Ancient Warfare

Ancient Warfare:

Introducing Current Research,

Volume I

Edited by

Geoff Lee, Helene Whittaker

and Graham Wrightson
Ancient Warfare: Introducing Current Research, Volume I

Edited by Geoff Lee, Helene Whittaker and Graham Wrightson

This book first published 2015

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2015 by Geoff Lee, Helene Whittaker, Graham Wrightson

and contributors

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without
the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-4438-7694-1

ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-7694-0
 CONTENTS

Preface ...................................................................................................... viii

Introduction ................................................................................................ ix

Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1

Symbolic Aspects of Warfare in Minoan Crete
Professor Helène Whittaker

Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 14

Death of a Swordsman, Death of a Sword: The Killing of Swords
in the Early Iron Age Aegean (ca. 1050 to ca.690 B.C.E)
Dr. Matthew Lloyd

Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 32

Filling the Gaps: Catapults and Philon of Byzantium
Dr. Aimee Schofield

Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 43

Aeneas Tacticus and Small Units in Greek Warfare
Dr. Nick Barley

Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 65

To Use or not to Use: The Practical and Historical Reliability
of Asclepiodotus’s ‘Philosophical’ Tactical Manual
Dr. Graham Wrightson

Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 94

Furious Wrath: Alexander's Siege of Thebes and Perdiccas’ False Retreat
Dr. Borja Antela-Bernárdez

Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 107

Civil War and Counterinsurgency in Greece: Rival Systems of Hegemony
during the Fourth Century BC
Konstantinos Lentakis
vi Contents

Chapter Eight ........................................................................................... 124

The Problem of the Four Hundred Wagons: The Provisioning of the Ten
Thousand on the March to Cunaxa
Dr. Stephen O’Connor

Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 147

War as Training, War as Spectacle: The Hippika Gymnasia
from Xenophon to Arrian
Dr. Anna Busetto

Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 172

Trouble Comes in Threes: From Chariot to Cavalry in the ‘Celtic’ World
Alberto Pérez-Rubio

Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 191

The Late Bronze–Early Iron Age Transition: Changes in Warriors
and Warfare and the Earliest Recorded Naval Battles
Dr. Jeffrey P. Emanuel

Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 210

Thucydides’ Narrative on Naval Warfare: Epibatai, Military Theory,
Ideology
Dr. Matteo Zaccarini

Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 229

Commemorating War Dead and Inventing Battle Heroes: Heroic
Paradigms and Discursive Strategies in Ancient Athens and Phocis
Dr. Elena Franchi and Dr. Giorgia Proietti

Chapter Fourteen ..................................................................................... 252

Ajax, Cassandra and Athena: Retaliatory Warfare and Gender Violence
at the Sack of Troy
Dr. Susan Deacy and Dr. Fiona McHardy

Chapter Fifteen ........................................................................................ 273

Treating Hemorrhage in Greek and Roman Militaries
Dr. Julie Laskaris

Chapter Sixteen ....................................................................................... 291

Are You (Ro)man Enough? Non-Roman Virtus in the Roman Army
Dr. Adam Anders
 Ancient Warfare: Introducing Current Research, Volume I vii

Chapter Seventeen ................................................................................... 309

To the Victor the Spoils? Post-Battle Looting in the Roman World
Joanne Ball

Chapter Eighteen ..................................................................................... 331

The Role of the Peace-Makers (Caduceatores) in Roman Attitudes
to War and Peace
Dr. Hannah Cornwell

Contributors ............................................................................................. 349

Indices ..................................................................................................... 353

Index of Places
Index of Units
Index of Armaments
General Index
 PREFACE

The chapters in this volume are based on some of the research papers
presented at the International Ancient Warfare Conference 2013
(IAWC13). The conference theme was deliberately inclusive and
academics from any discipline were invited to present papers on any
aspect of ancient warfare. Presenters ranged from postgraduates to more
experienced academics. The apparent eclecticism of the volume is due to
this rationale, and far from seeing this as a lack of coherence, this is a
vindication of the conference and editorial strategy.

As lead editor, I have been very fortunate in having the support of two
experienced academics as co-editors: Professor Helène Whittaker and Dr.
Graham Wrightson. Each chapter benefitted from the feedback of a blind
peer review from at least one of three reviewers: Dr. Jason Crowley, Dr.
Erin Garvin, and Dr. James Thorne. In addition, the entire volume was
blind peer reviewed by an external reviewer. The manuscript was
proofread by Theodora Wrightson.

Financial support for the conference and this volume was gratefully
received from the Institute of Classical Studies. Professors Bjorn Weiler
and Robert Ireland, of Aberystwyth University, and Professor Mike
Edwards of the University of Wales: Trinity Saint David offered guidance,
and Sian Davies, the Classics Faculty administrator, handled the finances
for the conference and this volume. Florence Melley, Ben Lee, and Jade
Evans helped as conference assistants. The staff at the National Library of
Wales in Aberystwyth gave personal support to me as conference organiser
and to all of the conference delegates. The feedback from delegates on the
conference and the facilities was very positive. Wales can be very proud of
such a fantastic resource in terms of both the infrastructure of the National
Library, and its people.

Diolch yn fawr- Thank you very much.

Geoff Lee
Aberystwyth University.
 INTRODUCTION

This volume on ancient warfare presents eighteen chapters dealing

with a variety of areas of current research. Ranging from archaeology and
social history to more traditional tactics and strategy, it represents a range
of different aspects of military history. Most of these chapters developed
from papers which were presented at a conference on “Ancient Warfare,”
held at the National Library of Wales in Aberystwyth, Wales, from the 18th
to the 20th of September, 2013, organized by Geoff Lee.

