Durer

alsteens
spira
Dür er and Beyond

di st r i buted b y ISBN 000–0–000–0000–0
The Metropolitan Museum of Art Yale University Press

1000 Fifth Avenue New Haven and London
New York, New York 10028
metmuseum.org
yalebooks.com/art
yalebooks.co.uk dürer and beyond
p r i n te d i n ita ly cen t r a l europe a n dr aw ings, 1 400 –1700
Dürer and Beyond
Dürer and Beyond
Central European Drawings in
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1400–1700
Stijn Alsteens and Freyda Spira

with contributions by Maryan W. Ainsworth, Dirk H. Breiding,
George R. Goldner, Guido Messling, Marjorie Shelley,
and Joshua P. Waterman
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

Distributed by Yale University Press, New Haven and London
Contents
vi Director’s Foreword | Thomas P. Campbell
vii Acknowledgments
ix Introduction | Stijn Alsteens
xvi Note to the Reader
CATALOGUE
2 Artists Active before 1500
12 Albrecht Dürer and Artists Active in Nuremberg in the Early Sixteenth Century
42 Artists Active outside Nuremberg in the Early Sixteenth Century
68 Artists Active in the Mid-Sixteenth Century
94 Swiss Designers of Stained Glass Active in the Later Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries
110 Artists Active Mainly in Munich about 1600
132 Artists Active Mainly in Nuremberg, Prague, and Augsburg about 1600
154 Two Central European Traditions: The Stammbuch and the Turnierbuch
166 Artists Active in the Early Seventeenth Century
194 Artists Born after 1600
224 Bibliography
250 Index
Director’s Foreword
Dürer and Beyond: Central European Drawings in The Met- from about 1400 to 1700. Many of the sheets have
ropolitan Museum of Art, 1400–1700 and the exhibition it never before been on public view, nor have they been
accompanies focus for the first time on a rich and varied published in any significant manner. To complement
facet of the Museum’s collection. Presented in a loosely the highlights in this book, the remainder of the Muse-
chronological manner to allow for groupings of works um’s Central European drawings from the period under
by city, school, and theme, the drawings selected for discussion has been catalogued and photographed, and
this catalogue range from rare early Bohemian head is now available on the Museum’s website.
studies through the golden age of Albrecht Dürer to the The project was a collaborative effort by Stijn
diverse creations of Joachim von Sandrart, who was not Alsteens and Freyda Spira, curators in the Department
only a highly proficient artist but the first art historian of Drawings and Prints, with contributions from col-
in Germany, composing and publishing biographies of leagues both at the Museum and elsewhere. They pres-
many of the artists in this volume. ent the Museum’s holdings in this still-understudied
The Museum’s collection of drawings has been field and explore the many roles played by drawings,
assembled over a long period of time, by different both as finished works in their own right and as vital
departments, and from a variety of sources. The publi- preparatory tools in the artist’s workshop. Where pos-
cation of this catalogue offers the opportunity to sible, the drawings in the exhibition are enhanced by
acknowledge those who have played an important role relevant comparative material from other departments
in the collection’s development. Robert Lehman’s at the Museum, as well as by several generous loans
bequest made a particularly significant contribution to from the Pierpont Morgan Library and from private
the Museum’s holdings of Northern works on paper collections.
from the early sixteenth century. The majority of the As always, our work is not possible without generous
works in this selection have been enthusiastically donors. Here, we thank The Peter Jay Sharp Foundation
acquired during the tenure of George R. Goldner, Drue for its support of this catalogue and of the Museum’s
Heinz Chairman of the Department of Drawings and mission to share its permanent collection with the
Prints since 1993. Goldner recognized the weaknesses public.
in the collection and systematically expanded and
improved it with the finest works available. Thomas P. Campbell
The selection seen here offers a broad overview of director
the Museum’s collection of Central European drawings the metropolitan museum of art
vi
Acknowledgments
At every stage in the organization and writing of this Melanie Holcomb, Nico Van Hout, Kirstie Howard,
catalogue, we have benefited from the advice, knowl- Timothy Husband, Debra Jackson, Joachim Jacoby,
edge, and assistance of many individuals. At The Metro- Catherine Jenkins, Zoltán Kárpáti, Thomas DaCosta
politan Museum of Art, we extend our foremost thanks Kaufmann, Hans-Martin Kaulbach, Thomas Ketelsen,
to our director, Thomas P. Campbell, and to George R. Wolfram Koeppe, Édouard Kopp, Hansjörg Krug, Petra
Goldner, Drue Heinz Chairman of the Department Kuhlmann-Hodick, Armin Kunz, Friso Lammertse,
of Drawings and Prints, for their early and steadfast Carol Lekarew, Ricky Luna, Dorothy Mahon, Cecilia
support of this project. Mazzetti di Pietralata, Ariane M
ensger, Lucia Meoni,
The idea to work on a catalogue of Central Euro- Christoph Metzger, Hermann Mildenberger, Nicole
pean drawings from this period was borne of discus- Miller, Olaf Mokansky, Mireille Mosler, Rebecca
sions with Dita Amory, Acting Associate Curator in Murray, Rachel Mustalish, Gisela Ndege-Liebler,
Charge, Robert Lehman Collection, The Metropolitan Christoph Nicht, Nadine Orenstein, Caroline Palmer,
Museum of Art. We would also like to express our Elizabeth Pergam, Georg Pfeilschifter, Michiel Plomp,
gratitude to Maryan W. Ainsworth, Dirk H. Breiding, Janina Poskrobko, Nathaniel Prottas, Stuart Pyhrr,
George R. Goldner, Guido Messling, Marjorie Tom Rassieur, William W. Robinson, Jennifer Russell,
Shelley, and Joshua P. Waterman for their informed Paul W. L. Russell, Stephen Scher, Anna Schultz,
contributions to the catalogue. Additionally, we are Larry Silver, Olaf Simon, Hyla Skopitz, Ben Slavin,
particularly grateful to our intern, Mareike Wolff, Froukje Slofstra, Morgan Spatny, Marja Stijkel, Monika
for securing comparative images from America and Stöckl-Reinhard, Alan Stone, Alexandra Suda, Linda
beyond, as well as for her constant generosity and Sylling, Gary Tinterow, Simon Turner, Jacek Tylicki,
help with research queries. Susanne Wagini, Monroe Warshaw, Catherine Whistler,
Careful technical research was carried out by Regula Luginbühl Wirz, Sabine Wölfel, Linda Wolk-
Marjorie Shelley, Sherman Fairchild Conservator in Simon, Edward H. Wouk, Elizabeth Zanis, and Mary
Charge, Sherman Fairchild Center for Works on Paper Zuber.
and Photograph Conservation at The Metropolitan We would like to thank the staff of the Thomas
Museum of Art. Additional scientific analysis was J. Watson Library at The Metropolitan Museum of Art
provided by Silvia Centeno, Research Scientist, and and of the Frick Art Research Library for their constant
Rebecca Capua, Assistant Conservator, also at the responsiveness and gracious assistance in securing
Metropolitan Museum. research materials.
The following colleagues, at the Museum and at Finally, for their work on this catalogue, we recog-
institutions elsewhere, have provided encouragement nize Peter Antony, Hilary Becker, Nancy Grubb,
and invaluable assistance: Christiane Andersson, Jayne Kuchna, Christopher Kuntze, Bonnie Laessig,
Esther Bell, John Bidwell, Szilvia Bodnár, Barbara Douglas Malicki, Marcie Muscat, Mark Polizzotti,
Drake Boehm, Mikael Bøgh Rasmussen, Hans Buijs, Gwen Roginsky, Michael Sittenfeld, Jane Tai, Robert
John Byck, Stephen Campbell, Elizabeth Cleland, Weisberg, and Elizabeth Z echella.
Peter van der Coelen, Sylvie De Coster, James David
Draper, Albert Elen, William Faix, Tilman Falk, Thera Stijn Alsteens, Curator
Folmer-von Oven, Sandro Frefel, Manus Gallagher, Freyda Spira, Assistant Curator
Martin Graessle, Jan Graffius, Katrin Henkel, Herbert department of drawings and prints
Heyde, Lesley Hill, Martin Hitz, Alison Hokanson, the metropolitan museum of art
vii
Introduction | stijn alsteens
The history of the collection of Central European old

master drawings at The Metropolitan Museum of Art
is not a particularly distinguished one. In part, this
reflects the general fact that drawings from the German-
speaking countries have been collected only sparingly
outside their place of origin.1 With some notable excep-
tions, American private and institutional collectors of
drawings—starting much later than most of their Euro-
pean counterparts—have been slow to assemble com-
prehensive collections that reflect the high quality of
drawings by artists active in the Holy Roman Empire—
a patchwork of small states coinciding roughly with the
current boundaries of Germany, Switzerland, Austria,
Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic.2
Four German drawings are part of the historical core
of The Metropolitan Museum of Art’s drawings collec-
tion: part of the gift made by Cornelius Vanderbilt in
1880, ten years after the Museum was founded. None
of them is of much importance. The 1887 gift of another
donor, Cephas G. Thompson, included a fine example
of work by Johann Carl Loth.3 It was not until 1906,
however, that the Museum made its first purchase of a
drawing.4 That year Roger Fry—the British art historian,
painter, and member of the Bloomsbury Group—was
appointed curator in the Museum’s Department of
Paintings, which also took care of the drawings collec-
tion.5 Among the works he acquired in his first year was
a very early and fine example of the peculiar graphic Fig. 1. Albrecht Dürer, Saint Catherine of Fig. 2. Albrecht Dürer, A Standing Nude Man Wearing a Laurel
style of the Danube school, Albrecht Altdorfer’s Samson Alexandria, ca. 1500 (?). Pen and brown ink, Wreath with a Bow and a Ball (“Poynter Apollo”), ca. 1501–3. Pen and
6½ × 215⁄16 in. (16.5 × 7.5 cm). The Metro black ink, over a tracing in pen and brown ink, 8⅝ × 511⁄16 in.
and Delilah (cat. 18). In 1919 Fry’s successor, Bryson politan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers (21.9 × 14.5 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Burroughs, acquired the first autograph drawing by Fund, 1919 (19.75) Gift of Mr. William H. Osborn, 1963 (63.212)
Albrecht Dürer to enter the collection (fig. 1),6 as well
as a preparatory drawing for a print by Sebald Beham already mentioned, those included in the present cata-
(cat. 33). Both drawings were bought through the art logue are works by Hans Suess von Kulmbach (cat. 12)
historian and dealer Robert Langton Douglas at the and Wolfgang Huber (cat. 24). Among those left out
sale of the collection of the British painter Edward John here should be mentioned a drawing by Hans Baldung
Poynter. (Another drawing by Dürer from that sale, and one by Georg Beham.8
known as the “Poynter Apollo” [fig. 2],7 would come to The Department of Prints, founded in 1916,9 also
the museum in 1963 as a gift of the same donor who had acquired drawings, especially those related to prints or
already given the artist’s Music-Making Angels [cat. 10].) those that would complement the department’s collec-
Overall, however, the number of Central European tion of ornamental and architectural designs. The latter
drawings acquired by the Department of Paintings is collection was started (in the words of the department’s
limited. Apart from the Altdorfer and the Beham legendary first curator, William M. Ivins) for “its value
ix
to professed students and to the staff of the Museum,” Dürer,14 but in 1952 Lehman had been able to purchase
but also because it was deemed “of great value to the three of the best sheets by Dürer from a much older
practising designers of the day, as it would seem to need collection, that of the princes Lubomirski, the fabled
no argument to prove that the proper study of designers and eventful provenance of which probably goes back
is design.”10 In fact, the print department acquired to Rudolf II.15 All three are included in our selection
almost as many sixteenth- and seventeenth-century (cats. 6, 7, 9). Among the few drawings of iconic status
Central European drawings as the Department of in the Museum, the double-sided sheet with Dürer’s
Paintings and (from 1960) the Department of Drawings, self-portrait (cat. 6) is arguably second only to Michel-
before the latter was merged with the print department angelo’s Libyan Sibyl.16 In addition to the Dürers and a
in 1993. In truth, it must be said that many of the draw- sheet by Martin Schongauer (cat. 5), Lehman brought
ings acquired by the print department will be of limited together several other German drawings, of which
interest to most students of the field. But they include, those by an anonymous draftsman of about 1460–70
among other highlights, the two attractive print designs (cat. 3), Hans Baldung (cat. 16), Hans Schwarz (cat. 23),
by Heinrich Aldegrever discussed in this catalogue and Sebald Beham (cat. 34) are discussed in this
(cats. 35, 36), as well as a rare design for a scepter from catalogue.17
the second half of the sixteenth century (fig. 3) and a After the retirement of Jacob Bean, George R.
seventeenth-century drawing of a chandelier designed Goldner was appointed chair of the Department of
by the Nuremberg trumpet maker Johann Isaak Ehe Drawings and Prints, newly formed in 1993 from the
(cat. 86). In addition to the print and painting depart- former Department of Drawings and what had
ments, at least one more department was involved with become the Department of Prints and Illustrated
acquiring drawings—that of Arms and Armor, which in Books. Supported by the museum’s director, Philippe
1922, for instance, added to its holdings a charming de Montebello, the department embarked on a cam-
tournament book, included here (cat. 74). paign to correct the lack of balance between the differ-
Not until 1960, ninety years after the founding of ent schools in the collection.18 Taking up this task at
the Museum, was the Department of Drawings estab- such a late date, the department was confronted with
lished.11 Its first curator was Jacob Bean, whose knowl- an art market that made it very difficult to acquire
edge of and great taste in French and Italian drawings fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century German and
were not matched by a similar disposition toward the seventeenth-century Dutch and Flemish drawings,
Northern schools.12 This was even more true for Ger- which for centuries had enjoyed popularity with both
man and Swiss drawings than for Dutch and Flemish public and private collectors. Fortunately, sufficient
Fig. 3. Anonymous (German, second ones. All told, only about twenty Central European attractive opportunities arose to enable the Museum to
half of 16th century), Design for a Scepter,
ca. 1550–1600. Pen and black ink, gray
drawings from before 1700 entered the department’s complement in a meaningful way the works by North-
and brown washes, 243⁄16 × 89⁄16 in. collection on Bean’s watch, the majority of which were ern draftsmen from these periods already in the collec-
(61.4 × 21.7 cm). The Metropolitan gifts or bequests. Of these, sheets by Dürer (cat. 10), tion. Of these acquisitions, included here are, among
Museum of Art, New York, Gift of
Janos Scholz, 1960 (60.526.1)
Sebald Beham (cat. 32), Hans Werl (cat. 54, acquired others, works by two anonymous early Bohemian
as by Peter Candid), Hans Rottenhammer (cat. 55), artists (cats. 1, 2), Hans Suess von Kulmbach (cat. 13),
Isaak Major (cat. 69), and Jacob Marrel (cat. 90) are Hans Schäufelein (cats. 14, 15), Hans Burgkmair
included in the present selection. This lack of interest (cats. 20, 21), Urs Graf (cats. 25, 26), Hans Holbein the
meant that the Museum missed out on many a poten- Younger (cat. 29), and Peter Flötner (cats. 30, 31). But it
tial acquisition, such as a drawing by Hans Burgkmair, was in fields that had been less a focus of collectors and
offered in 1978 at the “sale of the century” (that of the connoisseurs in the past—sixteenth-century Nether-
collection of Robert von Hirsch) and acquired that landish drawings and those by later sixteenth- and
year by the National Gallery of Art in Washington, seventeenth-century Central European artists—that
D.C. (fig. 4).13 most acquisitions could be made. This circumstance
This situation was counterbalanced in 1975 by a had the happy result that the traditional bias toward
small but outstanding group of drawings included in Dürer and his circle, evident in the Museum’s early
one of the most significant bequests in the institution’s acquisitions of Central European drawings as well as in
history—that of the banker Robert Lehman. The sale Lehman’s collection, was offset by a growing number
of the von Hirsch collection seems to have been the last of drawings by later artists, some of whom were little
opportunity in history to acquire major drawings by appreciated or studied even in their home countries.19
x | dür er and beyond

Three-quarters of the drawings in this publication
were acquired by the Department of Drawings and
Prints; about twenty were added in the last five years
alone. This reflects more or less the numbers of the
collection as a whole. Of the Museum’s more than 325
Central European drawings before 1700, fewer than
one hundred were acquired before 1994, the year the
new department acquired its first drawing within the
scope of the present catalogue: a work by the Swiss
artist Christoph Murer that is not included in the
present selection20 but that was followed in 1995 by
another drawing by the same artist that is (cat. 47).
Quite a few of these drawings are recent discoveries,
some unpublished or here fully discussed or correctly
attributed for the first time.
The sources of the acquisitions are diverse, although
the majority recently surfaced at public sales—either
at the big auction houses (for instance, drawings by
Hans Suess von Kulmbach, cat. 13; Jörg Breu the Elder,
cat. 22; and Jost Amman, cat. 44) or at smaller auctions
(drawings by Hans Burgkmair, cat. 21; Hans Rotten-
hammer, cat. 56; Hans von Aachen, cat. 63; and Joseph
Heintz the Elder, cat. 66). Several come from old
Fig. 4. Hans Burgkmair, A Fight between a Wild Man and a Soldier in a Forest, ca. 1500–1503. Pen and black ink,
collections, such as those of the princes of Oettingen- 8¼ × 11¼ in. (21 × 28.6 cm). National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. (1978.77.1)
Wallerstein (drawings by Daniel Lindtmayer the
Younger, cat. 45; Johann Christophorus Storer, cat. 96;
and Joachim von Sandrart the Elder, cat. 97) or the Holbein, acquired from the album’s previous owner
princes of Liechtenstein (drawings by Hans Schäufelein and given to the Kunstmuseum Basel in 1984 (fig. 6).22
and Urs Graf, cats. 15 and 26, respectively). Others had Although new additions to the collection of Central
belonged to distinguished twentieth-century collec- European drawings continue to be made, it can be said
tions, including those of Franz Koenigs (drawings by that the systematic acquisition policy of the last two
Hans Holbein the Younger and Wenzel Jamnitzer, decades has now resulted in a collection worthy of a
cats. 29 and 42); Arthur Feldmann (drawings by Wendel museum that strives to be universal. Exactly thirty
Dietterlin the Elder and Jochim Lüchteke, cats. 61 and years ago, when Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann pub-
71, respectively); and Ingeborg Tremmel (a drawing by lished the exhibition catalogue Drawings from the Holy
Peter Candid, cat. 52). In 2007 the department Roman Empire, 1540–1680: A Selection from North Ameri-
acquired fifty-four drawings by Swiss and German art- can Collections, only three drawings from the Museum
ists of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth cen- were included.23 Now its collection in this field may
turies that were contained in a small album owned in be richer and better balanced than any other in this
the eighteenth century by the Swiss collector Hans country and even than most outside Central Europe.
Wilpert Zoller (fig. 5).21 Inscribed on the cover Handriß
&. &. (Drawings etc. etc.), it is part “friendship The selection of one hundred works contained in the
album,” part collector’s album. It contained a surpris- present catalogue is intended to be a record of the col-
ing variety of works, although all limited by the album’s lection’s quality, variety, and depth. At the same time, it
small size. Included from it here are works by Peter aims to make the case for the diversity and vitality of
Flötner (cats. 30, 31), Tobias Stimmer (cat. 38), and Central European drawing before 1700. In order to
Conrad Meyer (cat. 93). The album seems to have come make this overview as appealing as possible, it centers,
to the Museum more or less intact, although at least naturally, on the best drawings in the collection. Artists
one important work was missing when it was offered at who lived beyond the year 1700 have been omitted (as
auction in 2006: a drawing attributed to the younger was Johann Carl Loth, who died in 1698 but who would
i nt rodu ct i on | xi
Fig. 5. Binding of the Zoller album, ca. 1710–50. Paper, board,
approximately 5⅛ × 8¼ × 13⁄16 in. (13 × 21 × 3 cm). The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2007
(2007.223)
have needed to be discussed by comparing his drawings

with those of Daniel Seiter, who died in 1705). In addi-
tion to the masterworks, a few more modest drawings
have been chosen, which highlight the depth of the Fig. 6. Hans Holbein the Younger (retouched by a later hand?), Head
collection: for example, Johann Isaak Ehe’s design for of a Young Man Wearing a Hat, ca. 1520–21. Metalpoint, red chalk, pen
and brown ink, white gouache, on prepared paper, 57⁄16 × 4¼ in.
a chandelier (cat. 86), a curious and rare rather than (13.8 × 10.8 cm). Kupferstichkabinett, Kunstmuseum Basel (1984.7)
attractive work by the Monogrammist AW (cat. 39),
and the slightly naive tournament book from the
Department of Arms and Armor (cat. 74). The definition the Salvator Mundi from about 1504–5 (cat. 8), is
of a drawing has been used rather loosely: the catalogue included because of the meticulous underdrawing,
includes a painting (see below) and could have included visible thanks to the unfinished state of the painting.
as well a small tabernacle by the Augsburg silversmith The chapter concludes with a group of drawings by
Matthias Wallbaum, surrounding miniature gouaches artists active in Nuremberg, initially as apprentices to
on parchment by Anton Mozart (figs. 7, 8).24 Dürer, most notably Hans Suess von Kulmbach, Hans
The one hundred works have been divided into ten Schäufelein, and Hans Baldung. The last named,
sections, which are organized in roughly chronological without much doubt the most original of the three, is
order; at the same time, we have tried to make relevant represented by an intriguing work from the Lehman
groupings that illuminate certain stylistic and historical collection (cat. 16).
connections among the artists. The first section com- Artists active in the early sixteenth century whose
prises five works by artists active before 1500, including style was rooted in traditions developed outside
two extremely rare Bohemian drawings (cats. 1, 2) and Nuremberg are presented in a third section of great
a small but exquisite sheet by the engraver Martin variety. Typical for the Danube school is the sheet by
Schongauer (cat. 5), whose example inspired the young Altdorfer already mentioned (cat. 18), a moralizing scene
Dürer. Dürer’s dominating artistic personality is at the set before a townscape in a craggy German landscape.
center of the next chapter. The five works on paper by Three recent acquisitions (cats. 20–22) highlight the
the master himself—from one of his early self-portraits distinctive style of Hans Burgkmair and Jörg Breu— the
to two mature drawings related to a large commis- main painters during this period in the Imperial Free
sion—can provide only a hint of his genius, which (like City of Augsburg—which was characterized by the
Schongauer’s) is primarily that of a graphic artist. One influence of antique and Italian art. Usually considered
of Dürer’s two paintings in the Museum’s collection, to be part of the Danube school as well, the eccentric
xii | d ürer and beyond

Fig. 8. Anton Mozart, The Circumcision of Christ, The Adoration of the Shepherds, and The Presentation of Christ in the
Temple (part of the shrine reproduced as fig. 7). Gouache on parchment, left wing: 2½ × ⅞ in. (6.3 × 2.2 cm);
center panel: 2⅜ × 113⁄16 in. (6.1 × 4.5 cm); right wing: 2½ × 15⁄16 in. (6.3 × 2.3 cm). The Metropolitan Museum
of Art, New York, Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917 (17.190.823)
Cranach the Elder and Hans Holbein the Younger, but

they are nonetheless interesting drawings by artists
who, along with Dürer and Altdorfer, were unsurpassed
in originality and prominence at the beginning of the
sixteenth century in Central Europe.
In the middle of the century, several artists, espe-
cially those active in Nuremberg, still worked under the
influence of Dürer, as can be seen in the fourth chapter.
Among these was Sebald Beham; but whereas Dürer’s
Fig. 7. Matthias Wallbaum and Anton Mozart, Shrine with a Miniature
example is evident in an early work (cat. 32), at least one
Triptych, 1598–1600. Ebony, silver, silver gilt, gouache, parchment, of the two later drawings included here displays a style
1615⁄16 × 7¼ × 4⅛ in. (43 × 18.4 × 10.5 cm). The Metropolitan further removed from that of the master (cat. 33).
Museum of Art, New York, Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917
(17.190.823)
Beham’s precious, meticulously executed engravings,
which earned him and two fellow artists the nickname
Kleinmeister (Little Masters), are akin in spirit to those
Wolfgang Huber is represented by one of his expressive by Heinrich Aldegrever, who lived and worked in West-
head studies, a relatively early and outstanding acquisi- phalia; the Department of Prints acquired two of his
tion by the Department of Paintings (cat. 24). More characteristic preparatory drawings for prints (cats. 35,
recently, the collection has added one fine and one 36). Two recent additions to the collection by another
major drawing by another unconventional artist, the Nuremberg printmaker, Virgil Solis (cat. 37), and by the
Swiss draftsman and printmaker Urs Graf (cats. 25, 26). Swiss Tobias Stimmer (cat. 38) present a less familiar
The two works concluding this chapter may not do full side in two profile portraits of dogs. Stimmer’s drawing
justice to the prodigious talent of their makers, Lucas entered the Museum with the Zoller album, as did a
i nt rodu ct i on | xiii
small group of quirky drawings (cats. 30, 31) by the German Hans von Aachen and the Swiss-born Joseph
versatile Nuremberg sculptor and designer Peter Flötner, Heintz the Elder as the only Rudolphine Mannerists in
who played an important role in introducing Renais- our selection. The latter is especially well represented,
sance ornament to German art. Drawings by the peri- with three drawings spanning his entire career
patetic Melchior Lorck, often considered the first (cats. 64–66). One of the two drawings by von Aachen,
Danish artist (cat. 40); the Venetian-inspired Bavarian a newly discovered sheet, is an allegory of one of
painter Hans Mielich (cat. 41); and the Nuremberg Rudolf ’s victories over the Turks (cat. 63). The chapter
goldsmith Wenzel Jamnitzer (cat. 42) speak as much to opens with two artists of very different temperaments:
their makers’ originality as to the enormous stylistic Hans Hoffmann from Nuremberg, who at the end of
and technical variety in German art of this period. his life also worked in Munich and Prague in the service
Stylistically more coherent and conservative are of Rudolf, building a career as a follower of Dürer,
Swiss drawings from the mid-sixteenth century especially the latter’s nature studies (cats. 59, 60); and
through the early seventeenth, mainly designs (Scheiben- Wendel Dietterlin the Elder, whose work as a fresco
risse) for the ubiquitous stained-glass panels, as shown painter is now overshadowed by his fame as the author
in the fifth chapter; all of these works included here of an architectural treatise and as a designer of orna-
entered the collection after 1995. Particularly strong is ment (cat. 61).
the next section, on artists active or trained in Munich Many of the names mentioned so far may be
about 1600. Many of them worked, at least initially, unfamiliar to some, but their contribution to Central
under Friedrich Sustris, who was born to a northern European art has earned them the recognition of
Netherlandish father in the Veneto and who, in the last specialists at least. This cannot be said of the artists in
quarter of the sixteenth century, was superintendent the eighth chapter, devoted to entries (Stammbuchblätter)
of all major artistic projects undertaken at the court of from friendship albums or loose sheets made as gifts
William V, duke of Bavaria. A rare early drawing by for friends. These signed works are often the only
Sustris (cat. 50) is a brilliant example of the work he did work by and the only biographical record of the artists.
while at the Medici court in Florence, working under The Nuremberg tournament book (cat. 74) is another
Giorgio Vasari; his second drawing here (cat. 51) is an example of a local tradition of bound collections of
exquisite example of the highly elegant manner that drawings.
earned his reputation as one of the most accomplished The last two chapters bring together artists who
Northern European draftsmen of his generation. worked in the seventeenth century. Their names, too,
Sustris’s unofficial successor at the Bavarian court, may be unfamiliar to most, but the quality of their
Peter Candid, is also represented by one work each drawings should be sufficient proof of the talent of such
from his Italian and Munich periods (cats. 52, 53), as draftsmen as Augustin Braun (cats. 75, 76), Hermann
is Hans Rottenhammer (cats. 55, 56), who went from Weyer (cat. 79), Bartholomäus Reiter (cat. 80), Hans
Munich, where he was trained, to Venice and Rome, Ulrich Frank (cats. 83, 84), and Francis Cleyn (cat. 87).
and whose suave style is perhaps the best embodiment Among artists born after 1600, to whom the last chapter
of the Italianate current in German art about 1600. is devoted, Nicolaus Knüpfer (cat. 88), Wenzel Hollar
When Rottenhammer returned to Bavaria, he settled (cat. 95), and Joachim von Sandrart the Elder (cats. 97,
in Augsburg, which was then second only to Munich as 98) are undoubtedly the best known; but the works by
an artistic center in southern Germany. Drawings by two Conrad Meyer (cats. 92, 93—the latter a Stammbuchblatt
other artists active in Augsburg, Matthäus Gundelach from the Zoller album), Johann Christophorus Storer
and Johann Mathias Kager (cats. 67, 68), conclude the (cat. 96), and Jonas Umbach (especially cat. 99) deserve
seventh chapter, devoted to artists active in cities outside equal interest. Drawings by Jacob Marrel, who spent a
Munich. The most important was the capital of the Holy large part of his career in Holland, and Johann Jakob
Roman Empire at the time, Prague. Many of the artists Walther the Elder are outstanding exemplars of the
contributing to the exceptional flourishing of the arts tradition of natural history drawings (cats. 90, 91),
under Emperor Rudolf II—including Bartholomeus which also took firm root in the Netherlands.
Spranger, Roelant Savery, and Paulus van Vianen— The wide variety of seventeenth-century Central
were born in the Netherlands and are generally consid- European drawings testifies to the important reli-
ered as belonging to the Netherlandish school. For this gious and cultural differences in the region and to the
reason, they have not been included here, leaving the different stylistic influences from Italian, Dutch, and
xiv | d ürer and beyond

Flemish art. It is perhaps this lack of unity, the eager- 12. For Bean, see Cazort 1993; Mules 1993; Russell 1993; White
1993.
ness of the artists to embrace foreign models, and the
13. Timothy Husband in New York 1980–81, no. 34, ill. The drawing
fact that in the latter half of the period covered by this was offered at Sotheby’s, London, June 20–21, 1978, lot 23. The sale
catalogue no dominating personality emerged—no was referred to as the “sale of the century” by the “excitable London
Raphael or Dürer, no Titian or Brueghel, no Rubens or art world” (Apple 1978).
Poussin—that have so long discredited Central Euro- 14. See the catalogue of the sale, Sotheby’s, London, June 20–21,
1978, lots 14, 20, 21.
pean art from this period in the public’s eye. Part of our
15. For this provenance, see cat. 6.
aim with the present catalogue is to let go of such preju-
16. For the Libyan Sibyl (acc. 24.197.2), an acquisition of the Depart-
dices and explore the great quality, colorfulness, and ment of Paintings under Burroughs, see Carmen C. Bambach in
originality of Central European drawings beyond the Ottawa 2009, no. 10, ill.
great masterworks by the best-known artists. 17. All fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Central European draw-
ings from the Robert Lehman Collection have been extensively
1. For a general overview of the collecting of Central European catalogued by Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999,
drawings, see Sieveking 2010. nos. 1–21, ill. For Lehman’s few later German drawings (works by
Georg Anton Urlaub, Adolph Menzel, and Wilhelm Kuhnert), see
2. For the history of collecting Central European drawings in
Françoise Forster-Hahn in Brettell et al. 2002, nos. 71–73, 136, 137,
America, see Robison 2001; Robison 2010; and the unpublished
ill., and her entry in Koeppe et al. 2012.
text of a lecture by Christiane Andersson, “Landscapes, Portraits
and Witches: The Crockers and Collecting German Drawings in 18. For an overview of the department’s activity from 1993 until
America,” presented at the symposium “Pioneering Collectors: 2009, see Goldner 2009.
The Crockers and Master Drawings,” Crocker Art Museum, 19. For an overview of Central European drawings in the period
Sacramento, December 11, 2010. I am grateful to Christiane 1540–1640, see Geissler 1979; Kaufmann 1982.
Andersson for making her text available to me.
20. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 1994.24; formerly at
3. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 87.12.70 (Ewald 1965, Sotheby’s, New York, January 12, 1994, lot 37 (reproduced in the
no. z 5, pl. 54; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann in Princeton and Santa catalogue).
Barbara 1989–90, no. 28, ill.). The Vanderbilt gift included one
21. For the album, see Ganz 1925–27 (reissued in Stuker 2006,
drawing accepted as an early work by Loth (acc. 80.3.31; Ewald 1965,
pp. 20–51).
no. z 1a, pl. 67).
22. Ganz 1925–27, p. 269; C. Müller 1988, no. 27, ill.
4. Bean 1962, p. 157.
23. Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83,
5. For Fry’s career at the Museum, see Tomkins 1970, pp. 103–10,
nos. 31, 44, 50, ill. Two more drawings by artists with careers
168, 169.
beginning in the seventeenth century were included in the sequel
6. F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 1 (1936), no. 90, ill.; Washington 1971, exhibition (Princeton and Santa Barbara 1989–90, nos. 2, 28, ill.). In
no. iv, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 2, nos. 1503/25, 1503/26, ill. his “Census of Drawings from the Holy Roman Empire, 1540–1680,
7. F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 1 (1936), no. 262, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 2, in North American Collections” (Kaufmann 1985), Kaufmann listed
no. 1501/8, ill.; Barbara Drake Boehm in New York and Nuremberg all the Central European drawings in The Metropolitan Museum
1986, no. 115, ill. of Art from the second half of the sixteenth and the seventeenth
century that were known to him in 1985, including drawings in the
8. Respectively acc. 36.101.3 (Rainer Schoch in New York and
Department of Arms and Armor. Some of the sheets he included are
Nuremberg 1986, no. 177, ill. [as attributed to Baldung]) and 39.81.3
considered Netherlandish in the Museum and have not been repre-
(Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83,
sented here, namely, works by Joris Hoefnagel, Erasmus Hornick,
no. 44, ill.).
and Bartholomeus Spranger.
9. Ivins 1917; see also De Forest 1918.
24. Klaus Pechstein in Bursche et al. 1970, under no. 49; Strouse
10. Ivins 1921, p. 259; see also Ivins 1920. 2000, p. 29, fig. 31.
11. Bean 1962.
i nt rodu ct i on | xv
Note to the Reader
The biographies presented in this catalogue aim to give available online at www.marquesdecollections.fr.
a general overview of the artists’ lives; in most cases, the The Museum’s own mark (Lugt 1943) or inscriptions
general literature is selective, and in some cases highly related to the Museum’s ownership of a drawing have
selective. not been noted.
The book benefitted greatly from discussions between For the identification of watermarks, reference is
the authors and Marjorie Shelley, who undertook a made mainly to the database of the Piccard watermark
detailed technical examination of the pigments used in collection, available online at www.piccard-online.de.
the selected drawings. The results of her research could
only be partially reflected in the present publication. In the provenance, all available information about a
She will publish a fuller account of her insights in a drawing’s ownership history has been conveyed.
forthcoming essay about the often surprisingly Brackets are used to designate dealers. The Museum
sophisticated techniques employed by the draftsmen departments mentioned are those under whose custody
under discussion. the object entered the collection.
The dimensions given for the drawings are maximal, Unless otherwise indicated, the literature on the
with height preceding width. drawings given at the end of each entry is meant to
be exhaustive.
In the description of inscriptions and marks, the
mention of Lugt followed by a number refers to Frits The authors of the entries are Maryan W. Ainsworth
Lugt’s Les marques de collections de dessins et d’estampes, (mwa), Stijn Alsteens (sa), Dirk H. Breiding (dhb),
published in 1921, followed by a supplement in George R. Goldner (grg), Guido Messling (gm),
1956; both volumes, as well as additional marks and Marjorie Shelley (ms), Freyda Spira (fs), and
information on previously published marks, are Joshua P. Waterman (jpw).
xvi
c atalo gue
Artists Active before 1500
anonymous
Bohemian, active ca. 1360–65
1 | Anonymous
Head of a Bearded Man, ca. 1360–65
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink wash, vermilion and yellow
iron-based earth watercolor, lead white heightening,
47⁄16 × 3⅜ in. (11.3 × 8.5 cm)
Purchase, Gift of Dr. Mortimer D. Sackler, Theresa Sackler and
Family, 2003 (2003.29)
Verso, at lower center, inscribed 12 / [. . .] 05 869 in black chalk or
graphite (18th- or 19th-century handwriting?); at lower left,
collector’s mark of Adalbert von Lanna (Lugt 2773)
Watermark: none
Fig. 1. Circle of Master Theodoric, A Philosopher (?) and an Astronomer,

ca. 1365–70. Pen and brush and black, red, and yellow ink, 5⅜ × 55⁄16 in.
(13.6 × 13.5 cm). Graphische Sammlung, Universitätsbibliothek
Erlangen-Nürnberg, Erlangen (Bock 1)
This is one of a small handful of seemingly independent

drawings that survive from the great flowering of Bohe-
mian art in the second half of the fourteenth and the
early fifteenth centuries.1 Drawn with a fine brush, it
shows a command of media and a refinement that place
it above contemporary drawings such as those in the
model book in Erlangen (fig. 1).2 The robust naturalism
and rather sculptural approach to form led me to date
the Museum’s drawing to the time of the great series
of painted saints in the Chapel of the Holy Cross in
Karlštejn Castle (fig. 2), rather than to the early fifteenth
century, as had been proposed by Otto Benesch.3 It is
clearly a generation earlier than the famous model
book in Vienna and another in Braunschweig that are
exemplars of the International Gothic Style.4 This
revised dating was followed in the catalogue accompa-
nying the exhibition “Prague: The Crown of Bohemia,
1347–1437” in New York and Prague in 2005–6.
Although Head of a Bearded Man contains a number
of features that recall the Karlštejn paintings, it cannot
be directly related to any one of them or to any other
2
Literature: Otto Benesch in Vienna 1962, no. 246 (as by an anony-
mous Bohemian artist active in the early fifteenth century); Krása
1969, p. 166; Krása 1974, pp. 36, 49, fig. 16 (as by an anonymous
Bohemian artist active ca. 1410–30); Michiel C. Plomp in “Recent
Acquisitions” 2003, p. 16, ill. (as by an anonymous Bohemian artist
active ca. 1355–80); Xiomara M. Murray in New York and Prague
2005–6, no. 34, ill. (as by an anonymous Bohemian artist active
ca. 1460–80); Jiří Fajt and Robert Suckale in Fajt 2006, no. 162, ill.
(as by an anonymous Prague artist active ca. 1410–20)
anonymous
Bohemian, active ca. 1405–10
2 | Anonymous
Head of a Woman, ca. 1405–10
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink wash, vermilion and yellow
iron-based earth watercolor, over traces of stylus-incised
underdrawing, on vellum prepared with calcite, 39⁄16 × 2¾ in.
(9.1 × 7 cm)
Purchase, several members of The Chairman’s Council and Jean
A. Bonna Gifts, 2010 (2010.119)
Fig. 2. Attributed to Master Theodoric, Saint Andrew, 1360–64.

The reign of Wenceslas IV as king of Bohemia (r. 1378–
Oil tempera and gold on panel, 45¼ × 3613⁄16 in. (115 x 93.5 cm). 1419) witnessed the high point of the International
Chapel of the Holy Cross, Karlštejn Castle Gothic Style in Prague, characterized by a preference for
surface decoration over spatial definition, by the ten-
dency of linear design elements to become calligraphic
finished work. This, as well as the general practice of the
period, suggests that it was once part of a model book
of types that could be used within a workshop. grg
1. For an overview of Bohemian drawings from this period, see
Drobná 1956; New York and Prague 2005–6, passim.
2. Bock 1929, vol. 1, no. 1, vol. 2, ill.; Robert Suckale and Jiří Fajt
in New York and Prague 2005–6, no. 35a, ill.; Jiří Fajt and Robert
Suckale in Fajt 2006, no. 162, ill.; Stephanie Buck in Buck and
Messling 2009, no. 1, ill.
3. Jiří Fajt in Prague 1998, pp. 330–31, ill. For the castle at Karlštejn,
see Neuwirth 1896; Prague 1998; Fajt 2003, passim. For Benesch’s
dating, see Vienna 1962, pp. 248–49; followed by Fajt and Suckale in
Fajt 2006, pp. 494–95.
4. The Vienna model book, dated in the first or second decade of the
fifteenth century, is preserved at the Kunsthistorisches Museum,
Vienna, inv. kk 5003, kk 5004 (Hana Hlaváčková in Vienna 1990,
no. 67; Scheller 1995, no. 20, ill.; Suckale and Fajt in New York and
Prague 2005–6, no. 117, ill.). The one in Braunschweig is preserved
at the Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, vol. 63; it is mostly the work
of a Bohemian artist active ca. 1390–1400 (Neuwirth 1897; Scheller
1995, no. 18, ill.; von Heusinger 1992–97, vol. 1, pp. 146–51, no. 63,
vol. 2, pls. 6–12).
Provenance: Adalbert von Lanna (1836–1909), Prague; Franz Kies-

linger (1904–1999), Vienna; Anton Schmid (1904–1991), Vienna,
before 1962; his heirs; [Arnoldi-Livie, Munich]; purchased by the
Department of Drawings and Prints, 2003
3
and ornamental rather than adhering to nature, and by a
partiality for refined, almost idealized figures that seem
to have an inner light.1 The exquisite Head of a Woman
exemplifies this style, presenting a serene young woman
in three-quarter view, looking off to the left. While her
face is rendered with minuscule strokes, a technique
Fritz Koreny compares to that used in manuscript illu-
mination,2 long undulating lines define the waves of her
hair, which curl into calligraphic strokes framing her
face. Further linking this work to a manuscript tradition
is the use of an extremely fine-haired brush and an
emphasis on color. An uncommon richness is conveyed
through the use of red in the lips and cheeks, the golden
ocher of the hair, and the dark tones of gray and black in
the eyes. Such concentrated colors can also be found in
contemporary miniatures like the Crucifixion scene
from a missal by Zbyněk of Hazmburk (ca. 1403–15).3
Koreny links the Museum’s drawing to the Virgin in a
Nativity in the Seitenstetten Antiphonary (fig. 1).4 Created
in Prague about 1405, this illumination depicts the Vir-
gin with a similarly large head, clinging wavy hair, a
small pursed mouth, flushed round cheeks, and pointed
nose and chin.
The small size, delicate technique, and vellum support
also link this drawing to pattern books used by illumi-
nators, such as the Vienna model book (ca. 1410–20),
with its mix of seemingly commonplace animals, faces
Fig. 1. Anonymous (Prague, active ca. 1405), The Nativity in an Initial O, ca. 1405, from the
Seitenstetten antiphonary, detail of fol. 58r. Tempera and gold on vellum, 225⁄16 × 155⁄16 in. (both idealized and distorted), and religious scenes.5 It
(56.8 × 38.9 cm). Cleveland Museum of Art (1976.100) demonstrates the narrative of the Annunciation with
two bust-length portraits: the angel Gabriel facing to
the right and the Virgin facing left—a formula also
found in a pair of drawings in the Fogg Museum (figs. 2,
3).6 The shape of the skull and the facial features of the
woman in the drawing under discussion are more
rounded, but the similarity in the composition and in
her expression suggests that this drawing, too, shows
the Virgin at the moment of the Annunciation. Exqui-
site in appearance, this diminutive drawing served as a
model in the artist’s workshop for larger, more complex
compositions. fs
1. G. Schmidt 2005, pp. 109–10.

2. Koreny in New York and Prague 2005–6, p. 276.
3. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Cod. 1844, fol. 149
(G. Schmidt 2005, p. 106, fig. 9.1).
4. Koreny in New York and Prague 2005–6, p. 277. For more on this
antiphonary, see Gerhard Schmidt, Martin Roland, and Barbara
Drake Boehm in New York and Prague 2005–6, no. 116, ill.
5. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. kk 5003, kk 5004 (Hana
Figs. 2 and 3. Anonymous (Bohemian, active ca. 1400–1410), Head of the Angel Gabriel and
Hlaváčková in Vienna 1990, no. 67; Scheller 1995, no. 20, ill.; Robert
The Virgin Annunciate, ca. 1400–1410. Brush and black and red inks over black chalk on vellum,
Suckale and Jiří Fajt in New York and Prague 2005–6, no. 117, ill.).
each 2 × 17⁄16 in. (5.1 × 3.6 cm). Harvard Art Museums/Fogg Museum, Cambridge, Alpheus
Hyatt Purchasing Fund (1947.79 and 1947.80) 6. Poszler 2006, pp. 525–26, fig. 22.
4 | d ü rer and beyond

Provenance: Friedrich Falk, Zurich; [Moeller Fine Art, New York and
Berlin]; private collection, United States; [Adrian Eeles, London];
purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2010
Literature: Fritz Koreny in New York and Prague 2005–6, no. 118, ill.;
Franz Kirchweger in Fajt 2006, no. 194, ill.; Stijn Alsteens in
“Recent Acquisitions” 2010, p. 15, ill.
anonymous
Middle Rhine, active ca. 1460–70
3 | Anonymous
A Standing Scholar (or Prophet?), Turned to the Left;
verso: A Standing Scholar (or Prophet?), Turned to the Right,
ca. 1460–70
Pen and carbon black ink, traces of black chalk underdrawing,

on paper prepared with sanguine wash, 711⁄16 × 39⁄16 in.
(19.5 × 9.1 cm)
Robert Lehman Collection, 1975 (1975.1.765)
At lower left, unidentified collector’s mark (Lugt 622). Verso, at
lower left, collector’s mark of Joseph Daniel Böhm (Lugt 271)
Watermark: tower (fragment)1 Fig. 1. Anonymous (active ca. 1477),
A Dispute between Jews and Gentiles,
from Petrus Niger, Stern des Meschiah,
Each side of this sheet, which is trimmed along all Esslingen, 1477. Woodcut, 6⅛ × 4⅛ in.
(15.6 × 10.4 cm). The Metropolitan
four edges, shows a pen drawing of a standing man. Museum of Art, New York, Bequest of
Underlying the drawings are preliminary sketches in James C. McGuire, 1931 (31.54.525)
black chalk. Both of the standing figures are dressed
in fifteenth-century costume, wearing pointed shoes
and a long cloak; the beardless figure on the verso is
additionally equipped with a hat, called a Gugel (or
chaperone), with a veil thrown loosely over his shoulder.
The bearded man on the recto, who is depicted wearing
a hat with a small brim, seems to have a similar chaper-
one draped across his back.
Although the two figures complement each other as
a pair, they should be regarded as intended for a larger
compositional context. The figure on the verso is holding
an item made out of fabric, probably some kind of head-
gear, and faces the viewer while pointing to the right
with his other hand. The second man, with his posture The two men lack the scrolls traditionally associated
and gaze turned toward the left, would complement the with prophets, but they are nevertheless very similar to
other figure rather well if they were standing side by them in terms of type. The figures are so generalized in
side. His inquisitive facial expression and the gesture of appearance, like models in a pattern book, that they
his hands suggest that he is involved in a conversation, could easily have been transformed into prophets just
arguing his case. Although the two standing figures lack by adding a scroll.
specific attributes, they can be identified as scholars by The Lehman drawing was sold at auction in 1865 as
their costumes and general demeanor. Comparable by Hugo van der Goes, and the attribution to a Nether-
figures can also be found in depictions of saints in con- landish artist of the fifteenth century remained
versation with each other or of debating scholars, as unquestioned for more than a century. In 1999 Fritz
in a woodcut illustration published in 1477 (fig. 1).2 Koreny—following Karel G. Boon, who had suggested
a rt i st s act i ve b ef ore 1 500 | 5

Fig. 2. Anonymous (Middle Rhine, active ca. 1470–90), Two Dragons,
ca. 1470–90. Brush and pen and black ink, over black chalk,
on red prepared paper, 123⁄16 × 81⁄16 in. (31 × 20.4 cm). Graphische
Sammlung, Städel Museum, Frankfurt (631)
shaped parallel lines of hatching. An even closer rela-

tionship can be detected with a model-book sheet in
Frankfurt that shows two dragons (fig. 2).5 One of these
beasts also appears in the margin of an illuminated
copy of the edition of the correspondence of Saint
A Standing Scholar (or Prophet?), Turned to the Right (verso of cat. 3) Jerome published in Mainz in 1470 by Peter Schöffer.6
It can therefore be assumed that the draftsman of the
sheet under discussion would also have been active in
a German origin for this work in 1989—identified the the Middle Rhine region. The drawing bears yet
drawing as the work of an artist from the Middle Rhine another remarkable connection to the Frankfurt sheet:
region and dated it to about 1470–80.3 Koreny’s attribu- the subtle pink tonality of the paper. Such sanguine
tion was based on a comparison with drypoints by the prepared papers first appeared north of the Alps about
Master of the Housebook (also known as the Master of 1450, in the circle of Rogier van der Weyden and in
the Amsterdam Cabinet), whose drawing style bears Franconia.7 Contrary to Koreny’s dating of the New
some resemblance to that of this work.4 The prints bear York study to about 1470–80, and therefore to the
similarly free, scratchlike lines and are also comparable period in which the Housebook Master was active, the
in the varying width of the lines as well as the comma- watermark suggests a slightly earlier date. gm
6 | d ü r er and beyond
1. The watermark is similar to watermarks found in paper used of Olives, known as the Agony of Christ (Matthew
in Augsburg, Esslingen, Ingolstadt, Nuremberg, and Wemding
between 1455 and 1459 (Piccard-Online, nos. 100476, 100480,
26:36–46). The placement of the isolated figures in a
100484, 100553, 100652, 100656; accessed August 22, 2011); bare and unstructured space nonetheless suggests that
reproduced in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 7. the figures were copied from another source. The
2. Schramm 1920–43, vol. 9 (1926), no. 6, ill.; Illustrated Bartsch draftsman concentrated on the drapery, leaving facial
1978–, vol. 81 (1981), no. 1477/257, ill.
features merely hinted at rather than fully modeled.
3. Boon to Egbert Haverkamp-Begemann, November 28, 1989
(letter in the Museum’s departmental files); Koreny in Haverkamp-
The source for this composition—which is best
Begemann et al. 1999, pp. 7–11. viewed as an accumulation of drapery studies—is found
4. For the Master of the Housebook, see Amsterdam and Frankfurt in Hans Pleydenwurff ’s Agony in the Garden, a panel
1985. originally part of the retable erected in 1465 in the
5. Schilling 1973, vol. 1, no. 191, vol. 2, pl. 51; Stephanie Buck in church of Saint Michael in Hof, Upper Franconia
Frankfurt 2003–4, no. 5, ill.
(fig. 1).1 Differences in the details of the drapery and the
6. This copy of the Epistulae (Letters) is in a private collection in
Washington, D.C. (Buck in Frankfurt 2003–4, p. 44, fig. 1).
grouping of the figures suggest that the draftsman may
7. Buck and Messling 2009, pp. xviii–xix.
not have been familiar with the altarpiece but consulted
an intermediary drawing instead. Alternatively, these
Provenance: Unidentified private collection, possibly Vienna, changes could be interpreted as artistic liberties taken
ca. 1800; Joseph Daniel Böhm (1794–1865), Vienna; his sale, by him when adapting the composition to a landscape
Posonyi, Vienna, December 4, 1865, lot 1291; Stefan von Licht
(1860–1932), Vienna; Edwin Czeczowiczka (1877–1979), Vienna;
his sale, C. G. Boerner and Paul Graupe, Berlin, May 12, 1930,
lot 23; [Matthiesen Gallery, London]; Robert Lehman (1891–1969),
New York, 1959; given by the Robert Lehman Foundation to the
Museum in accordance with the collector’s wishes, 1975
Literature: Posonyi 1865, lot 1291 (as by Hugo van der Goes); Boerner
and Graupe 1930, lot 23, pl. 9 (as by an anonymous Netherlandish
artist of the fifteenth century); Lawrence 1969, no. 35, pl. 33 (as by
a Burgundian [?] artist active in the third quarter of the fifteenth
century); Schrader 1970, p. 42, ill. no. 6 (verso) (as by a Burgundian [?]
artist active in the third quarter of the fifteenth century); George
Szabo in New York 1978–79, nos. 13, 13a, ill. (as by a French or
Burgundian artist active in the third quarter of the fifteenth century);
Boon 1992, vol. 1, p. 505, n. 6; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann
et al. 1999, no. 2, ill.; Stephanie Buck in Frankfurt 2003–4, p. 44, n. 4
anonymous
Upper Rhine, active ca. 1480–90
4 | Anonymous
After Hans Pleydenwurff (ca. 1420/25–1472)
The Agony in the Garden, ca. 1480–90
Pen and iron gall ink, cut around the figures (laid down),
10 × 11 in. (25.4 × 27.9 cm)
Purchase, Anne and Jean Bonna Gift, 1998 (1998.264)
Verso of the secondary support, at upper right, inscribed 23 in
graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support
The praying Christ and the three sleeping disciples in

Fig. 1. Hans Pleydenwurff, The Agony in the Garden, 1465. Oil on
this drawing conform with the traditional imagery of panel, 615⁄16 × 47⁄16 in. (17.7 × 11.2 cm). Alte Pinakothek, Munich
their night in the Garden of Gethsemane on the Mount (663)

Fig. 2. Master of the Drapery Studies,
Christ Appearing to Mary Magdalen,
ca. 1490. Pen and brown ink, brush
and brown wash, over black chalk,
9⅞ × 6⅝ in. (25.1 × 16.8 cm). The Metro
politan Museum of Art, New York,
Gift of Walter Lowery, 1957 (57.32.1)
cat. 4
format—the changes and the focus on the drapery and even copies after the Master of the Drapery Studies
might reflect his own personal interests. (fig. 2),4 the drawing under discussion appears remark-
The Museum’s drawing was previously attributed to ably even and controlled. The attribution is especially
the Master of the Drapery Studies, an anonymous questionable with regard to the rather hesitantly drawn
draftsman active in Strasbourg about 1470–1500.2 heads: the Master of the Drapery Studies had a livelier
However, there is no direct evidence for any journey by hand in rendering facial features like mouths and eyes.
that artist to Franconia, and this drawing does not fit Furthermore, the abrupt contrast seen here between
easily into his oeuvre, which is the largest known by the faces and the more finished areas of the drapery is
any Northern draftsman before Dürer.3 In contrast to usually less evident in his drawings.
the characteristically free and hastily sketched lines and At the same time, in terms of other work being pro-
the spontaneous style that are pervasive in works by duced in Franconia during the period, this sheet stands
8 | dürer and beyond

out as being rather close to the Master of the Drapery Martin Schongauer
Studies, and it was likely made by an artist who was Colmar, ca. 1430–1491, Breisach
active in his circle. The Master of the Drapery Studies
was closely connected with a circle centered on the Martin Schongauer was renowned in his own lifetime
Strasbourg glass painter Peter Hemmel, who supplied as a painter and an engraver; the beauty of his works
works to a wide range of southern German art centers, inspired the nickname “Martin Hübsch” (beautiful
including Nuremberg.5 The Museum’s artist could Martin). Nothing is known of Schongauer’s early
have been an apprentice who took to the road, a wide- training, but it is assumed that he was born in Colmar
spread custom at the time, or he could have been a to the goldsmith Caspar Schongauer. In 1489 Martin
draftsman from the Upper Rhine who traveled to Fran- was granted citizenship in neighboring Breisach, pre-
conia in connection with a delivery of stained glass. sumably so that he could paint frescoes of the Last
There are echoes of Pleydenwurff ’s Hof retable—a Judgment for the cathedral there. It appears that
vanguard work and a good example of German panel Schongauer spent at least a year as a journeyman in
painting inspired by Netherlandish art—in many other the Netherlands, where he received training in the
works as well.6 We can assume that it would have served circle of Rogier van der Weyden. This early Netherland
as an influential source of inspiration to a draftsman ish influence is evident throughout his oeuvre. He was
from the Upper Rhine region in search of new sources the first artist to consistently sign his prints, and he is
for drapery motifs. The importance of such drawn cop- cited by Giorgio Vasari as having inspired the young
ies and their influence on the Strasbourg workshops Michelangelo with his engraving of the Temptation of
specializing in both stained-glass production and panel Saint Anthony. Schongauer’s dexterity as an artist also
painting is evident from the numerous extant draw- attracted Dürer, who traveled to Colmar in 1492 to
ings of draperies (including the Museum’s), which also meet the master—a year after Schongauer’s death.
provided the nickname for the Master of the Drapery
Studies. gm General literature: Rosenberg 1923; Fedja Anzelewsky et al. in Colmar
1991; Koreny 1996; Kemperdick 2004; Lehrs 2005
1. For the Hof retable, see Gisela Goldberg in Alte Pinakothek 1986,
pp. 394–95; Suckale 2009, vol. 1, pp. 159–65, figs. 241–50, vol. 2,
no. 33, figs. 826–37, 839–42.
2. For the Master of the Drapery Studies (also known as the Master
5 | Martin Schongauer
of the Coburg Roundels), see Roth 1988; Roth 2009. Bust of a Man in a Hat Gazing Upward, ca. 1480–90
3. Equally unconvincing as proof for a journey to Franconia by the
Master of the Drapery Studies is a drawing attributed to him by Pen and carbon black ink, over pen and brown ink, on paper
John Rowlands, which is preserved in the British Museum, London, prepared with sanguine wash, 5⅛ × 3⅞ in. (13 × 9.8 cm)
inv. 1873-11-1-53 (Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 7, vol. 2, pl. 7); on the
recto is a copy (with some variations) of the Annunciation from
the Hof altarpiece. Recently, Anna Moraht-Fromm has favored an At lower right, unidentified collector’s mark (letters in a circle,
Upper Rhine origin for the London drawing (in Bruges 2010–11, stamped in black ink). Verso, at lower left, inscribed M+ S in pen
p. 211, ill. [as possibly by an artist from the circle of the Master of and brown ink
the Drapery Studies]), while Stefan Roller had attributed it to a
Franconian artist from the circle of Pleydenwurff (Roller 2008, Watermark: none
p. 101, n. 14).
4. Christiane Andersson in Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1981–82,
p. 390, fig. 23; Michael Roth in Ulm 1995, p. 223, fig. 74.1. Since Max Lehrs first published this naturalistic char-
5. Ulm 1995, p. 56; Scholz 2001, p. 297. acter study of an old man as being by Schongauer, in
6. For the reception of the Annunciation in the Hof retable, see also 1914, it has been almost universally accepted as a work
Guido Messling in Buck and Messling 2009, p. 122. by the master.1 Franz Winzinger notes its correspon-
dence with a grizzled man wearing a turban who stares
Provenance: Sale, Commissaires Priseurs de Montpellier, May 16, upward at the foot of the cross in a fragment of the
1998, lot 32; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased
by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 1998 Master of Flémalle’s depiction of the Bad Thief in
Frankfurt.2 The man in Schongauer’s drawing does not
Literature: Montpellier 1998, lot 32, ill. (as by the Master of the
Drapery Studies); Messling 2010, p. 101 wear a turban, but rather a broad-brimmed hat that
scholars have been unable to identify more precisely.3
Although the features and details are not identical, they

c at. 5
are close enough to suggest that this drawing most Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., which he considers
likely represents a figure type rather than a portrait.4 an early work (fig. 1).8 Most recently, Fritz Koreny
Long debated in the literature, however, are the argues against the early dating and follows Rosenberg
questions of when Schongauer executed this drawing in his assessment of a stylistic development based on
and how it fits in stylistically with his other known (but comparisons made between Schongauer’s drawings and
also undated) drawings and prints. Jakob Rosenberg engravings. Citing such stylistic similarities as the rich
first assigned the drawing to the artist’s middle period contour lines that define the figure and the fine, closely
(about 1480) because of its similarity to his Passion spaced hatching that molds the facial features, among
engravings.5 Winzinger cites Rosenberg and compares other elements, Koreny places the Museum’s drawing
it to the Head of a Man with a Fur Cap in Berlin.6 In his with such late engravings as A Foolish Virgin and Saint
entry for the drawing in the catalogue of the Colmar Lawrence.9
exhibition, Emmanuel Starcky also relies on Rosenberg’s Although Koreny rejects Starcky’s dating, the
comparison of the drawing to the Passion engravings, latter’s comparison of Bust of a Man in a Hat Gazing
although in the exhibition they were interpreted as late Upward with Washington’s Bust of a Monk remains
works.7 Starcky compares the work stylistically to the noteworthy. Drawn in the same medium and roughly
Bust of a Monk Assisting at Communion in the National the same size, both works employ short vertical hooks
10 | dür er and beyond

1. Mikael Bøgh Rasmussen recently contended that the Lehman
drawing—like the Bearded Man with Pointed Oriental Headgear in
the Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen, inv. gb 2973—is by
a follower of Schongauer (Bøgh Rasmussen 2000, p. 28). Long
considered an autograph work, the Copenhagen drawing was
attributed to a follower of Schongauer by Fritz Koreny in his reas-
sessment of the artist’s drawings (Koreny 1996, p. 132). Koreny
does, however, maintain the attribution of the Lehman drawing to
Schongauer both in his 1996 article and in Haverkamp-Begemann
et al. 1999, no. 5.
2. Winzinger 1962, p. 49. The Master of Flémalle’s painting is in the
Städel Museum, Frankfurt, inv. 886 (Kemperdick 1997, pp. 29–42,
pl. 3; Jochen Sander in Frankfurt and Berlin 2008–9, no. 8, ill.).
3. Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, pp. 23–24.
4. Ibid.
5. Rosenberg 1923, p. 22. For the Passion engravings, see Hollstein,
German, 1954–, vol. 49 (1999), nos. 19–30, ill.
6. Winzinger 1962, p. 49. The drawing is in the Kupferstichkabinett,
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 4917 (Winzinger 1962,
no. 27, ill.).
7. Starcky in Colmar 1991, no. d 10.
8. Winzinger 1962, no. 13, ill.
9. Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, pp. 22–23. For the
engravings, see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 49 (1999), p. 190,
no. 86, ill., p. 144, no. 61, ill.; Lehrs 2005, nos. 86, 61, ill.
10. Frenzel 1831, p. 61.
Fig. 1. Martin Schongauer, Bust of a Monk Assisting at Communion,
ca. 1480–90 (?). Pen and brown ink, 415⁄16 × 41⁄16 in. (12.5 × 10.3 cm). Provenance: Franz von Sternberg-Manderscheid (1763–1830),
National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., Rosenwald Collection Prague; sale, J. G. A. Frenzel, Dresden, November 10, 1845, vol. 5,
(1952.8.295) lot 330; Friedrich August II of Saxony (1797–1854), Dresden; his
heirs, until 1945; private collection, Switzerland; [E. Verchère,
Geneva; A. and R. Ball, New York]; Robert Lehman (1891–1969),
over parallel hatching in the eyebrows and sloping New York, 1952; given by the Robert Lehman Foundation to the
Museum in accordance with the collector’s wishes, 1975
parallels along the bridge of the nose. In both the eyes
Literature: Frenzel 1831, p. 60 (as by Hans Holbein the Elder);
are skewed and unfocused, with crescent-shaped lines Frenzel 1845, lot 330 (as by Holbein the Elder); Lehrs 1914, pl. 2;
accentuating the lower eyelids, and the mouths are Rosenberg 1923, pp. 22–23, 40, fig. 16; Baum 1948, p. 45, fig. 122;
slightly ajar. Furthermore, the right cheeks are defined Winzinger 1950, p. 46, fig. 5; Flechsig 1951, pp. 332, 334; New York
1956, no. 158; Paris 1957, no. 126, pl. lvii; Cincinnati 1959, no. 247,
through curving calligraphic lines, while the left are ill.; Winzinger 1962, no. 14, ill.; George Szabo in New York 1978–
shaded with close parallels. These two drawings also 79, no. 21, ill.; Châtelet 1979, p. 120; Bernhard 1980, p. 415, ill.
share the same early provenance: in 1831, J. G. A. p. 154; Emmanuel Starcky in Colmar 1991, no. d 10; Koreny 1996,
p. 139, fig. 31; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999,
Frenzel, then director of the Kupferstich-Kabinett, no. 5, ill.; Bøgh Rasmussen 2000, p. 28, fig. 4a (as by a follower of
Dresden, and advisor (from 1814 to 1854) to Friedrich Schongauer)
August II, king of Saxony, discussed both works when
they were still part of the Sternberg-Manderscheid
collection.10 He attributed Bust of a Man Gazing Upward
to Hans Holbein the Elder, but assigned Bust of a Monk
to an unknown early German master. Friedrich August
acquired both drawings at the 1845 auction of the
Sternberg-Manderscheid collection. fs

Albrecht Dürer and Artists Active in Nuremberg in the Early
Sixteenth Century
Albrecht Dürer 6 | Albrecht Dürer

Nuremberg, 1471–1528, Nuremberg Sheet with a Self-Portrait and Studies of the Artist’s Left Hand
and a Pillow; verso: Six Studies of a Pillow, 1493
The most celebrated artist of Renaissance Germany,
Albrecht Dürer first trained with his father, Albrecht Pen and iron gall ink, 1015⁄16 × 715⁄16 in. (27.8 × 20.2 cm)
the Elder, in his goldsmith’s workshop in Nuremberg.
He was then apprenticed to the painter and printmaker At upper center, inscribed Ad in pen and brown ink, by a later
hand. Verso, at upper center, dated 1493 in pen and brown ink,
Michael Wolgemut. During Dürer’s Wanderjahre by the artist; at lower left, stamp of the Muzeum imienia
(1490–94), he traveled in the Upper Rhineland, prob- Lubomirskich (muz / im / lubom in a circle, stamped in red;
ably visiting Frankfurt, Mainz, and Cologne. In 1492 not in Lugt)
he was in Colmar, hoping to study with Martin Schon- Watermark: three French lilies in crowned shield, flower above1
gauer, who had died the year before. That August he
went to Basel, where he executed woodcuts for book
illustrations, including Sebastian Brant’s canonical Arguably one of the best drawings in the Museum, and
Ship of Fools (1494). In late 1494 he was in Italy, likely one of the greatest from the artist’s early years, this
visiting Venice, Mantua, and Padua. Dürer returned to sheet has a commanding presence that makes it easy to
Nuremberg and became a master in 1495, producing forget that, in essence, it is a series of exercises by a
paintings for patrons including Elector Frederick the young artist. Dürer seems to have started the drawing
Wise of Saxony as well as myriad prints, particularly with his self-portrait, placed just a little higher than the
his series the Apocalypse (1498); the Small and Large center of the sheet. The face is slightly distorted, “its
Passions (ca. 1511); and the Life of the Virgin (ca. 1511). magnified nose registering the convexity of the mirror
His friendship with the Nuremberg humanist Willibald employed.”2 In contrast, he studied his left hand
Pirckheimer is reflected in letters penned on his second directly, with the same piercing, self-confident eyes that
trip to Italy (1506–7), during which Dürer delighted in stare at us from the drawing. The hand is seen at closer
the Italian artists’ use of color and their system of range than the face. The pillow below the sketches of
representing human proportions. His association with the face and the hand appears to be viewed from above,
Emperor Maximilian I began in 1512 and resulted in casting its shadow on the ground. This spatial ambigu-
the extraordinary paper monuments the Triumphal Arch ity does not at all detract from the drawing but rather
(1512–17/18) and Triumphal Chariot (1522). In 1520–21 brings to life a composition that could easily have
he journeyed to the Netherlands, where he kept a looked like three isolated studies.
diary recording his artistic activities and the artists Dürer probably then turned the sheet over and con-
he encountered. In his last years Dürer worked on tinued to study the pillow, which, kneaded into subtly
theoretical writings, including his Vier Bücher von varying forms, served as a patient model for six distinct
menschlicher Proportion (Four books on human propor- views. Only in the study at upper left does hatching
tion, printed posthumously, 1528). outside the pillow’s outlines indicate its relationship
to the surrounding space; in the five other studies the
Selected general literature: Flechsig 1928–31; F. Winkler 1936–39; pillow almost appears to be a floating, abstract form.
Panofsky 1948; F. Winkler 1957; Washington 1971; Strauss 1974;
Anzelewsky 1991; Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum 2001–4; Because the shadow cast by the first pillow is drawn
Vienna 2003 over the study to its right, the artist probably added it
after completion of all six sketches. Using merely out-
lines and hatching for modeling, and almost without
varying the thickness of the pen lines, Dürer depicted
12
13
Six Studies of a Pillow (verso of cat. 6)
14 | d ür er and beyond

Fig. 1. Albrecht Dürer, Self-Portrait, 1493. Oil on vellum, laid down
on canvas, 221⁄16 × 175⁄16 in. (56 × 44 cm). Musée du Louvre, Paris
(rf 2382)
Fig. 2. Albrecht Dürer, Three Studies of a Left Hand, ca. 1493–95.

the pillow before him in the same way that he and many Pen and brown ink, 10⅝ × 71⁄16 in. (27 × 18 cm). Albertina, Vienna
(26327)
artists before him would convey the endlessly diverse
features of drapery.3 But whereas such drapery studies,
at least in Northern Europe, were most often based in the painting. The study of a left hand on a sheet in
on the artist’s imagination or on models by other art- Vienna (upper left in fig. 2) may also have been made in
ists (see cat. 4), Dürer’s pillows betray only here and this context.5 It can be dated to about the same time as
there—for instance, in the small curl at the left edge of the work under discussion, although it appears some-
the pillow at center left—that he had been trained to what less confident. The same can be said of a drawing
depict form according to artistic tradition rather than in London;6 it must be noted, however, that in this
direct observation. drawing the artist set himself slightly more difficult
The autograph date at the top of the verso places challenges than in the Lehman sheet, involving the
the drawing in the last of the artist’s wandering years, depiction of an arm and a leg in foreshortening.
the year in which he also made what has been called the While it is the directness of the self-portrait that
“first autonomous painted self-portrait in Western art,” raises the Museum’s drawing to the level of master-
now in Paris (fig. 1).4 Probably intended as an engage- work, this directness—so unexpected from an artist of
ment portrait to be sent to his soon-to-be wife, Agnes, his time—is by no means unique in Dürer’s oeuvre.
in Nuremberg, the painting shows the artist with the Dürer’s first self-portrait, age thirteen, was still rather
same long locks and faint dusting of facial hair on his conventional, but a drawing in Erlangen, which must
chin and upper lip, with facial features nearly identi- have preceded the Museum’s by only a year or two, is
cal to those in the Museum’s self-portrait. Indeed, equally startling as self-observation—in this case, of
comparing the drawing to the painting, one wonders genuine melancholy (fig. 3).7 Dürer’s two remaining
whether the study of the hand could have been made painted self-portraits are less personal in the traits they
in preparation for the one holding the sprig of eryngo reveal: that of a man who had come to realize during his
al b r e ch t d ür e r an d arti st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 15

thirteen-year-old is in the Albertina, Vienna, inv. 4839 (F. Winkler
1936–39, vol. 1 [1936], no. 1, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 1, no. 1484/1, ill.;
Heinz Widauer in Vienna 2003, no. 1, ill.).
8. Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid, inv. 2179 (Anzelewsky 1991,
vol. 1, no. 49, vol. 2, pl. 53). In a letter from Venice to his friend Wil-
libald Pirckheimer on August 18, 1506, Dürer writes that he became
a “zentilam” (gentiluomo) in Venice (published in Dürer 1956–69
[ed.], vol. 1 [1956], p. 52).
9. Graphische Sammlungen, Klassik Stiftung Weimar, inv. kk 106
(F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 1 [1936], no. 267, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 2,
no. 1503/18, ill.; Sieveking 2001, p. 120, fig. 10; Berthold Hinz in
Vienna 2003, no. 52, ill.).
Provenance: Probably Willibald Imhoff the Elder (1519–1580) and his

heirs, or Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle (1517–1586); probably
acquired from one of these collections as part of a large group of
Dürer drawings by Emperor Rudolf II (1552–1612), Prague, in 1588
or 1589 and then by descent in the Habsburg family collections;
Albert of Saxony, Duke of Teschen (1738–1822), Brussels, Dresden,
and Vienna; Albertina, Vienna; removed from the Albertina along
with other drawings by Dürer, probably by the curator of drawings,
François-Joseph Lefèbvre (1762–1835), and later sold through the
dealer and collector Josef Grünling (1785–1845), Vienna; acquired
Fig. 3. Albrecht Dürer, Self-Portrait, ca. 1491–92. Pen and brown ink, after 1816 and by 1834 by Henryk Lubomirski (1777–1859), Vienna
81⁄16 × 83⁄16 in. (20.4 × 20.8 cm). Graphische Sammlung, Universitäts and Przeworsk;* Musaeum Lubomirscianum (Muzeum Książat
bibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg, Erlangen (Bock 155) Lubomirskich or Lubomirski Museum), attached to the Ossolineum
(Zakład Narodowy imienia Ossolińskich or Ossoliński Institute),
Lemberg (also Łwów or Lvov; now Lviv); nationalized, along with
the collections of the Ossolineum, by the Soviet occupation forces in
stays in Venice that he was “a gentleman,” in a painting 1939 and made part of the V. Stefanyk Library of the Ukrainian Acad-
dated 1498 in Madrid;8 and the less easily explained emy of Sciences, Lvov; confiscated by the German occupation forces
identification with Christ, in a painting of 1500 in in 1941; stored in the salt mines at Altaussee; Munich Central Col-
lecting Point, 1945 or later; restituted to Jerzy Rafał Lubomirski
Munich (see cat. 8, fig. 2). A high point in the artist’s (1887–1978), Geneva, in 1950; † sold through Paul Drey, New York, to
exploration of his own appearance is a startling draw- Robert Lehman (1891–1969), New York, 1952; given by the Robert
ing in Weimar, dated about 1500–1505, that shows the Lehman Foundation to the Museum in accordance with the collec-
tor’s wishes, 1975
artist nude from the knees up.9 That drawing’s unrepen-
Selected literature: Reitlinger 1927, pp. 154, 159, pl. 1; F. Winkler
tant self-scrutiny would remain almost unparalleled 1927a, pp. 15–16; F. Winkler 1927b, p. 354, ill.; Friedrich Winkler in
until the era of Egon Schiele and other soul-searching Lippmann and F. Winkler 1883–1929, vol. 6 (1927), nos. 613, 614,
artists of the twentieth century, but Dürer’s sovereign, ill.; Tietze and Tietze-Conrat 1928–38, vol. 1 (1928), nos. 32, 33, ill.;
Gębarowicz and Tietze 1929, no. 1, pls. 1, 2; Flechsig 1928–31, vol. 2
piercing, and even cold gaze is already fully present in (1931), pp. 27, 29, 69, 352, 397, 545; Kehrer 1934, pp. 31–32, pl. 9;
the Lehman portrait of his younger self. sa Waetzoldt 1935, pp. 33, 170, fig. 6; F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 1 (1936),
nos. 27, 32, ill.; Panofsky 1943, vol. 1, pp. 24–25, vol. 2, nos. 998,
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Sitten in 1442, pl. 26; Panofsky 1948, vol. 1, pp. 24–25, vol. 2, nos. 998, 1442,
1494 (Piccard-Online, no. 128593; accessed November 20, 2011); pl. 26; F. Winkler 1957, p. 37, pl. 4; Wagenseil 1962, pp. 173, 174;
reproduced in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 32. Gaillard F. Ravenel in Washington 1971, no. i, ill.; Strauss 1974,
2. Koerner 2006, p. 37. vol. 1, nos. 1493/6, 1493/7, ill.; Szabo 1979, pp. 1–3, figs. 1, 2; Barbara
Drake Boehm in New York and Nuremberg 1986, no. 102, ill.;
3. See, for example, a double-sided drawing by Dürer with studies
Koerner 1993, pp. 5–7, 12–14, 27–33, 154, figs. 2, 5; Fritz Koreny in
of the Virgin and Child, of drapery, and of his hand in the British
Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, no. 7, ill.; Juzwenko and Mirecki
Museum, London, inv. 1983-4-16-2 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 1
2004, p. 50, no. 17, ill.; Koerner 2006, pp. 37, 40, figs. 21, 22
[1936], nos. 22, 23, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 1, nos. 1491/4, 1491/5, ill.;
Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 120, vol. 2, pls. 74, 75). * For the early provenance of the Dürer drawings in the Lubomirski
4. Anzelewsky 1991, vol. 1, no. 10, vol. 2, pl. 14. The quotation is collection, see Koschatzky 1971, pp. 8–82; on p. 82 they are con-
from Strieder 1996, p. 429. nected with a group of Dürer drawings formerly in the collections
of Rudolf II and later of Albert of Saxony.
5. F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 1 (1936), no. 47, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 1,
†
no. 1493/8, ill.; Maria Luise Sternath in Vienna 2003, no. 7, ill. or the eventful twentienth-century history of ownership of the
F
6. Courtauld Gallery, London, inv. d.1978.pg.251 (F. Winkler 1936– Dürer drawings in the Lubomirski collection, see Vause 2002;
39, vol. 1 [1936], nos. 31, 33, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 1, nos. 1493/1, Juzwenko and Mirecki 2004.
1493/2, ill.; Helen Braham in London 1991–92, no. 31, ill.).
7. Bock 1929, vol. 1, no. 155, vol. 2, ill.; F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 1
(1936), no. 26, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 1, no. 1491/9, ill.; Rainer
Schoch in Nuremberg 2008, no. 38, ill. The self-portrait as a

7 | Albrecht Dürer
Fortuna in a Niche, 1498
Pen and iron gall ink, 12⅞ × 4¾ in. (32.7 × 12 cm)

At lower center, dated and monogrammed 1498 / AD (D under A)
in pen and brown ink. Verso, at upper center, inscribed J (?) in
graphite (19th-century handwriting); at lower left, inscribed
G. 342 in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Watermark: crown with cross and suspended triangle1
When Henry Scipio Reitlinger first published Fortuna

in a Niche, in 1927, as part of a group of Dürer drawings
from the Lubomirski collection in Lemberg (now
Lviv, in present-day Ukraine), he commented that it
reminded him of the artist’s engraving The Small Fortune,
executed about 1497.2 The designation of this beauti-
fully crafted nude woman standing confidently atop a
sphere as the allegorical figure of Fortune has per-
sisted in the scholarship.3 When catalogued in 1999 by
Fritz Koreny, the drawing was described as an example
of Dürer’s early interest in the female nude studied
from life as well as of his fascination with human pro-
portions. As Jay Levenson aptly puts it, the drawing is
“delicately poised between the real and the ideal.”4
Although Koreny acknowledges Dürer’s life drawings
of nudes, he focuses his discussion on the artist’s
introduction to ideal proportions by the Italian artist
Jacopo de’ Barbari during Dürer’s first stay in Venice,
in 1495. Dürer would have had contact with him again
in Nuremberg in 1500, when de’ Barbari was appointed
court artist to Emperor Maximilian I. Dürer later
noted that his interest in proportion began with
de’ Barbari:
I found no one who has written about a system of human
proportion, except Jacobus, a native of Venice and a lovely
painter. He showed me how to construct man and woman
based on measurements. When he told of this, I would
rather have come into possession of his knowledge than of
a kingdom. . . . But Jacobus I noticed did not give me a
clear explanation; so I went ahead on my own and read
Vitruvius, who describes the proportions of the human
body to some extent. Thereafter, I continued my search
for more information.5
Dürer’s subsequent and sustained investigation
of the proportions of the human figure led him to
examine Cennini’s Trattato della pittura, Leon Battista
Alberti’s Della pittura, and other quattrocento theo-
ries of proportion, all stemming from the canonical
text De architectura by the Roman architect Vitruvius.
In Dürer’s own writings these theoretical concepts
al b r e ch t d ür e r an d art i st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 17

culminated in the Vier Bücher von menschlicher Proportion
(Four books on human proportion), published posthu-
mously in 1528.6 The book represents Dürer’s almost
thirty-year preoccupation with the ideal of human pro-
portion based on geometric principles, which is embod-
ied in his drawings, prints, and p aintings.
The smooth semicircular niche that Fortuna
occupies is framed by two rectangular walls topped
by barely delineated disks. Mieczysław Gębarowicz
and Hans Tietze as well as Levenson believed the
niche motif could have been copied from Venetian
tomb sculpture.7 Levenson also perceived the motif
in Martin Schongauer’s engraving Christ before Pilate.8
All of these references are valid; however, the space
itself is significant and mirrors the Vitruvian system
of measurement of the human form based on the
circle and square.9 The figure may in fact be Fortuna,
but the sphere she stands on may also be a reference
to its own perfect form. The emphasis on circular
forms continues in the figure itself. Walter Strauss
points out that the spheres of the woman’s breasts are
modeled with concentric circles.10 Furthermore, her
winglike shoulder muscles follow the lines of a circle
Fig. 1. Albrecht Dürer, Study of a Female Nude Seen from the Front with Construction Lines (verso of fig. 2), 1500. that encloses the upper torso, and the line of her neck
Pen and brown ink, 13 × 173⁄16 in. (33 × 43.6 cm). British Museum, London (5218-184) follows a curve rising from the corners of the rectangle
of the rib cage. This seemingly peculiar construction
of the female form is also evident in a group of Dürer’s
more straightforward drawn proportion studies that
have been dated to about 1500.11 On the verso of a
drawing in London, the outline of a woman’s body
is divided into proportions measured against an axis
drawn through the body, from the crown of the head to
a point just below the toes (fig. 1).12 On the recto of this
sheet, the geometrically precise female form is worked
up with hatched lines and wash to create a greater
sense of depth (fig. 2). She is shown standing behind a
measured circle, emphasizing its importance in math-
ematical proportions for the human form. The drawing
is accompanied by Dürer’s notations indicating that he
constructed the figure with the help of a compass and
according to the system outlined by Vitruvius.
Although the function of the Lehman drawing is not
certain, it is interesting to note that Dürer’s first pro-
portionally constructed preparatory study for a print,
Nemesis (or The Large Fortune), is a drawing from about
1500 that shows a nude woman designed according to
the Vitruvian canon standing on a sphere.13 fs
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Nuremberg
in 1493 (Piccard-Online, no. 51601; accessed August 1, 2011).
Fig. 2. Albrecht Dürer, Study of a Female Nude Seen from the Front with a Foreshortened Circle, 1500. Pen and brown 2. Reitlinger 1927, p. 154. For the print, see Hollstein, German,
ink, green wash, 13 × 173⁄16 in. (33 × 43.6 cm). British Museum, London (5218-184) 1954–, vol. 7 (1962), p. 65, no. 71.
18 | d ürer and beyond

