commonly,
future planning is reduced to a process of applying governmental method-
ologies based on quite abstract policy imperatives. This chapter shows how
Utopian or Dystopian futures bounce in and out of the mundane practice of
governmental planning to show how bureaucratic processes work to reduce
broader future concepts to manageable mechanisms.
Land-use planning is an example of future-thinking to have emerged
strongly in the twentieth century, in contrast to conventional religious or
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most recently, what might make particular vernacular videos on YouTube ‘go
viral’ while others circulate only in small networks. Navas, in his work on
the aesthetics of sampling as a foundational element of remix theory, uses
practices common in hip-hop to describe different forms of remix, along
a continuum of how they function in relation to the original(s) from which
they are created (2012). Lessig’s work critically explores what might happen
to cultural innovation and development with narrow and strict regulations
restricting what classically could be considered natural processes of remix.
Whether one is using a cut/copy and paste technique to rethink cultural forms
or creating novel forms through sharing and mixing various cultural expres-
sions (2008) or creating interfaces through open source software (2004),
Lessig argues that remix is is a fundamental element of cultural creativity
and transformation. This point is illustrated across many contemporary
examples by Ferguson in his video series and talks around ‘Everything is a
Remix’ (2010).
Recent efforts to bring some of these ideas together with an online
network of scholars and practitioners has resulted in robust development
of remix theories, some of which are represented in the 2013 Routledge
Companion to Remix Studies, where many of the prominent writers and
thinkers of this topic are represented. As the concept continues to be defined
in more nuanced ways, we find the emergence of a strong theory of praxis,
which is where my own work has been situated. That is, a remix literacy for
social research methods develops out of a need to address the future from
an ethic of care, or, borrowing from actor network theorist Bruno Latour, shift
from matters of fact to matters of concern. Praxis is a practical action based
on simply on reflection but with a particular disposition about what constitutes
the right or best action in the specific circumstance of one’s action. We can
use the imaginary of remix as a way of finding, rather than simply accepting
methods most appropriate for engaging in anthropologies of futures.
I continue below with an introduction to remix elements and processes.
This distinction highlights different ways remix might be operationalized in
practice. These should be considered working points of reference rather than
stable categories of meaning, in the spirit of remix thinking.
Remix elements
How can we recognize remix as remix? (How do we compare remix to
bricolage, montage, improvisation, or pastiche?) Remix elements identify
some of the outcomes of processes, which in some cases are processes
themselves, but can be recognizable in almost every remix as an outcome
(like systems theory, almost every element or process could be understood

as both noun and verb, process and product, so this should not be considered
inconsistent or confused, but dynamism, halted for a moment so we can look
more closely at what is going on.)
Sampling is a key element in remix. Most simply, we can say that a
sample is the outcome of picking some particulars and leaving others behind.
From what we have selected, we make meaning, whether through exami-
nation or generalization. In music, sampling involves selecting bits and pieces
from previous works, lifting them out of their original, and recombining them
in different ways. When we look past the surface of this technical activity, we
see a deeply dialogic exploration of meaning through connection. As Martin
Irvine writes, remix uses sampling as a ‘recursive combinatorial function for
embedding constituent phrases as recognizable dialogically positioned units
of “other’s” expression’. If we follow Irvine’s (2015) explanation, it becomes
clear that sampling requires a strong understanding of the context in order to
create meaning that is sensible to an audience. It involves at the very least:
(1) selecting syntactically possible units in contexts of prior symbolic

relations and encyclopedic values (identifying and selecting ‘answerable’
combinable constituent units represent initial interpretive process for
linking token to typed meaning), and (2) recontextualizing the selected unit
by embedding it in the compositional structure of the new expression,
a meaning environment that opens up additional encyclopedic meaning
relations that were not active in the situation of the prior expression. (Irvine
2015: 29)
This interpretive and dialogic process of selection and recontextualization

invokes and addresses already-existing – or to use the more precise term
‘enyclopediac’, offered by Irvine – symbolic meanings. His conclusion echoes
that of many remix theorists, that ‘[s]ince we’re born into a generative
symbolic continuum already in progress, we always dialogically, collectively
‘quote ourselves’ to capture prior states of meaning as inputs for new inter-
pretations in new contexts in materially reimplementable, remixable ways’
(Irvine 2015: 33).
Sampling, defined as the continual and experimental selection and subse-
quent recombination of cultural meaning, is a prominent practice in social
research; feminist, interpretive, and postmodern schools of thought have
long understood the value of sampling in this sense. Geertz famously wrote,
‘Doing ethnography is like trying to read (in the sense of “construct a reading
of”) a manuscript – foreign, faded, full of ellipses, incoherencies, suspicious
emendations, and tendentious commentaries, but written not in conven-
tionalized graphs of sound but in transient examples of shaped behavior’
(1973: 10).
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Indeed, if we look at the base strategies of social scientists and rap and
hip-hop artists, we can see they draw on similar goals of drawing attention
to or focusing on certain things versus others. The distinction between
modernist social science and hip hop is in the overall point of sampling: the
former is interested in explanation, whereas the latter is generally interested
in generating resonant meanings. If we consider the practices of remix
within a scholarly lens, it is clear that interpretive, feminist, and postmodern
approaches sit more comfortably with the hip-hop artist. Purposive sampling
has long been the suggested strategy for qualitative research. But this
essential element of inquiry can get lost or misinterpreted, especially in
disciplines that are haunted by the terminology of hypothetico-deductive
science practice, where one is under significant external pressure to defend
one’s sample as being representative of some larger whole, generally called
a population. Even in traditional qualitative research, at least as represented
in most textbooks, one’s sample is justifiable if it connects to larger methodo-
logical premises. For example, the difficulty of reaching participants in a
new or unfamiliar situation can justify the practice of ‘snowball’ sampling.
Alternatively, and here I refer to a common practice in grounded theory,
when the context is novel or unfamiliar and therefore where theory is thin or
absent, one can use systematic sampling to build a theoretical understanding.
In anthropology, discussions of ‘field boundaries’ replace the word sampling.
These determinations can be quite precise and even follow standard statis-
tical parameters if the population is well defined. Or they can remain vague
or unstated altogether, especially in situations where immersion and thick
description takes precedence over cultural representativeness. In any case,
ending up with a sample is far less likely than using a sample to add up to
some ending. Put differently, we mostly use sample as a means rather than
an end.
What happens, however, if we reverse this thinking and place the sample
as the end or outcome? From this stance, the sample becomes a perspective
or example that illustrates possibilities rather than probabilities. I come back
to this later when I wrap this idea into a future anthropology mindset.
Hybridization is a term that encapsulates a thing or process that is
between or both; neither one thing nor another. Taking parts of two or more
different things, one can combine these elements into something new. This is
such a natural practice in sensemaking it seems odd to examine it separately
here using the term ‘hybrid’. However, hybridization is a strong term in remix,
indicating how new and creative things emerge from mixing previously
understood elements. This is certainly the case in video mashups found
mostly on YouTube, such as fake movie trailers. Readers may be familiar
with how this works. Christopher Rule’s 2006 remix, to take one example,
combines the original visuals and the song Stay Awake from the 1960s