The chapters in this volume can be viewed in thematic sections. The

first two chapters (by Professor Helène Whittaker, and Dr. Matthew
Lloyd), deal primarily with archaeological evidence from the Greek
Bronze and Iron Ages. The next three chapters (by Dr. Aimee Schofield,
Dr. Nick Barley, and Dr. Graham Wrightson) are concerned with using
tactical manuals to inform history, and the first and last also make use of
experimental archaeology. This is a comparatively under-researched area
of ancient military history but one that is becoming particularly prominent,
especially with the use of experimental archaeology. The next three
chapters (by Dr. Borja Antela-Bernárdez, Konstantinos Lentakis, and Dr.
Stephen O’Connor) deal with more traditional areas of research into
military history, in this case Greek warfare, namely tactics, strategy and
logistics. These chapters show that despite generations of study in these
areas there are still new ideas and interpretations that are important to
consider. Following this are two chapters (by Dr. Anna Busetto, and
Alberto Pérez-Rubio) that deal with the use of cavalry in warfare. This is
another traditional avenue of military scholarship, but in these two cases
dealing with aspects that could be considered the edge of traditional
analysis, namely literary topoi and Celtic armies. Continuing the variation
of traditional themes are two chapters (by Dr. Jeffrey P. Emanuel, and Dr.
Matteo Zaccarini) on naval warfare but again each deals with new aspects
of the field: very early depictions in the Mediterranean and using modern
military terminology to interpret ancient Greek warfare. Next are four
chapters (by Dr. Elena Franchi and Dr. Giorgia Proietti, Dr. Susan Deacy
and Dr. Fiona McHardy, Dr. Julie Laskaris, and Dr Adam Anders), dealing
with more social or cultural aspects of warfare: commemorating the war
dead, the treatment of women, army medicine, and courage. All these
x Introduction

aspects of military history are crucial and yet until recently under-
researched. Finally, there are two chapters (by Joanne Ball and Dr. Hannah
Cornwell) that deal with what happens after battle or war. This is very
much a new area of research blurring the lines between traditional
definitions of historical areas such as military, social, and political history.
These papers serve as a suitable closing point for a volume that seeks to
break down any perceived barriers between different aspects of warfare.

CHAPTER SUMMARIES
Chapter 1: Symbolic Aspects of Warfare in Minoan Crete, by Professor
Helène Whittaker, provides an overview of the various symbolic or ritual
contexts in which objects and representations pertaining to warfare have
been found and argues that the practice of warfare as well as its
ideological aspects were closely intertwined with religious meaning in the
Aegean during the Bronze Age. The focus is primarily on Crete in the
second half of the second millennium BC.

Chapter 2: Death of a Swordsman, Death of a Sword: the Killing of

Swords in the Early Iron Age Aegean (ca. 1050 to ca. 690 BCE), by Dr.
Matthew Lloyd, looks at the chronological and geographical context of
“killed” weapons, their relationships to the types of burial in which they
appear, and the other grave goods which accompany these burials. It
suggests that the swords “killed” in the period ca. 950-825 are the result of
societal conditions relating to the value of iron, the exclusivity of warfare,
and conscious acts of destruction in burials at this time. On the other hand,
the later burials in Eretria relate to changing factors in the deposition of
weapons, new ideas about exclusivity and value, and reflecting the way in
which warfare changed in the late eighth century. It also suggests that
arguments so far have ignored important metallurgical observations about
“killed” swords, and what they reveal about sword use and ownership in
the EIA Aegean

Chapter 3: Filling the Gaps: Catapults and Philon of Byzantium, by Dr.

Aimee Schofield, investigates the historical and literary contexts of Philon
and his work. It explains how experimental reconstructed catapults can
give a different perspective on what would otherwise be considered
abstract and esoteric texts. The conclusion is that by applying a practical
element to research on military history, it is possible to gain a fresh and
new understanding of the military technology of the ancient world.
 Ancient Warfare: Introducing Current Research, Volume I xi

Chapter 4: Aeneas Tacticus and Small Units in Greek Warfare, by Dr.

Nick Barley, presents research into the role and influence of officers from
the lower ranks of command in Greek armies. Secondary levels of command
are rarely discussed in the sources but can be inferred from a number of
incidents which can best be explained by the ability of individuals to react
rapidly, and in an organized fashion, to changing events. These events
suggest that individuals other than generals were able, and indeed
expected, to exercise leadership and give commands during battle. This
chapter also considers the use of small, semi-independent units in pitched
battles and less conventional engagements, with particular emphasis on the
frequent use of units of 300 men to achieve specific objectives.

Chapter 5: To Use or not to Use: The Practical and Historical Reliability

of Asclepiodotus’s ‘Philosophical’ Tactical Manual, by Dr. Graham
Wrightson, argues that Asclepiodotus was a philosopher writing practical
works just as much as theoretical ones. The terminology that Asclepiodotus
uses to describe the command hierarchy largely is confirmed by
historically attested officer ranks and he occasionally describes other
names for officers that were used in the past. Supported by practical
archaeology, this chapter shows that the military information provided by
Asclepiodotus is both reliable and historical and should be integrated fully
into any history of the Macedonian army.

Chapter 6: Furious Wrath: Alexander's Siege of Thebes and Perdiccas’

False Retreat, by Dr. Borja Antela-Bernárdez, analyses the destruction of
Thebes by Alexander the Great. Although the sources suggest a siege it is
perhaps more of a campaign as the extant sources suggest that there was at
least one pitched battle and a siege. It is, in fact, during the siege of Thebes
and the related campaign that we can note some deceptive tactics used by
Alexander and Perdiccas in order to gain access to the besieged city. The
sack and destruction of Thebes is used as a case study to analyse the deep
impact of Alexander’s military leadership against the civil population. It is
where he used an iron fist to shock the Greek cities and other peoples in
the ancient world.

