Ss01 Chapters Chapter1-Redding
Ss01 Chapters Chapter1-Redding
Ss01 Chapters Chapter1-Redding
Sam Redding
Introduction
“Community” is a term that is much used and little dened. Because
of this rhetorical abuse, the concept of community is sometimes given
short shrift by educational scholars. But, in addition to its classical roots
in Aristotelian discourse, the idea of community is central to the 150-year
intellectual history of sociology and has enjoyed a surge of popular and
scholarly attention in the past decade. In connection with schools, the
concept of community has been bolstered by a merger with research and
thought on the family’s role in children’s learning (curriculum of the
home). Contemporary writing on “school community” tends to blend
the sociologist’s advocacy of community as an antidote to the managerial
tendencies of mass society with the psychologist’s proposition that school
learning is impacted by factors outside the school, especially those residing
in the family and peer group. Thus, a school community is typically
portrayed as: a) inclusive of families of students and some elements of
the community beyond the school doors, and b) operating on the basis
of shared values, trust, expectations, and obligations rather than tasks,
rules, and hierarchies.
Tracing the intellectual history of community, we nd that value-based,
This article updated from articles originally published in the School Community Journal, Vol. 2,
No. 2, Fall/Winter 1992, and in Vol. 8, No. 2, Fall/Winter 1998
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intimate associations of one kind or another, larger than a kinship group but
sufciently small to allow for personal contact among members, has been
idealized as a counterbalance to: a) excessive individualism, b) the family’s
limiting strictures on the individual, and c) the remote, impersonal, and
inexorable forces of mass society. Problems identied with schooling
in America today certainly fall into these same three categories of
concern. Children and youth are often described as selsh and uncaring,
disadvantaged by family circumstance, and/or alienated and inuenced by
mass culture. Perhaps then, school community, even if idealized, contains
seeds of remedy for problems with school-age children.
Clifford W. Cobb, dening community, wrote:
Historical Overview
Counterbalance to Industrialism
Edmund Burke, the British statesman, writing from the fount of the
industrial revolution in the 18th century, offered that, “To be attached to
the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, is the rst
principle (the germ as it were) of public affections. It is the rst link in the
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(Riesman, 1961, p.4). Social character is, in large part, the imprint of culture
on the individual. Riesman’s critique of social character traces three
epochs of Western history, insisting that while each era was distinct in its
prevailing social organization, the inuences of all three are present in
contemporary American society.
In a tradition-directed social order, the prevailing mode of social
organization in Western history prior to the Renaissance, the individual
conformed to the patterns of life associated with his clan or caste; behavior
was prescribed by rigid expectations of etiquette; and the individual was
valued because he “belonged.” “The tradition-directed person,” explains
Riesman, “. . . hardly thinks of himself as an individual. Still less does it
occur to him that he might shape his own destiny in terms of personal,
lifelong goals or that the destiny of his children might be separate from that
of the family group” (Riesman, 1961, p. 17). The community consists largely
of family and kin, and the web of values is tight and strong. Shame is the
punishment for violating the community’s behavioral expectations.
Beginning with the Renaissance and extending into the twentieth century,
population growth slowed in advanced cultures, opportunities expanded,
rationalism and science replaced superstition and myth, and people became
increasingly mobile—likely to move in circles beyond their immediate clan.
Tradition remains strong, but is splintered and differentiated; the division
of labor increases; society becomes more stratied; voluntary associations
serve as communities. Behavior could not be controlled by rules of etiquette
because social situations became increasingly complex, so children were
raised to possess inner resources that would guide them beyond the
inuence of the immediate community. In these inner-directed societies,
“the source of direction for the individual is ‘inner’ in the sense that it is
implanted early in life by the elders and directed toward generalized but
nonetheless inescapably destined goals” (Riesman, 1961, p. 15). The internal
gyroscope of ingrained values guides the individual through the course
of life, and the individual is dependent upon parent-like authorities for
setting the gyroscope in motion and keeping it spinning. The consequence
of straying from the “inner pilot” is to feel guilt.