3. For a complete bibliography up to 1999, see Fritz Koreny in 8 | Albrecht Dürer
Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 39. Scholars have struggled
to identify the subject of the drawing. Jay A. Levenson remarked on Salvator Mundi, ca. 1504–5
the unusual rendition of the scene but could not determine another
explanation for the imagery (in Washington 1971, pp. 36–39). Oil on panel, 22⅞ × 18½ in. (58.1 × 47 cm)
4. Levenson in Washington 1971, p. 36; also cited by Koreny in The Friedsam Collection, Bequest of Michael Friedsam, 1931
Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 40. (32.100.64)
5. “Jdoch so ich keinen find, der do etwas beschriben hett van mensch
licher mas zw manchen, dan einen man Jacobus genent, van Venedig
geporn, ein liblicher moler. Der wies mir man vnd weib, dÿ er aws This painting was already recorded as an unfinished
der mas gemacht het, vnd das och awff dÿse tzeit liber sehen wolt, work in the sixteenth century: the 1573 inventory of the
was sein mainung wer gewest da nein new kunigraich. . . . Dan mir
wolt diser forgemelt Jacobus seinen grunt nit klerich an tzeigen, das
Imhoff collection lists “The Salvator not quite finished
merkett ich woll an jm.” Dürer 1956–69 (ed.), vol. 1 (1956), p. 102; by Albrecht Dürer.”1 In 1861 Professor Alois Hauser in
the translation is adapted from that given in Strauss 1974, vol. 2, Bamberg cleaned the picture and described its state: the
p. 503. The text is found in the artist’s manuscript draft for the in-
troduction to his Vier Bücher von menschlicher Proportion, preserved in
finished portions, he noted, comprised the draperies,
the Department of Manuscripts, British Library, London, MS 5230, hair, and the green background; the face and hands had
fol. 44. been sketched in and highlights had been applied to
6. It was published by Dürer’s wife, Agnes, and Willibald Pirck- the forehead and nose.2 A subsequent owner had the
heimer, to whom the artist had dedicated the work.
painting completed by a restorer in Augsburg named
7. Gębarowicz and Tietze 1929, p. 16; Levenson in Washington 1971,
p. 38.
Deschler.3 Finally, cleanings before 1906 and in 1939–40
8. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 49 (1999), p. 64, no. 24, ill.
(after the acquisition of the painting by the Museum in
9. The so-called Vitruvian Man can be found in book three of
1932) removed the overpainting, again exposing the
De architectura. unfinished portions.4 Despite the somewhat checkered
10. See Strauss 1974, vol. 1, p. 274. history and compromised condition of the Salvator
11. Ibid., vol. 2, nos. 1500/13–1500/36, ill. The related drawings can Mundi, its authorship has rarely been questioned, and
be found in Berlin, Dresden, Hamburg, London, and elsewhere. because of its unfinished state, it can be appreciated
12. F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 2 (1937), nos. 411, 412, ill.; Strauss 1974, today equally as a drawing and as a painting.5 Infrared
vol. 2, nos. 1500/29, 1500/30, ill.; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 149,
vol. 2, pls. 97, 96.
reflectography has further revealed the extent of the
13. British Museum, London, inv. 5218-114 (F. Winkler 1936–39,
underdrawing, which is so precise and meticulously
vol. 1 [1936], no. 266, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 2, no. 1502/25, ill.; rendered that it looks like an independent drawing
Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 150, vol. 2, pl. 95). For Nemesis, see Holl- (fig. 1).6
stein, German, 1954–, vol. 7 (1962), p. 66, no. 72; Rainer Schoch in
Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum 2001–4, vol. 1 (2001), no. 33, ill.
Dürer’s Christ was influenced both by examples by
his German predecessors and by contemporary Italian
Provenance: See cat. 6 art. An engraving by the Master E. S., later reworked by
Selected literature: Reitlinger 1927, pp. 154, 159, pl. iia; F. Winkler Israhel van Meckenem about 1467, shows the pose of
1927a, p. 16; F. Winkler 1927b, p. 354; Friedrich Winkler in Christ adopted by Dürer: a half-length figure, the right
Lippmann and F. Winkler 1883–1929, vol. 6 (1927), no. 669, ill; hand raised in blessing and the left holding an orb, with
Tietze and Tietze-Conrat 1928–38, vol. 1 (1928), no. 143, ill;
Gębarowicz and Tietze 1929, no. 4, pl. iv; Flechsig 1928–31, vol. 2 the head slightly tilted toward the left.7 The tightly
(1931), p. 420; F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 1 (1936), no. 154, ill.; curled beard and ringlets of hair falling to the shoulders
Panofsky 1943, vol. 2, no. 911; Panofsky 1948, vol. 2, no. 911; Jay A. also bear close comparison. Dürer’s work, however, is
Levenson in Washington 1971, no. vi, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 1,
no. 1495/7, ill.; Barbara Drake Boehm in New York and Nuremberg imbued with a Renaissance spirit that owes its inspira-
1986, no. 110, ill.; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann tion to Jacopo de’ Barbari, whom Dürer met when
et al. 1999, no. 8, ill.; Sieveking 2001, p. 120, fig. 8; Juzwenko and the Italian came to Germany to work for Emperor
Mirecki 2004, p. 52, no. 19, ill.; Freyda Spira in Sacramento and
Poughkeepsie 2010–11, p. 130 Maximilian I in Nuremberg in 1500 and later for
Elector Frederick the Wise of Saxony in Wittenberg.8
Dating from this period (about 1503) are two paintings
of Christ by de’ Barbari—one now in Weimar, the other
in Dresden.9 Both show a frontal Christ, who addresses
the viewer with mouth slightly opened, as if about to
speak; his hair falls in loose ringlets to the shoulders,
and his beard is a mass of tight curls. The richly satu-
rated red and blue in Christ’s robe and cloak in the

that are comparable in complexity to the underdrawing
found in Dürer’s Self-Portrait of 1500 in Munich (fig. 2).11
In these paintings, as well as in his drawings on paper,
Dürer had taken over the exacting technique he had
developed for engraving. The remarkably dense passages
of parallel hatching and cross-hatching in pen in the
shadow areas of the head in the Salvator Mundi are even
further reworked with another layer of curved strokes
in brush that indicate the cavity of the neck. For his pre-
paratory drawings, Dürer employed pen work in darker
and lighter inks and white heightening on blue paper.
His studies for the Feast of the Rose Garlands (now in
Prague),12 Dürer’s first major commission after arriving
in Venice, show striking parallels to the underdrawing in
the Salvator Mundi. Compare, for example, several of
Dürer’s studies of hands in Vienna and Nuremberg
with the underdrawing of the hand of Christ raised in
blessing, where the obliquely angled cross-hatching for
the deepest areas of shadow, the short commalike
strokes indicating the edges of forms, and the bold, even
parallel strokes across the fingers appear so similar.13
The extensive underdrawing in the robe and mantle of
Christ resembles the drapery studies that Dürer was
making at the time, which likewise express convincing
volumetric forms deftly modeled by light and shade.14
In contrast to the abundance of comparative studies
on paper, few other paintings by Dürer are worked up
in so detailed and meticulous a way as the Museum’s
Salvator Mundi. The Munich Self-Portrait is an excep-
tion. The full-face, frontal figure of the self-portrait was
a form usually reserved in Northern Europe at this time
for icons of Christ. In addition, the idealized formal
portrayal of the sitter, who directly addresses the viewer
with a hypnotic gaze, his handsome face, and his
shoulder-length brown hair—Dürer was blond in other
portraits—all call to mind the description of Christ in
the famous Lentulus letter, a document first published
in 1474 and only later found to be a forgery.15 The
c at. 8 Christ-like nature of the self-portrait in Munich has
eimar example mark an Italian palette that Dürer
W been ascribed to Dürer’s desire to convey a representa-
readily assimilated. In addition to these features, it is tion both of man created in the image of God (imago
especially the poignant, human expression of Dei) and of the artist himself as creator.16 The Latin
de’ Barbari’s Christ that Dürer adopted. inscription on the painting stresses Dürer’s humanist
The composition and style of the painting, with identity, suggesting the concept of the Christian
influences from early printmaking as well as from Humanist so strongly advocated by Erasmus.17 The
de’ Barbari, suggest a relatively early date—that is, Munich painting was probably meant as a showpiece to
about 1504–5. This would be just before Dürer fled an demonstrate Dürer’s extraordinary abilities to prospec-
outbreak of the plague in Nuremberg, departing for tive clients and his pupils alike, and it was most likely
Venice in late fall of 1505 and perhaps leaving the Salvator kept in his house during his lifetime. Could the Salvator
Mundi unfinished in his studio.10 A close look at the Mundi, which has so much in common with the Munich
underdrawing reveals details of handling and execution Self-Portrait, have served a similar purpose in Dürer’s

workshop—to inspire and to instruct? We cannot know
the reason that it was left unfinished, but perhaps the
Salvator Mundi was a painting that Dürer kept close at
hand, to work on slowly in a further development of the
concepts and aims of the Munich Self-Portrait. mwa
1. As quoted in H. Budde 1996, p. 142: “Der Salvator, so Albrecht

Durer nit gar ausgemacht hat.” The connection to the entry in
the Imhoff inventory was already made in Heller 1827, pt. 1, p. 79;
Sighart 1862, p. 626; von Eye 1869, p. 455, and app., p. 532.
2. As recorded in London 1906, p. 96; Flechsig 1928–31, vol. 1,
p. 401.
3. See previous note.
4. London 1906, p. 96. Ricketts 1906 notes the removal of the
restorations of the Salvator Mundi, lent from the Fairfax Murray
collection to the exhibition “Early German Art” at the Burlington
Fine Arts Club, London, in 1906. Information about the 1939–40
cleaning comes from treatment files in the Museum’s Department
of Paintings Conservation. During these cleanings, some of the
underdrawing was scraped off and retouched, the highlights on the
nose and forehead that Hauser described disappeared, and the hair
was damaged.
5. Only Robert Vischer (1886, p. 221) thought it was by Hans Suess
von Kulmbach, but this assessment was based on a woodcut repro-
duction of the painting. Two additional unfinished paintings by
Dürer, Saint Onuphrius and Saint John the Baptist (Kunsthalle Bremen,
inv. 33-1851) were proposed by Eduard Flechsig as the left and right
wings of the Salvator Mundi (Flechsig 1928–31, vol. 1, pp. 400–403;
for these paintings, see Höper 1990, pp. 124–26, ill.; Anzelewsky
1991, vol. 1, nos. 84, 85, vol. 2, pls. 99, 100, 102; Anne Röver-
Kann in Bremen 2004, figs. 1, 2). This proposal was supported in
C. L. Kuhn 1936, p. 54; Musper 1965, p. 86; Höper 1990, pp. 124–25;
Anzelewsky 1991, vol. 1, p. 189; and rejected in Wehle 1942; Strieder
1981, p. 297. Erwin Panofsky (1948, vol. 2, p. 9, no. 18) mentions
the proposed connection of the wings to the Salvator Mundi without
expressing any definitive point of view. A technical examination of
all three paintings at The Metropolitan Museum of Art on January 4,
2005, helped determine that the Bremen wings most likely did not
belong to the Salvator Mundi. The results of this investigation were
presented in exhibitions at the Museum (January 11–March 27,
2005) and at the Kunsthalle Bremen (April 19–July 17, 2005).
6. The infrared reflectography was carried out on November 25, 2004,
by Charlotte Hale in the Museum’s Department of Paintings Conser-
vation. The equipment used was an Indigo Merlin nir camera with
no filter, a Nikon Micro-Nikkor 55 mm lens, a National Instruments
imaq (ni 14222) digitizing board, and ir Vista 2.5 capture software.
The mosaicing program was Adobe Photoshop 8.0 cs.
7. Lehrs 1908–34, vol. 2 (1910), no. 57, plate vol. 2, pl. 91; Alan
Shestack in Philadelphia 1967, no. 79, ill.; Alan Shestack in Wash-
ington 1967–68, no. 16, ill.; Holm Bevers in Munich and Berlin
1986–87, no. 23, fig. 24. The connection with the Museum’s painting
was already suggested in Wehle 1942, p. 157; and by Kurt Löcher in
New York and Nuremberg 1986, p. 290.
8. Moritz Thausing (1884, pp. 304–5) was the first to observe this; see
also Hevesy 1928, pp. 34–35.
9. Schlossmuseum im Stadtschloss, Klassik Stiftung Weimar, inv. g2
(Ferrari 2006, pp. 93–94, no. 8, pl. viii); Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister,
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, inv. 928 b (Ferrari 2006,
pp. 95–96, no. 9, pl. ix).
10. Jill Dunkerton (1999, p. 101) stated that this painting must have
been made in Venice, based on an understanding that the panel Fig. 1. Infrared reflectogram of cat. 8 (detail)
is poplar. However, a technical investigation of the wood support

by George Bisacca and Marijn Manuels on March 26–27, 2003, Selected literature:* Heller 1827, pt. 1, p. 27; Sighart 1862, p. 626;
indicated that it is linden. Furthermore, the ground preparation von Eye 1869, p. 455; von Eye and Börner 1880, p. 140; Thausing
is calcium carbonate, also a likely indication of production in the 1884, pp. 304–5; Vischer 1886, p. 221; Justi 1898, p. 354; London
North (kindly tested by Silvia Centano, report of March 27, 2003, 1906, no. 38, pl. xxiii; Ricketts 1906, p. 267; Flechsig 1928–31, vol. 1
preserved in the files of the Museum’s Department of Paintings (1928), pp. 400–403; Hevesy 1928, pp. 34–35, ill.; Tietze and Tietze-
Conservation). Both linden wood and calcium carbonate were avail- Conrat 1928–38, vol. 1 (1928), no. 244, ill.; F. Winkler 1928, p. 411;
able in Venice, and there are some examples of Italian artists using Burroughs and Wehle 1932, pp. 29–30, no. 44; Tietze 1932–33, p. 92;
these materials (information provided by Cecilia Frosinini of the Tietze 1933, p. 263, fig. 20; C. L. Kuhn 1936, no. 200, pl. xxxvii;
Istituto Centrale per il Restauro at the Fortezza di Basso, Florence), Wehle 1942, ill.; Panofsky 1948, vol. 1, p. 94, vol. 2, no. 18; F. Win-
but other evidence points more conclusively to production in Ger- kler 1957, p. 138; Musper 1965, p. 86; Zampa 1968, no. 100, ill.;
many. The earliest provenance of the Salvator Mundi is the collection Anzelewsky 1971, no. 83, figs. 91, 93; Nuremberg 1971, no. 192;
of Willibald Imhoff, which was the eventual repository of the works Strieder 1981, p. 297, ill. p. 299; Kurt Löcher in New York and
left in Dürer’s workshop in Nuremberg upon his death (H. Budde Nuremberg 1986, no. 118, ill.; Höper 1990, pp. 124–25; Anzelewsky
1996, pp. 142–44). Furthermore, the closest parallels for Dürer’s 1991, vol. 1, no. 83, vol. 2, pls. 101, 102; H. Budde 1996, pp. 142–44;
work are de’ Barbari’s paintings of Christ made about 1503, while he Dunkerton 1999, p. 101; Maryan W. Ainsworth in Vienna 2003,
was working in Germany. no. 84, ill.; Anne Röver-Kann in Bremen 2004, pp. 6–7, 22–23, 25,
11. Anzelewsky 1991, vol. 1, no. 66, vol. 2, pls. 72–74; Goldberg, 26, fig. 33
Heimberg, and Schawe 1998, pp. 314–53, ill. For photos of the * Additional literature may be found in the Museum’s collection
equally comparable underdrawing of the Adam at the Museo Nacio- database, available online at www.metmuseum.org.
nal del Prado, Madrid (inv. p 2177), see Madrid 2006, figs. 15, 16, 71,
72, 76, 77.
12. Národní Galerie v Praze, Prague, inv. op 2148 (Anzelewsky 1991,
Fig. 2. Albrecht Dürer, Self-Portrait, 1500. vol. 1, no. 93, vol. 2, pls. 104–9). 9 | Albrecht Dürer
Oil on panel, 267⁄16 × 19¼ in. (67.1 × 48.9 cm).
13. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3103, 3104, 26328, 26329 (F. Winkler The Holy Family in an Enclosed Garden, 1512
Alte Pinakothek, Munich (537)
1936–39, vol. 2 [1937], nos. 392, 406, 389, 390, ill.; Strauss 1974,
vol. 2, nos. 1506/36, 1506/15, 1506/13, 1506/14, ill.; Heinz Widauer
Pen and iron gall ink, 109⁄16 × 7⅞ in. (26.9 × 20 cm)
in Vienna 2003, nos. 103, 102, 100, 101, ill.); Germanisches National
museum, Nuremberg, inv. Hz 5481, Hz 5482 (F. Winkler 1936–39,
vol. 2 [1937], nos. 407, 405; ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 2, nos. 1506/35, At upper center, dated and monogrammed 1512 / AD (D under A)
1506/37, ill.; Widauer in Vienna 2003, nos. 108, 107, ill.). in pen and brown ink. Framing line in black chalk, by a later
14. Studies including drapery from the same period are at the Pier- hand. Verso, at upper center, inscribed L (?) in graphite (19th-
pont Morgan Library, New York, acc. i,257c (F. Winkler 1936–39, century handwriting); at lower left, inscribed G. 357 Dürer in
vol. 2 [1937], no. 384, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 2, no. 1506/18, ill.; graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Widauer in Vienna 2003, no. 99, ill.); and at the Albertina, Vienna,
inv. 3105, 3107 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 2 [1937], nos. 383, 409, ill.; Watermark: none
Strauss 1974, vol. 2, nos. 1506/17, 1506/33, ill.; Widauer in Vienna
2003, no. 110, ill.).
15. For the Lentulus letter, see Maas 1910. Dürer depicted himself as This fluently composed arrangement shows the Virgin
blond in his painted self-portrait in Paris (see cat. 6, fig. 1); and in the
Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid, inv. p 2179 (Anzelewsky 1991,
and Child with Joseph casually seated within a trellised
vol. 1, no. 49, vol. 2, pls. 53, 55; Matthias Mende in Vienna 2003, garden. The imagery has been consistently linked in
no. 51, ill.). the literature to the popular theme of Mary’s virginity
16. Koerner 1993, chaps. 2 and 4, esp. pp. 77–78. symbolized as a hortus conclusus (enclosed garden).1
17. The inscription reads: Albertus Durerus Noricus / ipsum me proprijs This specific theme never became commonplace for
sic effin / gebam coloribus aetatis / anno xxviii (I, Albrecht Dürer
of Nuremberg, painted myself with indelible colors at the age of
Dürer, but he did experiment throughout his career
twenty-eight years). with varying arrangements of the Holy Family out of
doors.2
Provenance: Estate of the artist (?) (sold by Ursula Dürer to Imhoff); Scholars have linked the iconography of the Lehman
Willibald Imhoff (1519–1580), Nuremberg, by 1573; by descent in
the Imhoff family, Nuremberg, 1580, until 1750; Christoph Joachim
drawing to other drawings of the Holy Family by Dürer.
Haller von Hallerstein (1723–1792), Nuremberg; his son, Hans In a Nuremberg example from 1511, Joseph is shown at
Christoph Joachim Haller von Hallerstein (d. 1814), Nuremberg; a lectern;3 The Holy Family with Elizabeth and Zachariah in
his brother, Johann Sigmund Christoph Joachim Haller von Haller-
stein (d. 1838), Nuremberg; his estate, 1838–61 (sold to Geuder);
Paris (1519) shows Joseph, clutching a book, asleep to
[Georg Friedrich Geuder, Nuremberg, 1861 (sold to Finke)]; the left of the Virgin;4 and in Chantilly’s Holy Family
[Gustav Finke, Bamberg, 1861]; Franz Reichardt (1825–1887), with Saints and Music-Making Angels (1521), Joseph, in
Munich, 1861–69; Alexander Posonyi (1838–1899), Vienna, 1869,
until at least 1873; Eugen Ferdinand Felix (d. 1888), Leipzig, by
profile, appears reading a book at Mary’s left.5 It has
1880; his son, Hans E. C. Felix, Leipzig, 1888, until ca. 1904; also been compared to several of Dürer’s engravings:
Charles Fairfax Murray (ca. 1849–1919), London, 1904; his sale, The Holy Family with a Butterfly (ca. 1495), The Virgin and
Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, June 15, 1914, lot 8; [Kleinberger, Paris
and New York, 1914–21 (sold to Friedsam)]; Michael Friedsam
Child on a Grassy Bench (1503), and The Virgin and Child
(1858–1931), New York, 1921–31; bequeathed by him to the Depart- Seated Next to a Tree (1513), as well as the drypoint The
ment of Paintings, 1931 Six-Figured Holy Family (ca. 1512–13), among others.6

Fig. 1. Albrecht Dürer, The Virgin and Child with Two
Angels, 1511. Pen and brown and black ink, 8 × 5⅞ in.
(20.3 × 15 cm). Galleria dell’Accademia, Venice (470)
The buoyancy of Dürer’s line is evident throughout Panofsky saw this use of “widely spaced, protracted
the Lehman drawing, which Fritz Koreny describes as a parallels” as achieving much the same effect as a graphic
“simple sketch.”7 The composition is shaped by Dürer’s middle tone in woodcuts and engravings.8 In a similar
expressive parallel lines, from the barely noted climbing composition from 1511, now in Venice, Dürer again
vines to the graceful sweep of Joseph’s back to the deep showed the grouping beside a lightly sketched trellis
folds of the Virgin’s voluminous drapery. This combina- and modeled the figures, their garments, and the
tion of seemingly spontaneous strokes with areas of ground they occupy with parallel lines (fig. 1).9
dense parallels used to create tone was typical for the Panofsky also discusses the Museum’s drawing
artist in the years after his second trip to Venice. Erwin in terms of the decorative style used by Dürer in his

commissions for Emperor Maximilian I, stating that 10 | Albrecht Dürer
“these drawings had definite ‘decorative’ potentialities. Music-Making Angels, 1521
. . . And, more important, their very ‘linearity’ facili-
tated a shift of emphasis from the function of lines as Pen and two shades of iron gall ink (laid down), 6⅝ × 8¾ in.
symbols of volume, space and tonality to their func- (16.9 × 22.4 cm)
Gift of Mrs. William H. Osborn, 1961 (61.257)
tion as elements of an ornamental pattern.”10 Although
in the Lehman drawing the artist’s focus remained on At lower center, dated and monogrammed 1521 / AD in pen and
brown ink; at lower left, collector’s mark of Thomas Lawrence
the narrative, some of Dürer’s other drawings from
(Lugt 2445); at lower right, collector’s mark of Peter Lely (Lugt
this period, such as another Holy Family, also from the 2092). Framing line in pen and brown ink, by a later hand.
Lubomirski collection, almost completely abandon Verso, at lower center, inscribed No 3 in pen and blue (?) ink
the readability of the subject, delighting instead in the (barely visible through the secondary support; 19th- or 20th-
purely decorative line.11 fs century handwriting). Verso of the secondary support, at upper
right, inscribed No 6. f. (?) in graphite (19th- or 20th-century
1. Washington 1971, p. 64; Barbara Drake Boehm in New York and handwriting); at left, a partial tracing in black chalk (?) of the
Nuremberg 1986, p. 307; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann third angel to the right. On a fragment of an old mount, collec-
et al. 1999, pp. 44–45. In Washington 1971 (p. 64, n. 5) several tor’s mark of John Postle Heseltine (Lugt 1507)
examples by Stefan Lochner, Martin Schongauer, and Hans Watermark: unidentified fragment
Burgkmair are pointed out that would have been known to Dürer.
Koreny (in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 46, fig. 9.1) associ-
ates the drawing with a painting of the Holy Family that was then
attributed to Jan Gossaert in the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, 11 | Albrecht Dürer
Lisbon, inv. 1479 (Gibson 1987; Lars Hendrikman in Antwerp and
Maastricht 2005–6, no. 14, ill.). Head of a Young Woman, Facing Left, 1522
2. Washington 1971, p. 64.
Black chalk, lead white heightening, on paper prepared with a
3. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, inv. Hz 5484
(F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 3 [1938], no. 514, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 3, mixture of malachite and azurite, 7⅞ × 515⁄16 in. (20 × 15.1 cm)
no. 1511/8, ill.). Robert Lehman Collection, 1975 (1975.1.859)
4. Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 18582 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 3 At lower right, collector’s mark of William Coningham (Lugt
[1938], no. 535, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 3, no. 1519/4, ill.). 476). Verso, tracing of the watermark, in black chalk; at lower
5. Musée Condé, Chantilly, inv. 889 (311) (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 left, inscribed G. 229 [?] Dürer in graphite (19th- or 20th-century
[1939], no. 837, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/81, ill.; David handwriting)
Mandrella in Chantilly 1999–2000, no. 11, pl. viii).
Watermark: high crown with cross1
6. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 7 (1962), p. 36, no. 42; p. 27, no. 31;
p. 30, no. 34, p. 38, no. 44, respectively.
7. Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 47. In 1521, perhaps while he was still in the Netherlands,
8. Panofsky 1948, vol. 1, p. 191. Dürer started working on a project that reveals the per-
9. F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 3 (1938), no. 517, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 3, sistent influence of Venice, which he had visited for the
no. 1511/9, ill.; Annalisa Perissa Torrini in Venice 1999, no. 51, ill. last time some fifteen years earlier.2 A group of about
10. Panofsky 1948, vol. 1, p. 191. twenty drawings has been related to the project, which
11. Formerly in the collection of L. V. Randall, Montreal (F. Winkler is otherwise undocumented. Dürer seems to have had
1936–39, vol. 3 [1938], no. 525, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 3, no. 1511/7, ill.;
Washington 1971, no. xviii, ill.; Juzwenko and Mirecki 2004, p. 34, in mind a large painting modeled on Netherlandish as
no. 1, ill.) well as Venetian altarpieces of the sacra conversazione
type, by such artists as Hans Memling, Giovanni Bellini,
Provenance: See cat. 6 Cima da Conegliano, and Alvise Vivarini (fig. 1).3 This
Selected literature: Reitlinger 1927, p. 159, pl. iie; Gębarowicz and type of composition—in which a seated Virgin is sur-
Tietze 1929, no. 17, pl. xix; Friedrich Winkler in Lippmann and
rounded by a group of saints—had already inspired
F. Winkler 1883–1929, vol. 7 (1929), no. 787, ill.; Schilling 1929, no. 19,
pl. 19; Flechsig 1928–31, vol. 2 (1931), p. 458; Tietze ad Tietze- Dürer’s painting known as The Feast of the Rose Garlands,
Conrat 1928–38, vol. 2, pt. 1 (1937), no. 518, ill.; F. Winkler 1936–39, painted in 1506 in Venice and now in Prague, and in
vol. 3 (1938), no. 521, ill.; Panofsky 1943, vol. 1, p. 191, vol. 2, no. 730,
1511, a drawing in Vienna that includes an angel playing
fig. 224; Panofsky 1948, vol. 1, p. 191, vol. 2, no. 730, fig. 224;
Washington 1971, no. xvii, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 3, no. 1512/5, ill.; a fiddle.4
Barbara Drake Boehm in New York and Nuremberg 1986, no. 129, A succession of composition sketches in pen dated
ill.; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, no. 9, ill.;
1521 and 1522 provides a good idea of the evolution of
Juzwenko and Mirecki 2004, p. 51, no. 18, ill.
Dürer’s composition. The earliest seems to be a rela-
tively detailed drawing in Chantilly, in which the Virgin

Fig. 1. Alvise Vivarini, The Enthroned
Virgin and Child with Saints and Music-
Making Angels (“Pala di Belluno”),
ca. 1490. Oil on panel, 1519⁄16 ×
9015⁄16 in. (385 × 231 cm). Formerly
Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin (38),
destroyed in 1945
c at. 1 0
and Child are flanked on one side by three saints and on reproduced in fig. 2. The rather detailed drawing style,
the other by Saint Joseph; at lower left and right, two characterized by regular hatching but also by nervous
seated angels play music.5 This sheet was followed by a outlines (especially in the drapery), resembles that of
sketch in Bayonne (fig. 2), as well as by two others (one the drawing in Chantilly. The Museum’s drawing may
of them known only through a copy), in which the com- have been preceded by looser, more searching sketches.
position becomes both more crowded and more bal- Its high quality is especially evident when compared to
anced; in two of these, the figure of a kneeling female a very faithful old copy in Paris.8
patron is introduced at the Virgin’s left hand.6 These In two additional drawings in Bayonne, one of which
drawings show Dürer experimenting with the idea of is dated 1522, Dürer changed the horizontal format of
enlivening the foreground with musical angels. The the preceding sketches to a vertical one, leading to a Fig. 2. Albrecht Dürer, The Enthroned Virgin
Museum’s Music-Making Angels (cat. 10) must have been more circular arrangement of the saints and angels and Child with Saints, a Kneeling Female Patron,
made at this point, to work out a pleasing grouping of around the Virgin.9 Related to these compositions is a and Music-Making Angels, 1521–22. Pen and
brown ink, 12⅜ × 17½ in. (31.5 × 44.4 cm).
these youthful musicians. The one at far left reads music monogrammed sheet in Paris dated 1522, possibly done Musée Bonnat, Bayonne (1277/1505)
and presumably sings, as the third angel from the right from life, in which he studied the head and hands for
may be doing as well; the others play a variety of instru- two of the figures in the composition.10 A drawing in the
ments—shepherd’s pipe, lute, tambourine, and fiddle. Robert Lehman Collection using the same technique
The standing angel playing the pipe seems inspired by (cat. 11) seems to be done from the same model, or at
a similar figure in Vivarini’s altarpiece reproduced in least depicts a head very similar to the one in the Paris
fig. 17 and is found again in Dürer’s Bayonne drawing study, with its straight nose, strong chin, and bare neck.

Bayonne.12 Dürer also made similar studies in chalk or
metalpoint on green prepared paper related to the three
earlier versions of the compositions discussed above: in
addition to five drapery studies in German collections,
there are three studies of female saints and one of Saint
Joseph.13
Given this substantial number of drawings of differ-
ent finish and type, which indicates how seriously Dürer
worked on his project, it is remarkable not only that it
seems never to have come to fruition but also that so
little is known about the commission.14 That two of
these drawings ended up in the Metropolitan Museum
is no less remarkable: after leaving Dürer’s estate, they
seem to have initially been separated then reunited in
the collection of the painter Thomas Lawrence. Sepa-
rated again after the sale of his drawing collection,
they found their way to America in the early twentieth
century in different ways, eventually entering the
Museum thanks to the generosity of two different
New York collectors.15 sa
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Innsbruck

in 1521 (Piccard-Online, no. 53186; accessed November 20, 2011);
reproduced in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 48.
2. For this project, see Lorenz 1904, pp. 63–69; Heidrich 1906,
pp. 139–52; Flechsig 1928–31, vol. 2, pp. 245–54; F. Winkler 1936–39,
vol. 4 (1939), pp. 46–56; Panofsky 1948, vol. 1, pp. 223, 225–29;
F. Winkler 1957, pp. 319–23; and the literature cited in this entry for
the drawings related to the project.
3. Palluchini 1962, pp. 63–65, no. 259, ill.; Steer 1982, pp. 47–56,
no. 8, fig. 29; Grosshans 1996, p. 581.
4. Národní Galerie v Praze, Prague, inv. o p 2148 (Anzelewsky
1991, vol. 1, no. 93, vol. 2, pls. 104–9); Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3127
(F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 2 [1937], no. 509, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 3,
no. 1511/1, ill.).
5. Musée Condé, Chantilly, inv. 889 (311) (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4
[1939], no. 837, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/81, ill.; David
Mandrella in Chantilly 1999–2000, no. 11, pl. viii).
no. 1521/91, ill. The two other drawings, one original and one copy,
are both at the Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. rf 1079 and 18604,
respectively (Demonts 1937–38, vol. 1, nos. 104, 105, pls. xxxvii,
xxxviii; F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. 838, ill.; Strauss
1974, vol. 4, nos. 1521/82, 1521/83, ill.; Emmanuel Starcky in Paris
c at. 11 1991–92, nos. 74, 88, ill.).
7. This connection was already pointed out by Jay A. Levenson in
Washington 1971, p. 98, n. 4.
The Lehman sheet is recorded as having been slightly
8. Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 18633 (Demonts 1937–38, vol. 1,
larger and also as having included a “study of a cap,” no. 165; F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. vi, pl. vi; Strauss 1974,
which is presumed to have been trimmed off and lost.11 vol. 4, no. 1521/82, ill.).
Comparison with the Paris sheet not only confirms the 9. Musée Bonnat, Bayonne, inv. 1275/1504, 1277/1506 (F. Winkler
drawing’s attribution to Dürer and its dating to 1522, 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], nos. 855, 856, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4,
nos. 1522/1, 1522/2, ill.).
but also makes it likely that it relates to the sacra conver-
10. Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. rf 1080 (Demonts 1937–38,
sazione project, even if the head cannot be connected vol. 1, no. 130, pl. xlviii; F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. 857,
with any of the figures in the compositional sketches in ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1522/3, ill.; Emmanuel Starcky in

Paris 1991–92, no. 75, ill.). The head study relates to the figure of Saint London;* Johannes Baptista Josephus Achtienhoven (1756–1801),
Catherine, at lower left in the two Bayonne drawings mentioned in Amsterdam; his sale, Amsterdam, September 6, 1802, and following
the previous note, whereas the hands are those of Saint James, seen days, album b, no. 18; Thomas Lawrence (1769–1839), London;
at upper right in these same compositions. [Samuel Woodburn (1786–1853), London]; Francis Turner Palgrave
11. Compare the description in Woodburn 1836, p. 16, no. 46: “A (1824–1897), London; John Postle Heseltine (1843–1929), London;
female head—a most highly finished study from nature. A study of a [M. Knoedler & Co., New York, by 1913, until 1916 (sold to Red-
cap on the same sheet, drawn with a metal point, and heightened with mond)]; Johnston Livingston Redmond (1888–1933), New York; his
white, on a prepared green ground. Size, 8¾ inches by 8 inches [a little wife, Katharine S. Raven Redmond; William Henry Osborn, by
more than 22 × 20 cm]. From the Collection of Count Andreossi.” 1939; Mrs. William H. Osborn; given by her to the Department of
Fritz Koreny (in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 48) notices Drawings, 1961
traces of a trimmed chalk sketch in the upper left corner, which Literature: Woodburn 1836, no. 15; London 1879, no. 320; Ephrussi
“could certainly have been part of a cap.” An alternative, and perhaps 1882, pp. 348, 400; Friedrich Lippmann in Lippmann and
the most convincing, explanation for the presumed disappearance of F. Winkler 1883–1929, vol. 2 (1888), no. 170, ill.; Hoff 1898, p. 66;
the cap is that Woodburn 1836 mistook the tracing in black chalk of Lorenz 1904, p. 66; Conway 1905, pp. 147, 148; Heidrich 1906,
the watermark on the verso of the sheet for a study of a cap. p. 207; Conway 1910, no. 836; Heseltine 1912, no. 9, ill.; Knoedler
12. The sheet’s rediscovery was published in Dodgson 1935, where 1913, no. 2; Flechsig 1928–31, vol. 2, pp. 248, 310; Tietze 1932–33,
the author thanks Erwin Rosenthal for first making the attribution. p. 88; Tietze 1933, p. 259, fig. 9; Demonts 1937–38, vol. 1, p. 34,
It was also Campbell Dodgson who first connected the drawing to under no. 165; Tietze and Tietze-Conrat 1928–38, vol. 2, pt. 2 (1938),
the sacra conversazione project. no. 845, ill.; New York 1939, no. 92; F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4
(1939), no. 836, ill.; Panofsky 1943, vol. 2, no. 771; Panofsky 1948,
13. The five drapery studies are the following: one lost during World
vol. 2, no. 771; Popham 1953, pp. 13–14; Felice Stampfle in New York
War II, formerly at the Kunsthalle Bremen (F. Winkler 1936–39,
1955, p. 12; F. Winkler 1957, p. 321; Jay A. Levenson in Washington
vol. 4 [1939], no. 840, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/85, ill.); one
1971, no. xxxi, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, p. 2128, under no. 1521/73,
at the Hamburger Kunsthalle, inv. 23004 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4
no. 1521/84, ill.; Barbara Drake Boehm in New York and Nuremberg
[1939], no. 841, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/86, ill.; Prange
1986, no. 145, ill.; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999,
2007, vol. 1, no. 297, vol. 2, ill.); one at the Germanisches National
p. 51, n. 3
museum, Nuremberg, inv. Hz 5489 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4
[1939], no. 842, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/87, ill.); and two at cat. 11
the Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 39, Provenance: Probably Antoine-François Andréossy (1761–1828),
KdZ 41 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], nos. 843, 844, ill.; Strauss Paris; Thomas Lawrence (1769–1830), London; [Samuel Woodburn
1974, vol. 4, nos. 1521/88, 1521/89, ill.; Hans Mielke in Anzelewsky (1786–1853), London, until 1836]; William Coningham (1815–1884),
and Mielke 1984, nos. 109, 110, ill.). A study of Saint Barbara is Brighton; [art market, Paris, in 1934]; Philip Hofer (1898–1984),
in the Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 18590 (Demonts 1937–38, Cambridge, Massachusetts; acquired from him by Robert Lehman
vol. 1, no. 129, pl. li; F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. 845, (1891–1969), New York, 1948; given by the Robert Lehman Founda-
ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/92, ill.; Starcky in Paris 1991–92, tion to the Museum in accordance with the collector’s wishes, 1975
no. 69, ill.). One for Saint Apollonia is in the Kupferstichkabinett,
Berlin, inv. KdZ 1527 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. 846, Literature: Woodburn 1836, no. 46; Dodgson 1935, pl. 47; Tietze and
ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/93, ill.; Mielke in Anzelewsky and Tietze-Conrat 1928–38, vol. 2, pt. 2 (1938), no. 855, ill.; F. Winkler
Mielke 1984, no. 112, ill.). One of Saint Catherine is in the Biblioteca 1936–39, vol. 4 (1939), no. 850, ill.; Panofsky 1943, vol. 2, no. 1166;
Ambrosiana, Milan, album f 264 inf., no. 27 (F. Winkler 1936–39, Tietze 1947, no. 32, ill.; Panofsky 1948, vol. 2, no. 1166; Felice
vol. 4 [1939], no. 847, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/96, ill.). A Stampfle in New York 1955, p. 12; New York 1956, no. 171; Cincin-
study of Saint Joseph is in the British Museum, London, inv. 5218-42 nati 1959, no. 248, ill.; New Haven 1960, no. 153, ill.; Gaillard F.
(F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. 848, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4, Ravenel in Washington 1971, no. xxxii, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4,
no. 1521/95, ill.; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 232, vol. 2, pl. 154). For no. 1522/4, ill.; George Szabo in New York 1978–79, no. 25, ill.;
the medium used in at least the study in Hamburg, see Georg Dietz Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, no. 10, ill.
quoted in Prange 2007, vol. 1, p. 153, under no. 297. *S
ee Popham 1953, pp. 13–14.
14. Because of the female donor included in two of the drawings (the
original one in Paris mentioned in note 6 above [inv. rf 1079] and
the one reproduced in fig. 2), it has been assumed that the painting
was commissioned by a woman, who Friedrich Winkler (1957, p. 320) Hans Suess von Kulmb ach
suggests was Portuguese but living in Flanders. If Dürer indeed Kulmbach (?), Upper Franconia, ca. 1476/80–1522,
started working on the commission while still in the Netherlands
Nuremberg
(as also deemed possible in Heidrich 1906, p. 142), and given the im-
portance of the composition and Dürer’s perseverance in his search
for a satisfying composition, she was likely of great prominence and
distinguished by an unusual love for the arts—perhaps Margaret of
Presumably from the Upper Franconian town of Kulm-
Austria? bach, Hans may have received his early training from
15. At least two other drawings related to the sacra conversazione the itinerant Italian artist Jacopo de’ Barbari when the
project of 1521–22 were in the Lawrence collection: the Paris sheet latter was working as court artist to Frederick the Wise
referred to in note 10 and the one in Berlin (inv. KdZ 39) cited in
note 13 above.
in Wittenberg. Kulmbach’s style also shows affinities
with that of Lucas Cranach the Elder, who took over as
court artist in 1504. Kulmbach entered Dürer’s work-
cat. 10
Provenance: Peter Lely (1618–1680), London; possibly his sale, Lon- shop about 1507. After becoming a citizen of Nurem-
don, April 11, 1688, and following days; Hans Sloane (1660–1753), berg in 1511, he established his own workshop there,

creating painted altarpieces and designs for stained
glass, including the monumental designs for the Emper-
or’s Window (1514) and the Margrave’s Window (1514–15)
for the church of Saint Sebald.
General literature: F. Winkler 1942, pp. 7–110; S. Walther 1981;

Barbara Butts in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001,
pp. 134–73; Butts 2006
12 | Hans Suess von Kulmbach

Saint John the Baptist in the Wilderness, ca. 1510–15
Pen and brown ink, gray ink wash, traces of black chalk under-
drawing; color and lead-line indications in red and black chalk
(see text), diameter: 1013⁄16 in. (27.4 cm)
Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1953 (53.112)
Watermark: high crown1
Fig. 1. Martin Schongauer, The Baptism of Christ, before 1481.

Engraving, 6¼ × 6¼ in. (15.9 × 15.9 cm). The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1928
(28.97.107)
According to Heinrich Röttinger, this drawing was first

identified as a work by Kulmbach by Friedrich Dörn-
höffer, keeper of prints in the Hofbibliothek, Vienna.2
Friedrich Winkler, Jeffrey Chipps Smith, and Barbara
Butts associate the Museum’s drawing stylistically with
another design by Kulmbach in Dresden, for a stained-
glass roundel of Saint Wenceslas, which has similar
heavy drapery defining a saintly figure set in a charming
but imprecise landscape rendered in delicate calligraphic
pen strokes.3 Surrounded by craggy cliffs, exposed roots,
and barren trees, Saint John kneels within a Düreresque
landscape and reads from an open book, pointing to a
lamb that confronts him.4 The scene consolidates
aspects of John’s mission as described in the Gospels of
Luke and John, simultaneously showing his recogni-
tion of the lamb as Christ and alluding to his role as
baptist by including a small spring at right. John’s holy
activity of baptizing both the multitudes and Christ
himself is emphasized by the halo (still incomplete)
added in brush and gray ink.
Characteristic of Kulmbach’s drawing style are the
long threadlike lines defining Saint John’s loose curls
as well as the way the artist tilted the saint’s head and
placed his far eye a bit too low, creating what Butts
describes as a “tilted profil perdu.”5 The saint’s rectangular
facial type is also evident in the artist’s eight Scenes from
the Lives of Saints Peter and Paul (ca. 1510) in Florence,

this drawing are indecipherable; the black chalk lines
that follow the contours of the figure and parts of the
landscape are indications for lead lines. Although
there is no extant glass based on this model, there is
no reason to doubt that it was translated into stained
glass; such panels would have fit into both domestic
and public spaces.12 fs

2. Röttinger 1927, p. 17.
3. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
inv. c 2194 (F. Winkler 1942, p. 91; Jeffrey Chipps Smith in Austin,
Lawrence, and Santa Barbara 1983–84, p. 132; Butts 2006, no. a25,
fig. 65, where both drawings are dated to ca. 1509).
4. The figure and setting are close to Dürer’s engraving Saint Jerome
in Penance, ca. 1496–97 (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 7 [1962],
p. 48, no. 57). Especially noteworthy are the undisciplined parallel
lines behind John, which attempt to mimic the sloped lines that
Dürer used to define the hills around Jerome.
5. Butts 2006, p. 144. She uses this phrase in referring to the water
Fig. 2. Hans Suess von Kulmbach, Saint Ambrose with the Attribute of color Head of the Virgin, ca. 1511, Graphische Sammlung, Universitäts
the Evangelist Luke, the Ox, ca. 1511. Pen and brown ink, brush and gray bibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg, Erlangen (Bock 1929, vol. 1, no. 237,
wash, red and black chalk, diameter: 9⅛ in. (23.1 cm). Kupferstich- vol. 2, ill.; Butts 2006, no. a45, fig. 24; Rainer Schoch in Nuremberg
Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden (c 2190) 2008, no. 47, ill.).
6. Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, inv. 1020, 1030, 1034, 1044, 1047,
1058, 1060, and 1072 (Strieder 1993, no. 125). This facial type is also
and in the Museum’s own Saint Eustace and Saint George found in Kulmbach’s Mary and John before the Man of Sorrows, ca. 1514,
(cat. 13).6 Butts attributes this facial type to Jacopo in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., acc. 1998.17.5
de’ Barbari’s lasting influence on Kulmbach; however, (Butts 2006, no. a91, fig. 105).
it can also be seen in another, more directly relevant 7. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 49 (1999), p. 31, no. 8, ill.; Lehrs
2005, no. 8, ill.
model for this work, Martin Schongauer’s Baptism of
8. The kneeling figure of John the Baptist reappears in Kulmbach’s
Christ (fig. 1).7 Schongauer’s saint is baptizing Christ, Last Judgment, ca. 1518, British Museum, London, inv. 5-2-18-195
but both are shown kneeling with their right arms (Butts 2006, no. a114, fig. 122). A standing variant on this figure is
raised, holding books resting on rocky ledges, and with also found in a presumed copy after Kulmbach in the Szépművészeti
Múzeum, Budapest, inv. 381 (Stadler 1936, no. 112; Butts 2006,
their faces slightly tilted toward the viewer.8 no. b48).
Saint John the Baptist in the Wilderness is also related in 9. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
size and subject matter to a group of three drawings by inv. c 2190, c 2189, and c 2192, respectively (Butts 2006, no. a42,
Kulmbach for glass roundels depicting three of the fig. 76; a41, fig. 75; no. a43, fig. 77). The four stained-glass
windows after the designs are preserved in the Stiftung Fürst
Fathers of the Latin Church.9 Roughly contemporane- Pückler-Museum, Cottbus, inv. vii 1787k–1790k. For more on
ous, the drawings have notations in red and black chalk this cycle, see Fitz 1995; Barbara Butts in Los Angeles and Saint
indicating to the glaziers where to apply certain colors Louis 2000–2001, pp. 142–45.
and place the lead lines, as does the Museum’s sheet. A 10. The Hirschvogels, beginning with Heinz (died before 1485) and
his son Veit the Elder (1461–1525), had the leading workshop for
certain consistency is evident in Kulmbach’s working stained-glass painting in Nuremberg from about 1485 until well
drawings, which were all presumably made for the emi- into the mid-sixteenth century. For more on the Hirschvogels, see
nent Hirschvogel workshop of glaziers in Nuremberg.10 Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, pp. 79–80.
Saint Ambrose (fig. 2) in the series has several color nota- 11. This use of chalk is also seen in Sebald Beham’s Presentation of
Christ in the Temple (cat. 32). For the Dresden drawing, see note 9.
tions in black chalk and lead lines in red chalk—the
12. For more on the function of stained glass, see Giesicke and
typical medium for indicating lead lines.11 One of the Ruoss 2000.
notations, seen on Ambrose’s dalmatic at his left knee,
is a leaf or spade (♠), which denotes an area to be Provenance: Princes of Liechtenstein, Vaduz and Vienna; Otto Wert-
painted green (compare cat. 32). This notation is also heimer (1878–1972), Paris; [Charles E. Slatkin Galleries, New York];
purchased by the Department of Prints, 1953
found in the middle ground, at left, of the drawing
under discussion here. Many of the other notations on

Literature: Röttinger 1927, p. 17, fig. 3; F. Winkler 1929, pp. 33, 44;
Stadler 1936, no. 57, pl. 22; F. Winkler 1942, p. 91, no. 110, ill.; “Addi-
tions to the Collections” 1954, p. 23; Jeffrey Chipps Smith in Austin,
Lawrence, and Santa Barbara 1983–84, no. 36, ill.; Butts 1985, p. 106;
Timothy Husband in New York and Nuremberg 1986, no. 161, ill.;
Butts 2006, no. a23, fig. 63; Alsteens 2008, p. 382
13 | Hans Suess von Kulmbach

Saint Eustace and Saint George, ca. 1511
Pen and brown ink, gray ink washes, traces of black chalk under-
drawing (laid down), 8⅜ × 7¼ in. (21.3 × 18.4 cm)
Louis V. Bell, Harris Brisbane Dick, Fletcher, and Rogers Funds
and Joseph Pulitzer Bequest, 2007 (2007.405)
At lower right, monogrammed L (for Lucas van Leyden) in
brush and gray ink, by a later hand. Verso, at lower right of the
secondary support, inscribed N 12. (?) in pen and brown ink
(19th-century handwriting); at upper center, a partially erased
inscription in graphite (18th- or 19th-century handwriting)
Watermark: bull’s head, snake on cross above1
At some point in its history, this delicate pen and wash

drawing was attributed to the renowned Netherlandish Fig. 1. Anonymous, after Hans Suess von Kulmbach, inside wings
of the altarpiece, ca. 1510. Sculpted wood, polychromed. Church of
artist Lucas van Leyden. Nonetheless, it is wholly char- Saints Peter and Paul, Erlangen
acteristic of Kulmbach’s draftsmanship and an example
of his best work. Barbara Butts gives it to the artist and
dates it to about 1511, immediately after he became a right wing of the London altarpiece design, where he is
citizen of Nuremberg and could have opened his own shown with Saint Giles.6
workshop.2 Butts describes Kulmbach’s extensive Butts and Alexander Löhr maintain that Kulmbach
and precise use of wash as a technique the artist may also conceived of the sculpture for his altarpieces, in
have learned from Lucas Cranach the Elder, whereas addition to designing their elaborate painted programs.7
Konrad Oberhuber describes Kulmbach’s use of brush Butts mentions two examples dated 1510: The Three
and wash, his languid figures, and his fine, threadlike Magi in the church of Saint George Wendelstein, near
pen strokes as reminiscent of his first known master, Nuremberg, and Saint Anne in the church of Saint
Jacopo de’ Barbari, with whom he presumably worked Lorenz, Nuremberg.8 An argument can also be made
in Wittenberg, along with Cranach.3 for attributing to Kulmbach the high altarpiece (ca. 1510)
For the combination of Saints Eustace and George, for the church of Saints Peter and Paul, Erlangen, in
Kulmbach may have relied on the wings of Dürer’s which the innermost wings are carved with pairs of
Paumgartner Altarpiece, from about 1498, now in standing saints.9 On the right wing alongside Saint
Munich, which also pairs the saints.4 Based on an Sebald is Saint George (fig. 1), and although he is turned
examination of Dürer’s saints, Stijn Alsteens has con- to the left rather than the right, the animated dragon
vincingly proposed a change in the identity of the saint casually pinned between George’s legs is very similar to
holding the stag’s head from Hubert to Eustace. This the figure in the Museum’s drawing, as is the style of
drawing fits perfectly into Kulmbach’s oeuvre of about the saint’s armor.10 The Museum’s sheet may not be a
1511, at the time he was fast becoming the most sought- preparatory sketch for Kulmbach’s Erlangen altarpiece,
after altarpiece painter in Nuremberg. Several designs but its composition and the use of a similar figure on a
for his painted altarpieces are still extant, including a Kulmbach altarpiece from the same period help secure
detailed drawing with movable wings now in the British its attribution and dating.
Museum.5 Alsteens links the figure of Saint George in Showing two standing saints (either sculpted or
the drawing under discussion with the same saint in the painted) on altarpiece wings was common practice in

Fig. 2. Attributed to Hans Suess von Kulmbach,
Saint Catherine and Saint Barbara, ca. 1513. Charcoal,
11⅛ × 7¾ in. (28.2 × 19.7 cm). British Museum,
London (1895-9-15-955)
Nuremberg during this period.11 A similar arrangement reveal how an artist creating a complex altarpiece
can be seen in Kulmbach’s monumental Memorial to worked through ideas for various figures in terms of
Provost Lorenz Tucher (1513) in the church of Saint Sebald their relationship to each other and to their attributes.
in Nuremberg, which has paired male saints in the fs
wings.12 A charcoal preparatory drawing, variously
thought to be by Dürer or Kulmbach, of Saints Cath- in 1514 (Piccard-Online, no. 56109; accessed November 18, 2011).
erine and Barbara, who flank the Virgin and Child in 2. Butts as quoted in Christie’s 2007, p. 62, lot 48. This drawing
the center portion of this altarpiece, shows them surfaced only months after the publication in 2006 of Butts’s
arranged along the picture plane with their attributes complete catalogue of the artist’s drawings. After it was acquired by
the Museum, it was published as an appendix to Butts’s catalogue
(fig. 2).13 Although the facial types appear to be closer to in Alsteens 2008. With the exception of ten drawings assembled by
Dürer, the design for the altarpiece is very close to the Lazarus Holzschuher (1473–1523) and still owned by a descendant,
composition of the Museum’s drawing, which Kulm- and a drawing formerly in the collection of Friedrich Winkler but
now lost, Saint Eustace and Saint George was the only drawing by
bach executed during the same period.14 Both sheets Kulmbach still in private hands (Alsteens 2008, p. 382).

3. Oberhuber 1962; cited and translated in Butts 2006, p. 129, n. 16. woodcut projects for Emperor Maximilian I. Through-
4. The connection was suggested in Alsteens 2008, p. 384. The paint- out his prolific career, Schäufelein worked as a painter,
ing is in the Alte Pinakothek, Munich, inv. 706 (Anzelewsky 1991,
vol. 1, nos. 50–54, vol. 2, pls. 57, 58).
designer of stained glass, printmaker, and draftsman.
5. British Museum, London, inv. 5218-124 to 5218-127 (Butts 2006,
General literature: F. Winkler 1942, pp. 111–70; Weih-Krüger 1986;
no. a31, fig. 18). Other altarpiece designs include one dated ca. 1514
Löcher 1990; Metzger 2002
in the Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 63
(Butts 2006, no. a95, fig. 109). Winkler attributed two other altar-
piece designs to Kulmbach, both in the Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3121
d 180 and 181 (F. Winkler 1942, pp. 80–83, nos. 83, 84, ill.). Butts
has reattributed these two related drawings to Dürer (Butts 2006, 14 | Hans Schäufelein
nos. b26, b27).
Portrait of a Man Wearing a Hat, ca. 1510–15
6. Alsteens 2008, p. 384.
7. Butts 1985, p. 49; Löhr 1995; Butts 2006, p. 137. Red chalk, 711⁄16 × 7 in. (19.6 × 17.8 cm)
8. Butts 2006, p. 137. For more on Kulmbach’s role as a possible Purchase, 2001 Benefit Fund, Anne and Jean Bonna, Jessie and
designer of the sculpted elements of altarpieces, see Rasmussen Charles Price, and Sally and Howard Lepow Gifts, The Elisha
1974, pp. 45–51; Löhr 1995. Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, and Harris
9. May 1989, vol. 1, pp. 147–95, vol. 2, figs. 106–36; Löhr 1995, Brisbane Dick Fund, 2002 (2002.123)
pp. 28–29, figs. 9–11.
At upper left, signed with the artist’s emblem, a shovel, in red
10. Another instance of a dragon shown between the legs of Saint
chalk;1 at lower left, inscribed AD 1515 in a darker red chalk
George can be found in Hans Schäufelein’s panel of Saints George
and Christopher of ca. 1509 in the Sammlung Georg Schäfer, (16th- or 17th-century handwriting). Verso of the secondary
Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg, inv. 4117(a) (Metzger 2002, support, at upper center, inscribed no. 4 in pen and brown ink
no. 13a, fig. 180). (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed 35
11. Alsteens 2008, p. 385. + 36½ [35 changed from 25] × 36½/SR in graphite (20th-century
handwriting)
12. Strieder 1993, no. 131, figs. 157–59.
13. Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 409, vol. 2, pl. 262 (as by Kulmbach). Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support
Butts suggests that a possible attribution to Dürer needs to be more
fully explored (Butts 2006, no. b28). Winkler also discusses the
drawing in terms of its closeness to Dürer (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 2 Although not a typical work by the artist, this drawing
[1937], pp. 155–56). was first recognized as being by Hans Schäufelein by
14. Another drawing with the same composition is Two Standing Noël Annesley, and the attribution was confirmed
Female Allegorical Figures (British Museum, London, inv. 5218-113),
the function of which remains unknown (Rowlands 1993, vol. 1,
by Tilman Falk, Fritz Koreny, and Christoph Metzger
no. 407, vol. 2, pl. 261 [as by Kulmbach]). based on the style and the presence of the artist’s
emblem.2 Falk noted as the drawing’s most striking
Provenance: Sale, Christie’s, New York, January 25, 2007, lot 48; feature the divergence between the subtle realism
[Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Depart-
ment of Drawings and Prints, 2007
of the face, largely rendered with rubbed chalk, and
the calligraphic, almost ornamental quality of the
Literature: Christie’s 2007, lot 48; Alsteens 2008, fig. 1
man’s hair.3 Such contrast between naturalism and
abstraction can also be found in the artist’s Lands
knecht (cat. 15). As Falk indicates, it is also evident in
Hans Schäufelein Schäufelein’s small allegorical paintings of the Four
Nördlingen or Augsburg, ca. 1485–ca. 1539, N
ördlingen Temperaments (1511), in which he framed the meticu-
lously individualized visages with fanciful loose curls
Nothing is known about Hans Schäufelein’s birth or that appear to result more from artistic whimsy than
early training. Active in Dürer’s workshop in Nurem- accurate observation.4
berg beginning about 1503 or 1504, he painted the Schäufelein’s tendency to combine modes has also
Ober Sankt Veit altarpiece, commissioned by Elector been described by Kurt Löcher in his examination of
Frederick the Wise and his brother John the Steadfast the artist’s early Nuremberg portraits,5 among which
(ca. 1507), partly from Dürer’s designs. After Nurem- is his Portrait of a Young Man, now in Warsaw, from
berg, Schäufelein spent time in the workshop of Hans about 1505–6 (fig. 1).6 In both, the sitters are shown
Holbein the Elder in Augsburg, then finally settled in bust length in three-quarter view. Staring out the left
Nördlingen in 1515. Between 1516 and 1518 he worked side of the picture frame, with pursed lips and heavy
in collaboration with Dürer, Albrecht Altdorfer, Hans eyelids, the sitters wear simple berets, and each strand
Burgkmair, Wolfgang Huber, and others on several of their curling locks appears to have been drawn with a

Fig. 1. Hans Schäufelein, Portrait of a Young
Man, ca. 1505–6. Oil on panel, 16 × 12⅜ in.
(40.7 × 31.4 cm). Muzeum Narodowe w
Warszawie, Warsaw (M.Ob. 297)
Fig. 2. Hans Burgkmair, Portrait of Hans

Paumgartner, 1512. Chiaroscuro woodcut in
three blocks, 11⅝ × 9½ in. (29.5 × 24.2 cm).
British Museum, London (1895-1-22-378)
fine brush. Although Löcher rightly links Schäufelein’s pose of these two portraits, as well as the contrast
portrait style back to Dürer, it must also be considered between the intensity of the facial features and the
in the context of work by Hans Holbein the Elder and curling lines of the hair.7 Although Falk finds this
Hans Burgkmair. The latter’s chiaroscuro woodcut contrast to be wholly uncharacteristic of Burgkmair,
portrait of Hans Paumgartner from 1512 (fig. 2) and he does concede that Schäufelein’s Portrait of a Man
his portrait of Hans Schellenberger in Cologne from reveals the artistic influences of both Nuremberg and
about 1505 share the demeanor, accoutrements, and Augsburg.8

The exact function of this red chalk drawing remains Provenance: Rabeau collection, France; sale, Christie’s, New York,
January 23, 2002, lot 131; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich];
a question, but it seems likely that it was preparatory purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2002
for a print or a painting.9 The medium is atypical for
Literature: Christie’s 2002a, lot 131, ill.; Christoph Metzger in
Schäufelein, who more commonly used black chalk or Vienna and Munich 2011–12, p. 95, ill.
charcoal in his later portrait drawings.10 Although red
chalk is rarer than black in German drawings from this
period, there are examples of its use by Sebald Beham,
15 | Hans Schäufelein
Hans Baldung, Hans Holbein the Younger, and
Ambrosius Holbein, among others.11 fs A Landsknecht, ca. 1510–15
1. Schaufel in German means “shovel.” Schäufelein is the diminutive, Pen and iron gall ink, traces of black chalk underdrawing,
and the artist used an image of one as his emblem. He usually also 10 × 615⁄16 in. (25.4 × 17.6 cm)
included his monogram, which in this case may have been trimmed Purchase, Anna-Maria and Stephen Kellen Foundation Gift,
off. 2003 (2003.424)
2. For Annesley’s attribution, see Christie’s 2002a, p. 172, lot 131.
Verso, at lower left, inscribed o/ in graphite (19th- or 20th-
Falk’s attribution is recorded in a letter to Liliane Joseph, Christie’s,
Paris, dated November 28, 2001, and Metzger’s is in an email of May century handwriting); at lower center, inscribed HS (inter-
27, 2010, to the present author, both in the Museum’s departmen- twined) in black chalk, by a later hand; below, inscribed Stoff in
tal files. Koreny’s opinion is recorded in the Museum’s acquisition pen and black ink (16th-century handwriting). On the secondary
report. support, at lower right, inscribed aus der Hauslab-S. 25-5 × (?) in
3. Falk to Joseph, November 28, 2001 (see previous note). graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower center, inscribed
Hans Schäufelein in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
4. Choleric and Phlegmatic are in the collection of Heinz Kisters,
Kreuzlingen; Sanguine and Melancholy are in the Kunsthistorisches Watermark: bull’s head, snake on cross above1
Museum, Vienna, inv. 829, 1960 (Hans Schäufelein 1990, figs. 96–99;
Metzger 2002, nos. 20a–d, ill.).
5. Löcher 1990, p. 120. Composed of bold and expressive tapering lines, this
6. Ibid., pp. 97–98; Steinborn and Ziemba 2000, no. 45, ill.; figure of a landsknecht (or mercenary) is—as Friedrich
Metzger 2002, no. 7, fig. 160; Metzger in Vienna and Munich
2011–12, no. 44, ill.
Winkler notes—an exemplar of Schäufelein’s mature
7. For the woodcut, see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 5 (1957), p. 101,
drawing style, perfectly balancing naturalistic observa-
no. 307. The painting and its pendant are in the Wallraf-Richartz- tion with highly charged, almost abstract linear move-
Museum und Fondation Corboud, Cologne, inv. wrm 851, wrm 850 ment.2 Loose parallels create a light and nuanced
(Frank Gunter Zehnder in R. Budde et al. 1986, pp. 106–7, ill.).
shadow across the mercenary’s legs and chest; close
8. Falk to Joseph, November 28, 2001 (see note 2 above).
parallels and areas of cross-hatching contained within
9. Christie’s 2002a (p. 172, lot 131) mentions that a magus wears a
similar hat in Schäufelein’s Stuttgart Adoration (ca. 1508–9), but that
broad outlines produce deep shadows along his right
is the extent of the similarities; the painting is at the Staatsgalerie side. Schäufelein varied the width of his pen lines from
Stuttgart, inv. 3213 (Metzger 2002, no. 17b, fig. 194). Metzger broad strokes, as on the figure’s right, to light ones that
mentions that Sonja Weih-Krüger identified the standing magus
with the beret as a portrait of Dürer (Metzger 2002, p. 288; see also
reveal the artistic process. These barely perceptible lines
Weih-Krüger 1986, p. 123). are evident in the legs and sword, where Schäufelein
10. Christie’s 2002a (p. 172, lot 131) compares the drawing to one seems to have been continually rethinking the form, as
now in the British Museum (inv. 1949-4-11-406), which shows two well as on top of the figure’s hat, where the beginnings
heads in red chalk; it was published as by Schäufelein in F. Winkler
1942 (p. 160, no. 75, ill.) but is now rightly attributed to Baldung
of another feather hover above the two that already
(Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 61, vol. 2, pl. 39). Christie’s 2002a also adorn the figure.
compares the work to the Head of Christ in the Musée du Louvre, Paris, The soldier stands confidently, holding the hilt of his
inv. 18853, which Winkler wrongly states is in red chalk (F. Winkler
1942, p. 161, no. 78, ill.); it is executed in charcoal. Also in black chalk
sword and halberd; their contrasting vertical and hori-
or charcoal are Portrait of a Young Man (F. Winkler 1942, p. 158, no. 69, zontal axes serve to stabilize the composition, which
ill.); Portrait of a Bearded Man (F. Winkler 1942, pp. 158–59, no. 70, ill.); was unfortunately cropped at an unknown point in the
and Portrait of a Man (F. Winkler 1942, p. 161, no. 76, ill.).
drawing’s history. This imposing figure type can also be
11. To name just a few examples: Beham, Portrait of a Man, Pierpont
Morgan Library, New York, acc. evt 6; Baldung, Head of a Young
found in an earlier drawing of a landsknecht, now in
Woman, Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. u.vi.49 (Koch 1941, no. 43, ill.; London (fig. 1).3 Both show a similar contrast between
James H. Marrow and Alan Shestack in Washington and New Haven the stockiness of the body and the delicacy of the facial
1981, no. 43, ill.), and the London sheet mentioned in note 10 above;
Hans Holbein the Younger, Jeanne de Boulogne and Jean de France,
features. Schäufelein employed calligraphic strokes in
Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. 1662.125, 1662.126 (C. Müller 1996, the Museum’s drawing to delineate the aged face
nos. 150, 151, pls. 11, 12); and Ambrosius Holbein, Portrait of a Young framed by a bushy beard and further ornamented by the
Man, Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. 1662.207a (C. Müller 1996, no. 4,
pl. 1).
hat and its feathers.

Fig. 1. Hans Schäufelein, A Landsknecht,
ca. 1507–8. Pen and black ink, 8⅛ × 6¼ in.
(20.6 × 15.9 cm). British Museum, London
(1856-7-12-998)

Images of mercenary soldiers were common during 16 | Hans Baldung
this period, especially in works on paper, such as Urs Ecstatic Christ, 1510–11
Graf ’s Bearer of the Banner of the Canton Glarus (cat. 26).
Schäufelein’s drawing, like Graf ’s, was most likely Pen and two shades of carbon black ink, traces of black chalk
intended as preparatory for a work in another medium, underdrawing, 611⁄16 × 97⁄16 in. (17 × 24 cm)
although there is no extant work that relates to it. fs
At lower center, monogrammed HGB (interwined) in pen and
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Höxter, brown ink; at lower right, inscribed Giovani Bresanch in pen and
Germany, in 1523 (Piccard-Online, no. 77855; accessed August 20, brown ink (18th-century handwriting); to the right, inscribed 26
2011). in pen and brown ink (18th-century handwriting). Framing line
2. F. Winkler 1942, p. 126. in pen and brown ink, not by the artist
3. Ibid., p. 153, no. 52, ill.; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 453, vol. 2, pl. 285. Watermark: high crown with cross1
Provenance: Hauslab collection, Vienna; princes of Liechtenstein,

Vaduz and Vienna; Somaré collection, Zurich; [August Laube,
Zurich]; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the In this dramatic drawing of Christ, quick but precise
Department of Drawings and Prints, 2003 lines of pen and black ink describe the body and its
Literature: Wallach 1927, p. 65; Tietze and Tietze-Conrat 1928–38, simple surroundings. First published by Ernst Buchner
vol. 1 (1928), pp. 357–58, ill.; F. Winkler 1942, p. 146, no. 22, ill. as Der Leichnam Christi (The corpse of Christ), and
immediately accepted into Baldung’s oeuvre, this draw-
ing has been extensively discussed in the literature.2
Hans B aldung Buchner dates it to about 1507, at the end of Baldung’s
Schwäbisch Gmund, 1484/85–1545 Strasbourg apprenticeship in Dürer’s workshop, considering the
use of light and line and the hatching in the shadows to
Hans Baldung enjoyed a long, successful career. After be characteristic of Baldung during this period and
an early apprenticeship in Nuremberg with Dürer also considering the choice of subject to be closely
(1503–7), in whose studio he enjoyed great responsi related to Dürer.3 Buchner likens the sorrowful mood
bility, he acquired citizenship in Strasbourg in 1510 and, of the drawing to Baldung’s woodcuts from 1511 that
with the exception of a four-year sojourn in Freiburg, also demonstrate the suffering of Christ, such as the
worked there until his death. Baldung was given the “Ecce Homo” (fig. 1).4 Fritz Koreny, who adopts the title
nickname “Grien” while working in Dürer’s workshop. Man of Sorrows, also cites the “Ecce Homo” as comparable
Some say it was because of his preference for the color in style, but he interprets the artist’s use of line and
green in his paintings or his attire, but it is more likely shadow in the Museum’s drawing as more character-
that the presence of Hans Schäufelein, Hans Suess von istic of Baldung’s work of 1510–11. 5 In both works
Kulmbach, and Dürer’s brother Hans in the workshop Christ’s head is tilted back, his eyes are rolled heaven-
all during the same period led to a need for inventive ward, and his mouth is open. One side of his face lies in
ways to distinguish them. Unlike many other artists of shadows created by parallel lines, while the calligraphic
the time who were trained in their fathers’ workshops, curls of his long locks and beard frame his face.
Baldung came from a highly educated and esteemed Although Koreny’s dating of the artist’s more expressive
family of lawyers and doctors. Baldung himself was a use of line to the later period seems correct, Buchner’s
Fig. 1. Hans Baldung, “Ecce Homo,” 1511. juror in the Zur Steltz guild of painters, printers, gla-
Woodcut, 51⁄16 × 3⅜ in. (12.8 × 8.6 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
ziers, and goldsmiths, and in 1545 he became a delegate
New York, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, to the city council. His greatest painted masterpiece,
1926 (26.106.1) the high altarpiece of Freiburg cathedral, was executed
in 1512. A prolific and highly expressive artist, he also
produced a large and varied graphic oeuvre. Baldung’s
appeal lies in his unorthodox interpretation of tradi-
tional subjects, such as his prolonged fascination with
the Fall of Man, and in his creation of new subjects,
such as his witches and wild horses.
Fig. 2. Hans Baldung, Resting Naked Lovers, 1527. Pen and brown ink,
General literature: Mende 1978; Washington and New Haven 1981; 6⅜ × 12⅜ in. (16.2 × 31.4 cm). Graphische Sammlung, Staatsgalerie
Koerner 1993, pp. 249–449; Frankfurt 2007 Stuttgart (c 8)

assertion that this so-called Man of Sorrows relates Equally interesting is Baldung’s Resting Naked Lovers
directly to Dürer is also accurate. Closely associated (1527), which shows a postcoital couple; he throws his
are Dürer’s charcoal drawings Head of a Dead Christ and head back in rapture while her body twists seductively
Head of a Suffering Man, both from 1503 and now in the toward the viewer (fig. 2).8 Although the drawings are
British Museum.6 In these expressive charcoal studies distinctly different in style and subject matter, the
the features of the men are distorted in pain and both gesture of self-touch as the woman reaches suggestively
seem to groan through their open mouths. toward her genitals is consistent with Baldung’s Ecstatic
Questions of subject matter become even more com- Christ (clearly not a traditional Man of Sorrows). As Leo
plicated when two additional drawings associated with Steinberg has made clear, demonstrations of Christ’s
Baldung are taken into consideration. The artist’s sexuality are surprisingly frequent in medieval and
Karlsruhe sketchbook (ca. 1522) contains a delicate fig- Renaissance imagery.9 Baldung, whose art was inven-
ure study of a reclining man similar to the Ecstatic Christ tive and often sexually suggestive, shows Christ’s left
in the fall of his legs and the turn of his torso, but this hand reaching for his genitals—a gesture noted by
figure lacks any defining characteristics or setting.7 Steinberg as common in fifteenth- and sixteenth-

century life-size sculptural groups, known as Holy Literature: Buchner 1950, ill.; Koch 1953, p. 299; Karlsruhe 1959,
no. 112, fig. 39; Oettinger and Knappe 1963, no. 37 and pp. 18, 26, 86,
Graves, in France, Germany, and northern Italy.10 97, 127, fig. 87; George Szabo in New York 1978–79, no. 26, ill.;
Whether Christ moans in ecstasy at his own salvation James H. Marrow and Alan Shestack in Washington and New Haven
or in agony at humanity’s moral corruption, one will 1981, no. 14, ill.; von Borries 1982, pp. 54–55; Barbara Drake Boehm
in New York and Nuremberg 1986, no. 176, ill.; Grewenig 1987,
never know, yet Baldung’s Christ—even in the after- p. 72, fig. 45; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999,
math of the Passion—exposes Man’s fallen nature and no. 11, ill.; Kaulbach 2007, p. 68, under no. 87
the need for salvation, a leitmotif in the artist’s oeuvre.
fs
Monogr ammist G. Z.
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Freiburg
in 1511 (Piccard-Online, no. 52618; accessed August 5, 2011); Upper Rhine, active ca. 1514–22
reproduced in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 53. See also
Piccard-Online, nos. 52617–52799 (accessed August 5, 2011).
2. Buchner 1950. Karlsruhe 1959, p. 67, follows Buchner, as does A group of single-leaf woodcuts and book illustrations
Oettinger and Knappe 1963, p. 86. They, however, describe Christ as published between 1514 and 1522 in Basel, Hagenau,
alive. James H. Marrow and Alan Shestack (in Washington and New Strasbourg, and Mainz is attributed to the Monogram-
Haven 1981, p. 101) title it The Dead Christ, as does Barbara Drake
Boehm (in New York and Nuremberg 1986, p. 370). mist G. Z. The prints, most notably two scenes of the
3. Buchner 1950, p. 448. The drawing may once have been dated: to Crucifixion set within lush Germanic landscapes, and
the right of the monogram an area has been removed and replaced. the drawings that have been associated with this artist
4. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 2 (1954), p. 89, no. 54, ill.; Mende demonstrate a close connection with Hans Baldung and
1978, no. 27, ill.; see also Buchner 1950, pp. 448–49. Lucas Cranach the Elder. He has been tentatively identi-
5. Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 53. Johann Eckart fied as the Basel painter Gabriel Zehender, whose activi-
von Borries shifts the dating of this drawing from 1507 to ca. 1512,
when Baldung moved from Strasbourg to Freiburg (1512–16). Von ties are recorded in the city archives between 1527 and
Borries cites the freer and more flexible use of line and relates it to 1535, but that connection remains extremely t enuous.
Baldung’s Witch (Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
inv. KdZ 4416), which Koreny also mentions (von Borries 1982, General literature: Koegler 1917; Parker 1924; Röttinger 1926,
pp. 54–55). pp. 174–75; Stange 1957; Frank Hieronymus in Basel 1984a, pp. xviii,
6. British Museum, London, inv. 5218-29, 5218-30 (F. Winkler 1936– liii, 293–302; Lübbeke 1991, pp. 396–401, 417; Falk 1998, pp. 163–
39, vol. 2 [1937], nos. 271, 272, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 2, nos. 1503/16, 67; Otte 1998; Paisey 2008
1503/17, ill.; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, nos. 153, 154, vol. 2, pls. 100,
101). According to the inscription on Head of a Dead Christ, the
drawings were conceived as a pair: “Die 2 [or, much less likely, Disz]
angsicht hab ich uch erl [?] / aus erfurcht [?] gemacht in meiner Kranckeit,” 17 | Monogrammist G. Z.
which can be translated as, “I produced these two countenances
Standing Virgin in Mourning, 1520
when I was ill.”
7. K. Martin 1950, fol. 17r, fig. r28. Kurt Martin suggests that this
Pen and carbon black ink, traces of black chalk underdrawing,
drawing relies on Dürer’s 1498 engraving The Sea Monster (Hollstein,
German, 1954–, vol. 7 [1962], p. 59, no. 66, ill.). The sketch, visible 615⁄16 × 4⅛ in. (17.6 × 10.4 cm)
only under ultraviolet light, was considered by Carl Koch as a later Rogers Fund, 2004 (2004.162)
addition (Koch 1941, p. 42, n. 7), and it has been omitted from his At lower center, dated 1520 in pen and carbon black ink, by the
corpus of Baldung’s drawings.
artist. Verso, at upper left, vertically inscribed with a sum in pen
8. Kaulbach 2007, no. 87, ill. Kaulbach considers the Ecstatic Christ and brown ink (16th- or 17th-century handwriting)
and Resting Naked Lovers to be related, but only because both depict
reclining nude figures (p. 17). He dismisses Koreny and retains the Watermark: none
earlier dating of the work to Baldung’s apprenticeship in Dürer’s
workshop. Both drawings have a high crown watermark, but it was
so common during this period that it is not particularly useful in In this somber drawing an ethereal Virgin stands
determining a specific date. engulfed in her mantle, alone on a tuft of earth. Using
9. Steinberg 1996. both fine and broad quill lines, the Monogrammist
10. Ibid., pp. 100–101. Shestack discusses Baldung’s genius in G. Z. reduces the internal modeling to geometricized,
inventing new, even preposterous, interpretations of traditional
subjects and suggests that he created each work of art with special almost abstract zones of light and dark, in which detail
delectation, as if discovering the theme for the first time and making is neglected and the structure of the figure is left
it his own (Shestack 1981, p. 4). unclear. Short, angled, parallel strokes create a rhythm
of planar surfaces, while densely cross-hatched areas
Provenance: Private collection, Munich; Max Hartmann (1884–1952),
Basel; Stella Hartmann, Geneva; [Galerie Les Tourettes, Basel (sold suggest a sense of richness and depth in the garment.
to Lehman)]; Robert Lehman (1891–1969), New York, 1959; given Also characteristic of the Monogrammist G. Z.,
by the Robert Lehman Foundation to the Museum in accordance although less frequently seen, is the use of short, undu-
with the collector’s wishes, 1975

Fig. 1. Monogrammist G. Z., Saint Thomas and
Saint Bartholomew, 1518. Woodcut, 10¼ × 7 in.
(26 × 17.8 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, New York, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund,
1928 (28.82.6)
lating hatchings that appear to radiate from one central cross-hatching that appear randomly placed throughout
point. This graphic style is also evident in his woodcut (fig. 1).2 Also evident in both the Museum’s drawing
series Christ and the Twelve Apostles.1 In Saint Thomas and the woodcut are “hook and line” notations in the
and Saint Bartholomew (dated 1518) from that series, the drapery. This schematic style as well as the radiant halos
heavily outlined figures and their copious angular robes are reminiscent of Hans Baldung’s Large Apostle series,
are modeled with short parallels and dense areas of dated about 1516–19.3

set off-center at an oblique angle, which draws the
viewer into the composition, and the emphasis is on
the emotional reactions of the Virgin and Saint John,
who face the viewer and Christ, who is now seen from
behind. John Rowlands attributes this drawing to the
Monogrammist G. Z. based on its similarity to his
woodcuts of the same subject and on the similarity of
the soft, handsome face of Saint John to that of Saint
Philip in the Apostles series.7
Although neither the countenance nor the costume
of the Virgin in the Museum’s drawing is repeated in
any of the Monogrammist G. Z.’s other known works,
the melancholic mood, radiant r eligiosity, and distinc-
tive use of line make its attribution to the Monogram-
mist G. Z. all the more c onvincing.8 fs
Fig. 2. Monogrammist G. Z., Christ on the Cross with the Virgin and Saint
John the Evangelist, 1521. Woodcut, 11½ × 83⁄16 in. (29.2 × 20.8 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Harris Brisbane Dick
Fund, 1923 (23.80)
The Monogrammist G. Z.’s Madonna is shown inde-

pendent of any narrative, but she seems to have a sense
of purpose and can be understood as an embodiment of
a deeply experienced faith. She was surely conceived as a
model for a Madonna to accompany a Crucifixion.
Except for the Twelve Apostles series, almost all the
other works securely assigned to the artist are Crucifix-
ions. Two of his woodcuts—one signed and dated
(though the date is indecipherable) and the other dated
1521—show the cross squarely placed in the extreme
foreground, with the battered body of Jesus thrust
toward the viewer, framed by the Virgin and Saint John,
who stand in despair at his feet (fig. 2).4 This type of
composition, which was intended to evoke deep emo-
Fig. 3. Monogrammist G. Z., The Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist
tion in the viewer, belongs to the late medieval tradition
Standing before Christ on the Cross, n.d. Pen and black ink, heightened
of Devotio moderna.5 In the Monogrammist G. Z.’s with white body color, on brown prepared paper, 93⁄16 × 6¼ in.
chiaroscuro drawing of the subject (fig. 3),6 the cross is (23.4 × 15.8 cm). British Museum, London (1880-2-14-345)