Chapter 7: Civil War and Counterinsurgency: Rival Hegemonic Systems

in Fourth Century Greece, by Konstantinos Lentakis, examines the four
hegemonic systems that were established in mainland Greece during the
fourth century BC by the powers of Athens, Macedon, Sparta, and Thebes.
The variables of hegemony that are assessed are the systems of
government and alliance that were imposed by the great powers, the
xii Introduction

varying use of force of each of them, and the causes that led each power to
intervene in smaller states’ domestic disputes. After examining these
systems this chapter will then proceed to evaluate which policies of empire
were successful in the Greek theatre of war, and which were less
successful and why. Conclusions on hegemony will be reviewed to see
how they can lead us to a better understanding of which policies and
strategies are useful for peacekeeping and maintaining stability and
providing security in the conflict zones of the 21st century.

Chapter 8: The Problem of the Four Hundred Wagons: The Provisioning

of the Ten Thousand on the March to Cunaxa, by Dr. Stephen O’Connor,
combines a detailed reading of the first book of Xenophon’s Anabasis with
a narratological analysis of the Anabasis as a whole to show that the Ten
Thousand provisioned themselves on their march to Cunaxa in the
settlements they passed along their route, i.e. by purchase from markets
provided by the cities through which they marched, and by requisitioning
in the villages where they stopped. Cyrus’s army did not, as often thought,
usually acquire their supplies from imperial stores or from the Lydian
agora located in the non-Greek part of the army. The four hundred wagons
full of wheat-flour and wine reported by Xenophon (at Anab. 1.10.18) to
have been provided by Cyrus did not, contra the scholarly consensus on
this issue, accompany the army during the whole of their march, but only
from Pylae, and then as a provisioning ‘safety net’ designed to increase the
tactical flexibility of Cyrus’s army in its manoeuvres before the imminent
battle with the King.

Chapter 9: War As Training, War As Spectacle: The Hippika Gymnasia

From Xenophon To Arrian, by Dr. Anna Busetto, investigates the loci
paralleli in the descriptions of hippika gymnasia in Xenophon’s
Hipparchicus and Arrian’s Tactica. The Xenophonian echoes appearing in
the Tactica show not only a generic literary influence by an admired
model, but also the vitality – across centuries and cultures – of specific
aspects of military training. In Arrian’s treatise, their re-enactment is
mediated by the Adlocutio Hadriani, an epigraphic record of a speech by
the Emperor Hadrian at Lambaesis, where he witnessed a spectacular
performance by the auxiliary troops stationed there. Certain precise lexical
correspondences suggest that the Tactica might be – in its “Roman part”
(chap. 32, 3-44, 3) at least – a sort of literary re-working of the earlier
Adlocutio.
 Ancient Warfare: Introducing Current Research, Volume I xiii

Chapter 10: Trouble Comes in Threes. From Chariot to Cavalry in the

‘Celtic’ World, by Alberto Pérez-Rubio, analyses how the ‘Celtic’ cavalry
practice known as trimarkisia gives us insight into the evolution from
chariotry to cavalry in Iron Age temperate Europe. A close look at the
etymology and symbolism of the word trimarkisia reveals both the
importance of the triad in the ‘Celtic’ mindset and the later development of
cavalry in regard to chariotry. Chariot warfare is then examined, taking
into account literary sources and iconography to show how three men
probably made up the chariot fighting team. Finally, a model which
explains the transition from the chariot to the trimarkisia is advanced,
tackling its tactical and symbolical dimensions in regard to knowledge
networks in the ‘Celtic’ world.

Chapter 11: The Late Bronze–Early Iron Age Transition: Changes in

Warriors and Warfare and the Earliest Recorded Naval Battles, by Dr.
Jeffrey P. Emanuel, argues that the transition from the Late Bronze to the
Early Iron Age in the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean worlds is marked
in part by a change in the representation and iconography of warriors and
warfare. This change includes the first depictions and written accounts of
true sea battles in recorded history, which are represented in Egyptian
relief and text, on Mycenaean and East Aegean-West Anatolian pictorial
pottery, and in Hittite documents, all of which date to the late 13th or 12th
centuries BCE. This is also the time when the Helladic oared galley, a
revolutionary new vessel type well-suited for raids, piracy, and ship-borne
combat, makes its first appearance. This chapter investigates the earliest
representations and descriptions of naval combat, with a special emphasis
on the appearance and employment of new maritime technology and its
effect on maritime operations and naval warfare. Also considered are the
changes in fighting that had to be made in order to adapt to this early form
of ship-based combat.

Chapter 12: Thucydides’ Narrative on Naval Warfare: Epibatai, Military

Theory, Ideology, by Dr. Matteo Zaccarini, proposes that our perception of
ancient Greek naval warfare is heavily biased by the classical Athenian
concept of naumachia. Following the Athenian adoption of the ‘fast’ style
of sea combat Thucydides scornfully disdained the ‘old way’ of fighting
over the sea, regarding the Peloponnesians, whose ships were often
overloaded with soldiers, as clumsy amateurs lacking techne. An analysis
of surviving sources leads to the questioning of this ‘Athenian myth’ of
fast triremes, and this chapter argues that embarked soldiers, epibatai,
often had an important role requiring skills and training. The peculiar
xiv Introduction

status of the epibatai occasionally puts them as being similar to hoplites,

however, this chapter argues that there are several major differences which
need to be understood to fully appreciate the role they played.