Disney film Mary Poppins with audio clips from the soundtrack of the film An
American Haunting and stock music clips from iMovie. The resulting hybrid
transforms a classic children’s film into an advertisement for a contemporary
horror film about Scary Mary Poppins.2 The product that emerges is wholly
dependent on the use of existing elements, but the meaning is unique (it can
also be compelling and entertaining, but this is not dependent on the hybrid
elements, but the rhetorical situation in which it is experienced).
Often, hybridization is seen retrospectively, as we reverse engineering
the processes of thought and analysis that went into creating an account. If
we consider the way that Christopher Rule uses precise and deliberate juxta

position in this mashup movie trailer, we can notice how the hybrid performs
and serves as an analysis of both prior elements. The strength of sampling as
a process is startling when we can be convinced by the hybrid product. This
also raises the point that unlike the sample, which is always simultaneously
process and product, we can see hybridization most clearly as a form.
To illustrate how hybridization represents remix already well established as
social science practice, we can look at the past three decades of interpretive
sociology practices of analysis and representation, prompted not least by the
edited collection Writing Culture by ethnographers Clifford and Marcus (1986).
Carol Rambo-Ronai (1988), for example, published a nuanced and evocative
sociological analysis of child sex abuse in what she called a ‘layered account’.
Her work is still heralded as a remarkable approach for sociology of sensitive
or untouchable subjects, where it would be impossible to move beyond
affect to understand from an interpretive perspective something like child
sex abuse. Her account weaves samples from different moments in her own
lifecourse, a practice adopted and developed into different forms by other
scholars such as Lisa Tillmann-Healy, who through the pastiche of scientific
literature, popular media accounts, and her own diaries presents a powerful
rendering of the experience of bulimia within a larger culture of thinness
(1996). I use similar techniques to discuss how ‘fragmented narrative’ is both
a form of analysis and a style of destabilizing a single account 2005. There,
I highlight a technique of analysis through proximal juxtaposition of contra-
dictory or entangled data. In this experimental ethnography of an expression
(inspired by Robin Clair, 1996), I sampled and arranged selections from my
analytical findings and raw data as a process of piecing together a remixed
account of the situation that would have resonance for particular audiences.
The outcome as well as the process of each of these cases highlights
that samples are taken from cultural experience as analytical units, which are
then (or simultaneously) combined with other samples to present possible
accounts or conclusions. Each outcome comprises a partial account, but
importantly, a hybridization of meaning that cannot be situated solely within
the (auto)ethnographer, the analysis of materials drawn from fieldwork, or
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the findings. In other words, there is a strong acknowledgment in such work
that there is not – and could never be – a ‘whole’ somewhere. Rather, these
articles and arguments strive for multiplicity through deliberate juxtaposition
of both the content and form through which a ‘cultural reading’ might be
identified. This renders meaning precarious rather than partial. This work also
tends to be deliberately vulnerable, to open the possibility for critique, reinter-
pretation, and the development of alternate meanings.
These efforts represent only a small part of a widespread paradigmatic
conversation across multiple disciplines that emerged in force during the
1980s and 1990s. For some, the conversation was about dismantling tradi-
tional genres of academic writing by experimenting with new or mixed genres.
For others, the conversation extended beyond genre to theory making. John
Van Maanen writes about ‘style as theory’, emphasizing the need to reflect
critically on how our theories are bound in the language we use to portray
them to others. He questions, like many interpretive and postmodern
scholars at the time, how we come to know the phenomena we study, how
we represent what we know to others, and how our choices create particular
versions of the world. In speaking of organizational theorist Karl Weick’s use
of a particularly confusing style of writing, Van Maanen notices that this style
performs a particular kind of theorizing – one that keeps possibilities open
through its continual ‘assault on the unquestioned objectivity of our received
notions of the world’ (1995: 137). Weaving feminist theory into interpretive
methods, then, long legacies of scholar repeat a strong message that our
language around research methods should better fit current conceptions of
how knowledge and theory are contingent, and our story-telling practices
should be part of the reflexive process of conveying this contingency.
Recognizing and then working with hybrid forms is a way of highlighting
that a) the form is meaningful but not necessarily stable and b) the story
it presents is definitely not singular. This is very much how we experience
internet memes, which present a particular hybrid of (generally) two or more
distinctive ideas, such as image macros, where a picture of a cat is superim-
posed by some text that adds meaning to the image. The idea of a meme is
that the original elements are separated and then put into new hybrid mixes,
which transforms the meaning. The purpose of the hybrid is not to stand
alone but anticipates that new hybridization will create new meanings.
Linkage Connecting previously unlinked elements or ideas is a hallmark of
remix. The link, as simple as a loop in a chain, connects two things together.
These two previously unconnected things then exist in some sort of relation.
A linkage is therefore a causal element. It delineates the connection or
relation, which might be a comparison, a juxtaposition, an interweaving, or
some other type of relationship. Linking, or the resulting linkage, is inter-
esting to specify as a key element of remix because it is through this tiny

but necessary detail of sensemaking that the outcome of analysis is made
relevant, meaningful, affective, or effective.
Linkages are nicely illustrated in internet memes, remixed movie trailers,
fan vidding, and political video remix. One of the most prominent political
video artists, Jon McIntosh, for example, generates strong cultural critique
through his remixes of advertisements, films, and news. Sometimes juxta-
posed or clashing, sometimes woven together seamlessly, McIntosh’s
critical pairings tend to transform the message of both elements being linked
(Horwatt 2010: n.p.). There is most obviously a direct transformation of the
media content of both original elements. One of his early works remixes an
ad campaign for an oil and gas company promoting their social consciousness
with news footage of the first war in Iraq. Through careful editing, McIntosh
presents a convincing narrative of where the rancher’s gasoline comes from
as the stereotypical Texan stands next to his powerful pickup truck at the
petrol station. We see oil running through pipelines and then blood streaming
out of bodies. This is an example of a deliberate linkage.
This linking or connecting feature characteristic of remix distinguishes
it from pastiche or bricolage, as these have been developed in relation to
interpretive inquiry. In bricolage, the focus is more on the reflexive, recursive
and consciously provocative processes involved in making or generating
pastiche or collage. Remix is focused on making connections that generate
innovative meanings. Because the comprehension of a remix is caught up
in knowing something about the originals, these links may only be apparent
to insider audiences who can therefore identify the new or revised meaning
because there is a new connection being illustrated. This is illustrated in the
remix Queer Carrie, a political video remix by Elisa Kreisinger that recombines
original Sex in the City video clips with selective voiceovers from Carrie, the
main character and narrator in the series. The resulting film trailer demon-
strates in less than three minutes that the entire series is about LGBTQ
issues and relationships. One would need to be armed with the knowledge
that on the contrary, Sex in the City valorizes heterosexual relationships
and marriage to recognize that this remix is making a strong critical point.
By cutting and recombining particular elements, a specific link is made that
would not exist otherwise, but which has meaning as an argument, in this
case, a cultural critique. In this way, linkages can sponsor comparisons we
wouldn’t otherwise notice.
Applied to ethnographic practice in the most basic way, the element of
linking simply rephrases and emphasizes the premise that when we see and
identify anything in the world, as a phenomenon, a situation, or any part of a
situation, we are making a connection between this and that. The symbolic
interaction between elements in a research context lend themselves to
considering what, how, and why we are making the connections we do.
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Over time, these deliberate linkages become taken for granted connec-
tions, which can be both enabling and constraining. Take for example
Goffman’s links between theatre and everyday social behaviour. When he
creates this particular linkage in his 1959 work The Presentation of Self
in Everyday Life, it is to help him explain his case study. This linkage is so
strong that decade after decade, once a scholar has read Goffman’s allegory
it is very difficult to find different words for the performance of identity, role
adoption, or the frontstage and backstage moments of the performance of
self. Although the internet in many ways defies this front and back stage
metaphor, we have yet to unlink identity from Goffman’s conceptualization.
His deliberate linkages have become natural connections.
Linkage is such a powerful and normalized form of sensemaking, it seems
redundant to mention it as a strong part of an anthropological research
practice. But remixers are able to use the power of linkage more freely than
scholars, for whom this remains an underlying assumption for how inquiry
works rather than a tool for analysis or a form of critical representation. To
determine how we might use linkage as a primary goal in analysis is only one
of many challenges remix offers for academic research.
As we consider various possibilities for becoming, through a futures-
oriented lens, the idea of linking becomes more active than passive, and of
course it has strong ethical components. There’s a great deal of power in
making these connections. Memes that persist over time cannot be undone.
The cat meme, for example, was the first and still considered the most robust
of all memes. In recent years, we can watch a linkage between the internet
and cats grow stronger or more fundamental. Whereas ten, or even five,
years ago, not many would associate the internet with cats, now it is much
more common to talk about how the internet is all about cats. While the
combinations vary, the fundamental notion becomes normalized into a way
of seeing the internet, or understanding its history.
Remix Processes
How do we know we’re doing remix? What distinguishes remix from other
processes of everyday practice? This framework focuses on five natural
activities of everyday research practice: play, borrow, interrogate, move and
generate. In the past few years, I have described these elements separately.
Here, I want to talk in a more fluid way about how I believe these five activ-
ities can be powerful tools in anthropologies of futures.
Remix is a way of linking past to future possibilities. It is a way of recon-
necting narratives of the past or present and shifting to a new narration/
creation, which is a new way of describing the connection. This is, or could