1. Geisberg 1923–30/1974, vol. 2, nos. g792–g797, ill. The attribu- as early as 1515. Both of these woodcuts might have been used in
tion of the series is a matter of debate. It comprises six double missals. Koegler notes a 1518 missal published in Hagenau, among
portraits of the apostles and a single sheet of Christ standing alone others (p. 192). Baldung’s woodcut The Crucifixion with Mary and
with the orb of the world. Hans Koegler was the first to publish the Saint John (1512), which was published by Reinhard Beck, Strasbourg
series and indicated that Campbell Dodgson, in an unpublished (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 2 [1954], p. 83, no. 14, ill.; Mende
note, attributed the series to the Monogrammist G. Z. (Koegler 1917, 1978, no. 413, ill.); Dürer’s 1516 woodcut (Hollstein, German, 1954–,
nos. 7–13). Dodgson’s findings are contained in a manuscript in the vol. 7 [1962], p. 148, no. 183, ill.); and Cranach’s Crucifixion wood-
Department of Prints and Drawings at the British Museum called cuts (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 6 [1959], pp. 26, 27, nos. 28, 29,
“Notes compiled by Karl Parker during the 1920s for a proposed ill.) might all have been used in missals as well.
sequel (unpublished) to Campbell Dodgson’s Catalogue of early 5. This formula is also evident in works by Dürer, Cranach, and
German woodcuts in the British Museum.” Heinrich Röttinger Baldung, among others. A few relevant examples (in addition to the
and Max Geisberg assign it to Hans Vischer, an artist of the Dürer missal woodcuts mentioned above) are Dürer’s 1508 engraving Christ
school (Röttinger 1926, p. 175, figs. 67, 68; Geisberg 1923–30/1974, on the Cross (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 7 [1962], p. 19, no. 23,
vol. 2, nos. g792–g797, ill.). This attribution has proved untenable. ill.) and Cranach’s Crucifixion painting from 1503 (Friedländer and
The British Museum has five of the seven woodcuts (inv. 1852-7-12- Rosenberg 1978, no. 5, ill.). For the Devotio moderna, see Van Engen
113, 1919-6-16-38, 1926-12-14-18, 1927-6-14-170, 1927-6-14-171); 2008.
the two with Saints Philip and Matthias and with Saints Jude and
Matthew are not in its collection. The British Museum changed 6. Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 434, vol. 2, pl. 275. This drawing is
the attribution of the woodcuts from Baldung to G. Z. and then to related to a copy in the same medium on brown prepared paper in
Anton Woensam; for this attribution, see the British Museum web- the Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 291
site. This attribution is unlikely, as Woensam’s works reflect a greater (Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 11, vol. 2, pl. 13, as by Hans Baldung [?]); and
influence by Netherlandish artists than by Cranach and Baldung, with another chiaroscuro drawing—this time on blue prepared pa-
whose own series of woodcut apostles had a direct influence on this per—that shows only Christ on the cross, formerly in the Woodner
series. For Woensam, see Illustrated Bartsch 1978–, vol. 13 (1981), collection and sold at Christie’s, London, July 2, 1991, lot 177, ill.
pp. 189–206; Jakoby 1991. 7. Rowlands in London 1988, p. 147.
2. Geisberg 1923–30/1974, vol. 2, no. g794, ill. 8. A heavily cloaked and mourning Madonna appears in Baldung’s
3. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 2 (1954), p. 103, nos. 79–91; Mende 1512 woodcut for the missal published in Strasbourg (see note 4
1978, nos. 45–57, ill. For an explanation of the current dating of the above).
Baldungs and the connection to G. Z., see James H. Marrow and
Alan Shestack in Washington and New Haven 1981, p. 232, n. 7. Provenance: Leonhard Sladeczek, Westphalia; his son; Murath collec-
Baldung’s series is dependent on Cranach the Elder’s series Christ, tion, Bern; [Arnoldi-Livie, Munich]; purchased by the Department
the Apostles, and Saint Paul (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 6 [1959], of Drawings and Prints, 2004
p. 30, nos. 31–44).
Literature: unpublished
4. Koegler 1917, no. 5; Röttinger 1926, pp. 159–60, figs. 65, 66.
Koegler dates the work ca. 1517 and mentions that it had been dated

Artists Active outside Nuremberg in the Early Sixteenth Century
Albrecht Altdorfer
Regensburg, ca. 1482/85–1538, Regensburg
Albrecht Altdorfer was probably first trained by his

father, the miniaturist Ulrich Altdorfer. In 1505
Albrecht became a citizen of Regensburg and there
after held a seat on the general city council and later
on the inner council. He was appointed city architect
in 1526 and received artistic commissions from the city
council as well as from Emperor Maximilian I and
Duke William IV of Bavaria. The principal figure of the
Danube school, Altdorfer made works that not only
emphasize the natural world, especially the local land-
scape, but also render that world in a subjective and
Fig. 1. Lorenzo Maitani, The Creation of Adam, 1310–30. Relief sculpture.
emotional rather than objective manner. A versatile Facade of the cathedral of Orvieto
and prolific artist, Altdorfer created paintings, wood-
cuts, engravings, etchings, drawings, and watercolors.
General literature: Winzinger 1952; Winzinger 1963; Hans Mielke in white heightening on prepared paper, dated 1506, and
Berlin and Regensburg 1988; Wood 1993
framed in black ink by the artist.3 The Louvre’s Witches’
Sabbath and Berlin’s Allegory of Pax and Minerva also
include a small additional letter—variously interpreted
18 | Albrecht Altdorfer
in the literature as an O or D—within Altdorfer’s mono-
Samson and Delilah, 1506
gram.4 Although the reason for its presence is still an
open question, adding an O at the end of Altdorfer
Pen and carbon black ink, lead white heightening, on paper
prepared with opaque orange-pink, iron-based earth watercolor, would have Italianized his name.5 It could point to his
6¾ × 413⁄16 in. (17.1 × 12.2 cm) dependence on Italian models for the works. Hans
Rogers Fund, 1906 (06.1501.2) Mielke has shown that both Witches’ Sabbath and Pax and
At lower left, dated and monogrammed 1506 / AA (intertwined) Minerva recall prints by and after Andrea Mantegna,
in pen and black ink. Framing line in pen and black ink, by the though he discounts Mantegna’s own painted grisaille
artist. Verso, at upper center, inscribed [. . .] / D’Alberto Duro in Samson and Delilah (ca. 1500) as a source for the Muse-
pen and black ink (17th- or 18th-century handwriting). At lower
um’s drawing.6 Instead, Mielke connects the figure of
center of the old mount (preserved separately), inscribed Alberto
Altorfio in pen and brown ink (18th- or 19th-century handwrit- Samson to Lorenzo Maitani’s Adam in The Creation of
ing);1 at lower right, inscribed Altdorfer in graphite (19th- or Eve on the facade of the cathedral of Orvieto.7 Closer
20th-century handwriting). Verso of the old mount, at upper still may be the languidly graceful figure of Adam in the
center, inscribed C.51 in pen and brown ink (18th- or 19th- scene of his own creation at Orvieto, which precedes
century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed 19647 in graphite
the relief cited by Mielke (fig. 1).8
(20th-century handwriting)
Similar to the Samson in pose, but much more con-
Watermark: bull’s head, snake on cross above (fragment of upper
cerned with his female companion, is the male consort
portion)2
in Altdorfer’s Lovers in a Landscape (1504), who also
wears contemporary clothing and is shown within a
This fine, almost miniaturist drawing is among the ear- landscape framed at the back by a large fortified castle
liest surviving works by Altdorfer. It is part of a group (fig. 2).9 This pen drawing demonstrates Altdorfer’s
of four drawings all composed in pen and black ink with early interest in expansive landscapes as well as his
42
Fig. 2. Albrecht Altdorfer, Lovers in a Landscape, 1504.
Pen and black and gray ink, 11⅛ × 81⁄16 in. (28.3 × 20.5 cm).
Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (KdZ 2671)
knowledge of works by his contemporary Lucas Cranach

the Elder.10 Cranach also produced colored-ground
drawings, such as his Saint John in the Wilderness on brown
prepared paper, in Lille, in which the saint sits in front
of a landscape rendered almost exclusively in white
gouache.11 The tradition of colored-ground drawings in
the North dates back to the late fifteenth century and
gained prominence in the early sixteenth century as
independent drawings became coveted by collectors.12
In addition to colored-ground drawings, artists such as
Mair von Landshut experimented early on with colored
prepared papers to create tonal prints. His Samson and
Delilah (ca. 1499) can be found in several different
impressions, including one in the Albertina, Vienna, on
brown prepared paper with white and yellow highlights.13
Though vastly different in composition and style
from Altdorfer’s drawing, Mair’s scene similarly when Samson professed his thirst (Judges 15:19).
includes the Philistine soldiers awaiting Delilah’s signal Altdorfer depicts Samson as recounted in Judges
so that they can arrest Samson. Altdorfer also incor- 16:19—asleep on Delilah’s knees as she forcefully raises
porated other elements of the story: Samson is shown her left arm to alert the soldiers, while holding in her
clutching the jawbone of an ass, which he had used to right hand the scissors she will use to trim his locks and
slaughter thousands of Philistines (Judges 15:15), and deprive him of his superhuman strength. Delilah’s tri-
behind him flows an ample river that may stem from the umph over Samson exemplifies the downfall of even the
water source God created in the hollow of that jawbone most physically powerful man at the hands of a deceitful
43
woman—a popular theme in the art and literature of 9. Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, no. 1, ill.; Mielke in
Washington 1999–2000, no. 119, ill.
Northern Europe during this period. Two engravings
10. This drawing used to be attributed to Cranach (Rosenberg 1960,
and a later drawing on prepared paper testify to Alt- no. 7, ill.). It is similar in style and composition to Lovers near a
dorfer’s continued interest in Samson’s triumphs and Fountain, 1503, attributed to Cranach in the Herzog Anton Ulrich-
travails.14 fs Museum, Braunschweig, inv. z 59 (von Heusinger 1992–97, vol. 1,
pp. 275–76, vol. 2, pl. 42 [as by an anonymous German artist]); this
drawing was attributed to Cranach by Dieter Koepplin and Tilman
1. It was first noted in Oettinger 1959 that this inscription may indi-
Falk in Basel 1974, vol. 1, no. 78, fig. 73 (an attribution reiterated by
cate an Italian provenance for the drawing (p. 33). Hans Mielke also
Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, no. 215, ill.).
cites the inscription as proof of an Italian provenance (in Berlin and
Regensburg 1988, p. 28). 11. Palais des Beaux-Arts, Lille, inv. Pl. 914 (Hofbauer 2010, no. 3,
ill.). Cranach also made a Saint Martin now in the Staatliche Gra-
2. This watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Augsburg
phische Sammlung München, inv. 36 (Hofbauer 2010, no. 4, ill.).
in 1500 (Piccard-Online, no. 71161; accessed September 2, 2011).
This type of mark was frequently used in Germany (and, in some 12. Falk 1978. Christopher Wood claims that the first indisputably
cases, northern Italy) from approximately the late 1470s through independent colored-ground drawing is Bernhard Strigel’s Death
1550 (see Piccard-Online, nos. 71138–77980; accessed September 2, and Amor, 1502, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
2011). inv. KdZ 4256 (Wood 1993, p. 76). The technique was also taken up
with much enthusiasm by other artists including Hans Baldung,
3. The other three drawings are Witches’ Sabbath, Musée du Louvre,
Wolfgang Huber, Hans Leu the Younger, and Niklaus Manuel,
Paris, inv. 18.867 (Winzinger 1952, no. 2, ill.; Mielke in Berlin
as well as Holbein the Younger, who executed Holy Family on red
and Regensburg 1988, no. 7, ill.); Allegory of Pax and Minerva,
prepared paper (Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. 1662.139; C. Müller
Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 1691
1996, no. 109, pl. 6), and Urs Graf, who employed the colored paper
(Winzinger 1952, no. 1, ill.; Mielke in Washington 1999–2000,
to great effect in Christ as the Man of Sorrows (Kunstmuseum Basel,
no. 120, ill.); and Two Landsknechts and a Couple, Statens Museum
inv. u.iii.76; C. Müller 2001, p. 235, no. 125, ill., pl. 34).
for Kunst, Copenhagen, inv. Tu 90, 1 (Winzinger 1952, no. 7, ill.;
Bøgh Rasmussen 2000, no. 36, ill.). Mielke thought the framing 13. Lehrs 1908–34, vol. 8 (1932), p. 296, no. 3; Hollstein, German,
line indicated that these were predetermined rather than spon- 1954–, vol. 23 (1979), p. 93, no. 3, ill. For more on Mair von Landshut,
taneously invented. In fact, he believed all of Altdorfer’s finished see Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, pp. 325–27.
drawings to be Reinzeichnungen, or fair copies of his own inventions 14. For the engravings Samson Bearing the Gates of Gaza and Samson
(Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, p. 38). Winzinger refers and Delilah, see Mielke 1997, p. 17, nos. e.2, e.3, ill., respectively. The
to the border of the Copenhagen drawing as original (Winzinger drawing Samson and the Lion is in the Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche
1952, p. 67; Winzinger 1963, app. 3, p. 131), and Wood considers Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 86. There is also a workshop copy of
them to be spontaneous works, with the black border asserting Samson and the Lion (Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin, inv. KdZ 8) drawn
their finished quality (Wood 1993, p. 78). For a comprehensive list on a fragment of the same piece of paper as KdZ 86 (Mielke in Berlin
of Altdorfer’s drawings with black frames, see Wood 1993, p. 291, and Regensburg 1988, no. 56, ill.).
n. 49.
4. Oettinger 1957, pp. 47–48; Oettinger 1959, p. 33; Winzinger 1960, Provenance: Jonathan Richardson Sr. (1665–1745); probably his sale,
p. 8; Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, pp. 28, 32, 34. London, February 9, 1747, part of lot 4; [P. & D. Colnaghi & Co.,
5. Oettinger 1959, p. 33. London]; purchased by the Department of Paintings, 1906
6. Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, p. 28. Pax and Minerva de- Literature: Metropolitan Museum of Art 1943, no. 17, ill.; Clark
pends on Mantegna’s Four Dancing Muses after the Louvre’s Parnassus 1956, p. 122, ill.; New York 1956, no. 161; Oettinger 1957, pp. 16, 43,
(inv. 370); see Hind 1938–48, pt. 2, vol. 5 (1948), p. 27, no. 21, vol. 6 47–48, no. 53; New York 1959, no. 26, pl. 19; Oettinger 1959, pp. 23,
(1948), pl. 519; Illustrated Bartsch 1978–, vol. 25 (1980), p. 160, no. 18, 24, 25–26, 28, 31, 32, 33, 35, [fig.] 12;* Winzinger 1960, pp. 7–8, ill.
ill. (as by Zoan Andrea); Suzanne Boorsch in London and New no. 1; Winzinger 1963, app. 2, p. 131; Hans Mielke in Berlin and
York 1992, no. 138, ill. (as by the Premier Engraver); Laura Aldovini Regensburg 1988, no. 2, ill.; Butts 1988, p. 280; Goldberg 1988,
in Paris 2008–9a, no. 139, ill. (as by the Workshop of Mantegna). p. 119; Wood 1993, pp. 77, 109, 291, n. 45; Talbot 1996, p. 714; Talbot
Witches’ Sabbath uses a portion of Mantegna’s engraving Bacchanal 2010, ill.
with a Wine Vat; see Hind 1938–48, pt. 2, vol. 5 (1948), p. 12, no. 3;
Illustrated Bartsch 1978–, vol. 25 (1980), p. 56, no. 19, ill.; David * The accompanying plate volume to Oettinger 1959 (announced on
Landau in London and New York 1992, no. 74, ill.; Andrea Canova p. 7) seems never to have been produced.
in Paris 2008–9a, no. 105, ill. Mantegna’s Samson and Delilah is in
the National Gallery, London, inv. ng1145.
7. Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, p. 28. The creation of Eve
is represented in a pair of scenes on the sculpted facade (Moskowitz
2009, pl. 13). Mielke does not specify which reposing Adam most
resembles Altdorfer’s Samson.
8. Moskowitz 2009, pl. 5. This type of figure of Adam is found in Ital-
ian prints more than one hundred years later. An excellent example
is the anonymous Florentine engraving The Creation of Eve, ca. 1460
(Hind 1938–48, pt. 1, vol. 1 [1938], p. 61, no. 1, vol. 2 [1938], pl. 86).

19 | Albrecht Altdorfer
The Emperor Maxentius Ordering the Burning of the Fifty
Wise Men, ca. 1515 (?)
Pen and a mixed iron gall and carbon black ink, brush and gray
ink wash, traces of white gouache, traces of black chalk under-
drawing (laid down), 6⅝ × 65⁄16 in. (16.9 × 16 cm)
Purchase, Didier Aaron Inc. Gift, 2003 (2003.3)
At lower left, inscribed Altdorfer in graphite (19th-century hand-
writing); at lower center, inscribed 218 in graphite (19th- or
20th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed 38 in pen
and red ink (19th- or 20th-century handwriting?). Four circular
framing lines in pen and brown ink, possibly by the artist; a
framing line in pen and lighter brown ink, by a later hand. Verso,
at lower right, inscribed m m □ in graphite (20th-century hand-
writing). On old mount, at lower center, in a cartouche,
inscribed Altdorfer. in pen and brown ink (19th- or 20th-century
handwriting)
Watermark: none
There are relatively few surviving working drawings by

Altdorfer, who is best known as a draftsman of brilliant
independent drawings on colored paper (see cat. 18).
The present example was almost certainly made in
preparation for a stained-glass window, given both its
circular format and the broad use of wash. The unusual
subject, taken from Jacobus de Voragine’s thirteenth-
century collection of lives of saints, the Legenda aurea
(Golden Legend), was identified by Paul Taylor; it con-
cerns Saint Catherine, who rendered the Emperor
Maxentius speechless with her arguments on behalf of
Christianity.1 When the fifty wise men he ordered to
counter her arguments failed to do so convincingly, he
had them burned.
Despite a relatively modern inscription on the
mount attributing the drawing to Altdorfer, it was auc- ened figures, Altdorfer used one similar to those here
tioned in 2002 as the product of an artist in his circle. in at least ten other works in his not very large oeuvre
However, close examination indicates that it bears (fig. 3).4 The daring juxtaposition of such figures facing
many of the hallmarks of Altdorfer’s distinctive man- in opposite directions is the kind of radical step that no
ner and is unquestionably by his hand. The composi- one but Altdorfer himself would have attempted; it
tion, with a nearly impenetrable series of forms in the goes far beyond the creative imagination of artists like
foreground and a second plane with small heads of his brother Erhard, Georg Lemberger, or Hans Leu the
onlookers jotted down with abstract notational Younger.5
strokes, is precisely the format in both his drawings of Finally, the graphic handwriting makes the most
Christ carrying the cross in Erlangen and Los Angeles conclusive argument in favor of his authorship. The
(figs. 1, 2).2 Similar compositions are also found among broadly brushed wash to create shadow is applied in
the panels of his altarpiece for the monastery of Sankt the same way as in the Erlangen and Los Angeles
Florian near Linz.3 Moreover, certain figural types, sheets referred to above. Furthermore, the insistently
such as the striding man carrying wood at left and the and somewhat abstractly animated quality of line, with
foreshortened figures on the ground, are almost stock frequent use of connected segments rather than long
actors in Altdorfer’s vocabulary. While other German continuous outlines, is a characteristic of Altdorfer’s
artists would occasionally employ radically foreshort- draftsmanship not found among any of his followers
artis ts act i ve ou t si de nu rem b erg | 45

Fig. 3. Albrecht Altdorfer, Jael and Fig. 4. Albrecht Altdorfer, Abraham’s
Sisera, ca. 1518. Woodcut, 415⁄16 × Sacrifice of Isaac, ca. 1520–25. Wood-
313⁄16 in. (12.5 × 9.7 cm). The Metro- cut, 4⅞ × 3¾ in. (12.4 × 9.6 cm).
politan Museum of Art, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Gift of Felix M. Warburg, 1920 New York, Gift of Felix M. Warburg
(20.64.26) and his family, 1941 (41.1.101)
or contemporaries. Comparison of individual figures—

Maxentius at the extreme left with the onlooker wear-
ing a conical hat in the Getty drawing—clearly demon-
Fig. 1. Albrecht Altdorfer, Christ Carrying the Cross, ca. 1515 (?).
Pen and brown ink, gray wash, heightened with white gouache, on
strates common authorship. The notational rendering
pink prepared paper, 913⁄16 × 715⁄16 in. (25 × 20.2 cm). Graphische of figures in the background and the elaborate depiction
Sammlung, Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg, Erlangen of smoke are again typical of Altdorfer, as is evident
(Bock 810)
from a comparison with a woodcut by his hand (fig. 4).6
Further close similarity can be noticed in the manner in
which the wood is rendered here and in the Erlangen
and Los Angeles sheets.
In most respects, the drawing is closest to the Erlan-
gen Christ Carrying the Cross and probably dates from the
same period as it and the larger sheet at the Getty. grg
1. Taylor, quoted in Sotheby’s 2002, p. 39, lot 105. For the text of the
Legenda aurea, see Voragine 2007 (ed.), vol. 2, pp. 1350–63; for an
English translation, see Voragine 1993 (ed.), vol. 2, pp. 334–41. For
Saint Catherine, see Réau 1955–59, vol. 3, pt. 1 (1958), pp. 262–72;
Balboni, Bronzini, and Brandi 1963; Assion 1974.
2. For the drawing in Erlangen, see Bock 1929, vol. 1, no. 810, vol. 2,
ill.; Winzinger 1952, no. 96, ill.; Hans Mielke in Berlin and Regens-
burg 1988, no. 96, ill.; Guido Messling in Nuremberg 2008, no. 62,
ill. For the drawing in Los Angeles, see Goldner and Hendrix 1987;
Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, no. 97, ill.
3. For the altar in the monastery of Sankt Florian, see Winzinger
1975, pp. 29–31, nos. 9–24, ill.; Seidel 1983; Bushart 2004, pp. 213–
27 and passim, pls. xi–xix.
4. Winzinger 1963, no. 85, ill.; Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg
1988, no. 103, ill.; Mielke 1997, p. 115, no. w.43, ill. For other ex-
amples, see Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988, nos. 34, 40, 72,
75, 98–100, 102, 131, ill.
Fig. 2. Albrecht Altdorfer, Christ Carrying the Cross, ca. 1515. Pen and
black ink, gray wash, over black chalk, diameter: 1115⁄16 in. (30.4 cm). 5. For the graphic styles of Erhard Altdorfer, Lemberger, Leu, and
The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles (86.gg.465) other artists of Albrecht Altdorfer’s circle, see Winzinger 1952,
pp. 53–58, nos. 118–56, ill.; Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg 1988,
nos. 176–201, ill.

6. Winzinger 1963, no. 91, ill.; Mielke in Berlin and Regensburg
1988, no. 105, ill.; Mielke 1997, p. 113, no. w.41, ill.
Provenance: Sale, Sotheby’s, London, July 10, 2002, lot 105; [Kunst-
handel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Department of
Drawings and Prints, 2003
Literature: Sotheby’s 2002, lot 105, ill. (as by an artist from the circle
of Albrecht Altdorfer)
Hans Burgkmair
Augsburg, 1473–1531, Augsburg
First trained by his father, the painter Thoman Burgk-

mair, Hans spent his Wanderjahre studying with the emi-
nent painter and printmaker Martin Schongauer. After
returning to Augsburg, Burgkmair began to design
woodcuts for the book printer Erhard Ratdolt. He
established his own workshop in 1498 and was com
missioned to paint three of the six large-scale paintings
of Roman basilicas to be hung in the refectory of the
preeminent Saint Catherine’s convent. It is believed
that Burgkmair traveled to Cologne and the Nether-
lands between 1503 and 1505. He executed paintings
and woodcuts throughout his career for patrons includ-
ing Emperor Maximilian I, Elector Frederick the Wise
of Saxony, and Duke William IV of Bavaria. For the
emperor, Burgkmair participated in creating a series
of luxuriously illustrated books, including an imagina-
tive Genealogy (ca. 1510–13) of the Habsburg dynasty,
Maximilian’s fictionalized autobiography Teuerdank
(1517), and the more historical Weisskunig (White king; Typical of Burgkmair’s early drawings after Nether-
ca. 1512–18, first published in 1775). With the assis- landish and Italian examples, this simple but fluent
tance of an expert woodcutter, Jost de Negker, Burgk- sketch shows a serene Virgin holding a bunch of grapes
mair experimented with innovative printing tech- from below, while a kneeling cleric grasps the stem.1
niques, such as printing in gold and silver and using The Christ Child, defined with just a few strokes of the
several tinted blocks to produce a tonal effect. pen, is perched on the Virgin’s lap and gestures with an
open hand toward the fruit. Although a direct proto-
General literature: Parker 1928; Rupé 1928; Schilling 1933–34; type has not been located for the composition, its inti-
P. Halm 1962; Falk 1968; West 2006
macy and iconography reflect Schongauer’s influence
on the young artist. A painting of the Holy Family by
Schongauer, now in Vienna, shows an ethereal Virgin
20 | Hans Burgkmair with a book on her lap, holding the Child close to her
The Virgin and Child with a Cleric, ca. 1503–5 while she plucks a grape to feed him.2 In the back-
ground, an aged Joseph watches the scene. What
Pen and a mixed iron gall and carbon black ink, traces of black Burgkmair presented in his drawing, however, is not a
chalk underdrawing, 6 × 63⁄16 in. (15.2 × 15.7 cm)
Harry G. Sperling Fund, 2006 (2006.582)
straightforward Holy Family; rather, it is a conflation
with scenes of the Adoration of the Magi.3
Watermark: none
In an engraving of the Adoration by Schongauer
(fig. 1),4 he shows a spindly Christ Child seated on

And just as pressed grapes make men drunk, so they,
pressed in the world, produce the milk of doctrine.”9
This is an intriguing analogy, given Burgkmair’s enig-
matic image. He later executed a more Italianate black
chalk drawing now incorrectly titled The Holy Family
(ca. 1507), which includes a beautiful young man (per-
haps a cleric) dangling a bunch of grapes over the
shoulder of the Virgin toward a large and animated
Christ Child.10 Burgkmair used this composition, with-
out the male interloper, as a model for his painting The
Virgin and Child (ca. 1509–10) in Nuremberg.11
fs
1. Monroe Warshaw was the first to recognize this drawing as by

Burgkmair; the attribution was confirmed by Tilman Falk (Falk to
Warshaw, letter dated February 20, 2006, in the Museum’s depart-
mental files). Peter Halm (1962) speaks extensively of the drawings
after Netherlandish examples that Burgkmair executed following
his trip to Cologne and possibly the Netherlands sometime between
1503 and 1505. Burgkmair is known to have done drawings after
Stefan Lochner and Rogier van der Weyden; see The Last Judg-
ment, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, inv. nm 100/1918; and The
Presentation in the Temple, also Nationalmuseum, Stockholm,
inv. nm 85/1918 (Bjurström 1972, nos. 22, 21, ill.).
2. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. 843 (Colmar 1991, ill.
Fig. 1. Martin Schongauer, The Adoration of the Magi, Fig. 2. Hans Burgkmair, Saint Erasmus, 1505. Pen
p. 72; Ferino-Pagden, Prohaska, and Schütz 1991, p. 111, pl. 560).
ca. 1470–75. Engraving, 101⁄16 × 69⁄16 in. (25.6 × and black ink, 4½ × 215⁄16 in. (11.5 × 7.5 cm). Musée
16.7 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New du Louvre, Paris (19211) 3. Burgkmair executed an Adoration of the Magi (Nationalmuseum,
York, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1932 (32.78.1) Stockholm, inv. nm 98/1918; Bjurström 1972, no. 28, ill.) in the same
simple style, seemingly after the example of Rogier van der Weyden’s
Columba Altarpiece, ca. 1455, Alte Pinakothek, Munich, inv. waf 1189.
The attribution of this Adoration to Burgkmair has been the subject
Mary’s lap, his legs extended and her hand bracing him, of scholarly dispute: Edmund Schilling (1933–34, pp. 264–65, fig. 16)
just as in Burgkmair’s drawing. The kneeling magus denied its authenticity; Falk believes it is close in date to Burgkmair’s
contemplates the vessel he has just presented, which Cologne trip and hence coincident with the Museum’s drawing (Falk
1968, pp. 37–38).
Mary holds between them; his elaborate hat is placed
4. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 49 (1999), p. 27, no. 6, ill.; Lehrs
on the ground before him. In the Museum’s drawing, 2005, no. 6, ill.
the vessel is replaced by the bunch of grapes, and the 5. In works of art from this period, all types of hats are removed and
magus by what appears to be a cleric. Burgkmair took either held or placed on the ground. But the kind of casual removal
care to define the man’s costume, the rolled piece of seen in the Museum’s drawing could be found in one notable work:
the Holy Kinship Altarpiece, ca. 1500, by the Master of the Holy Kinship,
paper he grasps in his right hand, and his emaciated a Cologne painter active at the end of the fifteenth century. One of
face, as well as the hat he has pushed off his head in the aged male figures in the left middle ground is wearing an ornate
deference to the holy figures.5 The layers of short hatch- tunic, but his textured round hat is simply pushed back off his head,
in a manner similar to Burgkmair’s cleric. This altarpiece (originally
ing lines that Burgkmair used here to create depth and in the Dominican cloister of Saint Achatius and now in the Wallraf-
the long parallels used for shading can also be found in Richartz-Museum und Fondation Corboud, Cologne, inv. wrm165;
his drawing of Saint Erasmus (fig. 2).6 Frank Gunter Zehnder in R. Budde et al. 1986, pp. 82–83, ill.) mas-
terfully interweaves narratives such as the Mystic Marriage of Saint
Though primarily interpreted as a symbol of the Catherine with the Holy Kinship and the Virgo inter Virgines.
Eucharist, a cluster of grapes could also be employed 6. P. Halm 1962, p. 110, fig. 37; Falk to Warshaw, letter dated January
in other contexts.7 The twelfth-century theologian 8, 2002, in the Museum’s departmental files.
Honorius of Autun added his own exegesis to the volu- 7. For a comprehensive discussion of grape symbolism in the six-
minous discourse related to the Old Testament Song teenth century, see de Jongh 1974; Mundy 1981–82.
of Songs, which refers to the breasts of the Bride (often 8. Mundy 1981–82, p. 216.
interpreted as the Virgin) as a cluster of grapes.8 Hono- 9. Honorius of Autun, quoted by Mundy (ibid., p. 217).
rius stated: “[Preachers] are like grapes, because just 10. Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, inv. nm 15/1918 (Bjurström 1972,
no. 25, ill.).
as grapes are full of wine, they are full of knowledge.

11. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, inv. 283 (German
isches Nationalmuseum 2001, p. 70, ill.). Per Bjurström cites Hans
Rupé’s observation that this composition relates to Italian Madonnas
from the Leonardo school, especially those by Giovanni Antonio
Boltraffio (Bjurström 1972, under no. 25). See, for instance, a Virgin
and Child by a follower of Boltraffio, National Gallery, London,
inv. ng2496 (Fiorio 2000, no. d10, ill.).
Provenance: [Monroe Warshaw, New York]; purchased by the Depart-

21 | Hans Burgkmair
Two Studies of Saint Ulrich of Augsburg, ca. 1505–7
Pen and a mixed iron gall and carbon black ink, traces of black
chalk underdrawing, 7⅜ × 6⅜ in. (18.7 × 16.2 cm)
Purchase, The Guy Wildenstein Gift, 2010 (2010.531)
Verso, at upper center, inscribed Hans Burckmair in pen and
brown ink (16th-century handwriting); at lower left, collector’s
mark of Adolf Klein (Lugt 2786b); at lower right, unidentified
collector’s mark (Lugt 622)
Watermark: none
The two studies in the Museum’s drawing are alternative

versions of the figure of Saint Ulrich, a tenth-century
bishop who rigidly enforced the laws of the Church and
sought to make religion more accessible to the common
people.1 He is recognizable by his crosier and by his
attribute, a fish. There are several accounts of the life of
Saint Ulrich—his miracles and his missions—most
notably, by Gerhard of Augsburg in 993, the year Ulrich
was canonized by Pope John XV, and by Berno von
Reichenau (1008–1048).2 Berno’s account of the life
and works of Saint Ulrich was reprinted by Silvan
Otmar in Augsburg in 1516 and is illustrated with wood-
cuts by Leonhard Beck, whose Ulrich is quite similar to
the version seen on the left in Burgkmair’s drawing.3
As in Burgkmair’s effortless outline sketch Virgin and first recognized the wings as the work of Burgkmair.6
Child with a Cleric (cat. 20), very few modeling lines are Tilman Falk dated the painted panels to about 1505,
used to build up a sense of three-dimensionality in during the period when the artist and his workshop
these two figures of Saint Ulrich. Economically using were producing monumental paintings of Roman basil-
parallel shading lines, Burgkmair did elaborate the icas for Saint Catherine’s, a Dominican convent in
body and clothing of Augsburg’s patron saint seen at Augsburg.7 The Museum’s drawing is one of the few
the left. This figure of Saint Ulrich is found on the out- known by the artist that is preparatory to a painting;
side of the left wing of a dismembered altarpiece (fig. 1); another is the simple and charming pen drawing for the
the inside of the wing, which depicts Saint Ursula, is vignette Madonna and Child with Fourteen Helper Saints in
badly damaged but has been attributed to Burgkmair’s his Saint Peter’s Basilica (1501).8
workshop.4 The right wing shows the other patron saint Peter Halm and Schilling also connect the drawing
of Augsburg, Saint Afra, along with Mary Magdalen on to a Saint Ulrich wing from 1518 in the Gemäldegalerie,
the outside.5 Max Friedländer and Edmund Schilling Berlin; the relationship between the two, however,

tomb, which may have been visible in the church of
Saints Ulrich and Afra during the Renaissance.13
Burgkmair’s versions of Saint Ulrich do not repeat the
twelfth-century portrait exactly; they do, however, rely
on its prominent and recognizable image and style,
which had great cultural currency in Augsburg and was
perhaps recognized as a canonical portrait of the saint.
fs
1. For Saint Ulrich, see Schmid 1912; Dörfler 1955.

2. See Gerhard of Augsburg 1993 (ed.); for Berno’s account, see
Blume 2008.
3. Berno, Das leben, verdienen vnd wunderwerck der hailigen Augspurger
Bistumbs bischoffen, sant Vlrichs vnd Symprechts, auch der säligen martrerin
sant Aphre, irer muter Hilarie geschlecht vnd gesellschafft, in vnserm daselbst
loblichen gotshauß rastend, Augsburg, 1516. A copy is in the Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, Munich, shelf mark vd16 b 2050.
4. Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg, the reverses of inv. 4324 and
4323 (Isolde Lübbeke in Schweinfurt 1985, p. 68; Falk 1968, p. 41).
5. Lübbeke in Schweinfurt 1985, p. 68.
6. See ibid.
7. Falk 1968, p. 41; see also p. 96, n. 217. For more on the basilica
series, see Schawe 1999.
8. Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, inv. nm 30/1918 (Bjurström 1972,
no. 20, ill.).
9. Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. 596 (P. Halm
1962, p. 96; Schilling 1933–34, p. 268).
10. The wing with Saint Barbara is in the Gemäldegalerie, Berlin,
inv. 572.
Fig. 2. Hans Burgkmair, Title Page with Saint Ulrich and Saint Afra, 11. For Ein schöne Cronick (A beautiful chronicle), see Hollstein,
from Sigmund Meisterlin, Ein schöne Cronick, Augsburg, 1522. German, 1954–, vol. 5 (1957), p. 81, no. 261, ill. Burgkmair’s woodcut
Woodcut, 8¾ × 6 in. (22.3 × 15.2 cm). British Library, London appears in the first printed edition of Meisterlin’s chronicle, from
1522; manuscript versions in Latin and German had been made in
1456–57. Burgkmair’s Ulrich closely follows the stance of the saint
found on the title page of the German manuscript, Staats- und
seems tenuous.9 The Berlin Saint Ulrich (paired with a Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, 2oS.224, fol. 5*r (Ott 2001, p. 25, fig. 18).
Saint Barbara) most resembles the figure at the right 12. Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 18538 (David Guillet in Paris
1991–92, no. 14, ill.). The tomb is now in the Bayerisches National-
of the Museum’s drawing, whose beard endows him museum, Munich, inv. ma944 (Eikelmann 2000, p. 78, ill.). Other
Fig. 1. Workshop of Hans Burgkmair, Saint with a sense of gravitas.10 A closer variant, likely taken examples of the same type being used include a pen and wash draw-
Ulrich, ca. 1505. Oil on panel, 49⅝ × 16⅛ in. from a workshop drawing, can be found in the woodcut ing by Christoph Amberger (to whom the Museum’s drawing was
(126 × 41 cm). Sammlung Georg Schäfer, first attributed) in the British Museum, London, inv. 1933-2-11-2
title page to Sigmund Meisterlin’s 1522 chronicle of (Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 56, vol. 2, pl. 36).
Schweinfurt, on long-term loan to the Kunst-
sammlungen der Veste Coburg (4324) Augsburg (fig. 2).11 13. See Wood 2008, p. 136. The portrait, incised on a metal plate, is
The style of the costume and the posture of Burgk- on the inside of the current tomb. For a discussion of the portrait
mair’s Saint Ulrichs reappear with great frequency in and its placement, see Dörfler 1955, p. 205.
his own work and that of his Augsburg contemporaries.
Provenance: Unidentified private collection, possibly Vienna,
They can be found in his drawings of other saints, such ca. 1800; Adolf Klein (1880–1951), Frankfurt; his sale, Frederik
as Saint Nicolas of Bari, a pen and wash drawing in the Muller, Amsterdam, November 21, 1929, lot 41; Zwicky collection,
Louvre, and in the slightly earlier gisant tomb sculpture Arlesheim; sale, Galerie Koller, Zurich, September 17, 2010, lot
3327; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the
(1486–1500) of Saint Simpertus from the Augsburg Department of Drawings and Prints, 2010
church of Saints Ulrich and Afra, now in Munich.12
Literature: Schilling 1924, p. xi, pl. 10 (as by Christoph Amberger);
According to Christopher Wood, the archaizing style Frederik Muller 1929, lot 41, ill. (as by Amberger); Schilling 1933–34,
of the tomb of Saint Simpertus imitates the depiction pp. 268, 270, fig. 221; P. Halm 1962, p. 96, fig. 30; Falk 1968, p. 96,
n. 217; Isolde Lübbeke in Schweinfurt 1985, p. 68, ill.; Weschen-
of ancient bishops seen, among other places, in an
felder 2003, p. 21; Koller 2010, lot 3327, ill.
incised portrait of Saint Ulrich on his twelfth-century

Jörg Breu the Elder
Augsburg, ca. 1475/80–1536/37, Augsburg
Jörg Breu was a versatile artist, whose oeuvre comprises

altarpieces, organ shutters, frescoes and facade paint-
ings, possibly portraits, illustrated manuscripts, and
designs for independent woodcuts, book illustrations,
and glass paintings. During his journeyman years, spent
in Austria before he settled back in Augsburg in 1502,
Breu’s style foreshadowed that of the Danube school.
Later on, the influence of Italian art becomes notice-
able in his work (as in that of his Augsburg colleagues
Hans Burgkmair and Hans Holbein the Elder), although
it is still disputed whether Breu actually traveled to the
south. As the city chronicle he kept testifies, Breu was
an articulate supporter of the Reformation, but this
did not stop him from accepting important Catholic
commissions. His drawings are of high quality and
were often copied by his pupils and followers.
General literature: Buchner 1928; Krämer 1981; Däubler 1996;
Krämer 1996; Cuneo 1998; Morrall 2001; Löcher 2003; Messling
2007
22 | Jörg Breu the Elder

Emperor Conrad Recognizing the True Identity of His Page at
a Banquet, ca. 1520s
Pen and carbon black ink, transparent gray ink and opaque gray
ink washes incorporating lead white (laid down), diameter:
713⁄16 in. (19.8 cm)
The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund,
2009 (2009.446)
for these roundels remain among his most beloved
At lower left, collector’s mark of Eugène Rodrigues (Lugt 897); works today, and the numerous extant copies testify
at lower right, monogrammed AG (for Heinrich Aldegrever) in
pen and two or three hues of brown ink, by a later hand. Framing
to the fact that they found a broad following in their
line in pen and black ink, by the artist. Verso of the old mount time. The subjects of the documented series, known
(preserved separately), at upper right, inscribed 9 in a circle in through the existence of either drawings (autograph
graphite (20th-century handwriting); at center, inscribed 126, or not) or roundels, are diverse: zodiacal, allegorical,
later crossed out, in graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); religious, mythological, historical, and genre scenes.3
at lower left, inscribed 28 in pen and brown ink (19th-century
handwriting); at lower right, inscribed Charlemagne rendant la
Breu’s graphic style did not change much in the course
Justice in graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); below, of his involvement with glass design, but his com-
inscribed Jorg Breu vers 1575 / Ecl d’Augsbourg in graphite (20th- positions did, becoming an increasingly successful
century handwriting). Verso of the backing board of the old blend of detailed yet lucid storytelling; functional
frame, at lower right, inscribed Hans Klauber in graphite (20th- design, suitable for transfer onto glass; and the fond-
century handwriting)
ness for Renaissance ornament typical of the Augs-
Watermark: circle, above cross1 burg school—the work of a gifted “chronicler and
decorator.”4
In the latter half of his career, Jörg Breu seems to have Among the most attractive of Breu’s designs for
shifted at least part of his activity from painting to stained glass is a series that, on stylistic grounds, can be
the design of stained-glass roundels.2 His drawings dated to the 1520s, about the time he also made a series

(as shown in the London drawing) and grew up to
became a page at court. In the drawing under discus-
sion, the emperor seems about to discover the true
identity of the page, probably the figure seen from the
back in the foreground. Despite further attempts by the
emperor to get rid of the young man (involving the let-
ters on the banquet table), the emperor’s daughter, who
is seated next to him, is seen in the Los Angeles sheet as
she is prepared for her wedding night with the young
man, thus fulfilling the prophecy.
Although the Gesta Romanorum counted among the
most popular works of secular literature from medieval
times, few of its stories entered the visual arts. (One
exception is represented in cat. 27.) However, the story
of Emperor Conrad and the page appears to have been
Fig. 1. Jörg Breu the Elder, Emperor Conrad Learns Fig. 2. Jan Gossaert, Emperor Conrad Recognizing the depicted by at least one other artist, the Netherlandish
That His Daughter Will Marry a Peasant’s Son, True Identity of His Page at a Banquet, ca. 1520s. Pen, painter Jan Gossaert. The subjects of two of his exqui-
ca. 1520s. Pen and black ink, yellowish brown wash, brush and black ink, white gouache, on blue-gray
diameter: 91⁄16 in. (23 cm). Städel Museum, prepared paper, diameter: 10¾ in. (27.2 cm).
site roundel designs from the 1520s, now in Cambridge
Frankfurt (15418) Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, Rotterdam (n 139) and Rotterdam (fig. 2),10 seem to correspond to those
of Breu’s drawings in Los Angeles and in the Museum.
of the Labors of the Months, commissioned by the It is not clear whether Gossaert, who was an almost
Augsburg merchant Georg Hoechstetter.5 The subject exact contemporary of Breu, was influenced by Breu’s
of the series was identified in 1933 by Edmund Schil- designs, or the other way around, but it seems almost
ling and the literary historian and folklorist Johannes certain—especially given some similarities in motifs—
Bolte, thanks to a drawing in Frankfurt (fig. 1).6 The that at least one of them knew of the other’s depictions
original inscription surrounding this drawing unequiv- of the story. sa
ocally identifies the scene as taken from the story of
Emperor Conrad and the page, included under the 1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in the Frank-
title “Of Tribulation and Anguish” in the Gesta Roma furt drawing reproduced in fig. 1 (Frankfurt 2003–4, p. 148, no. 50).
norum (Deeds of the Romans), a medieval collection 2. For Breu’s designs for glass roundels, see Lee Hendrix in
of secular tales and anecdotes.7 The ruler seen in the Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, pp. 203–32.
Museum’s drawing, characterized by his fanciful 3. For some of the individual series, see Dörnhöffer 1897; Schinnerer
1908; Wegner 1959; Silver 2003. For an overview of these fragmen-
crown, long beard, and sharp nose, is clearly the same tarily preserved series, see Morrall 2001, pp. 257–58.
as the mounted emperor in the Frankfurt sheet. Other 4. Demonts 1912, n.p.: “chroniqueur et décorateur.”
drawings from the series are in London and Los Ange- 5. For the Hoechstetter Months, see Wegner 1959.
les; one additional composition is known from a copy 6. Schilling 1933, pl. 33; Schilling 1973, vol. 1, no. 45, vol. 2, pl. 12;
in a private collection (a collection that, incidentally, Hendrix in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, pp. 220, 221,
also holds a copy of the Museum’s drawing).8 Unfortu- fig. 72; Stephanie Buck in Frankfurt 2003–4, no. 50, ill.
nately, the exact textual source used by Breu has not 7. For a Latin version of the story, titled “De miseria et tribula-
cione,” see Gesta Romanorum 1872 (ed.), pp. 315–17; for an English
yet been found, but the sequence and tenor of the translation by Charles Swan, see Gesta Romanorum 1824 (ed.), vol. 1,
scenes can be deduced from the known literary version pp. 100–105. For the Gesta Romanorum, see also cat. 27, note 2.
of the story. 8. British Museum, London, inv. 1997-7-12-20 (Hendrix in
The Museum’s drawing must depict the moment Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, p. 221, fig. 74); J. Paul
Getty Museum, Los Angeles, acc. 89.gg.17 (Hendrix in Los Angeles
when Emperor Conrad recognizes in a handsome and and Saint Louis 2000–2001, no. 95, ill.). A copy of the former draw-
intelligent page the peasant’s son he had ordered to be ing is at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, inv. wa1863.410 (Parker
killed because a voice from heaven had foretold that the 1938, no. 280). For the copies in the private collection, see Bolten
and Folmer-von Oven 1989, nos. 20, 21, ill.; Hendrix in Los Angeles
boy would become his son-in-law (the episode depicted and Saint Louis 2000–2001, p. 221, figs. 73, 75. That these copies
in the Frankfurt drawing).9 The soldiers charged with were once together in the collection of Eugène Rodrigues with the
killing the infant had taken pity and refused to carry out drawing under discussion here (see Provenance) suggests that all of
Breu’s autograph drawings for the series and a set of workshop cop-
their orders; the boy was found by a disgraced nobleman ies were originally kept together.

9. For a reconstruction of the story based on Breu’s depiction, see
Schilling 1933; Hendrix in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001,
p. 221.
10. Stijn Alsteens in Ainsworth, Alsteens, and Orenstein 2010,
no. 96, ill.; Alsteens forthcoming. The other drawing is at the
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, inv. pd. 356-1963 (Alsteens in
Ainsworth, Alsteens, and Orenstein 2010, no. 97, ill.).
Provenance: Eugène Rodrigues (1853–1928), Paris; his sale, Frederik

Muller, Amsterdam, July 12–13, 1921, lot 9; sale, Sotheby’s, New York,
January 28, 2009, lot 42; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich];
Literature: Demonts 1912, n.p., ill.; Frederik Muller 1921, lot 9,
pls. v, lxxxv; Schilling 1933, p. 30; Bolten and Folmer-von Oven
1989, p. 42, under no. 21; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, p. 42; Lee Hendrix
in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, p. 221; Morrall 2001,
p. 257; Messling 2002, n. 7; Sotheby’s 2009, lot 42, ill.; Alsteens
forthcoming, ill.
Hans Schwar z
Augsburg, ca. 1492–after 1521, Nuremberg (?)
Trained as a sculptor, Hans Schwarz was first appren-

ticed to the wood-carver Stephan Schwarz, probably a
relative. His earliest known works date from 1512 and
consist of small rectangular reliefs and round medal-
lions in wood. Between 1512 and 1518 Schwarz traveled
throughout southern Germany, becoming familiar
with artists of the Danube school; during this period
he worked in larger formats, creating carved altarpiece
wings. Schwarz’s return to Augsburg in 1518 coincided
with Emperor Maximilian I’s final Imperial Diet.
Schwarz was commissioned to execute portrait medals
by several of the most prominent nobles and their del-
egates; by local patricians and burghers such as Jakob
Fugger and Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg; and by
fellow artists Hans Burgkmair and Albrecht Dürer. In
all, Schwarz created twenty-five medals in 1518, mostly
bust-length profile portraits with Latin inscriptions
written in Roman majuscules around the perimeter
and blank reverses. After the Diet, Imperial Secretary
Melchior Pfinzing, for whom Schwarz had created a
23 | Hans Schwarz
medal, invited the artist to Nuremberg, where he pro-
duced portraits for local aristocrats and merchants. Portrait of Simon von Liebenstein (?), 1518–20
His medals mark the beginning of a vogue for portrait
Charcoal (cut out along the contours, laid down twice),
medals in Germany. 9 × 6⅞ in. (22.9 × 17.6 cm)
General literature: Kastenholz 2006; Hermann Maué and Marjorie
Trusted in Washington, New York, and Edinburgh 1994, pp. 211–16, At upper right, inscribed 151 in red ink1 and Maister Arnold. in
218, 389. pen and black ink (18th-century handwriting); at lower right, the
collector’s mark of Heinrich Wilhelm Campe (Lugt 1391)
Watermark: high crown with cross2

First recognized by Fritz Koreny as a drawing for the notes a “maister Arnolt” who paid for the artist’s meal
portrait medal of the cleric Simon von Liebenstein, this in the town of Pusch.14 Hans Rupprich suggests that
simple but arresting black chalk sketch is part of a this “Arnolt” could have been the sculptor Arnold van
group of preparatory drawings for medals by Schwarz, Oerschot or the painters Arnt van Campen of ’s-Herto-
of which 135 are known.3 The medal’s inscription genbosch, Arnold van Ort of Nijmegen, or Arnold von
declares the subject Simon von Liebenstein, canon at Seligenstadt.15 fs
the cathedral in the imperial city of Speyer, in 1520
(fig. 1).4 Born in Liebenstein Castle on the Neckar, the
1. The red ink has faded and is visible only under ultraviolet light.
sitter attended the university in Freiburg and was
2. This watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Frankfurt
installed as a canon at the cathedral in Speyer in 1511. In in 1510 (Piccard-Online, no. 52479; accessed November 18, 2011).
1513 he served as interim head of the cathedral chapter 3. Until Koreny, the subject of the drawing had remained unidenti-
and in 1531 was named provost. Liebenstein hosted fied. Koreny concludes that Schwarz made at least 168 preparatory
drawings, based on the “obviously consecutive pagination numbers
Emperor Charles V at the Imperial Diet in Speyer in
Fig. 1. Hans Schwarz, Medal of Simon von in the upper right corners of the drawings” (Koreny in Haverkamp-
1544, and when he died two years later, he was remem- Begemann et al. 1999, p. 83, n. 2). The highest number found by
Liebenstein, 1520. Bronze, diameter: 113⁄16 in.
(4.6 cm). Münzkabinett, Staatliche Museen bered as “noble and senior canon to the church of Koreny is on Portrait of an Unknown Man, Staatsbibliothek, Bamberg,
inv. ia 60. In Richard Kastenholz’s more recent catalogue of works
zu Berlin (mk 1819) Speyer.”5 Georg Habich believed that the Lehman
by Schwarz, two portraits of unknown women that are mounted
drawing was a portrait for a now-lost medal, while Max together are marked with the numbers 226 and 227 (Kastenholz
Bernhart simply grouped it with other unknown sitters 2006, nos. 239, 240, ill.).
toward the end of his inventory.6 In his monograph on 4. Habich 1929–34, vol. 1, pt. 1 [1929], no. 204, pl. xxvii,
no. 8; Kastenholz 2006, no. 91, ill. The inscription reads:
Schwarz, Richard Kastenholz retains Koreny’s associa-
simon·de·liebenstein·can·spire. Kastenholz explains that
tion but states that it is “probably” for the medal of von even though several other examples of the medal have a verso, it was
Liebenstein.7 most likely intended by Schwarz to be one-sided. There are several
examples of this medal in addition to the one in Berlin, for example
Habich suggested that a portrait of an unknown
in the Historisches Museum der Pfalz, Speyer. For more casts of the
man, now in Bamberg, served as a model for the medal, see Kastenholz 2006, p. 223.
Liebenstein medal.8 This association was rejected by 5. “Nobilis et senior canonicus ecclesiae Spirensis.” Von Busch and
Bernhart, who considers that drawing to be a sketch for Glasschröder 1923, pp. 407–8.
a medal of Bernhard Baumgartner.9 Kastenholz has 6. Habich 1929–34, vol. 1, pt. 1 (1929), p. 27, fig. 36; Bernhart 1934,
pp. 88, 95, no. 126, pl. 13.9.
refuted both of these hypotheses, and for now the Bam-
7. Kastenholz 2006, p. 282.
berg drawing remains without a medallic equivalent.
8. Staatsbibliothek, Bamberg, inv. ia 25 (Habich 1929–34, vol. 1, pt. 1
Such disputes over the identity of a sitter are easily
[1929], p. 37, under no. 204; Kastenholz 2006, no. 214, ill.).
understood when Schwarz’s portrait drawings are seen
9. Bernhart 1934, p. 91, no. 42.
together. Despite Koreny’s attempts to equate the pro-
10. Kastenholz 2006, no. 234, fig. 265. Another similar profile can
Fig. 2. Hans Schwarz, Portrait of an Unknown file in the Lehman drawing with that in the Liebenstein be found in Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin, inv. KdZ 6045 (Kasten-
Man, 1518–20. Charcoal, 711⁄16 × 73⁄16 in. medal, similar physiognomies, berets, and hairstyles holz 2006, no. 206, fig. 237). This drawing has been associated by
(19.5 × 18.2 cm). Kupferstichkabinett, Bernhart with a portrait medal of Ludwig Sennfls (Kastenholz 2006,
can easily be found in other works by the artist; see, for
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (KdZ 17667) no. 80, fig. 110). In fact, a very similar drawing (Kastenholz 2006,
example, a drawing in Berlin (fig. 2).10 Schwarz devel- no. 207, fig. 238) has also been linked to the same medal. Kastenholz
oped a unique and consistent style of portraiture that is does not believe that either is of Sennfls.
evident throughout his drawn oeuvre. 11. Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 82. Koreny ex-
plains that the inscriptions on the group of drawings were executed
Although the sitter can be reasonably identified as
by three different hands. The first set was inscribed in the seven-
Liebenstein, the Museum’s drawing is inscribed with teenth century and accurately identifies the sitter; the second series
the name “Maister Arnold.” This inscription in pen and was done about 1800 and uses arbitrary names that relate to Dürer;
and the third set seems to have been added when Karl Friedrich
black ink corresponds with other notations made about
Ferdinand von Nagler restored his collection—these sometimes
1800 on a group of the drawings, in which an attempt name the correct sitter.
was made to antiquate the style of the script.11 The 12. Ibid.
names used in this group, which are arbitrarily assigned 13. Bernhart 1934, p. 65; Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann
to each sitter, correspond only to people Dürer men- et al. 1999, p. 82.
tioned in his Netherlandish diaries in 1520–21.12 Some 14. “Pusch ist ein hübsche statt, hat ein außbündige schöne kirchen
und über fest. Do verzehrt ich 10 stüber, wie wohl maister Arnolt das
scholars believe that a previous owner, the eminent art
mahl für mich zahlet.” Dürer 1956–69 (ed.), vol. 1 (1956), p. 161.
historian Joseph Heller, deliberately falsified the names
15. Ibid., p. 189, n. 352.
of the sitters so that the group would be attributed to
Dürer.13 An entry made by Dürer on February 20, 1520,

Provenance: Hans Albrecht von Derschau, Nuremberg (?); Heinrich
Wilhelm Campe (1770–1862), Leipzig; Pauline Campe Brockhaus,
Leipzig; M. Brockhaus, Leipzig; Campe sale, C. G. Boerner,
Leipzig, April 25, 1921, lot 155; Henry Oppenheimer (1859–1932),
London; his sale, Christie’s, London, July 10, 13–14, 1936, lot 403a;
acquired from that sale through John Hunt by Robert Lehman
(1891–1969), New York; given by the Robert Lehman Foundation to
the Museum in accordance with the collector’s wishes, 1975
Literature: Habich 1906, p. 46, fig. 22; Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 81;
Boerner 1921, lot 155, ill.; Habich 1929–34, vol. 1, pt. 1 (1929), p. 27,
fig. 36; Bernhart 1934, pp. 88, 95, no. 126, pl. xiii, 9; Christie’s 1936,
lot 403a; George Szabo in Tokyo 1977, no. 13, ill.; Szabo in New York
1978–79, no. 32, ill.; Jeffrey Chipps Smith in Austin, Lawrence, and
Santa Barbara 1983–84, no. 139, ill.; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-
Begemann et al. 1999, no. 16, ill.; Kastenholz 2006, no. 182, fig. 213
Wolfgang Huber
Feldkirch or Vorarlberg, ca. 1485/90–1553, Passau
Nothing is known of Wolfgang Huber’s early training.

His first dated work is a landscape drawing from 1510.
Along with Albrecht Altdorfer, Huber was a primary
proponent of the Danube school—artists whose pri-
mary emphasis was on landscape. Like other artists of
the Danube school, he produced landscape drawings
throughout his career, ranging from tree studies and
generalized Alpine views to topographically precise
scenes of his local surroundings. A painter and a drafts-
man, Huber also served as court artist to the prince-
bishops of Passau beginning in 1515, as well as being
active as an architect. His works show the influence of
Altdorfer, Dürer, and contemporary Italian art.
General literature: Rose 1977; Winzinger 1979
24 | Wolfgang Huber
Bust of a Man, 1522
Black chalk, white chalk (calcite) heightening, on paper

prepared with an opaque red iron-based earth watercolor,
11⅝ × 713⁄16 in. (29.5 × 19.9 cm)
At left center, monogrammed W. H. in black chalk; at upper
right, dated 1.5.22 in black chalk, by the artist
Watermark: none
This bold drawing is part of a group of expressive head

studies, all in the same medium and technique, all mono Beardless Man in Berlin (fig. 1).2 These sheets present a
grammed, and all dated 1522.1 Joseph Schönbrunner variety of physiognomies, blurring the boundary
and Joseph Meder associate the Museum’s drawing between observation and imagination. Some, like the
with Head of a Man with an Open Mouth and Man with a Berlin sheet, appear to be portraits; others, including the
Fur Cap, in Erlangen, as well as with Portrait Bust of a Museum’s drawing, are as exaggerated as caricatures.

Although they appear to be quite different in other preparatory sketches, whether in pen and colored
conception, both of these examples were used as mod- washes or in black and white chalk on prepared paper,
els for figures in the crowd in Huber’s painting The these heads employ color as a means of creating tone,
Raising of the Cross, believed to have been executed definition, and—in some cases—even mood. fs
about 1523–25 (fig. 2). The nearly grotesque features of
Bust of a Man can be seen in the soldier clad in armor 1. Franz Winzinger includes fifteen drawings in this group under the
title “The Grotesque Heads” (Winzinger 1979, vol. 1, nos. 125–39,
and holding a halberd, just to the left of Christ’s feet; vol. 2, ill.). He puts Portrait Bust of a Beardless Man (illustrated here
the face of the soldier near the right border leading as fig. 1) in a different group—“Portraits and Grotesque Heads”
away a naked bound thief is related to the Berlin draw- (no. 116). One of the Munich heads and five of the Hamburg draw-
ings are discussed by Eva Michel in Vienna and Munich 2011–12,
ing.3 Franz Winzinger notes that another drawing nos. 10–15.
from the 1522 group, An Aged Man with Blowing Beard 2. Graphische Sammlung, Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg,
in Hamburg, was used for the man on horseback at the Erlangen (Bock 1929, vol. 1, nos. 819, 818, vol. 2, ill.; Winzinger
right of the densely packed scene, although this has 1979, vol. 1, no. 125, vol. 2, ill.; Guido Messling in Nuremberg 2008,
nos. 66, 68, ill.). For the Berlin drawing, see the previous note.
been questioned more recently by Stefan Morét.4
3. Winzinger suggests that the Museum’s drawing is also related to
The Raising of the Cross, commissioned by Duke the angel at the right of the predella of the altarpiece in the church of
Fig. 1. Wolfgang Huber, Portrait Bust of
a Beardless Man, 1522. Black and white
Ernest of Bavaria, administrator of the Passau bishop- Saint Anne, Feldkirch (Winzinger 1979, vol. 1, p. 125).
chalk, on red prepared paper, 1013⁄16 × ric, was a complicated and important painting. These 4. Hamburger Kunsthalle, inv. 1975-22 (Prange 2007, vol. 1, no. 402,
7⅞ in. (27.5 × 20 cm). Kupferstich chalk drawings served as a repository of character types vol. 2, ill.). This sheet may have been influenced by Hans Baldung’s
kabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin woodcut Head of a Bearded Old Man (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 2
that Huber could use to animate the numerous indi- [1954], p. 158, no. 277, ill.). A similar man can be found in a black
(KdZ 2060)
viduals swarming around the foot of the cross. Beauti- chalk drawing in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 49.116.1,
fully rendered in black and white chalk on brick red which Hyatt Mayor speculated was a preparatory sketch for the
woodcut (Mayor 1950, p. 160). This theory is questioned by James
prepared paper, these drawings have the appearance of H. Marrow and Alan Shestack in Washington and New Haven 1981,
being finished works of art in their own right, especially p. 225. Peter Prange believes it may be from the circle of Huber
given the signatures and dates. As with many of Huber’s (Prange 2007, vol. 1, p. 192, n. 2). For the relationship of An Aged
Man with Blowing Beard to the man on horseback in The Raising of the
Cross, see Winzinger 1979, vol. 1, no. 136, vol. 2, ill.; Stefan Morét in
Washington 1999–2000, p. 296; Prange 2007, vol. 1, pp. 191–92.
Provenance: Count Harrach, Vienna; [William H. Schab, New York];

purchased by the Department of Paintings, 1950
Selected literature: Schönbrunner and Meder 1896–1908, vol. 6 (1901),
pl. 716; Riggenbach 1907, pp. 68–69, n. 2; Voss 1907, p. 21, pl. ii,
fig. 3; P. M. Halm 1908–9, p. 78, ill.; Weinberger 1930, pp. 124, 136;
New York 1956, no. 172; New York 1959, no. 27, pl. xxv; Stange 1971,
pp. 100–101, fig. 191; Rose 1977, pp. 63–65, 246, fig. 33; Winzinger
1979, vol. 1, no. 127, vol. 2, ill.; Dieter Kuhrmann in Munich 1983–
84, p. 90, n. 1; Eckhard Schaar in Hamburg 1989, p. 38; Stefan
Morét in Washington 1999–2000, p. 298, n. 1; Prange 2007, vol. 1,
p. 192; Guido Messling in Nuremberg 2008, p. 174; Eva Michel in
Vienna and Munich 2011–12, p. 39
Urs Gr af
Solothurn, ca. 1485–1527/28, Basel (?)
Trained as a goldsmith—probably by his father in

Solothurn—Urs Graf was among the most inventive
graphic artists of early Renaissance Switzerland. He
produced woodcuts, engravings, and etchings, as well
as designs for book illustrations and stained glass. In
Basel he designed book illustrations for Adam Petrie
Fig. 2. Wolfgang Huber, The Raising of the Cross, ca. 1523–25. Oil on panel, 45¼ × 61 in. (115 × 155 cm). Kunst
and Johannes Amerbach, among others, and in 1511 he
historisches Museum, Vienna (921) became an assistant to the glass painter Hans Heinrich

Wolleb. The following year he joined the guild of gold-
smiths and became a citizen of Basel. Approximately
180 drawings survive, which demonstrate not only Graf ’s
highly individualistic style but also his experiences as a
mercenary soldier who participated in foreign cam-
paigns in Italy and Burgundy between 1510 and 1521.
General literature: Koegler 1926; Andersson 1978; C. Müller 2001
25 | Urs Graf
Bust of a Bearded Old Man, 1521
Pen and two shades of carbon black ink, 5½ × 4⅛ in.

(14 × 10.4 cm)
Rogers Fund, 1997 (1997.19)
At lower right, dated and signed 1521 / VG (VG intertwined; the
left branch of the V is formed by a dagger) in pen and black ink.
Verso, at upper right, inscribed No 11. in pen and brown ink
(18th- or 19th-century handwriting); at center, inscribed 22x29 in
graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower center, inscribed
27x55 -50- in graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower cen-
ter, inscribed 39 in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Watermark: none
This exceptional drawing is one of only five character

studies of an individual or type in Graf ’s extensive
drawn oeuvre.1 More common to the artist, himself a
brash mercenary, are scenes of landsknechts (foot sol-
diers for hire), prostitutes, and the cruelties of war dur-
ing the early sixteenth century. Impulsive in his creative
life as well, Graf continually experimented with differ-
ent media. Extant drawings range from pen and ink to
charcoal and silverpoint; he also experimented with
prepared paper to create tonal effects.2 What remains
constant throughout his works across these media is an
emphasis on gesture and expression.3 Scholars have long noted Graf ’s dependence on
Just as in Graf ’s Bearded Man (ca. 1513) in Paris and the subjects and the carefully detailed technique of
his Bearded Warrior with a Slotted Cap (1521) in Dessau, Martin Schongauer.5 The countenance in the Museum’s
the face in the Museum’s drawing is endowed with an drawing, however, has more in common with an early
air of dignity and emotional intensity through the sit- engraving of a seated Saint Peter by Master E. S.; his
ter’s downcast gaze and slightly furrowed brow. Ren- saint’s tonsured head is also bowed, but that posture
dered in calligraphic strokes, graphic hatching, and is easily explained by the book held open on his lap
long parallels, Graf ’s character studies explore the (fig. 1).6 Graf ’s Bust of a Bearded Old Man also has affini-
expressive potential of the human face. Christian Mül- ties with the style and the intensely wrought features
ler and other scholars have questioned whether these of a Saint Peter that is part of a series of woodcuts of
works are individual portraits or instead represent standing saints attributed to fellow Basel artist Master
types to be used, much like those in a medieval pattern D. S. (fig. 2).7 As Lilli Fischel demonstrates, the wood-
book. Bust of a Bearded Old Man has been alternatively cuts by Master D. S. deeply influenced the early work
titled Bust of Saint Paul and judged to be a study for a of Graf, who also created designs for book illustrations
series of saints.4 in Basel. Slight variations on the Museum’s drawing

6. Lehrs 1908–34, vol. 2 (1910), no. 112, plate vol. 2, pl. 54; Höfler
2007, vol. 1, no. 112, vol. 2, ill.; from the Seated Apostles series
(Lehrs 1908–34, vol. 2 [1910], nos. 112–23, plate vol. 2, pl. 54; Höfler
2007, vol. 1, nos. 112–23, vol. 2, ill.). For more on this series, see
Höfler 2007, vol. 1, pp. 81–85.
7. Lilli Fischel was the first to identify Master D. S. as Daniel Schwegler
(active 1503–1515); see Fischel 1954, p. 119. The connection of D. S.
to Daniel Schwegler is repeated by Frank Hieronymus in Basel
1984a, p. viii. In C. Müller 2001, pp. 359–60, no. 71, ill., the series
of apostles is attributed to Master D. S. It has also been attributed
to Graf himself (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 11 [1977], p. 39,
nos. 1–13). For more on the series and questions of attribution, see
Fischel 1954; Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe 1988, no. 12, ill. There
is a great tradition of apostle series in German prints, beginning
with Schongauer.
8. The four windows are located in the Zscheckenbürlin Room of the
Charterhouse in Basel. The windows have been variously dated to
1507/8 and ca. 1520. Müller dates them to ca. 1508. For more on the
windows, see C. Müller 2001, pp. 370–71, nos. 1–4, ill., pls. 41–44.
Müller discusses the influence of Master D. S. on the physiognomies
of the apostles. For the woodcut, see Hollstein, German, 1954–,
vol. 11 (1977), p. 74, no. 29.
Provenance: [Rudolph Weigel, Leipzig]; Edward Habich (1818–1901),

Kassel; his sale, H. G. Gutekunst, Stuttgart, April 27–29, 1899,
lot 320; Eugène Rodrigues (1853–1928), Paris; François Thiébault-
Sisson (1856–1936), Paris; Alfred Strölin (1871–1954), Paris and
Lausanne; private collection, Switzerland; purchased by the Depart-
Fig. 1. Master E. S., Saint Peter, 1450–55. Engraving, Fig. 2. Master D. S., Saint Peter, ca. 1501–11. Wood- ment of Drawings and Prints, 1997
511⁄16 × 315⁄16 in. (14.5 × 10 cm). British Museum, cut, 12⅝ × 83⁄16 in. (32 × 20.8 cm). Kupferstich
London (1845-8-9-121) kabinett, Kunstmuseum Basel (x.5) Literature: Gutekunst 1899, lot 320; Parker 1921, no. 30; Lüthi 1928,
no. 185, fig. 76; Carolyn Logan in “Recent Acquisitions” 1997,
p. 29, ill.
can also be found in other works by or after Graf. One
appears in a crowd of apostles in Christ’s Entry into
Jerusalem from a series of stained-glass windows show-
ing the Passion; another variant can be seen in the wood- 26 | Urs Graf
cut Christ Sending Out the Disciples to Teach, first published Bearer of the Banner of the Canton Glarus, 1521
by Johannes Knoblouch in the 1508 Strasbourg edition
of Das Leben Christi gezogen ausz den vier Evangelisten (The Pen and carbon black ink, traces of black chalk underdrawing,
115⁄16 × 7½ in. (28.8 × 19 cm)
Life of Christ according to the four a postles).8 fs Promised Gift of Leon D. and Debra R. Black, and Purchase,
1. The other drawings are at the Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. 1978.91 At lower center, monogrammed and dated VG / 1521 (VG inter-
and 1976.284 (C. Müller 2001, pp. 71–74, nos. 1, 2, ill.); the twined; the left branch of the V is formed by a dagger) in pen
École Nationale Supérieure des Beaux-Arts, Paris, inv. Mas. 75 and black ink
(Emmanuelle Brugerolles in Paris 1991–92, no. 137, ill.); and the
Anhaltische Gemäldegalerie, Dessau, inv. b iv/17 (Messling 2011, Watermark: none
no. 55, ill.).
2. C. Müller 2001, pp. 64–65.
3. Ibid., p. 64. Along with two other surviving sheets by Graf dated
4. Parker 1921, p. 214 (he notes that it was formerly called Bust of 1521, this superb drawing was most likely conceived
Saint Paul); Lüthi 1928, no. 185 (Bust of the Apostle Paul). Carolyn as part of a series of standard-bearers for the Swiss
Logan notes that the old man was thought to represent Saint Paul, Confederacy’s thirteen cantons.1 The Bearer of the Can-
and even as she argues against this by noting the lack of attributes,
she concludes that his isolation is similar to Paul’s before God, an ton Unterwalden (fig. 1) and the Bearer of the Canton Zug
idea that was particularly important during the Reformation (Logan (fig. 2)2 are also rendered with calligraphic strokes in
in “Recent Acquisitions” 1997, p. 29). the artist’s preferred medium, pen and ink. The Muse-
5. Parker 1921, p. 214; Brugerolles in Paris 1991–92, p. 151; C. Müller um’s drawing depicts a mercenary soldier holding the
2001, pp. 62–64. It has also been noted in the literature that Graf
was influenced by Israhel van Meckenem, Dürer, Hans Baldung, and banner of Glarus, identifiable as such by the presence
the Basel goldsmith Jörg Schwieger, among others. of the sixth-century Irish monk Saint Fridolin, who

59
converted this eastern canton to Christianity.3 Each anonymous
of Graf ’s banners includes a scene from the Passion of Swabian or Bavarian (?), active ca. 1529
Christ in the upper left corner; the Glarus banner pres-
ents a scene of the Resurrection. The inclusion of these
27 | Anonymous
holy images demonstrates the relatively new rights
conferred on the cantons in 1512 by Pope Julius II, who The King’s Sons Shooting at Their Father’s Corpse, 1529
rewarded the Swiss for their assistance in liberating the
Pen and two shades of carbon black ink, traces of black chalk
Holy See from French invaders, especially during the underdrawing, 87⁄16 × 133⁄16 in. (21.5 × 33.5 cm)
siege of Pavia;4 these papal banners were called “Julius” Harry G. Sperling Fund, 1996 (1996.31)
banners. At upper right, dated 1529 in pen and black ink, by the artist
In the same year that Graf executed these drawings,
Watermark: bull’s head, snake on cross above1
he produced a series of extraordinary white-line wood-
cuts of the same subject.5 Although the two series share
the same theme, the drawings are not preparatory for The gruesome but moralizing story depicted here is
the prints. A group in Basel of Graf ’s silverpoint draw- recounted in the Gesta Romanorum (Deeds of the
ings of standard-bearers, produced about 1520–21, Romans), a collection of secular tales that was popular
are also thought to be independent works not directly in the Middle Ages and beyond (see also cat. 22).2 The
related to the woodcuts.6 Each series is independently book, which was gleaned from several sources, exists in
conceived, but together they demonstrate Graf ’s inti- multiple versions, but the general outlines of this story
Fig. 1. Urs Graf, Bearer of the Canton Unter- mate knowledge of mercenaries—their costumes, remain the same. Following the death of a king, his
walden, 1521. Pen and black ink, 11⅝ × 77⁄16 in. customs, and demeanors. Mercenaries were a rela- sons (all in fact fathered by other men, except the
(29.5 × 18.9 cm). Gottfried Keller-Stiftung,
on loan to the Eidgenössische Technische tively new phenomenon in Northern European imag- youngest) contest the right to succeed him—“the three
Hochschule Zürich (121) ery in the first half of the sixteenth century, and their first presuming upon their priority in birth, and the last
depictions quickly became popular, especially in works upon his legitimacy.”3 An honorable member of the late
on paper.7 Having served as a mercenary himself, Graf king’s court, sometimes identified as Solomon (here
captured better than any other sixteenth-century artist depicted at far right in hat and gown), decides that the
the vitality as well as the brutality of the soldiers from old king’s corpse should be exhumed and bound to a
this period.8 fs tree and that the son whose arrow comes closest to his
heart would be proclaimed his successor. In the draw-
1.These drawings are discussed by John Rowlands in London 1988, ing, two sons draw their bows, preparing to shoot;
pp. 218–19.
another one has apparently already taken his shot,
2. Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 290, vol. 2, pl. 191.
3. For Saint Fridolin, see Benziger 1913.
4. Dodgson 1912–13, no. 30; see also Rowlands in London 1988,
p. 219.
5. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 11 (1977), p. 55, nos. 29–44, ill.
6. C. Müller 2001, pp. 190–99, nos. 93–98, ill.
7. For images of sixteenth-century Northern European mercenaries
and soldiers, see Moxey 1989; Cuneo 2002.
8. For another example in this volume, see Hans Schäufelein’s
Landsknecht (cat. 15).
Provenance: Princes of Liechtenstein, Vaduz and Vienna; Max

Hartmann (1884–1952), Basel; his heirs, Geneva; [Kunsthandel
Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; promised gift of Leon D. and Debra R.
Black and purchase by the Department of Drawings and Prints,
2003
Fig. 2. Urs Graf, Bearer of the Canton Zug, 1521. Literature: Schönbrunner and Meder 1896–1908, vol. 8 (1903),
Pen and black ink, 10⅝ × 71⁄16 in. (27 × 18 cm). pl. 898; Dodgson 1912–13, n.p. (under no. 30); Parker 1921, no. 38; Fig. 1. Master MZ (Matthäus Zasinger?), The King’s Sons Shooting at
British Museum, London (1912-7-9-1) Koegler 1926, p. 61; Hugelshofer 1928, p. 32; John Rowlands in Their Father’s Corpse, ca. 1500. Engraving, 7 × 9¾ in. (17.8 × 24.8 cm).
London 1988, p. 218; Michiel C. Plomp in “Recent Acquisitions” The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Charles Z. Offin
2004, p. 15, ill. Fund; The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund;
and A. Hyatt Mayor Purchase Fund, Marjorie Phelps Starr Bequest,
2003 (2003.225)

because one arrow is lodged in the corpse’s groin. But some of those by Urs Graf, in particular, show similari-
the youngest son—kneeling at right before the judge— ties in style with the Museum’s sheet. This is the case
refuses to desecrate the dead man’s body, thereby with a drawing by Graf dated 1519 (fig. 2),6 in which the
proving that he is the real son. The three others will be pose of the man tied to the tree even resembles that of
banished, and the youngest becomes the new king. the father in the Museum’s sheet.7 Like Graf, the anony-
The story enjoyed some popularity with sixteenth- mous draftsman used long strips of parallel hatching to
century Northern European artists; for instance, the model the figures. This technique is also evident in
Master MZ—Matthäus Zasinger?—depicted it in an another, particularly vivid sheet by Graf in Basel rep-
engraving dated about 1500 (fig. 1), and Hans Baldung resenting a battlefield.8 Other similarities to Graf can
in a drawing dated 1517.4 be seen in the somewhat expressionless profiles of the
A proposed connection of the Museum’s drawing to figures and in the exceptional impetuousness of the
a little-known master of the Danube school, the Master line used to draw the foliage.9 In these freely, hastily
of the Miracles of Mariazell, is unconvincing,5 but both drawn trees, the anonymous artist is seen at probably
the drawing style and the watermark certainly point to his most idiosyncratic. The relatively large size of the
southern Germany, more specifically to Swabia or paper and the fact that the sheet seems hardly to have
Bavaria. If the artist was indeed active in that region, it been cropped add to the appeal of the drawing, despite
is quite possible that he was exposed to Swiss drawings; a certain crudeness in both subject and style. sa

1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Württ em executed innumerable paintings and prints in the ser-
berg in 1525 (Piccard-Online, no. 77636; accessed November 20,
2011).
vice of the Protestant Reformation.
2. For the Gesta Romanorum and the iconography of the story
General literature: Basel 1974; Frankfurt and London 2007–8; Hey-
depicted in the drawing under discussion, see Stechow 1942; Weiske
denreich 2007; Noble 2009; Brussels and Paris 2010–11
1992, vol. 1, pp. 79–80.
3. For a Latin version of the story, titled “Quod solum boni intrabunt
regnum celorum,” see Gesta Romanorum 1872 (ed.), pp. 342–44; for
the English version by Charles Swan, see Gesta Romanorum 1824 28 | Lucas Cranach the Elder and workshop
(ed.), vol. 1, p. 158.
Saint Catherine, ca. 1530
4. Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 6 (1808), p. 373, no. 4; Lehrs 1908–34, vol. 8
(1932), pp. 374–76, no. 21; Alan Shestack in Washington 1967–68,
no. 147, ill.; Jane C. Hutchison in Illustrated Bartsch 1978–, vol. 9, Brush and brown ink, leadpoint and black chalk underdrawing,
Commentary, pt. 2 (1991), pp. 323–25, no. 21, ill. For the drawing by pricked for transfer, indigo wash of a later date, on vellum
Baldung, which is in the Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen prepared with calcite, 69⁄16 × 51⁄16 in. (16.7 × 12.8 cm)
zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 571, see Koch 1941, no. 84, ill.; Holm Bevers in Purchase, David L. Klein Jr. Memorial Foundation Inc. Gift,
Washington 1999–2000, no. 111, ill. Van Day Truex Fund, Malcolm H. Wiener, Susan H. Seidel,
5. The connection is proposed in Boerner 1996, under no. 7. For this Mr. and Mrs. David M. Tobey, Stephen A. Geiger Gifts, and
master, see Meder 1936; Stange 1964, pp. 44, 45, 117–21, 150–51, Karen B. Cohen Fund, 1995 (1995.269)
figs. 227–37.
Verso, fragment of a 15th-century Latin text in Gothic
6. Christian Müller in Washington 1999–2000, no. 144, ill.; C. Mül- bookhand1
ler 2001, pp. 185–86, no. 90, ill., pl. 21.
Fig. 2. Urs Graf, A Bearded Man Bound to a 7. It is not likely that Graf ’s man can be identified as the dead king of
the story from the Gesta Romanorum, because more arrows have been
Tree, Pierced with Arrows, 1519. Pen and black
shot at him than he had sons.
Sitting demurely with her hands crossed on her lap,
and brown ink, 12½ × 87⁄16 in. (31.8 × 21.5 cm). Saint Catherine confronts the viewer with a penetrating
Kupferstichkabinett, Kunstmuseum Basel 8. Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. u.x.91 (Christian Müller in Washington
(u.x.85) 1999–2000, no. 146, ill.; C. Müller 2001, pp. 215–16, no. 112, ill., gaze. She is shown before a wheel and a two-handed
pl. 30). sword, symbols of her martyrdom. Even though she is
9. For the profiles, compare a drawing by Graf also in the Kunstmu- clearly a saint, her appearance is almost identical to that
seum Basel, inv. u.ix.17 (Christian Müller in Washington 1999–
2000, no. 147, ill.; C. Müller 2001, pp. 217–18, no. 113, ill., pl. 31);
of the many courtly women depicted by Cranach: she
and, for the way the foliage is handled, inv. u.i.58 (C. Müller 2001, wears a latticed bodice, a diaphanous veil that falls from
p. 142, no. 57, ill., pl. 13). her right shoulder, and several cords around her neck,
with her hair tied with a tight ribbon above her high
Provenance: [C. G. Boerner, Düsseldorf and New York]; purchased by
the Department of Drawings and Prints, 1996
forehead. Cranach’s workshop turned out so many por-
traits of both saints and courtly women that individual
Literature: Boerner 1996, no. 7, ill. (as by an artist from the Danube
school) characteristics were in danger of being lost to a generic
ideal; sometimes the only variations are in the style of
the garment or the number and type of accoutrements.2
Lucas Cr anach the Elder As Max Friedländer and Jakob Rosenberg have noted:
Kronach, 1472–1553, Weimar “There are paintings of richly adorned beauties which
make us wonder whether they are portraits at all. The
high-born ladies of the court do not look very different
Nothing is known of Lucas Cranach’s early training or from Judith or Lucretia.”3
the works he made before arriving in Vienna about Within Cranach’s large workshop a highly efficient
1501, where he became part of the circle of humanists at system was in place, based on a complex division of
the university. His works from this period demonstrate labor. As Gunnar Heydenreich argues, there must have
a Viennese manner of painting, with luminous colors been a multitude of model drawings to work from, yet
and a mastery of landscape, which was an early flower- very few remain and those that do are on paper.4 The
ing of the Danube school. In 1504 he was called to the Museum’s drawing, which is on vellum,5 was composed
electoral capital of Wittenberg by Frederick the Wise in a series of campaigns. A summary and lightly ren-
and became court painter, a position he maintained for dered sketch was executed in leadpoint; the ground is
life under three successive electors. Cranach, who led slightly incised, which is typical of works made with
an elaborate workshop, is known for the speed and effi- a metal stylus. At a later time, perhaps to enhance the
ciency of his working process. Adept at painting, he also pale gray strokes, the drawing was closely reworked by a
created woodcuts and engravings, playing a key role in less adept hand with a transparent reddish brown paint
the development of chiaroscuro woodcuts. Cranach applied by brush. Shortly thereafter, a more viscous