Chapter 13: Commemorating War Dead and Inventing Battle Heroes.

Heroic Paradigms and Discursive Strategies in Ancient Athens and
Phocis, by Dr. Elena Franchi and Dr. Giorgia Proietti, argues that
commemoration of the war dead must be considered in the light of the
fluidity and malleability which are intrinsic to the social practices of
memory. It uses two historical examples, each different in space and time.
One example focuses on the commemoration of the war dead in Classical
Athens, and disputes the common assumption that they were honoured
with a strictu sensu heroic cult and argues instead that they were the
recipients of a canonical cult of the dead, though extended in a civic
dimension. It does, however, recognize that they were at the core of a
complex web of discursive strategies, which, through time, actually
represented them as ‘founding heroes’. Using the second example, this
chapter advances a new interpretation of the base of a Phocian monument
dedicated at Delphi in the 4th or 3rd century BCE, and argues that this
monument shows both the Classical and Hellenistic-Roman attitude to
reshaping the collective memory of an archaic event and the permeability
between different means of commemoration.

Chapter 14: Ajax, Cassandra and Athena: Retaliatory Warfare and

Gender Violence at the Sack of Troy, by Dr. Susan Deacy and Dr. Fiona
McHardy, builds on recent work arguing for the centrality of violence
against women to ancient warfare. It uses Gaca’s model of retaliatory
warfare to frame a discussion of how, in representations of the sack of
Troy, the actions of the Greeks fit ancient patterns of violent behaviour and
may reflect evolutionary dispositions too. The authors argue that this is
even – perhaps especially – true of the actions of Locrian Ajax, whose
behaviour has previously been interpreted as flying in the face of
acceptable behaviour but whose ill-treatment of Cassandra displays
expected, even required, warrior behaviour towards enemy females. The
chapter comes out of the research that the authors are currently
undertaking for a book on ancient Greek gender violence in various
contexts including ‘domestic’, ‘street’, and ‘battlefield’.

Chapter 15: Treating Hemorrhage in Greek and Roman Militaries, by Dr.

Julie Laskaris, considers that military medicine is a largely neglected field
in the studies of ancient warfare and of ancient medicine. Christine
 Ancient Warfare: Introducing Current Research, Volume I xv

Salazar’s excellent work, The Treatment of War Wounds in Graeco-Roman

Antiquity (Brill 2000), is the sole recent book-length treatment. She does
not, however, devote much time to the aspect of trauma care that was, and
is still today, of the greatest initial concern: the ability to stop blood loss.
This chapter traces the methods for treating hemorrhage that were
available to the doctors who travelled with Greek and Roman militaries,
and argues that doctors’ skills were honed through their regular practice of
venesection and their frequent treatment of obstetric hemorrhage.

Chapter 16: Are You (Ro)man enough? Non-Roman Virtus in the Roman
Army, by Dr. Adam Anders, argues that scholarly discussions of the
function of Roman armies have often overlooked the significance of troops
commonly classified as light infantry and the possibility that ‘light’
infantry tactics may have been the most common form of combat in
Roman warfare. Investigation into ‘light’ methods of combat in Roman
warfare reveals that ‘light’ infantry, particularly the velites of the Roman
republic, were the most tactically versatile troops available to Roman
commanders. Their replacements, the auxiliaries, although varied in
equipment, organization and role from their predecessors, were no less
tactically versatile. It further argues that not only were these non-Roman
troops more frequently deployed than Roman legionaries, but also that
they displayed a noticeably greater zealousness (audacia and virtus) in
combat than their legionary counterparts. This, in turn, may have been a
cause of their aforementioned frequent deployment.

Chapter 17: To the Victor the Spoils? Post-Battle Looting in the Roman
World, by Joanne Ball, argues that looting in the Roman world did not
strip the battlefield of all significant archaeological evidence. Although
some archaeologists and historians consider that no archaeological
evidence was left, as battlefield archaeology develops as a discipline, it
becomes possible to test these preconceptions of field-stripping against the
archaeological record. It is evident that Roman battlefields can survive in
the archaeological record, and they have been identified in Germany and
Spain with assemblages numbering in the thousands for metal artefacts,
particularly small finds. This chapter suggests that current ideas of Roman
battlefield looting and its impact on the archaeological survival of these
sites need to be reassessed as Roman battlefield assemblages were often
not entirely looted, and may manifest with characteristic assemblages
which are distinctively non-martial in nature.
xvi Introduction

Chapter 18: The Role of the Peace-Makers (Caduceatores) in Roman

Attitudes to War and Peace, by Dr. Hannah Cornwell, examines the ways
in which the roles and possible relationships between the fetiales and
caduceatores can be used to understand some aspects of how the Romans
conceptualised the making and breaking of war and peace, and aims to
locate the caduceatores within a picture of Roman diplomatic practices
and war-mongering. The caduceatores, it will be argued, should not be
understood primarily as Roman officials, unlike the fetiales and legati, but
rather as a Roman conceptualisation of non-Roman diplomacy. Indeed, the
uses of the term caduceatores in Latin Literature present us with an insight
into how Romans conceptualised peace, as not something they themselves
sought, but rather imposed.