be, described as another narration of the past. This narration does not remain
in the past, however, because it anticipates further remix.
Because remix anticipates remix, new trajectories are indicated. This
suggestiveness is generative. Combined with an activist mindset or an ethic
of future care, it supplies a critical playground for further interrogation. As the
remixer tries out or plays with different combinations of samples drawn from
current or past contexts, generative possibilities emerge. As Latour notes,
Any given interaction seems to overflow with elements which are already
in the situation coming from some other time, some other place, and
generated by some other agency. This powerful intuition is as old as the
social sciences. As I have said earlier, action is always dislocated, articu-
lated, delegated, translated. Thus, if any observer is faithful to the direction
suggested by this overflow, she will be led away from any given interaction
to some other places, other times, and other agencies that appear to have
molded them into shape. (2005: 166)
Remix is a way of following the overflow, the leaky boundaries, the spill
of cause and effect that cannot be explained but noticed, interrogated and
addressed. Rather than trying to sort it out, remix encourages us to stay with
the trouble, in the way Haraway would recommend. This approach is neither
random nor uncurated, but is certainly provocative through a recognition of
multiplicity. Thus, it is interventionist.
As a provocation, remix carries ethical responsibility. It requires us, as
creators, to consider what possibilities we are curating or sponsoring.
Creating linkages and making associations will cause viewers/readers to
consider these also, to respond to them, to resist, regress, or carry forward.
The remix is therefore not just a description, illustration, or even an argument
about what Geertz’s faded manuscript might mean. It is an invitation and
provocation.
As an invitation, remix leaves our space of play and moves elsewhere.
It moves beyond us, taking a life of its own. But to exist as meaningful for
others, it borrows from its origin points, a design influenced by the remixer.
The cycle of playful encounter and continual remix demonstrates a distributed
agency, in the best sense of the term and process. Our research can be an
invitation to speak, providing a means for recombining new elements and
morphing our remix into other forms. In a very simplified sense, we might see
this as a process of conversation, whereby the product and content speaks,
the origins speak. The maker speaks. The process of experiencing this remix
in a situation where remix is indicated and desired is also allowed to speak.
Multiple agencies are opened up by this entire endeavour.

either anonymously shielding secret activities, or flamboyantly advertising
a future utopia, complete with the name of its sponsor.1 Thus the signs of
future construction activities are displayed in the present through various
visual means other than the actual activities of building (see Figure 5.1). Our
ability to interpret these signs depends on our familiarity with contextual
information about building regulations, planning permission, tax exemptions
or other institutional conditions. All is not always as it seems, however, since
the promise of completion may be elusive. For example, for years Spain was
rife with half-finished buildings where one floor was left unfinished, since tax
was only liable on completed buildings. Ireland was left with arrays of half-
built villas and ranches when the financial crisis led to an abrupt cessation in
the flow of capital for building projects. And as Baxstrom reports, residents
in some areas of Kuala Lumpur might find buildings suddenly demolished
or constructed without notice as they leave their houses in the morning, or
return at night (2013).
Such observations might suggest that futures have only a rhetorical
(including visual) role in planning practice. But planning practice refers to a
broad range of activities, from urban design to abstract policy development.
While one might imagine that a plan is a kind of ‘blueprint’, a detailed site-
specific design for something to be constructed, British plans are more like
policy papers including general principles and some general site-identification.
In this they are quite different from the development plans found in other
European countries. Norwegian plans, for example, often contain detailed
holistic mapped-guides to development, tying in provision of schools, medical
centres, sports grounds, shops and other facilities related to new housing
development. Swedish housing development plans include design principles
and rules on the number of metres between housing and children’s play
areas. British plans contain no design guidance, outside broad designations
such as conservation areas or areas of ‘outstanding natural beauty’.
These forward policy plans, while interesting documents in themselves,
are only a small part of the planning process. Rather like the dry minimal
minutes of long, crowded, contentious meeting, they reflect little of on-going
practices of revision, negotiation, political competition and public contest.
The many, differently conceptualized futures that are elaborated and debated
during the process of planning are often quite invisible in the plan document
itself, and the plan is later invoked rarely, perhaps only referred to as one factor
to be considered when applications to develop a particular site are debated in
council planning committees. Even so, the plan – either the document or the
idea of a plan existing – operates as a kind of promise that requires validation,
and promises, as Austin recognized, may live for a long while without being
fulfilled, as long as their fulfilment can be imagined (Abram and Weszkalnys
2013). Even a municipal housing plan promises something. Whether it is hope

room for discussions and explorations of alternate trajectories and critique
of future possibles. It also makes interventionist research more possible, by
deliberately unfocusing attention from lingering positivist criteria of quality for
social scientific research. More precisely, a remix method stance refocuses
attention on the way that research can destabilize reductionist accounts and
theorizing in complex sociotechnical contexts.
Notes
1 While I find these terms quite useful, and I have not in six years of

workshops and conference presentations found anyone to add or replace a
term, this is a generative tool to think with. Others might find more salient
or powerful words to disrupt and rethink their own practices or products of
research. It’s meant to be creatively remixed for future use.
2 See https://www.youtube.com/watch?2T5_0AGdFic (accessed 20 October

2016).
References
Burke, K., 1941. The Philosophy of Literary Form: Studies in Symbolic Interaction.
Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press.
Clair, R., 1996. Expressions of Ethnography: New Approaches in Qualitative
Practice. Albany, NY: SUNY Press.
Clifford, J. and G. Marcus, 1986. Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of
Ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Ferguson, K., 2015/10. ‘Everything is a remix’. Video. Remastered complete
version combining all three original parts. Available online: https://vimeo.
com/139094998 (accessed 1 June 2016).
Geertz, C., 1973. The Interpretation of Culture. New York: Basic Books.
Goffman, E., 1959. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Anchor
Books
Haraway, D., 2010. ‘When species meet: Staying with the trouble’. Environment
and Planning D: Society and Space 28: 53–5.
Horwatt, E., 2010. ‘A taxonomy of digital video remixing’. Scope, 17.
Available online: https://socialmediaecologies.wikispaces.com/file/view/
Video%2Bremix%2BEli%2BHorwatt.pdf (accessed 1 June 2016).
Irvine, M., 2015. ‘Remix and the Dialogic Engine of Culture: A Model for
Generative Combinatoriality’. In E. Navas, O. Gallagher and X. Burrough (eds),
The Routledge Companion to Remix Studie, 15–42. New York: Routledge.
Kreisinger, E., 2010. ‘Queer Carrie’. Video series online. Available online: http://
www.popculturepirate.com/videos/ (accessed 21 September 2016).
Latour, B., 2005. Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor Network
Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lessig, L., 2004. Free Culture. New York: Penguin Press.
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r
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Lessig, L., 2008. Remix: Making Art and Commerce Thrive in the Hybrid
Economy. London: Penguin Press.
Markham, A., 2005. ‘“Go Ugly Early”: Fragmented narrative and bricolage as
interpretive method’. Qualitative Inquiry 11 (1): 813–39.
Markham, A., 2013. ‘Remix Culture, Remix Methods: Reframing Qualitative
Inquiry for Social Media Contexts’. In N. Denzin and M. Giardina (eds), Global
Dimensions of Qualitative Inquiry, 63–81. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press.
Navas, E., 2012. Remix Theory: The Aesthetics of Sampling. New York: Springer
Press.
Oldenburg, R., 1989. The Great Good Place. Boston: Da Capo Press.
Pink, S., Y. Akama and contributors, 2015. Un/Certainty. eBook. Available online:
http://d-e-futures.com/ (accessed 6 June 2016).
Rambo-Ronai, C., 1995. ‘Multiple reflections of child sex abuse: An argument for
a layered account’. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 23 (4): 395–426.
Shifman, L., 2013. Memes in Digital Culture. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Stengers, I., 2015. In Catastrophic Times: Resisting the Coming Barbarism.
Luneberg: Meson Press.
Tillmann-Healy, L., 2003. ‘A Secret Life in a Culture of Thinness’. In C. Ellis,
C. and A. Bochner (eds), Composing Ethnography: Alternative Forms of
Qualitative Writing. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
Van Maanen, J., 1995. ‘Style as theory’. Organization Science 6 (1): 133–43.
242
Afterword: Flying toward the