Riesman saw the inner-directed social character reaching its zenith in
the nineteenth century, just as the rst glimpses of other-direction began
to appear. Tocqueville saw other-directedness in the friendly, shallow,
unrooted “new man” in America. The central characteristic of this new
man was a demand for approval by others. Beginning rst in the urban
upper-classes, other-directedness has moved nally into the broad reaches
of modern society. Education, leisure, a service economy, smaller families,
stable population, and more permissive parenting are emblematic of the
other-directed social order. The peer group becomes more important to the
child, the family less. Contemporaries are the source of direction. Children
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are increasingly inuenced by friends and the mass media. Behavior is not
patterned by rules and practice (etiquette) or by inner controls, but by close
attention to (and sensitivity to) the actions and wishes of others. Modern
man has an insatiable need for approval. “The family is no longer a closely
knit unit to which [the child] early becomes attentive. In these respects
the other-directed person resembles the tradition-directed person: both
live in a group milieu and lack the inner-directed person’s capacity to go
it alone” (Riesman, 1961, p. 25).
Let us agree with Riesman that the three categories of social character—
tradition-directed, inner-directed, and outer-directed—exist in varying
degrees within each individual and are singularly more prominent among
members of various cultures, sub-cultures and communities today. That
being the case, it is not surprising that contemporary social critics see
evidence of excessive individualism (selshness), familial and cultural
disadvantage, and valueless, rudderless youth.
Communitarianism
In the 1980s, James S. Coleman and his colleagues wrote a series of books
and articles based on an extensive study of public and private schools.
Coleman demonstrated that Catholic schools were more effective than
public schools with children of all socioeconomic backgrounds. The Catholic
schools spent less money per student but achieved higher test scores
and lower drop-out rates. The fact that Catholic schools obtained these
impressive results even in inner-city neighborhoods where students were
typically non-Catholic and from low socioeconomic, black and Hispanic
backgrounds showed that the Catholic school success was due neither to
the religious nor the socioeconomic background of its students. Instead,
the success was due to conditions of the schools. Catholic schools nurtured
a cohesive sense of community that included adults as well as children.
“All these results emphasize the importance of the embeddedness of young
persons in the enclaves of adults most proximate to them, rst and most
prominently the family and second, a surrounding community of adults”
(Coleman & Hoffer, 1987, p. 229).
In a 1982 study of 54 inner-city private schools (mostly Catholic), James
Cibulka, Timothy O’Brien and Donald Zewe attributed success of poor
children (academic and behavioral) to the “sense of community that existed
among faculty, students and parents” (p. 13). They found that successful
schools placed great emphasis on parent-teacher communication, sought
and valued parents’ opinions, and supported parental priorities relative to
children’s intellectual and moral development.
Robert Bellah, a professor of sociology at Berkeley, assembled a research
team and commenced to interview Americans of every stripe before
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Social Capital
James S. Coleman deserves credit for expanding upon our understanding
of social capital through his research and writing, making it a topic of
genuine scholarly inquiry. Looking for the determining ingredients of
an economically healthy society, economists isolated physical capital
and human capital—tools and training—as the engines of economic
vitality. Coleman and others added social capital—the network of norms,
obligations, expectations, and trust that forms among people who associate
with one another and share common values. Applying the concept to
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that were more remote and less demanding of time, Putnam suggested
several causes: 1) the movement of women into the labor force, 2) mobility,
3) fewer marriages, more divorces, fewer children, 4) the replacement
of locally-owned and operated business by multinational corporations,
and 5) the privatization and individualization of entertainment through
technological changes (television replaced the movie theatre which replaced
vaudeville). His most convincing argument may have been his linkage
of new modes of entertainment, which increasingly allow for solitary
experience at the expense of social engagement.
In their report, Becoming an Adult in a Changing Society (1987), James
S. Coleman and Torsten Husén described three phases of family-school
relationships that correspond with three levels of economic development. In
Phase I, the family lives at a subsistence level, relying on children for work.
Phase I families limit the growth of the child, and the school’s role is to free
the child from his family and expand the possibilities for his development.
In Phase II, the industrial economy, the goals of the family and the school
converge, with both institutions seeking the improvement of the child’s
ultimate economic situation. In Phase III, post-industrial afuence, parents
view childrearing as an impediment to the pursuits of their adult lives and
invest little time and energy in the development of their children. They
expect the school to fill the void. This “hiring of professionals” to
provide programmatic and therapeutic surrogates for the nurturing and
educative practices of extended families and close communities is a further
explanation of how social capital can decline, even among the educated
and afuent classes.