Geoff Lee, Graham Wrightson and Helène Whittaker

 CHAPTER ONE

SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF WARFARE

IN MINOAN CRETE

PROFESSOR HELÈNE WHITTAKER

Questions concerning the prevalence and role of warfare in European

societies during the Bronze Age have been at the focus of much recent
research.1 The widespread occurrence of fortifications, burials with
weapons, and weapon hoards would seem to indicate that this was a period
that was in many places characterised by organised forms of inter-personal
violence, and perhaps on a fairly large scale. That social organisation and
institutions may have been in some way defined by warfare is suggested
by a perceptible interest in representations of combat in imagery in various
parts of Europe and by the aesthetic elaboration of weapons and armour
that were probably used solely in military display, since they are
sometimes non-functional. The ideological aspects of warfare as they
relate to the social persona of the warrior have also been amply explored
with regard to Scandinavia, Britain, continental Europe, and the Aegean.2
Possible religious aspects have been given rather less attention.3 This is
particularly the case in research on the Aegean.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate connections between warfare

and religious beliefs and ritual on Crete during the second millennium BC,
during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages.4 My focus is on the evidence

1
See for example, Bradley 1990; Kristiansen 1998, 2002; Driessen 1999;
Harding 2000, 271-307; Otto et al. 2006; Whittaker 2008; Molloy 2010; 2012.
2
Treherne 1995; Peatfield 1999.
3
See for example, Whittaker 2008.
4
The Cretan Bronze Age, which commences some time before the beginning of
the third Millennium BC, is often referred to as the Minoan period. The beginning
of the second millennium BC coincides more or less with the beginning of the
Middle Bronze Age or Middle Minoan period. The beginning of the Late Minoan
2 Chapter One

from so-called nature sanctuaries. The first part of this paper consists of a
general presentation of these sanctuaries, their location, the finds, and the
rituals associated with them, with an emphasis on the ways in which they
reflect the symbolic importance of warfare. The cave sanctuary at Psychro
and the peak sanctuary on Mount Juktas are discussed in particular detail
because the material recovered from these sites indicates that they were
associated with the religious activities of the palatial elites. In the second
part, I attempt to provide an interpretation of the military aspects of
Minoan religion, both in general terms and in relation to the political
circumstances of the Neopalatial period. My argument is in part based on
parallels with the Near East and with later Greek religion.

Minoan civilisation has long been regarded as uniquely non-militaristic

in comparison with its neighbours. The absence of defensive walls around
palaces, other important buildings, and settlements gave the impression
that the Cretans lived in peace with little or no internal strife and had no
reason to fear enemy attacks from outside the island. This last may have
been either because Crete, not being rich in natural resources, was of little
interest to the great powers of the eastern Mediterranean or because the
palatial elites invested in sea power in order to keep potential attackers at
bay. This is an interpretation that was suggested by Thucydides’ review of
Greek history at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, in which he
claimed that the Cretans under their legendary king Minos ruled the seas.5
Also in contrast with Egypt and the Near East, Minoan representational art
is seemingly characterised by a lack of interest in depicting scenes of
combat.6 This view of Bronze Age Crete as a place of love and peace,
where people lived their lives in tune with nature, devoting their time and
energies to the performance of elaborate rituals, represents an idealisation
of an ancient civilisation which has great emotional appeal.

Unfortunately, it has the force of evidence against it. It is now

increasingly being recognised that the warlike aspects of Minoan

period is dated to around 1600 BC. The political and social landscape during most
of this time was characterised by the presence of monumental structures, usually
referred to as palaces, which were in all probability centres of political and
economic power. In an alternative chronology the period of the Middle and Late
Bronze Ages is divided into the Protopalatial, Neopalatial, and Postpalatial periods.
The transition between the Protopalatial and Neopalatial periods is dated to the
latter part of the Middle Bronze Age, around 1700 BC.
5
Thuc. 1.4.
6
Higgins 1981, 94-98; Immerwahr 1990.
 Symbolic Aspects of Warfare in Minoan Crete 3

civilisation have been seriously underrated, ignored, shoved under the

carpet, or explained away. Although scenes of interpersonal violence that
can be taken to reflect warfare are not common, they do occur. Depictions
of fully armed warriors can be seen on seals, as can images, the purpose of
which would seem to be to glorify martial violence.7 And not least, it is
noteworthy that the first appearance of the sword in the Aegean is on
Crete, where it may have been invented independently of its more or less
contemporaneous occurrence in central Europe.8 Because the sword is the
first weapon which was not in the first instance a tool or a hunting weapon
but was developed expressly for the wounding, maiming, and killing of
other human beings in close combat, its invention must reflect a real
interest in doing just that. The presence of guard posts in connection with
routes of communication is further evidence that conditions on Crete may
not always have been peaceful.9

Artefacts and imagery that pertain to warfare are not uncommonly

found in cultic contexts on Crete during the Bronze Age. They are
particularly well represented in so-called peak sanctuaries, cult places
located in the open air in a mountainous location, and in cave sanctuaries.
Both cave sanctuaries and peak sanctuaries usually lie at some distance
from the nearest settlements and are therefore often referred to collectively
as nature sanctuaries or extra-urban sanctuaries.10 That they received large
numbers of visitors is evident from the quantities of votive material
recovered from those that have been excavated. Many of the finds, such as
rudimentary animal figurines or human body parts made of terracotta,
indicate that they seem to have served the general population of farmers
and herders in the surrounding areas. Objects made of valuable material
and characterised by high quality of workmanship indicating elite
involvement, such as seals made of semi-precious stones and inscribed
stone offering tables, have been found in some sanctuaries. This mixture
of different types of objects of varying quality and elaboration suggests
that both cave sanctuaries and peak sanctuaries were the location for
communal rituals, which reflected the beliefs and values of all levels of the
population.11