future on the wings of wind
Paul Stoller
An elder’s words may appear to be jumbled in knots,

but in the end they gradually sort themselves out.
SONGHAY PROVERB
For many West African peoples, including the Songhay of Niger and Mali, time
is not uniquely linear. It is often reckoned in a circular manner. The elder’s talk
may steer off on a tangent. Even so, by slowly following the side roads where
one finds creative imagination, the elder eventually returns to the point of
departure. In this circular way, the elder’s talk can bring us powerful insight,
perceptive knowledge and profound wisdom, enabling us to chart a path to
the future.
Among the Dogon people of the Bandiagara Cliffs in northeastern Mali,
time is imagined cyclically. Every sixty years, the Dogon stage a seven-year-
long ritual called the sigui. During the first three years of the sigui, which
begins in the village of Yougou, the theme is death. How did death come into
the world and what are its ramifications? During the four succeeding years
the sigui’s theme is re-birth. In the shadow of death, how was the world
regenerated? These questions are symbolically answered during the sigui’s
seven-year sequence, during which the sigui ‘flies on the wings of wind’ from
east to west and from village to village. This journey restages the mythic trek
of Lebe, a giant snake that is the Dogon’s ancestor. Accordingly, every sixty
years in each of the villages along the ritual route, Dogon carve a mythically
sized Mother of Masks, the embodiment of Lebe. Kept in caverns above the
Dogon villages, the Mother of Masks is displayed once during the sigui and
then retired back to the cave never to be displayed again.
Every sixty years, this ‘slow’ seven-year ritual dramatically stages the
reinvention of the world, which means that the Dogon are always focused
on the future – on the next sigui, which begins in 2027. Flying on ‘the wings

of the wind’ the Dogon will once again recreate their world and repeat the
seven-year ritual sequence in 2087, in 2147 and in 2207 (see Griaule 1938;
Rouch 1978; Echard and Rouch 1988; Fulchignoni and Rouch 1989; Stoller
1992).
What can this slow pattern of circular talk and cyclical worldmaking teach
us about a future-oriented anthropology?
The papers in Anthropologies and Futures: Researching Emerging and

Uncertain Worlds are strong, imaginative, diverse and prescient. They offer
anthropologists and other social scientists concrete and innovative methods
to unlock the imagination to wonder, ponder, anticipate and speculate about
what might come to pass in the future. In the human sciences, as many of
the contributors to this volume suggest, our frozen gaze has more often than
not compelled us to look back on the past rather than to turn toward the
future. As the Songhay of Niger and Mali like to say: ‘If you walk forward while
looking back, you’ll eventually bump into a wall or fall off a cliff.’
In the introduction to the volume, Pink and Salazar write that the ‘…
contributors are determined to refigure anthropology; beyond its reliance on
and its tendency to close itself off in critical isolation. Such approaches
have paralyzed the discipline in a world where the insights of creative,
improvisational, speculative, and participatory techniques of a renewed

anthropological ethnography have the potential to make a significant contri-
bution in the making of alternative futures’ (page 3). They also call for a more
public anthropology in which future-oriented scholars become engaged
world-makers who use the description of difference – in all of its iterations –
to make a difference in the world.
In various and creative ways the wonderfully eclectic set of chapters in
Anthropologies and Futures meet these important disciplinary challenges.
Abram’s essay on imagining fantasy futures considers how a future-orientation
might felicitously affect urban planning. Several of the essays focus on how
to explore the interior life in which human beings experience wonder, fear,
love, hate and uncertainty. D’Onofrio writes about how creative practices –
animation and storytelling exercises – trigger what Antonin Artaud would call
‘cruel insights’. These insights enable Egyptian migrants in Italy, the subjects
of her research, to tune into the internal frequencies of their lives. These
discoveries give fuller shape to their identity, which, in turn, enables them to
chart future courses of action. In the same vein, Kazubowski-Houston demon-
strates how dramatic storytelling empowers her Polish subjects to explore
their interior lives and ponder alternative futures. For his part, Sjöberg’s
method of ‘ethno science fiction’ demonstrates how improvisation and play
can free the imagination of culturally-contoured disciplinary constraints.
A 245

fterword

Following the path of the late French filmmaker, Jean Rouch, Sjöberg’s essay
reminds us that to imagine the future we need to push hard against imposed
disciplinary boundaries, which, of course, involves personal and professional
risk.
The essays by Lanzeni and Ardèvol, Waltorp, Pink, Akama and Fergusson,
and Salazar are fundamentally about how new methodological concepts and
practices can generate future-oriented research in anthropology. Lanzeni and
Ardèvol describe how design processes are driven by a necessary anticipation
of complex futures in which technology-makers imagine what is to come
when they engage in technological worldmaking. They suggest that future
ethnographic research will reveal that there is no single master narrative
that explains the complexities of the human condition. Waltorp also focuses
on digital technologies. She demonstrates how the use of smart phones
and video cameras supports the widespread representation of uncertainty
and allows her research subjects, young Muslim women in Copenhagen, to
speculate about their future. Pink, Akama and Fergusson write about how
people can come to know about their present state and future potential
through a blended research practice that combines ethnography, documentary
video and design. They recommend that future research practices be collabo-
rative and reflect a felicitous multi-disciplinary diversity. Such a mixed
approach, they argue, can produce coherent stories that constitute a public
anthropology in which the future is conceptualized as alterity. Markham also
considers this kind of blended approach to research, calling it ‘remixing’. In
this method, the researcher utilizes montage, play, borrowing and sampling
to destabilize our tendency to reduce the complexities of contemporary social
life to a set of neat and clean explanatory principles. Remixing creates – at
least for me – the creative and imaginary space of what Crapanzano (2004),
following the twelfth-century Sufi wisdom of Ibn al-’Arabi, called the barzakh,
the bridge that links two different entities. Such a liminal space inspires our
creative imagination and compels us to think about the future. For his part,
Salazar extends the methodological and conceptual focus of Pink, Akama and
Fergusson. He argues for a reconfiguration of our thinking – about the future.
How can scholars use ‘speculative fabulation’ to create, to borrow from
Nelson Goodman (1978), ‘ways of worldmaking’? How can we use film and
fiction to make future worlds?
The future, of course, entails uncertainty. Using the results of long-term
research on the social and cultural realities of disability in the US, Ginsburg and
Rapp describe the erasure of disability in the ethnographic present and write
about the uncertain future that people with disabilities face each and every day.
They demonstrate how engaged public ethnographers, writers and filmmakers
can help to produce a future in which disability is no longer considered a
marginal element in the human condition. Irving uses a powerful narrative

about HIV/AIDS, Uganda and 9/11 to discuss how contingencies, which are
exponentially interconnected through digital technologies, can shape our social
destinies. Choosing to walk left or right at the fork in the path can produce
existential consequences that inexorably change a person’s life. It is no wonder
when we have to make a momentous decision many of us seek the advice
of a diviner. Such uncertainty also weaves its way through Knight’s essay on
contested narratives about climate change. The dismal projections of climate
scientists have compelled French environmental activists to advocate re-wilding
programs that reintroduce predators into the eco-system of the French
Pyrenees. Knight suggests that re-wilding environmental narratives stand in
stark contrast to those of the local farmers. These competing narratives are
ethnographic reminders that futures are uncertain, contingent and contested.
The chapters in Anthropologies and Futures underscore a set of themes that

direct us onto the uncertain path that leads to the future. In what remains of
this Afterword, I list these themes and comment on their importance.
1 The future is contingent. Contingency is usually quite stressful. It

is not easy to move forward into uncertainty. Given the complexities
of the future it is wise to adopt, as do all the contributors to the
volume, an epistemological flexibility – having the capacity to change,
to develop new ways of thinking and being in future worlds. Given
our disciplinary histories, such flexibility presents many institutional
challenges, which, through steadfast persistence, can be overcome.
2 The future requires humility. Much of our current take on the world