Fig. 1. Infrared reflectogram of cat. 28
and opaque concentration of this paint was applied the more clumsy applications of various concentrations
across the lower part of the sheet in a horizontal band, of reddish brown paint along the contours as well as the
which intersects the saint’s dress to produce a margin later indigo framing. Close analysis has shown that the
comparable to that at the top and sides. Subsequent to pricks into the vellum were created in a series of cam-
the reworking of the leadpoint design, the background paigns, with various tools producing round, triangular,
was overpainted in indigo, which appears black because and elongated slits. Heydenreich notes that there is no
of its multiple layers. Perhaps the overpainting was conclusive evidence that Cranach pricked his drawings
intended to obscure the text penetrating from the verso, for transfer onto panel with the technique known as
but it also overlapped much of the sitter’s hair, parts of pouncing, which involves laying a pricked drawing on a
her contour, and the framing lines. As revealed by infra- prepared ground and dusting it with charcoal or another
red reflectography (fig. 1), the indigo wash also covered pigment, which would pass through the holes to the
the leadpoint niche in which Saint Catherine sits. It surface below.6 However, there is evidence of pouncing
comprises a vaulted arch, viewed in perspective, which in the Cranach workshop’s small mass-produced Portrait
is supported by columns to the left and right, each of of John the Steadfast dating to about 1532, now at Gottorf
which rests on a base and has a simple rounded cornice. Castle.7 No charcoal or pigment particles have been
The drawing was pricked for transfer, though not found in the holes of Saint Catherine, and even though
along the fine metalpoint lines; rather, the pricks follow this drawing was clearly made by Cranach for his

Cranach’s desire, as master of the workshop, to set the
composition in his own hand. fs & ms
1. We would like to thank Melanie Holcomb and Barbara Drake

Boehm, Department of Medieval Art and The Cloisters at The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, for the identification and dating of
the bookhand.
2. Friedländer and Rosenberg 1978, p. 27.
3. Ibid.
4. Heydenreich 2007, p. 255. Cranach created several studies of dead
game in watercolor on paper as models for paintings (Johannes
Erichsen and Claus Grimm in Kronach and Leipzig 1994, no. 184,
ill.; Erichsen in Kronach and Leipzig 1994, nos. 185–88, ill.). He
also executed several portrait studies in oil on paper for paintings
(Erichsen in Kronach and Leipzig 1994, nos. 162–65, ill.).
5. Although vellum was not often used by Cranach and his workshop,
there are a few other surviving examples: Portrait of a Man, Perhaps
a Mayor of Weißenfels, 1515, Gemäldegalerie, Berlin; Gerhard Volk,
1518, Museum der Bildenden Künste, Leipzig, inv. 727; Portrait of
Martin Luther as an Augustinian Monk, ca. 1523–24, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, inv. gm 1570; Heads of Christ and the
Virgin, ca. 1515–20, Schlossmuseum, Gotha, inv. 54/14; Head of Mary,
ca. 1540, Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Munich, inv. 12475.
For full references, see Heydenreich 2007, pp. 255, 357, nn. 1–5.
6. Heydenreich 2007, pp. 302–3. Although there is no evidence re-
garding the technique used in the workshop, Heydenreich argues that
pouncing cannot be completely discounted as a means of transfer.
7. Schloss Gottorf, Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschicte,
on loan from a private collection (Bünsche 1998).
Fig. 2. Follower of Lucas Cranach the Elder, Portrait of a Lady,
ca. 1520–30. Oil on panel, 19⅞ × 14⅞ in. (50.5 × 37.8 cm). Die 8. Formerly in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich, inv. 1400
Fränkische Galerie, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich (r38) from the inventory of 1822. It was then in the Somzée collection,
Brussels, and later with the dealer Charles Sedelmeyer in Paris
(Sedelmeyer 1906, no. 6, ill.).
workshop to use for transfer, there are no known equiv- 9. Schädler 1983, no. 86, ill.
alent paintings of the same size. There are, however, 10. To name just two examples of Cranach’s pairing of Catherine and
two extant paintings based on the composition of the Barbara: Resurrection Altarpiece, ca. 1508, Gemäldegalerie, Kassel,
Museum’s drawing, but since both are double the size inv. 1170 (Friedländer and Rosenberg 1978, no. 17, ill.); and Saints
Catherine and Barbara, a pair of altarpiece shutters, ca. 1516, Gemälde
of the drawing, they were not directly copied from it. In galerie, Dresden, inv. 1906 e–f (Friedländer and Rosenberg 1978,
one of the paintings, Catherine is again shown with her no. 84, ill.). Cranach painted several paired portraits in a small format
wheel and sword.8 Remarkably, in the other one (in that matches the dimensions of the Museum’s drawing. In May 1533
he was paid for sixty small portraits of Frederick the Wise and his
which the composition is the reverse of the drawing), brother John the Steadfast. Although documents show that the
she is not a saint but a noblewoman seated before her Cranach workshop produced large numbers of small portrait pairs
family’s coat of arms (fig. 2).9 The orientation of the beginning in 1532 and 1533, no studies have been found that were
used directly as models for them (see Friedländer and Rosenberg
drawing, with Catherine facing to the right, is atypical 1978, p. 435, notation no. 276). Cranach also produced dual portraits
in terms of Cranach’s other paintings of women. It of Martin Luther and Philipp Melanchthon (1532), which are known
makes sense, however, if the image was intended to be in two different formats, 13¾ × 91⁄16 in. and 7½ × 5⅞ in. (35 × 23 cm
and 19 × 15 cm), with the smaller format being the more common
a pendant to another painted female saint—perhaps (and known in thirteen variants); see Friedländer and Rosenberg
Saint Barbara, who was often paired with Catherine— 1978, nos. 314, 315, ill.
or if it was conceived as preparatory for a print.10 11. Heydenreich 2007, p. 105.
Although very little analysis has been done, Cranach 12. Schade 1980, p. 49.
did create simple underdrawings for some of his
painted works,11 possibly made in metalpoint or black Provenance: Private collection, Germany; Hinrich Sieveking,
Munich; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 1995
chalk.12 The threadlike outlines and short, impulsive
Literature: Hinrich Sieveking in Kronach and Leipzig 1994, no. 194,
curving strokes of the modeling lines in these under-
ill. (as by the workshop of Lucas Cranach the Elder); Kunz 1994,
drawings are also visible in the Museum’s drawing—with fig. 76; Heydenreich 2007, pp. 255, 259, 303 (as by the workshop);
the help of infrared reflectography—and demonstrate Hofbauer 2010, p. 531, ill. (as by a follower)

Hans Holbein the Younger
Augsburg, 1497/98–1543, London
Although he spent a considerable part of his career in

England, Hans Holbein the Younger was born in Augs-
burg, the son of the prominent artist Hans Holbein the
Elder, and his art is firmly rooted in German and Swiss
tradition. His earliest known works were made in
Basel, even before he became a master painter there in
1519. They show that he was already an accomplished
artist, confident in the use of Renaissance ornament as
well as perspective, and highly gifted as a portraitist. In
1526 Holbein traveled via Antwerp to England, where
(thanks to Erasmus) he was introduced to Thomas
More. He quickly established himself as a leading por-
trait painter in the humanist circle of Erasmus and
More, as well as among Germans residing in London.
After settling again in Basel in 1528, he returned to Eng-
land four years later, eventually becoming painter to
King Henry VIII while continuing to work mainly for
private patrons. One of the greatest Central European
painters of all time, Holbein also applied his talent to
designs for woodcut illustrations and goldsmith’s work.
General literature: Ganz 1937; Ganz 1956; C. Müller 1988; C. Müller

1997; Foister 2004; Sander 2005; Basel 2006; Petter-Wahnschaffe
2010
29 | Hans Holbein the Younger

Saint Thomas, ca. 1527
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink wash, lead white heightening,
on paper prepared with opaque brown iron-based earth water-
color, 8 × 4⅛ in. (20.3 × 10.4 cm)
Purchase, Pat and John Rosenwald Gift, Rogers Fund, and Gift
of Dr. Mortimer D. Sackler, Theresa Sackler and family, 2001
(2001.188)
Broad framing line in black ink, possibly by the artist. Verso, at
upper center, inscribed vom niclasen der zuo / vorm [ . . .] bach [?]
gestorben ist / bekhommen in pen and brown ink (16th-century
handwriting)
Watermark: none
This drawing and eight others, first attributed to Hans

Holbein by Walter Hugelshofer in 1928, belong to a
series depicting the Twelve Apostles; three other
sheets—representing the apostles Judas, Simon, and
Thaddeus—are no longer extant.1 Over the course of
several years, the renowned twentieth-century collector
of drawings Franz Koenigs acquired seven, including

series of apostles exist, especially in prints, including
one by Israhel van Meckenem after designs attributed
to Holbein’s father.6 But the Museum’s drawing may
also have been inspired by an Italian series engraved by
Marcantonio Raimondi after Raphael.7 That series
must date from before 1527, since Marco Dente, who
died that year, copied it.8 In the gesture of his hands
crossed over his chest in a skeptical stance, Holbein’s
Thomas is similar to that of Marcantonio’s print
(fig. 1).9 As in the print, the apostle is given the attribute
of a builder’s rule, referring to his profession as a
carpenter.10
Holbein the Younger had made an earlier set of
drawings of the apostles, eight of which survive in Lille
(fig. 2).11 Unlike the series of 1527, some are mono-
grammed; several are dated 1518. More freely drawn
Fig. 1. Marcantonio Raimondi, after than the later series, they are nonetheless generally
Raphael, Saint Thomas, before 1527. comparable in their chiaroscuro technique, which Hol-
Engraving, 8⅛ × 5⅜ in. (20.7 ×
13.7 cm). British Museum, London
bein had used more often about 1520.12 Whereas the
(1857-7-11-9) authorship of the 1518 series, with its monogrammed
sheets, has not been questioned, perceived weak-
nesses—notably “a lack of freshness and life in the con-
touring lines, an absence of expression in the faces . . . ,
and errors in the representation of the bodies of the
apostles,” as well as an unconvincing definition of space
and volume—recently led Christian Müller to reject the
1527 series as autograph works; Thomas Muchall-
Viebrook had earlier come to the same conclusion
(although based only on reproductions).13 Müller also
found problematic that the drawings appear to be made
by a right-handed artist, whereas it is known that Hol-
bein was left-handed.14 He concluded that they must
have been made by an artist active in Holbein’s immedi-
Fig. 2. Hans Holbein the Younger, Saint Simon, 1518. Pen and black ate circle in Basel, apparently continuing to work in the
ink, dark gray wash, heightened with white gouache, on gray-brown
prepared paper, 715/16 × 3⅞ in. (18.5 × 9.9 cm). Palais des Beaux- vein of his earlier chiaroscuro drawings on religious
Arts, Lille (Pl. 930) themes while the master was on his first trip to Eng-
land. The relevance of Müller’s observation about Hol-
bein’s left-handedness is limited, however, as some
the present sheet; the six others from his collection are securely attributed sheets by the artist also display the
now in Rotterdam.2 From the Phillipps-Fenwick collec- characteristic hatching running from upper right to
tion, the British Museum acquired the drawing of Saint lower left generally connected with right-handed art-
Andrew.3 An additional sheet representing Saint Paul ists.15 Some of the series’ weaknesses and differences
surfaced within months after the Museum’s acquisition from securely attributed works by Holbein may be
of Saint Thomas.4 Paul called himself “apostle of the explained, as another scholar proposed, by assuming
Gentiles” (Romans 11:13), but he was not one of the that “an assistant . . . must have been responsible for at
original twelve, so the total number of drawings in the least part of the series.”16 However this may be, the
series may have been thirteen; there could also have sophistication of the designs, which could easily have
been an additional sheet representing Christ.5 Several looked like a monotonous row of cloaked men, leaves
of the drawings in the series are dated 1527, which can little doubt that they originated with the master. In light
be taken as the date of the entire series. Many similar of the wonderfully supple line and refined execution of

the Museum’s drawing, I must agree with John Row- by Albrecht Dürer dated between 1514 and 1526 (Bartsch 1803–21,
vol. 7 [1808], pp. 64–68, nos. 46–50; Matthias Mende in Schoch,
lands, who found the “striking quality and character” of Mende, and Scherbaum 2001–4, vol. 1 [2001], pp. 189–90, nos. 74,
the drawing at the British Museum sufficient to warrant 75, 94, 95, 100, ill.); two by Hans Baldung (Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 7
an attribution to Holbein himself.17 sa [1808], pp. 307–11, nos. 6–30; Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 2 [1954],
pp. 101–3, nos. 67–91, ill.; Mende 1978, nos. 45–57, 58–68, ill.); and
one formerly attributed to Urs Graf (see cat. 25, note 7).
1. Hugelshofer 1929. For the series, see also Rowlands 1993, vol. 1,
p. 146; Christian Müller in Basel 2006, pp. 364–69, ill.; Susan Foister 7. Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 14 (1813), nos. 64–76. The possible influence
in London 2006–7, p. 128. of Marcantonio’s engravings on the 1527 series was already noted by
Christian Müller in Basel 2006, p. 366.
2. Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, Rotterdam, inv. d.i. 50,
d.i. 51, d.i. 216–d.i. 218 (Rotterdam 2004, nos. 48–53, ill.). Koenigs 8. For the copies by Marco Dente, see Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 14 (1813),
first acquired the sheets depicting John and Peter; later he was able nos. 79–91.
to add Bartholomew, James the Greater, James the Less, and Matthew, 9. Ibid., no. 72.
all from the collection of Julius Böhler. It is not recorded when and
10. For Saint Thomas, see Réau 1955–59, vol. 3, pt. 3 (1959), pp. 1266–
how Koenigs acquired the Museum’s drawing.
72; Spadafora and Raggi 1969; Lechner 1976.
3. British Museum, London, inv. 1946-7-13-128 (Popham 1935,
11. Muchall-Viebrook 1931, p. 161, fig. 7; C. Müller in Basel 2006,
p. 231, no. 1, pl. xcviii; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 318, vol. 2,
p. 186, ill. p. 187. For the other extant drawings in Lille (inv. Pl. 924–
pl. 207).
Pl. 929), see Muchall-Viebrook 1931; C. Müller in Basel 2006,
4. Formerly at the sale Sotheby’s, London, July 11, 2001, lot 31 pp. 186–91, ill.
(illustrated in the catalogue); C. Müller in Basel 2006, p. 364,
12. See C. Müller in Basel 2006, pp. 200–219, ill.
ill. (as by an artist from the circle, or working in the manner, of
Holbein). 13. Muchall-Viebrook 1931, pp. 170–71; C. Müller in Basel 2006,
p. 365, from which the quotation is taken. Early doubts about the
5. The scope of apostle series, including the exact cast of figures, was
attribution are also recorded in Popham 1935, p. 231.
not set; for instance, the one consisting of thirteen prints formerly
attributed to Urs Graf mentioned in note 6 below includes both 14. C. Müller in Basel 2006, p. 365.
Christ and Paul and eleven of the original apostles, omitting Judas; 15. Examples of “right-handed” works by the left-handed Holbein
whereas in a series by Lucas Cranach the Elder (also cited in note are two chiaroscuro drawings of 1519 and ca. 1520: one, signed, in
6) and a print of 1523 after a design by Hans Holbein the Younger the Museum der Bildenden Künste, Leipzig, inv. ni.25 (C. Müller
(Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 14a [1988], p. 89, no. 53a; C. Müller in Basel 2006, no. 43, ill.); and one in the Kunstmuseum Basel,
1997, no. 54, ill.), the same eleven plus Paul are included, as well as inv. 1662.130 (C. Müller 1988, no. 25, ill.; C. Müller in Basel 2006,
Matthias, who replaced Judas after the Betrayal. Other series, such no. 45, ill.). For a discussion of the possibilities, limitations, and
as Schongauer’s (see note 6), leave out both Christ and Matthias. For problems in judging attributions based on the left-handedness of
the iconography of the apostles, see Katzenellenbogen 1937; Réau an artist, see Bambach 2003.
1955–59, vol. 3, pt. 1 (1958), pp. 130–38.
16. Foister in London 2006–7, p. 128.
6. Fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Northern examples predating the
17. Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, p. 146.
series under discussion include three complete series by the Master
E. S. (Lehrs 1908–34, vol. 2 [1910], nos. 94–99, 112–36, plate vol. 2,
pls. 88, 63; Holm Bevers in Munich and Berlin 1986–87, nos. 43–60, Provenance: Leo Blumenreich (1884–?1933), Berlin; Franz Koenigs
figs. 40–43, 46–60); one by Martin Schongauer (Hollstein, German, (1881–1941), Cologne and Haarlem; his heirs; their sale, Sotheby’s,
1954–, vol. 49 [1999], pp. 110–27, nos. 41–52, ill.; Lehrs 2005, New York, January 23, 2001, lot 12; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger,
nos. 41–52, ill.); two by the Master F. V. B. (Lehrs 1908–34, vol. 7 Munich]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints,
[1930], pp. 130–44, nos. 12–37, plate vol. 7, pl. 189; Hollstein, Dutch 2001
and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 12 [1955], pp. 150–54, nos. 12–37, ill.); Literature: Hugelshofer 1928, p. 40, under no. 60; Hugelshofer
the series by van Meckenem after designs attributed to Holbein the 1929, p. 1, pl. 3; Popham 1935, p. 231; John Rowlands in London
Elder (Lehrs 1908–34, vol. 9 [1934], nos. 280–93, plate vol. 9, pl. 266; 1988, p. 229; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, p. 146; Sotheby’s 2001a, lot 12,
Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 24 [1986], nos. 280–93, vol. 24a ill.; Sotheby’s 2001b, p. 46, under lot 31; Christian Müller in Basel
[1986], ill. pp. 113–16); one by Lucas van Leyden (Filedt Kok 1996, 2006, p. 364, ill. p. 365 (as by an artist from the workshop or circle
nos. 86–99, ill.); one by Lucas Cranach the Elder (Hollstein, German, of Holbein); Susan Foister in London 2006–7, no. 137, ill.
1954–, vol. 6 [1959], pp. 30–33, nos. 31–44); an incomplete series

Artists Active in the Mid-Sixteenth Century
Peter Flötner At lower center, dated ·1528· in pen and black ink, by the artist;
Birthplace unknown, ca. 1485/90–1546, Nuremberg at lower right (on base of pedestal), inscribed PF in pen and
brown ink, probably by a later hand
Watermark: none
Before settling in Nuremberg in 1522, Peter Flötner was
active in Augsburg. Notwithstanding his role in intro-
ducing an Italianate ornamental style in German art, it 30d |
is far from certain that he actually traveled to Italy. Perspectival Study of Two Cubes and a Slab in a Landscape,
Although primarily a sculptor (little evidence of that 1528
work remains), he was also prolific as a printmaker, and
his woodcuts were as influential as his work as a sculptor Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink wash, traces of black chalk
underdrawing, incised construction lines (laid down), 29⁄16 ×
and designer for public and private patrons. His oeuvre
43⁄16 in. (6.5 × 10.6 cm)
is remarkably varied and at times quirky. Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2007 (2007.223.6)
General literature: Lange 1897; Bange 1936; Martin Angerer, Hermann At upper center, dated ·15·28· in pen and black ink, by the artist;
Maué, and William D. Wixom in New York and Nuremberg 1986, at lower center (between the cubes), inscribed PF in pen and
pp. 435–54; Dienst 2002 brown ink, by a later hand
Watermark: none
30a | Peter Flötner
Perspectival Study of a Cradle, 1528 30e |
Perspectival Study of a Chair, ca. 1528
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink and sanguine washes, incised
construction lines (laid down, on the same secondary support as Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink and indigo washes (laid
cat. 30e), 215⁄16 × 2⅝ in. (7.4 × 6.6 cm) down, on the same secondary support as cat. 30a), 27⁄16 × 1¾ in.
Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2007 (2007.223.1) (6.2 × 4.4 cm)
At center, dated ·15· ·28· in pen and black ink, by the artist Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2007 (2007.223.2)
Watermark: none Watermark: none
30b | It must have been Peter Flötner’s interest in antique

Perspectival Study of a Cube on a Decorated Socle, 1528 and Renaissance ornament and architecture that led
him to the study of perspective. The five drawings pre-
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink wash (laid down), sented here, purchased by the Museum in 2007 as part
43⁄16 × 311⁄16 in. (10.7 × 9.4 cm) of the album formed by the eighteenth-century Swiss
Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2007 (2007.223.3) collector Hans Wilpert Zoller (see pp. xi–xii of the
At upper left, dated 1528 in pen and black ink, by the artist; at introduction), are modest but delightful examples of
center, inscribed PF in pen and brown ink, by a later hand his witty mastery of that art. Zoller had undoubtedly
Watermark: none acquired Flötner’s drawings together, and they may
have belonged to a larger group of similar studies from
30c | the artist’s estate. Zoller or a previous owner must
Perspectival Study of a Multifaceted Solid on a Pedestal, 1528 have inscribed three of the sheets with the artist’s ini-
tials (cats. 30b–d).1 The dates with which all but one
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink, indigo, and sanguine washes, sheet are inscribed are autograph; the undated one,
red chalk, incised construction lines (laid down), 43⁄16 × 29⁄16 in. the study of a simple chair (cat. 30e), presumably was
(10.6 × 6.5 cm) made at the same time, as there is no noticeable differ-
Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2007 (2007.223.5) ence in its quality, style, or technique. One year earlier,
68
cat. 30a
cat. 30e
c at. 30b
c at. 30d
cat. 30c
69
Stör, a Nuremberg artist of the second half of the
sixteenth and the early seventeenth centuries who
made a career specializing in perspective.9 Even with
his small output, Flötner may have helped set the
fashion for the study of perspective as an intellectual
pursuit for later artists like Stör, also evident from
an etching by Jost Amman depicting his Nuremberg
colleague Wenzel Jamnitzer (see cat. 42) as a math-
ematician in his study, using a measuring instrument
(fig. 2).10 Flötner’s drawings in the Museum, which
have the finished look of independent works of art,
must have appealed to a select group of fellow artists
and amateurs who shared his interest in perspectival
Fig. 2. Jost Amman, Wenzel Jamnitzer in His Studio, ca. 1572–75.
Etching, 6⅞ × 103⁄16 in. (17.5 × 25.8 cm). The Metropolitan renderings. sa
Museum of Art, New York, The Elisha Whittelsey Collection,
The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 1956 (56.510.2) 1. Initials by what seems to be the same hand appear on a portrait
Fig. 1. Peter Flötner, Perspectival Study of Flötner, now attributed to a follower of his, in the Graphische
of a Cradle, ca. 1528. Woodcut, 41⁄16 × Sammlung, Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg, Erlangen
213⁄16 in. (10.3 × 7.1 cm). Ashmolean Flötner had made two signed designs for a portable (Bock 1929, vol. 1, no. 381, vol. 2, ill.; Dienst 2002, p. 35, fig. 4).
Museum, University of Oxford
(wa1863.6075)
organ, both now in Berlin, which similarly attest to his 2. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 391,
preoccupation with perspective.2 The lightly sketched KdZ 392 (Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 42, vol. 2, pl. 53; Bange 1936, nos. 177,
190, figs. 16, 17; Dienst 2002, pp. 509–10, figs. 243, 244).
arabesques on the larger of the two can be compared
3. Dienst 2002, p. 34.
to those on cats. 30b and 30c as well as on the undated
4. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 8 (1968), pp. 149–53, nos. 67–71,
study of a chair, strengthening its attribution beyond ill. For a discussion of these designs, see Dienst 2002, pp. 565–69,
much doubt. All drawings were carefully prepared by figs. 279–83.
the artist with incised construction lines. 5. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 8 (1968), p. 153, no. 72, ill.; Dienst
The most interesting drawing of the group is argu- 2002, pp. 568–69.
ably the study of a cradle (cat. 30a). Flötner, who married 6. Dienst 2002, p. 567.
three times and had at least seven children,3 seems to 7. Anhaltische Gemäldegalerie, Dessau, inv. b iii/12 (Friedländer
1914, no. 15, ill.; Messling 2011, no. 31, ill.); and the drawing for-
have had a particular interest in beds. Five woodcuts of merly in that collection, lost during World War II (Friedländer 1914,
bedsteads, one dated 1533, record his elaborate designs no. 14, ill.; Messling 2011, app. 2, no. 7, ill.).
for this type of furniture.4 Another woodcut records a 8. Joseph Meder already proposed this in 1923 (Meder 1923, p. 621);
design for a cradle very close in construction, if not in see also Dienst 2002, p. 565; Messling 2011, p. 87.
decoration, to the one in the Museum’s example (fig. 1).5 9. Anhaltische Gemäldegalerie, Dessau, inv. b iii/16a, b iii/16b
(Messling 2011, nos. 82, 83, ill. [as by an artist from the circle of
Although Flötner may well have been commissioned to Lorenz Stör]). For Stör, see Wood 2003.
design actual beds,6 and the woodcuts may have served 10. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 2 (1954), p. 11, no. 6, ill.; Jeffrey
as models, or more probably as inspiration, to cabinet- Chipps Smith in Austin, Lawrence, and Santa Barbara 1983–84,
makers, the cradles in the Museum’s drawing and the no. 191, ill.; Seelig 2001, vol. 1, no. 137, ill.
woodcut have more the character of perspectival studies. cats. 30a–e
This is even more evident in a drawing in Dessau of a Provenance: Hans Wilpert Zoller (1673–1757), Zurich; Wilhelm von
cradle and a distaff attributed to Flötner and in one of Muralt-von Planta (1845–1937), Zurich, from ca. 1860;* [Hans Rohr
Buchhandlung und Antiquariat zum Obderdorf, Zurich, from
a watermill formerly in that same collection.7 The fact ca. 1970];† sale, Auktionshaus Stuker Bern, November 28, 2006, part
that the Museum’s drawing of the cradle belongs to a of lot 9060; [Arnoldi-Livie, Munich]; purchased by the Department
group of perspectival studies adds more strength to the of Drawings and Prints, 2007
conclusion that it is probably not a design for an actual cat. 30a

Literature: Ganz 1925–27, p. 269; Bange 1936, pp. 177–78, 191, no. 8,
piece of furniture.8 fig. 20; Dienst 2002, p. 92, n. 48, pp. 568–69, fig. 285; Paul Ganz in
As pure exercises in perspective, the four other Stuker 2006, p. 23, fig. 3; Messling 2011, p. 83, n. 5, p. 87, fig. 31.1
drawings in the Museum stand apart in Flötner’s cat. 30b
oeuvre. Two similar drawings, again in Dessau, that Literature: Ganz 1925–27, pp. 269–70; Bange 1936, pp. 177–78 (as by
were previously thought to be his have now been a follower of Flötner); Dienst 2002, p. 77, n. 216; Paul Ganz in
Stuker 2006, p. 23, fig. 5; Messling 2011, p. 83, n. 5
reattributed to an artist active in the circle of Lorenz

cat. 30c
Literature: Ganz 1925–27, pp. 269–70; Bange 1936, pp. 177–78 (as by
a follower of Flötner); Dienst 2002, p. 77, n. 216; Paul Ganz in
Stuker 2006, p. 23, fig. 6; Messling 2011, p. 83, n. 5
cat. 30d
Literature: Ganz 1925–27, pp. 269–70; Bange 1936, pp. 177–78, 191,
no. 7, fig. 19; Dienst 2002, p. 77, n. 216; Paul Ganz in Stuker 2006,
p. 23, fig. 7; Messling 2011, p. 83, n. 5
cat. 30e
Literature: Ganz 1925–27, p. 269; Bange 1936, pp. 177–78 (as by a
follower of Flötner); Paul Ganz in Stuker 2006, p. 23, fig. 4
* According to Christian Müller, as noted by Christian Herren in an
email to Erhard Linse, October 24, 2006 (copy in the Museum’s
departmental files).
†
I nventory card by Hans Rohr dated 1983 (copy in the Museum’s
31 | Peter Flötner
A Little Boy and Girl Playing Skittles, ca. 1530–40
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink and sanguine washes, lead
white heightening, on paper prepared with sanguine wash (laid
down), 3⅞ × 51⁄16 in. (9.8 × 12.9 cm)
Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2007 (2007.223.4)
At lower center (on the plank of wood), monogrammed P·F· in
pen and black ink; at lower left, inscribed Pet. Fleitner in pen and
black ink (17th-century handwriting?). Verso of the secondary
support, at upper center, a partially erased inscription in graph-
ite; at lower left, inscribed P. floetner in pen and brown ink (19th-
the other a companion piece in Dessau (fig. 1).6 They
century handwriting) may originally have been closer in size, effectively form-
ing a pair. At first, these may look like depictions of
innocent toddlers, unaware of their nudity, as in works
by such fifteenth-century artists as the Master of the
The Renaissance interest in all aspects of human life, Housebook.7 But the combination of the boy showing
including the erotic and the scatological, is perhaps his buttocks in the Dessau drawing with the limp and
nowhere more evident than in the arts of Central stiff sausages held by two of his companions signals the
Europe—for instance, in the “strange phantasies” of more risqué nature of the scene. The same must be said
Hans Baldung.1 Among Peter Flötner’s works in this vein of the Museum’s drawing, in which a pair of sausages
is a group of drawings, some dated 1537, in which nude lie entwined on the ground between a girl and a boy.
women or children are depicted with sausagelike The form of the three skittles, the connotation of the
objects—one sausage peeping from a cloud, another German word for playing skittles, and the ball all
offered by a putto to an unabashedly naked woman, or underscore the scene’s erotic overtones.8 Even at her
several piled up on a platter.2 At least one of his woodcuts young age, the girl is clearly identified as female, mak-
includes a winged sausage carrying a flag with the artist’s ing it likely that the two sausage-wielding children seen
monogram.3 Indeed, Max Friedländer remarked that “it from the back in the Dessau drawing should be identi-
appears to be a kind of signature of Flötner,”4 and fied as boys, suggesting that the real subject of the pair
although that may not be quite true, it is clear that Flöt- of drawings may be heterosexual and homosexual play.
ner was fond of the motif. A sausage was also used (per- Unlike the sheet in Dessau, the Museum’s bears an
haps following Flötner’s example) by Virgil Solis in a autograph monogram by Flötner. Both drawings are
print dated about 1540.5 Given the diverse contexts in clearly by the same hand, and they relate stylistically to
which it appears, it seems to be a highly suggestive image. other works by the artist. Flötner’s “tremendous control
Sausages also appear in a pair of Flötner’s drawings of line,” as described by Edmund Schilling and evident in
of children at play—one the drawing discussed here, the figures, is a hallmark of his graphic style—see, for
artis ts activ e in the m i d - si x t eent h cent u ry | 71

(Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 21 [1978], p. 87, no. 46, ill.; Dienst
2002, pp. 96–97, n. 257, fig. 33).
6. Friedländer 1914, no. 16, ill.; Dienst 2002, p. 569, fig. 286 (as at-
tributed to Flötner); Messling 2011, no. 29, ill.
7. Jan Piet Filedt Kok in Amsterdam and Frankfurt 1985, nos. 59–61,
ill., where other examples by Master bxg and Israhel van Meckenem
are discussed and reproduced.
8. For a discussion of the drawings’ connotations and the meaning of
words like Kegelschieben, see Dienst 2002, pp. 89–99.
9. Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, inv. z 33 (Bange
1936, no. 13, ill.; Martin Angerer in New York and Nuremberg 1986,
no. 251, ill.; von Heusinger 1992–97, vol. 1, no. 286, vol. 2, pl. 67).
The quotation is from Schilling 1929, p. 19: “die unerhörte Beherr
schung der Linie.”
10. I am grateful to Marjorie Shelley for pointing this out to me.
11. Drawings such as the one in Braunschweig (see note 9 above)
have been dated about 1540.
Fig. 1. Peter Flötner, Five Little Boys Playing, ca. 1530–40. Pen and black ink, gray wash, heightened with white
gouache, on pink prepared paper, 3⅛ × 615⁄16 in. (7.9 × 17.6 cm). Graphische Sammlung, Anhaltische Gemälde-
galerie, Dessau (b iii/15) Provenance: Hans Wilpert Zoller (1673–1757), Zurich; Wilhelm von
Muralt-von Planta (1845–1937), Zurich, from ca. 1860;* [Hans Rohr
instance, his design for goldsmith’s work in Braunschweig ca. 1970];† sale, Auktionshaus Stuker Bern, November 28, 2006,
of putti enacting a Triumph of Venus.9 In the Museum’s part of lot 9060; [Arnoldi-Livie, Munich]; purchased by the Depart-
drawing, the artist used a slightly darker ink for the ment of Drawings and Prints, 2007
striking pink of the ground and for the children, who Literature: Ganz 1925–27, p. 269, pl. 29; Schilling 1929, p. 19, no. 44,
stand out against the sky; grasslike brushstrokes enliven pl. 44; Bange 1936, pp. 177, 182, 191, no. 10, fig. 23; Dienst 2002,
pp. 92–94, fig. 31; Paul Ganz in Stuker 2006, p. 23, fig. 2; Messling
the foreground. In contrast to the careful drawing of the 2011, p. 82, fig. 29.1
figures, the pen lines that indicate the ground and veg-
etation in both sheets seem almost out of control, as in email to Erhard Linse, October 24, 2006 (copy in the Museum’s
another of the Museum’s drawings by Flötner, dated departmental files).
1528 (cat. 30d). The turf in the sheet under discussion has †
been given anthropomorphic forms, especially the one at departmental files).
right,10 adding another touch of playfulness—both comi-

cal and slightly disturbing.The chronology of Flötner’s
works remains to be fully established, so it is risky to date Seb ald Beham
the drawings in Dessau and the Museum more precisely Nuremberg, ca. 1500–1550, Frankfurt am Main
than between approximately 1530 and 1540.11 The draw-
ings were probably made as finished works of art for col- Documented as a painter and best known as a prolific
lectors who valued Flötner’s unorthodox subjects pre- printmaker and draftsman, Sebald Beham may have
sumably no less than his distinctive style. sa been a pupil of Albrecht Dürer, who influenced his
early style. Beham was already active as a gifted
1. For Baldung, see Frankfurt 2007. For Italian examples, see designer of stained glass before he became a master
Wolk-Simon 2008; Linda Wolk-Simon in New York and Fort Worth in 1525. Together with two other artists, his brother
2008–9, nos. 90–97, ill.
Barthel and Georg Pencz, he was briefly expelled
2. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 836,
KdZ 8488 (Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 42); and the Wallraf-Richartz- from his native Nuremberg in 1525 because of his
Museum und Fondation Corboud, Cologne, inv. z 2423, z 2424, beliefs in support of the Reformation. He had to flee
z 2425. For a discussion of the meaning of these “Venus pieces,” see the city again in 1528 and eventually settled in Frank-
Dienst 2002, pp. 99–108.
furt. The diminutive size and exquisite technique of
3. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 8 (1968), p. 133, no. 41, ill.; Dienst
2002, pp. 68–84; for the sausage with monogram, see especially the engravings by Sebald and Barthel Beham and by
Dienst 2002, pp. 77, 82. Pencz earned them the nickname “Little Masters”
4. Friedländer 1914, under no. 16: “Das wurstartige Ding . . . scheint (Kleinmeister).
eine Art Signatur F.s zu sein.” See also Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 42, under
inv. KdZ 836. General literature: Zschelletzschky 1975; Jeffrey Chipps Smith in
5. O’Dell 1977, no. f 78, pl. 47; Dienst 2002, pp. 96–97, fig. 32; Austin, Lawrence, and Santa Barbara 1983–84, pp. 176–96; Kalden
Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 63 (2004), no. 212, ill. Another and Rosenfeld 1994; Barbara Butts in Los Angeles and Saint Louis
example is a print by Hanns Sebald Lautensack dated 1552 2000–2001, pp. 174–83; Stewart 2008

32 | Sebald Beham
The Presentation of Christ in the Temple, ca. 1522 (?) scenes depicting the Life of Christ.2 At least twenty-
eight drawings documenting compositions from the
Pen and brown ink, gray ink wash mixed with lead white, series have survived, all of them with a diameter of
sanguine wash, red chalk, diameter: 815⁄16 in. (22.7 cm) about 9 inches (23 centimeters).3 They were not all done
Rogers Fund, 1962 (62.124.3) by the same hand. Rather, the group contains frag-
Color and lead line indications in red chalk, all by the artist (see ments of sets executed at different times and by differ-
text). Framing line in pen and brown ink, probably by a later ent hands: drawings of a quality worthy of Beham him-
hand self; workshop copies, which closely reflect his style
Watermark: bull’s head, snake on cross above1 without quite attaining the quality of the best drawings
in the group; and copies that are stylistically further
Sebald Beham’s activity as a designer of stained-glass removed from Beham’s style and thus may be said to
roundels is best known from an extensive group of have originated outside his immediate circle. Some of

an r for rot (red); in the dress of the kneeling woman, gl
for gelb (yellow); and in the altar cloth, a w for weiß
(white). In the background at right a spade or leaf (♠)
indicates the color green.10
The drawing represents an episode from the early
Life of Christ. To conclude the purification of the Virgin
after she gave birth to Christ, she and Joseph “brought
him to Jerusalem, to present him to the Lord. . . . And
to offer a sacrifice according to that which is said in the
Law of the Lord, a pair of turtledoves, or two young
pigeons” (Luke 2:22–24).11 The sacrifice is shown being
made here by the kneeling young woman. The Christ
Child is held by the devout Simeon, who is often
depicted as a high priest. Blessing the Child, he calls
him “a light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of thy
people Israel” (Luke 2:32). Left out of Beham’s compo-
sition is the old prophetess Anna (mentioned in verses
36–38), who is included between Maria and Simeon in
Fig. 1. Workshop of Veit Hirschvogel the Elder, after Sebald Fig. 2. Albrecht Dürer, The Presentation of Dürer’s woodcut from his Life of the Virgin (fig. 2).12
Beham, Roundel with Christ Healing the Blind Man, 1522 or later. Christ in the Temple, ca. 1505. Woodcut,
11⅝ × 8⅛ in. (29.6 × 20.7 cm). The Metro- Although Beham’s composition lacks the impressive
Stained glass, diameter: 121⁄16 in. (30.7 cm). The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, The Cloisters Collection, 2009 politan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of architectural setting and the multitude of onlookers, he
(2009.281) Junius S. Morgan, 1919 (19.73.252, fol. 13) does seem to have been inspired by Dürer’s example, as
he was in other compositions of his series.13 The group
the compositions are recorded in two different draw- with the Virgin, Joseph holding a staff and hat, and the
ings,4 but no episode from the Gospels is depicted in kneeling woman is similar, as are the square altar and
two different compositions, making it highly probable Simeon’s position at right. Beham gave a more promi-
that all drawings go back to the same original series. nent place to the man holding a tall candle (the Feast of
That it was replicated several times is proof of its wide- the Purification is also known as Candlemas). Rather
spread popularity. However, only three of the glass than being judged a poor simplification of Dürer’s
roundels based on Beham’s designs appear to have sur- print, Beham’s design should be understood as a clever
vived, all of them now in the Museum’s collection (see adaptation to a medium in which compositional clarity
fig. 1).5 and the bold use of color, further enhanced by the play
Beham himself seems to have dated at least one of of light, are essential. sa
them 1522,6 which may be the approximate date of the
entire original series. Several of the sheets also bear old 1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Innsbruck
in 1522 (Piccard-Online, no. 71144; accessed November 20, 2011).
attributions to Dürer,7 and the style of the drawings
2. For some of the other designs for stained-glass roundels by Beham,
indeed fits well with others by Beham from about this see von Heusinger 1992–97, vol. 1, pp. 287–88, vol. 2, pls. 72–77;
time, when he had not yet exchanged the great master’s Barbara Butts in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, no. 62,
influence for the smoother manner of his later years ill.; Stephanie Buck in Frankfurt 2003–4, nos. 46, 47, ill.
(compare cats. 33, 34). As John Rowlands notes, “The 3. In addition to the drawing under discussion, the following versions
of scenes from the series can be added to the list given in Los Angeles
finest designs in the series . . . are the most worked up, and Saint Louis 2000–2001, p. 181, n. 25: Christ at Supper with Simon
to which washes, and frequently colour notes and indi- the Pharisee, known from a coarse copy formerly in the Woodner col-
cations of the lead lines are added.”8 The drawing under lection (Christie’s 1992, lot 97, ill.); Christ and the Adulterous Woman,
known from a drawing formerly on the Paris art market (Prouté
discussion clearly belongs to this group.9 Gray and pink 1968, no. 2, ill.); and the Flagellation, known from a copy at the Fogg
washes were used to model the figures. As often seen in Museum, Harvard Art Museums, Cambridge, acc. 1918.21 (Mongan
drawings for stained glass, the leading is indicated in and Sachs 1940, vol. 1, no. 370). For literature and reproductions
of most of the drawings related to the series, see also Bock 1921,
red chalk. Also added in red chalk are the color indica- vol. 1, p. 12, inv. 4417, 4418, vol. 2, pl. 15; Christie‘s 1936, lot 358;
tions, which give a sense of the ultimate appearance of Parker 1938, nos. 274, 275, pl. xlix; Mongan and Sachs 1940, vol. 1,
the roundels that must have been based on the Muse- nos. 368–73, vol. 3, figs. 186, 187; Houthakker 1962, nos. 4–7, ill.;
Fedja Anzelewsky in Washington and other cities 1965–66, no. 78,
um’s drawing: in Joseph’s and the high priest’s clothes, ill.; Prouté 1968, nos. 1–3, ill.; Bjurström 1972, nos. 11–16, ill.; Schil-

ling 1973, vol. 1, no. 40, vol. 2, pl. 11; Jeffrey Chipps Smith in Austin,
Lawrence, and Santa Barbara 1983–84, no. 76, ill.; John Rowlands in
London 1988, no. 92, ill.; Bolten and Folmer-von Oven 1989, no. 19,
ill.; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, nos. 75, 76, vol. 2, pl. 46; Buck in Frank-
furt 2003–4, no. 45, ill. Not belonging to the series is a somewhat
smaller sheet of doubtful attribution representing Christ driving the
money changers from the Temple, at the Statens Museum for Kunst
in Copenhagen, inv. 6614 (Bøgh Rasmussen 2000, no. 66, ill. [as a
copy after Beham]).
4. An example is the composition for the Circumcision, the original of
which seems to be a drawing in the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles,
acc. 89.gg.7 (Butts in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001,
no. 65, ill.); a replica is in The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
acc. 1995.470 (Butts in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001,
p. 181, fig. 50).
5. The two others are in the Department of European Sculpture and
Decorative Arts, acc. 11.93.10 and 11.93.11 (Butts in Los Angeles and
Saint Louis 2000–2001, no. 67, ill., and p. 183, fig. 51).
6. British Museum, London, inv. 1920-4-20-3 (Rowlands 1993,
vol. 1, no. 75, vol. 2, pl. 46); compare the handwriting on a drawing
dated 1521 in the British Museum, inv. 5218-55 (Rowlands 1993, 33 | Sebald Beham
vol. 1, no. 73, vol. 2, pl. 47).
7. Among the drawings with an old attribution to Dürer is one of the
The Return of the Prodigal Son, 1540
drawings in London mentioned in the previous note (inv. 1920-4-
20-3), as well as two others in the same collection, inv. 1920-4-20-2 Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink wash, 25⁄16 × 3⅞ in.
(Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 76, vol. 2, pl. 46) and 1997-7-12-10 (Butts (5.9 × 9.8 cm)
in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, no. 66, ill.). Rogers Fund, 1919 (19.151.3)
8. Rowlands in London 1988, p. 123; see also Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, At upper left, signed 1540 / HSB (HSB intertwined) in pen and
p. 38. Other drawings with red chalk are at the Nationalmuseum,
black ink. Framing line in pen and black ink, by the artist. On
Stockholm, inv. nm 507/1971 and nm 508/1971 (Bjurström 1972,
nos. 11, 12, ill.); and formerly on the Paris art market (Prouté 1968, the old mount, collector’s mark of Thomas Banks (Lugt 2423)
nos. 1–3, ill.); the first of these sheets is now at the Pierpont Morgan Watermark: none
Library, New York, acc. 1969.17.
9. It should be noted that there are drawings with no indication in
red chalk of the colors or the leading but that are nonetheless of In the 1530s Sebald Beham seems to have taken an inter-
equal quality. Perhaps this is a sign that there was more than one
autograph series. Examples are the drawing in Los Angeles men-
est in the parable of the Prodigal Son (Luke 15:10–32).1
tioned in note 4 above and a drawing of the Temptation of Christ In a small engraving dated 1538 he depicted the scene of
at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, inv. wa1863.406 (Parker 1938, the Prodigal among the swine, inspired by Dürer’s
no. 275; Christopher White in Rome and Oxford 1991–92, no. 73,
ill.).
engraving of 1496.2 It is the pivotal episode in the story,
10. Butts in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, p. 8; compare
when the impoverished spendthrift realizes that, while
also cat. 12, pp. 28–29, in the present catalogue. he is suffering from hunger, his father’s servants “have
11. For the Presentation of Christ in the Temple, see Réau 1955–59, bread enough and to spare” (Luke 15:17). Very similar in
vol. 2, pt. 2 (1957), pp. 261–66; Lucchesi Palli and Hoffscholte 1968. its refined technique and only slightly smaller, a series
12. Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 7 (1808), p. 132, no. 88; Anna Scherbaum in of four engravings treats the entire story, culminating
Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum 2001–4, vol. 2 (2002), no. 178, ill.
in the son’s return (fig. 1).3 This last print reproduces, in
13. For other examples of Dürer’s influence on Beham’s series, see
also Bolten and Folmer-von Oven 1989, p. 38; Buck in Frankfurt
reverse, the Museum’s drawing of the same size. The
2003–4, p. 138. print is not dated, but the drawing and the second
engraving of the series are, establishing 1540 as the year
Provenance: [Galerie de Bayser & Strolin, Paris]; purchased by the of its production. Beham incorporated all elements of
Department of Drawings, 1962
the biblical text in his composition: the repentant son,
Literature: Kaufmann 1985, p. 79 the forgiving father, the preparation of the fatted calf,
and the elder brother working in the field, who greets
the celebration of the prodigal’s return with incompre-
hension, until he is told by their father: “It was meet
that we should make merry, and be glad: for this thy
brother was dead, and is alive again; and was lost, and is
found” (Luke 15:32). The father had previously greeted

with washes rather than with hatching. The graceful
style and flawless technique of Beham’s late works
undoubtedly increased their popularity with collectors
of fine prints—and with other printmakers, who pub-
lished numerous copies after the originals.7 But the
prints also found use as models for the decorative arts.8
Examples range from rather clumsy paraphrases to the
more accomplished casts on a table clock attributed to
the Nuremberg goldsmith Leonhard Danner in Berlin,
dated to the 1550s.9 sa
1. For the iconography of the Prodigal Son, see Vetter 1955; Renger
1970; Ellen G. D’Oench in New Haven, Middletown, and Williams
town 1995–96.
2. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 3 (1954), p. 32, no. 37; Vetter 1955,
p. xxvii, fig. 14; Diana Schulze in Paderborn, Emden, and Göt-
Fig. 1. Sebald Beham, The Return of the Prodigal Son, 1540. Engraving, 2⅜ × 3⅞ in.
tingen 2001, no. 15, ill. For Dürer’s print, see Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 3
(6 × 9.9 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, The Elisha Whittelsey
(1808), pp. 49–50, no. 28; Rainer Schoch in Schoch, Mende, and
Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 1950 (50.607.3)
Scherbaum 2001–4, vol. 1 (2001), no. 9, ill.
3. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 3 (1954), pp. 30–31, no. 36, ill.; Jef-
his younger son with nearly identical words (Luke 15:24), frey Chipps Smith in Austin, Lawrence, and Santa Barbara 1983–84,
and it is these that are inscribed along the top of the no. 88, ill. For the series, see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 3 (1954),
pp. 30–31, nos. 33–36, ill.; Vetter 1955, p. xxxi, figs. 19–22; Zschel-
print in the Latin of the Vulgate. Although the print is letzschky 1975, pp. 212–14; Stephen H. Goddard in Lawrence and
richer in detail, Beham followed his drawing precisely. other cities 1988–89, pp. 141–42; D’Oench in New Haven, Middle-
One of the few differences is the father’s hand covering town, and Williamstown 1995–96, pp. 6–8, figs. 3a–3d.
the son’s in the print; in the drawing, the son’s hands 4. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 3 (1954), p. 187, no. 831.
are shown clasped together. 5. Notably, the Feast of Herod (ibid., p. 188, no. 832), the Fountain of
Youth (ibid., p. 234, no. 1120), and the Great Village Fair (ibid., p. 255,
Beham’s third rendering of the story is an exception- no. 1245, ill.); the latter is dated 1539. The Story of the Prodigal Son is
ally large woodcut, printed from eight blocks, which dated about 1535 in Geisberg 1923–30/1974, vol. 1, p. 201.
combines all the episodes, with strong emphasis on the 6. As already remarked in Pauli 1901, p. 352.
scene of the son squandering his fortune in a brothel.4 7. Five copies of The Return of the Prodigal Son are listed in Pauli 1901,
The print is undated, and most often it is assumed to be p. 50.
somewhat earlier than the engravings, in accord with 8. For the appreciation of engravings by the Kleinmeister as both inde-
pendent works of art and as models for decorative art, see J. Nagler
the approximate date of several other large-scale wood- and O. Nagler 2010.
cuts by Beham.5 However, it should be noted that two of 9. Kunstgewerbemuseum, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. k 452
the background scenes in the woodcut come very close (Pechstein 1968, no. 188, ill.). For the numerous casts of plaquettes
to the compositions in the engravings: in the scene of by Danner after the prints, as well as for other versions of the com-
positions in metal, see Weber 1975, vol. 1, pp. 103–4, under no. 98,
the son among the swine, his pose and some of the ani- p. 279, under nos. 615 and 616, vol. 2, pls. 34, 168, 169.
mals are identical to those in the 1538 engraving,6 and
the scene of his return is likewise close to that of the Provenance: Thomas Banks (1735–1805), London; his daughter,
1540 print. It seems more probable that the larger Lavinia Forster (1774–1858), London; her son-in-law Ambrose
Poynter (1796–1886); his son, Edward John Poynter (1836–1919),
composition would quote from previously developed London; his sale, Sotheby’s, London, April 24–25, 1918, lot 238;
independent compositions rather than the other way [Robert Langton Douglas, London]; purchased by the Depart-
around, so the woodcut may postdate the 1540 series. ment of Paintings, 1919
The Museum’s drawing—which may be the only Literature: Sotheby’s 1918, lot 238; Metropolitan Museum of Art
1943, no. 18, ill.; Christie’s 1978, p. 25, under lot 26; Jeffrey Chipps
model for a print by Beham to have survived—is entirely
Smith in Austin, Lawrence, and Santa Barbara 1983–84, no. 87, ill.;
characteristic of his mature style, in which the figures Kaufmann 1985, p. 79; J. C. Smith 1987, p. 207, fig. 6; Silver 1989,
and compositions comply more with an Italianate ideal p. 214; Ellen G. D’Oench in New Haven, Middletown, and
Williamstown 1995–96, p. 30, n. 19
than with Dürer’s example and the modeling is achieved

34 | Sebald Beham
Head of a Man Wearing a Hat, Sticking Out His Tongue and
Facing Right, 1549
Pen and iron gall ink (laid down), 6 × 4⅛ in. (15.2 × 10.6 cm)
At upper right, dated and monogrammed 1549 / HSB (HSB
intertwined); at lower right, collector’s mark of Carl Rolas du
Rosey (Lugt 2237). Verso of the secondary support, at lower left,
inscribed G.199 Beham in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Watermark: none
This drawing is one of four related sheets. The example

in Berlin (fig. 1)1 is particularly close to the one in the
Museum: both show a man sticking out his tongue and
looking to the right; their features are very similar, but
the man in Berlin has a bare head and an open shirt. The
man in a drawing in Vienna also sticks out his tongue,
but he is somewhat less of a caricature; seen in three-
quarter view, he wears a more fashionable hat with a
long fringe.2 The fourth drawing, formerly in Dresden,
also shows a man in profile facing right, wearing a hat
similar to the one in the Vienna drawing; the shorter
fringe partly covers his forehead.3 For a change, he
keeps his tongue inside his mouth. The Lehman draw-
ing, which is clearly trimmed at the top, is approxi-
mately the same size as the sheets in Berlin and Vienna,
which are also dated 1549. There is no reason to doubt ugly evident in the woodcuts is similar to such details as
that the smaller Dresden drawing was originally of the the unclassical noses of the men portrayed in the draw-
same size and should be dated to the same year. That the ings—an allusion to their sensual natures.7 The effect is
drawings belong to a series is strongly suggested by also double: while the artist—like the viewer—makes
these similarities and by the shared provenance of at fun of these men, they make fun of us in return by stick-
least the Berlin and New York sheets, which were ing out their tongues.
together in the collection of Carl Rolas du Rosey in the Other artists from Dürer’s circle made similar draw-
mid-nineteenth century.4 ings—for instance, a head of an older man in Vienna.8
The drawings have been related to physiognomical However, Beham’s drawings are executed in a style that
studies by Leonardo da Vinci and Dürer and to some of is almost completely free from Dürer’s influence, and
the proportion studies illustrated in Beham’s own they could be assigned to the end of his career on the
Kunst- und Lehrebüchlein (Art and practice book), an art- basis of visual evidence alone, even if they were not
ist’s manual first published in Frankfurt in 1546.5 How- dated. Unlike the figures in others of his drawings from
ever, the profile heads in the book never veer as close to the 1540s (for instance, cat. 33), these heads are not
social satire as these drawings, which also lack the sci- modeled with washes, but the spare, almost mechanical
entific aspirations of the studies by Leonardo and hatching is strongly reminiscent of the artist’s woodcuts, Fig. 1. Sebald Beham, Head of a Man,
Dürer. Rather, Beham’s drawings should be considered and it is encountered in others of Beham’s drawings Sticking Out His Tongue and Facing Right,
in the context of depictions of peasants and of peasant from this period as well, such as his Ceres in Vienna, also 1549. Pen and brown ink, 6 × 43⁄16 in.
(15.2 × 10.7 cm). Kupferstichkabinett,
life, to which Beham himself made an important and dated 1549.9 sa Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
early contribution with several large-scale woodcuts.6 (KdZ 2022)
Although the drawings obviously do not have the scope 1. Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 14, vol. 2, pl. 17.
or the richness of folkloristic detail evident in his depic- 2. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3260 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 191,
tions of festivals, the attention to the ridiculous and the vol. 2, pl. 61). The drawing has often been considered a self-portrait

(most recently in Stewart 2008, p. 26, fig. 1.8), although without any 35 | Heinrich Aldegrever
proof.
Joseph and Potiphar’s Wife, 1531/32
3. Singer 1921, pl. 6; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann
et al. 1999, pp. 88, 90, fig. 18.3.
Pen and carbon black ink, incised for transfer, 4⅝ × 3 in.
4. The drawing in Berlin was sold in his 1864 sale as lot 5069.
(11.7 × 7.6 cm)
5. Koreny in Haverkamp-Begemann et al. 1999, p. 90. For the Kunst- The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund,
und Lehrebüchlein, see Jeffrey Chipps Smith in Austin, Lawrence, and
1950 (50.605.2)
Santa Barbara 1983–84, no. 95, ill. The book is fully reproduced after
the 1565 edition in Illustrated Bartsch 1978–, vol. 15 (1978), pp. 219–72. Framing line in pen and black ink, by the artist. Verso, at center,
6. For these woodcuts, see Stewart 2008. inscribed Aldegrever, H in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
7. See ibid., pp. 169–71. Watermark: none
8. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3172 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 172,
vol. 2, pl. 61).
36 | Heinrich Aldegrever
9. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 190 (ibid., vol. 1, no. 190, vol. 2, pl. 61).
Amnon and Jonadab, 1539
Provenance: Hugh Reveley (1737–1798), Bryn y Gwin (?); Joseph
Grünling (1785–1845), Vienna; Carl Rolas du Rosey (1784–1862), Pen and carbon black ink, incised for transfer, 4⅝ × 3 in.
Dresden; his sale, Rudolph Weigel, Leipzig, September 5, 1864, (11.7 × 7.6 cm)
lot 5068; Henry Oppenheimer (1859–1932), London; his sale, The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund,
Christie’s, London, July 10, 13–14, 1936, lot 357; acquired from
1950 (50.605.1)
that sale through John Hunt by Robert Lehman (1891–1969),
New York; given by the Robert Lehman Foundation to the At lower left, dated and monogrammed 1539 / AG (G under A)
Museum in accordance with the collector’s wishes, 1975 in pen and brown ink (mirrored). Framing line in pen and black
Literature: Weigel 1864, lot 5068; Christie’s 1936, lot 357; George ink, by the artist. Verso, at center, inscribed Aldegrever, H in
Szabo in New York 1978–79, no. 34, ill.; Fritz Koreny in Haverkamp- graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Begemann et al. 1999, no. 18, ill. Watermark: none
Heinrich Aldegrever Aldegrever’s preparatory drawings for prints survive

Paderborn, ca. 1502–1555/61, Soest in large numbers and range from meticulous early pen
studies to more diffuse pen and wash drawings com-
Nothing is known about Heinrich Aldegrever’s early pleted during his later period of activity.1 The largest
life and training, but his approximate date of birth is repository of Aldegrever drawings, numbering thirty,
calculated from two self-portrait engravings executed is in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.2
in 1530 and 1537, which record his age as twenty-eight The two detailed pen and ink studies seen here,
and thirty-five, respectively. He was active primarily acquired together by the Department of Prints in 1950,
in Soest, in Westphalia, after 1527 or 1528. A prolific exemplify Aldegrever’s early method of creating nearly
draftsman and printmaker, Aldegrever produced complete line-for-line preliminary studies. Regarding
prints in two major periods: 1527–41 and 1549–55. this type of “slavishly detailed preparatory studies,”
The works reflect various influences, most notably A. Hyatt Mayor remarks that Aldegrever made them
Dürer’s. An active proponent of the Reformation, “as though he intended to have them copied by some
Aldegrever engraved portraits of Jan van Leiden, who other engraver.”3 Aldegrever created nearly three
was king of the Anabaptists at Münster, and his duke, hundred prints, and it has been suggested that he
Bernt Knipperdolling (both 1536). employed a professional engraver to work through
his designs; however, because of the improvisations
General literature: Plassmann 1994; Mielke 1998; Münster 2002 evident in the prints, most scholars believe that he
engraved his own plates.4 About one-third of Alde
grever’s prints are ornament designs for metalwork.
Many of the others are series, often depicting Old Testa-
ment narratives—a common subject among Protestant
artists such as Aldegrever, who embraced the religious
reform sweeping through Germany during this period.5
Since most of his prints are dated, the preparatory
drawings have been arranged in chronological order,

most recently by Otmar Plassmann in his exhaustive line—along with decorative tassels at Joseph’s shoul-
catalogue of the artist’s drawings.6 der, just below Potiphar’s wife’s lustful grasp.
The undated drawing Joseph and Potiphar’s Wife cor- Variations between preparatory drawing and print
responds to a 1532 engraving that is part of a series of are also evident in the later example of Amnon and
four telling the story of Joseph (fig. 1).7 Because of the Jonadab (fig. 2).8 This drawing shows evidence of having
dating of the print, the drawing can be presumed to been transferred to the plate: the main outlines were
have been made in either 1531 or 1532; it is the earliest gone over with a blunt instrument. This scene is the first
extant drawing by the artist. Illustrating the story of in a series of seven illustrating the Old Testament story
Joseph found in Genesis 39, Aldegrever showed the of Amnon, eldest son of King David, and his half sister
Hebrew slave resisting seduction by his master Poti- Tamar. The tablet at upper left, which is left blank in the
phar’s wife, whose false accusations led to his eventual drawing, is inscribed in the print with the chapter and
imprisonment. In a closed bedchamber with no one to verse from the second book of Kings, as well as with the
witness her advances, Potiphar’s wife grabs Joseph; he catastrophic advice (in Latin) given to Amnon by his
escapes, leaving her holding his mantle, which she then confidant Jonadab: “Lay thee down on thy bed, and
uses, in revenge, as proof of his supposed wrongdoing make thyself sick.”9 Amnon subsequently tricked Tamar
(Genesis 39:12–16). The drawing, which is incised for into entering his bedchamber, where he raped her. The
transfer, is approximately the same size as the print. date has been changed from 1539 in the drawing to 1540
However, comparing the drawing to the print reveals in the print. Aldegrever also enhanced the decorative
substantial improvisation. For example, at upper right character of the work from drawing to print: there are
in the print a heavy curtain has been added to the slight variations in the plumage of Amnon’s hat; a ring
bed—indicated in the drawing with only a diagonal now appears on his index finger; and highly ornamented

chapes (the metal mounting protecting the point of the Virgil Solis
sword) have been added to the two sword sheaths. In Birthplace unknown, 1514–1562, Nuremberg
both Joseph and Potiphar’s Wife and Amnon and Jonadab,
the elegantly costumed courtly figures with small heads Although his birthplace in unknown, it is presumed
and elongated bodies demonstrate Aldegrever’s interest that Virgil was the son of painter Hans Sollis, who
in Antwerp Mannerism and its flair for the decorative.10 acquired Nuremberg citizenship in 1525. Based on a
fs portrait engraving of Solis executed by Balthasar
Jenichen in 1562, which records his age as forty-eight,
1. Fifty-eight preliminary drawings for prints by Aldegrever survive. the year of his birth is assumed to be 1514. One of the
For a comprehensive discussion of the drawings, see Plassmann
1994. most prolific printmakers and book illustrators in
2. Twenty-four of the drawings in the Rijksmuseum are preparatory sixteenth-century Nuremberg, Solis ran a large work-
studies in reverse for prints. For a discussion of these drawings, see shop that produced more than two thousand engrav-
Shestack 1970, p. 147, n. 10. ings and woodcuts after his own designs as well as those
3. Peter Parshall in Landau and Parshall 1994, p. 321; Mayor 1954, by other artists. Many of his single-leaf prints served as
p. 176.
models for objects such as goblets, pitchers, bowls,
4. Shestack 1970, p. 143; Plassmann 1994.
swords, and jewelry. His largest book project, Biblische
5. For Aldegrever’s prints, see especially Mielke 1998; see also
Zschelletzschky 1933. Figuren (Bible figures; Frankfurt, 1562), comprises more
Fig. 1. Heinrich Aldegrever, Joseph and than two hundred woodcuts of Old and New Testament
Potiphar’s Wife, 1532. Engraving, 4¾ × 6. Plassmann 1994, pp. 29–31.
3 in. (12 × 7.6 cm). The Metropolitan 7. Mielke 1998, nos. 18–20, ill. For a discussion of this drawing scenes as well as two title pages and numerous orna-
Museum of Art, New York, Gift of and its corresponding print, see Plassmann 1994, pp. 32–33, no. 1, mental borders. Solis also worked closely with Wenzel
Edwin De T. Bechtel, 1949 (49.132.82) figs. 1, 2. Joseph and Potiphar’s Wife is the only extant preliminary Jamnitzer, Nuremberg’s most famous goldsmith, probably
drawing for this printed series.
often engraving directly after Jamnitzer’s own drawings.
8. Plassmann 1994, pp. 42–43, no. 4, figs. 9, 10; Mielke 1998,
no. 22, ill. Solis’s drawings, like his prints, reveal that he often
9. The Latin text is excerpted from the Vulgate: ii.reg.xiii. / ion- borrowed motifs from an array of contemporary artists.
adab.ait.ad.amno[n] / cvba.svper.lectv[m].tvv[m]. / .&.la[n]
gvore[m].simvla. However, as in the entire series, the words do not General literature: O’Dell 1967; O’Dell 1977; Heinrich Geissler in
match up exactly with the Vulgate. For more on Aldegrever’s inscrip- Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, pp. 42–45; Dieter Beaujean in Hollstein,
tions in prints, see Fink 1971. German, 1954–, vols. 63–70 (2004–6)
10. For more discussion about Aldegrever and Mannerism, see
Shestack 1970, p. 141.
cats. 35, 36 37 | Virgil Solis

Provenance: Janos Scholz (1904–1993), New York; purchased by the
Department of Prints, 1950 A Greyhound in Profile Facing Left, 1549
cat. 35
Pen and brown ink, traces of black chalk underdrawing
Literature: Mayor 1954, p. 176, fig. 2; Shestack 1970, p. 143, pl. 30;
Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pitts- (laid down), 3⅞ × 5¾ in. (9.8 × 14.6 cm)
burgh 1982–83, p. 50, n. 1; Kaufmann 1985, p. 75; Plassmann 1994, The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund,
no. 1, ill.; Suzanne Boorsch in Boorsch and Orenstein 1997, p. 54 2001 (2001.497)
cat. 36 At lower center, dated 1549 and monogrammed (?) with a flour-
Literature: Mayor 1954, p. 176, fig. 1; Shestack 1970, pp. 143–44, ish in pen and brown ink. Framing lines in graphite, by a later
pl. 31; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and hand. On the secondary support, at upper left, collector’s mark
Fig. 2. Heinrich Aldegrever, Amnon and
Pittsburgh 1982–83, p. 50, n. 1; Kaufmann 1985, p. 75; Plassmann of Peter Vischer (Lugt 2115); at lower right, inscribed jost Amann.
Jonadab, 1540. Engraving, 411⁄16 × 3 in.
1994, no. 4, ill.; Suzanne Boorsch in Boorsch and Orenstein 1997, in graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); below, collec-
(11.9 × 7.6 cm). The Metropolitan
p. 54, ill.; New York 1997, p. 30
Museum of Art, New York, The Elisha tor’s mark of Peter Vischer (Lugt 2116); at lower center,
Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha inscribed Dessin No. 5 in pen and brown ink, and below, inscribed
Whittelsey Fund, 1966 (66.529.17) fol:, by Peter Vischer; at both lower left and right, inscribed 5 in
graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed
Josse Amman 1539–1591 in graphite (19th- or 20th-century hand-
writing); to the right, inscribed [. . .] C. F. L. Pancoucke in graphite
(erased; 19th-century handwriting); below, inscribed No. 1604 in
pen and brown ink (19th-century handwriting); to the right,
collector’s mark of Jean-Marc Du Pan (Lugt 1440). Verso of the
secondary support, at both upper and lower left, inscribed No 15
in graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); at lower left,

inscribed Jost Amman d’apres Bartsch né en 1539 in graphite (19th-
century handwriting); at both upper and lower right, inscribed
1889 in brown and red crayon (19th-century handwriting); at
lower left, on two small boards pasted on the verso, inscribed
[u]ne contradiction entre la date de ce dessin (1549) et celle de la nais-
sance de J. A. / [. . .] avoir fait ce dessin à 10 ans, sans être plus precoce
que Lucas de Leyde, etc. / [. . .]ssance peut être aussi fautive. Du reste il
existe une estampe sur bois d’a[près added below in graphite, by
another hand] / [. . .] date de 1550 (Bartsch ix.p. 80.22.). and Collec-
tions: / Crozat, / Jules Dupan. / Pierre Wischer. / C. L. F. Panckoucke.
in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Long associated with hunting, greyhounds are

recorded in ancient Egyptian carvings (ca. 2900 b.c.)
that capture the dog’s long narrow head and tapering
muzzle, slightly arched neck, and wide muscular chest.1
In the fourteenth century, Gaston de Foix described
different varieties of hunting dogs in his Livre de chasse
(Book of hunting).2 He noted that the French word for
“greyhound,” lévrier, was derived from the fact that the
dog runs so fast it could be used to hunt hares (lièvres); it
was also tasked to hunt stags and wild boar.3 By placing
a costly wide collar around its neck, Solis underscored
the dog’s special status with his master, whose possession in the monogram.7 This lively and charming drawing,
of such a highly valued and elegant dog demonstrated his created through tightly controlled graphic pen strokes,
own power and prestige. is quite similar in execution to another autograph
This fluid yet exacting pen drawing of a greyhound is drawing of a landsknecht in the British Museum.8 Both
a quotation from an engraving by Dürer, Solis’s greatest drawings remove the subject from a larger narrative
influence. The extraordinary assortment of animals but include a bit of lush ground as its stage. Solis reused
and plant life in Dürer’s engraving Saint Eustace served these close studies in larger compositions—for example,
as a sort of model book for artists for the next century.4 the greyhound appears in many of his printed hunting
Using Dürer in this fashion, Solis produced an etching scenes, a genre for which he is renowned.9 A wild boar
of six dogs in a tightly compressed composition; five of hunt in which the prey is being chased by greyhounds
the dogs copy Dürer’s in reverse (fig. 1).5 The hound in was also incorporated into a design for a double goblet
the Museum’s drawing is most similar to the one that that could have been made by g oldsmiths.10 fs
stands to the right of Saint Eustace in Dürer’s engrav-
ing, mimicking that dog’s alert pose. In addition to the
engraving, Solis may also have had access to Dürer’s
only extant preparatory drawing for this subject, a care-
ful study of a greyhound in profile seen from the left
(fig. 2).6 Unlike Dürer’s preparatory drawing, which
isolates the muscular dog from any surroundings, Solis
embellished the study by including a patch of ground
and some vegetation.
Solis ran a large and industrious workshop, whose
productions varied widely in terms of quality. Ilse
O’Dell astutely noted that the VS monogram in Solis’s
prints represents only a “Fabrikmarke,” or trademark of
the workshop, and not the master’s own signature; his Fig. 1. Virgil Solis, Six Dogs, n.d. Etching, 33⁄16 × 53⁄16 in.
drawings show a range of quality as well as variations (8.1 × 13.2 cm). British Museum, London (1934-2-17-4)

1. American Kennel Club website, www.akc.org; see also Eisler 1991, draftsman, and a mathematician, Stimmer made his
pp. 165–66.
talent abundantly clear even in his earliest works.
2. There is a manuscript copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale de
France, Paris, MS français 616; see also Gaston de Foix 2002 (ed.),
General literature: Thöne 1936; Basel 1984b; Bucher 1992
p. 6. The Livre de chasse is divided into parts, the second of which deals
with the nature of dogs and their training.
3. For more on the greyhound and hunting, see Eisler 1991, pp. 164– 38 | Tobias Stimmer
65; Gaston de Foix 2002 (ed.).
4. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 7 (1962), p. 53, no. 60. For an exten- A Saluki in Profile Facing Right, 1564
sive list of works after Dürer’s Saint Eustace, see D. A. Brown 1981,
pp. 48–50, nn. 30–33. From the list it is obvious that this engraving Brush and a mixed iron gall ink and carbon black ink with an
influenced artists north and south of the Alps. admixture of vermilion, traces of black chalk underdrawing,
Fig. 2. Albrecht Dürer, A Greyhound in Profile 5. For more on Six Dogs, see Dieter Beaujean in Hollstein, German, 5⅛ × 611⁄16 in. (13 × 17 cm)
Facing Left, ca. 1500. Brush and black ink, 1954–, vol. 64 (2004), pt. 2, p. 247, no. 577. Jost Amman created a Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2007 (2007.223.7)
511⁄16 × 711⁄16 in. (14.5 × 19.6 cm). The Royal series of eight etchings of animals that could have been used as pat-
At upper center, signed and dated TStim–er./ 1564. (TS inter-
Collection, Windsor Castle (12177) tern sheets for other media. His fifth plate contains a mirror image
of Solis’s dog, although with the collar ring at the back (Seelig 2001, twined) in pen and brown ink.1 Verso, at lower right, 1fT30x (?)
vol. 1, nos. 153–60, ill.). in pen and brown ink (18th- or 19th-century handwriting)
6. For more on this drawing, see Edmund Schilling in Schilling and Watermark: none
Blunt 1971, p. 23, no. 20; Kate Heard in Edinburgh and London
2011–12, no. 37, ill.
7. For a full discussion of the various forms of Solis’s signature, see Executed during the early part of Stimmer’s career,
O’Dell 1977, pp. 27–32. while he was still in Schaffhausen, this fine brush draw-
8. British Museum, London, inv. 1874-8-8-2276 (Rowlands 1993, ing demonstrates a studied realism. The soft fur of the
vol. 1, no. 465, vol. 2, pl. 290).
dog’s face and neck is rendered with small flicks of the
9. Beaujean in Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 64 (2004), pt. 2; see
section on animals, pp. 153–249.
brush, while the animal’s imposing musculature and
10. Ibid., p. 285, no. 651. The boar hunt appears to be an adaptation
frame are modeled in long, sinuous strokes of gray and
rather than a direct copy of one of Solis’s own prints. black wash. Although it was not his preferred medium,
Stimmer created a small group of brush drawings dur-
Provenance: Probably Pierre Crozat (1665–1740), Paris; Peter Vischer ing this period that includes two portrayals of nude men
(1751–1823), Basel; Jean-Marc Du Pan (1785–1838), Geneva; his sale,
Bonnefons, Paris, March 26–28, 1840, lot 1889; Charles-Louis-Fleury
seen from various angles.2 All of these works appear to
Panckoucke (1780–1844), Paris; sale, Christie’s, London, July 10, be studies from nature; however, they are also part of
2001, lot 149; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased traditional imagery both north and south of the Alps.
by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2001
A hunting dog similar to Stimmer’s can be found in
Literature: Bonnefons 1840, lot 1889 (as by an anonymous artist); Dürer’s oft-mined engraving of Saint Eustace.3 (Virgil
Christie’s 2001, lot 149, ill.
Solis exploited this engraving in his 1549 drawing
A Greyhound in Profile Facing Left; see cat. 37.)4 The pack
of dogs in the foreground of Dürer’s Saint Eustace was
Tobias Stimmer also the source for Parmigianino’s intimate red chalk
Schaffhausen, 1539–1584, Strasbourg drawing of about 1523, which focuses on the long face
and supple neck of a hound (fig. 1).5 Stimmer’s powerful
Tobias Stimmer probably received early training from dog appears to be the same breed as Parmigianino’s;
his father, Christoph Stimmer I, who worked as a however, Stimmer adopted a more classic pose, showing
painter and calligrapher in Schaffhausen. After 1565 the animal standing in profile with all four paws on a
Tobias ran his own workshop there and executed various grassy ground. This pose can also be found in Benvenuto
kinds of work, including a large painted facade in the Cellini’s bronze relief of a favorite Saluki (a coursing
style of Hans Holbein the Younger. After moving to hound that pursues game by sight) owned by Cosimo I
Strasbourg in 1570, Stimmer began to paint portraits de’ Medici, grand duke of Tuscany (fig. 2).6
and design woodcut illustrations for printed books. He The passion for dogs as prized companions and
was given the prestigious commission to design an astro- hunters reached a peak in the mid-sixteenth and early
nomical clock for the Strasbourg cathedral and also was seventeenth centuries. Cosimo’s commission demon-
summoned by Philip II, the margrave of Baden-Baden, strates that dogs could be subjects of works of art in
Fig. 1. Parmigianino, Head of a Dog, ca. 1523.
Red chalk, 3¾ × 29⁄16 in. (9.6 × 6.5 cm). to decorate the prince’s newly built castle with frescoes. their own right, not just accoutrements of their noble
Musée du Louvre, Paris (7851) A painter on panel and stained glass, a printmaker, a owners.7 Stimmer’s hound also appears to be a Saluki

and, like Cellini’s sculpture, is a careful study of the 3. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 7 (1962), p. 53, no. 60, ill. In addition
to this engraving, Stimmer may have been influenced by Dürer’s me-
animal and its anatomy. Although there is no docu- ticulously rendered Hare, 1502, Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3073 (Koreny
mentation to indicate that this was a commissioned in Vienna 1985, no. 43, ill.); Lucas Cranach’s delicate watercolor Four
drawing, it was most likely executed to celebrate a Partridges, Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dres-
den, inv. c 1193 (Koreny in Vienna 1985, no. 8, ill.; Hofbauer 2010,
patron’s cherished companion. fs no. 130, ill.); or Hans Hoffmann’s Red Squirrel, 1578, National Gallery
of Art, Washington, D.C., acc. 1991.182.5 (Koreny in Vienna 1985,
1. The authenticity of this signature has come under scrutiny by Max no. 27, ill.). These examples reflect a new interest in the natural world.
Bendel (1940, p. 270, no. 23). The form of Stimmer’s signature varied
widely throughout his career and is extensively discussed by Friedrich 4. For the importance of Dürer’s engraving to his contemporaries as
Thöne (1936, pp. 52–55); in some cases, it seems to have been added well as to later generations of artists, see cat. 37. Dürer also created
Fig. 2. Benvenuto Cellini, A Saluki,
retrospectively by the artist or early collectors. The double lines used sensitive portrayals of individual dogs, including two silverpoint
ca. 1544–45. Bronze relief, 7 × 10¼ in.
in his monogram can also be found on several other drawings by Stim- drawings from a sketchbook used during his travels, 1520–21: A Dog
(17.8 × 26 cm). Museo Nazionale del
mer, including Various Head Studies, 1569, Hessisches Landesmuseum Resting (1520), drawn in Aachen, is in the British Museum, London,
Bargello, Florence (19b)
Darmstadt, inv. ae. 351 (Monica Stucky in Basel 1984b, no. 206, inv. 1848-11-25-3 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. 767, ill.;
fig. 224); and Pandora, ca. 1574, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Mu- Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1520/23, ill.); the second, from his trip to the
seen zu Berlin, inv. Bi. 375.12 (Stucky in Basel 1984b, no. 244, fig. 242). Netherlands (1521), is in the Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen
zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 34 (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. 777, ill.;
2. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 902 Strauss 1974, vol. 4, no. 1521/11, ill.).
(see cat. 92, fig. 2 and note 7); and École Nationale Supérieure des
Beaux-Arts, Paris, inv. Mas. 195 (Thöne 1936, no. 79, fig. 43, ill.; Stucky 5. D. A. Brown 1981; Gnann 2007, vol. 1, no. 137, vol. 2, ill.
in Basel 1984b, no. 197). There is also the Squirrel (Kunsthaus Zürich, 6. Bowron 2006, p. 13. For more on this relief, see Pope-Hennessy
inv. 1938/42), which Fritz Koreny suggests is an eighteenth-century 1985, pp. 225–26. This pose was also used by Guercino in his portrayal
copy of a Stimmer original (Koreny in Vienna 1985, no. 29, ill.; see also of Count Filippo Aldrovandi’s prized dog (ca. 1625), now in the
Thöne 1936, no. 21, fig. 45; Stucky in Basel 1984b, no. 193, fig. 16). Norton Simon Foundation, Pasadena, acc. f.1984.2.p.