7
See, for example, CMS II.3.32, II.6.15, II.8.276, II.3.16.
8
Harding 2000, 277.
9
Tzedakis et al. 1989.
10
Kyriakidis 2005, 19.
11
See Peatfield 1990, 2009; Watrous 1996; Jones 1996; Rutkowski & Nowicki
1996; Zeimbeki 2004; and Kyriakidis 2005 for the locations and characteristics of
sacred caves and peak sanctuaries. The importance of peak sanctuaries and cave
4 Chapter One

One of the most spectacular cave sanctuaries is the Psychro Cave,

which lies high in the mountains overlooking the Lasithi plateau in central
Crete.12 It was used for habitation in the Neolithic and the first part of the
Early Bronze Age and for burial in the Early Bronze Age. After a period of
abandonment, it became the location for cult activities from sometime in
the Middle Bronze Age to the Roman and Byzantine periods. The Psychro
cave, also known as the Dictaean Cave because it was thought to have
been identified in Antiquity with the mythological birthplace of Zeus on
Mount Dicte, is a very impressive cave with large upper and lower
chambers that go deep into the mountain.13 At the bottom of the cave, in
the lower chamber, there is a deep pool of water surrounded by
stalagmites, which also rise above its surface, while stalactites descend
from the ceiling. The votive material found in the cave was exceptionally
rich and has also a decidedly military character. It includes daggers and
spearheads, which are actual weapons, and numerous replicas of sword or
dagger blades and double axes, which had most probably been made
specifically for ritual deposition.14 The replicas of weapons are either
miniatures made of cast bronze or full-size blades made of thin bronze
foil. The majority of the replicas of blades and double axes were found
inserted into the stalagmites and stalactites of the lower chamber.

The peak sanctuary on Mount Juktas in north-central Crete seems to

have been one of the richest and most spectacular open air cult places on
Crete.15 In contrast with most other peak sanctuaries there are extensive
traces of architectural elaboration. The remains of an enclosure wall and a
multi-roomed building have been identified, in front of which two stepped
terraces had been constructed in order to provide the area with a level
surface. A number of valuable items, including a number of seal stones and
an engraved cup with a Linear A inscription, were found in this building. A
stepped altar, constructed on the edge of a deep chasm in the bedrock, was
identified to the west of the terraces. Large and small double axes and
daggers were found close to the altar.

sanctuaries as sites of religious ritual is generally recognised in Minoan

archaeology. However, many remain unexcavated and many of those that have
been investigated have not been published in any great detail.
12
Boardman 1961; Watrous 1996; Rutkowski & Nowicki 1996. The cave lies
200 metres above the plateau at an altitude of 1025 metres.
13
Watrous 1996, 18-19.
14
See Haysom 2010 on the double axe as a weapon.
15
Karetsou 1981.
 Symbolic Aspects of Warfare in Minoan Crete 5

Although the material from the Psychro Cave and the peak sanctuary
on Mount Juktas can be considered exceptional from an archaeological
perspective, other nature sanctuaries were also characterised by rich finds
pertaining to warfare.16 One of the most spectacular weapon finds from
this period is a deposit found at Arkalochori in central Crete. It included
swords, replicas as well as actual weapons, and double axes, functional
ones as well as replicas made of thin bronze or gold foil.17 The
Archalochori deposit, which was found under a rock shelter, is not a
primary context. The material had in all likelihood, for some unknown
reason, been removed from a cave sanctuary or a peak sanctuary.

In Aegean archaeology religion and warfare are usually discussed from

the standpoint that they are two very different things, even if it has been
noted that military and religious symbolism would seem in some cases to
be interchangeable.18 Although finds of weapons and artefacts with martial
imagery in cultic contexts have sometimes been interpreted as evidence for
deities associated with warfare or with the production of weapons, most
often they have been interpreted as valuable offerings that were intended
to show off the power, wealth, social status, and personal prestige of the
dedicants, possibly identifying them as warriors.19 This is in line with a
tendency in Aegean archaeology to see votives as representations of the
concerns of the dedicants rather than as expressions of religious beliefs or
cosmological realities. The swords and other weapons that were left as
votive offerings in sanctuaries in Minoan Crete represent a deliberate
choice on the part of the dedicants, which must be meaningful in some
way. Rather than interpreting them solely in terms of social expression, I
would argue that they reflect a world view in which the practice of warfare
was enmeshed with religious beliefs.

The existence of an inseparable association between warfare and

religious beliefs is attested at other times and places in the ancient
Mediterranean world. Warfare lay at the heart of ancient Greek cosmology.
As related by Hesiod in the Theogony, it is through warfare that the world
of the gods moves forward from one generation to the next and Zeus
achieves supremacy, a supremacy which he must always be prepared to
defend with violence. Strife among humans was believed to reflect the