devolves from the ongoing notion that we can conquer nature, that
technology can solve our problems. It is much more insightful to
confront the future with a dose of humility not unlike the great painter
Paul Klee who approached the world with respect and humility. ‘In a
forest,’ he wrote, ‘I have felt many times over that it was not I who
looked at the forest. Some days I felt that the trees were looking at
me. I was there, listening … I think the painter must be penetrated
by the universe and not penetrate it … I expect to be inwardly
submerged, buried. Perhaps I paint to break out’ (see Charbonnier
1959, cited by Merleau-Ponty 1964: 31). Humility is perhaps a special
ingredient in the recipe for a future creativity.
3 The future requires risk. All the essays discuss the conceptual and

institutional risks associated with anthropological futures. If concepts
and methods push us onto institutional borderlands, we can expect
institutional push back. Change is always associated with risk, and
yet taking methodological, conceptual and representational risks is
C 67

ontemporary
obsessions
with
time

plans for major infrastructure, housing, gypsy sites, waste management, and
so forth.
This is all well and good in theory, but what does it mean in practice? In
a series of publications throughout the late 1990s and early 2000s, Jonathan
Murdoch and I outlined the workings of this system in practice, and in 1997, I
spent six months doing fieldwork on a local plan in Aylesbury Vale to examine
the process of local planning ‘on the ground’. We used a combination of
methods, including analysing the planning texts and reviewing all of the objec-
tions made to the proposed plans, taking guided tours of the districts with
different people, in-depth interviews with a cross-section of these objectors
(from citizens to landowners and statutory authorities) and with officials,
attendance at public examinations of the policies, council meetings, protest
actions, and participant observation in one designated development site over
six months. Taking the plan as the focus of the ethnographic enquiry, rather
than a particular location, our research was more non-sited rather than multi-
sited (Abram 2001a), although we also pursued a kind of nested geographical
focusing. So while our research activities took us all over the southeast of
England, we focused in first on the county of Buckinghamshire (north west
of London), within that the district of Aylesbury Vale, and within that, the
settlement of Haddenham. By ‘following the plan’ and its various policies,
we were able to use principles from ANT to trace the links and relations
between actors and actants, and to use ethnographic methods to dig below
the policies and institutions and understand how each element was inter-
preted by the actors involved. Since planning disputes are often about the
broader implications of policy and the significance for different participants of
the plans proposed (including elements of landscape-nationalism), each party
often adopts stereotyping language about their opponents. To get beyond the
performative conflictual language of ‘nimbyism’ or ‘selfish capitalists’, and
the manipulative PR strategies of the professional participants, we needed to
understand the human actors are rounded social beings. In-depth extensive
ethnographic methods were the means to achieve these aims.
It was swiftly clear that little of the planning perspective from the district
council planning office was shared by local residents, while house builders
approached the planning system through game-playing with the ultimate
and over-riding concern of maximizing profit and ‘shareholder value’. Much
of the debate around the plan concerned housing numbers (see Abram
2001b). In the large village where I did most of my participant-observation,
many residents recognized that houses in the village were far too expensive
for young or lower-earning people, but that additional housing numbers
identified in the plan would not ensure that smaller, cheaper housing would
be constructed. The village’s history is documented back to Saxon times; it
was a key location in the English civil war, and one of the first English villages

We have much to learn from Songhay elders whose slow stories circle about
the main point until they return to the beginning, inspiring us to know the
place, to paraphrase T. S. Eliot, for the first time. We have much to learn from
the Dogon who reconfigure their world every sixty years. During the sigui
ceremonies they ‘fly on the wings of the wind’ to meet their future destiny.
If we listen and are patient, we, too, can learn how to ‘fly on the wings of
the wind.’
References
Charbonnier, Georges, 1959. Le monologue due peintre. Paris: Julliard.
Crapanzano, Vincent, 2004. Imaginative Horizons: An Essay in Literary-
Philosophical Anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Dewey, John, 1934. Art as Experience. New York: Putnam.
Echard, Nicole and Jean Rouch, 1988. ‘Entretien avec Jean Rouch. A voix nu.
Entretien d’hier à aujourd’hui’. Ten-hour discussion broadcast on France
Culture, July.
Fulchignoni, Enrico and Jean Rouch, 1989. ‘Conversation between Jean Rouch
and Professor Enrico Fulchignoni’. Visual Anthropology 2: 265–301.
Goodman, Nelson, 1978. Ways of Worldmaking. Indianapolis: Hackett.
Griaule, Marcel, 1938. Masques dogons. Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie.
Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, 1964. L’Oeil et l’esprit. Paris: Gallimard.
Rouch, Jean, 1978. ‘Le renard fou et le maître pâle’. In Systèmes de Signes:
Textes réunis en hommage à Germaine Dieterlen, 3–24. Paris: Hermann.
Stoller, Paul, 1992. The Cinematic Griot: The Ethnography of Jean Rouch.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Stoller, Paul, 2008. The Power of the Between: An Anthropological Odyssey.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Stoller, Paul, 2014. Yaya’s Story: The Quest for Well Being in the World. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press.
Index
The letter f after an entry indicates a page that includes a figure
9/11 40 King George Island 157–60, 159f

attacks 23f, 24, 27, 36–8 158f
Kyagaba, Sandra 23f, 25–7, 26f, Nightfall on Gaia (film) 151, 152–3,
34–5, 36–7, 38 162–7, 164f, 165f
as political space 156
Abram, Simone 12, 17, 67 resources of 156
absence 215 speculation and 153–4, 163, 166–7
acoustics 137–8 Anthropocene, the 83–4, 94, 97–8,
action 152
connections and 25, 38–9 anthropology 74–5, 185
design and 126 anticipatory anthropology 7
planning and 67–8 design anthropology 14, 135, 145
technology and 126 future and 6–8, 18
ADA 52 Ingold, Tim and 14
Adam, Barbara 10, 90, 167 public anthropology 247
affective interiorities 210 refiguring 3–5
ageing 47–8 temporality 6–8
agency 210, 217–20, 221 Anthropology at the Edge of the
Agrigento, Sicily 200, 201f Future: Forward Play Lab 1
Ahmed, S. 126 anthropology of potentiality 144
Akama, Yoko 17, 145, 245 ‘Anthropology of the future’
alam al-mithâl 103, 112–13 conference 85
alterity 133–4, 145, 147–8 anticipation 13, 155, 161
Alzheimer’s Art Program 54 anticipatory anthropology 7
Alzheimer’s disease 47–8, 52–4 antiretroviral medications 35–6, 37
Amal 102, 103, 104–9, 110–12, 113–14 Appadurai, Arjun 9, 15–16
American Haunting, An (film) 234 Future as Cultural Fact, The 49–50
Americans with Disabilities Act 45 Aquiles (Chilean Navy Ship) 159
Anderson, Ben 11, 155, 156 Arctic, the 155
animation 192–3, 196–7f, 198f, 199f, Ardèvol, Elisenda 17, 245
202–6, 203f, 204f Aristotle 24
Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) 157 Law of Contiguity 24
Antarctica 151–7, 166–8 Artaud, Antonin 244
diffractive readings 162–3 Artigas 159
ethnographic research and Åsberg, Cecilia 161–2, 163
159–60 ASD (Autism Spectrum Disorder) 47,
future scenarios for 156–7 48, 52, 54–6
250 I x