7. Bowron 2006, p. 13. There are examples of bronze depictions of now in Milan, of the dead Christ seen from the same
individual dogs from ca. 1600 and later (Berger and Krahn 1994,
nos. 177, 178, 200, 201, 222, ill.).
vantage point, dated tentatively to the 1470s.2 Albrecht
Dürer seems to have been among the first in Central
Provenance: Hans Wilpert Zoller (1673–1757), Zurich; Wilhelm von Europe to make extremely foreshortened depictions of
Muralt-von Planta (1845–1937), Zurich, from ca. 1860;* [Hans Rohr bodies—notably, a drawing in Cleveland dated 1505.3
ca. 1970];† sale, Auktionshaus Stuker Bern, November 28, 2006, part
Hans Baldung followed him with a woodcut Lamentation
of lot 9060; [Arnoldi-Livie, Munich]; purchased by the Department of about 1515–17 and Hans Leu the Younger with a
of Drawings and Prints, 2007 chiaroscuro drawing of 1519.4 Other examples include
Literature: Thöne 1936, no. 107 and p. 66, pl. 15, fig. 46; Ganz 1925– works by Albrecht Altdorfer and a woodcut by Wolfgang
27, p. 270, pl. 29; Bendel 1940, p. 270, no. 23; Paul Ganz in Stuker Huber, made about 1513–15.5 Probably also by Huber,
2006, p. 23, fig. 8
but dated about 1550, is a drawing of a severed head—
* According to Christian Müller, as noted by Christian Herren in an undoubtedly Saint John the Baptist’s—offering, as does
departmental files). the Museum’s drawing, an unobstructed view inside the
†
I nventory card by Hans Rohr dated 1983 (copy in the Museum’s nostrils.6 An amateur artist, Martin Pfinzing, made two
departmental files). sketches of a reclining man in 1537 in his sketchbook in
Nuremberg, apparently working after a live model.7
Exceeding the coarse naturalism of the foreshortened
Monogr ammist AW man in the Museum’s drawing is a foreshortened
Active Augsburg (?), ca. 1564–67 woman lying on her right side on a bed, engraved by
Virgil Solis in the 1540s.8
Little, if anything, is known about this artist that is not It is clear that the present drawing is not an original
contained in the two monogrammed drawings discussed composition, even though its exact source is no longer
below, which are apparently his only extant works. known. An earlier copy after the same model, dated 1549,
A proposed identification with the Munich painter is in Erlangen (fig. 1); another one, signed with the
Andreas Winhart, active about 1500, is contradicted by monogram HK and dated 1564, is in Munich; an undated
a correct reading of the date on these drawings. On the
basis of the Museum’s sheet, it can be assumed that
the artist was active in Augsburg in the 1560s.
General literature: G. K. Nagler 1858–79, vol. 1 (1858), p. 666, under

no. 1491; Boerner 1987, p. 14
39 | Monogrammist AW
A Man Resting on a Table, Seen in Foreshortening, 1567
Watercolors, incised contours, squared for transfer in black

chalk, on light brown paper, 13½ × 10⅝ in. (34.3 × 27 cm)
Fig. 1. Anonymous (Nuremberg?), A Man Purchase, Charles and Jessie Price Gift, 2007 (2007.267)
Resting, Seen in Foreshortening, 1549. Brush and
black ink, heightened with white gouache, At upper center, dated and monogrammed ·1·5·AW·67· (AW
on blue prepared paper, 1015⁄16 × 81⁄16 in. intertwined; 67 changed to 07) in pen and black ink. Framing
(27.8 × 20.5 cm). Graphische Sammlung, line in black ink, possibly by the artist. Verso, at lower left,
Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg, collector’s mark of August Artaria (Lugt 33)
Erlangen (Bock 456)
Watermark: none
The comical effect of this “coarsely naturalistic” drawing

and its slightly uneasy color combination should not
detract from the fact that its author set himself what
Giorgio Vasari called “a more formidable task than any Fig. 2. Ludwig Ringler, Design for an Allegorical Stained-Glass
other in painting”—the depiction of the foreshortened Window with the Coat of Arms of the Winter (?) Family, ca. 1558–
59. Pen and gray ink, gray wash, watercolor, 15⅛ × 11⅛ in.
human body.1 The man reclining on a table immediately (38.4 × 28.2 cm). Wyss collection, on loan to the Bernisches
brings to mind Andrea Mantegna’s famous painting, Historisches Museum, Bern (20036.495)

fourth version was formerly in Wolfegg.9 The draftsman “This reclining man is painted in Augsburg on the house
of the fourth sheet seems to have tried to enhance the of citizen Eisele next to the dwelling of Herborott.”11
perspectival effect by cutting the figure along its contours Neither of these houses can be identified, but the taste
and pasting it onto another sheet of paper, on which the for illusionistic painted facades in Germany, and more
pillow was drawn. Finally, the same figure was used to a specifically in Augsburg, is well documented.12
more dramatic effect—as a corpse—by the Swiss artist The Museum’s drawing seems to have been known
Ludwig Ringler in a design for a stained-glass panel, to the early German art historian Joseph Heller, who
dated about 1558–59 (fig. 2).10 A hint regarding the com- recorded a Monogrammist AW active about 1507 in his
mon source underlying all these versions is provided by Monogrammen-Lexikon (Bamberg, 1831).13 The date must
an inscription on the back of the Erlangen drawing: be based on a misreading of the year on the Museum’s

drawing, which was clearly changed from 1567 to 1507. University of Basel, in which the figure appears again, apparently
borrowed from Ringler (Ganz 1966, p. 28, n. 14).
To this minuscule oeuvre can now be added a little-known
11. The original inscription, which has been dated to the seventeenth
sheet in Budapest depicting Saint Peter, monogrammed century and attributed to “Sandrart the Younger,” reads as follows:
and dated 1564 in the same way as the Museum’s example “Dieser ligette bos ist zu augspurg andes / purgers eiseles haus
(fig. 3).14 A copy after a detail from a title-page design gemalt neben des / herborotts behausung.”
by Hans Holbein the Younger dated 1522,15 it shows 12. For facade painting in Augsburg, see Pfaud 1976, especially
pp. 110–13; Hascher 1996.
little similarity in style to the Museum’s drawing, apart
13. Heller 1831, p. 44; followed in G. K. Nagler 1858–79, vol. 1 (1858),
from the strong outlines. The sheet under discussion p. 666, under no. 1491.
was likely once owned by Harald Elsner von Gronow, 14. Hoffmann 1927–28, p. 143. I am grateful to Szilvia Bodnár for
a chemist who wrote about optics and peep boxes, bringing this drawing to my attention.
notably in his book Guckkästen und Guckkastenbilder 15. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 14a (1988), pp. 68–69, no. 48a, ill.;
(Peep boxes and peep-box images; Weimar, 1932).16 C. Müller 1997, no. 40, ill. p. 59.
sa 16. The drawing is mentioned as coming from the “Elsner v.
Gronow’sches Kupferstichkabinett” in Boerner 1987, p. 14; in Reiss
& Sohn 2005 (p. 34, lot 6659), the drawing is mentioned as coming
1. Vasari 1568, vol. 1, p. 48; Vasari 1550 and 1568/1966–87, vol. 1
from a Berlin and Hessian private collection.
(1966), pp. 122–23: “la più forte [difficultà], a farla bene, che nessuna
che sia nella pittura”; the translation is by Louisa S. Maclehose,
quoted from Vasari 1568/1907, p. 216. For foreshortening in art, see Provenance: August Artaria (1807–1893), Vienna; his sale, Vienna,
Rathe 1938; R. Smith 1974. The characterization of the drawing is Artaria, May 6–13, 1896, lot 1132; probably Harald Elsner von
taken from Artaria 1896, p. 98, lot 1132: “interessante altdeutsche, Gronow (d. after ?1961); [C. G. Boerner, Düsseldorf and New York,
derbnaturalistische Zeichnung” (interesting early German, coarsely by 1987]; sale, Reiss & Sohn, Königstein im Taunus, October 29,
naturalistic drawing). 2005, lot 6659; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased
2. Pinacoteca di Brera, Milan, inv. Reg. Cron. 352 (Mauro Lucco in
Zeri 1990, no. 166, ill.). Literature: G. K. Nagler 1858–79, vol. 1 (1858), p. 666, under no. 1491;
3. Cleveland Museum of Art, acc. 1952.531 (F. Winkler 1936–39, Artaria 1896, no. 1132; Boerner 1987, no. 8, ill.; Reiss & Sohn 2005,
Fig. 3. Monogrammist AW, after Hans vol. 2 [1937], no. 378, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 2, no. 1505/30, ill.; Jay A. lot 6659, pl. 1
Holbein the Younger, Saint Peter, 1564. Pen Levenson in Washington 1971, no. xiii, ill.).
and brown ink, violet wash, 97⁄16 × 51⁄16 in. 4. For Baldung’s Lamentation, see Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 7 (1808), p. 307,
(24 × 12.8 cm). Szépművészeti Múzeum, no. 5; Mende 1978, no. 40, ill.; Gregory Clark in Washington and New
Budapest (1915-78) Haven 1981, no. 49, ill. Other works by Baldung with foreshortened
figures include a painting of Pyramus and Thisbe at the Gemälde Melchior Lorck
galerie, Berlin, inv. 1875 (von der Osten 1983, no. 70b, ill.); the famous Flensburg, 1526/27–after 1588, Silesia (?)
woodcut of the “Bewitched Groom” (Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 8 [1808],
p. 470, no. 15 [as by Hans Brosamer]; Mende 1978, no. 76, ill.; Jay A.
Levenson in Washington and New Haven 1981, no. 87, ill.); and what is
generally considered to be a preparatory drawing, dated 1544, for that In an inscription on a 1548 etched portrait of Martin
print in the Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. u.vii.135 (Koch 1941, no. 143, ill.; Luther, the exceptionally itinerant artist Melchior
Christian Müller in Washington 1999–2000, no. 115, ill.). The drawing Lorck states that he is twenty-one and that he comes
by Leu is in the Fogg Museum, Harvard Art Museums, Cambridge,
acc. 1936.125 (Mongan and Sachs 1940, vol. 1, no. 390, vol. 3, fig. 201). from the city of Flensburg, which together with Hol-
5. For the works by Altdorfer, see cat. 19, note 4. For the woodcut by stein constituted the border region between Denmark
Huber, see Winzinger 1979, vol. 1, no. 266, vol. 2, ill. and the Holy Roman Empire during that period. Lorck
6. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 25503 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 185, took full advantage of living between two such powerful
vol. 2, pl. 58 [as by a pupil of Dürer]; Winzinger 1979, vol. 1, no. 110, nations: he was employed, at different times, by the
vol. 2, ill. [as by Wolfgang Huber]).
leaders of both. His artistic production ranged from
7. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, inv. Hz 5298, fol. 10
verso (Zink 1968, part of no. 175, ill.). paintings to drawings to woodcuts, created in places as
8. O’Dell 1977, p. 62, no. f 61, ill.; Holstein, German, 1954–, vol. 63 diverse as Constantinople and Neuberg. Many of the
(2004), no. 206, ill. facts about Lorck’s life and career come from docu-
9. Stiassny 1887, cols. 505–6; Bock 1929, vol. i, no. 456, vol. 2, ill.; ments, inscribed works of art, and letters, including an
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München, inv. 39722 z. Formerly autobiographical letter dated January 1, 1563, to King
in the collection of the princes of Waldburg-Wolfegg and Waldsee in
Wolfegg, the third drawing was a joint acquisition in 2011 by the Frederick II of Denmark.
Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, and the Kunst-
sammlungen und Museen Augsburg, as part of an album containing General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2,
about 120 sheets (Zeitz 2011). pp. 173–76; E. Fischer 2009–
10. Ganz 1966, p. 28, fig. 12; Hasler 1996–97, vol. 1, no. 99, pl. iii. I am
grateful to Guido Messling for bringing this drawing to my attention.
Paul Ganz also mentions a stained-glass panel dated 1568 at the

40 | Melchior Lorck
A Woman of Altmark, 1570
Pen and iron gall ink, traces of black chalk underdrawing,

9¼ × 59⁄16 in. (23.5 × 14.1 cm)
At upper right, inscribed Altte Marcke in pen and lighter brown
ink, by the artist; below, monogrammed and dated F/ML /.1570.
(ML intertwined) in pen and brown ink. Framing line in pen and
lighter brown ink, probably by the artist. Verso, at lower right,
inscribed 2 in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Watermark: none
With its emphatic pen strokes and hatching, along with

more delicate touches, Lorck’s Woman of Altmark has
the immediacy of a character study even though seen
from behind. The demurely dressed woman represents
an ideal type hailing from Altmark, the rural region of
Germany just to the south and west of Hamburg. The
woman is concealed by a plain floor-length dress and
oversize bonnet, but her hands are more animated
and sensitively drawn with close parallel lines. With
her right hand she gestures into the background, while
her left fingers a large collection of keys that hang
from her waist above a purse trimmed with fringe and
tassels.1 Her placement in the foreground on the mer-
est suggestion of a terrain gives the figure a sense of
monumentality.
This drawing belongs to a group of fifteen costume
studies, ranging in date from 1567 to 1573, that illus-
trate figures mostly from the northern German cities
and regions around Hamburg, where the peripatetic
Lorck resided from 1567 until approximately 1574.2
The studies remained together into the mid-twentieth
century in the collection of the seventeenth-century
English diarist John Evelyn and were first published in
1955 by Peter Ward-Jackson.3 All drawn in the same
style in pen and brown ink, these almost schematized
compositions contain explanatory inscriptions and
appear to be preparatory studies for an intended wood-
cut publication of a Trachtenbuch (costume book). The
notion of an illustrated costume book is underscored Beginning with Ward-Jackson, scholars have linked
by Lorck’s representation of figures both in contempo- Lorck’s costume studies with other near-contemporary
rary clothes, as in A Woman of Altmark and Study of Four prints and illustrated books of pan-European, Eastern,
Women of Hamburg (fig. 1), and in historical dress, as in and African costume studies, such as Enea Vico’s
Eight Ladies in Ancient Costumes, now in Washington, D.C.4 engravings and Cesare Vecellio’s Habiti antichi et moderni
Lorck’s historical and ethnographic interests went well (Ancient and modern costume; Venice, 1590).6 Most
beyond his German costume studies, encompassing recently, Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann has connected
Woman of Bayonne (1573), several studies of women from these works to Jost Amman’s Gynaeceum (Women’s
Africa, and scenes of contemporary Turkish life.5 quarters), which is a reconfiguring of his vernacular

Frauwenzimmer (Frankfurt, 1586).7 A more relevant 3. Ward-Jackson 1955; Copenhagen 1962. The Evelyn collection
of Lorck drawings was sold by Sotheby’s, London, on March 15,
example, created at the same time as many of Lorck’s 1966. In the same lot as the autograph Woman of Altmark (lot 3)
own costume studies, is Hans Weigel’s Habitus praeci is listed a copy of the drawing in pen and ink, with the inscrip-
puorum populorum tam virorum quam foeminarum singulari tion Altte Marke / MLF / 1641, which (according to the catalogue)
clearly imitates Lorck’s handwriting. Ward-Jackson suggested that
arte depicti (Costumes of the most important nations, Evelyn acquired the drawings on a trip to the Netherlands in 1641
both men and women, excellently depicted; Nuremberg, or on another journey to the Continent (Kaufmann in Princeton,
1577), which illustrates a variety of figures from various Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83, p. 64). The drawings are now
scattered in private and public collections, including the Statens
classes, ethnicities, and professions, all identified by Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen. For the most up-to-date collection
their distinctive clothing. As was typical of many cos- information and images, see E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, nos. 1567,1;
tume books, it includes a small descriptive title for each 1569,4; 1569,5; 1570,2; 1570,3; 1571,3; 1571,4; 1571,5; 1571–73,1;
1571–73,2; 1571–73,3; 1571–73,4; 1572,1; 1573,1; 1573,2; 1576,2;
image and shows the figures, sometimes from behind, 1583,1; 1583,2. For information about works related to Lorck that
on small tufts of earth along the foreground plane, in a were owned by Evelyn, see E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, pp. 56–61.
manner very similar to Lorck’s compositions (fig. 2). 4. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., acc. 1971.66.7.
Fig. 1. Melchior Lorck, Study of Four The impetus to create costume books that represent Another example of a costume group is Young Men in Archaic German
Costumes, 1570, Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, acc. 1996.119.3
Women of Hamburg, ca. 1571–73. Pen and various regions and nations paralleled cartographers’ (E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, no. 1570,3, ill.).
black ink on laid paper, 811⁄16 × 7 in. efforts to publish an atlas of the whole world.8 Kauf
(22.1 × 17.8 cm). Dian Woodner Collec- 5. Ibid., no. 1573,2, ill. According to Erik Fischer, Woman of Bayonne
tion, New York (wd-614) mann links both to an overall humanist interest in eth- is in the Lorck-Schierning collection, Flensburg, on deposit in the
nographic concerns and historical origins, and he Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte at Schloss Gottorf,
Schleswig. There are also the 1583 drawings Woman of Gambia and
points out that Abraham Ortelius, the famous Nether- Woman of Nigeria (ibid., nos. 1583,1, 1583,2, ill.). Fischer notes that
landish cartographer and a friend of Lorck’s, wrote a Woman of Gambia is also in the Lorck-Schierning collection; Woman
text on the customs of ancient Germans, Aurei saeculi of Nigeria was most recently offered in the July 8, 2009, sale at Chris-
tie’s, London (lot 101, ill.). For more on Lorck and his prints and
imago, sive Germanorum veterum vita (Image of the drawings of Turkish life, see Copenhagen 1990–91.
Golden Age, or the life of ancient Germans; Antwerp, 6. Ward-Jackson 1955, p. 89. For more on Vecellio, see Vecellio
1596).9 However, Lorck’s exposure to topography was 1590/2008. For near-complete listings of the costume books from
not limited to Ortelius. While working in Nuremberg the sixteenth century, see Olian 1977; Grimes 2001; Ilg 2004;
the latter two have useful discussions of the significance of such
in 1550, Lorck came into contact with Hanns Sebald publications.
Lautensack, whose panoramic view of the city of 7. Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83,
Nuremberg and its surrounding landscape notably p. 64. For Amman’s Gynaeceum, see Seelig 2002–3, vol. 9 (2003),
includes figures in the foreground.10 This multiplate nos. 228, 229, ill. Frauwenzimmer is a book of 124 illustrations from
121 blocks; 119 of these blocks are used in the Gynaeceum’s 124 il-
etching may have initiated Lorck’s interest in topo- lustrations.
graphical views, leading to his execution of the Constan- 8. Ilg 2004, p. 37. The first maps and topographical views to include
tinople Prospect (1560–65), in pen and ink with water- costume studies consistently are in Georg Braun and Frans Ho-
color, which measures over 41 feet (12.5 meters) wide genberg’s monumental Civitates orbis terrarum (Cities of the world),
published in Cologne between 1572 and 1617.
and illustrates the city from several points of view.11
9. His close relationship with Ortelius already in 1574 is demon-
Fig. 2. Hans Weigel, The Clothes of a Lorck’s involvement in topographical studies coincided strated by an entry in the cartographer’s album amicorum (friendship
Midwife, from Habitus praecipuorum with his work on the German costume drawings. While album). The album is located in the library of Pembroke College,
populorum tam virorum quam foeminarum
in Hamburg he was employed by the city council to University of Cambridge, MS lc.11.113 (for a facsimile edition, see
singulari arte depicti, Ulm, 1639, plate 17. Puraye 1969). For the page by Lorck, see Puraye 1969, pp. 26–27,
Woodcut, 81⁄16 × 69⁄16 in. (20.4 × 16.7 cm). create a map of a section of the Elbe River downstream ill.; E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, no. 1574, 5, ill. Lorck may have been in
British Museum, London (1871-12-9- from the city but still part of its domain.12 Both Lorck’s Antwerp as early as 1573 (E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, pp. 122–23).
3231)
bird’s-eye view of the Elbe and A Woman of Altmark 10. Lorck’s association with Lautensack is discussed in Copenhagen
demonstrate the artist’s continued commitment to 1962, p. 14; Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh
1982–83, p. 62; E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, pp. 75–76. For more on
the humanist enterprise of representing the world Lautensack’s city view, see Peter Parshall in Landau and Parshall
around him. fs 1994, p. 346. In terms of the connection between Lautensack and
Lorck, Fischer mentions a landscape etching that is monogrammed
by both artists, although Lorck’s ML intertwined is missing the
1. A similar sixteenth-century German ornamented velvet pouch is F that designates his native city, Flensburg (Hollstein, German,
in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 41.190.522. 1954–, vol. 21 [1978], p. 54, no. 9, ill.). Kaufmann also points out
2. There are several documents from 1567 that link Lorck with that Lorck’s earliest dated drawing, Landscape with City, 1549, shows
Hamburg (E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, doc. no. 1567-September the influence of Lautensack and the Danube school (Kaufmann in
9–26; doc. no. 1567-November 23). After Hamburg, Lorck is Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83, p. 62). For this
next documented in Antwerp in 1574 (E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, drawing, which is in the Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen,
doc. no. 1574-January 16). inv. KKKSgb5457, see E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, no. 1549,2, ill.

11. See E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 4; E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, no. 1560-
64,1, ill. The Prospect is now in the Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden,
inv. bpl 1758. Interestingly, the Prospect, like Lautensack’s etching,
includes a self-portrait of the artist in the foreground with accompa-
nying figures.
12. In September 1567 Lorck was referred to as a conterfeÿer
(counterfeiter—i.e., skilled in mimetic renderings) in a document
(see E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1, p. 233, doc. no. 1567-September 9–26).
He used his skills as a draftsman to make topographical renderings
in Ritzebüttel, down the Elbe from Hamburg (E. Fischer 2009–,
vol. 1, pp. 117, 232–35).
Provenance: John Evelyn (1620–1706), Wotton, Surrey; by descent,

C. J. A. Evelyn (1904–1976);* sale, Sotheby’s, London, March 15,
1966, lot 3; private collection, London; [Hill-Stone, New York];
Literature: Ward-Jackson 1955, no. 53; Copenhagen 1962, no. 67,
ill. p. 115; Sotheby’s 1966, lot 3, ill.; E. Fischer 2009–, vol. 1,
no. 1570,2, ill.
*E
velyn’s collection was stored with Hon. Sherman Stonor (1913–
1976), in Stonor Park, Oxfordshire. C. J. A. Evelyn was a Tenant for
Life to the Family Estates and Heirlooms from 1925 to 1965.
Hans Mielich
Munich, 1516–1573, Munich
A pupil of his father, a Munich Stadtmaler (a decorator

rather than an artist), and probably also of Albrecht
Altdorfer, Hans Mielich surpassed the former without
ever attaining the originality or technical mastery of the
latter. He became the leading painter in Munich during
the third quarter of the sixteenth century, receiving a
large number of important commissions for religious
works from both private and public patrons and hold-
ing prominent positions in the painters’ guild. Today he
is best known for his painted portraits, some of the
most beautiful of which are in American museums.
Only a few of Mielich’s drawings seem to have been pre-
served. A particularly appealing part of his oeuvre con-
sists of illuminated manuscripts.
General literature: Röttger 1925; Rapp 1987; Löcher 2002
41 | Hans Mielich (Lugt 1009). Verso of the secondary support, at lower center,
inscribed 44 in graphite (20th-century handwriting?); at lower
The Circumcision of Christ, ca. 1570 left, inscribed Andrea Schiavone in graphite (20th-century hand-
writing); at lower right, inscribed No. 4015 ZJSSS + E (?) in graph-
Brush and brown and gray ink washes, yellow gouache, lead
ite (20th-century handwriting)
white heightening, traces of black chalk underdrawing, squared
for transfer in red chalk, on paper prepared with a yellow iron- Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support
based earth pigment (laid down), 615⁄16 × 49⁄16 in. (17.7 × 11.6 cm)
Purchase, Guy Wildenstein Gift, 2007 (2007.436)
At lower left, collector’s mark of Herbert List (HL, dry stamped; Few drawings have been convincingly associated with
not in Lugt); at lower left and right, mark of an unidentified Hans Mielich, apart from a group of preparatory
collector, sometimes thought to be Johann Friedrich Frauenholz sketches for the most important commission of his

The innermost view of the altarpiece—the second
opening, which is revealed only on major religious
holidays, when both wings on both sides of the center
panel are opened (as seen in fig. 1)—shows the glori
fication of the Virgin at center, surrounded by a multi-
tude of saints and angels and with the Bavarian ducal
family below. To the left and the right of the central
panel and on the side wings are depicted twelve scenes
from the Life of the Virgin; immediately to the upper
right of the center panel is The Circumcision of Christ, as
told in Luke 2:21 (fig. 2).4 If the altarpiece paintings
do not seem to be of the same quality as other works
by Mielich, this is because he left their execution to
his workshop; the Circumcision may have been painted
by Thomas Zechetmayr the Elder.5 However, Mielich’s
role as principal designer did require him to make
fairly precise drawings for his assistants. A relatively
large number of these have been preserved, among
them the one under discussion here. It belongs with a
group of six other drawings on prepared paper.6 There
Fig. 1. Hans Wisreuter, Hans Werner, and Hans Mielich and workshop,
front view of the high altar (second holiday opening), ca. 1569–72.
Cathedral Zur Schönen Unserer Lieben Frau, Ingolstadt
career as a religious painter: the altarpiece, still in situ,

for Zur Schönen Unserer Lieben Frau (Cathedral of
Our Lady) in Ingolstadt, halfway between Munich and
Nuremberg (fig. 1).1 A Wandelaltar (changing altar), the
polyptych—at its largest 11 meters high and 4.5 meters
wide—has two pairs of wings, allowing three different
openings, depending on the liturgical calendar. The
altarpiece consists of no fewer than ninety-one paint-
ings, most illustrating scenes from the lives of the Vir-
gin and of Christ. All were designed by Mielich and set
into a sumptuous frame by the carpenter extraordinaire
Hans Wisreuter, with sculptures by Hans Werner.2
Inscriptions on the altarpiece credit Mielich and Wis-
reuter as its makers and Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria as
its patron. Although not originally commissioned for
the event, the altarpiece was consecrated Fig. 2. Hans Mielich and workshop (Thomas Zechetmayr the
Elder?), The Circumcision of Christ, ca. 1570. Approximately 37 ×
on the occasion of the one hundredth anniversary of 23⅝ in. (approximately 94 × 60 cm). Cathedral Zur Schönen
Ingolstadt’s university, in 1572.3 Unserer Lieben Frau, Ingolstadt

is a second group of fourteen slightly smaller pen 6. In addition to the drawing in New York, these are: the Birth of
Christ, National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, inv. 41847 (Mitchell
sketches, done on unprepared paper over black chalk B. Frank in Frank and Dolphin 2007, no. 9, ill.); the Betrothal
or graphite.7 of the Virgin, Graphische Sammlung, Stadtarchiv, Ingolstadt,
The group on colored ground is reminiscent in inv. v/1122 (Wimböck 1998, p. 127, n. 84, fig. 57; Jacoby 2008,
p. 76, fig. 58); the Annunciation, private collection, Stuttgart (Wer-
style of northern Italian sixteenth-century oil sketches ner Sumowski in Stuttgart 1999, no. 137, fig. 4); the Last Supper and
and may have been inspired by works seen during the the Mocking of Christ, Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, inv. c 3804, c 3803
artist’s stay in Venice.8 In fact, the Museum’s drawing (Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, nos. a 30, a 30a, ill.; Wim-
böck 1998, p. 61, figs. 25, 26; Kaulbach 2007, nos. 409, 410, ill.);
had been attributed to Andrea Meldolla, called Schia- and the Resurrection and Christ in Limbo recorded in the collection
vone, and to Battista Angolo before Heinrich Geissler of the princes of Oettingen-Wallerstein at Harburg Castle (Rapp
recognized the relationship between this and the other 1990, p. 82, fig. 33; Wimböck 1998, p. 61, figs. 23, 24). Both the
Museum’s drawing and the Betrothal of the Virgin once belonged
drawings for the altarpiece.9 Only for two of the to the noted photographer Herbert List (Sotheby’s 1989, p. 32,
scenes, the Last Supper and the Circumcision, have under lot 29).
drawings from both the colored group and the group 7. Eight of these sketches are part of the Uffenbach collection at
of sketches been preserved; the pen sketch for the the Kunstsammlung der Universität Göttingen, inv. h 594-h
601 (Wimböck 1998, p. 61, figs. 9–16; for inv. h 598, depicting the
latter scene is in Göttingen (fig. 3).10 Geissler assumed Crowning with Thorns, see also Gerd Unverfehrt in Koblenz and
that the sketches were made after the drawings on other cities 2000–2001, no. 16, ill.). The other six sketches are in
colored ground, probably as ricordi, but this view has the Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Fig. 3. Hans Mielich, The Circumcision
inv. c 2279, c 1961-256 to c 1961-260 (Wimböck 1998, p. 61, of Christ, ca. 1570. Pen and brown ink,
since been opposed.11 In any case, a comparison with figs. 17–22). The Göttingen and Dresden groups differ slightly from red wash, over black chalk or graphite,
the panels of the altarpiece makes clear that there each other in technique, and it is possible that they were part of two 5⅜ × 311⁄16 in. (13.6 × 9.3 cm). Kunst
must have been at least one more stage between the distinct series. sammlung der Universität Göttingen
drawings and the paintings, as it is unlikely that 8. For Mielich’s trip to Venice about 1553 (which included a visit (h 595)
to Titian’s studio), see Hope 1997; Löcher 2002, p. 22. The use of
Mielich’s assistants would have introduced the evident gouache in these drawings is not unlike that in some of the second-
changes in composition and details. Nonetheless, the ary scenes in Mielich’s miniatures (compare, for instance, Löcher
fact that the drawings on colored ground are squared 2002, figs. 67, 70, 71, 73). Heinrich Geissler (1974, p. 165) saw the
influence of Albrecht Altdorfer and other artists of the Danube
for transfer shows that they must have marked an school in Mielich’s use of colored grounds.
important step in Mielich’s preparation of the paintings. 9. See Geissler 1974. For the attribution to Schiavone, see the
Why he chose to work in an exceptionally painterly inscription on the drawing (and compare, in connection with the
technique so unrelated to the style of the final paint- Annunciation mentioned in note 6 above, Hermann Voss as quoted
in K. Meissner 1984, p. 27); for the attribution to Battista Angolo,
ings is unclear, but in their virtuoso combination of see Konrad Oberhuber as quoted by Terence Mullaly in Venice 1971,
media and their successful summary of often complex p. 36, no. 23.
multifigural compositions, they do, in the words of 10. Geissler 1974, pp. 164, 167–68, fig. 17; Wimböck 1998, p. 61,
Geissler, “establish the late Mielich as one of the best fig. 15. The pen sketch of the Last Supper is also in Göttingen
(inv. h 601; see note 7 above); for the corresponding drawing on
German draftsmen of his time.”12 sa colored ground, see note 6 above.
11. Geissler 1974, pp. 167–71. For the opposite view, see Wimböck
1. For the Ingolstadt altarpiece, see Hofmann 1972; Geissler 1974;
1998, p. 61.
Hofmann 1978; Laun 1982, pp. 37–46; Wimböck 1998. Heinrich
Geissler mentions three other drawings by Mielich (1974, p. 177, 12. Geissler 1974, p. 164: “Die Entwurfszeichnungen weisen den
n. 20; see also Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, no. a 29, ill.). späten Mielich als einen der besten deutschen Zeichner seiner Zeit
aus.”
2. For Wisreuter and Werner, see Wimböck 1998, pp. 58–59.
3. For the commission, see Hofmann 1978, pp. 1–2; Wimböck 1998,
Provenance: Probably Felix Halm (1758–1810), Munich; private col-
pp. 61, 67–69.
lection, Zurich; Herbert List (1903–1975), Munich; Kurt Meissner
4. Bernhard Hermann Röttger (1925, p. 127) characterized several (b. 1909), Zurich; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; Wolf-
of Mielich’s compositions, including the Circumcision, as “gefälige, gang Ratjen (1943–1997), Munich and Vaduz; Stiftung Wolfgang
teilweise sogar originelle Darstellungen, denen eine gewisse Größe Ratjen, Vaduz, inv. r 127; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich];
innewohnt” (attractive, in part even original depictions, possessing a purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2007
certain grandeur).
Literature: Terence Mullaly in Venice 1971, no. 23, ill. (as by Battista
5. For the suggested attribution to Zechetmayr, see Geissler 1974, Angolo); Geissler 1974, pp. 164, 167, fig. 16; Heinrich Geissler in
p. 172; see also Wimböck 1998, p. 128, n. 86. Far superior in quality Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 32, under no. a 30; K. Meissner 1984,
are two panels also given to Mielich’s workshop, depicting the p. 27, n. 5; Sotheby’s 1989, p. 32, under lot 29; Wimböck 1998,
Crucifixion and Christ in Limbo, at the National Gallery of Art, pp. 61,117, 127–28, n. 84, fig. 27; Werner Sumowski in Stuttgart
Washington, D.C., acc. 1952.5.84, 1952.5.85 (Hand 1993, pp. 152–59, 1999, p. 254, under no. 137
ill. [as by an artist from the workshop of Mielich] ); in fact, these
works have perhaps been judged too critically and could be fully
autograph (as also proposed in Rapp 1990; Löcher 1995, p. 19).

reflects that of Peter Flötner as well as Netherlandish
motifs brought to Nuremberg by the Antwerp artist
Erasmus Hornick.
General literature: Nuremberg 1985; Nuremberg 1992b; Hauschke

2009
42 | Wenzel Jamnitzer
Urania, ca. 1570–80
Black chalk, incised vertical construction line, 5 × 3⅝ in.

(12.7 × 9.2 cm)
Edward Pearce Casey Fund and The Elisha Whittelsey Collec-
tion, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 2001 (2001.111)
At lower center, dated and monogrammed 15 WI 37 in black
chalk. Verso, at center, inscribed 55 in graphite (20th-century
handwriting); below, inscribed Wenzel / [. . .] / [. . .] N[. . .] in
graphite (19th-century handwriting); at lower left, inscribed
376 / VL in graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower right,
inscribed H E F in graphite (upside down; 19th-century hand-
writing)
Watermark: none
Jamnitzer depicts Urania, the Muse of astronomy, as a

lone figure standing in contrapposto on a grassy ground
littered with her attributes: a globe and compasses. In
her right hand she holds an armillary sphere and points
with her left at the globe on the ground beside her.1 Her
breast-baring drapery is notable for the multiple curvi-
linear folds that cling to her form. Her curling hair is
gathered atop her head by a crown ornamented with
stars that seem to float free. A few calligraphic strands
curl along her neck. Urania’s proportions—her small
Wenzel Jamnitzer
head and torso, her long legs—along with her costume
Vienna, 1507/8–1585, Nuremberg
and hairstyle derive from a series of brass plaquettes of
Muses (fig. 1), Deadly Sins, and Virtues by Peter Flötner.2
Wenzel Jamnitzer, the son of a goldsmith, ran a large The figure type seen in Flötner’s plaquettes can also be
and successful goldsmith’s shop in Nuremberg. He related to work by the peripatetic Italian artist Jacopo
was active in city government as a member of the Great de’ Barbari, who was active in Nuremberg during the
Council in 1556 and the Small Council in 1573. Jamnitzer early sixteenth century (fig. 2).3 The composition of
created a wide variety of work for the electors of Saxony, Flötner’s plaquettes is reflected in Urania’s placement
the dukes of Bavaria, and the archdukes of Austria, as well at the center of the scene on a strip of ground scattered
as four Holy Roman Emperors: Charles V, Ferdinand with her attributes.4 This economy of description is also
I, Maximilian II, and Rudolf II. Jamnitzer and his evident in the highly influential series of engraved cards
workshop produced lavishly ornamented silver caskets, by the Masters of Tarocchi (also known as the Tarocchi
fountains, goblets, jewelry, mathematical and scientific Cards of Mantegna). Produced in Ferrara about 1465–
instruments (some of which he invented), drawings, 70, the series includes a figure of Urania in its grouping
and designs for prints and illustrated books, including of Apollo and the Muses.5
Perspectiva corporum regularium (The perspective of reg- Atypical for Jamnitzer in its use of black chalk, this
ular solids; Nuremberg, 1568). His style of ornament sensitive drawing reveals the artist’s process: he redrew

the lighter smudged areas, using chalk with a finer
point to create areas of shadow—most effectively in
Urania’s complicated drapery. This kind of layering of
strokes, which betrays Jamnitzer’s deliberations about
form and detail in the composition, is also evident in
his pen and ink drawings, such as those in his Berlin
sketchbook (1545–46).6
Although this figure of Urania does not reappear in
metalwork by Jamnitzer, similar figures can be found
on silver caskets and cabinets by the artist. A splendid
reliquary casket (1570), made for Emperor Maximilian
II, in the monastery of Las Descalzas Reales in Madrid
depicts allegorical figures standing within niches that
punctuate the surface ornamentation.7 Jamnitzer also
created mounts with allegorical figures that could be
used to decorate wood caskets. A pair of mounts in the
Victoria and Albert Museum depicting Mercury and
Urania are the only surviving fragments of a cabinet
made by the Jamnitzer workshop about 1570–80.8 This
later figure of Urania—shown seated holding a com-
pass and book, with her right foot on a globe—is quite
different in conception from the Museum’s drawn
Muse, whose function remains unclear. fs
1. As a goldsmith, Jamnitzer invented and manufactured scientific

and technical instruments, including celestial globes and globes of Fig. 2. Jacopo de’ Barbari, Judith Holding the Head of Holofernes,
Fig. 1. Peter Flötner, Urania, ca. 1540–46. Gilded
landmasses as well as quadrants and astrolabes (J. Willers in Nurem- ca. 1501–3. Engraving, 75⁄16 × 3¾ in. (18.5 × 9.5 cm). British
bronze plaquette, 315⁄16 × 23⁄16 in. (10 × 5.5 cm).
berg 1985, nos. 759–62, ill.). For more on Jamnitzer as a scientist, Museum, London (1845-8-9-1021)
Victoria and Albert Museum, London (a.26-1954)
see Hauschke 2009.
2. See Dienst 2002, pp. 383–87, fig. 196.
3. Ferrari 2006, pp. 117–18, no. 7, ill. For de’ Barbari, see also Leven-
son 1978. 7. Pechstein 1966, pp. 263–77; Pechstein 1985, pp. 60–62.
4. Jamnitzer included replicas of Flötner’s allegorical plaquettes in 8. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, inv. 8995-1863 and 8996-
his own metalwork, such as a mortar (ca. 1550–60) in the Cleveland 1863 (Pechstein 1985, pp. 62–63, fig. 36). The casket was destroyed in
Museum of Art, acc. 51.444 (William D. Wixom in Cleveland 1975, World War II.
no. 183, ill.; Wixom in New York and Nuremberg 1986, p. 450).
5. Hind 1938–48, vol. 1 (1938), p. 235, no. e.i.12a, vol. 4 (1938), pl. 331. Provenance: Henry Oppenheimer (1859–1932), London; his sale,
On the Tarocchi as a group, see Jay A. Levenson in Washington 1973, Christie’s, London, July 10, 13–14, 1936, lot 388; Franz Koenigs
chap. 6. (1881–1941), Cologne and Haarlem; his heirs; their sale, Sotheby’s,
6. Kunstbibliothek, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. 97/94 New York, January 23, 2001, lot 8; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger,
(Pechstein 1966, pp. 241–63, ill.; Klaus Pechstein in Nuremberg Munich]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints,
1985, no. 298, ill., figs. 30, 73, 101). The largest portion of the book, 2001
including p. 1 (the portion below the center line) and pp. 2–20, was Literature: Kris 1932, fig. 1; Christie’s 1936, lot 388; William D.
executed in 1545–46. The last pages (pp. 30–34) are attributed to Wixom in Cleveland 1975, p. 140; Sotheby’s 2001a, lot 8, ill.
Christoph Jamnitzer, Wenzel’s grandson.

Swiss Designers of Stained Glass Active in the Later Sixteenth
and Early Seventeenth Centuries
Jost Amman Dürer (fig. 2).2 The stiff hatching and heavy contour
Zurich, 1539–1591, Nuremberg lines shared by all three drawings are characteristic of
Amman’s youthful style in general but were also ampli-
Painter, printmaker, and designer of stained-glass fied by the halting process of copying. The form of the
windows, jewelry, and goldsmith’s works, Jost Amman monogram in the Museum’s drawing suggests a
received a humanist education from the Collegium slightly later date, at the end of the 1550s. Whereas the
Carolinum in Zurich, where his father was a professor, Los Angeles and Berlin sheets are signed simply with
but his early artistic training is still undocumented. He the artist’s initials, IA, Amman here appended a Z, for
is known to have been in Schaffhausen in 1559, and he Zurich. This reference to the artist’s hometown first
may have worked there with Tobias Stimmer and the appears in dated works in 1560, when he seems to have
glass painter Hieronymus Lang. Amman settled in been working as a journeyman in Basel.3 The Z would
Nuremberg sometime before 1561, and he is believed to seem to indicate that, having traveled, Amman now
have studied with Virgil Solis, chief illustrator for the realized that his career and patrons would extend
Frankfurt publisher Sigmund Feyerabend. He quickly beyond his place of origin. The first year that Amman is
became the most prolific and inventive designer of book documented outside Zurich is 1559, when he sketched a
illustrations in the second half of the sixteenth century, complex of monastic ruins on the banks of the Rhine
collaborating with other Nuremberg artists. near Schaffhausen. In that drawing, now in Würzburg,4
the execution of foliage and stonework is closely com-
General literature: Pilz 1933; Pilz 1940; O’Dell 1986; O’Dell 1993 parable to the corresponding elements in The Penitent
Saint Jerome. This, together with the monogram, sup-
ports a date of about 1559 for the Museum’s sheet.
43 | Jost Amman Amman’s drawing is the same size as the Cranach
After Lucas Cranach the Elder (1472–1553) woodcut and reproduces the composition with remark-
The Penitent Saint Jerome, ca. 1559 able accuracy. To achieve such close conformity to the
prototype, Amman surely relied on tracing as a first
Pen and two shades of carbon black ink, traces of black chalk step, probably using the carta lucida method of making
underdrawing (laid down), 139⁄16 × 93⁄16 in. (34.4 × 23.3 cm) an intermediate model to be either pricked for pounc-
The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, ing or darkened on the back and transferred with a
2008 (2008.505) stylus.5 After this stage of tracing and transfer, which
On the saint’s open book, inscribed and signed SANT / IERO / would have set the main contours in place in a faint dry
NIMVS and IAZ in pen and black ink. Double framing line in medium (microscopic traces of which remain), Amman
pen and black ink, probably by the artist
could then have completed the copy with the print next
Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support to it for reference. He worked up the whole composi-
tion in gray ink, followed by black to reinforce contours
This recently discovered copy of Lucas Cranach the and deepen the hatching.
Elder’s 1509 woodcut The Penitent Saint Jerome (fig. 1) In addition to adding his monogram and Jerome’s
counts among the earliest known works by Jost name to the open book, Amman introduced one other
Amman.1 Although undated, it compares well to two modification. At the upper left, instead of reproducing
other signed copies from the very beginning of the art- the two-part coat of arms of electoral Saxony, he substi-
ist’s activity, both made when he was presumably still in tuted his own family’s armorial bearings, a tau cross
training in Zurich: a sheet from 1556 in Los Angeles with three stars along the top.6 The blank tablet at lower
after a near-contemporary engraving by Virgil Solis and left, however—where Cranach’s monogram, emblem,
one from 1557 in Berlin after a woodcut by Albrecht and the date of the print should be—must originally
94
Fig. 1. Lucas Cranach the Elder, The Penitent Saint
Jerome, 1509. Woodcut, 13⅛ × 8⅞ in. (33.4 × 22.6 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of
Felix M. Warburg and his family, 1941 (41.1.160)
have been complete, much in the same way that the the tradition of imitating the graphic vocabularies of
Berlin copy after Dürer repeats the woodcut’s mono- established masters in order to learn different modes of
gram and date. The tablet is now abraded, which sug- handling, ultimately to arrive at one’s own style.7 In
gests that its contents were erased at some time by an addition to their instructional function, the complete,
overly scrupulous owner who saw the references to same-size copies in New York and Berlin (the Los Ange-
Cranach’s authorship as somehow misleading. les copy is partial and enlarged) might also have served
On a basic level, Amman’s youthful copies after as reproductions to be acquired by early collectors who
prints are exercises in artistic training. They belong to lacked their own impressions of the treasured prints by
95
2011, pp. 55–56, fig. 5). The Würzburg sheet is monogrammed IAG,
the last letter standing for Glasmaler (glass painter), as in cat. 44 in
this volume.
5. On this process, described by Cennino Cennini, see Meder 1923,
pp. 535–37.
6. Neubecker 1985, p. 82, ill.
7. See Meder 1923, pp. 251–56. A contemporary copy by an anony-
mous German artist of the landscape in Cranach’s print is at the
Städel Museum, Frankfurt, inv. 651 (Schilling 1973, vol. 1, no. 80,
vol. 3, pl. 234; Stephanie Buck in Frankfurt 2003–4, no. 74, ill.).
8. A phenomenon discussed in Cooper 1998, p. 215.
Provenance: Don Joint (b. 1956), New York; purchased from him,

through Francis M. Naumann Fine Art, New York, by the Depart-
Literature: Guido Messling in Brussels and Paris 2010–11, p. 136;
Waterman 2011, pp. 52–58, no. 1, fig. 1
44 | Jost Amman
Design for a Stained-Glass Window with Three Scenes from
the Life of the Prophet Daniel, 1564
Pen and carbon black ink, 123⁄16 × 87⁄16 in. (30.9 × 21.5 cm)

Edward Pearce Casey and Ian Woodner Family Collection
Funds, 2009 (2009.335)
At lower right, on the base of a pilaster, monogrammed and
dated IAG 1564 (intertwined) in pen and black ink.1 Framing line
Fig. 2. Jost Amman, after Albrecht Dürer, The Assumption of the Virgin, in pen and black ink, by the artist. Verso, at lower right, inscribed
1557. Pen and black ink, 117⁄16 × 8⅛ in. (29 × 20.6 cm). Kupferstich Gilhug in graphite (19th-century handwriting)
kabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (KdZ 200)
Watermark: none
Cranach and Dürer.8 Through his father—Johann

Jakob Amman, a well-connected professor at Zurich’s Following standard practice for designers of stained
Collegium Carolinum and canon at the Grossmünster glass, Amman completed only half of the ornamental
church—Jost had access to a large circle of humanists frame in this drawing, leaving it to the glazier to repro-
and potential collectors. It is therefore possible that the duce a mirror image of the design when making the
young Amman could have found opportunities to window.2 A similar frame—which includes a pilaster
repurpose his learning exercises as finished works of art covered with masks, animal heads, scrolls, strapwork,
worthy of being admired and collected. jpw and vegetation—can be found in Amman’s The Festive
Meal (fig. 1), another pen and ink design for stained
1. For the woodcut, see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 6 (1959), glass dated 1564.3 In addition to sharing the same type
p. 61, no. 84; Dieter Koepplin in Basel 1974, vol. 2, no. 405; Guido
Messling in Brussels and Paris 2010–11, no. 54, ill. The following is of ornament and shape of the frame, both drawings
based on the broader discussion in Waterman 2011, pp. 52–57. show a putto in the cornice holding a scroll with one
2. Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 6; Pilz 1933, p. 206, no. 2; Waterman 2011, hand and using the other to dangle a leafy branch over
pp. 54, 56–57, fig. 4. For the engraving by Solis, see Hollstein, Ger- the scene below. The figures in the central scene of the
man, 1954–, vol. 63 (2004), no. 144, ill. For Dürer’s woodcut, see
Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 7 (1808), pp. 132–33, no. 94; Anna Scherbaum Leipzig drawing are dressed in contemporary clothing,
in Schoch, Mende, and Scherbaum 2001–4, vol. 2 (2002), no. 184, which makes it unclear exactly what meal is being
ill. The drawing in Los Angeles is at the J. Paul Getty Museum, depicted,4 but the two scenes in the spandrels are episodes
acc. 89.ga.15 (Pilz 1933, pp. 205–6, no. 1; Lee Hendrix in Goldner
and Hendrix 1992, no. 114, ill.; Waterman 2011, p. 54, fig. 3). from the Old Testament story of Abraham (Genesis 22),
3. O’Dell 1993, p. 13. in which Isaac and Abraham carry wood for a burnt
4. Library of the Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg, offering (seen on the right), in preparation for the
inv. Delin. vii,d,4 oben (Pilz 1933, p. 207, no. 5, fig. 1; Waterman climactic scene of the sacrifice of Isaac (on the left).

Fig. 1. Jost Amman, Design for a Stained-Glass Window with a Festive
Meal, 1564. Pen and black ink, 17¼ × 161⁄16 in. (43.8 × 41 cm).
Museum der Bildenden Künste, Leipzig (I. 347)
The Museum’s drawing, also based on the Old Testa-

ment, shows three scenes from the life of the prophet
Daniel. In the central image, the prophet and King
Cyrus stand with their backs to the viewer in front of
the idol Bel, which the king has set up for worship
(Daniel 14:2–24). The king was convinced that the idol
came to life each evening to partake of the food and
wine left as offerings for him, but Daniel warned that
they were being stolen by the priests who attended the
false idol. Shown scattering ashes on the floor, Daniel
proves his point when the footprints of the priests and
their families are visible the next morning. In the
companion scene at upper left, Daniel feeds a dragon
revered by the Babylonians (Daniel 14:25–26). He gives
it a cake of pitch mixed with fat and hair, which kills the
dragon and debunks belief in its divine powers. In the
upper right, a more traditional scene from the story of
Daniel shows him at peace in a den of lean and hungry
lions, demonstrating the protection offered by the god
of the I sraelites (Daniel 6:16–24).
The narrative of the lions’ den is told in both hence omitted from many sixteenth-century Protestant
Daniel 6:16–24 and 14:28–42, and the other episodes translations of the Bible. A 1566 edition of the Vulgate
shown in this drawing also occur in the fourteenth published in Frankfurt and illustrated by Amman
chapter. Though included in the Greek Septuagint includes the final chapters of Daniel.5 He created three
and in Jerome’s Latin Vulgate, chapters thirteen and woodcuts to accompany that book, but they are not the
fourteen of Daniel are considered noncanonical and same scenes as his stained-glass design. His woodcut
s w is s d esi g ners of sta i ned g l a ss | 97

Daniel Lindtmayer the Younger
Schaffhausen, 1552–1606/7, Schaffhausen
Daniel Lindtmayer the Younger was the most accom-

plished in a family of artists specializing in the design
and painting of stained-glass windows. Having trained
with his father, Felix the Younger, he was also influenced
by the more sophisticated works of Tobias Stimmer. In
1574 he appears to have temporarily moved to Basel, but
he remained based in Schaffhausen until 1596, when he
left the city for good (leaving behind his wife and children
as well), after attempting to murder a goldsmith in
Constance. He eventually settled in Lucerne, where he
Fig. 2. Jost Amman, Elisha and the Poor Widow, from Biblia, Frank- converted to Catholicism and continued to work in
furt, 1566, fol. 167r. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, stained glass.
Rogers Fund, transferred from the Library, 1921 (21.36.14)
General literature: Thöne 1975; Chieffo Raguin 1996
Elisha and the Poor Widow (based on 2 Kings 4) from this

volume shows a temple littered with the same vessels
that surround Bel in the Museum’s stained-glass design 45 | Daniel Lindtmayer the Younger
(fig. 2).6 In this composition, as in the Daniel design, Design for a Stained-Glass Window with Three Scenes from
Amman successfully integrates figures within a complex the Life of Joseph, 1574
perspectival space. Kurt Pilz recognized early on that
unlike Amman’s earlier drawings for stained glass, the Pen and iron gall ink (laid down), 13⅞ × 10⅛ in.
Daniel design, which was executed during the artist’s (35.2 × 25.7 cm)
Purchase, Harry G. Sperling Fund, Edward Pearce Casey Fund,
first years in Nuremberg, is extremely adept and vividly
Van Day Truex Fund, Anne K. & E. Powis Jones Gift, and Anne
describes both a unified space and a detailed narrative.7 and Jean Bonna Gift, 1996 (1996.415)
fs
At lower right, dated and monogrammed 1574 DLM (DLM inter-
twined) in pen and black ink; at lower center, monogrammed
1. This form of Amman’s monogram combines a G for Glasmaler
HIW (interwined) in pen and brown ink, by Hans Jörg Wannen-
(painter of glass) with IA (Jost Amman). IAG can also be found in
wecz; at lower right, on the coat of arms and the plumes on the
combination with Z or VZ, meaning “von Zürich,” in reference to
his place of origin (see the discussion under cat. 43). helmet, inscribed b six times in pen and black ink, by the artist.
Framing line in pen and brown ink, probably by the artist. On
2. This practice is routine for designs for stained glass; see also –er
the first secondary support, at lower right, inscribed Tobias Stim
Daniel Lindtmayer the Younger and Hans Jakob Plepp (cats. 45, 46).
in pen and gray ink (19th-century handwriting). On the second
3. See Pilz 1933, p. 293, no. 47; Gleisberg 1990, no. 23, ill.
secondary support, of the Oettingen-Wallerstein collection, at
4. It could be the festive meal that was shared by Abraham and lower left, inscribed 235 in pen and brown ink (19th-century
Melchizedek (Genesis 14:18) or the meal prepared by Abraham for handwriting); at lower center, inscribed Daniel Lindtmayer. 1574.
the three men who prophesy the birth of Isaac (Genesis 18:2–10).
signiert! in graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower right,
5. For this book, see Seelig 2002–3, vol. 1 (2002), pp. 258–65, no. 24, ill. inscribed Hz. No. 1078 / Photo Negativ No. 2037 in graphite (20th-
6. Seelig 2002–3, vol. 1 (2002), no. 24.62, ill. century handwriting)
7. Pilz 1933, pp. 94, 293. Watermark: none (?)
Provenance: Wilhelm Adam Thierry (1761–1823); his heirs; [art market,

Coburg, ca. 1910]; Ernst Redslob (b. 1851), Weimar; sale, Hollstein This design for a stained-glass panel depicts three
& Puppel, Berlin, February 27–28, 1933, lot 574; sale, H. Gilhofer &
H. Ranschburg, Lucerne, June 28, 1934, lot 5; private collection, sequential scenes from the story of Joseph, beloved son
Berlin, in 1940; Hugo von Ziegler (1890–1966); sale, Sotheby’s, of the Old Testament patriarch Jacob (Genesis 37:15–33).
New York, January 28, 2009, lot 9; purchased by the Department of At upper left, the young Joseph, wearing his checkered
“coat of many colors,” is seen approaching his brothers
Literature: Hollstein & Puppel 1933, lot 574; Pilz 1933, pp. 94, 293,
(one playing the bagpipe) and their herd of sheep. Jeal-
no. 46, pl. vi; Gilhofer & Ranschburg 1934, lot 5; Pilz 1940, p. 212;
Ariane Mensger in Karlsruhe 2009, p. 137, n. 4; Sotheby’s 2009, ous because Joseph was Jacob’s favorite, they “conspired
lot 9, ill. against him to slay him” (37:18). At upper right, the

brothers are shown either lowering him into or pulling
him out of an empty pit: after initially planning to
abandon Joseph there, they instead decided to sell him
to traveling merchants and then showed the boy’s coat,
which they had stained with goat’s blood, to their
father, who concluded that “an evil beast hath devoured
him” (37:33). The transaction with the merchants is
depicted in the central scene: Joseph is pushed forward
by one of his brothers, while another, carrying the
checkered coat, receives twenty pieces of silver from the
merchant.
Lindtmayer enhanced the colorful details of this
attractive, if crowded, narrative with rich ornamental
framework. The central scene is flanked by an atlas and
a caryatid and topped by fruit garlands, as well as per-
sonifications of Faith and Love (or Charity). The lower
zone is reserved for a bejeweled cartouche and two
wreath-encircled coats of arms—at left, Lindtmayer’s
own1 and at right, an unidentified one on which the art-
ist specified with the letter b that the alternating bands
and the plumes of the helmet should be colored blue
(blau). The drawing exemplifies the efficient working
method of Swiss designers of stained-glass windows. It
is painstakingly finished in most areas, but others—
most often the right half of the composition—are indi-
cated in a much sparser manner that focuses on the
outlines.2 This is especially the case with the ornamen-
tal frameworks, which would be symmetrical and thus
did not require the full design to be detailed on both
sides. Their outlines were drawn by folding the sheet
vertically and tracing them, which explains the some-
what lifeless line of the contours at right. The painter
charged with the execution on the glass panel would
have known to simply copy the design of the left half in
the appropriate fields at right.
The general composition of the three biblical scenes
goes back to a drawing by Lindtmayer dated two years
earlier (fig. 1).3 In place of the atlas and caryatid flank-
ing the central scene in the Museum’s drawing, the
earlier drawing incorporates four additional vignettes
from the story of Joseph. Both drawings, as well as
another one in the Museum’s collection depicting the a seventeenth-century glass painter in Basel. Many
story of the Prodigal Son and dated nearly ten years Swiss designs were passed from artist to artist or from
later,4 are characteristic of Lindtmayer’s style, with the workshop to workshop; Wannenwecz is known to have
modeling often achieved through regular, rather fine also owned several other drawings by Lindtmayer.7 sa
hatching. This style was undoubtedly inspired by the
drawings and woodcuts of Tobias Stimmer (fig. 2).5 1. Neubecker 1985, ill. p. 155. Friedrich Thöne catalogues three other
drawings by Lindtmayer, as well as one by his father, with the fam-
Lindtmayer put his monogram and dated the drawing at ily’s arms (Thöne 1975, nos. 55, 136, 186, c 11, figs. 73, 173, 238, 461;
the foot of the caryatid.6 The Museum’s drawing also bears see also no. 11, p. 290, fig. 492).
a mark of ownership: that of Hans Jörg Wannenwecz, 2. Thöne 1975, pp. 113–14; Hasler 1996–97, vol. 1, pp. 13–14.
s w is s d e si g ners of sta i ned g l a ss | 99

Hans Jakob Plepp
Biel, ca. 1557/60–ca. 1597/98, Bern
Hans Jakob Plepp was one of the most inventive and

productive Swiss designers of stained glass. Little is
known about him, however, especially about his forma-
tive years, although extant works make clear that his
style had matured by 1578. He moved about this time
from his native town to Basel, where he spent the main
part of his career. In 1595 he became a citizen in Bern,
where he died two or three years later.
General literature: Ganz 1966, pp. 63–84; Elisabeth Landolt in Basel

1984b, pp. 492–93; Hasler 1996–97, vol. 1, pp. 101–24
46 | Hans Jakob Plepp

Design for a Stained-Glass Window with a Man Holding a
Pike and a Coat of Arms, ca. 1585–90
Fig. 1. Daniel Lindtmayer the Younger, Design for a Fig. 2. Tobias Stimmer, Joseph Lowered into the Pit by
Stained-Glass Window with Scenes from the Life of Joseph, His Brothers, from Johann Fischart, Neue künstliche Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes mixed with lead
1572. Pen and black ink, 17 × 127⁄16 in. (43.2 × 31.6 cm). Figuren biblischer Historien, Basel, 1576, fol. d iii recto. white, traces of black chalk underdrawing, 123⁄16 × 8⅜ in.
Graphische Sammlungen, Klassik Stiftung Weimar Woodcut, 65⁄16 × 5¼ in. (16 × 13.3 cm). The Metro (30.9 × 21.3 cm)
(kk 142) politan Museum of Art, New York, Harris Brisbane Edward Pearce Casey Fund, 2000 (2000.579)
Dick Fund, 1945 (45.42.2)
Verso, at lower left, collector’s mark of Carl Robert Rudolf
(Lugt 2811b); below, inscribed 37830 in graphite (20th-century
3. Thöne 1975, no. 23, fig. 37. handwriting); at lower right, inscribed K 2 (?) in graphite (20th-
4. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, 1921, century handwriting)
acc. 21.71.1 (ibid., no. 115, fig. 149). Watermark: Basel crosier1
5. For the book in which the woodcut appears, see Paul Tanner in
Basel 1984b, no. 66; Tanner 1984.
6. For the use of monograms on glass designs in Schaffhausen, see Although numerous Swiss designs for stained glass are
Ariane Mensger in Karlsruhe 2009, p. 35. dominated by narrative scenes, often from the Bible
7. Thöne 1975, p. 42. More than twenty drawings by Lindtmayer with (see cats. 44, 45), many others focus on a coat of arms
Wannenwecz’s mark are known (Thöne 1975, nos. 44, 46–51, 54, 65,
83, 101, 410, 414, 440, 446, 448, 450, 456, 457, 502, 506, 553, 558,
and heraldic helmet surrounded by an ornamental
figs. 52, 66, 68, 69, 71, 87, 90, 93, 96, 107, 135, 431). For Wannenwecz, frame. The Museum owns two examples—one by Hans
see Ganz 1966, pp. 127–30, 131–33. Jakob Plepp, the other by Christoph Murer—showing
an entirely symmetrical design, with the coat of arms
Provenance: Hans Jörg Wannenwecz (1611–1682), Basel; princes of
Oettingen-Wallerstein, Harburg Castle, inv. 1078; [Trinity Fine Art,
occupying most of its center.2 In others, the coat of
London]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, arms is accompanied by a figure or two, like the hand-
1996 somely dressed man holding a pike in the Museum’s
Literature: Thöne 1975, no. 49, fig. 71 second drawing by Plepp, discussed here. Even though
these figures cannot really be considered portraits, they
should nevertheless be seen as representatives of the
person who commissioned the panel.3 This individual
would be identified more exactly by his coat of arms and
often also by an inscription in a cartouche at the bottom
of the design.
If the Museum’s drawing could be called unfinished,
it is not because the right half is not completed (a rule
more than an exception in Swiss drawings of this type,
100 | dür er and beyon d

as discussed under cat. 45) but because the coat of arms
within the shield and the crest on top of the helmet are
both missing. Since a design like this could satisfy many
of the mainstream commissions received by Plepp and
other Swiss draftsmen, it seems likely that drawings
such as the Museum’s were made before a commission
was received, to be eventually customized with a
patron’s own coat of arms. In fact, examples of designs
for Waffenscheibe (glass paintings of coats of arms) await-
ing completion abound in the oeuvres of many Swiss
draftsmen.4 Drawings to which a coat of arms has been
added at a later stage are rarer, perhaps because the
unfinished designs were usually left untouched, to be
kept as models for future commissions; they would be
reproduced—by tracing, for example—onto another
sheet before the coat of arms was added. Still, a few
examples do survive, including a design by Plepp dated
1589, to which one coat of arms and one of the crests
seem to have been added at a later stage (fig. 1).5 This
working method should not surprise in an artistic envi-
ronment where, in the name of efficiency, the use of
tracing, the reuse of previous designs, and the copying
of others’ models seem to have been more readily
accepted than in many other schools and periods.6
Although this drawing was once catalogued as by
an artist from the circle of Plepp, its quality leaves little
doubt as to the work’s autograph status.7 Typical are
the decisive line and the lively use of wash, which are
effectively balanced by areas of paper left blank. The
ornament, specifically in the strapwork surrounding
the cartouche below (with the sharp form jutting out),
is similar to that seen in designs by a slightly older
Basel draftsman, Hans Brand, who may have been an
inspiration.8 Closest in style to Plepp’s works from the
late 1580s (including the sheet reproduced here as
fig. 1), the Museum’s drawing is likely to date from
that period as well.9 sa
1. The watermark is similar to one in a drawing by Plepp dated

ca. 1578 in the Wyss collection, on loan to the Historisches Museum
Bern, inv. 20036.458 (Hasler 1996–97, vol. 1, no. 107, ill.; the water-
mark is reproduced in vol. 2, p. 318).
2. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 1994.24 (formerly at
the sale Sotheby’s, New York, January 12, 1994, lot 37, ill.) and
acc. 1998.53 (Schneider 1952, pp. 57–58, pl. 11; Ganz 1966, pp. 78,
139; Drey 1993, no. 2, ill.).
3. Compare Ganz 1966, p. 70. Sammlung München, inv. 33115 z (Ganz 1966, pp. 86–87, 148,
4. Among numerous other examples is a drawing by Plepp in fig. 107).
the Wyss collection, on loan to the Historisches Museum Bern, 6. For a discussion of this efficiency, see Ariane Mensger in Karls
inv. 20036.299 (Hasler 1996–97, vol. 1, no. 111, ill.). ruhe 2009, pp. 14, 16.
5. Ganz 1966, pp. 72, 148, fig. 74. A similarly “completed unfinished” 7. For examples of monogrammed drawings by Plepp, see Hasler
drawing by Christoph Murer is also in the Staatliche Graphische 1996–97, vol. 1, nos. 103, 104, 106, 109, 113, 118, 124, ill.

8. See, notably, a drawing in the Wyss collection, on loan to the Murer, or to his patrons.1 In 1622 an emblem book was
Historisches Museum Bern, inv. 20036.243 (ibid., no. 102, ill.).
published that paired forty etchings by Murer with
9. This is also in accord with the drawing’s watermark. For other
examples, see ibid., nos. 111–13, ill.
verses by the glass painter (and Murer’s nephew by
marriage) Hans Heinrich Rordorf.2 The penultimate
Provenance: Carl Robert Rudolf (1884–1974), London; his sale, print depicts (as the text puts it) the choice between
Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, June 6, 1977, lot 2; [August Laube, Zurich]; “the road to life or to death” (fig. 1).3 The book was
published eight years after Murer died, using etchings
Literature: Sotheby’s 1977, lot 2, ill. (as by an artist from the circle of he had made for a never-realized edition of a play he
Plepp); Laube 2000, no. 2, ill.
seems to have been working on until the end of his life.4
Murer had already made a design, in 1595, for a
stained-glass window of the same subject (fig. 2).5 The
Christoph Murer Museum’s drawing, which is undated, is identical in its
Zurich, 1558–1614, Winterthur general composition, though differing in most details.
At lower left, it bears the coat of arms of the artist’s own
With Daniel Lindtmayer the Younger and Hans Jakob family, depicting a wall (Mauer in German).6 In addition,
Plepp, Christoph Murer counts among the most pro- at least two stained-glass windows after designs by
Fig. 1. Hans Jakob Plepp, Design for a Stained-
lific and appealing Swiss designers of stained-glass Murer on the subject have been preserved, both dated
Glass Window with the Coat of Arms of the Walther windows. Starting his career in his hometown, he 1595; one, now in Wörlitz, is signed by the Zurich glass
and von Muralt (?) Families, 1589. Pen and moved to Basel in 1579 and worked on important com- painter Hans Jakob Sprüngli and bears his coat of
black and brown ink, gray wash, 14⅝ × 11⅛ in.
(37.1 × 28.2 cm). Staatliche Graphische
missions there. In the early 1580s he was active in Stras- arms.7 These two glass paintings were made from the
Sammlung München (33142 z) bourg, where he collaborated with Tobias Stimmer, who same design, which differs from both the Museum’s
had already been an influence on him. Back in Zurich and the one in fig. 2. This means that, in addition to the
in 1586, Murer was active both as an artist and in city
government. Official duties took him to Winterthur in
1611. Like his father, Jos, and younger brother, Josias,
Christoph Murer worked mainly in stained glass, but
he was also a gifted printmaker as well as a painter and
writer.
General literature: H. Meyer 1884, pp. 215–19; Boerlin 1976,

pp. 31–136; Vignau-Wilberg 1979–80; Vignau-Wilberg 1982;
Dressen 1996
47 | Christoph Murer
Hercules at the Crossroads, ca. 1600–1605
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, 75⁄16 × 513⁄16 in.
(18.5 × 14.7 cm)
Purchase, Anne and Jean Bonna Gift, 1995 (1995.298)
Double (?) framing line (partially cropped) in pen and brown
ink, probably by the artist. Verso, partial tracing of the drawing
on the recto in pen and brown ink, by a later hand. On an old
mount (preserved separately), inscribed Joh. Rottenhammer in pen
and brown ink (19th-century handwriting)
Watermark: none
A familiar subject in the sixteenth and seventeenth

Fig. 1. Christoph Murer, Hercules at the Crossroads, from Hans Heinrich
centuries, Hercules at the Crossroads—the young Rordorf, XL. Emblemata miscella nova, Zurich, 1622, emblem xxxix.
Hercules having to choose between Virtue and Vice— Etching, 3½ × 4⅝ in. (8.9 × 11.7 cm). The Pierpont Morgan Library,
seems to have been particularly dear to Christoph New York, Purchased on the Clark Stillman and Gordon Rav Funds,
2009 (pml 195327)

lost model for his etching, Murer must have made at
least one more drawing on the subject than the two
known today. Murer’s designs also inspired other
draftsmen: a round composition by the Winterthur
artist Hans Jegli the Younger, based on the one in
figure 2, is in Zurich; and an adaptation to the round
format of the Museum’s sheet by the Strasbourg mas-
ter Lorenz Lingg is in Karlsruhe (fig. 3).8
All these designs show the Greek hero standing
between Virtue and Pleasure—or “Virtus” and “Voluptas,”
as the two seated women are identified in the bande-
roles in the 1595 drawing and the etching. The former
reads the Bible, holds a distaff, and is surrounded by
instruments of industry and study—a beehive, a globe,
and a compass. The latter entices Hercules with wine
and holds a lute; other musical instruments lie scat-
tered at her feet. In the etching and in the Museum’s
drawing, the “road to life” behind Virtue is represented
by heavily laden men climbing steep rocks toward a
shining angel; the “road to death” behind Pleasure, by
elegant couples merrily approaching a burning skeleton.

There can be no doubt which road Hercules—and the
viewer—is being advised to take. Naturally, the hero’s
story ends well: according to the subscriptio accompany-
ing the etching, “When he had observed each one’s ends,
he turned to the road of Virtue.”9 In the print, Hercules
points out to Pleasure with an eloquent gesture which
choice he has made. The cartouches along the upper
edge of the Museum’s drawing may have been intended
Fig. 2. Christoph Murer, Hercules at the Crossroads, 1595. Pen and
black ink, gray wash, 1115⁄16 × 8 in. (30.4 × 20.3 cm). Kunsthaus to include words to that effect, or quotations from the
Zürich (folder n 1) Bible, as in the Zurich sheet.

Whereas the latter sheet is relatively loosely drawn, Gotthard Ringgli and acquired by Lorenz Lingg in 1607 is in the
Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, inv. xi 257 (Ariane Mensger in
the one under discussion is more neatly finished and Karlsruhe 2009, no. 44, ill.). It has been convincingly suggested
counts among Murer’s most refined works.10 There are that Murer’s compositions are based on a woodcut illustration by
some pentimenti—notably, in Hercules’s right elbow Tobias Stimmer in Johann Fischart, Philosophisch Ehzuchtbüchlin,
Strasbourg, 1578, fol. g 5 recto (Vignau-Wilberg 1982, p. 109,
but also in Virtue’s right foot. Virtue’s pose is similar to fig. 126). For two drawings and an etching by Ringgli closely related
that in the 1595 drawing, while Hercules’s pose, with his to Murer’s composition, see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 34 (1993),
left arm held behind his back, is close to that seen in the p. 156, no. 9, ill.; Achim Riether in Munich and Zurich 1999–2000,
p. 37, figs. 14, 15. For works influenced by Murer’s etching, see
etching. This suggests that the Museum’s drawing was Vignau-Wilberg 1982, pp. 109, 273, figs. 130, 131.
made between 1595 and the creation of the etching in 9. “Als er betracht ihr beyder end / Hat sich zum weg der Tugendt
the last decade or so of the artist’s life;11 certainly, the gwendt.”
drawing must predate Lingg’s variant of 1606. More 10. The drawing can be compared with, but surpasses in quality, two
than in any of the other depictions by Murer, the fig- fine additional drawings by the artist in The Metropolitan Museum
of Art, signed and dated 1598 (acc. 2007.177; formerly at the sale
ure’s contrapposto in the drawing under discussion, his Auktionshaus Stuker Bern, November 28, 2006, lot 9058) and 1608
well-groomed full mustache, noble features, and long (acc. 1994.24; formerly at the sale Sotheby’s, New York, January 12,
hair—in short, the “cavalier-like stylization of Hercu- 1994, lot 37).
les”12—give him an unusually dandified appearance, 11. As suggested in Vignau-Wilberg 1982, p. 109.
appropriate to a man evidently having a hard time 12. Panofsky 1930, p. 102: “[die] kavaliermäßige . . . Stilisierung des
Hercules.”
choosing between pleasure and duty. It may have been
13. As recorded in Fischer 1967 (p. 60, lot 798) and in the inscription
this elegance that prompted a former owner to attribute on the old mount.
Fig. 3. Lorenz Lingg, after Christoph Murer, the drawing to Hans Rottenhammer;13 however, that
Hercules at the Crossroads, 1606. Pen and black
artist’s Venetian-inspired mythologies and narrative Provenance: Sale, Galerie Fischer, Lucerne, June 19–20, 1967, lot 798;
ink, brown wash, 1215⁄16 × 87⁄16 in. (32.8 ×
21.4 cm). Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe scenes (compare cats. 55, 56) could not have differed sale, Galerie Fischer, Lucerne, June 20, 1995, lot 119; [Kunsthandel
Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Department of Draw-
(xi 1046) more from the much less frivolous world of Murer and ings and Prints, 1995
other Swiss contemporaries. sa
Literature: Fischer 1967, lot 798, pl. vii (as by Hans Rottenhammer);
Vignau-Wilberg 1982, pp. 109, 273, fig. 128; Fischer 1995, lot 119, ill.;
1. The classic account of the iconography of Hercules at the Cross- Barbara Giesicke and Mylène Ruoss in Munich and Zurich 1999–
roads remains Panofsky 1930; see also Pigler 1974, vol. 2, pp. 125–27; 2000, p. 154, fig. 68
J. D. Reid 1993, vol. 1, pp. 527–30.
2. For a thorough study of the book, see Vignau-Wilberg 1982, espe-
cially pp. 53–61, 82–133; for Rordorf, see pp. 11, 36.
3. Panofsky 1930, pp. 101–2, fig. 46; Vignau-Wilberg 1982, pp. 107–9, Hans Jakob Nüscheler the Elder
272, fig. 125; Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 29 (1990), pp. 178–82,
part of no. 84. Zurich, 1583–1654, Zurich
4. For a dating of Murer’s play, titled Edessa, and of his etchings, see
Vignau-Wilberg 1982, pp. 38, 55, 70; more generally about the play,
see pp. 70–81. Hans Jakob Nüscheler the Elder studied the art of
5. Ibid., pp. 28, 108, 272, fig. 127. stained glass with his father, Heinrich Nüscheler, and
6. Brunner 1929. became a master in 1612. The Nüschelers were, along
7. Kulturstiftung Dessau Wörlitz, Museum Gotisches Haus, Wörlitz, with the Murer workshop, the most prominent glass
inv. gh i 453 (Vignau-Wilberg 1982, pp. 109, 273; Barbara Giesicke painters in Zurich. From 1636 to 1644 all of the stained-
and Mylène Ruoss in Munich and Zurich 1999–2000, no. 10, ill.).
The second glass painting is in the Historisches und Völkerkunde- glass windows with the city council’s coats of arms were
museum, Sankt Gallen, inv. 13.425 (Vignau-Wilberg 1982, pp. 28, designed and painted exclusively by Hans Jakob, who
109, 273, fig. 129). a third one is only recorded (Vignau-Wilberg oversaw a large workshop that included his sons as well
1982, pp. 108–9).
as others. Even though his output of stained glass was
8. Vignau-Wilberg 1982, pp. 109, 273; Mensger 2012, no. 373, ill.
For similar drawings by Lingg after Murer, see Bucher 1992, p. 36, quite large, Nüscheler’s drawings are rare.
figs. 40–48. The drawing in Zurich based on the one reproduced
in fig. 2 is at the Kunsthaus Zürich, inv. 1938/118 (Vignau-Wilberg General literature: Gerszi 1957a; Vignau-Wilberg 1975
1982, pp. 109, 273). A drawing of the same subject attributed to
104 | dürer and beyon d

48 | Hans Jakob Nüscheler the Elder
Allegory of the Salvation of Mankind, ca. 1620–30
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, traces of black chalk
and graphite underdrawing, incised construction lines,
14¼ × 1013⁄16 in. (36.2 × 27.5 cm)
2003 (2003.428)
Broad framing line in brush and black ink, by the artist. Verso, at
lower right, illegible inscription in German in pen and black ink
Watermark: two towers with archway1
In front of a vaulted corridor that recedes deep into the

distance, Christ stands triumphant over Death and a
serpent representing Original Sin. He gestures toward
a woman in the foreground, who is clothed merely in a
twisted drapery that frames her ample breasts and
barely covers her genitalia. She is surrounded by the
allegorical figures of Faith, Hope, and Charity, who
implore her to turn toward Christ. The woman is Eve,
and hampering her salvation are the tablets of the Law
of Moses, to which she is chained, and the apple that
represents her fatal choice. Although not unique, the
liberation of Eve by the Virtues is an atypical subject. A
near-contemporary engraving by Hieronymus Wierix
after the Antwerp painter Jacob de Backer shows Eve,
now accompanied by Adam, liberated from the weight
of Moses’s tablets by these same Virtues; occupying the
background are episodes from the Life of Christ, includ-
ing his Crucifixion and Resurrection (fig. 1).2 Nüscheler,
like Wierix, juxtaposes Adam and Eve—whose sin
exposed the world to death and the devil—with Christ,
whose death and resurrection marked the salvation of
mankind. This kind of dialectical image, commonly

called The Law versus the Gospel, was especially popular
during the Reformation in Germany and Switzerland.3
In addition to this expansive printed model, there are
several examples of works with similar imagery by
Zurich artists active at the same time as Nüscheler. A
small glass painting by Hans Jakob Sprüngli from about
Fig. 1. Hieronymus Wierix, after Jacob de Backer, Allegory of the
Salvation of Mankind, before ca. 1586. Engraving, 8⅞ × 13⅛ in. 1620 does not include the Virtues, but it does show the
(22.6 × 33.4 cm). British Museum, London (1880-5-8-57) Christ Child standing triumphant on a globe, Adam’s

These characteristics are also found in his Design for a
Stained-Glass Window with an Allegory of Fortune (1627)
and The Parting of the Red Sea in Budapest (ca. 1640).8
Although the exact function of the Museum’s drawing
is unknown—it has been proposed by Daniela Laube as
preparatory for a Hinterglasmalerei (reverse glass paint-
ing)—its large scale and complex perspectival space
set it apart from Nüscheler’s designs for stained glass.9
fs
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Münster in

1609 (Piccard-Online, no. 103160; accessed September 11, 2011).
2. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 66 (2004), no. 1807,
ill.
3. Koerner 1993, chap. 16.
4. Landesmuseum Zürich, inv. lm 15016 (Yves Jolidon in Munich
and Zurich 1999–2000, no. 5, ill.).
6. Ibid., vol. 7 (1962), no. 16.
7. Gerszi 1957a, pp. 42–43, fig. 21.
8. Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest, inv. 463 (ibid., p. 43, fig. 19).
The Allegory of Fortune was sold by Galerie Fischer, Lucerne, in as-
Fig. 2. Hans Jakob Nüscheler the Elder, Allegory of Hope, ca. 1640.
sociation with August Laube, Zurich, June 20, 1995, lot 127, ill.
Brush and gray and black ink, 6⅝ × 6 in. (16.8 × 15.2 cm).
Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest (464) 9. See letter in the Museum’s departmental files, dated April 3, 2003.
For a discussion of reverse glass painting, see Munich and Zurich
1999–2000.
skull, and the serpent as he frees Eve from the chains of
the tablets.4 A variant of this scene is also found in a Provenance: [August Laube, Zurich]; purchased by the Department
of Drawings and Prints, 2003
1628 etching by Gotthard Ringgli.5
Literature: Laube 2001, no. 41, ill.
While the grouping of Eve with the Virtues and the
presence of a triumphant Christ are close to Wierix’s
image in conception, Nüscheler’s drawing conflates
The Law versus the Gospel with another traditional
subject not specifically from the Bible, Christ Harrow- Hans Heinrich Wägmann
ing the Gates of Hell. In such imagery, Christ is pre- Zurich, 1557–1628 or before, Lucerne
sented as the second Adam (Adam and Eve are often
shown standing in close proximity to Christ), who A designer and painter of stained glass as well as a panel
descended into Hell in order to redeem the just and painter, miniaturist, print designer, and cartographer,
open the gates of Heaven to them. In some represen- Hans Heinrich Wägmann became a master in the paint-
tations, such as the one in Dürer’s Engraved Passion ers’ guild of his native Zurich in 1580. He moved to
(1512), Christ is shown lifting up the damned in front Lucerne in 1582, where he married and eventually con-
of an archway or some other architectural element.6 In verted to Catholicism. He received major religious and
Nüscheler’s image, the architectural setting is central civic commissions, most famously for a large series of
to the composition, with incised diagonal lines map- paintings decorating the Kapellbrücke (see below). His
ping out the grid of the pavement and the archways in oeuvre is more varied than that of many other Swiss
a precise recession. artists; some forty drawings are known, plus a number
Although unsigned, this exceptional drawing cor- of paintings and a handful of prints. His son Ulrich
responds closely in style and technique to Nüscheler’s Wägmann also became an artist.
other known drawings. Evident both here and in his
drawing Allegory of Hope (fig. 2) are the same dense appli- General literature: Thöne 1967, pp. 110–28, 133–50; Horat and Klöti
1986
cations of wash, the rounded faces and high hairlines of
the women, and the rapid yet tremulous pen strokes.7

49 | Hans Heinrich Wägmann Executed in a style close to that of Swiss designs for
The Death of Ebroin on the Battlefield, ca. 1615–20 stained glass (compare cats. 46–48), this drawing is in
fact a sketch for a painting on panel. The attribution to
Pen and carbon black ink, brown washes (laid down), Hans Heinrich Wägmann is due to Friedrich Thöne;
97⁄16 × 16⅛ in. (23.9 × 41 cm) previously, the drawing had been given to an artist from
Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2006 (2006.111)
the circle of Tobias Stimmer and Christoph Murer.1 The
At lower center, collector’s mark of Karl Eduard von Liphart drawing can, indeed, be persuasively linked to signed
(Lugt 1687); at lower right, collector’s mark of Reinhold von
Liphart (Lugt 1758); overlapping it, 1298 in pen and ink (19th-
drawings by Wägmann, such as one in Lucerne dated
century handwriting). Framing line in pen and brown ink, by about 1600 (fig. 1);2 Thöne also associated the Muse-
the artist; at top, framing line in pen and lighter brown ink, um’s sheet with another one, now in Sion.3 In addition,
by a later hand. Verso of the secondary support, at lower left, he recognized that the originally triangular form of the
inscribed 2529 in graphite (erased; 20th-century handwriting); Museum’s and Sion’s drawings connect them to “gable
below, an unidentified collector’s mark of Kurt Meissner (MM
in a circle, stamped in black; not in Lugt); to the left, inscribed
paintings” (Giebelbilder) for one of Lucerne’s famous
col. Löwensprung in graphite (20th-century handwriting); at roofed wood bridges (compare fig. 2).4
lower center, inscribed Burgunderschlacht aus Samml. Liphardt in These bridges served both to join parts of the city
graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower right, an uniden- located on opposite sides of the Reuss River and to
tified collector’s mark (Lugt 2059) defend against incursions across Lake Lucerne.
Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support Although Thöne was unable to identify exactly which
painting was based on the Museum’s drawing, he could
s w is s d esi g ners of sta i ned g l a ss | 107

Fig. 1. Hans Heinrich Wägmann, A Battle on Horseback, ca. 1600 (?). Pen and black ink, brown wash, Fig. 2. Johann Jakob Meyer, View of Lucerne from within the Hofbrücke, 1823 or before.
heightened with white gouache, on green prepared paper, 107⁄16 × 16½ in. (26.5 × 41.9 cm). Stiftung Aquatint, hand colored, 911⁄16 × 129⁄16 in. (24.6 × 31.9 cm). British Museum, London
Joseph Willmann-Haus, Lucerne (1958-7-12-2137)
rule out, on iconographic grounds, those from the The paintings from the Kapellbrücke depict scenes
Hofbrücke (Court Bridge, demolished in 1852) and from Swiss history as well as from legends of the city’s
from the Spreuerbrücke (Chaff or Mill Bridge), narrow- two patron saints, Maurice and Leodegar (or Leger,
ing the search to the 158 paintings on the Kapellbrücke or Ledger), the seventh-century bishop of Autun. The
(Chapel Bridge)—Europe’s oldest surviving covered Museum’s drawing depicts the death of Leodegar’s
bridge and the city’s most famous one.5 On August 18, archenemy—Ebroin, the powerful Merovingian
1993, a fire severely damaged the bridge, including most Hofmeier (mayor of the palace).10 The only other known
of its paintings. The bridge was restored and rebuilt, drawing related to one of the gable paintings (the one
and replicas were made of the paintings (which, however, in Sion mentioned above) depicts pilgrims visiting the
have not been installed on the bridge).6 Fortunately, the site where Saint Maurice died, in the southwest of
original panels had been photographed the year preced- Switzerland.11 The corners of both drawings have been
ing the fire, which made it possible to identify the one cut, probably to conceal the damage caused by their
related to the Museum’s drawing (fig. 3).7 Although the removal from a collector’s album.12 This loss makes
paintings were damaged (notably in a flood in 1741) somewhat less evident how successfully the artist
and restored several times over the course of the centu- adapted the compositions to the odd-shaped panel.
ries, it is clear that this painting closely followed the The banner with French lilies that tops the Museum’s
drawn design. scene—a triangle within a triangle—refers to the
Wägmann must have received the commission for Frankish army led into battle by Ebroin. Wägmann
the paintings in or shortly after 1611, when the city used the same motif in the drawing reproduced in fig. 1,
council decided to decorate the bridge.8 Given the enor- which has been dated about 1600.13 However, the lack
mous scale of the commission, he was assisted by a of securely dated works by the artist makes it hard to
workshop, and the work continued well after his death, bring chronological order to his oeuvre. The two draw-
probably directed by his son Ulrich. The iconography ings related to the Kapellbrücke can at least be dated
had been determined by the town clerk Renward Cysat after 1611, in the artist’s maturity. Along with the battle
and council member Hans Rudolf Sonnenberg, who scene on prepared paper (fig. 1), the Museum’s sheet
wrote the verses inscribed on the dark wood frames.9 counts among the artist’s most accomplished.
The cost of each painting was underwritten by a council sa
member or some other prominent citizen.