16
See Jones 1999; Kyriakidis 2005, 128-168 for and overview of comparable
material from other nature sanctuaries.
17
Marinatos 1935; Rutkowski & Nowicki 1996, 24-26.
18
Molloy 2012, 115.
19
Kilian-Dirlmeier 1993, 13; Molloy 2012, 115.
6 Chapter One

struggles of the gods and beliefs of this kind were materialised in the
popularity of scenes of the gods at war in Greek imagery in religious
contexts and of weapons, pieces of armour, and representations of warriors
as votive offerings in sanctuaries.20 The story of the siege and destruction
of Troy illustrates, as do several other myths, how warfare was also
believed to regulate the relationship between humans and gods. When the
Trojan prince Paris flouts the laws of hospitality by running away with or
abducting the wife of his host, the Greek king Menelaus, this was not just
a breach of good manners, but also an offence against Zeus, and as such, a
violation of the bond between humans and gods. Moreover, the Trojans
have form and Paris’ behaviour is just the latest in a long line of
transgressions against divine law. As a consequence, warfare was inflicted
upon them as the means through which the gods could restore cosmic
order. The suffering and dying of the Greeks, who no more than the
Trojans want the war, can be said to represent collateral damage in this
regard. Given the choice, the Greeks would have much preferred to have
said good riddance to the silly woman for whom the war was being fought
and to have got on with their lives. Beliefs similar to those found in early
Greek literature, that warfare was essentially a manifestation of the will of
the gods rather than of wilful human action, have a long history in the
ancient Near East and Egypt.21 The existence of close ties between
religious beliefs and warfare in Minoan Crete may therefore reflect a
communality of beliefs in this regard over a larger area in the eastern
Mediterranean during the Bronze and Iron Ages, although this is difficult
to prove in the present state of the evidence. However, Crete was in close
contact with the Near East and Egypt throughout the Bronze Age and it
has recently been argued that as regards religion Crete was an integral part
of the wider Near Eastern world.22

The weapons and other artefacts that pertain to warfare that have been
found in sanctuary contexts on Crete were often valuable artefacts in terms
of material, quality of workmanship, or both, indicating that they had been
made for those possessing wealth, status, and power. Even a blade made of
thin bronze would probably not have come cheap. This suggests that
members of the elite found it in their interests to invest ostentatiously in
the materialisation of the religious and cosmological significance of
warfare, which would indicate that the ritual aspects of military display
played an important ideological role. The fine ware pottery found in the

20
For example, at Olympia.
21
Hamblin 2006.
22
Marinatos 2010.
 Symbolic Aspects of Warfare in Minoan Crete 7

Psychro cave was made in the workshops of the palace at Malia,

suggesting that ritual activities in the cave were directly associated with
the expression of palatial power.23 The pottery and votive material found at
the peak sanctuary on Mount Juktas show that it was associated with the
palace of Knossos.24

Both the Psychro Cave and the Peak Sanctuary at Juktas lie at some
distance from the centres of power with which they were associated. The
distance from Malia on the northern coastal plain up to the cave is around
twenty kilometres and a difference in height above sea level of more than
a thousand metres. Mount Juktas is located c. thirteen kilometres to the
southwest of Knossos and its highest peak, on which the sanctuary is
located, lies at 811 metres above sea level. Ritual ceremonies would
therefore have been initiated by processions over considerable distances
and sometimes difficult terrain. Journeys from palace to sanctuary may have
lasted several days and involved many people, either as participants, who
would have joined the procession at different points along the way, or as
spectators. Both at Juktas and at Psychro many people could have gathered
in the area of the sanctuary. The presence of a large constructed terrace
outside the entrance to the cave at Psychro is further confirmation that ritual
activities seem regularly to have involved many people. The types of pottery
that have commonly been found in cave sanctuaries and peak sanctuaries
indicate eating and drinking, as does the presence of animal bones.25

The thick layers of ash that were found at Juktas have been interpreted
as the remains of bonfires, indicating that ritual activities probably took
place at night. At Psychro a number of lamps found in the upper chamber
of the cave are possibly an indication that ceremonies in cave sanctuaries
also took place at night, although they would in any case have been
necessary for moving deeper into the cave. It is also possible that a
dramatic contrast between the dark chill of the cave and the bright light of
the day was an integral part of the ritual experience.26 For those who made
their way down into the lower chamber with their offerings, the visual
effect of the reflections from the pool and the gleam and flash of the
bronze axes, spearheads, and blades that others before them had placed in
the stalagmites and stalactites must have been tremendous. We can
therefore imagine elaborate and costly rituals centred on the celebration of

23
Watrous 1996, 31-40, 51.
24
Karetsou 1981, 145.
25
Tyree 2001, 45; Kyriakidis 2005, 78-79.
26
Watrous 1996, 20; cf. Tyree 2001, 44.
8 Chapter One

warfare and warrior values taking place at the sanctuaries patronised by

the palatial elites.

I conclude this paper by attempting to put the discussion of the

religious aspects of warfare in Minoan Crete into some sort of historical
narrative. Although daggers and knives are found in burial contexts from
the Early Bronze Age, and some of the daggers and double axes found as
votives in sanctuaries may date to the Middle Bronze Age, a focus on the
dedication of weapons and, by extension, a particular interest in the
religious aspects of warfare would seem to be a later phenomenon, which
may not antedate the Neopalatial period. This corresponds temporally with
what seems to be an unprecedented interest in the depiction of weapons
and combat in representational art, most clearly evident on seals.

Also relevant in this connection are a type of stone vessels with

figurative scenes carved in low relief which date to this period. Several
whole vessels and a number of fragments are known. As a category, these
vessels are characterised by exceptional quality of craftsmanship and must
have been high status artefacts. This is corroborated by traces of gold leaf
which have been identified on some fragments. Several fragments from
vessels of this kind show young men performing ritual actions at what
may be peak sanctuaries. A large conical cup shows two young warriors
facing one another. Only male figures are represented on these vases,
which is noteworthy because female figures generally have a prominent
place in Minoan iconography. The context in which these vessels were
used is uncertain but it has been speculated that they had been made for
elite banquets at which male values were celebrated.27 While the majority
of the scenes depicted on these vases do not have any overt references to
warfare, the intention seems in many cases to have been to glorify the
display of physical strength and agility, which may reflect the role that
athletic performance played in palatial culture, the purpose of which can
also be seen as part of a process of militarisation in that it reflects the
training undergone by warriors.28

This is also the same general timeframe within which the sword was
either adopted or invented by the Minoans. As has recently been
emphasised, the sword is not merely a new weapon but also involves
technological innovations and the adoption of a new and far more complex

27
Logue 2004, 169.
28
Cf. Logue 2004, 169-170.
 Symbolic Aspects of Warfare in Minoan Crete 9

fighting technique which requires sustained training.29 Its appearance on

Crete in the latter part of the Protopalatial period can therefore be said to
represent a very definite interest in investing substantially in weapons and
warriors. Arguably, the new emphasis on the materialisation of warfare in
a religious context and the appearance of the sword are not unconnected,
but represent two sides of the same coin, namely the increasing prevalence
of organised violence between different groups among the inhabitants of
the island.