nde
Association of Social Anthropologists, Bottom, Stephen 183
‘Anthropology of the future’ ‘Towards Hydro-Citizenship’ 183
conference 85 bricolage 236
ATI (Autism Theatre Initiative) 54–5 Briggs, Jean 80 n.1
ATS (Antarctic Treaty System) 157 Bunn, Stephanie 135, 144
Attwood, Tony: Been There, Done Burke, Kenneth 226, 229
That, Try This! An Aspie’s Guide Burry, Jane 137
to Life on Earth 55
Austin, J. L. 64 Call Me Back (film) 172–3f, 179, 181,
Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) 47, 183, 185–6
48, 52, 54–6 Carr, David 198
Autism Theatre Initiative (ATI) 54–5 cartoon crisis 101
Autistic Self Advocacy Network Castro, Fidel 41 n.1
(ASAN) 55 Chast, Ros; Can’t We Talk About
Loud Hands: Autistic People, Something More Pleasant? 53
Speaking 55–6 child sex abuse 234
avalanche of numbers 49 Chittick, William 109, 112
Avatar (film) 146 Christianity 78
Away From Her (film) 53 Chronique d’un été (film) 175–6
Aylesbury Vale 67–71, 68f, 70f, 72f, Clair, Robin 234
73–4 climate change 83, 98, 185 see also
environment, the
Barr, Marleen 161 flooding and 172, 183–4, 185
barzakh 216, 245 King George Island and 157
Bascorn, Julia 56 climate change anxiety 185
Loud Hands: Autistic People, climate change studies 13
Speaking, 55–6 Cogni, Francesca 193, 202, 205
Bass, Emily 34–5, 37–8, 39–40 cohabitation 88, 90, 91, 92, 96, 97
Bateson, Gregory 108–9 Collins, S. G. 8, 144
bâtons 88 Cominac 87, 89f
Battaglia, Debbora 13 connections 16–17, 24–5, 38–9, 236–7
Bauwens, Michel 120 consequences 78–9
Baxstrom, R. 64 conservation 86, 87–9, 95–7
bears 84, 86, 88–9, 90, 92 écolos 87, 89, 90–1, 96
Bell, Wendell 10 ecomodernism 94
Bellingshausen Station 159f extinction 83, 89–90, 92–3f
bergers 88, 91 rewilding 89, 90, 91, 92–4
Bern Convention 1984 90 wilderness 89, 90, 92
Bessire, L. 15 contingency 16–17, 38–9, 246
between, the 247 connections and 25
biodiversity 88–90 Coole, Diana 221
Bita 105 Copenhagen 101–2
Boal, Augusto 177, 178, 217, 220 Corbin, Henry 112
Boissevain, Jeremy 85 cosmos 13
Boler, M. and M. Ratto; DIY counter-public cultural production 52
Citizenship 120 Couserans, the 86–8, 92
Bond, D. 15 craft work 135
border crossings 194–5, 198 Crapanzano, V. 180, 181, 182–3, 195,
Bosco, John 37 245

and churches (Anglican, Methodist, Unitarian); as well as various commercial
organizations, including the national headquarters of a charity founded in
the village, manufacturing and other business. Even so, during the 1990s,
the village had lost its local bank branches, most of its shops and several
pubs, although quite a few remained. Many villagers I interviewed, however,
described their ‘discovery’ of the village through the approach to the church
and village green, and seeing the vision of the idyllic English village, ‘knew’
that they would move here and perpetuate that ideal.
In contrast, the future-vision of the planners, shared at least partly by
members of the planning committees at regional and to some extent local
level centred on the question of where to house future generations. These
imagined future generations were not imagined as kin or offspring of current
actual residents, but as a general demographic proportion of the national
FIGURE 5.3 The village seen in planning documents (Aylesbury Vale District

Local Plan Proposals Map 2004)
252 I x

nde
ethno 174 Fein, Deborah A. 48
ethno science fiction 171–2, 173–5, feminism 162–3, 164
179–83, 185, 186, 244–5 Ferguson, James 16
ethnofiction 175–6, 177, 192 Ferguson, K. 231
ethnography 5, 11, 134–5 ‘Everything is a Remix’ 231
Antarctica and 159–60 Fergusson, Annie 17, 245
design and 136, 143 see also Fab FERUS 88
Pod Futures fiction 174, 179–83, 205, 216, 217
digital technology and 117–18 fieldwork research 183
dwelt-in ethnographic approach 84 film 154–5, 162, 166, 186 see also
ethno science fiction and 173–5, video
183, 186 animation 192–3, 196–7f, 198f,
film and 154–5, 173–5, 186 199f, 202–6, 203f, 204f
Geertz, C. and 232 documentary film 154–5, 162, 191,
generative 18, 153, 165 192, 205–6 see also video
imagination and 180, 211–12 ethno science fiction and 173–6,
interdisciplinary teams and 134 179, 181–2, 186
knowing and 135–6, 138–9, 142–3, ethnofiction 176–8
147–8 hybrid forms 204, 205
multi-sited 134–5 improvisation and 178, 191–2
not knowing and 16, 136, 144–7 migrants and 192, 195–7f, 198f,
organization studies and 139 199f, 202–5, 203f, 204f
performance and 212 play and 179
remix and 225–9 science fiction 177–8
short-term 135 Finch, David: Journal of Best
speculation and 136, 153–4, 161–3, Practices: A Memoir of
165, 166–7 Marriage, Asperger Syndrome,
terminology 227–30 and One Man’s Quest to Be a
video and 134, 139–40f, 141f, 142 Better Husband, The 55
etnofictions 175 flooding 172, 183–4, 185
European Association of Social Focus on Women conference 27, 34–5
Anthropologists (EASA) 1, 4 Forum Theatre 177, 191, 220
European Commission 79 n.1 forward planning 73
existentialism 77 Forward Play research project 171–2
extinction 83, 89–90 Foucault, Michel 49, 62
extra-terrestrial 166 fragmented narrative 234
intelligence 6 France 84, 91 see also Pyrenees, the
extreme environments 151, 152, Cominac 87, 89f
153–4, 165 Massat 88
communities and 158–9 Freedman, C. 180–1
molecular mode and 161 freedom of speech 101
Freire, Paulo: Pedagogy of the
Fab Pod Futures 136–8f, 137f, Oppressed 177
139–44, 140f, 143f, 145–7 future, the 6–8, 74–5, 76, 78–9, 127–8
Fabian, Johannes 7 connections and 25, 38
family 200–1, 203–4f, 213–14 disability and 45, 50
Fandema group 191 hope and 77
fantasy 180 imagination and 77
farming see pastoralism memory and 40
I x 253

nde

structuring 38–9 Haraway, Donna 154, 161, 162, 238
themes 246–7 ‘Cyborg Manifesto’ 163
future anthropologies manifesto 1–2, Harding, Susan and Daniel Rosenberg
4, 225, 229 75, 77
Future Anthropologies Network 1, 3, 4 Histories of the Future 8, 12
Future of Disability in America, The Harkins, Arthur and Magoroh
(FoD) 43–4 Maruyama: Cultures Beyond
futures 4–5, 18 the Earth 6
Mead, Margaret and 85 Harries-Jones, Peter 85
Futures Anthropology 5, 18 Hartley, L. P. 123
role of 13–14 Heidegger, Martin 84
temporality 6 hindsight 39, 153
history 74–5, 198
Ganda, Oumarou 176 HIV 25–7, 31–8, 41 n.1
Gatt, C. 144 Hodges, Matthew 8
Geertz, C. 175, 232, 238 Holbraad, M. 15
Gell, Alfred 123 Holocene, the 83
Anthropology of Time, The 9 housing shortage 71–2 see also
generative ethnography 18, 153, 165 planning
genre 180 Hudson-Wright, James 172–3f, 179,
geoengineering 97–8 181–2, 183–4, 185–6
geography 10–12 Huizinga, J. 178–9
geology 83 Hume, David 24, 40
Gherardi, Silvia 139 humility 246
Ginsburg, Faye 17, 245 Hunt, Victoria 163, 164f
global connections 16–17, 24–5, 38 Hurd, Michael 48
Goffman, Erving 237 hybridization 233–5
Performance of Self in Everyday
Life 236 Ibn al ‘Arabî, Muhyî al-Dîn Muhammad
government 62–3 see also ibn ‘Alî 109, 245
nation–states images in suspense 112
Grandin, Temple 55 imaginal realm 103, 109–10, 112–13
Thinking in Pictures 55 imagination 180, 181–3, 186, 192
Great Britain see UK migrants and 190–1, 194–5, 197, 205
Great Wall 159 storytelling and 210, 211–12
Grierson, John 163 imaginative space 23–4
Griffiths, Tom 159 immigration 102, 109 see also
Grotowski, Jerzy 217 migrants; migration
Groves, Christopher 10, 167 improvisation 175–6, 177, 178, 191–2
Guyer, Jane 7–8, 77–8, 79 inequalities 36 see also disability
immigration and 194
Hacking, Ian 49 life spans and 47–8
Haddenham 67–71, 73–4, 68f, 70f, Ingold, Tim 4, 14, 84, 128, 144, 145
72f innovation 118–19
Haddon, Mark: Curious Incident of Instagram 110, 114
the Dog in the Night-Time, The Institute of Medicine: Future of
54–5 Disability in America, The (FoD)
Hamilton, Clive 95 43–4
Hannerz, Ulf 8, 84 interdependence 195
254 I x