Fig. 3. Hans Heinrich Wägmann and workshop, The Death of Ebroin on the Battlefield, after 1611. Oil on panel, ca. 357⁄16 × 63 in. (ca. 90 × 160 cm).
Stadtarchiv, Lucerne (f2a/Brücken/24.12, Kdm no. 117)
1. According to Thöne 1967, p. 149. In Boerner 1898 (p. 31, under sein nid lasset / Gottes Reich darum ihn fasset // Alss er zieht zu Feld und
lot 375), the drawing was catalogued with others described as designs schlacht, / Wird er auss der Welt gejagt.
for stained glass and with a suggestion that the drawing could be by 10. For the legend of Leodegar and Ebroin, see Réau 1955–59, vol. 3,
a “Master L. K.” pt. 2 (1958), pp. 796–97; Viard 1966; Stintzi 1974. For Ebroin specifi-
2. Thöne 1967, no. 22, fig. 128. Another comparable signed drawing, cally, see Friedrich 1887. For the iconography of the Leodegar cycle of
dated ca. 1610–20, is in the Kunsthaus Zürich, inv. n/2 Wägmann the Kapellbrücke paintings, see Wegmüller 2007, pp. 39–63.
(Thöne 1967, no. 35, fig. 132). 11. Reinle 1953, p. 93, no. 143.
3. Musée d’Histoire du Valais, Sion, inv. mv 10981 (ibid., no. 40, 12. As suggested in Thöne 1967, p. 150.
fig. 129; and the other literature cited in this note). The drawings
were not together at the 1898 sale in which the Museum’s sheet 13. Ibid., p. 143.
appeared (see Provenance), but by 1966 they were reunited in the
collection of Kurt Meissner (see Werner Sumowski in Bremen and Provenance:* Karl Eduard von Liphart (1808–1891), Dorpat, Bonn,
Zurich 1967, no. 205, ill.). The two drawings were separated again and Florence; Reinhold von Liphart (1864–1940), Dorpat; his sale,
after they were offered for sale in 2001 (see Boerner 2001, no. 4, ill.). C. G. Boerner, Leipzig, April 26, 1898, and following days, lot 375;
4. Kumschick 2002–3, vol. 1, p. 16, fig. 4. For the bridges of Lucerne, Löwensprung collection (?); Kurt Meissner (b. 1909), Zurich; [C. G.
see Reinle 1953, pp. 74–103; and the publications cited in the follow- Boerner, by 2001]; sale, Sotheby’s, London, July 6, 2005, lot 10;
ing note. [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Depart-
5. For the Hofbrücke specifically, see also Kumschick 2002–3; for the
Spreuerbrücke, see also Glauser et al. 1996; for the Kapellbrücke, see Literature: Boerner 1898, lot 375 (as by an anonymous Swiss artist);
also Wegmüller 2007. Images of the paintings on the three bridges Werner Sumowski in Bremen and Zurich 1967, p. 92, no. 206 and
can be found at www.stadtluzern.ch/de/dokumente/fotoalbum under no. 205, ill.; Thöne 1967, p. 131, no. 39, pp. 149–50, fig. 127;
(accessed November 15, 2011). Françoise Forster-Hahn in Stanford, Detroit, and New York 1969–
70, no. 82, ill.; K. Meissner 1984, no. 88, ill.; Boerner 2001, no. 5, ill.;
6. See www.kapellbrueckenbilder.ch/de/home/index.html
Sotheby’s 2005a, lot 10, ill.
(accessed November 15, 2011).
7. Reinle 1953, p. 92, no. 117. * Friedrich Thöne (quoted in Bremen and Zurich 1967, p. 92) suggests
that the drawing could be identical with one exhibited in 1869 from
8. For the commission, see ibid., p. 85; Thöne 1967, pp. 120–21.
the collection of the artist and collector Jost Meyer. However, in
9. Between 1609 and 1613 Wägmann collaborated with Renward his publication of 1967 Thöne identifies the exhibited drawing with
Cysat on a large drawn map of the canton of Lucerne, preserved at the one reproduced here as fig. 1. I have not been able to consult a
the Universitätsbibliothek Bern, shelf mark zhb Kart. ix/3 (Horat catalogue of the 1869 show.
and Klöti 1986). The verses currently on the frame read: Ebroin
s w is s d e s i g ners of sta i ned g l a ss | 109

Artists Active Mainly in Munich about 1600
Friedrich Sustris Arazzeria Medicea, the Medici tapestry workshop,

Padua (?), ca. 1540–1599 (?), Munich which brought the know-how of Flemish weavers to
Florence and made it possible for Florentine artists to
Although often considered a Netherlandish artist, see their designs immortalized in one of the era’s most
Friedrich Sustris appears never to have even visited the prestigious media.1 Not surprisingly, some of the artists
Low Countries—the birthplace of his father, Lambert designing tapestries for Cosimo’s ambitious program
Sustris, who had left for Italy at an early age to become a (supervised by Giorgio Vasari) to extend and embellish
valued member of Titian’s studio in Venice. The younger Florence’s Palazzo Vecchio and to reinvigorate his fam-
Sustris’s activity at the Medici court in Florence in ily’s illustrious past as art patrons were—or, as in the case
the 1560s is relatively well documented but difficult to of Sustris, were considered—fiamminghi (Flemings).
grasp, as most of his commissions seem to have been Notable among them were Jan van der Straet, known in
ephemeral in nature. In 1568 he moved to Germany and Italy as Giovanni Stradano or Stradanus, and “Federigo
later that year was called to Augsburg by the banker and the Fleming, son of Lamberto of Amsterdam.”2 The lat-
art collector Hans Fugger. He subsequently entered ter, better known now as Friedrich Sustris, arrived in
the service of William of Bavaria, first in Landshut and Florence as a young man in 1563, possibly from Rome.3
then, from 1580, in Munich, after his patron became He became a member of the Accademia dell’Arte del
Duke William V. Sustris soon became the central artist Disegno shortly after its creation in 1563, took part in
at the Munich court, overseeing a remarkable flowering the decoration of the catafalque for Michelangelo after
of artistic patronage. He worked mainly as a designer, that artist’s death in 1564, and helped decorate the
creating the drawings that served as models but leav- triumphal arches erected the next year for the entry of
ing the execution to assistants or specialized artists Cosimo’s future daughter-in-law Joanna of Austria.4
and craftsmen. These drawings alone prove him to be The only substantial works designed by the artist
among the very best Northern artists of his g eneration. to have survived from this period are three tapestries
commissioned by Cosimo in 1563 for the private
General literature: Geissler 1978; Meijer 1994; Geissler 1996a; Thea room of his wife, Eleanor of Toledo; known as the
Vignau-Wilberg in Munich 2005–6, passim; Maxwell 2011
50 | Friedrich Sustris
The Victory of the Romans over the Goths at Fiesole, 1563/64
Pen and brown ink, brown wash, a composite of black chalk and
graphite underdrawing, squared for transfer in graphite,
10¼ × 15 in. (26 × 38.1 cm)
Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 2004 (2004.54)
At lower center, inscribed 61 in black chalk, possibly by the artist.
Framing line in pen and black ink, probably by a later hand.
Verso, at lower left, vertically inscribed Baldassare Peruzzi in
graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); at upper center,
inscribed agler (?) in graphite (19th- or 20th-century hand
writing)
Watermark: none
Fig. 1. Benedetto di Michele Squilli, after Friedrich Sustris, The Victory

One of the great deeds of artistic patronage by Duke of the Romans over the Goths at Fiesole, 1563/64. Tapestry, 14 ft. 3¼ in. ×
Cosimo I de’ Medici was the creation in 1545 of the 15 ft. 7 in. (4.35 × 4.75 m). Palazzo Pitti, Florence (Arazzi 106)
110
Sala di Gualdrada, its ceiling was painted by Stradanus.5 were in Radagaisus’s army) not one escaped unscathed.
The tapestries, all still preserved in Florence, were deliv- The majority were killed, the rest captured and sold.”9
ered in 1564; a year later Sustris, who is mentioned in The picturesque hill town just north of Florence is
a document as author of the cartoons, received a final depicted—without much attempt at historical or topo-
payment from the weaver Benedetto di Michele Squilli, graphical accuracy—at upper left in the drawing. Sustris
with whose monogram one of the panels is signed.6 depicted the Roman army carrying banners with the
A contemporary document describes the subjects of Florentine lily, whereas the captured Goths are identified
the three panels as “the consecration of Saint John,” by their trousers, derived from the costume of sixteenth-
“the moment when the Goths laid siege to Fiesole,” century German and Swiss mercenaries (compare
and “the union between Fiesole and Florence.”7 cats. 15, 26). The heroic figure wearing the formidable
The drawing under discussion, a relatively recent feathered helmet can be identified as Honorius on the
addition to Sustris’s oeuvre, relates to the second of authority of Vasari, who treated this subject in a paint-
these tapestries (fig. 1).8 The episode depicted dates ing for the Salone dei Cinquecento in the P alazzo Vec-
from about 405, well into the final century of the West- chio.10
ern Roman Empire, and is chronicled in Leonardo Another painting by Vasari there shows the same
Bruni’s Historiarum Florentinarum libri xii (History of subject as the third scene in Sustris’s tapestries, the
the Florentine people in twelve books; finished in or union of Florence and Fiesole, which is less clearly
before 1442) as follows: “Stilico, a general of Emperor related to an actual historical event.11 In addition to the
Honorius . . . having driven the enemy into the moun- tapestry itself, the composition is known from a second
tains of Fiesole overlooking Florence, . . . starved them drawing by Sustris, now in the Pierpont Morgan
of supplies and wiped them out so completely that of Library (fig. 2).12 No drawing is known for the first
the two hundred thousand Goths (no fewer, they say, panel of the set, which depicts the consecration of the
111
more in the future.”16 When Vasari’s words were pub-
lished, Sustris had just left Florence, only five years
after his arrival there. Having served a Medici, he went
on to work for a Fugger and ultimately for a Wittelsbach,
taking up a central role at the Munich court very similar
to Vasari’s own in Florence. sa
1. For the Arazzeria Medicea, see, among recent publications, Meoni

1998; Thomas P. Campbell and Lucia Meoni in New York 2002,
pp. 493–505, 514–29.
2. Vasari 1568, vol. 3, p. 870; Vasari 1550 and 1568/1966–87, vol. 6
(1987), p. 241: “Federigo di Lamberto d’Amsterdam fiammingo.”
For Stradanus, see Baroni Vannucci 1997; Bruges 2008–9.
3. For a discussion of Sustris’s Italian years, see Meijer 1994.
4. Three drawings have been shown to be related to the decoration
for Joanna’s entry: two in the Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 2792 (ibid.,
pp. 142–43, fig. 5) and inv. 10675 (Monbeig Goguel 1997, p. 70, fig. 13;
Monbeig Goguel 1998, p. 113, fig. 35); and one in the Gabinetto
Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence, inv. 592 f (Petrioli Tofani
1991, pp. 249–50, ill. [as by Federico Zuccaro]; Annamaria Petrioli
Tofani in New York 2008, no. 50, ill.). See also Maxwell 2011,
Fig. 2. Friedrich Sustris, The Union of Florence and Fiesole, 1563/64. pp. 20–24. A fourth drawing has been related to this commission
Pen and brown ink, brownish gray wash, over black chalk, 103⁄16 × and attributed rather convincingly to Friedrich Sustris (most recently
105⁄16 in. (25.9 × 26.2 cm). The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, seen at the sale Subastas Segre, Madrid, December 18, 2007, lot 2;
Purchased as a gift of the Markus Family, in memory of Frits Markus published by Mercedes Serrano Marqués in Bologna and other cities
(1982.8) 2000, no. 5, ill.).
5. For the Sala di Gualdrada and the paintings by Stradanus, see
Baptistery of Florence by Pope Nicholas II (formerly a Allegri and Cecchi 1980, pp. 208–12; Baroni Vannucci 1997, no. 6,
bishop in the city) in 1059.13 Some of the marble used in ill.; van Veen 2006, pp. 39–48.
constructing the baptistery is said to have come from 6. For the three tapestries, see fig. 2 and notes 12 and 13 below;
Meoni 1998, p. 204; van Veen 2006, pp. 44–48. The documents
Fiesole, suggesting that the historical relations between
concerning the commission, preserved at the Archivio di Stato in
Florence and its smaller neighbor might be the link Florence, are quoted by Giovanna Gaeta Bertelà in Florence 1980,
connecting the subjects of Sustris’s seemingly rather p. 85, under no. 147. Sustris was paid on other occasions, too, for
making (unspecified) cartoons (Meoni 1998, pp. 204, 492, 493).
heterogeneous cycle.14
Puzzlingly, Vasari states that the cartoons for the tapestries in the
The two sheets in New York offer insight into Sustris’s Sala di Gualdrada were made by Stradanus (Vasari 1568, vol. 3, p. 871;
careful preparation of the tapestries. Only the Metro- Vasari 1550 and 1568/1966–87, vol. 6 [1987], p. 243).
politan Museum’s drawing, entirely squared for transfer, 7. Document of November 1564, quoted from Florence 1980, p. 85,
under no. 147: “quando si consacrò S. Giovanni,” “quando Goti
mirrors the composition of the tapestry, anticipating
assediorno Fiesole,” “dell’accordo fra fiesolani e fiorentini.”
the reversal owing to the weaving process. Since the
8. Gaeta Bertelà in Florence 1980, no. 147, ill.; Meoni 1998, no. 43,
Museum’s drawing corresponds more closely to the ill. The correct attribution of the drawing, which surfaced at the 2003
tapestry than the Morgan’s, it can be assumed that it sale (see Provenance), was first made by Martin Royalton-Kisch
prior to that auction.
represents a later stage in the development of the
9. Bruni ca. 1442/2001–7, vol. 1 (2001), pp. 60, 62: “Stilico Honorii
design. However, the Morgan’s drawing does include
dux . . . in Faesulanis montibus qui Florentiae imminent redactos
the richly ornamental border (the only part of the sheet hostes et omnium rerum inopia maceratos ita delevit, ut ex ducentis
to be squared), a variation of which was used in the Gothorum millibus (non enim pauciora in Radagasi exercitu fuisse
traduntur), nemo incolumis evaderet. Magna pars caesa, reliqui
tapestry after the Museum’s sheet.15 The drawings,
capti atque venundati”; for the translation by James Hankins, see
which have little in common with Northern art of the p. 63. For a more recent account of the historical background, see
time, show how thoroughly versed Sustris was in the also Wolfram 1979, pp. 178–84.
Florentine Mannerist style. They brilliantly demon- 10. For Vasari’s painting, see Allegri and Cecchi 1980, p. 244, no. 20;
Muccini 1990, p. 109, ill.
strate how accomplished he was even before reaching
11. For this painting, see Allegri and Cecchi 1980, p. 244, no. 26, ill.;
his thirtieth year, as had already been recognized in
Muccini 1990, p. 111, ill.
1568 by Vasari, who lauded his “dexterity and great
12. Stampfle 1991, no. 100, ill.; Meijer 1994, pp. 139–40, fig. 4. For
sweetness of manner” and predicted that “if he has the tapestry (inv. Arazzi 119), see Gaeta Bertelà in Florence 1980,
merited praise up to the present, he will merit even no. 148, ill.; Meoni 1998, no. 44, ill.

13. For the tapestry (inv. Arazzi 402), see Gaeta Bertelà in Florence
1980, p. 85, under no. 147, fig. 147 bis; Meoni 1998, no. 42, ill. For the
Florence baptistery, see Paolucci 1994.
14. The set’s subject was also described as “la storia di Fiesole” (docu-
ment quoted in Allegri and Cecchi 1980, p. 212); see also van Veen
2006, p. 44.
15. These borders are rather close to those designed by Francesco
Salviati for a series of the Seasons and the Ages commissioned by
Cosimo de’ Medici in the 1540s (Meoni 1998, pp. 52, 54, figs. 21–28;
Candace J. Adelson in Rome and Paris 1998, nos. 121–24, ill.;
Petrioli Tofani in New York 2008, no. 21, ill.).
16. Vasari 1568, vol. 3, pp. 788, 870; Vasari 1550 and 1568/1966–87,
vol. 6 (1987), pp. 130, 241: “destrezza e dolcissima maniera,”
“se ha meritato lode insin qui, più ne meriterà per l’avenire”; the
English translation by Gaston du C. de Vere is quoted from Vasari
1568/1996, vol. 2, pp. 756, 880.
Provenance: Francis Abbott (1800–1893), Edinburgh; private collec-

tion, in 1908; the heirs; sale, Christie’s, London, July 8, 2003, lot 25;
[Artemis Fine Arts, Luxembourg]; purchased by the Department of
Literature: Christie’s 2003, lot 25, ill.; François Borne in Borne and
Wintermute 2004, no. 2, ill.; Lucia Meoni in Florence 2008, p. 72,
under no. 9, ill.; Annamaria Petrioli Tofani in New York 2008,
p. 109, under no. 50; Maxwell 2011, pp. 19–20, fig. 1.2
51 | Friedrich Sustris
The Virgin and Child Surrounded by Angels in the Clouds,
ca. 1590–1600
4¾ × 3⅜ in. (12 × 8.6 cm)
Purchase, Sally and Howard Lepow Gift, 2001 (2001.283)
Framing line in pen and black ink, by the artist. Verso, at lower
right, inscribed TDP in graphite (19th-century handwriting). On more elegant than those in the Italian examples that
a discarded secondary support (a fragment of which is preserved inspired him. Small patches and larger areas of wash in
in the Museum’s departmental files), inscribed Jesus worshipped
by Cherubs in pen and black ink, probably by Isabella Dennistoun
two hues of gray are used for modeling the figures,
enhanced by highlights and hatching in white gouache.
Watermark: none
The facial type of the angels, along with their capricious
shocks of hair, was adopted by younger Munich artists
Modest in size, this previously unpublished sheet is a such as Sustris’s son-in-law Hans Krumpper and Hans
prime example of Friedrich Sustris’s highly refined Werl (compare cat. 54);2 but with Sustris, they are
mature draftsmanship. It was previously given to the imbued with a delightful sensitivity and vividness.
Antwerp artist Maerten de Vos, but the attribution to Sustris seems to have refined this manner about the
Sustris is confirmed by comparison with such securely time of his arrival at the Munich court in 1580; although
attributed drawings as a design in Göttingen for a print questions remain regarding the chronology of his draw-
reversing its composition, used in a publication of ings, stylistically comparable sheets are generally dated
1601, which must have been among the last drawings the in the 1580s or later.3 Because the drawing in Göttingen
artist worked on before his death.1 Both sheets are provides the closest comparison, the Museum’s draw-
executed with the fine pen favored by Sustris in many ing should probably be dated in the last decade of the
of his drawings. Elongated, extraordinarily graceful artist’s life.
forms—as in the Virgin’s face, neck, and hands— The scene depicted is a particularly endearing ver-
betray the influence of Florentine Mannerists, but sion of one that enjoyed great popularity with
Sustris’s figures are generally less weighty and even sixteenth-century and later artists, including Sustris’s
artis ts act i ve m a i nly i n m u ni ch | 113

Netherlandish contemporary Hieronymus Wierix ill.); one dated between 1579 and 1589, destroyed in World War II,
formerly at the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, inv. c 175 (Kaulbach 2007,
(fig. 1).4 Seated on clouds, with her hands folded in no. 677, ill.); and one that I hope to publish in due course. See
prayer, the Virgin watches over her sleeping son, whom also some of the prints after designs by Sustris—for instance, one
she has lovingly wrapped in her mantle. The Child is engraved by Jan Sadeler I that should be dated after Sustris’s arrival
in Munich at the end of the 1580s (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish,
surrounded by what looks like a little army of slightly 1949–2007, vol. 21 [1980], p. 107, no. 174, vol. 22 [1980], ill.), for
older brothers. Two angels at upper right play music on which the drawn model is at the Martin von Wagner Museum,
pipes while one at lower left motions for silence; his Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg, inv. 2319 (Kieser
1931–32, no. 19, ill.).
companion approaches with a palm frond, presumably
4. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 63 (2004), no. 1034,
to fan the sleeping Child. At right, an angel kneels ill. Other sixteenth-century examples include a number of engrav-
and kisses the Child’s hand, almost as if acting out the ings by members of the Wierix family (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish,
Mystic Marriage of Saint Catherine. Another very 1949–2007, vol. 63 [2004], nos. 1029–33, 1035, 1036, ill.); and one
by Marcantonio after Raphael dated in the first half of the 1510s
thoughtfully holds up a piece of cloth attached to a (Bartsch 1803–21, vol. 14 [1813], pp. 53–54, no. 47).
short stick to protect the Child’s face from the light that 5. Réau 1955–59, vol. 2, pt. 2 (1957), pp. 183–84.
is, perhaps, radiating from the Virgin’s halo. The same 6. Weber 1975, vol. 1, nos. 407, 407a, 453, 454, 454a, pls. 114,
angel also bears a bouquet of lilies, commonly under- 132, 133.
stood as a symbol of the Virgin’s purity.5
The original purpose of this sophisticated drawing is Provenance: Probably Isabella Dennistoun, in 1842; MacKinley Helm
(1896–1963) and Frances H. Helm (1894–1973), Santa Barbara; their
unknown. The technical similarity with the Göttingen daughter; private collection, Scottsdale, Arizona; [Monroe Warshaw,
drawing suggests it could have been made as a model New York]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints,
Fig. 1. Hieronymus Wierix, The Virgin and for a preciously small devotional print such as Wierix’s, 2001
Child Crowned by Angels in the Clouds, ca. 1610s.
Engraving, 311⁄16 × 2⅜ in. (9.3 × 6 cm). but no such print is known. Moreover, the composition Literature: unpublished
British Museum, London (1859-7-9-3001) would have been much less successful when reversed.
It is therefore more likely, perhaps, that the drawing
was a design for a small devotional plaquette; several
Peter Candid
comparable plaquettes of southern German origin sur-
Bruges, ca. 1548–1628, Munich
vive.6 Whatever its function may have been, the drawing
was clearly intended to charm and to inspire the viewer
to a very tender form of devotion. sa Born in Flanders as Pieter de Witte, “Peter the White”
moved with his family to Florence in 1558, where they
1. Kunstsammlungen der Universität Göttingen, inv. h 661 were called “Candido.” By 1576 Peter was documented
(Geissler 1978, pp. 81–82, fig. 19; Heinrich Geissler in Augsburg
1980, vol. 2, no. 666, ill.). The print was used in Imagines sanctorum as a member of the Accademia dell’Arte del Disegno.
Augustanorum Vincelicorum aereis tabellis expressae (Augsburg, 1601); Like Friedrich Sustris before him (see cat. 50), he
for the engraved title, see Geissler 1978, fig. 18. The book’s title print worked with Giorgio Vasari on public commissions, in
mentions Sustris and the minor artist Thomas Maurer as inventors
of all twenty-four prints in the volume. The prints were later reused Florence as well as in Rome. The paintings preserved
in Der weltberüehmbten Kayserlichen freyen . . . Statt Augspurg . . . kurtze from his Italian years reveal an artist who was already
Kirchen Chronick (Augsburg, 1620). The attribution to Sustris of the highly accomplished. In 1586 he was called to Munich
Museum’s drawing was first confirmed by Tilman Falk in a letter
to Monroe Warshaw, March 14, 2001, preserved in the Museum’s by Duke William V of Bavaria and—by now called
departmental files. Also preserved there is a fragment of a label of Candid—appointed court painter, working with
the MacKinley Helm collection, attached to the drawing’s old frame, Sustris, among others. After the death of the latter
recording the previous attribution to de Vos.
and of the duke, Candid became the leading artist at
2. For an example of Krumpper’s drawings, see a sheet in the Staats-
galerie Stuttgart, inv. c 1977/2705 (Kaulbach 2007, no. 344, ill.); and the court of William’s successor, Maximilian I. He
its pendant, now in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 2003.513 excelled not only in painting but also in the design of
(formerly at the sale Ketterer Kunst, Munich, May 5–6, 2003, lot 207). tapestries and prints.
3. See, for instance, the examples discussed by Thea Vignau-Wilberg
in Munich 2005–6, passim; as well as a drawing tentatively dated General literature: Volk-Knüttel 1976; Volk-Knüttel 2010
about 1580 in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.,
acc. 2007.111.167 (Peter Prange in Washington 2010–11, no. 1,
114 | d ürer and beyon d

52 | Peter Candid
Design for an Altar with a Painting Representing a Pietà,
ca. 1590–1600
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, black chalk under-
drawing, squared for transfer in black chalk, 915⁄16 × 57⁄16 in.
(25.3 × 13.8 cm)
Edward Pearce Casey Fund, 2003 (2003.509)
At lower center, inscribed A, B, and A in pen and brown ink,
probably by the artist; at lower right, probably inscribed (largely
cropped) A, and below B in pen and brown ink, probably by the
artist; below, inscribed piedi and 6 in pen and gray ink, probably
by the artist; to the right, inscribed R2: (?) in pen and brown ink
(19th-century handwriting?). Verso, at upper right, inscribed
p ora nulji / s[. . .] (?) in pen and brown ink (17th-century hand
writing)
Watermark: shield with salt barrel1
This little-known drawing is a somewhat atypical

addition to Peter Candid’s drawn oeuvre. Its sketchiest
parts—notably the angels in the upper half of the paint-
ing at the center of this design and the lightly drawn
ornament in the frieze immediately above—can be
linked to only a handful of his drawings that are simi-
larly free, in particular one in Erlangen.2 Because this
sheet is preparatory for a print signed with Candid’s

name, its authorship is beyond much doubt.3 The Pietà
in the Museum’s drawing has been compared, both
stylistically and compositionally, to a study sheet by
Candid in Berlin (fig. 1).4 The position of Christ’s body
in the left-hand sketch is indeed very close to that in the
Fig. 1. Peter Candid, Studies for a Pietà, ca. 1585–86. Pen and brown
ink, gray wash, over black chalk, 65⁄16 × 4¾ in. (16.1 × 12.1 cm). Museum’s sheet. The two drawings are both character-
Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (KdZ 12250) ized by the jagged lines that make up the contours of

the figures, by the use of short pen strokes and patches head—seems to have been inspired by Michelangelo’s
of wash to model the bodies, and by the fine parallel marble Florentine Pietà (Pietà Bandini).8 It is nearly
hatching used to indicate shadows on the sides of the identical to a Pietà known in many incarnations, includ-
bodies. The Berlin drawing has been connected with a ing an undated print by one of the Collaerts and a
more finished drawing in Madrid that is preparatory to bronze relief in Washington (fig. 3).9 That design has
a painting in Wrocław, dated to late in the artist’s Italian never been convincingly attributed to any artist. Its
sojourn.5 In contrast, the Museum’s drawing must be earliest dated appearance is from 1585, about the time
from his subsequent years in Munich, as evident from Candid was in Florence and is thought to have made
the ornament on the elegant frame (the inscription the drawing now in Berlin. Could Michelangelo’s
specifies it would measure six piedi) surrounding the sculpture have inspired Candid to design his own Pietà
altarpiece, similar to that used by Sustris and other while he was still in Italy and, after moving to Munich,
artists at the Bavarian court. The drawing style is did he continue developing the idea, eventually inspir-
remarkably close in style to that of another in the ing other artists with his own poignant depiction of the
Museum by an unidentified artist active at the Munich Virgin cradling her dead son? sa
court (fig. 2).6 Both drawings could well have been
made about the same time, Candid’s first decade in the 1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Munich in
1592 (Piccard-Online, no. 152886; accessed November 26, 2011).
Fig. 2. Anonymous (Munich, active Bavarian capital, when the airy, elegant style of Fried-
2. Graphische Sammlung, Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg,
ca. 1590–1600), Design for an Altar or rich Sustris had its greatest influence on him.7 Erlangen (Bock 1929, vol. 1, no. 891, vol. 2, ill.; Yasmin Doosry in
Tomb, ca. 1590–1600. Pen and brown
The Museum’s drawing is unique in being the artist’s Nuremberg 2008, no. 90, ill.; Volk-Knüttel 2010, no. z 12, fig. 138).
ink, brown-gray wash, 103⁄16 × 413⁄16 in.
(25.8 × 12.2 cm). The Metropolitan only known architectural or sculptural design. Whereas 3. The print was engraved by Jan Sadeler I (Hollstein, Dutch and
Museum of Art, New York, Edward Sustris, his predecessor in Munich, was very much Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 [1980], p. 101, no. 127; Volk-Knüttel
Pearce Casey Fund, 2003 (2003.510) 2010, no. d 8, fig. 285). The preparatory drawing for the print is
involved in the design of sculpture and architecture, preserved in the Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence,
Candid seems to have focused mainly on painting, as inv. 2354 f (Henk Th. van Veen in Kloek and Meijer 2008, no. 38,
well as on designs for prints and tapestries. No altar or ill.; Volk-Knüttel 2010, no. d 8, fig. 285).
altarpiece related to the Museum’s design is known or 4. Bock and Rosenberg 1930, vol. 1, p. 60, vol. 2, pl. 49; Volk-Knüttel
2010, no. z 6, fig. 129.
documented; it may have been destroyed or lost, or
5. Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid, inv. d-2285 (fd 636) (N. Turner
possibly was never executed. For the frame, Candid 2008, no. 46, ill.; Volk-Knüttel 2010, no. z 5, fig. 128); Muzeum
proposed two options: one with straight corners and Archidiecezjalne we Wrocławiu, Wrocław, inv. 3854 (Volk-Knüttel
one rounded at the top. As usual in a modello, the draw- 2010, no. g 13, fig. 84). Notwithstanding the probable connection
between these works and the Berlin drawing, it should be noted that
ing is at the same time carefully finished and economi- on the back of the latter is a draft of a letter by Candid dated 1591,
cally executed: only one part has been drawn wherever which could mean the drawing should be dated about that time.
the overall symmetry of the design (as in the broken 6. The anonymous sheet was offered at the same sale in 2003 as
pediment) or the repetition of ornament (as in the Candid’s drawing discussed here (lot 202).
moldings) makes such abbreviation practical. Using 7. A highly elaborate design for a sculpted altar by Sustris is now in
the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., acc. 2007.111.167
washes, Candid indicated the shadows that would be (Peter Prange in Washington 2010–11, no. 1, ill.).
cast on the church wall by the slightly protruding altar, 8. Museo dell’Opera del Duomo, Florence (Poeschke 1992, pp. 119–
which is topped by a dramatic flame in an urn (it is not 20, figs. 100–103; Acidini Luchinat 2005, pp. 264–77, ill., no. 44).
clear how this could have been translated into stone or 9. Douglas Lewis in Washington 1991, pp. 42–43, ill.; compare
wood). The letters on the base of the altar must refer to Weber 1975, vol. 1, no. 452, vol. 2, pl. 132. For the print, see
Fig. 3. Anonymous (South German, Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 8 (1953), p. 150, no. 2
the patrons’ coats of arms, to be sculpted in the shields (as after Jan Gossaert); Diels and Leesberg 2005–6, vol. 3 (2005),
ca. 1580), Pietà, ca. 1580. Bronze,
75⁄16 × 51⁄16 in. (18.5 × 12.8 cm). National at lower left and right (A), and a dedicatory inscription no. 504, ill. (as by Jan II or III Collaert); Volk-Knüttel 2010, p. 232,
Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. at lower center (B); it seems that they referred to an fig. 159. The preparatory drawing for the print, now apparently
(1989.57.1) lost, is said to have been in “silver point heightened with white on
explanation to the right of the drawing, now cropped. dark-grey paper” and was sold as by Jan Gossaert at the sale of the
The way the sheet was once folded suggests that Candid collection of Robert Prioleau Roupell (Christie’s, London, July
mailed the sheet to the patrons of the altarpiece; the 12–14, 1887, lot 898).
cropped inscription on the back may have been part of
Provenance: Ingeborg Tremmel (1925–2002); her sale, Ketterer
their address. Kunst, Munich, May 5–6, 2003, lot 200; purchased by the Depart-
The composition of the altarpiece itself—especially ment of Drawings and Prints, 2003
the position of Christ, with the long straight line Literature: Ketterer 2003, lot 200, ill.; Volk-Knüttel 2010, no. z 31,
formed by his arms and continued by his lowered fig. 158

53 | Peter Candid one of the most accomplished tapestry designers in the
Otto von Wittelsbach Liberates the Army of Frederick seventeenth century.2 His earliest commission while
Barbarossa in a Mountain Pass near Verona, 1604 or serving at the court of Duke Maximilian I in Munich
slightly later goes back to 1604 and was for a series devoted to one of
Maximilian’s forebears—the twelfth-century count
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink wash mixed with lead white, palatine Otto von Wittelsbach, the first of his family to
traces of black chalk underdrawing (laid down), 511⁄16 × 109⁄16 in.
(14.4 × 26.9 cm)
rule over the duchy of Bavaria.3 In ten large panels,
The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, most of them still on view at the Munich Residenz,
2005 (2005.119) Candid depicted scenes from Otto’s life, especially his
Remnants of a framing line in red chalk, possibly by the artist. role in the first Italian campaign (1154–55) led by Holy
Verso, at upper right, an illegible inscription in graphite (20th- Roman Emperor Frederick I, known as Barbarossa.
century handwriting) The fifth tapestry represents an event that took place
Watermark: none soon after Barbarossa was crowned by the pope in 1155:
he ordered Otto to liberate the imperial army, caught in
an ambush by robbers near Verona (fig. 1).4 In the draw-
When the Bruges weaver Pieter de Witte and his family ing, Otto (carrying the emperor’s standard with its
moved to Florence in 1558, he did so in order to work at two-headed eagle) stands at left, next to Barbarossa, who
the tapestry workshop that had been established by the points to the rocky fortress in the background, which
Medici a few years earlier; he remained active there Otto’s men have already started assailing. The sketch
until at least 1568.1 His profession may have helped under discussion is probably the earliest known design
Pieter’s son, the great painter Peter Candid, become related to the tapestry, and as Brigitte Volk-Knüttel

The Museum’s sheet served to try out not only a com-
position but also the distribution of light and shadow
by way of washes. The development of the final compo-
sition is recorded in two more drawings, one depicting
only the isolated figures of the striding Otto and his
companion; the other, which is squared for transfer,
shows the complete composition in reverse.7 Clearly,
this last sheet must have directly preceded the creation
of a now-lost full-scale cartoon, which had to be in
reverse, given the low-warp method used by the
Munich weavers. Similar finished drawings by Candid
in reverse of the tapestries in the Wittelsbach series are
preserved, some with touches of watercolor.8 In addi-
tion to the wealth of detail and complex compositions,
they predict the astonishing richness of color in the
actual tapestries. sa
1. For Pieter de Witte the Elder, see Volk-Knüttel 2010, pp. 13–15.

2. For the tapestries designed by Candid, see Volk-Knüttel 1976;
Thomas P. Campbell and Elizabeth Cleland in New York and Madrid
2007–8, pp. 62–64, 81–86.
Fig. 1. Hans van der Biest, after Peter Candid, Otto von Wittelsbach Liberates the Army of Frederick B
arbarossa in a
Mountain Pass near Verona, 1609. Tapestry, 13 ft. 3½ in. × 21 ft. 6 in. (4.05 × 6.58 m). Bayerische Verwaltung der 3. For the Wittelsbach series, see Volk-Knüttel 1976, pp. 38–40,
Staatlichen Schlösser, Gärten und Seen, Residenz, Munich (bsv.wa0001) 55–64, 132–37, 147–70; Volk-Knüttel 2010, pp. 79–81, 320–25,
nos. Tap 1–Tap 23, pls. 47–50.
4. Volk-Knüttel 1976, no. 7, pl. 1, figs. 89, 90; Volk-Knüttel 2010,
p. 389, no. Tap z 11.
notes, “an especially beautiful example of Candid’s
5. Volk-Knüttel 2010, p. 321: “ein besonders schönes Beispiel für
powerful penmanship.”5 Although well balanced and Candids kraftvollen Federduktus.”
striking, the composition must not have completely 6. Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 19857 (Lugt 1968, no. 678, pl. 192;
satisfied the artist or his patron, as Candid eventually Volk-Knüttel 1976, no. 77, fig. 28; Volk-Knüttel 2010, pp. 320–21,
settled on a quite different design. The tapestry shows 389, no. Tap z 11). A drawing by Candid with a commander in a
pose very similar to that of Barbarossa and pointing to a besieged
Otto at center, bearing the imperial standard over his city is in the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München, inv. 148 z
shoulder and walking toward the mountain pass. In this (Volk-Knüttel 1976, no. 80, fig. 31; Volk-Knüttel 2010, p. 389,
more dynamic composition, the duke looks over his no. Tap z 14). As suggested in Volk-Knüttel 1976 (p. 153), it most
likely represents another scene from the life of Otto. In fact, the
shoulder at the viewer while he walks away, dividing the drawing’s size and style connect it with a group of twenty designs by
tapestry between the imperial camp at left and the for- Candid that never progressed beyond the sketch stage, almost all of
tress at right. The emperor takes a less prominent role, them also in M unich (Volk-Knüttel 1976, nos. 86–105, figs. 38, 39,
41, 42, 44–56—compare especially no. 86, fig. 39, and no. 87, fig. 38;
perhaps at the request of the duke, who had commis- Volk-Knüttel 2010, p. 389, nos. Tap z 20–Tap z 39). Perhaps the
sioned the series to glorify his ancestor. Munich drawing preceded the Museum’s, in which Candid might
Generally similar to the Museum’s sheet is one in have reused elements of his rejected compositions.
Paris.6 However, the background scene is closer to the 7. Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München, inv. 132 z and 133 z
(Volk-Knüttel 1976, nos. 78, 79, figs. 29, 30; Volk-Knüttel 2010,
final version. It should thus be dated about 1605, p. 389, nos. Tap z 12, Tap z 13).
though probably still in the first year or so after Candid 8. See notably a drawing in the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung
received the commission. These two drawings, together München, inv. 129 z (Volk-Knüttel 1976, no. 83, fig. 34; Volk-Knüttel
with others related to the composition and to other 2010, p. 389, no. Tap z 17); and one in the Kasper collection, New
York (Volk-Knüttel 2010, no. Tap z 60, fig. 263; Elizabeth Nogrady
tapestries in the series, reveal Candid’s approach to pre- in New York 2011, no. 41, ill.).
paring his designs. The drawings in the Museum and
in Paris must be seen as preliminary sketches, although Provenance: [Lutz Riester, Freiburg]; purchased by the Department
the absence of any pentimenti may indicate that they of Drawings and Prints, 2005
were preceded by earlier ones drawn even more freely. Literature: Volk-Knüttel 2010, no. Tap z 59, fig. 262
118 | d ür er and beyon d

Hans Werl
Munich, ca. 1570–1608, Munich
Although his work did not achieve the same high qual-
ity as that by his most talented colleagues, Hans Werl is
a worthy exemplar of the Munich style, and he was held
in great esteem at the Bavarian ducal courts of William
V and Maximilian I. His paintings and drawings are
closest in style to those by Friedrich Sustris but repre-
sent a slightly stockier version of that artist’s graceful
style. The author of mainly religious and mythological
compositions, Werl was also active as a portraitist and a
miniaturist. Few of his works are known today, but it is
likely that a number have remained u nrecognized.
General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1,

pp. 150–51; Geissler 1996b
54 | Hans Werl
Venus and Cupid in the Clouds, ca. 1600
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, graphite underdraw-
ing, squared for transfer in red chalk (laid down), 89⁄16 × 5¼ in.
(21.7 × 13.3 cm)
Purchase, The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha
Whittelsey Fund, 1961 (61.241)
At upper center, the symbol  in pen and black ink and gray
wash, by the artist
This hitherto unpublished drawing entered the Muse-

um’s collection in 1961 as the work of Peter Candid (see
cats. 52, 53). However, even though the drawing’s style
clearly belongs to an artist active in Munich, a compari-
son with Candid’s more tightly drawn works excludes
him as the author, as has already been recognized by
Brigitte Volk-Knüttel.1 The drawing is here attributed to
Hans Werl, a younger—and short-lived—colleague of
Candid’s, who was likewise active at the Residenz, the
ducal palace in Munich. Werl’s best-known and best-
documented drawing, the model for his 1601 altarpiece convincingly attributed to Werl (see fig. 1).3 Although
for the court chapel, shows many similarities in style to those drawings depict only men, their features are
this one, as does a religious drawing by him in the comparable to those of this Venus, and the technique,
Museum’s collection.2 Especially comparable are the characterized by subtle washes and soft lines somewhat
putti and female saints with protruding dark eyes, lacking in energy, is nearly identical.
chubby cheeks, high foreheads, and flamelike shocks of The drawing under discussion represents Venus,
hair. The manner of drawing is even closer to that of identified by her astrological sign and seen in the com-
three models for paintings commissioned to decorate pany of her son Cupid, holding an arrow and with his
the Hercules Room at the Residenz, which have been quiver nearby. The flaming heart held by the goddess of

1. Email to Michiel Plomp, August 6, 2003 (copy in the Museum’s
departmental files), rejecting the former attribution to Candid. A
drawing rather convincingly attributed to Werl, which is somewhat
closer to Candid’s graphic style, is at the École Nationale Supérieure
des Beaux-Arts, Paris, inv. m 1655 (Emmanuelle Brugerolles in Paris
and Hamburg 1985–86, no. 34, ill.).
2. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 1998.41.10 (Bassenge
1997, lot 5500, ill.). The drawing related to the altarpiece is in the
Kunsthalle Bremen, inv. 62/231 (Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart
1979–80, vol. 1, no. d 19, ill.; Anne Röver-Kann in Bremen 1998,
p. 80, ill.).
3. Boon 1992, vol. 1, no. 290, vol. 3, pl. 316. The two other drawings
are in the Albertina, Vienna, inv. 8007, 8008 (Benesch 1928, nos. 180,
181, pls. 49, 48 [as by Peter Candid]; Volk-Knüttel 1967, pp. 189–93,
fig. 5). For the Hercules Room and the related paintings, see Volk-
Knüttel 1967, pp. 187–94.
4. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 23 (1980), p. 51,
no. 67, ill. For other prints of Venus with a burning heart after
Goltzius by Jan Saenredam and Jacob Matham, see Hollstein, Dutch
and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 23 (1980), pp. 43, 47, 48, 54, nos. 54,
61, 64, 70, ill.; Widerkehr 2007–8, vol. 2 (2007), no. 208, ill. The
iconography was followed in some slightly later prints by Crispijn
van de Passe the Elder (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007,
vol. 15 [1964], pp. 174, 175, 176, nos. 381, 385, 388, ill.). Among earlier
examples is a print by Hieronymus Wierix after Jan van der Straet,
called Stradanus, dated 1575 (Leesberg 2008, vol. 2, no. 287, ill.).
Fig. 1. Hans Werl, Albrecht III Refuses the Crown of Bohemia, 1601 or later. Pen and gray ink, gray wash, squared for
transfer in red chalk, 81⁄16 × 12⅝ in. (20.5 × 32 cm). Frits Lugt Collection, Paris (4545) 5. For the symbol, see Ripa 1603, p. 206. The similar symbol of
Mercury (see Ripa 1603, p. 206) has sometimes been confused with
Venus’s (see the prints of Venus and Mercury in Jacob Matham’s
series of engravings after Goltzius of Mercury mentioned in note 7,
love may be better known from religious (Augustinian) below).
iconography, but in the second half of the sixteenth 6. Rudolf ’s crown, designed by Hans Vermeyen, is now in the
century it was often used as an attribute of Venus. It Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. Xia1 (Bukovinská 1982;
appears in a number of Netherlandish prints represent- Distelberger 1988, pp. 449–50; Rudolf Distelberger in Essen and
Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, p. 467, ill., pl. 65).
ing Venus and Cupid, including two from series of the
7. Two print series of the planetary gods by Jan Saenredam and Jacob
planetary gods and others engraved after Hendrick Matham after Hendrick Goltzius include, in addition to Venus and
Goltzius and dated in or about the years 1595–97 Cupid, the planets Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the sun or Apollo, Mercury,
(fig. 2).4 Some of these prints also feature other elements and the moon or Diana (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007,
vol. 23 [1980], pp. 41–44, nos. 50–56, ill.; Widerkehr 2007–8, vol. 2
of Werl’s composition, such as the belt strapped under- [2007], nos. 204–10, ill.).
neath the goddess’s breasts, the jewel in her hair, and 8. For the Theatinergang, see Anna Bauer-Wild and Brigitte Volk-
the Venus symbol overhead.5 The crowns at Venus’s Knüttel in H. Bauer and Rupprecht 1976–2008, vol. 3, pt. 2 (1989),
feet—one looking very similar to the imperial Habsburg pp. 197–210, ill.; Volk-Knüttel 2010, p. 90, nos. z 70–z 86, Re 90–
Re 142, figs. 66, 213–30.
crown of Rudolf II made in 1602,6 the other a western-
ized turban—may represent Venus’s dominance over Provenance: Lucien Goldschmidt (1912–1992), New York; purchased
land, whereas the trident at left must indicate her power from him by the Department of Drawings, 1961
Fig. 2. Jan Saenredam, after Hendrick over the seas as well. Literature: unpublished
Goltzius, Venus and Cupid, ca. 1595. The drawing, which is squared for transfer, was
Engraving, 913⁄16 × 73⁄16 in. (25 × 18.2 cm). evidently made for a ceiling painting; the unidentified
British Museum, London (1854-5-13-159)
commission would presumably have included paintings
representing the other planets.7 Very similar in compo-
sition and in form—rounded at top and bottom—are a
series of allegorical paintings designed about 1615 by
Peter Candid for the so-called Theatinergang (Theatine
hallway), also in the Munich Residenz.8 It seems safe to
date the Museum’s drawing to about 1600, the approxi-
mate time of Werl’s work on the Hercules Room. sa

Hans Rottenhammer 55 | Hans Rottenhammer
Munich, 1564–1625, Augsburg The Rape of the Sabine Women, 1597 or before (?)
Pen and iron gall ink, iron gall ink washes, graphite under-
After training in his native Munich, Hans Rotten
drawing, red chalk, 8¼ × 12¼ in. (21 × 31.1 cm)
hammer went to Italy in 1588 or 1589 and spent more Bequest of Harry G. Sperling, 1971 (1971.131.236)
than fifteen years there. Although also recorded in
At lower left, inscribed Rot. 1600 Augo. in pen and brown ink
Rome, from at least 1595 or 1596 (and possibly earlier), (18th-century handwriting?). Framing line in pen and brown
he worked mainly in Venice. There he came under the ink, by a later hand. Verso, at upper center, inscribed Tintoreto
influence of the city’s great painters—most notably, F (?) in pen and brown ink (17th- or 18th-century handwriting?);
Jacopo Palma il Giovane, Jacopo Tintoretto, and Paolo at center, inscribed F. A Mayliss [?] 1902 in pen and black ink
(20th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed Tintoret
Veronese—and ran a successful and prolific workshop.
in pen and brown ink (17th- or 18th-century handwriting?)
In 1606 he returned to Germany and established him-
Watermark: lion1
self in Augsburg. His attractive, beautifully executed,
somewhat repetitive work was highly popular with his
contemporaries; some of its appeal seems to have been Like the myth of Diana and Actaeon (see cat. 56), the
lost—not quite deservedly—to modern eyes. Rape of the Sabine Women was a story that continually
inspired Rottenhammer, resulting in at least three
General literature: Peltzer 1916; Schlichtenmaier 1988; Borggrefe finished works. The earliest of these is a large canvas
et al. 2007; Brake and Prague 2008–9
dated 1597 (fig. 1).2 A smaller version on copper (1604)
in Chatsworth can be called an autograph repetition.3
The Museum’s drawing is clearly related to both
works. The Augsburg goldsmith Hans Jakob Bayr the

he acquired the good style and how he became a skilled
inventor.”10 Without quoting directly from the great
Venetian’s work, Rottenhammer followed the general
scheme of his composition and captured the drama
conveyed by his contorted figures.
The drawing is somewhat closer to Tintoretto’s can-
vas than to Rottenhammer’s own painted versions: even
the monumental staircase in the Venetian’s composi-
tion has found a modest role in the lower left corner
of the drawing. Although it has always been assumed
that the drawing was signed and dated by the artist in
August 1600, there is little reason to accept as auto-
graph the inscription at lower left: the ink seems to
Fig. 2. Egidius Sadeler II, after Jacopo Fig. 1. Hans Rottenhammer, The Rape of the Sabine Women, 1597. differ from that used for the drawing itself, and the
Tintoretto, The Massacre of the Innocents, Oil on canvas, 5913⁄16 × 831⁄16 in. (152 × 211 cm). Private collection handwriting is quite unlike that of undisputed signa-
ca. 1600. Engraving, 157⁄16 × 197⁄16 in. (39.2 × tures on other drawings by Rottenhammer.11 This
49.3 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York, The Elisha Whittelsey Collection,
leaves open the possibility that the drawing is a slightly
The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 1949 Elder made a medal after a design by Rottenhammer, earlier exploratory sketch for the 1597 painting. In
(49.95.2295) now in Florence, that is quite different from the two fact, this seems quite likely, especially since that work
earlier compositions and probably dates from no earlier and the Chatsworth version from 1604 are so similar,
than 1610 (compare cat. 56).4 Some additional versions which suggests that Rottenhammer did not rework his
of the theme are attributed to Rottenhammer as well.5 composition in those years.12 The drawing is an excel-
Recounted by Plutarch in his life of Romulus, Rome’s lent example of Rottenhammer’s loose pen sketches
legendary founder (chapters xiv–xv), and by Livy (book from his Venetian period, which he typically finished
i, chapter 9), the story of the Sabine women offered with lively wash. This style was apparently inspired by
artists, especially in the seventeenth and eighteenth the Venetian artist Jacopo Palma il Giovane, with
centuries, the appealing opportunity to depict a com- whom Rottenhammer is said (again by Ridolfi) to have
plex battle fought by virile soldiers and barely clothed been friends.13 The Museum owns two more drawings
women.6 In search of ways to encourage the population of this type.14 sa
growth of Rome in its early days, when it was still
inhabited mainly by men, Romulus announced the 1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Mantua in
1589 (Piccard-Online, no. 85288, accessed November 20, 2011).
discovery of the statue of a god and proclaimed a festi-
2. Formerly in the collection of the District Bank, Manchester,
val in its honor. During the celebration, the Romans England; and more recently at the sale Christie’s, London, Decem-
captured some of the visiting Sabine women—neigh- ber 16, 1998, lot 38 (Schlichtenmaier 1988, p. 116, no. g i 28; A. J.
bors who had previously declined Romulus’s invitation Martin 2007a, figs. 1, 3, 9; Heiner Borggrefe in Brake and Prague
2008–9, no. 24, ill.).
to mate with his men. In Rottenhammer’s painting,
3. The Duke of Devonshire and the Trustees of the Chatsworth
the festooned arch in the middle ground refers to the Settlement, Chatsworth, inv. 581 (Arts Council of Great Britain
festival. 1955–56, no. 31; A. J. Martin 2007a, pp. 55–56, fig. 5). A weak copy on
The former attribution of the drawing to Jacopo vellum after this painting was previously at the sale Hôtel Drouot,
Paris, December 10, 2003, lot 7 (illustrated in the catalogue).
Tintoretto makes some sense, as Rottenhammer was
4. For the medal, which is preserved in several casts, see Weber 1975,
clearly inspired by one of that artist’s paintings of the vol. 1, no. 781, vol. 2, pl. 218; Schlichtenmaier 1988, p. 429; Michael
1580s in the sala terrena of the Scuola Grande di San Bischoff in Brake and Prague 2008–9, no. 78, ill. The drawing is at
Rocco in Venice.7 Its subject, the Massacre of the the Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence, inv. 8925 s
(Jost 1963, pp. 74–76, fig. 5; Weber 1969; Andrews 1988, no. 54,
Innocents (Matthew 2:16)—shown here in Egidius fig. 51; Schlichtenmaier 1988, no. z i 31; Bischoff in Brake and
Sadeler II’s engraving after the composition (fig. 2)8— Prague 2008–9, p. 171, fig. 54).
was often depicted as a biblical parallel to the Rape of 5. A “Raptus Sabinarum” by Rottenhammer is mentioned in the
the Sabines.9 The biographer Carlo Ridolfi reported in 1621 inventory of the collection of Rudolf II in Prague (published in
Granberg 1902, p. xix, no. 782); the painting was later in the collec-
1648 that while in Venice, Rottenhammer “took to tion of Christina of Sweden (Granberg 1902, p. 117, no. 246). Two
drawing the famous paintings, and particularly those by other paintings are recorded in Hoet 1752, vol. 1, p. 132, no. 4, vol. 2,
Tintoretto in the Scuola di San Rocco, and this is how p. 265, no. 15. See also A. J. Martin 2007a, p. 63, n. 6.

6. For the Greek and Latin texts, as well as an English translation, attractive nudes, so it is little surprise that he had a par-
see Plutarch 1914–26 (ed.), vol. 1, pp. 126–35; Livy 1919–59 (ed.),
vol. 1, pp. 32–39. For other treatments of the subject in the visual
ticular fondness for Diana and Actaeon.2 As recounted
arts, see Pigler 1974, vol. 2, pp. 418–23. by Ovid in the Metamorphoses (book iii, verses 138–252),
7. Pallucchini and Rossi 1982, vol. 1, p. 100, no. 438, pl. xxxii, vol. 2, the myth tells of a shepherd’s son who, after inadver-
figs. 559–61; Willmes 1985, pp. 12, 16, 152, 309, 312, 313, fig. 45; tently spying on Diana and her bathing nymphs, is
Romanelli 1994, pp. 39, 42, 321, ill. pp. 362–85. The connection was
already proposed in Jost 1963, p. 75, n. 41. Less compelling is a com-
turned into a deer by the goddess and fatally pursued
parison with a painting by Bonifazio Veronese in a private collection, by his own hunting dogs. It is the subject of some of
suggested in A. J. Martin 2007a, pp. 57–58, figs. 7, 8. Rottenhammer’s best works, including two paintings
8. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 (1980), p. 14, on copper, one in Stuttgart—a collaboration with Jan
no. 37; Maria Agnese Chiari Moretto Wiel in Venice 1994, no. 9, ill.
Brueghel the Elder—and the other in Munich.3 Draw-
9. Rottenhammer also depicted the Massacre of the Innocents in a
painting dated 1603 in the Deutsche Barockgalerie, Schaezlerpalais,
ings related to these compositions are in Weimar and
Kunstsammlungen und Museen Augsburg, inv. l 854 (Borggrefe Chatsworth, respectively.4 The Weimar sheet is dated
in Brake and Prague 2008–9, no. 62, ill.); a related drawing is in 1597 and the Munich painting 1602, which firmly situ-
the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München, inv. 1963:214 z
(Schlichtenmaier 1988, no. z i 61; Borggrefe in Brake and Prague
ates all four works during the artist’s years in Venice.
2008–9, no. 63, ill.). Before, in Rome, he had already made two drawings of
10. Ridolfi 1648, vol. 2, p. 76: “si pose à disegnare le pitture celebri, the subject, one of which is dated 1595.5 He later also
& quelle in particolare del Tintoretto della Scola di S. Rocco, onde inspired several followers to explore the artistic possi-
apprese la buona maniera, e si fece prattico inuentore.”
bilities of the story, either in compositions probably
11. Compare, for instance, a drawing dated August 1595 in the British
Museum, London, inv. a-17-52 (Schlichtenmaier 1988, no. z i 11;
after now-lost works by him or in original works in his
Borggrefe in Brake and Prague 2008–9, p. 104, fig. 153); for other style.6 All of these depict the moment when Actaeon has
examples, see Borggrefe in Brake and Prague 2008–9, nos. 3, 22, ill. just been discovered by Diana and her nymphs; the god-
12. A drawing at the National Galleries of Scotland, Edinburgh dess then sprinkles “the avenging drops” on his hair
(inv. d 1746), is a copy in reverse of the painting reproduced here as
fig. 1 (Andrews 1991, p. 16, fig. 67). Another drawing, now probably
that make him grow antlers—a tragic metamorphosis
lost, is described in the catalogue of the sale Hôtel Drouot, Paris, ultimately resulting in the young man’s death.7
March 23–25, 1874, lot 58 (“L’Enlèvement des Sabines. Dessin de Among the other works that attest to Rotten
forme ronde à la plume et l’encre de Chine; rehaussé de blanc”).
hammer’s continuing interest in the subject should be
13. Ridolfi 1648, vol. 2, p. 77.
mentioned a—signed?—drawing formerly in Dessau,
14. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 2003.500 (Borggrefe
in Brake and Prague 2008–9, p. 119, fig. 169); and an unpublished
but lost in World War II (fig. 1).8 Another version of the
sheet, acc. 2005.418.15. composition, in square format, is in London (fig. 2).9
Inscribed Rottenhamer In:tor. Venetia and dated 1597 in
Provenance: F. A. Mayliss (?), 1902; Harry G. Sperling (1906–1971), pen and brown ink, the latter has been considered to be
New York; bequeathed by him to the Department of Drawings, 1971
an autograph replica, but certain weaknesses suggest
Literature: Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, that it is instead a work from the artist’s circle. This
and Pittsburgh 1982–83, no. 31, ill.; Kaufmann 1985, p. 100; Chris-
tie’s 1998a, p. 61, under lot 38; A. J. Martin 2007a, p. 56; Heiner becomes even more evident when the London sheet is
Borggrefe in Brake and Prague 2008–9, p. 118, under no. 24, fig. 50 compared to the third, newly surfaced version of the
subject—identical in composition and size, and very
close in style to the Dessau version—that was acquired
56 | Hans Rottenhammer for the Museum’s collection. The penmanship in the
Diana and Actaeon, after ca. 1610 (?) Museum’s drawing is perhaps slightly livelier than in
the Dessau version; this is also seen in the brushwork in
Pen and iron gall ink, red chalk, iron gall and sanguine washes, the trees at upper left and the sketchily indicated grotto
graphite and red chalk underdrawing, on paper prepared with at right. On the other hand, the light but firm under-
sanguine wash, diameter: 71⁄16 in. (18 cm)
drawing in graphite of the Museum’s sheet suggests
Ian Woodner Family Collection Fund, 2011 (2011.387)
that the draftsman had already worked out the compo-
On a discarded secondary support, at lower left, inscribed [. . .]
sition previously; this is also evident in the lower right
Rott[enh]amer in graphite (18th- or 19th-century handwriting)
corner, where the drawing stops within the edge of the
Watermark: circle with standing man with sword (?)
paper as if following an invisible model. Although com-
paring the Museum’s drawing to the one in Dessau is
Hans Rottenhammer could make even a subdued reli- made difficult by the fact that the latter can no longer be
gious subject look like a lush forest scene peopled by studied in the original, it seems likely that it preceded

cat. 56
the one in the Museum. The consistency in quality of as the model for a medal by the Augsburg goldsmith
the two drawings, compared to the slightly weaker Hans Jakob Bayr the Elder.10 Given their round shape,
version in London, leaves little doubt that both are it is plausible that the Dessau and New York drawings
autograph. were also made in connection with a medal; perhaps
Why Rottenhammer would have made two nearly Rottenhammer made one version as a modello for the
identical drawings is not clear. In many details—the goldsmith charged with the execution of the object, and
sharp features of the figures, the high cheekbones and another as a ricordo for himself. Although the Dessau
hollow eyes of the faces—the drawings are comparable drawing has been dated to Rottenhammer’s Venetian
to a round one in Göttingen representing Noah, his period—about 1597 (probably based on the date on the
family, and the animals entering the ark, which served London sheet11)—this date can no longer be defended

Chatsworth, inv. 691 (Schlichtenmaier 1988, no. z i 77; Jaffé 2002,
vol. 4, no. 1575, ill.; Bischoff in Brake and Prague 2008–9, p. 134,
fig. 85). Another drawing related to the Stuttgart painting, possibly
a copy, is in the Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 22004 (Demonts
1937–38, vol. 2, no. 665, pl. 165 [as by Rottenhammer]; Schlichten-
maier 1988, no. z i 25 [as by Rottenhammer]).
5. The dated drawing, which is also signed, is in a private collection
(Schlichtenmaier 1988, no. z ii 8 [as attributed to Rottenhammer];
Heiner Borggrefe in Brake and Prague 2008–9, no. 3, ill.); the other
drawing is in the collection of the princes of Waldburg-Wolfegg and
Waldsee in Wolfegg (Kaufmann 2008, p. 54; Borggrefe in Brake and
Prague 2008–9, p. 97, fig. 88). An even earlier treatment, dated to
the artist’s supposed first Venetian period (1591–94), is a drawing in
the Louvre, inv. rf 1192 (Demonts 1937–38, vol. 2, no. 664, pl. 165;
Borggrefe in Brake and Prague 2008–9, p. 97, fig. 4); another early
drawing is at the Nasjonalmuseet for Kunst, Arkitektur og Design,
Oslo, inv. b 15124.
Fig. 2. Anonymous, after Hans Rottenham-
6. Among these is an anonymous drawing in the Stiftung Museum mer, Diana and Actaeon, after ca. 1610 (?). Pen
Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf, inv. ka (fp) 5489 (Düsseldorf 2008–9, and brown ink, brown wash, heightened with
p. 309, ill. p. 61); one in the Louvre, inv. 20929 (Demonts 1937–38, white gouache, 77⁄16 × 7½ in. (18.9 × 19.1 cm).
vol. 2, no. 668; Schlichtenmaier 1988, no. z i 111); a drawing based Victoria and Albert Museum, London
on Rottenhammer’s sheet in a private collection (see note 5 above) (Dyce 369)
and purportedly signed by Augustin Braun in the collection of
Fig. 1. Hans Rottenhammer, Diana and Actaeon, after ca. 1610 (?). the princes of Waldburg-Wolfegg and Waldsee in Wolfegg (Bernd
Pen and brush and gray ink, on red prepared paper (?), diameter: M. Mayer in Ravensburg 2003, no. 19, ill.); a drawing signed by
ca. 6⅞ in. (17.5 cm). Formerly Graphische Sammlung, Anhaltische Hendrick van Balen I, dated 1605, formerly in a private collection
Gemäldegalerie, Dessau, lost in World War II (Schilling 1924, no. 26, ill.); a painting in part after Rottenham-
mer’s Munich painting (see note 3 above) by Andreas Göding in the
Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, Rotterdam, inv. 1243 (Giltaij
2000, p. 69, ill.); and an apparently original painting in Rotten-
if the connection with Rottenhammer’s activity as a hammer’s style by Friedrich Christoph Steinhammer, dated 1615, in
the Národní Galerie v Praze, Prague, inv. do 4138 (Pijl 2007, p. 184,
designer for the decorative arts is accepted: the two no. 2, fig. 21; Vlnas 2007, p. 181, fig. 2; Jandlová in Brake and Prague
drawings should then be dated to about the same time 2008–9, no. 39, ill.).
as the one in Göttingen, after Rottenhammer’s arrival 7. Ovid 1976–77 (ed.), vol. 1, p. 136: “perfudit spargensque comas ul-
in Augsburg in 1606 and probably even after 1610, tricibus undis”; for the translation by Frank Justus Miller, see p. 137.
when his collaboration with Bayr and other goldsmiths 8. Friedländer 1914, no. 77, ill.; Schlichtenmaier 1988, no. z i 27;
Bischoff 2007, p. 78, fig. 9. The drawing reproduced here as fig. 1 is
seems to have started.12 A further argument for this date from Friedländer 1914. A signed painting is in the Museum of Fine
can be found in the stylistic comparison with another Arts, Houston, acc. 56–19 (Pani 1940, no. 1, ill.).
sheet in Göttingen, dated 1612,13 which, although it is 9. George William Reid in G. W. Reid et al. 1874, no. 369 (as by
executed in black chalk, depicits a nude woman in very Rottenhammer); Schlichtenmaier 1988, no. z i 28 (as by Rotten-
hammer); Bischoff 2007, p. 87, n. 17 (as by Rottenhammer).
much the same manner as Diana’s nymphs in the two
10. Kunstsammlung der Universität Göttingen, inv. h 82 (Bischoff
round pen drawings. sa 2008, p. 66, fig. 106). For Bayr, see G. Meissner 1994; Bischoff 2008,
p. 66. For Bayr’s medal after Rottenhammer’s drawing, see Weber
1. I have not been able to find a similar watermark. 1975, vol. 1, no. 782, vol. 2, pl. 218; Bischoff 2008, p. 66, fig. 107.
2. For Rottenhammer’s depictions of Diana and Actaeon, see 11. The handwriting of this inscription differs quite clearly from
Bischoff 2007; Michael Bischoff and Martina Jandlová in Brake that of the autograph inscription on the sheet in Weimar (see note 4
and Prague 2008–9, pp. 130–36. The religious compositions above; see also cat. 55, note 11).
referred to, depicting the Baptism of Christ, consist of a painting
12. For a discussion of this aspect of Rottenhammer’s career, see
in the Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Munich, inv. l 760
Bischoff 2008.
(Jandlová in Brake and Prague 2008–9, no. 29, ill.), and a prepara-
tory drawing in the Národní Galerie v Praze, Prague, inv. k 1274 13. Kunstsammlung der Universität Göttingen, inv. h 608 (Schlichten
(Volrábová 2007, no. 20, ill. [as possibly a copy after Rottenham- maier 1988, no. z i 96). The drawing, a sheet from an album amicorum,
mer]; Jandlová in Brake and Prague 2008–9, p. 125, fig. 174 [as by was dated a second time by Rottenhammer in 1614.
Rottenhammer]).
3. Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, inv. 3457 (Höper 1996a, pp. 86–87, ill.; Provenance: Sale, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, June 10, 1988, lot 187; sale,
Bischoff in Brake and Prague 2008–9, no. 36, ill.); Alte Pinakothek, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, December 1, 2010, lot 1; [Kunsthandel Katrin
Munich, inv. 1588 (Rüdiger an der Heide in Alte Pinakothek 1986, Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and
pp. 434–35, ill.; Bischoff in Brake and Prague 2008–9, no. 38, ill.). Prints, 2011
4. Graphische Sammlungen, Klassik Stiftung Weimar, inv. kk Literature: Drouot 1988, lot 187, ill.; Drouot 2010, lot 1, ill. (as attrib-
169 (Bischoff in Brake and Prague 2008–9, no. 37, ill.); The Duke uted to Rottenhammer)
of Devonshire and the Trustees of the Chatsworth Settlement,

Caspar Fr aisinger
Ochsenhausen, ca. 1550/60–1599, Ingolstadt
Caspar Fraisinger, who became a master in Ingolstadt

in 1583, was the foremost Bavarian painter outside
Munich in the last decade of the sixteenth century.
Many of his (mostly religious) paintings are lost, so
today he is best appreciated as a draftsman. He also
executed some etchings of a more modest quality.
His style was informed by Italian, mainly Venetian,
influences as well as those of the earlier artists of the
Danube school, active in the region east of Ingolstadt.
General literature: Thöne 1940; Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–

80, vol. 2, pp. 163–65; Hofmann 1988; Hofmann 1992; Sabine
Tröger in Munich, Landshut, and Rosenheim 1999–2001, pp. 88–
89; G. Meissner 2004; Bodnár 2007; Kaulbach 2007, pp. 109–15
57 | Caspar Fraisinger
Christ Presented to the People, 1590 (?)
Pen and gray ink, gray ink washes, lead white heightening, traces
of black chalk underdrawing, on paper prepared with gray wash,
11 × 71⁄16 in. (27.9 × 18 cm)
Purchase, Sally and Howard Lepow Gift, 1999 (1999.310)
At lower center, signed CF (intertwined) in pen and gray ink; at
Fig. 1. Caspar Fraisinger, The Supper in the House of Simon the Pharisee,
lower right, inscribed Casp[. . .] in pen and gray ink (17th-century
ca. 1590 (?). Pen and black ink, brush and gray ink, 109⁄16 × 75⁄16 in.
handwriting). On the secondary support, at lower center, (26.9 × 18.6 cm). Broelmuseum, Kortrijk (msk 1047)
inscribed 313 in graphite (upside down; 20th-century hand
writing)
Watermark: arrow1
The Museum’s drawing depicts the moment when
Pontius Pilate presents Christ to the people of Judaea
At the beginning of the twentieth century, Caspar (John 19:5). According to a Passover tradition, the
Fraisinger was still considered “one of the numerous populace was allowed to release one prisoner—in this
artists without much character of their own, who had case, they chose Barabbas rather than Christ, thereby
joined the ‘romanistic’ movement that spread all over condemning the latter to death. Despite the crucial role
Europe at the end of the sixteenth century.”2 In more of the crowd, Fraisinger focused on the prefect, seen
recent decades, critics have pointed out that Fraisinger’s here as a youth in Roman military dress, along with
idiosyncratic style is not a pedestrian derivation of Christ and a member of the Sanhedrin, or supreme
Roman Mannerism but a highly individual blend of council, identified by his orientalizing headpiece and
many influences. Today, the waning of past prejudices beard. In typical Mannerist fashion, the artist truncated
allows an appreciation, rather than a dismissal, of what the group of gesticulating onlookers in the left fore-
one author calls Fraisinger’s “complex, accomplished ground.5 The palatial building adorned with semicircular
compositions, the elegance and graceful lines of the gables in the right background betrays the influence of
figures, the lavishly laid out architecture and the fusion Venetian architecture, such as the late fifteenth-century
of all parts thanks to the softly shimmering, painterly Scuola Grande di San Marco by Mauro Codussi.6
modelling over a fine, free pen sketch.”3 Fraisinger It has been suggested that Fraisinger’s depictions of
seems to have worked at times in a decidedly finer, less New Testament scenes, which form the largest part of
monumental, more finicky manner,4 but the above his drawn oeuvre, can be grouped into series,7 but this
characterization seems particularly apt in terms of his is, in fact, hard to do. Most of his finished drawings are
best works, including the example discussed here. signed and often also dated, which implies that they

Fig. 2. Gregor Reiffenstuel, after Caspar Fraisinger,
Christ Presented to the People, 1606 (or 1616?). Pen and
brown ink, gray wash, heightened with white gouache,
115⁄16 × 7½ in. (28.8 × 19.1 cm). Staatliche Graphische
Sammlung München (29970 z)

were made as autonomous works of art, collected prob- 7. For proposed reconstructions of these series, see Hofmann 1992,
pp. 139–42, 47–149, figs. 2–9, 12–14, 22–32; Röver-Kann in Bremen
ably as much for their subjects as for their peculiar style. 1998, p. 78, n. 3; Kaulbach 2007, p. 112, under no. 173, p. 113, under
Mannerisms in the Museum’s drawing—the areas of nos. 174–76.
scratchy hatching, the patches of gray brushwork, and 8. Compare, for instance, a signed drawing in the Albertina, Vienna,
the delicate heightening with white gouache (in the high inv. 25379 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 419, vol. 2, pl. 142; Thöne
1940, no. 68).
priest’s beard, for example)—all have parallels in some of
9. The Kortrijk drawing was previously given to Fraisinger’s Nether-
Fraisinger’s other works.8 The elegant yet robust figures landish contemporary Karel van Mander (see the advertisement in
and the painterly technique are also common to sheets Apollo 159 [January 2004], p. 9). It is possibly identical to a drawing
depicting the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple, of the same subject given to Fraisinger in the collection of Antoine-
François Andréossy and in his sale, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, April 13–16,
in Grenoble, and Christ Taking Leave of His Mother, 1864, lot 90 (Thöne 1940, no. 66). For the drawing in Grenoble,
in Bremen, both dated 1592; and the Supper in the see note 5 above; the Bremen sheet mentioned is in the Kunsthalle
House of Simon the Pharisee in Kortrijk, here newly Bremen, inv. 60/195 (Röver-Kann in Bremen 1998, p. 78, ill.; Bodnár
2007, pp. 101, 103, 254–55, fig. 8).
attributed (or reattributed?) to the artist (fig. 1).9 With
10. Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest, inv. 1915-1193 (Thöne 1940,
their deep-set eyes, high cheekbones, and downward p. 43, no. 14, fig. 3; Bodnár 2007, pp. 94–95, 252, fig. 2); British
glances, the faces of Christ in all of these works, as well Museum, London, inv. 1862-7-12-190 (Thöne 1940, p. 43, no. 37,
as that of Mary’s mother in the Grenoble sheet, are fig. 4; Bodnár 2007, p. 95).
nearly identical. Pilate’s face resembles that of Adonis 11. Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 164, under no. d 31.
Another copy by Reiffenstuel after a drawing in The Metropolitan
in a drawing by Fraisinger in Budapest as well as that of Museum of Art is known: one after an Annunciation by Gabriel
another mythological lover in a sheet in London, both Hornstain (acc. 2006.303; formerly at the sale Sotheby’s, Amster-
dated 1589.10 dam, November 16, 2005, lot 106; illustrated in the catalogue) in
the Albertina, Vienna, inv. 26338 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 435,
These comparisons alone are enough to suggest a vol. 2, pl. 146).
date in the same period for the Museum’s drawing. 12. As remarked in Thöne 1940, pp. 41, 57–58.
Further confirmation can be found in a drawn copy
after it in Munich by a little-known draftsman, Gregor Provenance: Anton Schmid (1904–1991), Vienna;* private collection,
Reiffenstuel (fig. 2).11 This drawing was dated twice, Vienna; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 1999
with one date—probably 1616—undoubtedly indicat- Literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, no. d 31, ill.;
ing the year in which the copy was made; whereas the Hofmann 1992, p. 140, no. 4; Bodnár 2007, pp. 95, 252; Kaulbach
2007, p. 113, n. 1, under no. 175, p. 114, n. 1, under no. 178
other—1590—may record the year of the original, that
is, the Museum’s drawing. Reiffenstuel’s copy also * As recorded at the time of the acquisition by the Museum.
attests to the early popularity of and esteem for draw-

ings by Fraisinger. By the later seventeenth century,
Georg Beham
however, when Joachim von Sandrart the Elder worked
Munich, ca. 1568–1604, Munich
on his Teutsche Academie (see cat. 97), he seems to have
been all but forgotten.12 sa
Like the renowned Christoph Schwarz, George Beham
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Bechhofen (or Pecham, or Peham) studied with Johann Melchior
in 1599 (Piccard-Online, no. 123330; accessed November 20, 2011).
Bocksberger in Munich before establishing himself as a
2. Von Baldass 1916, p. 279: “einer von den vielen wenig individuellen
Mitläufern der zu Ende des 16. Jahrh. über ganz Europa verbreiteten master painter in that city in 1593. The influence of
romanistischen Strömung.” Venetian art evident in his work suggests that he visited
3. Anne Röver-Kann in Bremen 1998, p. 78: “der kompliziert- Italy; he certainly traveled widely and was also active in
gekonnte Bildaufbau, die Eleganz und Schönlinigkeit der Figuren, Salzburg and Augsburg, among other places. Because
die aufwendig gestalteten Architekturen und die Verschmelzung
aller Teile durch die weichflirrende, malerische Modellierung über only one of his paintings appears to survive, he is
dünnliniger, lockerer Federvorzeichnung.” known today from his drawings and designs for prints.
4. A good example is a drawing dated about 1595–96 in the Staats However, a certain lack of stylistic coherence, as well as
galerie Stuttgart, inv. c 1966/1436 (Kaulbach 2007, no. 173, ill.). a lack of scholarly interest in this artist, makes it hard to
5. For another example by Fraisinger, see a drawing dated 1592 in the assess his work properly.
Musée de Grenoble, inv. mg d 614 (Bodnár 2007, pp. 96, 98, 101,
fig. 6).
General literature: Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann in Princeton, Wash-
6. As remarked by Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, ington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83, pp. 126–27; Braunfels 1996
p. 164, under no. d 31. For the Scuola Grande di San Marco, see Goy
2006, pp. 190–215.