Amitai Etzioni (1993) explained how the formation of social capital
within families, traditionally the greatest engine for its formation, is in
jeopardy because of the reduced amount of time many children spend with
parents. Etzioni explained:
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the most basic primary group. Mack’s critique varied from that of Putnam
and others in that it found fault with a cloying insistence on articial and
externally-imposed allegiance to the group. Mack’s perspective harkened
back to Riesman, showing alarm at the educationist’s disregard for inner-
directedness. This approach varied from the Coleman-Putnam emphasis
on social capital, but it did not contradict it. Coleman wrote of the benets
of social capital as an asset to the individual within the context of rational
choice theory. Putnam stressed the voluntary selection of associations
rather than the contrived imposition of social bonds as the threshold to the
accumulation of social capital.
Mack challenged education’s mimicry of corporate models, as had
Sergiovanni, but Mack was more concerned with the imposition of other-
directedness than with the remoteness of an organizational mentality.
Mack wrote:
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shows that both home conditions that are conducive to learning and
the relationship of the home to the school have deteriorated in recent
decades, but school/home partnership programs can bring about dramatic
improvements,” Walberg stated (1984, p. 400). Walberg claimed not only
that the home environment strongly affects a child’s learning; he proclaimed
that schools could influence the home environment by establishing
partnerships with families.
A quarter-century of research has convinced most educators that
inuences of the home weigh heavily on a child’s achievement in school.
Dissection of family life has produced various laundry lists of characteristics
of an optimal home environment. Schools and other organizations are
teaching parents to put into practice the components of family life that
we call the “curriculum of the home.” This curriculum does not consist of
subject matter but of patterns of habit formation and attitude development
that prepare a child for academic learning and sustain the child through the
years of schooling. The curriculum of the home “predicts academic learning
twice as well as the socioeconomic status of families. This curriculum
includes informed parent/child conversations about everyday events,
encouragement and discussion of leisure reading, monitoring and joint
analysis of televiewing, deferral of immediate gratications to accomplish
long-term goals, expressions of affection and interest in children’s academic
and personal growth . . . .” (Walberg, 1984, p. 400).
Joyce L. Epstein (1987) reiterated the idea that schools should take the
initiative in procuring parent participation in the child’s schooling. Epstein
masterfully summarized the research connecting parent involvement to
effective education. She then set down specic actions that administrators,
particularly principals, could take to enhance parent participation.
“Administrators can help teachers successfully involve parents by
coordinating, managing, supporting, funding, and recognizing parent
involvement” (Epstein, 1987, p. 133).
Programs to “involve” parents proliferated during the 1980s, seeking to
improve student learning by bolstering the curriculum of the home, and
engaging parents in the educational development of their children. James
Comer, Dorothy Rich, and Joyce Epstein were among the education leaders
who provided practical transitions from research to implementation. A
meta-analysis by Wang, Haertel, and Walberg (1993) found home and
community influences among the strongest contributors to academic
attainment. Especially powerful were the inuences of the family—the
daily patterns of family life that encouraged learning and schoolwork.
Various studies amplied this message by asserting its validity in particular
settings and for specific school populations. Yap and Enoki (1995),
for example, studied the effects of parental involvement efforts on the
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Common Experience
When we think back to childhood, recalling experiences that best dene
our family, we most likely conjure up images of dinner-table conversation;
the nudging, squirming, laughing, and bickering in a vacation-bound car;
Sunday mornings linked together in a church pew; dark hours huddled
around a sick-bed; holiday routines; or Friday nights with popcorn and
television and dim lights in a warm room. We think of the ritualistic
experiences that drew all members of the family together. We think of
our common experiences.
Every group of people denes itself in much the same way, through
junctures in time and place that are overlaid with special purpose. Groups
are dened by what they hold in common and are strengthened by shared
memories.
In the one-room, country schoolhouse, the entire educational experience
was “common.” One teacher taught one curriculum, and students
progressed through the curriculum by virtue of mastering its content.
Older children tutored younger children in the work they had themselves
previously mastered. Everyone paused for lunch at the same time and
sledded together at recess on the slope outside the back door. As rooms
were added to the school, children were divided by age and moved by
lock-step progression through the grade levels. The common experience
of the school was replaced by the common experience of the classroom.
Unlike the one-room school, the class was segregated by age and sometimes
by gender or ability.