nde
interdisciplinary studies 10–12, 17–18 Lanzeni, Débora 17, 245
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Latour, Bruno 231, 238
Change 98 Lave, J. 139
internet memes 236, 237 Lawler, Steph 39
Internet of Things (IOT) 120–1 Le Guin, Ursula K. 161
intersubjectivity 221 Lessig, L. 231
interviews 212–13, 215–16 Levi-Strauss, Claude 40
Inuit, the 80 n.6 life histories 27–31, 34–5, 39
IOT (Internet of Things) 120–1 Life Journeys Method 27–8
Ireland 64 Liggett, D. 156
Irvine, Martin 232 liminal spaces 216
Irving, Andrew 16–17, 178, 245–6 literacies 227, 229–30, 239
Islam 101–2, 105, 106–8, 109, 112 lived time 124
Isra 102, 104–5, 107–9, 110–12 local plans 66–7, 73
Loizos, Peter 178, 192
Jackson, Michael 194, 195, 199, 200 London Open Data Hackathon 124–6
James, William 25, 38 longue durée 85, 91, 94, 96
Jenkins, Alan 184 looping 49
Jordan 104, 105 Loud Hands Project, The 56
Josephides, L. 77 Lowenthal, David 123
Julio Escudero Station 158f, 159 Lury, Celia 162
Jyllands Posten 101 Lutaaya, Philly 34
Kafer, Alison 43–4, 45, 47, 50 McIntosh, Jon 236

Kazubowski-Houston, Magdalena 18, macro-scenarios 84
244 McRuer, Rob 51
Keats, John 247 magic realism 211, 214
Keynes, John Maynard 78 Maher, P. T. 156
kidnapping 102, 104–9 Mahmood, Saba 106
Kierkegaard, Søren 39 manifesto 1–2
King George Island 157–60, 159f, 158f Markham, Annette 18, 245
King Sejong 159 Marks, Laura U. 112
Kingsley, Emily 44 Maruyama, Magoroh and Arthur
Klee, Paul 246 Harkins: Cultures Beyond the
Knight, Tony 17, 246 Earth 6
knowing 135–6, 138–9, 142–3, 147–8 Mary Poppins (film) 233–4
see also not knowing Masco, Joseph 76
Kreisinger, Elisa: Queer Carrie 236 Massat 88
Kuala Lumpur 64 Massey, Doreen 123
Kyagaba, Sandra 23f, 25–8, 26f, 29f, Mead, Margaret
31f, 32f, 33f futures and 85
‘Existence is Curved’ 28–31 ‘Note on Contributions of
HIV and 25–6, 27, 28, 31–8 Anthropology to the Science of
life journey 28–31, 34–5, 39–40 the Future, A’ 6
Mead, George Herbert 9
Lamers, M. 156 Meet Me at MoMA 54
Lampedusa, Italy 202 Meirelles, Savana ‘Bibi’ 176–7
land–use planning 61–2 see also memes 236, 237
planning memesis 230–1
I x 255

nde

memory 39, 40, 203–4 Nielsen, M. 8
Michaels, Mike 153 Nightfall on Gaia (film) 18, 151, 152–3,
Migrant Bill 102 162–7, 164f, 165f
migrants 189f–91, 194–5, 205–6, 244 Nile Hotel, Kampala 28, 29f
see also immigration Norway 64, 77
Ali 195–9 not knowing 16, 136, 144–7 see also
Mahmud 201–5 knowing
Mohamed 200–1 nuclear waste storage 76
migration 210–11, 212, 219 Nuttall, Mark 13
Miles, Adrian 144
Miller, P. 66 Oldenburg, Ray 239
Milton, Kay 85 Olson, Valerie 13
Mini Maker Faire 121–2 ontological landscapes 96–7
Mittelman, Mary 54 ontology 15, 95–7
Mittermaier, Amira 109 organization studies 139
Miyazaki, Hirokazu 103–4, 113 Otto, Ton 145, 147–8
Method of Hope, The 103 outer space 13
MOB 120
Mobile Industry 119, 121–2 past, the 123, 198, 237–8 see also
Moi un Noir (film) 176 history
molar, the 160 pastoralism 86–7, 88–90, 91–7
molecular, the 160–1 patience 102, 103, 106–8, 111, 114
Moore, Julianne 53 Pedersen, M. A. 15
Moreno, Jacob 175–6, 177, 178 Peer-to-Peer economy 120–1
Morin, Edgar 175–6 Pels, Peter 8
mortality 37 performance 212 see also theatre
Moulds, Donald 48 personhood 214–15
multi-sited ethnography 134–5 Petit a Petit (film) 175
Munn, Nancy 7, 123, 124 philosophy 112
Munro, Alice: Bear Came Over the photography 139, 191–2
Mountain, The 53 migrants and 197–8f
Murdoch, Jonathan 67 piety movement 106
Museveni, Yoweri 41 n.1 Pink, Sarah 17, 244, 245
Muslims 101–2, 114, 245 Piotrowska, A. 204
myths 40 Running for Freedom 204
planning 61–6, 75–6, 79
narrative bridges 24 see also Life demographics 66–7
Journeys Method forward planning 73
narratives 198, 234, 237–8 Haddenham/Aylesbury Vale
nation-states 76 example 67–71, 73–4, 68f, 70f,
National Guidance and Empowerment 72f
Network of People Living with history and 73–4
HIV/AIDS 34 hoardings 63–4, 65f
Navas, E. 231 housing shortage 71–2
negative capability 246 Ireland 64
neoliberalism 95 local plans 66–7, 73
Nevada 76 Norway 64
‘new old age, the’ (blog) 53 perspectives 67–74
Nicolini, Davide 139 planning permission 63–4, 65f
256 I x

nde
public announcements and 63–4, Rapport, N. 178
65f Ratto, M. and M. Boler: DIY
social and environmental issues Citizenship 120
69, 71, 76 Reade, E. 62
Spain 64 reality 38, 40–1
Strategic Housing Market religion
Assessments 66 Christianity 78
Sweden 64 Islam 101–2, 105, 106–8, 109, 112
UK 62, 64, 77 sabr 106–8
planning permission 63–4 remix 225–31, 239–40, 245
Platt, Spencer 27 framework 227, 230, 237
play 178–9 remix elements
Poland 210–11 remix methods 225–2
Polar Regions 155 see also Antarctica hybridization 233–5
Poo, Ai-Jen 52–3 linkage 235–7
Age of Dignity: Preparing for the sampling 232–3, 234
Elder Boom in a Changing research 183, 185, 245
America, The 52 Antarctica and 159–60
Porto Nogaro, Italy 196–7f, 198f remix and 225–9
possibilities 194–5 remix and 239–40
postcolonialism 8 shared encounters 139
potentiality 144 teamwork 134, 139
Povinelli, Elizabeth 15 techniques 4–5
praxis 231 terminology 227–30
predators 86–7, 88–90, 91, 92, 96 resources 156
bears 84, 86, 88–9, 90, 92 responsibilities 15–16
wolves 84, 86, 88, 90, 91, 92 rewilding 89, 90, 91, 92–4, 246
present, the 77–8, 123 see also Rewilding Europe 92–4
alterity Ricoeur, P. 198
Presidente Eduardo Frei 159 Rilke, Rainer Maria: Letters to a Young
projective improvisation 178, 192 Poet 85
promise 78–9 Riner, Reed 7
Protocol on Environmental Protection Rio Convention on Biological Diversity
to the Antarctic Treaty 155 1992 90
psychodrama 175–6, 177–8 risk 246–7
psychological realism 211 Roma people 210–11, 213, 216, 221
public anthropology 247 Rose, N. 66
Punishment Park (film) 177–8 Rosenberg, Daniel and Susan Harding
Pye, David 135 75, 77
Pyrenees, the 84, 86–90, 91, 92, Histories of the Future 8, 12
96–7 Rouch, Jean 175–6, 177, 178, 192,
245, 246
Qiu, Xiaojun 137 Routledge Companion to Remix
quality of time 124 Studies (Navas, Gallagher and
Queer Carrie (video remix) 236 Burrough) 231
Rule, Christopher 233–4
railways 125–6 Scary Mary Poppins 233–4
Rambo-Ronai, Carol 234 Running for Freedom (film) 204
Rapp, Rayna 17, 245 Ruranga, Rubaramira 32, 34
I x 257