58 | Georg Beham composition and style to suggest a relationship between
The Vision of Ezekiel in the Valley of the Dry Bones, 1600 it and Beham’s design; even closer to his style is a prepa-
ratory drawing for the Berlin sheet in Braunschweig.7
Pen and brown ink, brown earth, azurite, vermilion and Although both sheets have been attributed to a fellow
(unidentified) yellow watercolor, black chalk underdrawing, Munich artist, Christoph Schwarz, perhaps this should
diameter: 711⁄16 in. (19.7 cm)
be reconsidered, as his graphic style is usually more
Van Day Truex Fund and The Elisha Whittelsey Collection,
The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 2005 (2005.26) refined. Indeed, the style of the drawings in Berlin and
Braunschweig seems closer to that of Beham.
At upper left, inscribed Gotthard Ringgli. f in pen and brown ink
(18th- or 19th-century handwriting); at lower center, dated den Beham’s composition has also been compared to
[Mar]ti 1600 in pen and black ink, by the artist; to the right, that of an epitaph dated 1597, formerly in the church of
collector’s mark of Boguslaw Jolles (Lugt 381). Circular framing Saint Mary in Lübeck, by the North German painter
line in pen and black ink, possibly by the artist. Verso, at lower Johann Willinges.8 A drawing in London, dated 1594,
center, inscribed Gotthard Ringgli fec in graphite (19th-century
that served as a model for the epitaph has understand-
handwriting); at lower right, inscribed 12 (?) in pen and brown
ink (17th- or 18th-century handwriting?); to the right, inscribed ably also been attributed to Willinges, but again it is
56 in graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); below, very close in style to certain works by Beham.9 Could
inscribed 385 in blue crayon (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); the latter have provided the design for his Lübeck
at lower center, inscribed No 181 in graphite (19th-century hand colleague, who may have spent time in Munich in the
writing)
1580s?10 If, on the contrary, the drawing is indeed by
Watermark: shield with salt barrel1 Willinges, and if the year on the Museum’s drawing
can be taken as the date of the invention of Beham’s
Because of the later inscription at upper left, this draw- composition, Beham must have been influenced by
ing has previously been published as by the Swiss artist Willinges, although it is not clear how he could have
Gotthard Ringgli, even though his style differs consid- been aware of a work made several hundred miles
erably.2 The drawing is, in fact, an outstanding example north of Munich.
of work by Georg Beham and can be compared to other Whoever may have inspired Beham, his composition
of his drawings, such as a signed sheet in Vienna dated as recorded by the Museum’s drawing inspired others in
1596.3 Beham had the habit of dating his drawings very turn. This is evident not only from the copies or replicas
precisely, as he did in the present example. Moreover,
an attribution to Beham has already been accepted for
most of the seven other known versions of this compo-
sition. The relatively high quality of one in Nuremberg
(fig. 1) comes closest to that of the Museum’s drawing;4
however, most if not all of these versions must be
termed copies—at best, contemporary workshop repli-
cas. A sheet with an alternative study of just the central
figure is in Augsburg.5
The drawing illustrates in a most literal way a haunt-
ing story from the Old Testament book of Ezekiel, in
which the prophet found himself in a valley full of bones.
He prophesied that they would come to life, and as he was
doing so, “the bones came together, bone to his bone,”
and “the sinews and the flesh came up upon them, and
the skin covered them above” (Ezekiel 37:7–8). Thanks
to the four winds, “breath came into them, and they
lived, and stood upon their feet, an exceeding great
army” (37:10). Beham’s composition can be compared
to other depictions of the subject, such as an engraving
of about 1600 after Maerten de Vos,6 but he may have Fig. 1. Georg Beham or workshop, The Vision of Ezekiel in the Valley of
the Dry Bones, 1600 or later. Pen and brown ink, gray and brown
been more directly inspired by contemporary Ger- washes, watercolor, 711⁄16 × 711⁄16 in. (19.7 × 19.7 cm). Germanisches
man examples. A drawing in Berlin is close enough in Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg (Hz 4147)

cat. 58
mentioned above but also from an etching by Matthäus dead.12 Beham’s design may have been intended for a
Merian the Elder, included in the third volume of his stained-glass roundel, which could easily have been rep-
highly successful Icones biblicae (Biblical images), first licated. Its success may be related to the millennial fear
published in Frankfurt in 1627 (fig. 2).11 Merian’s about 1600 and to the concise vividness with which it
illustration is a direct copy after Beham, but the print portrays the resurrection of the flesh. sa
turned the dynamic round composition of his model
into a rather staid one. As the text in Merian’s publica- 1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Munich in
1602 (Piccard-Online, no. 152882; accessed November 26, 2011).
tion makes clear, the Vision of Ezekiel was seen as a
2. Compare, for instance, a small monogrammed sheet in The Metro
prefiguration of the Last Judgment. This may explain politan Museum of Art, acc. 2007.223.11 (Ganz 1925–27, p. 272;
the widespread popularity of the subject about 1600 for Paul Ganz in Stuker 2006, p. 32, fig. 31).
epitaphs and other works of art commemorating the

7. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 2114
(Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 79, vol. 2, pl. 112 [as by Christoph Schwarz];
Geissler 1960, pp. 77–78, no. z i,1 [as by Schwarz]); Herzog Anton
Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, inv. z 1582 (Geissler 1960, p. 88,
no. z i, 5 [as by Schwarz]; von Heusinger 1992–97, vol. 1, p. 296,
vol. 2, pl. 107 [as by Schwarz]). Beham’s composition was already
compared to these works in Kaulbach 2007, p. 217, under no. 428.
For a painting and four drawings after this composition, see Geissler
1960, pp. 77–78, nos. g iii,2, z iii,1a–z iii,1d. An anonymous
German painting dated about 1600 that has been connected with
Schwarz’s compositions but is equally close to Beham’s is at the
Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. 2688 (Ferino-Pagden,
Prohaska, and Schütz 1991, p. 49, pl. 619).
8. For the epitaph, see Riewerts 1936, pp. 292–93, fig. 14.
9. The drawing is at the British Museum, London, inv. 1968-10-12-9
(Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2, no. n 10, ill. [as by
Willinges]).
10. As suggested by Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2, p. 126.
Fig. 2. Matthäus Merian the Elder, The Vision of Ezekiel in the Valley of 11. Wüthrich 1966–96, vol. 3 (1993), p. 38, no. 29. For the Icones
the Dry Bones, from Icones biblicae, vol. 3, Strasbourg, 1630, p. 33. biblicae, see Wüthrich 1966–96, vol. 3 (1993), pp. 1–59; Mariantonia
Etching, 4½ × 515⁄16 in. (11.5 × 15.1 cm). The Pierpont Morgan Reinhard-Felice and Ulrike Fuss in Frankfurt and Basel 1993–94,
Library, New York, Bequest of E. Clark Stillman (pml 126186) pp. 135–47, 256–66. The connection between the print and Beham’s
composition was already suggested by Pokorny in Linz 1998, p. 154.
12. In addition to Willinges’s painting mentioned above, there is an
altarpiece with the same subject convincingly attributed to Matthäus
3. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3339 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 433, vol. 2, Gundelach, dated ca. 1613–14, in the cemetery chapel in the Bohem
pl. 146). ian town of Žebrák (Bender 1981, no. ge 1 [as probably not by
4. The drawing in Nuremberg was previously attributed to Jacob de Gundelach]; Kaufmann 1988, no. 8.8, ill. [as by Gundelach]; Jürgen
Gheyn II. The six other versions are in the Kupferstich-Kabinett, Zimmer in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, no. 125, pl. 28 [as by
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, inv. c 37-1030; library Gundelach]). A drawing of the same subject signed by Gundelach
of Stams Monastery, Stams, Austria, inv. c 8 (both mentioned in is at the Grafische Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsammlungen
Kaulbach 2007, p. 217, n. 3, under no. 428); Nordico–Museum und Museen Augsburg, inv. 1995/32 (Gode Krämer in Augsburg
der Stadt Linz, inv. s iii/188 (Erwin Pokorny in Linz 1998, no. 13, 2001, no. 78, ill.). For epitaphs depicting Ezekiel’s vision, see also
ill.; Pokorny in Linz 2000, no. 67, ill.); Nasjonalmuseet for Kunst, Steinborn 1967, pp. 17–18, nos. 28, 72, pls. 19, 49. An oval drawing
Arkitektur og Design, Oslo, inv. b. 15741 (Sidsel Helliesen in Oslo of the subject by Johann Rieger is at the Hessisches Landesmuseum
1976, no. 3, ill. [as by Hendrick van Balen I]); Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, Darmstadt, inv. ae 1535 (Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg 1968,
inv. c 2000/4617 (Kaulbach 2007, no. 428, ill.); and one previously no. 309).
in the sale Sotheby’s, London, November 22, 1974, lot 120 (Ingrid
S. Brons in The Hague 2001, p. 94, fig. 48.2). All drawings except the Provenance: Dr. Hille; Boguslaw Jolles (d. 1912), Dresden and
one in Linz also feature the light color washes seen in the Museum’s Vienna; his sale, Hugo Helbing, Munich, October 28–31, 1895, lot
sheet. The drawing in Stams shows the composition in reverse and 497 (as Gotthard Ringgli); Unicorno Collection, private collection
may be a counterproof of a now-lost drawing dated 1601. The version of Saam Nijstad and Lily Nijstad-Einhorn, The Hague, inv. n 155;
in Linz bears an apparently autograph monogram and is dated 1602 their sale, Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, May 19, 2004, lot 5; [Kunsthandel
on the back. Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Department of Draw-
5. Grafische Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsammlungen und ings and Prints, 2005
Museen Augsburg, inv. g 5582 (Pokorny in Linz 1998, p. 40, fig. 13a Literature: Charles Dumas and Robert-Jan te Rijdt in Amsterdam
[detail]). and Dordrecht 1994–95, pp. 14, 17, fig. 12 (as by Gotthard Ringgli);
6. The engraving was made by Jan Collaert the Younger; see Diels Ingrid S. Brons in The Hague 2001, no. 48, ill. (as by Ringgli);
and Leesberg 2005–6, vol. 3 (2005), no. 735, ill. Sotheby’s 2004a, lot 5, ill. (as by Ringgli); Kaulbach 2007, p. 217,
under no. 428

Artists Active Mainly in Nuremberg, Prague, and Augsburg
about 1600
Hans Hoffmann 60 | Hans Hoffmann

Nuremberg, ca. 1545/50–1591/92, Prague A Hedgehog, before 1584
Hans Hoffmann was the preeminent master of the so- Watercolor, pen and iron gall and carbon inks, traces of black
called Dürer Renaissance, which emerged in Germany chalk underdrawing, on vellum prepared with calcite, 7⅞ ×
11¾ in. (20 × 29.8 cm)
and the Netherlands during the last third of the sixteenth
Purchase, Annette de la Renta Gift, 2005 (2005.347)
century. Hoffmann worked first in Nuremberg, where
Watermark: none
he would have seen works by Dürer in the collection
of Willibald Imhoff, and later at the courts in Munich
and Prague. His works based on Dürer were greatly Hoffmann’s finely executed studies of plants and
admired and avidly collected by Nuremberg patricians animals belong to a tradition pioneered by Leonardo
as well as by the Holy Roman Emperor, Rudolf II, for da Vinci in Italy and Dürer north of the Alps in which
whom Hoffmann worked after 1585. aspects of nature, often rendered in watercolor, are
closely observed in the smallest detail yet also made
General literature: Pilz 1962; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann in Princeton, to appear monumental. Hoffmann’s exacting draw-
Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83, no. 26, ill.; Fritz Koreny in
Vienna 1985, passim; Bodnár 1986 ing of a small piece of turf emulates but does not copy
Dürer’s extraordinary watercolor study known as the
Large Piece of Turf (fig. 1).1 An excellent example of
59 | Hans Hoffmann
A Small Piece of Turf, 1584
Watercolor comprising iron-based earth pigments, azurite,

copper green, lead tin yellow, lead white and calcite, traces of
black chalk underdrawing, on paper prepared with calcite,
87⁄16 × 1213⁄16 in. (21.5 × 32.6 cm)
Purchase, Lila Acheson Wallace Gift, 1997 (1997.20)
At lower center, dated and monogrammed 1584 / Hh (Hh inter-
twined) in pen and brown ink. Verso, at lower left, collector’s
stamp of Johann Andreas Boerner, with date (J.A. Boerner / 1808.
R.; Lugt 269); below, inscribed 745 in graphite (19th-century
handwriting). On the old mount (preserved separately), at lower
left, inscribed Han–s Hofmann del t in pen and brown ink (19th-
century handwriting); to the right, inscribed +1600 in graphite
(19th- or 20th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed
745 (corrected from 743) in graphite (19th-century handwriting);
below, inscribed 250 in graphite (19th- or 20th-century hand-
writing)
Watermark: none
Fig. 1. Albrecht Dürer, The “ Large Piece of Turf, ” 1503. Watercolor and
gouache, 15⅞ × 12¼ in. (40.3 × 31.1 cm). Albertina, Vienna (3075)
132
133
Hoffmann’s “Dürerstil” so highly coveted by contem-
porary collectors, it is the only known plant study by
Hoffmann inspired by Dürer, his other such studies
being animals.2
Hoffmann portrayed recognizable species of
plants—yarrow, goutweed, and mouse-ear hawkweed,
among others—with the same scientifically accurate
detail as in Dürer’s watercolor.3 He also included a
meadow fly perched on an isolated blade of grass off to
the right; he portrayed a similar insect in a small draw-
ing in Budapest (fig. 2).4 In addition to the flora and
Fig. 2. Hans Hoffmann, Study of a Meadow Fly, fauna that are defined in the foreground with saturated
ca. 1584. Watercolor, 115⁄16 × 2¼ in. (4.9 ×
5.7 cm). Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest
colors, sharp outlines, and lively flecks of white for
(179) highlights, Hoffmann blurred the forms and muted the Fig. 3. Hans Hoffmann, A Wild Boar Piglet, 1578. Watercolor and
gouache, 1113⁄16 × 1715⁄16 in. (30 × 45.5 cm). Collection of Jean Bonna,
hues in the background to create a sense of fantastical Geneva
light and space. Along with two other drawings in
Nuremberg,5 both executed about 1585, A Small Piece of 3. Koreny in Vienna 1985, p. 186, n. 1. Koreny quotes the designa-
Turf served as a preparatory study for one of Hoffmann’s tions made to him by F. Ehrendorfer. In the left foreground, yarrow
(Achillea millefolium L.); to the right, goutweed (Aegopodium poda
most important paintings, A Hare among Grasses and graria L.); rising up behind, mouse-ear hawkweed (Hieracium pilosella
Wildflowers in a Glade, also from 1585, now in Los Ange- L.). The grasses behind are, at left, matgrass (Nardus stricta L.) and,
les.6 Crowded with plants, trees, grasses, weeds, and a at right, a meadow grass (Poa pratensis L.).
wide variety of animals large and small, this exemplary 4. Bodnár 1986, p. 101, no. 22, ill.; for related works in Budapest,
see Szilvia Bodnár in Gerszi 1988a, no. 52, ill.
painting was probably commissioned by Emperor
5. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, inv. Nbg. 9640/1532
Rudolf II. In addition to serving as a model for the and Hz 233/1532, respectively (Koreny in Vienna 1985, nos. 50, 51, ill.).
painting, A Small Piece of Turf was certainly collected 6. J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, acc. 2001.12 (ibid., no. 49,
and appreciated as an independent work of art. ill.; Bergström 1988).
The delicacy and precision of detail in a second draw- 7. One of the hare drawings is still extant in the Albertina, Vienna,
ing by Hoffmann in the Museum’s collection (cat. 60) inv. 3073 (Koreny in Vienna 1985, no. 43, ill.). Document quoted by
Koreny in Vienna 1985, p. 264: “in Ebenholtz mitt silber geziehrt
indicate that it, too, was produced as a collector’s piece, eingefast.”
most likely for one of Hoffmann’s Nuremberg patrons, 8. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, inv. Norica
Willibald Imhoff or Paulus Praun, to be kept in a Wunder 407/1534c and Norica 408/1534c, respectively (Koreny in Vienna
kammer. The Imhoff collection included two studies of a 1985, nos. 59, 60, ill.). Koreny relates this information in a February
2005 note in the Museum’s departmental files.
hare by Dürer and a copy by Hoffmann after one of the
9. Stijn Alsteens in New York and Edinburgh 2009, no. 43, ill.
versions that is recorded as originally “in an ebony frame, For the Red Squirrel, see Koreny in Vienna 1985, no. 27, ill. For the
decorated with silver.”7 According to Fritz Koreny, the dating of both works, see Alsteens in New York and Edinburgh
Museum’s study of the hedgehog (Erinaceus roumanicus) 2009, p. 92.
is comparable in palette and style to Hoffmann’s 1577

cat. 59
studies of a lion and a lioness.8 This date has been Provenance: Johann Andreas Boerner (1785–1862), Nuremberg;
recently confirmed by equating the marvelous render- G. M. D. Arnold; private collection, Switzerland; purchased by the
ing of the fur and quills in A Hedgehog with that in Hoff- Department of Drawings and Prints, 1997
mann’s exquisite Red Squirrel in the National Gallery of Literature: Pilz 1962, no. 29; Fritz Koreny in Vienna 1985, no. 65, ill.;
Carolyn Logan in “Recent Acquisitions” 1997, p. 34, ill.
Art, Washington, D.C., and in his Wild Boar Piglet in the
collection of Jean Bonna (fig. 3), both dated 1578.9 fs cat. 60
Provenance: [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by
the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2005
no. 1503/29, ill.; Fritz Koreny in Vienna 1985, no. 61, ill.; Heinz Literature: Stijn Alsteens in New York and Edinburgh 2009, p. 92,
Widauer in Vienna 2003, no. 71, ill. fig. 34
2. For the Dürer Renaissance, see Mende 1996; Giulia Bartrum
in London 2002–3, pp. 266–67. For Hoffmann’s role in it, see
Fučíková 1972.

Wendel Dietterlin the Elder
Pfullendorf, 1550/51–place of death unknown, ca. 1599
Wendel Dietterlin moved as a youth to Strasbourg,

where he was married and became a citizen in 1571.
Trained as a painter, he became sought after for his fres-
coes and facade decorations, receiving commissions in
Hagenau (1583), Overkirch (1589), and Stuttgart (1590).
While in Stuttgart working on his famed (now destroyed)
ceiling for the upper room of the Lusthaus, Dietterlin
made the acquaintance of the architects Heinrich
Schickhardt and Daniel Schlossberger, whose influence
can be seen in his 1598 landmark publication on archi
tecture, Architectura, which he designed after returning
to Strasbourg in 1593 (see below).
General literature: Pauli 1898–99; K. Martin 1954; Heinrich Geissler

in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2, pp. 32–34; Forssman 2007
61 | Wendel Dietterlin the Elder

Design for an Elaborate Fountain Surmounted by a Statue of
Saint Christopher; verso: Sketch of a Tabernacle (?) with
Studies of Architectural Details, 1598
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, traces of

black chalk underdrawing, 9⅝ × 71⁄16 in. (24.4 × 18 cm)
Edward Pearce Casey Fund, 2006 (2006.89)
Verso, at upper left, inscribed 51 in graphite (20th-century hand-
writing); at lower left, stamp of the Moravské Zemské Muzeum,
Brno (MZM in a circle, stamped in black; not in Lugt); below,
inscribed with its inventory number 3264 in pen and black ink
(20th-century handwriting); below, inscribed EK 2621 in
graphite (20th-century handwriting); at upper left, inscribed 19.
Watermark: coat of arms, snake on cross above1
Magdalena Adamska first recognized this drawing as

preparatory for plate 82 of Dietterlin’s treatise Architec
tura: Von Ausstheilung, Symmetria und Proportion der fünf
Seulen (Architecture: On the distribution, symmetry
and proportion of the five columns; Nuremberg, 1598)
(fig. 1).2 As Gustav Pauli pointed out, there is a large
collection of preparatory drawings for Architectura in tabernacle) in graphite appears on the right. It is not
Dresden.3 Some of these drawings were sketched in incised, as are the drawings that became models for the
graphite, with only half of the design penciled in, and printed plates, but rather appears to be a design that
then a counterproof was made. The graphite was then Dietterlin found unsatisfactory.
gone over in pen and black ink. This technique would Instead of providing a classical reading of the forms
be viable only for pure ornament drawings that are of architecture akin to those by Vitruvius and Sebastiano
symmetrical—hence not for the fountain drawings. Serlio, Dietterlin’s text and images are imaginative
The technique is seen on the verso of the Museum’s interpretations more useful to artists and craftsmen
sheet, where a large ornamental sketch (perhaps for a interested in ornament than to architects.4 Each section
artis ts activ e m ain ly in n ur e m b e rg , prag u e, a nd au g sb u rg | 135

Meaning is never stable in Dietterlin’s images, for he
freely and often humorously mixed Christian symbol-
ism with mythology and animal and human forms, as
well as the organic with the inorganic.
This transformation of a book on the strictly defined
orders of architecture into a new symbolic and purely
decorative system was adopted by another proponent
of ornament, Hans Vredeman de Vries. This Dutch art-
ist transformed his own slightly earlier and more tradi-
tional version, also titled Architectura (Antwerp, 1577),
into fanciful tableaux in his Architectur oder Bawmeister
schaft (Architecture or the mastery of building; The
Hague, 1606–7).6 On the terrace of a building with a
colonnade near a fountain, a man plays the lute to the
object of his affection (fig. 2). The inscription below—
Dorica .2. avditvs—announces that this scene is
both about the classical Doric form and an allegorical
representation of the sense of hearing. While Vredeman
de Vries used text to make explicit the meanings of his
setting and characters, Dietterlin preferred to raise
questions and pique interest with his fantastic combi-
Sketch of a Tabernacle (?) with Studies of Architectural Details Fig. 1. Wendel Dietterlin the Elder, A Fountain with Saint
(verso of cat. 61) Christopher, from Architectura, Nuremberg, 1598, plate 82. nations, determined not to provide definitive answers,
Etching, 913⁄16 × 73⁄16 in. (25 × 18.3 cm). The Metropolitan even in the context of a so-called architectural manual.
Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, 1919 (19.4) fs
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Stuttgart

is devoted to one type of column order; from these
2. Adamska identified this drawing when it came up for sale at
strict categories Dietterlin developed themes for a Sotheby’s in London in 2005 (sale room notices dated July 6, 2005).
wealth of decorative and symbolic forms to be used on There are also two drawn copies after the etching in Architectura:
windows, doorways, portals, fireplaces, and fountains. one in the Lyman Allyn Museum, New London, Connecticut,
acc. 19398; and one in the Museum der Bildenden Künste, Leipzig,
He associated the Doric order with bold masculine inv. nj 7435.
heroes, and in this drawing he shows Saint Christopher
carrying the Christ Child, who holds out his hand in
blessing.5 Their graceful serpentine poses are mirrored
by the monstrous basilisk crushed at Christopher’s
feet—symbolic of Christ’s triumph over Satan in the
form of the serpent from Eden.
Other worldly temptations are symbolized by the
secondary sculptures radiating from the central figures
on the fountain. In the drawing, Dietterlin included
only two mythic figures: a half-female half-serpent
playing a lute and a comparable male hybrid holding
wine jugs. In the etching for the book, he replaced the
lute with more sexually suggestive bagpipes and
included two additional figures that hover above and
are labeled A and B. These figures were meant to be
placed on the pedestals A and B, the second of which
cannot be seen as it projects into the background. One, Fig. 2. Hendrick Hondius, after Hans Vredeman de Vries, The Doric
an allegorical figure of Vanity (labeled A), wears a pea- Order, or Allegory of Hearing, from Architectur oder Bawmeisterschaft,
Amsterdam, 1628, plate gg. Etching and engraving, 9¼ × 13⅝ in.
cock feather in her hair and holds up a mirror, while the (23.5 × 34.6 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
other greedily clutches luxurious jewels and vessels. Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1931 (31.67.9)

3. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, 62 | Hans von Aachen
inv. Ca 2002-1, Ca 2002-2 (Pauli 1898–99, p. 284).
The Departure of Tobias with the Archangel Raphael,
4. For an overview of architectural theory and treatises, see Kruft
1994; for north of the Alps specifically, see National Gallery of Art ca. 1580–85
1998.
5. Kruft 1994, p. 169. In Hans Vredeman de Vries’s print series Pen and iron gall ink, iron gall ink and gray washes, black chalk
the Life of Man (1577), he equates the Doric order with a mature underdrawing (laid down), 9 × 81/16 in. (22.9 × 20.5 cm)
man (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 48 [1997], Anonymous Gift, 2005 (2005.418.17)
no. 439, ill.).
At lower right, collector’s mark of Johann Friedrich Lahmann
6. Vredeman de Vries’s Architectura was etched by the van Doetecum (Lugt 1656c). Verso of the secondary support, at lower right,
brothers; see Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 48 (1997),
inscribed Bellange in graphite (19th- or 20th-century hand-
nos. 408–31, ill. Architectur oder Bawmeisterschaft is in Hollstein, Dutch
and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 48 (1997), nos. 593–623, ill. The image writing); at lower right, vertically inscribed 132486 in graphite
reproduced here as fig. 2 is from a later edition, identified in Hollstein (20th-century handwriting)
as 9a, German edition, first issue, Amsterdam, 1628 (p. 231). Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support
Vredeman de Vries’s and Dietterlin’s architectural interpretations
provided rich source material for Baroque tapestries. A tapestry
from a set of five entitled Garden Scenes with Mythological Fountains
(ca. 1604), with designs attributed to Karel van Mander, uses the Before being recognized by Eliška Fučíková as a work
base design for a fountain found in Dietterlin’s Doric section of by Hans von Aachen, the present drawing was attrib-
Architectura. For a full description of the Diana Fountain tapestry
from this set, though with no reference to Dietterlin, see Elizabeth
uted to Hans Speckaert.1 Its style indeed recalls that of
Cleland’s entry in New York and Madrid 2007–8, no. 4, ill. I would
like to thank Monroe Warshaw for pointing out this use of Dietter
lin’s design.
Provenance: Arthur Feldmann (1877–1941), Brno; confiscated by the

German occupation forces in 1939;* purchased by the Moravské
Zemské Muzeum, Brno; transferred to Moravská Galerie, Brno,
1961; returned to the heirs of Feldmann, 2003; sale, Sotheby’s,
London, July 6, 2005, lot 19; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich];
Literature: Sotheby’s 2005a, lot 19, ill.
*F
or the fate of the Feldmann collection, see Sotheby’s 2005a,
pp. 20–21. See also the detailed information regarding the collec-
tor available online in the British Museum’s Collection Database
(www.britishmuseum.org).
Hans von A achen

Cologne, 1552–1615, Prague
After becoming a master painter in Cologne, Hans von

Aachen left for Italy, settling in Rome in 1575. He joined
a group of Northern artists there, which also included
the younger Swiss artist Joseph Heintz (see cat. 64).
Von Aachen was active in Florence and Venice as well
until he moved back to Germany, finally settling in
Munich in 1589. Even after being appointed court
painter to Rudolf II in 1592, he kept working from the
Bavarian capital, not moving to the emperor’s court in
Prague until two years later, where he worked alongside
Heintz and the Fleming Bartholomeus Spranger as one
of the great Northern artists of his age.
General literature: Peltzer 1911–12; Jacoby 2000; Aachen, Prague, and

Vienna 2010–11

Probably all from about 1585,7 these three drawings
seem stylistically somewhat more accomplished than
the Museum’s sheet. Von Aachen was apparently so
satisfied with the position of the angel’s legs and staff in
the Museum’s drawing that he reused it in the one in
London. In fact, this scene from the deuterocanonical
book of Tobit is considered the typological prefigura-
tion of the well-known story from the Gospel (Luke
24:13–31) depicted in the London sheet.8 The story of
Tobias, who was assisted by the Archangel Raphael in
catching a fish that would cure the blindness of his
father, Tobit, had been popular with Italian artists from
the quattrocento on. The moment depicted here is
when Tobias and Raphael “went forth both, and the
Fig. 1. Hans von Aachen, Christ on the Road to Emmaus, ca. 1585.
Pen and brown ink, brown wash, 6⅞ × 91⁄16 in. (17.5 × 23 cm). young man’s dog with them” (Tobit 5:16). The dog, the
British Museum, London (1946-7-13-558) staff, and the gentle gesture with which Raphael leads
young Tobias are common to many depictions, among
Fig. 2. Raffaellino da Reggio, Tobias and
the Angel, ca. 1575. Oil on panel, 42⅛ × works given to the enigmatic Netherlandish artist them a painting by Raffaellino da Reggio dated about
273⁄16 in. (107 × 69 cm). Villa Borghese, Speckaert, such as a scene from Roman history in Stutt- 1575 (fig. 2).9 With their bulky yet androgynous body
Rome (298) gart,2 but comparison with drawings securely attributed types and ample drapery, works by Italian Mannerists
to von Aachen is ultimately more convincing. The build such as Raffaellino provided an attractive example,
and features of the figures, the details of their hands alongside Speckaert’s, for Northern artists trying to
and fingers, the curled tail of the dog running before master the maniera moderna.
them are all characteristic of von Aachen’s style during sa
the early years of his stay in Italy, as seen in two examples
1. See Sotheby’s 1984, p. 20, lot 42, where Fučíková’s opinion is
in Paris.3 For the drawing’s exceptional sketchiness, quoted (but not followed).
and the manner in which pen accents rather than lines 2. Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, inv. c 83/3332 (Široká 1995, no. a 40,
indicate forms such as the hands and the faces, the best fig. 11; Široká 1997, pp. 134–35, fig. 1).
comparison is a drawing by von Aachen in Cambridge 3. Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 21071 and 21079 (Demonts 1937–38,
representing the Baptism of Christ.4 Found in all four vol. 2, nos. 444, 445, pl. cxxxii; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann and
Alice Taatgen in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, nos. 7, 8, ill.).
of these drawings is the same combination of forceful
4. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, inv. 2856 (Fučíková in Aachen,
washes with areas of parallel hatching used to model Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, no. 14, ill.).
the figures. Speckaert favored a similar technique, but 5. Popham 1935, p. 72, no. 8 (as by Jacopo Palma il Giovane). The
for all his verve and nervousness, his style was smoother former attribution to Speckaert (or to an artist from his circle) was
and more mature. Von Aachen, who was relatively suggested by Konrad Oberhuber in an undated inscription on the
drawing’s mount. I am grateful to Joachim Jacoby for discussing the
young when he made these drawings, was still develop- drawing with me.
ing his style, and in the later decades of his career he 6. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
would use line with greater economy (compare cat. 63). inv. c 1971-32 (Bernard Aikema in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna
Despite the abrasion and discoloration suffered by this 2010–11, no. 11, ill.); Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, acc. 69-16
(Caroline Warfield in Poughkeepsie 1970, no. 83, pl. 7 [as by Speckaert];
drawing, its exploratory nature is still evident in the Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83,
vigorous underlying chalk sketch, which shifts from the no. 51, ill.).
broad indication of forms and areas of shadow to the 7. Compare two drawings by von Aachen dated 1585, one in the
more precise delineation of the angel’s curls. Städel Museum, Frankfurt, inv. 14268 (Aikema in Aachen, Prague,
and Vienna 2010–11, no. 9, ill.); the other in the Kupferstich-
No finished work by von Aachen has been connected Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, inv. c 1962-1950
with the Museum’s drawing, but it is related to another (Jacoby and Aikema in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, p. 122,
pen sketch in London, depicting Christ on the road to fig. 15.1).
Emmaus (fig. 1).5 Though attributed until now to 8. For the iconography of Tobias, and more specifically for the story
of his departure as a prefiguration of Christ on the road to Emmaus,
Speckaert, it can be more persuasively compared with see Réau 1955–59, vol. 2, pt. 1 (1956), pp. 318–27, especially p. 323;
drawings by von Aachen such as a Flight into Egypt in Weskott 1972, especially col. 321; Pigler 1974, vol. 1, pp. 187–88.
Dresden and a Temptation of Christ in Houston.6 9. Della Pergola 1955–59, vol. 1, no. 109, ill.

Provenance: Johann Friedrich Lahmann (1858–1937), Dresden; sale,
Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, November 26, 1984, lot 42; John Steiner
(1903–1983) and Alice Steiner (1912–2003), Larchmont, New York,
and Lenox, Massachusetts; their heirs; given by an anonymous
donor to the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2005
Literature: Sotheby’s 1984, lot 42, ill. p. 79 (as by Hans Speckaert);
Gerszi 1988b, p. 308, fig. 6
63 | Hans von Aachen

Allegory of the Battle at Şelimbăr, ca. 1603–4
Pen and brown ink, red chalk, gray and sanguine washes, red
chalk and a composite of black chalk and graphite underdrawing
(laid down), 97⁄16 × 10 in. (24 × 25.4 cm)
Purchase, C. G. Boerner and Jean A. Bonna Gifts, 2008
(2008.206)
Fig. 1. Circle of Hans von Aachen, Allegory of the Battle at Şelimbăr,
1610 or before. Pen and brown ink, watercolor, 15⅜ × 185⁄16 in.
At lower right, inscribed franceschini de Bologne in graphite (39 × 46.5 cm). Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen
(19th- or 20th-century handwriting); to the right, inscribed 3 in Dresden (Ca 172, fol. 9)
graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting). Framing line in
pen and brown ink, by a later hand. On the secondary support,
at upper left, inscribed 2310 (or 7310?) in pen and brown ink The exact extent of the series is known from fourteen
(18th- or 19th-century handwriting); at lower right, collector’s drawn copies in Dresden, which must have originated in
stamp of Paul-Frantz Marcou (Lugt 1911b); below, inscribed von Aachen’s immediate circle.5 Copies of part of the
Franceschini da Bologna in graphite (19th-century handwriting).
Verso of the secondary support, along the upper edge,
series, both drawn and painted, also exist.6 Preparatory
inscribed Henri II de France—recoit [?] la couronne de Pologne / di drawings for the cycle are rarer; until the sheet under
Franceschini da Bologna Scolaro di Cignani in graphite (19th- or discussion surfaced in 2007, only four were known:
20th-century handwriting); at upper left, inscribed 12 in two drawings for one composition in Düsseldorf and
graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower left, inscribed Moscow, and one each in Basel and Berlin.7 In the case
Franceschini (Marc-Antoine) / 1648–1729. Bologne in graphite
(20th-century handwriting); below, inscribed Franceschini de
of the Museum’s composition, for which no version on
Bologne in graphite (20th-century handwriting); below, parchment survives, the related copy in Dresden differs
inscribed 93 in graphite (20th-century handwriting); below, in several details—for example, in the objects trampled
inscribed n. 6 in pen and brown ink (19th-century handwriting); by the nude at right as well as the standards behind this
below, inscribed 186 and 4/6 in graphite (20th-century hand- figure and her captor (fig. 1).8 The Dresden copy was
writing); along the lower edge, a sketch of a mount and
inscribed ouverture pour le voir [?] (dans verre [. . .] Bristol grec [?]
thus certainly not made after the Museum’s drawing and
in graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting) is more likely a faithful record of the now-lost original
painting. The drawing under discussion, much more
sketchily drawn than any of the other autograph sheets
related to the cycle and unique in being delicately touched
Rudolf II and his Prague court focused more on mytho- with watercolor, must represent one of the earliest
logical and allegorical paintings than on commissions stages of development for a composition in the series.9
for altarpieces and other religious works.1 Among the The drawing allegorizes the battle of Şelimbăr (or
allegories is a series by Hans von Aachen lauding Schellenberg, in German), in present-day Romania, on
Rudolf ’s conquests of the Ottoman army in battles October 28, 1599. Fighting on the side of the emperor
fought between 1593 and 1606.2 The cycle, which von was the Wallachian army of Michael the Brave, against
Aachen worked on from about 1603 until 1605, took an ally of the Ottomans, the Transylvanian-Hungarian
the form not of a series of cabinet paintings but of “His prince Sigismund Bátori (or Bathory).10 As in the other
Imperial Majesty’s book of emblems, painted by H.V.A. drawings in the series, the battle itself is depicted in the
in oil on parchment, bound in red leather.”3 Although background. In the foreground, von Aachen presented
the book was later dismembered, seven of these Transylvania in the guise of a chained nude woman,
“emblems” survive—five in Vienna, two in Budapest.4 wearing a mask as a symbol of foreign domination.

cat. 63
The man in Hungarian dress behind her, who may rep- 1. Compare Vácha 2010, p. 178.
resent Bátori himself, leans on a small thorny tree on 2. For this series, see Ludwig 1978; Kaufmann 1988, pp. 148–54;
Jacoby 2000, pp. 182–203; Michalski 2004; Karl Schütz and Thomas
which a cardinal’s hat is impaled, a reference to his Fusenig in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, pp. 237–47.
cousin Cardinal András Bátori, who succeeded Sigis- 3. Inventory of the collection of Rudolf II, 1607–11, published in
mund as prince of Transylvania in 1599 but was not R. Bauer and Haupt 1976, p. 135, no. 2700: “Ihr kay: Mt: impresa
recognized by Rudolf. The latter, dressed as a Roman buch, so H.V.A. gemalt, von olfarben auff pergamen, in rot leder
gebunden.”
emperor, is preparing to crown Transylvania as a result
4. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. 5841, 1591, 5842, 1961,
of the battle taking place in the background, in which 1989 (Jacoby 2000, nos. 60,2, 60,3, 60,8, 60,10, 60,11, figs. 76, 77,
Rudolf triumphed over Bátori’s army. Von Aachen 82, 84, 85; Schütz in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, nos. 94,
managed to translate this complex iconography into a 95, 98–100, ill.); Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest, inv. 6784, 6710
(Jacoby 2000, nos. 60,4, 60,6, figs. 78, 80, pl. 20; Schütz in Aachen,
convincing composition that must have satisfied the Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, nos. 96, 97, ill.).
love both of self-glorification and of art by the emperor 5. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
and his court. sa inv. Ca 172 (Jacoby 2000, pp. 182, 186, 187, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194,
195, 197, 198, 200, 203, figs. 75, 79, 81, 83).

6. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, 64 | Joseph Heintz the Elder
inv. c 5040–c 5043 (Eliška Fučíková in Essen and Vienna 1988–89,
after Hans Speckaert (ca. 1540 [?]–ca. 1577)
vol. 1, nos. 182a–d, ill.; Jacoby 2000, pp. 182, 188, 190, 193); formerly
Großherzogliche Gemäldesammlung, Oldenburg (Peltzer 1911–12, The Resurrection of Christ, 1585/86 (?)
p. 170; Jacoby 2000, pp. 182, 185, 190, 194, 197, 198, 200).
7. Museum Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf, inv. ka (fp) 5471 (I. Budde Pen and iron gall ink, brown ink washes, lead white heightening,
1930, no. 941, pl. 216; Jacoby 2000, pp. 188–89); Pushkin State Mu- traces of graphite or black chalk underdrawing, on paper with a
seum of Fine Arts, Moscow, inv. 7456 (Fučíková in Essen and Vienna transparent brown wash preparation (partially laid down),
1988–89, vol. 1, no. 183, ill.; Kislykh 2009, no. 1, ill.); Kunstmuseum
1613⁄16 × 11⅛ in. (42.7 × 28.2 cm)
Basel, inv. Bi. 376.104 (Kaufmann 1988, p. 150, under no. 1.48,
ill.; Fučíková in Prague 1997, no. i.157, ill.; Jacoby 2000, p. 185); Purchase, Anne and Jean Bonna Gift, 1996 (1996.52)
Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 4722 At lower left, signed and dated Jos[ep]h Heintz noch Speccaert /
(Bock 1921, vol. 1, p. 107, vol. 2, pl. 138; Jacoby 2000, p. 193; Schütz Rom 85 (86?) in pen and brown ink (partially cropped)
in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, no. 101, ill.).
Watermark: circle with eagle, crown above1
8. Jacoby 2000, p. 198, fig. 182.
9. Compare Kaufmann 2010, pp. 38–39.
10. The historical background and reading of the iconography of the Even though he remains a rather enigmatic figure, the
composition are based on that given in Jacoby 2000, pp. 198–200.
short-lived Fleming Hans Speckaert is often credited
Provenance: Paul-Frantz Marcou (1860–1932), Paris; his daughter,
with influencing the triumvirate of artists who, later all
Mme Henry Dumas (née Catherine Marcou); her sale, Hôtel working for Holy Roman Emperor Rudolf II, forged a
Drouot, Paris, May 23, 2007, lot 142; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, distinctive style known as Rudolphine Mannerism.2
Munich]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints,
2008
Before moving to Rudolf ’s court in Prague, Speckaert’s
countryman Bartholomeus Spranger, the German Hans
Literature: Drouot 2007, lot 142 (as attributed to Hans von Aachen);
Kaufmann 2010, p. 38, fig. 42; Thomas Fusenig in Aachen, Prague, von Aachen, and the Swiss Joseph Heintz the Elder all
and Vienna 2010–11, p. 247 passed through Rome,3 where Speckaert himself had
taken up residence by the early 1570s and where he
seems to have died about 1577. In the case of Spranger,
who cannot have been much younger than Speckaert
Joseph Heintz the Elder
and who had arrived in Rome about 1566, it should be
Basel, 1564–1609, Prague
asked whether he might not have influenced Speckaert
rather than the other way around.4 But at least in the
Of the three leading artists working at the Prague court case of von Aachen and Heintz it seems clear that, even
of Rudolf II, Joseph Heintz may be the least known, though they must have gone to Rome to study the work
but as a draftsman, at least, he is arguably also the of Italian artists, it was Speckaert who had the biggest
most sophisticated, both stylistically and technically. impact on their style. Some of the drawings made by
Trained as a painter in the Swiss tradition, he was von Aachen between 1575 and 1582 (just after his year-
deeply affected by his stay in Rome, and later in Flor- long stay in Rome), such as a signed sheet in Frankfurt
ence and Venice, between about 1584 and 1591. The dated 1585, are clearly imbued with Speckaert’s manner
experience transformed his style and made him, along (see also cat. 62).5 For Heintz, who arrived in Rome
with Bartholomeus Spranger and Hans von Aachen, years after Speckaert died, the Museum’s drawing offers
a major practitioner of an Italian-inspired Northern indisputable proof of a “virtual” apprenticeship with
Mannerism, perfectly suited to the emperor’s taste. Speckaert. According to Karel van Mander, both Heintz
Heintz also spent the early 1590s copying antiquities and von Aachen lived in the house of another elusive
for Rudolf in Rome, after which he returned to Prague. Netherlandish painter in Rome, Anthonie Santvoort,
Following his marriage to the daughter of an Augsburg who had been a friend of Speckaert’s as well as heir to
goldsmith in 1598, he permanently moved to that city, the engraver Cornelis Cort, who at his death in 1578
where he also became active as an architect. His son, owned several drawings by Speckaert.6
also called Joseph, was a pupil of Heintz’s most impor- In his characteristic minuscule handwriting,7 Heintz
tant follower, Matthäus Gundelach (see cat. 67). noted that the Museum’s drawing was made after a
work (probably also a drawing) by “Speccaert” and
General literature: Zimmer 1971; Kaufmann 1988, pp. 184–201; Zim- dated it about a year after arriving in Rome and almost
mer 1988; Jürgen Zimmer in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1,
pp. 234–53, 347–55; Zimmer 2007 ten years after Speckaert’s death. The latter’s original
drawing is no longer known, but it can be assumed to

da Caravaggio and Speckaert.”10 Several copies by
Heintz after these Italian artists, as well as after Michel-
angelo, Raffaellino da Reggio, Raphael, Sebastiano del
Piombo, Antonio Tempesta, Jacopo Tintoretto, and
Taddeo Zuccaro, are still known today.11 He also copied
sculptures by Giambologna and, even before his arrival
in Rome, prints after Federico Zuccaro and Raphael.12
Undoubtedly, these copies and style exercises were a
way for Heintz, who was barely twenty when he arrived
in Rome, to train himself as a young artist.
In the second half of the 1580s, when Heintz
entered his artistic maturity, there are several draw-
ings, including the one under discussion, that demon-
strate Speckaert’s continued influence on his style.13
Much later, in 1606, Heintz seems to have returned
to Speckaert’s example when he was commissioned
to make an altarpiece for a church (which he also
designed) in Haunsheim, northwest of Augsburg; the
painting has since been lost but is recorded in an
Fig. 1. Hans Speckaert, The Assumption of the Virgin, ca. 1570–75. Fig. 2. Lucas Kilian, after Joseph Heintz the
engraving by Lucas Kilian (fig. 2).14 Although most
Pen and brown ink, brown wash, heightened with white Elder, The Resurrection of Christ, 1606. Engraving, elements of both this and Speckaert’s composition
gouache, over black chalk, 1211⁄16 × 113⁄16 in. (32.3 × 28.4 cm). 17¼ × 117⁄16 in. (43.8 × 29 cm). British Museum, can be found in many Italian and Northern represen-
The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, Purchased as a gift of London (1987-12-12-55)
the Markus Family, in memory of Frits Markus (2002.1)
tations of the Resurrection from the second half of
the sixteenth century,15 the existence of the Museum’s
drawing proves that Heintz studied Speckaert’s strik-
ing work, making it all the more likely that he turned
have looked like his drawing of the Crucifixion in the once again to Speckaert while working on his altar-
Museum’s collection, or like a similar unpublished one piece toward the end of his life. sa
of the Assumption of the Virgin, also in New York
(fig. 1).8 A comparison between the former’s drawing 1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Rome in
and those by Speckaert is revealing in connection with 1582 and 1590 (Woodward 1996, no. 58, ill.).
Heintz’s style during this period (and in more general 2. Speckaert’s influence on Rudolphine Mannerism is assumed, for
terms, the style of other, anonymous copyists working instance, in Gerszi 1996. For Speckaert, see also Široká 1995; Široká
1997; and the literature referred to in note 8 below.
after Speckaert). Heintz may have captured Speckaert’s
3. For Hans von Aachen, see cats. 62, 63; for Spranger, see Höper
composition, the monumentality of the figures, and 1996b.
presumably the technique of the original. The drawing 4. As also suggested in Metzler 1997, p. 29, n. 39.
also imitates some of the stylistic features of Speckaert’s 5. Städel Museum, Frankfurt, inv. 14268 (Schilling 1973, vol. 1, no. 1,
works, for instance, the shadows indicated by areas of vol. 2, pl. 1; Bernard Aikema in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna 2010–11,
parallel hatching, but, as Wouter Kloek explains, most no. 9, ill.). For other drawings by von Aachen in which Speckaert’s
influence is noticeable, see Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann and Alice
contemporary copies after Speckaert (including the one Taatgen in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, nos. 7, 8, 10, ill.
under discussion) emphasize the outlines of the forms 6. Van Mander 1604, fol. 291 recto; see also Hessel Miedema in van
“in a firm and disciplined hand that corresponds not at Mander 1604/1994–99, vol. 5 (1998), p. 26. For the drawings listed
all to Speckaert’s experimental draftsmanship.”9 in Cort’s inventory, which mentions Santvoort as heir, see Bertolotti
1884, p. 89 (also in Bierens de Haan 1948, p. 277). One of the draw-
The Museum’s sheet—a relatively recent discovery— ings mentioned—a sheet among “sex carte continentes vitam B.
is the only known drawing by Heintz after Speckaert, Marie Virginis facte per manum quond. Jo. Perckart” (six drawings
and it may be identical to one recorded in the catalogue of the life of the Holy Virgin Mary made by the late Jan Speckaert)—
must be the one reproduced here as fig. 1. Three other drawings from
of the remarkable collection of drawings formed by the series are known: the one of the Annunciation is at the Musées
the Napoleonic general and diplomat Antoine- Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique/Koninklijke Musea voor
François Andréossy, which describes a group of “draw- Schone Kunsten van België, Brussels, inv. 10991 (Široká 1995, no. a
9, fig. 91; Široká 1997, p. 135, fig. 2); that of the Visitation at the Mu-
ings [by Heintz] made after Paolo Veronese, Polidoro

sée Bonnat, Bayonne, inv. rf 50868 (Jacques Foucart in Brussels and
Rome 1995, no. 189, ill.; Emmanuelle Brugerolles in Paris 1997–98,
no. 328, ill.). A fragment of another, depicting the Circumcision of
Christ, is at the British Museum, London, inv.
Pp-5-124 (Popham 1932, p. 178, no. 1, pl. 69; Široká 1995, no. a 27,
fig. 99); a copy of this drawing is at The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, acc. 19.76.19. One of Speckaert’s rare paintings is a portrait
of Cort, now at the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. 1163
(Foucart in Brussels and Rome 1995, no. 186, ill.; Široká 1995,
no. p 5, fig. 134).
7. See numerous examples discussed and reproduced in Zimmer
1988, and the Museum’s drawing referred to in the following note.
8. The Morgan drawing, which is incised for transfer, was used as
a model for an engraving by Egidius Sadeler II (Hollstein, Dutch
and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 [1980], p. 26, no. 86, vol. 22 [1980],
ill.; Foucart in Brussels and Rome 1995, no. 194, ill.; Široká 1995,
no. e 6, fig. 101), which specifies that it was made after an invention
by “Joan Speccard”; the print is part of a series of six scenes from
the Life of the Virgin (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007,
vol. 21 [1980], pp. 25–26, nos. 80–86, vol. 22 [1980], ill.; Široká
1995, nos. e 1–e 6, figs. 92–94, 96, 100, 101; see also note 5 above).
A copy after the composition is in the Musée du Louvre, Paris,
inv. 21106 (Lugt 1968, no. 687, pl. 196 [as by Speckaert]; Široká 1995,
no. c 26, fig. 102). The drawing in The Metropolitan Museum of Art
(acc. 1999.85) was formerly in the sale Butterfield and Butterfield,
San Francisco, November 12, 1998, lot 6523 (reproduced in the cata
logue). In size and atmosphere, it is somewhat closer to Heintz’s
copy. The drawing may have been part of a series on the life or the
Passion of Christ, which may also have included an image of Christ
being crowned with thorns in the Louvre, inv. 19082 (Lugt 1968,
no. 686, pl. 195; Foucart in Brussels and Rome 1995, no. 188, ill.;
Široká 1995, no. a 37, fig. 83). A drawing by Speckaert of the Resur-
rection in the Teylers Museum, Haarlem, inv. a 48 (Meijer 1995,
pp. 44, 46, ill.; Široká 1995, no. a 26, fig. 127) is related to a project
for a sculpted tomb in Santa Maria dell’Anima and differs from the
composition of Heintz’s drawing.
9. Kloek 1974, p. 108; see also Kloek 1997. Kloek opposes the attri-
butions to Speckaert proposed by Teréz Gerszi (Gerszi 1968; Gerszi
1971, vol. 1, nos. 225–36, vol. 2, ill.; Gerszi in Paris 2008–9b, nos. 22,
23, ill.).
10. Drouot 1864, p. 22, part of lot 112: “Dessins exécutés d’après
Paul Véronèse, Polydore de Caravage et Speccard.”
11. Zimmer 1988, nos. a 23–a 36, a 39–a 45, figs. 58–66, 68–71, 73–83;
Zimmer 2007, nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7–9, ill. The Metropolitan Museum of
Art owns one of the copies after Polidoro (acc. 1995.297; Zimmer
2007, no. 2, ill.).
12. Zimmer 1988, nos. a 6, a 7, a 21, a 22, figs. 38, 39, 52, 57.
13. Ibid., p. 76, nos. a 10, a 12, a 13, figs. 43–45. The importance of
Speckaert’s influence on Heintz is played down somewhat in Zimmer
1988 (pp. 51, 53–55, 62); but I believe that the improved understand-
ing of Speckaert’s style (thanks to the publications of Kloek and
Široká mentioned in notes 2 and 9 above) and the discovery of the
drawing under discussion now permit a more generous reassessment
of the role played by Speckaert’s style in Heintz’s artistic development.
14. Zimmer 1971, no. b 2, fig. 92; Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 17
(1976), p. 15, no. 29; Kaufmann 1988, p. 198, under no. 7.52, ill. c at. 64
See also the following note. Another, smaller painting by Heintz 15. As rightly pointed out in Zimmer 1971, p. 128, in connection
on copper of the Resurrection was documented in the eighteenth with the composition here reproduced as fig. 2. Among Rudol-
century in the collection at Prague Castle (Zimmer 1971, no. d 29). phine artists, the theme was treated by Spranger in a painting in
There seems to be little reason to doubt that a drawing in the Kunst the Národní Galerie v Praze, Prague, inv. o 7259 (Kaufmann 1988,
sammlung der Universität Göttingen (inv. h 550) is connected with no. 20.1, ill.; Eliška Fučíková in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1,
the altarpiece and not with this painting formerly in Prague (the no. 152, ill., pl. 42); and by von Aachen in a drawing in the Moravská
connection is suggested in Zimmer 1971, p. 129, no. d 29); for this Galerie v Brnĕ, Brno, inv. b 9702 (Kaufmann 1988, p. 141, under
drawing, see Zimmer 1971, fig. 91; Zimmer 1988, no. a 85, fig. 128.

no. 1.18, ill.; Fučíková in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, no. 180,
pl. 53; Fučíková in Aachen, Prague, and Vienna 2010–11, no. 63,
ill.). A drawing of the Resurrection formerly attributed to Speckaert
has been correctly attributed to Hendrick de Clerck by Eva Široká
(Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, inv. z 867; see von
Heusinger 1992–97, vol. 1, p. 342, vol. 2, pl. 237 [as by Speckaert];
Široká 1995, no. f 12, fig. 159).
Provenance: Possibly Antoine-François Andréossy (1761–1828),

Paris, and his sale, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, April 13–16, 1864, part of
lot 112; sale, Sotheby’s, New York, January 9, 1996, lot 148; [Kunst-
Literature: Sotheby’s 1996, lot 148, ill.; Široká 1997, p. 138, fig. 8;
Zimmer 2007, no. 3, ill.
65 | Joseph Heintz the Elder

The Virgin and Child with Mary Magdalen (or Saint
Barbara?), ca. 1595–1600
Black and red chalk (laid down), 10 × 73⁄16 in. (25.4 × 18.3 cm)

2000 (2000.343)
At lower center, inscribed Correggio in pen and brown ink (18th-
or 19th-century handwriting); at lower right, collector’s mark
of Émile Calando (Lugt 837). Verso of the secondary support,
at center, inscribed 3029 / Allegri—Correggio in graphite (19th- or
20th-century handwriting); at center right, inscribed photo in
Fig. 1. Joseph Heintz the Elder, The P020013 in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Holy Family with Saint Barbara and Saint
Catherine, ca. 1595–1600. Oil on canvas, Watermark: none
76¾ × 55½ in. (195 × 141 cm). Chapel
of Saint Barbara, Church of Saint
Thomas, Prague
This recently discovered drawing appears to relate to one
of the artist’s religious paintings still in situ, the altar- A preparatory drawing by Heintz for the painting
piece of the Chapel of Saint Barbara in the Augustine (fig. 2) suggests that his initial inspiration for the com-
church of Saint Thomas in the Malá Strana district of position was an altarpiece by Agostino Carracci, dated
Prague (fig. 1).1 The painting has been dated to the latter 1586, in Parma (fig. 3).5 In this drawing, Heintz intro-
half of the 1590s, when Rudolf II initiated a program to duced quite a few changes to Carracci’s composition—
renovate and redecorate the church.2 As one would in particular, the imposing stance of Catherine and the
expect in a chapel devoted to Saint Barbara, she occupies yearning pose of Barbara. The figure of the latter may
a prominent place in the painting, at the feet of the go back to the kneeling Mary Magdalen in Correggio’s
Virgin. She holds one of her attributes, a ciborium celebrated “Madonna of Saint Jerome” (also known as
surmounted by a host, which refers to the special ven- “Il Giorno”) of 1526–28, also in Parma (fig. 4).6 In addi-
eration she enjoys as the saint invoked for protection tion, Heintz made a separate red chalk sketch for Barbara,
against death without the rite of extreme unction.3 To now in Budapest,7 which must be dated somewhat later
the Virgin’s left stands Saint Catherine, recognizable by than the compositional drawing reproduced in fig. 2, as
the sword and the broken wheel representing the trials it is closer to the altarpiece—notably, in the tilted posi-
Fig. 2. Joseph Heintz the Elder, The
Holy Family with Saint Barbara and Saint she suffered before her martyrdom. By having her stand tion of the saint’s head, her right hand emerging from
Catherine, ca. 1595–1600. Pen and and Barbara kneel, Heintz seems to have played on the her drapery, and the faintly indicated ciborium, which
brown ink, gray wash, heightened with iconographic tradition of the Mystic Marriage, in which is missing in the compositional drawing.
white gouache, 89⁄16 × 615⁄16 in. (21.8×
17.7 cm). Princes of Liechtenstein, Catherine is seen kneeling before the Virgin and Child It may have been the resemblance to the painting by
Vaduz and Vienna (gr932) to accept a wedding ring from her heavenly groom.4 Correggio and the softly graded use of black and red

chalk that prompted a previous owner of the Museum’s 7. Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest, inv. k 68.438 (Zimmer 1971,
p. 85, fig. 22; Zimmer 1988, no. a 71, fig. 110; Zimmer in Essen and
drawing to attribute it to him; the pose of the saint’s Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, no. 205, ill.).
head and her left hand caressing the Child’s right foot are 8. For the iconography of Mary Magdalen, and specifically for her at-
indeed very similar to the Italian’s work in Parma. This tributes, see Réau 1955–59, vol. 3, pt. 2 (1958), pp. 846–59, especially
possible connection raises the question of the identity of pp. 850–51; Saxer and Celletti 1966, especially cols. 1105–6; Anstett-
Janssen 1974, especially cols. 521–22.
the saint in the Museum’s drawing. Is she Mary Magda-
9. The identification of the saint as the Magdalen was proposed,
len (as in Correggio’s altarpiece), resting her hand on without discussion, in Sotheby’s 2000, p. 10, lot 4; Zimmer 2007,
the vessel of ointment that is one of her attributes?8 pp. 83, 245. The vessel in the drawing is similar to the one held up by
Although Barbara is also sometimes depicted with a her in Ludovico Carracci’s Bargellini altarpiece in the Pinacoteca
Nazionale di Bologna, inv. 578 (Brogi 2001, vol. 1, no. 25, pls. xv, xvi,
pyx, rather than with a ciborium, the identification with vol. 2, figs. 52, 63; Anna Stanzani in Bentini et al. 2006, no. 164, ill.).
Mary Magdalen does seem the most convincing.9 And 10. As mentioned in note 1 above, Mary Magdalen was included in
if that is the case, one wonders if the Museum’s drawing the altar but in a small painting above the altarpiece.
is connected with the Prague altarpiece at all: in the 11. Jürgen Zimmer (quoted in Sotheby’s 2000, p. 10, lot 4) initially
chapel for which Heintz’s painting was destined, a Bar- dated the drawing earlier than the preparation of the altarpiece but
seems to have later altered his view (Zimmer 2007, pp. 65, 237). Fig. 3. Agostino Carracci, The Virgin
bara would surely have been a more logical choice.10 In
12. Compare, among many other possible examples, a drawing and Child with Saints Margaret, Benedict (?),
any event, the drawing can still be dated to the time that by the Cavaliere d’Arpino in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Cecilia, and the Young John the Baptist,
Heintz was working on the altarpiece.11 acc. 1986.318 (William M. Griswold in New York 1994, no. 89, ill.). 1586. Oil on canvas, 5913⁄16 × 50 in.
Also inspired by Italian models is the drawing’s com- See also Zimmer 1988, pp. 56–57, 62, 63. (152 × 127 cm). Galleria Nazionale di
Parma (188)
bination of red and black chalk, which echoes works by 13. See Zimmer 1988, nos. a 16, a 18, a 19, a 24, a 31, a 32, a 51, pl. i,
figs. 50, 53, 54, 59, 65, 66, 89.
contemporary Italian draftsmen such as the Cavaliere
14. J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, acc. 91.gb.66 (ibid.,
d’Arpino (Giuseppe Cesari), whom Heintz knew in no. a 48, fig. 85; Lee Hendrix in N. Turner, Hendrix, and Plazzotta
Rome.12 Indeed, his earliest known drawings in this 1997, no. 67, ill.). For other similar drawings, see Zimmer 1988,
technique date from the late 1580s, during his Italian nos. a 60–a 67, figs. 100–102, 105–9.
years.13 However, those are all more tightly drawn. In its
Provenance: Émile Calando (1850–1899), Paris; [art market, London,
stirring freedom, the Museum’s sheet compares more 1999];* sale, Sotheby’s, New York, January 26, 2000, lot 4; [Kunst-
clearly to a later group of the artist’s chalk drawings, of handel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Department of
which one from 1594 (now in Los Angeles) seems to be Drawings and Prints, 2000
the earliest known dated example.14 sa Literature: Sotheby’s 2000, lot 4, ill.; Zimmer 2007, pp. 64–66, 236–
37, no. 13, ill.
1. Zimmer 1971, no. a 9, no. 20; Kaufmann 1988, no. 7.27, ill.; Jürgen * According to Zimmer 2007, pp. 83, 245.
Zimmer in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, no. 137, pl. 35; Vácha
2010, pp. 179–81, figs. 1, 2. Above the altarpiece within the same
altar is a painting of the Magdalen, also by Heintz (Vácha 2010,
pp. 181–85, 191–92, fig. 3). The appearance of its original frame and 66 | Joseph Heintz the Elder
altar are unrecorded; the present sculpted altar dates from 1713.
Nymphs and Satyrs in a Landscape, 1599 or before
2. For the history of the Chapel of Saint Barbara, see Vácha 2010,
pp. 185–87.
Brush and black ink, red chalk, gray and sanguine washes, lead
3. For the iconography of Saint Barbara, and specifically for the white heightening, a composite of black chalk and graphite
attribute of the ciborium, see Réau 1955–59, vol. 3, pt. 1 (1958), Fig. 4. Antonio Allegri, called Correggio,
underdrawing, incised for transfer, on paper prepared with an
pp. 169–77, especially p. 173, no. 4; Gordini and Aprile 1962, espe- The Virgin and Child with Saint Jerome and
cially col. 765; Petzoldt 1973, especially cols. 305–6. opaque yellow iron-based earth wash (laid down on a partial Mary Magdalen, 1526–28. Oil on canvas,
counterproof of a drawing in black and red chalk), 9⅜ × 8011⁄16 × 55½ in. (205 × 141 cm). Galleria
4. For the iconography of Saint Catherine, and specifically for her
1211⁄16 in. (23.8 × 32.2 cm) Nazionale di Parma (351)
Mystic Marriage, see Réau 1955–59, vol. 3, pt. 1 (1958), pp. 262–72,
especially pp. 268–69; Balboni, Bronzini, and Brandi 1963, especially Purchase, 2006 Benefit Fund, 2007 (2007.174)
col. 968; Assion 1974, especially cols. 295, 296–97. Verso of the original secondary support, at lower left, inscribed
5. For the drawing, see Zimmer 1971, p. 85, fig. 21; Heinrich Geissler Fiamingo in graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting); to the
in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, no. b 24, ill.; Zimmer 1988, no. a 72, right, inscribed 127 in blue crayon, 7 changed to 8 in purple crayon
fig. 111. For Carracci’s altarpiece, painted for the church of Saint (both 20th-century handwriting); below, collector’s mark of
Paul in Parma, where Heintz could have seen it, see Daniela Fer- Adalbert von Lanna (Lugt 2773); at lower center, inscribed 199 in
riani in Fornari Schianchi 1998, no. 323, ill. A connection between graphite (20th-century handwriting); below, inscribed Auct:
these works was already proposed by Zimmer in Essen and Vienna
Kuppitsch / W. 16/11 71. / No 471. / f 3.10. in graphite (19th-century
1988–89, vol. 1, p. 252.
handwriting); at lower right, collector’s mark of A. Schubert (Dr.
6. Ekserdjian 1997, pp. 193–204, fig. 207; Luisa Viola in Fornari A. S. in a rectangle, stamped in blue; not in Lugt); below, inscribed
Schianchi 1998, no. 149, ill.; Nicoletta Moretti in Parma 2008–9,
Dr. A. Schubert / 1929 in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
no. iii.23, ill. p. 283. The connection between the paintings by Cor-
reggio and Heintz was already made in Sotheby’s 2000, p. 10, lot 4. Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support

Joseph Heintz’s drawings attest to both the pleasure he
must have taken in making them and the care with
which he prepared his painted works, as evident from
the drawings discussed under cat. 65. A second example
comprises those connected with another of the artist’s
mature masterpieces—a small painting on copper dated
1599, now in Munich (fig. 1).1 The painting may have
come from Rudolf II’s collection, and its erotic subject
would have suited the emperor’s taste; when first men-
tioned in print, it was described as a “Bacchanal.”2 With-
out illustrating a particular myth, it conveys the spirit
of certain passages from Ovid’s Metamorphoses, notably
verses 192–93 of the first book, in which the poet tells of
“demigods, rustic divinities, nymphs, fauns and satyrs,
and sylvan deities upon the mountain-slopes.”3 Fig. 1. Joseph Heintz the Elder, Nymphs and Satyrs in a Land
scape, 1599. Oil on copper, 97⁄16 × 1213⁄16 in. (24 × 32.5 cm).
A recent addition to the artist’s oeuvre, the Museum’s
Alte Pinakothek, Munich (1579)
drawing has dimensions identical to those of the painting.
It has been incised, perhaps by Heintz, to transfer the
outlines of the composition either onto the copper plate reproduced here as fig. 2 and in one of a crouching
or, more likely, onto another sheet of paper (although the female nude in Budapest, which has also been dated to
drawing differs very little from the painting). This hypo- the late 1590s.8 The rather formless area of brown wash
thetical tracing may be another newly surfaced drawing at lower right in the Museum’s drawing corresponds to
related to the composition, which is identical in size and a dark piece of drapery in the painting. The use of red
technique (except for the use of red chalk). Its slightly chalk, seen only in the far left arc of the oval, is harder
disappointing quality characterizes it as a copy, which to explain, but it adds to the drawing a tone akin to the
likely originated from Heintz’s circle.4 A pen drawing— “magnificent warm gold-brown hue” of the painting,
another recent discovery—documents an earlier stage in balanced by the cooler tones of the foliage and sky.9
the development of the composition (fig. 2).5 Overall, the drawing is one of the most complex and
Heintz’s mastery is evident in the way the crowded accomplished in Heintz’s drawn oeuvre.
composition seems to fit effortlessly into the oval for- The drawing must have been laid down in the art-
mat.6 But the drawing under discussion is especially ist’s studio, because on the verso of the backing paper
remarkable for its unique combination of media, which is an offset of another drawing by Heintz. Two
cannot be entirely explained in terms of the drawing’s sketches of a head of a woman in red and black chalk
function. In its boldness, the color of the prepared and one of a naked child in black chalk belong to the
paper can be compared to that of a drawing by Heintz Virgin and Child in a marvelous study in London for a
of nymphs killing a stag in Braunschweig, done on an Flight into Egypt.10 That drawing, which is unrelated
equally unusual blue-green ground.7 The latter drawing to any known work by Heintz, was likely made about
is heightened with white gouache in a similarly careful the same time as the Museum’s sheet. Somehow, the
way, but the pen lines are more controlled, and the former must have been pressed against the back of the
Braunschweig sheet should probably be considered an latter, thereby creating a faint impression in reverse
independent work of art. The Museum’s drawing, on of the greasy chalks. sa
the other hand, retains in many places the appearance
1. Zimmer 1971, p. 53, no. a 22, pl. iv, fig. 59; Kaufmann 1988,
of a true sketch—see, for example, the pentimenti in no. 7.19, ill.; Jürgen Zimmer in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1,
the contours of the arm of the nymph at center. In no. 132, ill.
places, the gouache has been used in a painterly rather 2. Kuppitsch 1871, p. 23, lot 471. For the provenance, see Zimmer
than graphic way, to conjure the hazy background and 1971, pp. 106–7.
skies or the diaphanous veil of the main nymph. The 3. Ovid 1976–77 (ed.), vol. 1, p. 14: “sunt mihi semidei, sunt, rustica
numina, nymphae / faunique satyrique et monticolae silvani”; for
eccentric contours of the bodies, described in sinuous, the English translation by Frank Justus Miller, see p. 15. The passage
swelling pen lines, are characteristic for Heintz. from Ovid was evoked in Zimmer 1967, p. 256; see also Zimmer in
Comparable penmanship can be found in the drawing Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, p. 240.

4. Previously at the sale Hôtel Drouot, Paris, December 10, 2003, 8. Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest, inv. 58.458 (ibid., no. a 70,
lot 18 (as attributed to Joseph Heintz the Elder; illustrated in the fig. 112; Zimmer in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, no. 214, ill.).
catalogue); accepted as by Heintz in Zimmer 2007, no. 15, ill. 9. Zimmer 1971, p. 106: “ein prächtiges warmes Goldbraun.”
5. Formerly in a French private collection and subsequently at the 10. Courtauld Gallery, London, inv. d.1952.rw.2374 (Julian Brooks
sale Hampel, Munich, June 22, 2007, lot 1579 (as by Joseph Heintz in Oxford, London, and Nottingham 2003–4, no. 59, ill. [as by
the Younger; bought in); see Zimmer 2007, no. 14, ill. The drawing Giovanni da San Giovanni]; Zimmer 2007, no. 11, ill.).
bears an inscription on the back that Jürgen Zimmer read as “mich.
Ringschuh [?] / delineavit”; there seems to be no doubt, however,
that the drawing is indeed by Heintz. Provenance: Sale, M. Kuppitsch, Vienna, November 16, 1871, and
following days, lot 471; Adalbert von Lanna (1836–1909), Prague;
6. A similarly successful oval composition of a bucolic subject is his sale, H. G. Gutekunst, Stuttgart, May 11–22, 1909, part of lot
recorded in a drawing by Heintz, formerly in the collection of the 100; sale, Rudolph Lepke’s Kunst-Auctions-Haus, Berlin, May 22,
princes of Oettingen-Wallerstein at Harburg Castle; and subse- 1911, part of lot 199; A. Schubert, probably 1929; sale, van Ham,
quently at the sale Christie’s, Amsterdam, November 9, 1998, lot 296 Cologne, November 16–18, 2006, lot 1087; [Arnoldi-Livie, Munich]; Fig. 2. Joseph Heintz the Elder, Nymphs and
(Zimmer 1988, no. a 69, fig. 104). The drawing has been considered purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2007 Satyrs in a Landscape, 1599 or before. Pen
an early preparatory sketch for the rectangular painting of vertical and brown ink, brown wash, 6 × 713⁄16 in.
format mentioned under cat. 77, note 6. Literature: Kuppitsch 1871, lot 471 (as by an anonymous artist); (15.2 × 19.8 cm). Location unknown
Gutekunst 1909, part of lot 100; Lepke 1911, part of lot 199 (as by
7. Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, inv. z 794 (Zimmer
“Fiamingo,” probably Pauwels Franck [Paolo Fiammingo]);
1988, p. 77, no. a 58, pl. v, fig. 96).
van Ham 2006, lot 1087, ill.; Zimmer 2007, no. 16, ill.

Matthäus Gundel ach imbued the Mannerist sensuality of line inspired by
Großalmerode (?), ca. 1566–1654, Augsburg Joseph Heintz with a solemn monumentality typical
of Gundelach’s later work.
The earliest preserved work by Matthäus Gundelach, The drawing’s composition echoes one—perhaps
a drawing, establishes his presence in Prague in 1593, for a lost altarpiece?—by Jacopo Palma il Giovane.5
where he seems to have worked under the influence of Gundelach probably never traveled to Italy, but he is
Bartholomeus Spranger. Eventually, he reoriented his likely to have known the design through an engraving
style toward that of Joseph Heintz the Elder, whom he dated 1594, which was made in Munich by the print-
succeeded as Rudolf II’s court painter and whose maker Egidius Sadeler II (fig. 2).6 Similarities between
widow he married. Gundelach later worked in Stuttgart Palma’s and Gundelach’s designs—the asymmetrical
and Augsburg, where he continued his successful career compositions, anchored in each by the column to
until the last years of his life in a style rooted in what which Christ is tied; his somewhat acrobatic pose;
had been fashionable at the Rudolphine court about the athletic exertion of the men surrounding him; the
1600, but he was also responsive to new developments attackers wielding bundles of sticks; and the dramatic
in Northern art. artificial lighting of the scene, crowned by dark smoke
casting its shadow on the column—make it seem as
General literature: Möhle 1959; Bruno Bushart, Eckhard von Knorre, though Gundelach wanted to emulate his Venetian
and Heinrich Geissler in Augsburg 1968, pp. 107–11, 191–95;
Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, pp. 244–47; Bender 1981; predecessor. The use of colored paper seems to be
Netzer 1981; Jürgen Zimmer in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, almost unique in Gundelach’s oeuvre known today; it
pp. 230–34, 342–47; Zimmer 2009 was likely prompted by the unusual setting of the scene
at night, also eloquently evoked by the restrained use
of white heightening. sa
67 | Matthäus Gundelach
The Flagellation of Christ, 1632 1. See, for instance, the signature and date on the drawings in Stutt-
gart and Budapest mentioned in notes 2 and 4 below.
Pen and iron gall ink, brown ink washes, white gouache height- 2. Formerly on the New York art market (Shickman 1968, no. 56, ill.
ening, traces of black chalk underdrawing, incised lines, on [as by Hans Rottenhammer]; Jürgen Zimmer in Essen and Vienna
1988–89, vol. 1, p. 234 [as attributed to Gundelach]). The other draw-
green paper (originally blue) (laid down), 161⁄16 × 1011⁄16 in.
ing is in the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, inv. c 217 (Bender 1981, no. za
(40.8 × 27.1 cm) 10; Kaulbach 2007, no. 245, ill.); a preparatory sketch for this com-
Purchase, Guy Wildenstein, Katherine Mondadori and Jill position is in the Grafische Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsam-
Newhouse Gifts, and Van Day Truex Fund, 2003 (2003.183) mlungen und Museen Augsburg, inv. g 4685-70 (Heinrich Geissler
At lower left, signed and dated M· / Gundelach / ·F· / 1632 in pen in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, no. f 16, ill.; Bender 1981, no. za 11; Rolf
Biedermann in Augsburg 1987, no. 18, ill.).
and brown ink. Framing line in pen and brown ink, by the artist.
Verso, at upper center, inscribed GONDELACH / nait [?] à 3. Grafische Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsammlungen und
Augsbourg in graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower Museen Augsburg, inv. g 5358 (Bender 1981, no. za 10a; Biedermann
in Augsburg 1987, no. 19, ill.). It has been suggested that this drawing
center, an illegible inscription in red crayon (abraded or erased)
is a design for a painting crowning the altar for which the drawing
Watermark: none in Stuttgart mentioned in the previous note is a design (Geissler in
Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 246, under no. f 16).
4. Compare, for instance, the drawing under discussion with one
Fully signed and dated, in a way seen on several of his dated 1613 in the Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest, inv. 81 (Bender
other drawings as well,1 this magnificent, and previ- 1981, no. za 17; Teréz Gerszi in Gerszi 1988a, p. 123, ill.). For a char-
Fig. 1. Matthäus Gundelach, The Virgin acterization of Gundelach’s evolution about 1605, see Möhle 1959,
and Child Rescuing Souls from Hell,
ously unpublished, sheet is an important addition to p. 270. A later drawing, dated 1637, is part of the so-called Kitto Bible at
ca. 1630s (?). Pen and ink, wash, the oeuvre of Matthäus Gundelach. With its arched top the Huntington Library, Art Collections and Botanical Gardens, San
heightened with white gouache (?), and sinuous, gracefully drawn figures, the format and Marino (Marcel Roethlisberger in San Marino 1969–70, no. 42, ill.).
1115⁄16 × 7¼ in. (30.4 × 18.4 cm). 5. For paintings by Palma with related compositions, see Mason
Location unknown
style are very close to a drawing in Stuttgart, dated 1630,
Rinaldi 1984, nos. 135, 193, 368, 447, 487, 527, figs. 132, 135, 294, 365;
and to an unlocated sheet here attributed to the artist most of them postdate the print.
(fig. 1).2 Also comparable is a drawing in Augsburg 6. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 (1980), p. 16, no. 45.
dated 1635.3 All of these works, including the Museum’s,
were probably modelli for altarpieces, although no Provenance: A. Ward Jackson; private collection, England; [Thomas
painting based on the composition of any of them is Williams Fine Art, London]; purchased by the Department of Draw-
known today. The artist’s style may not have evolved ings and Prints, 2003
very much after about 1605,4 but in the works cited he Literature: unpublished

Fig. 2. Egidius Sadeler II, after Jacopo Palma il
Giovane, The Flagellation of Christ, 1594. Engraving,
175⁄16 × 11¾ in. (44 × 29.8 cm). British Museum,
London (1868-6-12-531)

Johann Mathias Kager
Munich, 1575–1634, Augsburg
One of the most appealing Bavarian draftsmen of his

time, Johann Mathias Kager was trained in Munich and
initially worked there. His fluent, gracious style was
strongly influenced by artists such as Friedrich Sustris
and Hans Rottenhammer. Kager became a citizen of
Augsburg in 1603 and remained there the rest of his life.
He received many important public and private com-
missions, most of them for religious works, especially
after he was appointed town painter in 1615. His main
project in Augsburg was the decoration of the city hall,
lost during World War II. Kager also held prominent
administrative positions in Augsburg.
General literature: Josef Bellot, Bruno Bushart, Heinrich Geissler, and

Eckhard von Knorre in Augsburg 1968, pp. 52–55, 119–23, 200–205, Fig. 1. Anton Mozart, The Presentation of the “Pomeranian Cabinet” by
440, 441, 449–50; Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, pp. 256–59; Philipp Hainhofer to Duke Philipp II of Pomerania, ca. 1614–15. Oil on panel,
Netzer 1980; Falk 2008 159⁄16 × 17⅞ in. (39.5 × 45.4 cm). Kunstgewerbemuseum, Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin (p 183a)
68 | Johann Mathias Kager of the cabinet are, thankfully, well documented. A col-
Design for a Relief Representing Astronomy, ca. 1611 laborative work if ever there were one, it was originated
Fig. 2. Philipp Groß, after Johann
Mathias Kager, Allegory of Astronomy, by Philipp Hainhofer, an art entrepreneur from Augs-
ca. 1610–15. Silver relief, height approx- Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink and sanguine washes, burg. In addition to the cabinet itself, he commissioned
imately 67⁄16 in. (16.3 cm). Formerly 8⅜ × 69⁄16 in. (21.2 × 16.5 cm) a painting commemorating those who worked on it,
Kunstgewerbemuseum, Staatliche
Purchase, Bequest of Helen Hay Whitney, by exchange, Mr. and from one of the artists involved in the project—the
Museen zu Berlin, destroyed in World
War II Mrs. E. Powis Jones Gift, and Harry G. Sperling Fund, 1996 Augsburg painter Anton Mozart (fig. 1).4 The cabinet
(1996.37)
was acquired by Philipp II, duke of Pomerania, who
At lower right, an illegible inscription in black chalk (erased). appears seated at left in Mozart’s painting, with Hain-
Double framing line in pen and black ink, by the artist. Verso, at
center, inscribed 4 in graphite (20th-century handwriting?)
hofer showing him one of the cabinet’s drawers filled
with extraordinary objects. A gloomy-looking dark-
Watermark: none
haired man in the middle foreground is Kager, who was
responsible for the overall design of the cabinet.5 He is
Previously attributed to Lucas Kilian, this drawing was also recorded as the designer of six silver reliefs of the
recently recognized by Tilman Falk as a work by Johann Liberal Arts, two each of which decorated the front and
Mathias Kager.1 The thin lines and flowing pen work, back of the cabinet, with one each on its short sides.
the light, subtle washes, and the “soft and supple forms” On top of the cabinet were seated figures of the nine
and overall gracefulness reminiscent of Friedrich Sustris Muses, also in silver, and the whole was crowned by a
(compare cat. 51) are entirely characteristic of Kager.2 silver sculpture of Mount Parnassus with a rearing
Moreover, the design can be connected with a master- Pegasus—designed by Hans Rottenhammer, Lucas
piece of the decorative arts in seventeenth-century Kilian, and Christoph Lencker, and executed in silver
Augsburg, the so-called Pomeranian Cabinet (Pommersche by Matthias Wallbaum and his workshop.
Kunstschrank).3 Formerly in the Kunstgewerbemuseum Many drawings by Kager for the cabinet must once
in Berlin, the cabinet—with its sumptuous decoration have existed, but the Museum’s sheet seems to be the
Fig. 3. Philipp Groß, after Johann
Mathias Kager, Allegory of Geometry, of rare woods, silver, and gemstones—was destroyed by only one preserved. Although it does not correspond
ca. 1610–15. Silver relief, height fire during the last days of World War II. The wealth of exactly to any one silver mount on the cabinet, it is
approximately 67⁄16 in. (16.3 cm). precious objects, scientific instruments, and small-scale clearly related to both the reliefs representing Astron-
Formerly Kunstgewerbemuseum,
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, destroyed works of art that constituted its contents were, however, omy and Geometry (figs. 2, 3).6 The pose of the woman
in World War II largely saved. The commission, appearance, and contents in the drawing and the shell on which she stands

Fig. 4. Short Side of the Pomeranian Cabinet, with a Silver Relief Representing
Architecture, from Julius Lessing and Adolf Brüning, Der Pommersche
Kunstschrank, Berlin, 1905, plate v. Color lithograph, 93⁄16 × 11⅝ in.
(23.3 × 29.5 cm). Thomas J. Watson Library, The Metropolitan Museum
of Art, New York
compare most closely to Geometry, but her main attri- drawing. Kager’s designs appear to have become even
bute, an armillary sphere, identifies her as Astronomy more elaborate and graceful in the masterfully executed
(compare cat. 42), who in the relief is also nude from reliefs, testimony to the exceptional accomplishments
the waist up. The drawing probably reflects a relatively of Hainhofer and his team of master craftsmen. sa
early stage in Kager’s design of the reliefs. In the final
designs, he also considerably modified the ornament 1. Falk 2008, p. 135. The attribution to Kilian may have been based
surrounding them. Despite the differences, there is no on such decorative designs as four drawings by that artist repre-
senting the Seasons in the Hessisches Landesmuseum Darmstadt,
reason to doubt that the drawing is related to the cabi- inv. ae 910–ae 913 (Heinrich Geissler in Augsburg 1968, nos. 256,
net rather than to another project. A color lithograph 257, figs. 126, 127). A drawing attributed to Kilian in the Staatsgalerie
made about 1900 of one of the short sides of the cabi- Stuttgart, inv. c 344 (Kaulbach 2007, no. 302, ill.), may also be closer
to Kager in style.
net, showing the relief of Architecture (fig. 4),7 records
2. Compare a monogrammed drawing in the Grafische Sammlung,
four oval-cut carnelians surrounding the mount, set Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsammlungen und Museen Augsburg,
in shieldlike forms, as anticipated in the Museum’s inv. 1993/23 (Gode Krämer in Augsburg 2001, no. 83, ill.); and a

possibly signed drawing in the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, inv. c 1922/12 69 | Isaak Major
(Netzer 1980, no. z 58; Kaulbach 2007, no. 285, ill.). The quotation
is from Lessing and Brüning 1905, p. 21: “weiche und geschmeidige Landscape with a Wooden House Built into a Rock,
Formen.” ca. 1620–30
3. The cabinet was recently the subject of an extensive study in
Mundt 2009 and is discussed and well illustrated in Lessing and Brush and indigo wash, traces of black chalk underdrawing,
Brüning 1905. 55⁄16 × 8¼ in. (13.5 × 21 cm)
4. Mundt 2009, pp. 159–61, no. p 183a, fig. 24. Rogers Fund, 1966 (66.93.5)
5. Netzer 1980, pp. 24–27, 53–54, 138, no. 1 e1; Mundt 2009, Framing line in graphite, possibly by the artist; framing line in
pp. 137–38. pen and black ink, possibly by a later hand. Verso, at lower left,
6. Mundt 2009, pp. 147, 148–49, fig. 12, pp. 172–73, fig. 2. Our figs. 2 stamp of the Ferdinandeum Museum (FERDINANDEUM
and 3 are reproduced after Lessing and Brüning 1905, pls. xii and / MUSEUM / Innsbruck in circle, stamped in purple; not in
xi, respectively. Burned fragments of the silver decoration, including Lugt); below, inscribed N116 in graphite (20th-century hand-
fragments of the figure of Astronomy, are still preserved at the Kunst
writing); at lower right, inscribed D28720 in graphite (19th- or
gewerbemuseum, Berlin (Mundt 2009, pp. 12, 13, fig. 5, p. 148).
20th-century handwriting); below, inscribed Rol. Savary geb. in
7. Mundt 2009, pp. 153–54, fig. 17. Courtrai / 1576. gest. 1639. / Nr 315. f. 8.30. in graphite (19th-century
handwriting); at bottom left, inscribed N116 in graphite (20th-
Provenance: [Artemis/C. G. Boerner, New York]; purchased by the century handwriting)
Watermark: none
Literature: Falk 2008, p. 135, fig. 72
This charming drawing was on the market in the 1960s

with attributions to Paul Bril, Roelant Savery, and
Isa ak Major
Savery’s brother Jacob.1 In her study of the drawings of
Frankfurt am Main, ca. 1576–1630/36, Vienna
Roelant Savery, Isaak Major’s probable teacher in
Prague, Joaneath Spicer suggested reattributing a group
Although little information exists about Isaak Major, of landscape drawings executed in brush and indigo
and no paintings are known by him, his career can be ink—of which this is one—to Major, based on connec-
traced through a series of dated drawings and prints. tions between the drawings and his known landscape
The son of a Netherlandish family of itinerant gold- prints.2 The group of blue wash drawings includes,
smiths, Major also traveled throughout his life. In the among others, works in museums in Paris, New Haven,
first decade of the seventeenth century he was in Brunswick, Berlin, and Los Angeles, as well as various
Prague, where he is believed to have trained with the
Netherlandish artist Roelant Savery and the print-
maker Egidius Sadeler II. A signed group of twenty-
three pen and ink landscape drawings in the Albertina,
Vienna, demonstrates the profound influence of their
landscapes on Major’s artistic productions. In the next
decade Major traveled extensively. In 1614 he was in
Vienna, back in Prague in 1615, and in Poznań in 1618.
A series of topographically detailed etchings recording
the war between Austria and the Ottoman Turks (1592–
1606) reflects his journeys throughout Hungary. In the
early 1620s Major presumably settled in Vienna, but he
is known to have returned briefly to Frankfurt in 1633.
General literature: Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, nos. 476–501, vol. 2,

pls. 158, 159; Spicer 1979, pp. 78, 289–90, nn. 42b, 751a; Heinrich
Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, pp. 100–103; Thomas DaCosta
Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83,
pp. 178–79 Fig. 1. Paulus van Vianen, Study of the Side of a Rocky Cliff, ca. 1600–
1610. Pen and brown ink, blue-gray and brown washes; verso: pen
and black ink, gray wash, 5⅜ × 7 in. (13.7 × 17.8 cm). The Metro
politan Museum of Art, New York, Frits and Rita Markus Fund,
2001 (2001.444)

others sold privately and at auction in the past two
decades.3
The earlier attribution of this landscape to the
Netherlandish artist Savery, who was working at the
court of Rudolf II in Prague, is certainly understand-
able. Using layers of saturated blue wash to form the
shadowy woods and rustic cottage on the isolated
rocky outcropping, Major then added fine tapered
strokes to describe the sun-drenched expanse with its
isolated church structure on the undulating plain at
right. Roelant and Jacob Savery, Pieter Stevens, and
Paulus van Vianen (fig. 1) also used this technique to
enhance their depictions of the Tyrolean landscape.4
Rarely, however, did any other artist use it as his pri-
mary medium.
As Spicer suggests, Major also created landscape
etchings that were very similar in style to his indigo
ink drawings.5 Yale’s Landscape with a Fisherman and a
Duck Hunter as well as the Getty’s River Landscape with
a House on a Rocky Island (both ca. 1620–30) are both
squared in black chalk, presumably for transfer,
although there are no known works after these
designs. Curiously, his drawing Landscape with a Nat Landscape with a River, Bowdoin College Museum of Art, Brunswick,
ural Arch in Paris is not squared for transfer, but there Maine, acc. 1811.87 and 1811.128, respectively (David P. Becker in
Brunswick and other cities 1985–86, nos. 108, 109, ill.); River Land
is an etching after its design.6 Although the Museum’s
scape, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ
drawing does not have as close an equivalent in print as 13502; River Landscape with a House on a Rocky Island, J. Paul Getty
the Paris drawing, Major’s etched View of a Small House Museum, Los Angeles, acc. 88.ga.25 (Lee Hendrix in Goldner and
Hendrix 1992, no. 132, ill.); Mountainous Landscape with Two Figures
Built into a Rock (fig. 2)7 is also dominated by an iso-
in the Foreground, Kunsthalle Bremen, inv. 97/121 (Anne Röver-Kann
lated rocky outcropping surrounded by layers of leafy in Bremen 1998, pp. 40–41, ill.); Rocky Landscape with a Mountain
trees, set off by repoussoir elements in the extreme Fir and a Large Stump (Boerner 1982a, no. 12); Mountainous Coastal
Landscape with Ruins on a Cliff (Sotheby’s 1985, lot 15, ill.). A related
foreground, and balanced by an undulating plain in the Fig. 2. Isaak Major, View of a Small House Built
gouache, Mountainous River Landscape, was sold at Sotheby’s, New
background at right, which opens into a broad back- York, January 13, 1993, lot 129 (illustrated in the catalogue). into a Rock, ca. 1620–30. Engraving, 97⁄16 ×
ground containing architecture—all of which relate 14½ in. (23.9 × 36.8 cm). The Metropolitan
4. Eric M. Zafran in Washington and other cities 1985–87, no. 30, Museum of Art, New York, The Elisha
to elements in his drawing. fs ill. For more on van Vianen’s landscape drawings, see Gerszi 1982. Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey
Many other Dutch landscape artists also used indigo ink—for Fund, 1949 (49.95.2241)
example, Jan Brueghel the Elder, Tobias Verhaecht, and Gillis van
1. According to the inscription on the verso, this drawing was once
Valckenborch I.
attributed to Roelant Savery. In 1965 the Colnaghi gallery advertised
it in Burlington Magazine as by Paul Bril but sold it the next year as by 5. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 23 (1979), pp. 166–79, nos. 8–24, ill.
Jacob Savery, following Egbert Haverkamp-Begemann’s attribution 6. Ibid, p. 170, no. 14, ill.
based on similar drawings attributed to the artist (Haverkamp-
7. Ibid., p. 167, no. 9, ill.
Begemann and Logan 1970, vol. 1, no. 415, vol. 2, pl. 195). Nos. 415
and 416 of the Yale University Art Gallery catalogue both are land-
scapes rendered in brush and blue wash; some question remains in Provenance: Probably Ludwig von Wieser (1808–1888), Innsbruck,
the catalogue regarding whether they are by the same hand. and bequeathed with his collection to the Tiroler Landesmuseum
2. Spicer 1979, p. 78; see also pp. 289–90, n. 42b. Spicer compares Ferdinandeum, Innsbruck, 1888; deaccessioned by the Tiroler
the group to a drawing in the École Nationale Supérieure des Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum, before 1964; [P. & D. Colnaghi &
Beaux-Arts, Paris, inv. f 355 (Emmanuelle Brugerolles in Paris and Co., London]; purchased by the Department of Drawings, 1966
Hamburg 1985–86, no. 125, ill.). In Princeton, Washington, and Literature: Colnaghi 1965 (as by Paul Bril); Colnaghi 1966, no. 35
Pittsburgh 1982–83, Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann affirms Spicer’s (as by Jacob Savery); Haverkamp-Begemann and Logan 1970, vol. 1,
attribution to Major (nos. 66, 67, ill.). p. 228 (as by Roelant Savery or Jacob Savery [?]); Thomas DaCosta
3. Landscape with a Fisherman and a Duck Hunter and Rocky Landscape Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83,
with a Waterfall and Hunters, Yale University Art Gallery, acc. 1961.62.63 p. 178; Emmanuelle Brugerolles in Paris and Hamburg 1985–86,
and 1961.62.62, respectively (Haverkamp-Begemann and Logan p. 244; Sotheby’s 1985, p. 10, under lot 15; Sotheby’s 1991, p. 19,
1970, vol. 1, nos. 415, 416, vol. 2, pl. 195); Landscape with a Stream and under lot 21

Two Central European Traditions: The Stammbuch and
the Turnierbuch
Adam Gutmann
Constance, 1567–1637, Salzburg
Adam Gutmann was a Fassmaler, or polychromer and

gilder of decorative objects such as freestanding sculp-
ture and figures for altarpieces. He worked in the court
of the prince-archbishop of Salzburg, Wolf Dietrich von
Raitenau, whose portraits he painted; he also painted
an Entombment and a Crucifixion (both 1618) for the
monastery of Nonnberg. The drawing discussed below
is the only known work on paper by Gutmann, who
appears to have been influenced by Rudolphine art as
well as by Venetian painting. Fig. 1. Hans Georg Bauhof, Self-Portrait as a Goldsmith, 1679, from the
Zay album amicorum, 1678–83, p. 143. Pen and black ink, gray wash,
5¾ × 3¾ in. (14.5 × 9.5 cm). The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York
General literature: Thieme and Becker 1922; Geissler 1987, p. 242 (2003.43)
70 | Adam Gutmann Germany and Switzerland as a journeyman between

1678 and 1683. Sculptors, painters, and medalists,
Allegory of Wealth; verso: Seated Adonis with a Dog, 1598
among others, contributed to it, including Hans Georg
Pen and carbon black ink, brownish green, gray, and organic
Bauhof ’s Self-Portrait as a Goldsmith (fig. 1).2 These
pink washes; verso: pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes albums are of great interest to scholars because the
(laid down on a fragment of a larger drawing), 8 × 6 in. (20.3 × works not only register various styles of draftsmanship
15.2 cm) in an intimate setting but also often contain extensive
Harry G. Sperling Fund, 2007 (2007.413) inscriptions that reveal biographical information about
At upper left, inscribed in pen and black ink, by the artist: Nichts lesser-known artists of the period.
ist so steiff auff disser Erd. / das nichtt duruchs [?] geltt gewunnen wertt. / As with Christian Richter’s Allegory of the Transience
auchs geltt demmensch offen mals / bethrueglich bringt umb seinen halls.
/ Adi 20 Jullij hab ich Adam guottman. / Mahler von Costanz diß dem
of Life (cat. 73), Gutmann’s drawing is not only a warn-
guotten / geselhen zuor guotten gedächtnus gemacht / geschechen zuo ing against the trappings of this world but also an
Satzbuorg in [?] A° 1598 (Nothing in this world is so fixed that it object intended to help foster remembrance of both
cannot be bought for money. Also, be aware that money can the producer and its recipient through its imagery and
often be deceitful to men and cost you your life. On 20 July I, inscription. Gutmann’s elegant inscription inveighs
Adam Gutmann, painter from Constance, gave this to my good
pupil in fine remembrance made in Salzburg, 1598)
against money and its tendency to turn men against
one another. As Venus contemplates a small statue of
Watermark: none
Mercury held aloft in her right hand, a trunk spilling
over with jewels sits at her feet. Does this statuette
Adam Gutmann’s allegorical image is typical of those relate to the type of laudatory imagery, popular at the
made for a Stammbuch, or album amicorum (friendship Prague court of Rudolf II, that associated the emperor
album). Highly popular in Germany and the Nether- with Mercury’s inventiveness and intellect?3 Or does it
lands by the early seventeenth century, these albums make reference to Mercury’s role as god of commerce
contained a collection of drawings, often dedicated to and hence reinforce the warning expressed in Gut-
the owner, created by friends and prominent individu- mann’s inscription? Unlike the straightforward inscrip-
als.1 An unpublished example of a still-intact album is tion, the allegorical image is full of contradictions, or
that of the Swiss sculptor Johannes Carl Zay, who perhaps a playful sense of artistic license meant to
compiled the album while traveling through southern amuse a fellow artist.
154
Venus sits at the center of the image, her back sen- notably Titian’s oft-repeated Venus and Adonis (fig. 2).6
suously exposed to the viewer. With her left arm, she Titian’s poesie may have been familiar to Gutmann
reaches toward the chest of her lover, who could be through Friedrich Sustris’s fresco cycle in the so-called
either Mars (note the elaborate helmet) or the mortal Italian wing of the Trausnitz Castle in Landshut,
Adonis, an avid hunter commonly shown with canine which is also heavily dependent on the Venetian mas-
companions, such as those seen here. Another Adonis, ter.7 Although Sustris showed Venus facing the viewer,
accompanied by a dog but without his larger context, the draping of her arm across Adonis’s chest and her
appears in the drawing pasted onto the verso of An insistent grip on his sash to stave off his departure for
Allegory of Wealth. Entangled in the figural grouping on the hunt recall Titian’s interwoven figures.
the recto is a cheerful cupid standing triumphant (for Little is known of Gutmann’s art, but Heinrich
the moment) over the specter of death, a skeleton. Geissler rightly notes that his style of draftsmanship
Venus’s pose and her relationship with Mars or Adonis has much in common with that of Kaspar Menberger,
are described by Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann as a a contemporary at the court of Salzburg, whose few
topos of Rudolphine art, derived from the so-called extant drawings are in pen with brown and gray
Bed of Polyclitus.4 A version of this ancient sculptural washes.8 Primarily a painter, Menberger was also
relief of Psyche discovering Cupid was included in heavily influenced by the style and subject matter of
Rudolf ’s vast collection of art.5 A similar pose appears Venetian art.9 fs
in numerous Italian Renaissance paintings, most
155
9. Geissler (ibid.) notes four drawings that contain his monogram.
See also Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 115.
Provenance: Given by the artist to an unidentified pupil; Ernst Hein-

rich Ehlers (1835–1925); his sale, C. G. Boerner, Leipzig, May 25,
1938, lot 18;* sale, Christie’s, London, July 4, 2006, lot 50; [Kunst-
Literature: Boerner 1938, lot 18 (as by Hans Guttmann); Geissler
1987, p. 242, ill.; Christie’s 2006, lot 50, ill.; Trier 2010, p. 274
* An annotated catalogue from C. G. Boerner’s 1938 sale in Boerner’s
Düsseldorf library notes that the drawing was sold to the Rosgarten
museum in Constance. However, according to Dr. Tobias Engelsing,
director of the Städtische Museen, Constance, there is no evidence
that the drawing was ever part of the collection of the Rosgarten
museum.
Fig. 2. Titian, Venus and Adonis, ca. 1566–76. Oil on canvas, 42 ×

52½ in. (106.7 × 133.4 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Jochim Lüchteke
New York, The Jules Bache Collection, 1949 (49.7.16) Ingolstadt, active ca. 1595
1. For alba amicorum, see Amelung 1980.