It is generally accepted that central and eastern Crete was divided into
an unknown number of states from the early part of the second millennium
BC. The construction of the first palaces at the beginning of the Middle
Bronze Age may, accordingly, represent the consolidation of territorial
claims by regional elites. The palaces at Knossos, Phaestos, and Malia are
broadly comparable architecturally in that they are monumental court-
centred structures with public areas, shrines, and storage rooms.
Differences between them can be seen in material culture, such as the
styles of pottery or the workings of the administrative system. Towards the
end of the Middle Minoan period all the palaces suffered extensive
destruction, but were rebuilt on a larger and more magnificent scale. It is
possible that the palatial rulers were simply taking advantage of the
destructions in order to build better and bigger but it could also be that the
splendour of the new palaces reflects competitiveness between the palatial
states, which was ultimately to spiral out of control.

Around 1450 BC all the palaces with the exception of Knossos were
destroyed and not rebuilt. Many settlements were also abandoned or
deliberately destroyed by fire. It seems that administrative centres were
particularly targeted, indicating a desire to destroy the political
infrastructure.30 Because it is clear that the destructions took place within a
longer period of time their attribution to human action is irrefutable. That
these were unsettled times is also evident from the fact that in some places
steps were taken to protect food storage and water supplies by building
enclosures and restricting access. Finds in different parts of Crete of
hoards of bronze objects that had been placed under the floor in buildings
that had been destroyed or abandoned at this time reinforce the picture.31
Although we know very little about the relations between the palace states

29
Molloy 2010, 413-414.
30
Driessen & McDonald 1997, 35-41.
31
Ayia Triada, Mitropolis, Gournia, Mochlos, Malia, Palaikastro, Kato Zakros,
Knossos (Driessen & MacDonald 1997, 65-70).
10 Chapter One

in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, it is possible that they were from the
beginning defined in part by military might, as has often been the case in
other times and places. In the early part of the Late Bronze Age, the
balance of power may have become disturbed and episodes of strife that
may not previously have been entirely uncommon could have started to
become more frequent and ever more serious and destructive. Knossos is
the only palace that was not destroyed at this time and there is evidence
indicating that the end result of this period of unrest was the domination of
Knossos over much of Crete.

To sum up, my contention in this paper has been that, as was the case
in the contemporary Near East and the later Greek period, there may have
been a general conceptual connection between warfare and religion in the
Aegean during the Bronze Age. However, the unprecedented material
elaboration of the military life in ritual contexts that we see on Crete in the
Neopalatial period should be seen as a matter of contingency, constituting
a response to particular historical circumstances and events. The emphasis
on military display in a ritual context, which indicates that the palatial
elites had become particularly interested in the material amplification of
religious beliefs that equated political instability with cosmic disorder, can
be seen in relation to a need or desire to strengthen their military
capabilities, which was motivated by fear of enemy attacks, territorial
aspirations of their own, or both at the same time. In order to promote the
idea that participation in warfare meant complying with the will of the
gods and inspire enthusiasm for combat, the status of the warrior was
enhanced and ritualised and the symbolic aspects of warfare were
celebrated in spectacular rituals within the palaces and at important nature
sanctuaries, materialised in the ceremonial elaboration of weapons, and
variously represented in elite iconography.32

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My argument here is similar to that put forward by Brumfiel (2004) with
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 CHAPTER TWO

DEATH OF A SWORDSMAN,
DEATH OF A SWORD:
THE KILLING OF SWORDS IN THE EARLY IRON
AGE AEGEAN (CA. 1050 TO CA. 690 B.C.E)

DR. MATTHEW LLOYD

INTRODUCTION
After decades of research, Early Iron Age Greece is still best
understood through its burials. One of the defining characteristics of these
burials is the inclusion of weapons. It is, in fact, the development of iron
weapons which led many scholars to define this period as a true “Iron
Age”, although others disagree.1 But burials are complex, intentional
deposits which require careful interpretation. The question which this
paper addresses is part of the overall complexity of the relationship
between the dead and their grave goods, specifically a man and his sword,
and how this changes throughout the Early Iron Age. The phenomenon I
will discuss is the act of “killing” swords. While this phenomenon is
widespread in Crete and the northern Aegean, the main focus of this paper
will be on Athens, Attica, and central Euboea.

The term “burials with weapons” has been adopted by scholars to

replace the more subjective “warrior burial”.2 “Burial with weapons” is an
all-inclusive term, essentially incorporating any burial which includes a
weapon or combination of weapons. “Warrior burial” identifies the
deceased as a warrior, which can be defined as one who makes (or rather,
made) war.3 The difficulty with this definition is that we may then proceed

1
Haarer 2001.
2
E.g. Whitley 2002, 218-220; D’Onofrio 2011.
3
Molloy 2012, 88.