nde

sabr 102, 103, 106–8, 111, 114 speculation 136, 153–4, 161–3, 165,
Salazar, Juan Francisco 18, 167f, 244, 166–7
245 speculative fabulation 154, 161, 165,
Nightfall on Gaia 18, 151, 152–3, 166, 245
162–7, 164f, 165f Starobinski, J. 182–3
sampling 231, 232–3, 234 statistics 49, 62
Saperstein, Jesse: Atypical: A Life in planning and 66
20 and 1/3 Chapters 55 Stengers, Isabelle 153, 161, 239
Scary Mary Poppins (YouTube film Still Alice (film) 53
trailer) 233–4 storytelling 199, 247–8
Schengen Treaty 2007 210 dramatic storytelling 209–10,
science 174, 185 211–12, 213–15, 216–21
science fiction 163, 177–8, 180–1, Strategic Housing Land Availability
186 see also ethno science Assessments 66
fiction Strategic Housing Market
selfies 106, 110, 112 Assessments 66
September 11 attacks see 9/11 Strathern, Marilyn 13, 16, 85
Sex in the City (TV programme) 236 Strati, Antonio 139
SF 161–2 Straubhaar, J. D. 186
SF-mode 162 subjectivity 215–17, 220 see also
Shakespeare, William 247 intersubjectivity
sharia (Islamic law) 105, 106 Suchman, Lucy 118
Shifman, Limor 230 Suhr, Christian 108
Shipley, West Yorkshire 172, 181, Suskind, Ron: Life Animated: A
183–4 Story of Sidekicks, Heroes and
short-term ethnography 135 Autism 55
sigui ritual 243–4 Suvins, Darko 180
Silicon Valley 118 Sweden 64
Sjöberg, Johannes 18, 244–5
smart technology 119, 122 see also Taussig, M. T. 144
digital technology tech evangelists 119
design 122, 124–7 techniques 4–5
DIY 120–3 technology 76 see also digital
smartphones 101, 103 technology
smartphones 101, 103 action and 126
Smith, Rachel Charlotte 145, 147–8 design 118–19, 124–7, 245
Snapchat MyStory 110–12, 114 DIY 120–3
social drama 194 space and 123
social media 103, 104, 106, 110–12, tech evangelists 119
113–14 temporal proximity 174, 185, 186
social movements 62 see also temporality 6–8, 75 see also time
welfare state Aristotle and 24
sociology 10–12, 234 Guyer, Jane and 77–8
Songhay people 243, 244, 248 temporary movement 124
space 13, 123, 161, 166 see also Textor, Robert 7, 84
science fiction The Stars Village 157
space-time relationship 123–4 Theater Development Fund 54
Spain 64 theatre 177, 183, 191, 237 see also
spect-actors 220 performance
258 I x

nde
Theatre of the Oppressed 177, 191 Van Maanen, John 235
themes 246–7 Verne, Jules 186
theory 8–10, 12, 235 Viber 104
Thiele, Kathrin 161–2 video 134, 139–40f, 141f, 142 see
thinking 24 also film
Tillman-Healy, Lisa 234 Vike, H. 77
time 8–10, 123–4, 198, 243–4 see Villa Las Estrellas 157, 159
also temporality Viveiros de Castro, E. 15
lived time 124
quality of 124 Wakeford, Nina 162
space-time relationship 123–4 Wallman, Sandra 77, 78
temporary movement 124 Contemporary Futures 9, 75
time-future related studies 123 Waltorp, Karen 16, 245
Tin, T. 156 War Game, The (film) 177
Toffler, Alvin 6 Ward, Paul 205
Future Shock 6 Wark, Mackenzie
‘Towards Hydro–Citizenship’ research Molecular Red 160
project 183 Warner, Michael 52
Town and Country Planning Warren, Samantha 139
Association 62 Watkins, Peter 177–8
Transfiction (film) 176–7 Punishment Park 177–8
transgenderism 176–7 War Game, The 177
truth 38 Watts, L. 119
Tsing, Anna L. 13, 152 Weber, Max 90
Tuin, Iris van der 161–2 Weick, Karl 235
Turner, V. 179, 194 welfare state 77
Wenger, E. 139
Uganda 37, 39, 41 n.1 West Africa 243–4
uncertainty 135–6, 239, 245 Western Modernism 79
Unforgettables, The (chorus) 54 Weszkalnys, Gisa 12
Unit of Play 161 WhatsApp 106
UK Whitehead, Alfred N. 161
England 67–70, 74 wilderness 89, 90, 92, 151, 157
newspapers 63 Williams, Donna 55
planning and 62, 64, 77 Nobody Nowhere 55
US 36–7, 75 Winthereik, Ross 113
disability in see disability wolves 84, 86, 88, 90, 91, 92
life spans in 47–8 workmanship 135
nuclear waste storage 76 World Mobile Congress 121
Universal Declaration of Human World Trade Centre, New York 23f, 24,
Rights 194 27, 36–7
Yellowstone National Park 90 Writing Culture (Clifford and Marcus)
urban planning 12–13 see also planning 234
Vaihinger, Hans; Philosophy of ‘As If’, Yanow, Dvora 139

The 181 Yellowstone National Park 90
Valentine, David 6, 8, 13 Y2K bug 79 n.3

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Anthropologies and

EDITED BY JUAN FRANCISCO

50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway

First published 2017

© Individual Chapters: Their Authors, 2017

No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

ISBN: HB: 978-1-4742-6488-4

Cover design: Adriana Brioso

Typeset by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NN

List of Figures vii

50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway

First published 2017

© Individual Chapters: Their Authors, 2017

No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

ISBN: HB: 978-1-4742-6488-4

Cover design: Adriana Brioso

Typeset by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NN

Figure 3.1: 11 September 2001 23

Simone Abram is Reader at the Anthropology department at Durham

Yoko Akama is an award-winning design researcher in the School of Media

Elisenda Ardèvol is Associate Professor in Social Anthropology and Cultural

Alexandra D’Onofrio is in her final stage of her practice-based PhD in AMP

Faye Ginsburg is David B. Kriser Professor of Anthropology at NYU where she

Andrew Irving is Director of the Granada Centre for Visual Anthropology at

Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston is an anthropologist, performance theorist,

Tony Knight is as an environmental anthropologist completing his PhD

Débora Lanzeni is a junior researcher at the Universitat Oberta de Catalunya

Annette Markham is Professor of Information Studies at Aarhus University in

Sarah Pink is Distinguished Professor and Director of the Digital Ethnography

Rayna Rapp is Professor of Anthropology at New York University. Her areas

Juan Francisco Salazar is Associate Professor in Media Arts at Western

Johannes Sjöberg is a lecturer in Screen Studies at The University of

Paul Stoller is Professor of Anthropology at West Chester University and has

Karen Waltorp is an anthropologist and filmmaker. She is the director of

Future anthropologies manifesto

1 We are critical ethnographers engaged with confronting and

2 We are stubbornly transdisciplinary and transnational: we collaborate,

3 We de-centre the human, embracing larger ecologies and

5 Anthropology of the future is accretive. It builds on traditions, reflects

6 We are bold enough to engage with complexity and stay with

7 We understand and are understood. We foster a politics of

8 We get our hands dirty. We are ethical, political and interventionist,

9 We may be epistemologically filthy, improvisational and undisciplined.

10 Anthropology of the future supports current and future members to

A nthropologies and Futures calls for a renewed, open and future-focused

Turning theory out of time

Has futures anthropology at last arrived

Techniques for an engaged futures

FIGURE 3.1 11 September 2001 (Photo by Andrew Irving) (Photo by Spencer

diagnosed at nineteen years old. The photograph shows Sandra holding a

FIGURE 3.7 The Testing Clinic. Photo by

Sandra: 11 September 2001

CD4, blood and radical contingency