To the extent that the teachers of various grade levels remained in touch
with one another, the curriculum remained “common,” even if students
were now divided. When enrollments grew and each grade level required
more than one teacher, another level of disconnection resulted. The third-
grade teacher now needed to be in communication with the second- and
fourth-grade teachers as well as other third-grade teachers. Then some
teachers began to specialize in subject areas, so that one teacher now
taught science and another taught reading. Further separation. As schools
recognized that some children were falling behind the lock-step, they
created multi-track systems that lowered standards for slow children. The
slowest children were often “pulled out” of the regular classroom for work
with a remedial teacher. When schools noticed that brighter students sat
bored much of the time, these students were “pulled out” for enrichment
courses that often had little to do with a child’s progression through the basic
curriculum. So, instead of moving the bright third-grader into fourth-grade
mathematics, the gifted program taught the child to make papier-maché
dinosaurs or solve brain-teasers, adding yet another dimension to the
curriculum. Rather than charting individual paths through a common
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School-Level Decision-Making
Common experience for a school presupposes school-level decision-
making. Two complementary traditions in American education run
contrary to school-level decision-making: a political bureaucracy that
emanates from the state and projects downward through the school district
to the school, and the insular autonomy of each classroom cell within
the school. These traditions are complementary because by robbing
teachers of a strong voice in the operation of the school, the centralized
bureaucracy encourages teachers to hang on to the sole province of their
authority—the classroom.
Teachers are not the only ones deprived of school-level power in the
centralized system; parents are given little formal function in school-level
decision-making and thus demonstrate the behavior of a disenfranchised
constituency. They are either completely detached from the school
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the very few experiences that students in a school hold in common. All
students, regardless of age, grade level, gender, or academic performance, rise
to sing the same ght song, call the same colors their own, and cheer for the
same team. Can we say the same for any element of the academic program?
Probably not. It would be healthy to infuse the academic program with the
enthusiasm that ritual and tradition generate in the athletic sphere. Certain
experiences rooted in the educational values of a school community could
be common to all students in a school.
Raster Elementary School in Chicago has attempted to wed tradition to
the school community’s educational value of reading. The school holds
an annual “reading pep rally” with cheerleaders ring up the assembled
student body with chants attesting to the virtues of reading. Students
perform skits from their favorite books. The rally launches a school-wide
reading frenzy with awards presented to students for reading certain
numbers of books. The halls are decorated with book reports and drawings
of themes from books.
At Kingston School in Kingston, Illinois, every student in the school
learns the principles of debate. The students then attend an assembly at
which members of the Northern Illinois University debate team engage in
an intramural contest, explaining the techniques of debating. Finally, the
students enter into debates with one another, leading to winning debaters.
But the process does not stop there. The winning debaters take on parents
before an all-school assembly. The topics of the debate with parents are
typical areas of family disagreement, such as bedtime hours. In this debate,
the students argue the side that parents would usually take and parents
argue the side that students would typically argue. The fervor generated
over this school-wide exercise in communication and critical thinking is
similar to that found at homecoming football games.
At Peirce Elementary School in Chicago, every student in the school
is expected to complete homework, to arrive for school on time, and
to attend school regularly. When students meet these high standards,
they are awarded Peirce Bucks—play money exchangeable for goodies
at the school store. Harris Bank supports the common experience with
plenty of goodies.
All students at Northwest Elementary School in LaSalle, Illinois, receive
and use assignment notebooks to record their daily assignments. Students
at each grade level read a common set of books that are incorporated into the
lessons of every teacher. These are traditional, school-wide, value-based
common experiences.
Every school has a name, and every school name provides opportunities
for common educational experiences. One would expect that the students
at Lincoln School would be experts on the life of Abraham Lincoln and that
Lincoln themes would run through their every activity. Davis Elementary
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School in Chicago was named for the founder of the American Medical
Association, and Davis’s school community council has selected “a healthy
mind and body” as one of its goals for every student. The school ties this
goal to the special identity of its namesake, promoting school-wide activities
on health and the medical profession.
Riverton Middle School in Riverton, Illinois, organizes all of its students
and teachers and parent volunteers into a community clean-up corps on
Responsibility Day. Students comb the town for debris, lling garbage
bags and scrubbing the town clean. Townspeople watch in appreciation as
young people share this common experience while learning the meaning
of environmental responsibility.
At Alcott Elementary School in Chicago, students decorate the hall with
their own versions of what Michael Jordan might say about decency. They
practice courteous behavior, demonstrating their respect for each other in
a week-long celebration of good manners and thoughtfulness. A rousing
assembly caps the week.
At Chicago’s Darwin Elementary School, one day each year is given
to guest readers. Celebrities, parents, and community members come to
school to read their favorite books to students. The entire school participates
in this traditional celebration of reading.
Every school team can be identied by its colors, its nickname, and
its mascot. Every school also holds the seeds of exciting traditions and
rituals related to its educational values. A little imagination is all that
is required.
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