2. For Bauhof, see Wortmann 1993.
According to the inscription on the Museum’s drawing,
3. Examples of this type of imagery are common during the late
the only known work by this artist, Jochim Lüchteke
sixteenth century in both sculpture and prints related to Rudolf ’s came from Wismar, a small port and Hanseatic League
court. For an engraved example by Jacob Matham after Hendrick town in northern Germany on the Baltic Sea, but he
Goltzius, see Widerkehr 2007–8, vol. 2 (2007), no. 209, ill.; for
sculpture, two examples in bronze are Adriaen de Vries, Mercury
was working far to the south, in the city of Ingolstadt.
Fountain, Augsburg, 1599, and the same artist’s Mercury, 1613–15,
Seated Adonis with a Dog (verso of Archives, Library and Museum of Lambach Abbey (Frits Scholten
cat. 70, detail) in Amsterdam, Stockholm, and Los Angeles 1998–2000, nos. 6, 31, 71 | Jochim Lüchteke
ill.); and for a small-scale statuette, one example is an anonymous Allegory of Art, 1595
Netherlandish boxwood Standing Mercury, ca. 1600, in the British
Museum, London, inv. Misc. 1171 (Warren 2004, p. 36 and fig. 15).
4. Although Bartholomeus Spranger did not use the same languid
pose for Venus in his enigmatic painting Venus and Mars Warned brown iron-based earth pigments, azurite, copper green, and
by Mercury, its pendant shows Circe from behind with her lover, organic pink washes, red chalk, traces of black chalk under
Odysseus, gesturing toward something in the distance—just as drawing, 81⁄16 × 6 in. (20.5 × 15.2 cm)
Gutmann’s Mars/Adonis points to the statue of Mercury. Both The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund
paintings are in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. 1097 and Susan H. Seidel Gift, 2006 (2006.88)
(Venus) and 1049 (Circe); Kaufmann dates them to 1586–87
(Kaufmann 1988, p. 262, under nos. 20.40, 20.42). At upper right, signed and dated Jochim Luchteke von / Der
Wißmer / Ingelstadt ·1·5·95· in pen and black ink. Verso, in upper
5. Ibid., pp. 261–62.
half, inscribed [. . .] für das [. . .] / Johannes von [. . .] / von Bamberg
6. Wethey 1969–75, vol. 5 (1975), no. 43, pl. 97; Bayer 2005, pp. 12–15, [?] / geschrieben den ·13· Oktober Anno [?] [truncated] / ·89· in pen
fig. 11. Titian’s composition was repeated many times by himself, by and brown ink (17th- or 18th-century handwriting); at center,
his workshop, and by later copyists (Wethey 1969–75, vol. 5 [1975],
inscribed with four lines of writing exercises (?) in brush and
pp. 188–94). His first version was sent to Philip II, king of Spain, in
1554 and is now in the Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid, inv. p 422 black ink (19th-century handwriting); at lower left, stamp of
(Wethey 1969–75, vol. 5 [1975], no. 40, pls. 84–89, 91, 92). A second the Moravské Zemské Muzeum (MZZ in a circle, stamped in
version, made by Titian for the Farnese family (ca. 1545–46), is lost. black; not in Lugt); below, inscribed with its inventory number
The Museum’s example is related to the second version. For Titian 3267 in pen and black ink (20th-century handwriting); to the
and his use of the Bed of Polyclitus, see Rosand 1975. right, inscribed EK 2624 in graphite (20th-century hand
7. Kaufmann discusses this cycle in the context of a drawing of Venus writing); below, Free (?) in graphite (20th-century handwriting);
and Adonis (in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83, below, unidentified collector’s mark (F. We [. . .] stamped in
pp. 120–21). For a more in-depth discussion of the cycle, see Maxwell purple; not in Lugt)
2011, pp. 41–99; for the composition’s reliance on Titian, see p. 76.
Watermark: none
8. Geissler 1987, p. 242. Kaspar Menberger lived in Constance and
was active in Salzburg.

cat. 71
Peter Schmidt
Lichtenberg, ca. 1585–after 1620, Wrocław General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2,
pp. 155–56, ill.; Tylicki 2000, vol. 1, pp. 16, 21–23, 43, 143, 252, 257,
260, 273
Peter Schmidt, the son of a bailiff, was born in Lichten-
berg, in Upper Franconia. His drawings display an
72 | Peter Schmidt
affinity with Rudolphine art, and it is possible that he
traveled through Prague. Schmidt’s knowledge of the Allegory of Art, 1609
Mannerist style prevalent at court could also have come
Pen and a mixed iron gall and carbon black ink, mixed lead and
from his brother-in-law, Bartholomäus Strobel the calcium white heightening, yellow iron-based earth wash, a
Younger, who was active there about 1610. In 1609 or composite of black chalk and graphite underdrawing, on paper
1610 Schmidt was active in Gdańsk. By 1613 he was in prepared with an opaque yellow, iron-based earth wash, 7½ ×
Wrocław, becoming the city painter there in 1619. He 511⁄16 in. (19 × 14.5 cm)
painted several paintings for the choir of the Bernar- Sarah and Werner H. Kramarsky Gift, 1998 (1998.197)
dine church there, as well as two recently attributed At upper center, inscribed and signed by the artist: zu guther
epitaph monuments for local noblemen. gedechtnuß gemacht in Dantzig den 27 / Ianuari. Petter Schmid von
th e sta m m buch a nd t he tur ni er buch | 157

Lichtenberch / M.V.S.I.C.A. (In good memory made in Danzig turned slightly to the left, toward their companions.1
[Gdańsk] on 27 January, Peter Schmid from Lichtenberg Schmidt’s seated figure adheres to the same figural
M.V.S.I.C.A.), and dated 1609. in pen and black ink. Verso, at
type; it reappears in the foreground of his Moses and
lower center, collector’s mark of Max Ziegert (Lugt 2676). On
the secondary support, at lower center, inscribed Dessein N.°48. the Brazen Serpent (1610).2
fait l’ann 1609 par Pierre Schmid de Lichtenberg in pen and brown Schmidt was active mainly in Wrocław, but this rare
ink, possibly by Peter Vischer; at lower left, collector’s mark of drawing documents his presence in Gdańsk in 1609,
Peter Vischer (Lugt 2115); at lower center, inscribed fol: 64. in one year earlier than heretofore established. Executed
pen and red ink (19th-century handwriting); at lower right,
in tapering lines with dense areas of broad cross-
inscribed N° 1732 in pen and brown ink (19th-century hand-
writing); to the right, collector’s mark of Jean-Marc Du Pan, hatching, the allegory appears to be about the art of
Geneva (Lugt 1440). Verso of the secondary support, at upper sculpture—as evidenced by the small statuette held by
left, inscribed No 12 in graphite (19th-century handwriting); at the standing woman. A similar motif can be found in
upper right, inscribed Schmidt in graphite (19th- or 20th-cen- an etching by the Venetian printmaker Jacopo Palma il
tury handwriting); below, inscribed 1204 in red chalk (18th- or
Giovane, in which an allegorical figure of Sculpture is
19th-century handwriting); at lower center, inscribed) No [. . .] 6
in graphite (erased; 19th-century handwriting) surrounded by the fruits of his art.3 Another Stammbuch
sheet by Schmidt’s Northern contemporary Hans
Watermark: none
Reichle has a similar c onception.4
Although Schmidt’s image can persuasively be read
Like many other Stammbuch drawings (compare as an allegory of sculpture, the inclusion of the “word”
cat. 70), these two sheets use allegory to address ideas M.V.S.I.C.A. in the inscription has confused interpreta-
related to art making. They also function as memento tions of the subject matter. Rather than alluding to the
mori, subtly presenting ideas about the fragility of life art of music, however, the letters are an acrostic and can
and the inevitability of death. Created by little-known be found in other early seventeenth-century Stammbuch
or previously unrecorded artists working outside the contributions. Jacek Tylicki has interpreted the letters
dominant artistic centers, these drawings demonstrate found in a drawing by the Polish artist Hans Krieg,
the prevailing influence of Italian and Rudolphine sub- Allegory of Art and Mars (1618), as “Meo Unico Sincero
jects and styles on Central European artists during this Intimo Caro Amico” (To my most sincere intimate and
period. dear friend) (fig. 1).5 Krieg, also closely tied with Bar-
Jochim Lüchteke’s mannered drawing presents tholomäus Strobel the Younger, created an allegory of
Painting as a beautiful nude woman in an exaggerated art making in the Rudolphine style.6 Along with the
contrapposto stance, holding a palette, mahlstick, acrostic and its personal sentiment, the drawing also
brushes, and the coat of arms of the Guild of Saint Luke contains the inscription zu guther gedechtnuß (in good
with its three blank escutcheons. The devil breathing memory) and was clearly destined for a friendship
fire on her leg may be intended to suggest that works of album. This sheet, as with all Stammbuch imagery, was
art, like her own exposed body, are temptations that meant to serve as lasting evidence of the lives of both
lead away from virtue. Painting herself seems well the artist and its recipient.
aware of this and acknowledges her own devilry by Tylicki acknowledges that the acrostic has been
making the sign of the horns with her left hand. alternatively interpreted as “Mein Vetrauen Steht
Lüchteke’s representation of Painting—with her in Christo Allein” (My trust is in Christ alone).7 A
broad shoulders squared to the foreground plane, similar explanation of the acrostic is found in a mid-
high forehead, straight nose, ample stomach, and long seventeenth-century Stammbuch owned by Lucas Lyser
arms—is reminiscent of the figural type coming out of of Leipzig.8 In it there is a sheet, dated 1638, with music
the court of Rudolf II in Prague. Women depicted by notations and the acrostic written out as [M]ea,
the renowned court artist Bartholomeus Spranger are [V]nica, [S]pes, [J]esus. [C]hristus, [A]men (My only hope
very close to those by Lüchteke and also often serve in Jesus Christ, Amen).9 This interpretation of the
allegorical purposes. Peter Schmidt’s nudes, whose acrostic focuses on eternal spiritual well-being. Perhaps
draperies expose more than they veil, appear to come the double meaning of the acrostic was known to the
from the same Rudolphine sources. Schmidt’s standing artist and its recipient, who would have delighted both
figure recalls Spranger’s lost painting Venus and Cupid: in the personal notation and in its greater spiritual
Venus and Schmidt’s nude strike a similar stance, with message.
their right knees slightly raised and their profiles fs

Fig. 1. Hans Krieg, Allegory of Art and Mars, 1618. Pen and gray
and brown inks, gray, yellow, celadon, pink, and red washes,
7½ × 6 in. (19.1 × 15.2 cm). Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin (KdZ 17322)
c at. 72
1. For Spranger’s work, see Kaufmann 1988, no. 20.10. Konrad 5. Tylicki 2005, pp. 60, 165, no. vi s 6, ill. I would like to thank Jacek
Oberhuber suggested that a drawing in the Kupferstichkabinett, Tylicki for pointing me to this drawing and his interpretation of the
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (inv. KdZ 13644; Bock and Rosenberg acrostic text.
1930, vol. 1, p. 49), is a copy after the lost painting (Kaufmann 1988, 6. Strobel worked at the court of Rudolf II and created several
p. 252, under no. 20.10, ill.). drawings for Stammbücher that contain “words” or connected letters
2. Muzeum Narodowe w Gdańsku, inv. Kbr. 8161. that have yet to be fully explained: for example, Allegory of the Arts in
3. Illustrated Bartsch 1978–, vol. 33 (1979), p. 140, no. 17, ill. the Thirty Years’ War, formerly at the Schlesisches Museum für Kunst
gewerbe und Altertümer, Breslau (present-day Wrocław) (Geissler in
4. Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen, inv. KKSgb9873 Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2, no. o 13; Tylicki 2000, vol. 2, no. ii.2.3, ill.).
(Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, no. f 17, ill.).
Reichle worked in the circle of Matthäus Gundelach and Hans 7. Tylicki 2005, p. 124, n. 249. For an alternative reading of the
Rottenhammer. acrostic, see Ragotzky 1899, pp. 418–19, nos. 50, 73.

8. This Stammbuch is in the Department of Rare Books and Manu- 73 | Christian Richter
scripts, Sheridan Libraries, Johns Hopkins University. Owned by
Lucas Lyser (or Leyser) of Leipzig, the volume has entries from Allegory of the Transience of Life, 1618
1637 to 1650, mainly from Leipzig and Strasbourg. Lyser is thought
to have been a cleric or minister, since most of the annotations Pen and iron gall ink, brown ink and green (azurite and mala-
are written by clergy of the Lutheran church. I would like to thank chite) washes, lead white heightening, traces of black chalk
Stephen Campbell, Earle Havens, and Paul Espinosa for their help underdrawing, 5 × 515⁄16 in. (12.7 × 15.1 cm)
in uncovering this volume and the various meanings of the acrostic.
Guy Wildenstein Gift, 2007 (2007.123)
9. This reading is also found in Ragotzky 1899, p. 418, no. 51.
At upper left, inscribed Hier Zeidlich / Dordt Ewig / Danach Richt
dich (Here we are bound by time, there it is eternal, knowing this,
cat. 71
Provenance: Arthur Feldmann (1877–1941), Brno; confiscated by act accordingly), and at upper center, inscribed Hodie Mihi Cras
the German occupation forces in 1939;* purchased by the Moravské Tibi (It is my lot today, yours tomorrow) in pen and brown ink, by
Zemské Muzeum, Brno; transferred to Moravská Galerie, Brno, the artist; along the lower edge, inscribed, dated, and signed Mein
1961; returned to the heirs of Feldmann, 2003; sale, Sotheby’s, leiben Bruther Abrah. Richter—In Brutherlicher Leibe, / undt getechnus
London, July 6, 2005, lot 16; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, geschreiben zu Weimmar den 28 Juli A 1618, C. Christian Richter,
Munich]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, Mahler (My dear brother Abrah. Richter—in brotherly love, and
2006 everlasting memory I write from Weimar 28 July 1618, Christian
Literature: Sotheby’s 2005a, lot 16, ill. Richter, painter) in pen and black ink. Verso, at lower center,
inscribed 8254 / [. . .] in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
cat. 72
Provenance: Peter Vischer (1751–1823), Basel; Jean-Marc Du Pan Watermark: none
(1785–1838), Geneva; Max Ziegert (1852–1930), Frankfurt;
A. N. West; sale, Bonhams, London, October 19, 1995, lot 8;
[David Jones, Paris and London]; purchased by the Department
of Drawings and Prints, 1998 This early drawing by Christian Richter reveals his flu-
Literature: Bonhams 1995, lot 8, ill. (as by a German artist active
ent use of closely placed horizontal hatches to create a
ca. 1609) sense of volume and tonality. It is an intimate work
* For the fate of the Feldmann collection, see Sotheby’s 2005a, dedicated to the artist’s brother, Abraham, a portrait
pp. 20–21. See also the detailed information regarding the collec- painter also active in Weimar until his death in 1642.
tor available online in the British Museum’s Collection Database The other inscriptions as well as the allegorical subject
(www.britishmuseum.org).
and small scale identify this sheet as part of a
Stammbuch (friendship album). The Latin Hodie mihi
Christian Richter cras tibi was often invoked at the time, for instance on
Altenburg, ca. 1585/90–1667, Weimar near-contemporary printed memento mori such as
Dominicus Custos’s engraving showing a single child
flanked by an hourglass and skull in front of a field of
Little is known of Christian Richter’s origins or early wheat and a wall topped by a fuming vessel (fig. 1).1 The
training, although it is believed that his father was a hourglass and pitcher, also used by Richter, symbolize
painter in Altenburg. Richter may have traveled in the the fleeting nature of life, as does the beautiful vase of
Netherlands between 1610 and 1612, before becoming blossoming flowers seen to the left of the child, a motif
court painter to the Ernestine dukes in Weimar in 1613. often used since the fifteenth century as a vanitas sym-
From early on, his paintings, drawings, and prints dem- bol.2 Richter transformed this conventional motif into
onstrate the influence of contemporary Netherlandish a bush with abundant leaves that give way to an anemic
examples—most notably in the genre of landscape. root wrapped around a ruined obelisk.
Richter’s works also show an interest in allegory, which Richter’s German inscription Hier Zeidlich / Dordt
often infused his portraiture and religious subjects. Ewig / Danach Richt dich also serves as a warning to the
Under the auspices of the court, Richter created a series living about the dangers of worldly pleasures and the
of drawings for the ducal Bible, which was engraved by inevitability of death. Richter deftly combined text and
Peter Paul Troschel, among others, and published after image; the standing child with the walking stick also
1641. Richter’s artistic legacy is enhanced by his having alludes to the perilous quest for eternal bliss, which
Fig. 1. Dominicus Custos, Memento been the progenitor of a long line of artists active in was a widespread theme in medieval and Renaissance
Mori, ca. 1585–1615 (?). Engraving,
613⁄16 × 415⁄16 in. (17.3 × 12.5 cm). Weimar. images.3 A traveler on a similar pilgrimage wanders out
British Museum, London of the large panoramic landscape in an engraving by
(1877-8-11-686) General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2, Jacob Matham after Karel van Mander (1599).4
p. 115; Jeutter 1999; Richter 1999; Jacoby 2002
Although most of the activity in Richter’s Allegory
takes place in the foreground, the diminutive landscape

seen to the left of the traveler plays an important role.
Delicately sketched and lightly shaded with parallel
lines, Richter’s landscape is filled with military, domes-
tic, and religious buildings. The presence of an obelisk
suggests that he is referring to the ruin of Rome, an
appropriate allusion by a Protestant court painter at the
outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War (1618–48).5 Similar
architecture appears in the artist’s earliest dated paint-
ing, The Washing of Naamen in the River Jordan (1616).6
That painting, a copy after a large engraving by Nicolaes
de Bruyn, shows a vast and highly developed landscape
that provides more than just a backdrop to the Old
Testament narrative.7 Richter, who was tied to the
court in Weimar and the production of its propaganda,
was immensely interested in the genre of landscape.
His continued interest is demonstrated by a series of
landscape engravings and etchings that he executed
about 1630.8 A cluster of buildings similar to those
found in the Allegory reappears in Richter’s Landscape
with a Ruinous Square Tower at Right (fig. 2),9 in which
he repeated the church building with a square tower,
the round fortress, and the peak-roofed houses in the
left background—all shaded with close hatching. Also
reminiscent of his Allegory are the ruins in the right
foreground from which the two peasants now venture.
fs
1. This print, which is not described in Hollstein, is part of a larger

tradition of vanitas imagery produced by Netherlandish printmakers
during this period; see also Hieronymus Cock, Memento Mori (Riggs
1971, no. 257); Jacob Matham, after Karel van Mander, Allegory of
the Transience of Life (1599; Leesberg 1999, no. 93, ill.; Widerkehr
2007–8, vol. 2 [2007], no. 164, ill.); and Jakob de Weert, Allegory
of Vanitas (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 51 [1998],
p. 265, no. 85, ill.). Richter is also associated with a series of prints
by Hans Ulrich Frank; for a full discussion of these memento mori
images, see Knauer 1997.
2. Richter returned to this symbolic language in the painted Portrait
of Duke William of Saxe-Weimar and His Family, ca. 1638, Kunstsam-
mlungen der Veste Coburg, inv. m 247 (Jeutter 1999, pp. 19–22,
fig. 11). The fleshy children hold a skull and hourglass to commemo-
rate the early death of the couple’s firstborn son, Wilhelm, who is
shown crowned at the top.
3. For more on this, in relation to Matham’s engraving after van Fig. 2. Christian Richter, Landscape with a Ruinous Square Tower at
Mander (see note 1 above), see Bruyn 1987, p. 87. For a discussion Right, ca. 1629–30. Engraving, 47⁄16 × 615⁄16 in. (11.3 × 17.7 cm).
of the theme of pilgrimage through life and its relationship to Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München (109665 d)
landscape painting, see Falkenburg 1988.
4. See note 1 above. Wouter Kloek notes that van Mander’s landscape 1979–80, vol. 2, no. m 24; Jeutter 1999, pp. 37–43). He also created a
in this memento mori has prompted significant reconsideration of series of prints called The Effects of War (Hollstein, German, 1954–,
the meaning and use of landscape in the seventeenth century (Kloek vol. 34 [1993], nos. 37–60, ill.). On the presence of Egyptian obelisks
1993, pp. 95–96; see also Bruyn 1987, pp. 86–89). in Rome, see Sorek 2010. Though generally rare in Northern
5. Richter often made allusions to the devastation caused by the imagery, obelisks do appear frequently in engraved views of Rome,
religious war. For example, his allegorical portrait drawing of especially in the collections of prints that came to be known as the
Duke William of Saxe-Weimar and Eleonara Dorothea shows them Speculum Romanae magnificentiae (Mirror of Roman magnificence).
as Mars and Venus—he is being crowned by a small child with a Starting in the 1540s, Antonio Lafreri published maps and other
military helmet, while she implores him to find peace (Kunstsam- printed images of the major monuments in Rome, and by the 1570s
mlungen der Veste Coburg, inv. z 412; Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart their popularity became widespread (Witcombe 2008).

6. Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg, inv. m 042 (Richter 1999). illustrations appear to be by one principal artist and the
7. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 4 (1957), p. 14, text by two scribes. The texts and images were probably
no. 46. For a full discussion of the relationship between this print
and Richter’s painting, see Wiebel 1999, pp. 63–69.
compiled over the course of several decades, from the
8. This dating is based on Wiebel 1999, pp. 60–61. For the entire
late sixteenth century until after the last recorded event
series, see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 34 (1993), nos. 3–14, ill. in the winter of 1640–41. The gold-tooled leather bind-
9. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 34 (1993), no. 13, ill. ing, although more typical of Italian examples of the
period, may be original to the manuscript.
Provenance: Given by the artist to his brother Abraham Richter The first section comprises seventeen illustrations
(d. 1642), Weimar; sale, Galerie Gerda Bassenge, Berlin, May 25–26,
(including a title page), which are based on a much larger
by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2007 series of early sixteenth-century woodcuts, the Triumph
Literature: Bassenge 2006, lot 5611, ill. of Maximilian I, which were intended to celebrate the
achievements of Emperor Maximilian I.4 Of about two
hundred original designs in that series, sketched by the
court artist Jörg Kölderer, only 137 were executed—by
anonymous several of the empire’s most eminent artists, including
Nuremberg, active late 16th century–ca. 1640 Albrecht Dürer and Hans Burgkmair. The part of the
Triumph that is relevant here shows the participants of
74 | Anonymous over a dozen tournament variations, including group
Album of Tournaments and Parades from Nuremberg tournaments (tourneys), foot combat, jousts of war
(Rennen), and jousts of peace (Gestech)—each in groups
Opaque and transparent watercolors (lead-tin yellow, orpiment, of five figures. In the Museum’s manuscript, these
vermilion, copper green, organic reds and pinks, red lead, ultra- variations are represented by pairs of figures (rather
marine blue, organic purple), shell gold and unalloyed silver than the original rows of five), and occasionally there
paint, heightened and mixed with lead white, pen and brown are small errors in the depiction of the equipment.5
ink, black chalk underdrawing, stylus-incised contours;
112 sheets of paper bound in gold-tooled leather, cover 10⅜ ×
The second section shows, in twenty illustrations, a
143⁄16 in. (26.3 × 36 cm); pages approximately 9⅞ × 13⅝ in. parade of several tournament participants accompa-
(25 × 34.5 cm) nied by men, women, and various musicians, some of
Rogers Fund, 1922 (22.229) them costumed. The group is en route to a carousel
For the inscriptions, see Nickel 2010. (Ringstechen), an equestrian game of skill during which
Watermarks: arms of Nuremberg1 contestants tried to spear a small ring suspended at eye
level between two poles. Carousels were often accompa
nied by lavish festivities, usually beginning with a parade.
Although often referred to as a tournament book Although in these illustrations certain clothing and
(Turnierbuch), this volume does not actually show or accoutrements are intriguingly specific—depicting
describe specific individual encounters (called “courses”) Bohemian and English fashions, the crown jewels of
in detail, as most tournament books do, nor does it the Holy Roman Empire, and musicians dressed in
record the scores.2 Instead, it is a compilation of five costumes from the commedia dell’arte—it has so far
sections, which depict, respectively: figures equipped been impossible to identify whether these illustrations
with armor and lances required for different types of represent a specific event from Nuremberg history.
tournaments (pp. 3–35); a costume parade preceding a The manuscript’s third section comprises thirty-
tournament (pp. 44–63); the participants in jousts held seven illustrations dedicated to four particular tourna-
in Nuremberg between 1446 and 1561 (pp. 64–102); ments, known as bachelors’ jousts (Gesellenstechen), held
designs for pageant sleighs (pp. 105–57); and partici- in Nuremberg in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.6
pants in a sleigh parade that took place in Nuremberg After two initial pages of text and four illustrations of
during the winter of 1640–41 (pp. 158–219). The entire attendants—all of which introduce the first joust—the
manuscript consists of 220 pages; of these, 126 show pages each show a pair of men in tournament armor,
full-page illustrations with only a few additional pages each astride a richly adorned horse, with small identify-
of text.3 Executed in pen and brown ink and watercolor, ing captions above. The first twenty-five pairs represent
which is heightened with silver and gold, the painted a joust of 1446; the following three pairs are dated 1539,

Berthold Volckamer and Lamprecht Groß Armed for the Hohenzeuggestech (from the Gesellenstechen of 1446), plate 43 of cat. 74
the next five bear the year 1546, and the last four, the as the Four Continents, the commedia dell’arte, hybrids
year 1561. The importance of this section lies not only (figures that combine two opposite halves, such as
in the textual account of the 1446 joust (certainly cop- half-priest and half-drunkard), or Three Men in a Tub
ied from an earlier source) but especially in the trove (plate 88).
of heraldry on the shields, helmets, and caparisons The fifth and last section is introduced by a short
(plate 43). All of the important Nuremberg families text noting that the event shown was the first after a
are represented and identified by their coats of arms— long hiatus and that it took place in the presence of
among them, such famous names as Behaim, Haller, recently arrived refugees (“exulants”); the date, origi-
Holzschuher, Tucher, Volckamer, Paumgartner, nally given at the beginning of the text, has been lost to
Imhoff, Kress, and Löffelholz.7 damage.9 The opposite page is filled with a street scene
Another title page introduces the fourth section, depicting, from a slightly elevated angle, a crowd of
which is dedicated to “sundry pageant displays that can warmly dressed gentlemen in front of closed-up store-
be used for sleigh parades.”8 Each of the twenty-five fronts who watch (or perhaps approve for participation)
illustrations shows an individual sleigh in profile, with a sleigh being paraded in their midst (plate 98). The
a single horse and driver. These “displays” betray an remaining twenty-eight illustrations also show
educated and humorous mind, for they include numer- individual sleighs (as well as one coach) that supposedly
ous designs based on classical mythology (for example, took part in this amusement. Though somewhat more
the Ship of Odysseus, Aristotle and Phyllis, Hercules realistic in appearance, they are just as visually engaging
and a Female Centaur [plate 80], and Bacchus). Others as the designs of the previous section, again including
play on contemporary political and social issues, such numerous classical motifs such as Fame, the Realm of

Hercules and a Female Centaur, plate 80 of cat. 74 Three Men in a Tub, plate 88 of cat. 74
Winter Street Scene with a Crowd of Gentlemen Watching a Sleigh, plate 98 of cat. 74 Memento Mori, plate 126 of cat. 74
Neptune, and Athena, as well as social and political that the paper dates from the second half of the six-
satire in the form of a peasant sleigh, several vehicles teenth century.10 The introduction to the last section,
playing on the theme of love, more hybrids, and ending specifically the mention of the long hiatus for similar
with a memento mori, a sleigh of Death (plate 126)— events and the recent arrival of refugees, provides a
particularly apt during the Thirty Years’ War (1618–48). relatively certain date for the book’s compilation to
Unfortunately, nothing is known about the manu- after 1640–41 (although the costumes in the street
script’s early history: exactly when, for what purpose, scene seem rather old-fashioned for such a late date).
and by whom it was commissioned, or who painted the Large secular festivities—tournaments, shooting
illustrations. Variations of the same watermark indicate competitions, parades—provided not only spectacular

entertainment but also a prominent stage on which 1. For the watermarks, see Nickel 2010, pp. 178, 184, n. 4.
organizers and participants could demonstrate their 2. The present album is extensively discussed in Nickel 2010. Only
individual examples of Turnierbücher have so far received scholarly
status, strengthen existing associations or make new attention; see G. Winkler 1980 and Kurras 1984, for example. The
connections, and flaunt social and political ambitions. genre as a whole is still awaiting comprehensive study.
The 1446 joust retained a prominent position in 3. The manuscript consists of a total of 112 double-sided leaves (not
Nuremberg’s public memory through repeated visual folios), which make up a body of 220 pages plus two leaves (four
pages) serving as frontispiece and endpaper. The remaining pages
representations well into the seventeenth century, are empty; see Nickel 2010, p. 178, n. 3.
while the Gesellenstechen of 1561, the last of its kind to 4. Shestag 1883; Appelbaum 1964.
be held in Nuremberg, was also commemorated in a 5. Nickel 2010, p. 131, pl. 3, p. 132, pl. 5.
painting by Jost Amman.11 6. Pilz 1932–34; Endres 2001.
The illustrations in the Museum’s manuscript are 7. The first five families belonged to Nuremberg’s highest level of
of modest quality compared to earlier tournament society, the “old families,” while the last four names came from
books—for example, those made for Duke William IV the “new families” (Paumgartner is sometimes also spelled Baum
gartner); see Nickel 2010, p. 144.
of Bavaria, one of which was painted in 1541 by his
8. Page 105: “etliche auffzug die zu Schlitten fahren können
court artist Hans Ostendorfer the Elder—or to officially gebraucht werden.”
commissioned public art in Nuremberg.12 Perhaps this 9. The date can be deduced with reasonable certainty from the state-
manuscript was commissioned from one of Nurem- ments about the long hiatus in sleigh parades (since 1597/98) and
berg’s Briefmaler: painters and calligraphers who wrote, the “recent arrival” of refugees (in the winter of 1640/41); see Nickel
2010, pp. 172, 185, n. 73.
copied, and embellished official documents, made
10. Nickel 2010, pp. 125, 178, and 184, n. 4.
playing cards, and are also recorded as having painted
11. Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich, inv. 49/43 (Lorenz
coats of arms in Nuremberg heraldry books.13 The Seeling in Munich 2000, pp. 38, 114).
historical information must have been obtained from 12. The 1541 manuscript is preserved in the Bayerische Staatsbib-
official sources, and it is probably noteworthy that in liothek, Munich, MS cgm 2800 (Leidinger 1912, for a facsimile;
1623 Johannes Müllner, Nuremberg’s official chronicler Claudia Schwaab in Rosenheim 2008, no. i.46, with references
to other copies). Impressive examples of art commissioned by
(Stadtschreiber), recounted the 1446 joust in the city’s Nuremberg’s city council include various projects for the exterior
annals, naming the winners of the first three prizes and and interior of Nuremberg’s city hall, with murals by Dürer; see the
giving their biographical information in exactly the relevant chapters in Mende 1979.
same format as in the present work (“person x, son 13. For Nuremberg’s Briefmaler, see Dackermann 2002, especially
pp. 19–26.
of y, and his wife z”).14 Since Berthold Volckamer—
14. Zotz 2000, p. 146.
who won second prize—is the only participant of the
15. No biography of Berthold Volckamer, recorded from at least 1437
1446 joust to be singled out in the Museum’s album, into the 1450s, exists. However, as a member of one of Nuremberg’s
it is tempting to speculate that the volume was com most eminent families, a captain (Hauptmann) of the city’s military
missioned for a member of the Volckamer family (the forces, and a city councillor who met with King Frederick IV (later
Emperor Frederick III) on several occasions, he was apparently
monogram AV or VA, accompanied by the year 1597, an important figure in early fifteenth-century Nuremberg; see, for
on one of the sleighs in the last section possibly example, Chroniken 1862, especially p. 401, and pp. 461–69.
supports this assumption).15 Whatever the case may
be, such visual records were an important part of a Provenance: Frédéric Spitzer (1815–1890), Paris; his sale, Paris,
April 17–June 16, 1893, lot 3036; [Édouard Rouveyre, Paris];
memorial culture by which the nobility held on to acquired by the Department of Arms and Armor, 1922
traditional privileges while patricians and the nouveau
Literature: Paris 1874, p. 58; Spitzer 1891–93, vol. 2, p. 360, no. 4;
riche attempted to establish and affirm an identity Spitzer sale 1893, lot 3036; Dean 1922, ill. p. 125; Nickel 1995, pp. 34,
and traditions of their own. dhb 50, n. 27, fig. 15; Kammel 2008, pp. 113–15; Nickel 2010

Artists Active in the Early Seventeenth Century
Augustin Br aun 75 | Augustin Braun

Active Cologne, ca. 1570–after 1641 A Merry Company at a Brothel, ca. 1610–14
Although relatively little is known about Augustin Pen and carbon black ink, brown ink washes, traces of black
Braun’s life, his extant drawings make clear that he was chalk underdrawing, incised for transfer, on paper prepared
with a brown wash, 8⅛ × 615⁄16 in. (20.7 × 17.6 cm)
one of the best and most productive of German
seventeenth-century draftsmen. He seems to have
Verso, at upper right, inscribed Sebastiaen Frank in black chalk
spent his entire career in Cologne and may have been
(17th- or 18th-century handwriting); at lower left, inscribed
apprenticed to one of the many Netherlandish painters [. . .]bastien Frank. in graphite (19th- or 20th-century hand
and engravers active in that city at the end of the six- writing); below, inscribed 15. in graphite (19th- or 20th-century
teenth century. This would help explain certain stylistic handwriting)
features of his flexible and always appealing manner, Watermark: none
which has sometimes been mistaken for that of Dutch
or Flemish artists. He was active as a painter, but few of
his pictures can be identified now, and it is primarily as A group of richly adorned young men enjoy what young
a draftsmen and designer—mainly of prints, but also of men are wont to enjoy—wine, women, and song. They
works in other media—that he is remembered today. drink, kiss, and gamble (a pack of cards and a handful
of coins are laid out on the table), while some musicians
General literature: Vey 1964, pp. 86, 91–122; Vey 1965; Vey 1970, accompany their lively party. The fashionably furnished
pp. 273–77; Vey 1990, pp. 165–84; Vey 1995
interior where the scene takes place is in a pleasant state
of disorder. In the background, some masked revelers
have arrived to further entertain the table, while the
couple on the bed at right reveals that the venue also
serves as a brothel. The old woman in the left fore-
ground getting paid by a confident beau must be the
madam who procured the beauties that are keeping him
and his friends company.
The author of this rather Flemish-looking scene—
according to the inscriptions on the back, it was previ-
ously thought to be by the Antwerp painter Sebastiaan
Vrancx—can be identified as German on the basis of
an engraving that reproduces the drawing in reverse
(fig. 1).1 On the side of the bass viol played by one of the
musicians, the print names Augustin Braun as designer
of the composition. The first in a series of four, it was
engraved by Abraham Hogenberg, who collaborated
with Braun on several plates in about 1608.2 The three
remaining prints were cut by another printmaker who
worked for Braun, Johann Gelle,3 although Hogenberg
acted as publisher of all four. Gelle is known to have
Fig. 1. Abraham Hogenberg, after Augustin Fig. 2. Augustin Braun, A Merry Company on a Balcony, been in Antwerp until at least 1610, and he is not
Braun, A Merry Company at a Brothel, ca. 1614. 1610. Pen and brown ink, gray and pink-brown washes,
Engraving, 101⁄16 × 7⅜ in. (25.6 × 18.7 cm). over black chalk, 95⁄16 × 713⁄16 in. (23.6 × 19.8 cm).
recorded back in Cologne (his presumed birthplace)
British Museum, London (1885-6-13-120) British Museum, London (1895-9-15-1124) until 1614, when he engraved a dated print after Braun.4
Perhaps Hogenberg engraved his plate just before the
return of Gelle, who may have started working on his
166
three prints for the series immediately thereafter, sug-
gesting a date of about 1614 for the prints and the
Museum’s drawing. This is also made plausible by a
drawing in London (fig. 2),5 very comparable in both
style and subject matter, that bears Braun’s monogram
and is dated 1610.6
Earlier Netherlandish prints must have been an
important influence on Braun’s design. The musicians,
the masked jesters, the shadows cast by the sculpture
decorating the doorway, the servant boy seen from the
back, and even his hairdo all seem inspired by an
engraving by Johann Sadeler I after Joos van Winghe,
dated 1588, which depicts a similar nocturnal party in a
slightly less realistic setting.7 Braun’s original variation
on van Winghe’s composition is made particularly
appealing by the oblique angle at which the space is
rendered. Braun’s dependence on other, even earlier
sixteenth-century examples, notably a set of woodcuts
after Pieter Cornelisz. Kunst, is also evident in the rest
of the series.8
Sometimes erroneously described as depicting the
parable of the Prodigal Son (Luke 15:11–32), Braun’s
series actually tells a story popular in the Netherlands
in which redemption has no place: that of Sorgehloos
or “Mr. Carefree.” 9 Apart from the scene at the inn,
which contains a painted depiction of the Prodigal Son
as a swineherd in the upper part of the first state of the
engraving,10 no compositions that could fit the biblical
story appear in the series. That biblical scene is pre-
sented as a picture within the picture, hanging above
the display of luxurious tableware (it does not appear in
the Museum’s drawing, which was undoubtedly
cropped). The presence of the biblical narrative as a foil
to the central scene seems to preclude the possibility
that the man paying the innkeeper also represents the
2. For Hogenberg, see Stern 1924. For his other prints after Braun,
Prodigal.11 Rather, he is a prodigal without an inheri- see Vey 1995, nos. 98–105, 106, ill. Abraham’s brother Johann
tance—a spendthrift whose carefree philosophy is Hogenberg also engraved a title page after Braun in 1608 (Vey 1995,
expressed in the inscription below the print: “My belly no. 134, ill.); in 1605 Braun had become godfather to a child of
Johann’s (Vey 1995, p. 221).
is full, my body in good form. Why should I worry? If I
3. For Gelle, see Mosler 2006. For his other prints after Braun, see
don’t have the money now, I can always rely on credit.”12 Vey 1995, nos. 112, 136, 137, ill.
The three subsequent prints in Braun’s series complete 4. Vey 1995, no. 112, ill.
this seventeenth-century Rake’s Progress: in the second 5. Vey 1964, pp. 96–97, fig. 63; Vey 1990, p. 171; Vey 1995, p. 148,
plate, Sorgehloos is stricken by poverty; in the third, under nos. 7–10.
his former friends refuse to help him. In the final scene, 6. The stylistic (and possibly chronological) connection between the
he is on his own, forced to demolish his own house for engraved brothel scene and the London drawing was already sug-
gested in Vey 1995, p. 148, under nos. 7–10.
firewood to keep himself from freezing. sa
7. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 (1980), p. 175,
no. 559, vol. 22 (1980), ill. p. 157, vol. 52 (1998), p. 198; Ger Luijten in
1. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 9 (1953), p. 49, Amsterdam 1997, no. 6, ill. The possible connection between Braun’s
no. 13, p. 97, no. 2 (as by Gelle); Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 4 and van Winghe’s compositions was already suggested by Luijten
(1957), p. 145, no. 6; Vey 1995, p. 146, no. 7, ill. The connection with in Amsterdam 1997, p. 69. A generally faithful painted copy after
the print—and thus the attribution—was made by Michiel Plomp at Hogenberg’s engraving after Braun was offered under an unfounded
the time of the 2003 sale (see Provenance). attribution to van Winghe at the sale Lempertz, Cologne, November
167
19, 2011, lot 1220 (illustrated in the catalogue). About the same Provenance: Sale, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, March 26, 2003, lot 30;
date as Braun’s print, in 1613, van Winghe’s composition influenced [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Depart-
another merry company engraved by Peter Isselburg (who on occa- ment of Drawings and Prints, 2003
sion also worked after Braun) after a design by the Nuremberg artist
Literature: Drouot 2003, lot 30, ill. (as by an anonymous Northern
Gabriel Weyer (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 15a [1986], p. 130,
artist active about 1600)
no. 5; Renger 1972, p. 169, fig. 10. For Isselburg’s prints after Braun,
see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 15a [1986], p. 128, no. 3, p. 178,
no. 95, p. 180, no. 100, ill.; Vey 1995, nos. 53, 118, 131, ill.).
8. The connection between Braun’s and Pieter Cornelisz.’s series was 76 | Augustin Braun
first noted in Renger 1970, pp. 53, 58, 59–60. For this series, see also
Armstrong 1990, pp. 19–34, figs. 97a–97f; Filedt Kok 1999, vol. 1, The Assassination by the Turks and Miraculous Recovery
pp. 28–35, nos. 12–17, ill. of the Monks at the Mauerbach Charterhouse (?),
9. For the iconography of Sorgehloos, see Renger 1970, pp. 42–65; ca. 1610s (?)
Husband 1989; Armstrong 1990, pp. 19–34.
10. The picture at left depicts Joseph and Potiphar’s Wife. In the Pen and brown ink, gray ink washes, lead white corrections,
second state of the print, published in Amsterdam by Claes Jansz. black chalk underdrawing, on two assembled pieces of paper
Visscher, the subjects of the pictures were changed into an allegory of (laid down on four pieces of paper glued together), 79⁄16 ×
Chastity and a vanitas still life, respectively.
21⅞ in. (19.2 × 55.5 cm)
11. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, some taverns Harry G. Sperling Fund, 2003 (2003.374)
seem to have been decorated with depictions of the story of the
Prodigal Son (Kaiser 1963, pp. 198–99, quoting, among other texts, a On base of second column from left, inscribed Occasus / an
line from Shakespeare’s Merry Wives of Windsor, act 4, scene 4). Ortus? (Is this destruction or birth?) in pen and brown ink, by the
12. The German text reads: Der bauch ist runt der leib gesund. / Warumb artist; on base of second column from right, inscribed Auget. /
solt Ich dan sorgen / hab ich kein gelt bei tag vnd stund / Verlaß ich mich auf Coniuncta / decorem (?) in pen and brown ink, by the artist; on
borgen. base of column at right, inscribed Emblema in pen and brown

ink, by the artist; at lower right, collector’s mark of Heinrich Although I have not been able to find an exact source
Beckmann (Lugt 2756a). Framing line in pen and brown ink, by for the two latter scenes, the subject is most likely an
the artist. Verso of the secondary support, at upper left,
inscribed 12 in a circle in graphite (20th-century handwriting);
episode from the history of the Carthusian monastery
at lower left, inscribed 13995 in graphite (20th-century handwrit- in Mauerbach, in Lower Austria to the immediate west
ing); at center, inscribed 46 in graphite (20th-century handwrit- of Vienna. The monastery of Mauerbach was attacked,
ing); at lower right, inscribed Süd-Deutsch in purple crayon (19th- pillaged, and largely destroyed during the first Turkish
or 20th-century handwriting); at upper right, inscribed 32 in pen siege of the Austrian capital by the Ottoman emperor
and red ink (20th-century handwriting); below, inscribed D-19
Süleyman the Magnificent, in September 1529.1 At
least two of the attackers in the drawing are wearing
turbans, identifying them as Turks. Seven monks—
Sigismund, Evardus, Johannes, Michael, Sebastian,
This drawing is given special appeal by its exceptional Anton, and Benedictus—are reported to have been
format, by the architectural framework, and by a sub- killed in Mauerbach. Braun’s central scene may depict
ject both gruesome and yet slightly amusing. At left, a a subsequent moment, from a legend inspired by the
group of monks is being mercilessly slaughtered by event, when the slain monks come back to life and
men with swords; at center, among the beheaded bod- revive the monastery, a moment also commemorated
ies of monks, one is getting back up on his feet; at right, in the Latin inscription on the base of the second col-
monks line up in choir stalls of the same type as those in umn: “Is this destruction or birth?” The third scene is
the middle section, while two smaller monks—could more enigmatic but likewise seems to point to a happy
they be children?—walk by, holding their severed heads. ending.
artis ts activ e in th e e arly sevent eent h cent u ry | 169

The depiction of the Mauerbach massacre is almost Provenance: Heinrich Beckmann (1874–1940), Bremen; possibly in
his sale, Reinhold Puppel, Berlin, February 27–28, 1941, part of
unique in the history of art, one exception being a lots 353–57; [Emanuel von Baeyer, London]; purchased by the
painting by the Italian artist Vicente Carducho, who was Department of Drawings and Prints, 2003
active in Spain. He was commissioned in 1626 to paint a Literature: unpublished
series for the charterhouse of Santa Maria de El Paular
in Rascafria, near Segovia. Carducho’s fifty-six works,
the largest compendium of Carthusian iconography,
include a painting of the Mauerbach monks attacked by B althasar Katzenberger
the Turks (but not the “resurrection” scenes included Würzburg, ca. 1580–after 1627, Würzburg (?)
here).2 The figures in the Museum’s drawing, especially
those in the left section, can be compared to those in Balthasar Katzenberger seems to have worked in
several monogrammed drawings by Braun, including Würzburg most of his life, although he is documented
two designs for title pages dated 1614 and 1617, and in 1601 in Landshut and later also in Bamberg, Speyer,
they establish the attribution beyond much doubt.3 Two and elsewhere in southern Germany. He is best known
drawings in Cologne and Göttingen are comparable in as a draftsman; more than a dozen sheets by him are
the importance accorded to the architectural setting.4 recorded, most of which bear his monogram. His only
The latter is dated 1618 by the artist; along with the title known painted works are a decorated ceiling and an
pages, this may serve to date the Museum’s drawing altarpiece made for the castle in Weikersheim, south of
roughly to the 1610s. It has been suggested that the Würzburg.
sheets in Göttingen and Cologne were used as models
for decorative paintings in the house of a Cologne burgo General literature: Fleischhauer 1927; Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart
1979–80, vol. 1, pp. 228–29
master, possibly Johann Hardenrath.5 The Museum’s
drawing, too, could have served as the model for a
trompe-l’oeil painted decoration, perhaps for a Car- 77 | Balthasar Katzenberger
thusian church. Although one would expect such a Nymphs and a Satyr in a Forest, ca. 1605 (?)
painting in Austria rather than Cologne, in western
Germany, where Braun worked all of his life, a possible Pen and carbon black ink, gray-blue ink washes, traces of black
connection with Braun’s native city is Saint Bruno, the chalk underdrawing, 1113⁄16 × 7⅞ in. (30 × 20 cm)
eleventh-century founder of the Carthusian order, who Ian Woodner Family Collection Fund, 2006 (2006.304)
was born in Cologne and started his career as canon of At lower left, monogrammed .BKW. (intertwined) in pen and
the church of Saint Cunibert there.6 sa gray ink; above it, a collector’s mark, probably of Thomas Dims-
dale (compare Lugt 2426, where the mark may be incorrectly
1. For the history and architecture of the charterhouse, see Wiede- reproduced). Double framing line in pen and gray ink, by the
mann 1873; Hantschk 1972; Knall-Brskovsky 1999. More specifically artist. Verso, at lower left, inscribed NB dieser / Monogram –. nicht /
for the Turkish raid on the monastery in 1529, see Wiedemann 1873, [. . .] in graphite (19th-century handwriting); below, inscribed In
p. 106; Hantschk 1972, pp. 32–33, 145. einer Höhle [. . .] / [. . .] Diana D[. . .] / [. . .] Nymphen etc. in pen and
2. For this composition specifically, see Volk 1977, no. 70; Beutler black ink (19th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed
1997, no. 45. April 17 / Cöln Auct [?] 1882 App [?] / no 686 / W. Baur / [. . .] / ★ in
3. The examples mentioned are in the Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3276 blue crayon (19th- or 20th-century handwriting)
(Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 623, vol. 2, pl. 176; Vey 1964, pp. 100–
Watermark: shield (?)
101, fig. 69), and in the Frits Lugt collection, Paris, inv. 6745 (Boon
1992, vol. 1, no. 279, vol. 3, pl. 311). The manner in which the figures,
drapery, and architecture are rendered; the use of gray wash; and
even the handwriting in the inscriptions in the Museum’s drawing Once attributed to the famous seventeenth-century
also correspond quite closely to an allegory dated 1640 and mono- miniaturist and etcher Johann Wilhelm Baur,1 in more
grammed by Bernhard Fuckeradt, a little-known pupil of Peter Paul recent times this drawing has been recognized as a
Rubens and follower of Braun, in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum
und Fondation Corboud, Cologne, inv. 253 (Vey 1964, pp. 140–41, work by the little-known Balthasar Katzenberger.
fig. 104). Friedrich Thöne was the first to recognize the mono-
4. Kölnisches Stadtmuseum, Cologne, inv. 1976/345 (Vey 1990, gram on this drawing—a small K inscribed within a B,
Fig. 1. Balthasar Katzenberger, Diana and pp. 169–70, fig. 4); Kunstsammlung der Universität Göttingen, followed by a W—as the same as one seen on several
Actaeon, ca. 1610–20 (?). Pen and brown ink, inv. h 545 (Matthias Ohm in Koblenz and other cities 2000–2001,
no. 88, ill.). other drawings by Katzenberger.2 The W probably refers
brown and gray washes, over black chalk,
813⁄16 × 7⅜ in. (22.4 × 18.7 cm). Stiftung 5. Ohm in Koblenz and other cities 2000–2001, p. 226. to the city of Würzburg, his birthplace.3 The attribution
Museum Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf 6. For Saint Bruno, see Réau 1955–59, vol. 3, pt. 1 (1958), pp. 249–52; is reinforced by comparison with other drawings by
(ka [fp] 5051) Calabrese, Orienti, and Brandi 1963; Myslivec 1973. Katzenberger, including a sheet in Düsseldorf (fig. 1).4

Although sketchier in style, the Museum’s drawing
displays very similar facial features, with sharp noses
and heavy eyebrows; a comparable composition made
up of large contrasting fields;5 and an equally liberal use
of wash. Because Katzenberger did not use the W in his
monogram in any drawing known from his later years,
Thöne suggests that the Museum’s drawing could be a
relatively early work.
Although the composition recalls the myth of Diana
and Actaeon (with the dog at upper right “spying” on
the scene below), the drawing seems to depict no par-
ticular story. Rather, Katzenberger chose to represent
a slightly eroticized Golden Age, which would have
pleased art lovers of the day—much like a work by
Joseph Heintz the Elder discussed elsewehere in this
catalogue (see cat. 66). Katzenberger’s composition
is also reminiscent of another painting by Heintz of
similar format depicting Diana and Callisto.6 Certain
awkward elements—the child supporting the entire
weight of the nymph at center, the repoussoir in the
upper half of the drawing that simultaneously evokes
the inside and the outside of a grotto—are characteris-
tic of Katzenberger. They betray a minor master but one
whom Heinrich Geissler rightly credited with a certain
sophistication.7 sa
1. Heberle 1882, p. 33, lot 686 (as by “W. Baur”).

2. Friedrich Thöne, in a document dated March 18, 1966 (prob-
ably addressed to the then-owner of the drawing); a photocopy
is preserved in the Museum’s departmental files. Compare, for
instance, the monogram on the drawing reproduced here as fig. 1;
the one on a drawing recorded in the collection of the princes of
Waldburg-Wolfegg and Waldsee in Wolfegg (Heinrich Geissler in
Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, no. e 37, ill.); and one in the Staatsgalerie
Stuttgart, inv. c 3754 (Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, no. e 38,
ill.; Geissler in Kaulbach 2007, no. 297, ill.).
3. Heinrich Geissler (in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 228) refers to a
drawing (location unknown) signed “Balthasar Katzenberger von
würzburg geschehen in lantzhut 1601” (Balthasar Katzenberger of
Würzburg made in Landshut in 1601). It seems less likely that the
letter W could refer to Weikersheim, where Katzenberger worked
in the castle (see Merten 1985, ill.), although in 1608 he did include
“Weikersheim” in the signature of the drawing in Wolfegg, men-
tioned in note 2 above. Katzenberger’s monogram is given as BKW
in Fleischhauer 1927, perhaps indicating that the author knew either Provenance: Probably Thomas Dimsdale (1758–1923), London; sale,
the Museum’s drawing or another one, now untraced, with the same J. M. Heberle, Cologne, April 17–19, 1882, lot 686;* sale, Arno
monogram. Winterberg, Heidelberg, October 11–12, 1991, lot 792 (removed
from the sale); sale, Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, November 16, 2005,
4. Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 228, under no. e 38; lot 107; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the
Düsseldorf 2008–9, p. 304, ill. p. 63. Department of Drawings and Prints, 2006
5. As remarked in Winterberg 1991, p. 102, lot 792.
Literature: Heberle 1882, lot 686 (as by Johann Wilhelm Baur);
6. Location unknown (Zimmer 1971, no. a 17, fig. 46; Kaufmann Winterberg 1991, lot 792, ill. (as attributed to Katzenberger);
1988, no. 7.29, ill.; Zimmer 1988, pp. 137–38, under no. a 59; Jürgen Sotheby’s 2005b, lot 107, ill.
Zimmer in Essen and Vienna 1988–89, vol. 1, p. 349).
* The sale included drawings from the collection of the painter Franz
7. Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 228, under no. e 37: “eine
Becker, Deutze; the Callin collection in Osnabrück; and the Enne
Weltmännische Attitüde.”
collection in Cologne.

Hans Jakob Ebelmann As in Horace’s Ode to Fortune, Ebelmann’s figure of
Speyer, active ca. 1570–after 1625, Speyer Fortune is shown as mistress of the ocean, venturing
forth on her precarious sphere, with wings as its rud-
After 1590 Hans Jakob Ebelmann worked as a journey- ders.2 Holding a billowing sail, she navigates the
man cabinetmaker in Strasbourg, where he came into tumultuous sea; the distant city in the background,
contact with the builder and master carpenter Hans beautifully highlighted in blue wash, alludes to her
Schoch and the artist Wendel Dietterlin the Elder. famed temple in Antium. Although only faint hints of
Ebelmann was also active as a cabinet- and printmaker gray, red, yellow, and blue washes as well as white height
in Speyer and possibly also in Cologne. Between 1598 ening can now be seen by the naked eye, the original
and 1609, often in collaboration with Jacob Guckeisen, brilliance of the colors is evident under magnification;
Ebelmann published several pattern books intended small pearls of color still cling to the fibrous surface of
for use by cabinetmakers, including a series of six the paper. Seen from the vantage point of a shaded
engravings of cabinets and a group of scrollwork pat- grotto framed by two river gods, Fortune rises at the
terns for use in intarsia. center of the composition, indicated with a faint red
chalk line down the middle of the page. She represents
General literature: Irmscher 1999, pp. 109–33; Zimmer 2002 not only the capriciousness of life, blown by the winds,
but also her role as Primigenia, mother goddess and
78 | Hans Jakob Ebelmann primordial bearer of children, providing sustenance to
humanity through her breast milk.3
Allegory of Fortune with Two River Gods, 1624
There are only six known drawings by Ebelmann.
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, azurite, vermilion, A notable example is Hercules with the Globe in Dresden,
and massicot watercolor, white gouache heightening, red chalk, which is monogrammed and dated 1625 (fig. 1).4 Exe-
traces of black chalk underdrawing, 41⁄16 × 117⁄16 in. cuted in pen and black ink with gray wash, the Dresden
Fig. 1. Hans Jakob Ebelmann, Hercules
(10.3 × 29 cm) drawing is a much simpler composition than the
with the Globe, 1625. Pen and black ink,
gray wash, 9¼ × 51⁄16 in. (23.5 × 12.8 cm).
Harry G. Sperling Fund, 2005 (2005.2) Museum’s drawing. Nonetheless, the application of
Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunst- At upper center, signed and dated Johannes Ebelmann i624. in pen the gray wash and the use of sloping calligraphic lines
sammlungen Dresden (c 7070) and black ink. Verso, at upper right, inscribed 223 in graphite to create the contours and muscle tone are identical.
(20th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed
20165458/28 in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Ebelmann also repeated in Hercules the fall of the head
and the somber face of the river god seen at left in the
Watermark: none
Museum’s drawing. Even though these late drawings
are signed differently, the first digit of each date (a 1
“O goddess, you who reign over your favourite Antium, with a dot above it) and the 2 in each are nearly the
ready at hand to raise mortal flesh from lowest level or same. No evidence indicates how these mythological
to turn an arrogant triumph into a funeral cortege, drawings were used, but the high degree of finish and
your support is sought with anxious prayers by the poor the care devoted to the washes demonstrate their
tenant farmer, and, as you are mistress of the deep . . .”1 importance in Ebelmann’s oeuvre. fs

1. “O diva, gratum qua regis Antium, / praesens vel imo tollere de General literature: Mayer 1931–32; Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–
gradu/ mortale corpus vel superbos / vertere funeribus triumphos, / 80, vol. 1, pp. 230–32; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann in Princeton,
te pauper ambit sollicita prece / ruris colonus, te dominam aequoris Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83, pp. 80–81; Germann-Bauer
. . .” Horace, Ode to Fortune (Odes 1:35; Horace 2004 [ed.], pp. 86, 88; 1996; Bodnár 2009
for the English translation by Niall Rudd, see pp. 87, 89).
2. In Ode to Maecenas, Horace mentions Fortune’s wings (Odes 3:29;
Horace 2004 [ed.], p. 214; for the English translation by Niall Rudd,
see p. 215). 79 | Hermann Weyer
3. A temple complex in Praeneste (modern-day Palestrina) is known Lot and His Daughters; verso: Imaginary Rocky Landscape
as the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia; she is venerated there as a with a Castle and a Bridge, ca. 1615–16
mother and represented suckling two infants, thought to be Jupiter
and Juno (much like the Christian allegory of Charity). For a discus-
sion of Fortuna’s maternal symbolism, see Anthony J. Boyle and Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, white gouache
Roger D. Woodard in Ovid 2000 (ed.), p. 235. heightening, traces of black chalk underdrawing, on paper
prepared with an opaque yellow, iron-based earth wash; verso:
4. Along with the Museum’s drawing and the one in Dresden,
there are three drawings, dated 1619, from the Bishop’s Palace pen and carbon black ink, 6¾ × 79⁄16 in. (17.1 × 19.5 cm)
in Speyer, with a monogram that can be related to Ebelmann in The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund,
the Kartensammlung der Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, 2005 (2005.118)
Darmstadt, inv. Mappe 229/6 Blatt 1–3 (Zimmer 2002). Although
Watermark: none
Ebelmann was not included in his seminal publication on German
draftsmen (Stuttgart 1979–80), Heinrich Geissler kept a file on the
artist in his papers (now at the Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles,
acc. 2001.m.9), which includes the Museum’s and the Dresden draw- Created in Weyer’s characteristic technique, this highly
ings. A recent sale at Auktionhouse von Zengen in Bonn included finished drawing illustrates the Old Testament narra-
a previously unknown drawing, Allegory of Plenty, signed and dated
1614 (March 25–26, 2011, lot 2151, illustrated in the catalogue).
tive of Lot and his daughters (Genesis 19:30–36). After
the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, the widowed
Provenance: Sale, Prestel, Frankfurt, November 22–26, 1927, Lot and his two daughters settled in a cave in the
lot 149; Jacques Fryszman, Boulogne-Billancourt;* sale, Sothe- mountains. In order to preserve their family line,
by’s, Amsterdam, November 11, 1997, lot 49; Unicorno Collec-
tion, private collection of Saam Nijstad and Lily Nijstad-Einhorn,
The Hague, inv. n 502; their sale, Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, May 19,
Literature: Prestel 1927, lot 149, pl. 1 (as by Johann Hulsman); Vey
1964, p. 124, fig. 90 (as by Hulsman); Sotheby’s 1997, lot 49, ill.;
Ingrid S. Brons in The Hague 2001, no. 49, ill.; Sotheby’s 2004a,
lot 4, ill.
*O
n the back of a photograph of the Museum’s drawing in the
Geissler papers (see note 4), it is noted that the drawing belonged
to Fryszman.
Hermann Weyer
Coburg, 1596–ca. 1621, Coburg
The son of painter Hans Weyer the Elder and brother

of Hans the Younger—who was also active as a painter,
particularly of portraits—Hermann appears to have
specialized in drawings. Spanning his entire career,
from early 1607 through 1621, his drawings are mainly
historical and biblical scenes that mimic the dramatic
tonal contrasts of chiaroscuro woodcuts. Since only a
few paintings and no prints by Hermann are known,
he may have earned a livelihood by selling his draw-
ings, many of which are double-sided. Little is known
of Weyer’s life, but he is thought to have traveled to
the Netherlands about 1616, where he was influenced
not only by the subject matter but also by the style of
its artists.

suggests that the Stuttgart drawing depends on Jan
Saenredam’s engraving after Hendrick Goltzius (1597),
which is much more detailed but shares the same gen-
eral composition.4 A print by another Netherlandish
Mannerist, Jan Harmensz. Muller, inspired another
version of the theme by Weyer in Wolfegg (fig. 2).5
Weyer’s use of Netherlandish models is typical of the
artist; Heinrich Geissler believes he may have spent
time in Antwerp in about 1616.6 The Museum’s drawing
shares features of both the Stuttgart and the Wolfegg
versions. Weyer retained Saenredam’s placement of the
figures in the Stuttgart and Museum versions, but he
transformed the composition by positioning the second
daughter to face the viewer as she pours the wine from
a classical pitcher, as in the Muller engraving. Like
Muller, Weyer also placed in the foreground an over-
flowing bowl of fruit and a loaf of bread to emphasize
a sense of indulgence.
Weyer would characteristically contrast a narrative on
the recto—often taken from the Old Testament—with a
landscape executed with loose and energetic pen strokes
on the verso.7 Here, a framing tree in the left foreground
sets off a rocky landscape with a fortification isolated on
Imaginary Rocky Landscape with a Castle and a Bridge (verso of cat. 79)
Lot’s daughters conspired to get their father drunk

on wine and then have intercourse with him. Lot’s
undoing by the feminine wiles of his own daughters
was a popular subject in the innumerable sixteenth-
and seventeenth-century texts and images that exem-
plified the power of women by depicting unruly
females and their male victims.1
Weyer himself executed several versions of this
moralistic tale.2 The closest in composition, though
not in technique, is a more loosely conceived drawing
in Stuttgart (fig. 1).3 In both drawings, Lot is shown
raising a chalice in one hand and embracing one of his
daughters with the other. The other daughter prepares
another libation for her father, pouring wine into a
large, flat glass. Father and daughter sit at the mouth
of a cave, which is draped with a canopy and made
comfortable with large pillows. In the background of
both can be seen the burning city of Sodom; the Stutt-
gart version also shows Lot’s wife, who was turned into
Fig. 1. Hermann Weyer, Lot and His Daughters, ca. 1614–15. Pen and
a pillar of salt as punishment for looking back at the black ink, green-gray wash, over traces of black chalk, 9⅛ × 7¼ in.
sinful city (Genesis 19:26). Hans-Martin Kaulbach (23.2 × 18.cm). Graphische Sammlung, Staatsgalerie Stuttgart (c 3830)

a tall cliff at the center. Behind the castle is a body of
water; the city on its shores is being battered by a storm.
This scene in which man and nature coexist relates to
work by a group of Netherlandish landscape artists who
lived in Frankenthal, Germany, between about 1586 and
1620.8 Although no direct model is known for Weyer’s
landscape, it shows the influence of landscapes by Anton
Mirou, Roelant S avery, and Paul Bril.9 fs
1. For more on the topos of the power of women, see S. L. Smith 1995.
2. In addition to the drawings reproduced here as figs. 1 and 2,
there is a version of the subject at the Kunstsammlungen der Veste
Coburg, inv. z-0545.
3. Kaulbach 2007, no. 705, ill. Kaulbach believes that the freer use of
line and the colored washes indicate an early dating of the work, to
ca. 1614–15.
4. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 23 (1980), p. 11, no. 9.
5. Christine Wolff in Ravensburg 2003, no. 82, ill. For Muller’s
engraving, see Filedt Kok 1999, vol. 2, no. 64, ill. Fig. 2. Hermann Weyer, Lot and His Daughters, ca. 1617. Pen and gray ink, gray and yellow washes,
6. Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 230. Geissler came to this heightened with white gouache, 715⁄16 × 13 in. (20.2 × 33 cm). Princes of Waldburg-Wolfegg and
conclusion based on a signed and dated drawing, The Judgment of Waldsee, Wolfegg Castle
Midas (1616), now in the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles,
acc. 85.gg.293, which Weyer made after a work by Hendrick van
Balen I (Goldner 1988, no. 136, ill.).
7. Geissler believed that these double-sided drawings were from the B artholomäus Reiter
artist’s sketchbooks and meant for sale. He links his attributions of Active in Munich, ca. 1583–1622
double-sided drawings to Weyer by means of a sheet showing the
Rest on the Flight into Egypt, signed with his initials and dated 1615
and 1616, in the Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, Nothing is known of Reiter’s origins, but he was an
inv. z 391 (Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, no. e 39, ill.). There
are many other examples of double-sided drawings attributed to apprentice to the Munich painter Hans Ostendorfer
Weyer. Some in United States collections include: The Entombment of the Younger in 1583 and subsequently to another
Christ (recto) and Landscape with a City on a River (verso), Yale University little-known artist, Andreas Hennenberger. He may
Art Gallery, New Haven, acc. 2003.33.1 (John Marciari in Sarasota,
Austin, and New Haven 2006–8, no. 35, ill.); The Holy Family with be related to Johann or Michael Reiter, both of
Saints (recto) and Tobias and the Angel (verso); Desert Landscape with a whom were artists working in the circle of Peter
Hermit (recto) and Saint Christopher (verso), National Gallery of Art, Candid in Munich during this period. It is likely that
Washington, D.C., acc. 1991.127.1.a, b and 2006.88.1, respectively;
Hercules Being Shown the Mountainous Road (recto) and Resurrection Bartholomäus traveled from the court of Munich to
of Christ (verso), Crocker Art Museum, Sacramento, acc. 1871.601 Venice and worked there with Hans Rottenhammer.
(Freyda Spira in Sacramento and Poughkeepsie 2010–11, no. 45, ill.). An earlier relationship between Reiter and Rotten-
8. For more on the Frankenthaler school, see Papenbrock 2001; see hammer in Munich can be established through the
Diefenbacher 2007 for Anton Mirou’s role in that school.
drawing Caritas, taken from a Stammbuch in the Statens
9. For a very similar work, see an engraving by Egidius Sadeler II
after Roelant Savery’s Big Tower and Some Houses (Hollstein, Dutch Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen. It contains a com-
and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 [1980], p. 50, no. 240). For a similar plimentary inscription to Bartholomäus Reiter,
landscape by Paul Bril, for instance, see Rocky Landscape with House penned in 1587 or 1588, before Rottenhammer left
and Trees (1592), Akademie der Bildenden Künste, Vienna, inv. 4591
(Vienna 1997, no. 17, ill.). For more on Bril, see Ruby 1999. for Italy. There are over forty drawings attributed to
Reiter, as well as twenty-one etchings dating from
Provenance: Sale, Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, November 6, 2001, lot 205; 1609–15, and two paintings.
[Nathalie Motte, Paris]; purchased by the Department of Drawings
and Prints, 2005 General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1,
pp. 118, 264; Andrews 1990; Warshaw 2002, under no. 10
Literature: Sotheby’s 2001c, lot 205, ill.; Christine Wolff in Ravens-
burg 2003, p. 188, n. 2, under no. 82; Kaulbach 2007, p. 339, n. 2,
under no. 705; von Baeyer 2010, p. 8, n. 3, under no. 2

80 | Bartholomäus Reiter Heinrich Geissler first attributed this drawing to Reiter
Allegory of Air and Earth, 1618 when it was offered for sale in 1987.3 The attribution to
the Munich artist was confirmed by Tilman Falk, who
Pen and brown ink, brown ink and organic pink washes, lead noted that the light gray and violet washes are charac-
white heightening, traces of graphite underdrawing, 12¼ × teristic for Reiter, as are the loose, undulating outlines
715⁄16 in. (31.1 × 20.1 cm)
that define the figures and landscape.4 A comparable
Van Day Truex Fund, 2001 (2001.530)
drawing, Virgin and Child in Glory (fig. 1), with its brown,
At lower left, dated [. . .]618. in pen and dark brown ink, by the
pink, green, and yellow washes lightly highlighting the
artist; at center, inscribed Jf 180 in pen and brown ink (18th- or
19th-century handwriting).1 Verso shows extensive evidence of scene, also demonstrates Reiter’s delight in drawing
earlier mounting on a sheet with printed numbers; at lower left, his characteristic spindly yet expressive hands. This
inscribed 4) in graphite (20th-century handwriting); at lower flowing style of pen and wash drawing shows affinities
right, inscribed 5/1004625 in graphite (20th-century hand with that of the Venetian artist Jacopo Palma il Giovane,
writing)
which was adopted by Northern artists working in Italy,
Watermark: triple mount in quatrefoil with letters2 including Reiter’s colleague Hans Rottenhammer.5
Reiter, too, was intrigued by the Venetian’s style and
subject matter, and he executed two etchings after
Palma.6
The attributes of classical deities were often used in
seventeenth-century art to symbolize the Four Elements.
In another etching by Reiter, this time after the Dutch
painter Abraham Bloemaert, he depicted a triumphant
Juno, ruler of the heavens, holding a scepter in one
hand and gesturing toward the viewer with the other.7
Like the figure in the clouds in the Museum’s drawing,
she gazes downward; her oval face is crowned by an
irregular diadem rather than the halo of cloudlike hair
in the Museum’s image. The airborne figure in this
drawing can now be understood to be Juno as well. Seen
from below, she sits on a throne of clouds with her left
knee raised, accompanied by Jupiter in the form of an
eagle. Rather than imitating the costume and comport-
ment of the Juno in his etching, Reiter based his drawn
version on the figure of Fame from Bloemaert’s painting
Wedding of Peleus and Thetis (ca. 1590–91), itself a version
of the figure of Fame seen in Hendrick Goltzius’s
monumental engraving after Bartholomeus Spranger,
The Wedding of Cupid and Psyche (1587).8 Falk has also
compared the figure of Juno with her hair of clouds to
an engraving of the element Air from a series by Johann
Sadeler I after Maerten de Vos.9
Sources for Reiter’s allegorical figure of Earth with
her turreted crown can also be found in contemporary
prints, such as Jacob Matham’s title page for Karel van
Mander’s Schilder-Boeck (1604) and Johann Sadeler I’s
engraving Earth after Dirck Barendsz. (1587).10 Both
engravings stem from work by Dutch artists greatly
influenced by their firsthand experience of Italian
imagery. Rottenhammer was equally taken by the rep-
resentations of the Four Elements as classical deities.11
While in Venice, he executed paintings with allegorical
figures of the Four Elements that were later incorporated

into the ceiling design of the Golden Chamber in
Bückeburg Castle.12 Rottenhammer depicted Earth as
both the Roman goddess of agriculture, Ceres, display-
ing her bounty in her hands and beneath her feet, and
the Phrygian goddess Cybele, or Magna Mater, wearing
her crown comprising a tower and a wall (fig. 2). Reiter,
too, shows Earth’s feet firmly placed on gourds and
holding a shovel for planting. Although no direct source
for Reiter’s imagery has been identified, both the style
and the subject of this beautifully rendered allegory
reveal his close association with Rottenhammer specifi-
cally and, more generally, demonstrate the impact of
Italian art on Northern artists during this period. fs
1. In correspondence from March 14, 2001, in the Museum’s depart-

mental files, Tilman Falk notes that “Jf 180” seems to be a collector’s
paraph. Falk found a related notation, “Jf 52,” on another Reiter
sheet, which was in the Galerie Grünwald, Munich, about 1980.
According to an October 14, 2010, letter from Falk (departmental
files), that drawing is a design for the etching Satyr and Nymph
(Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 34 [1993], no. 21, ill.). Fig. 1. Bartholomäus Reiter, The Virgin and Child in Glory, ca. 1610–20. Fig. 2. Hans Rottenhammer, Allegory of
Pen and gray ink, gray, violet, green, and yellow washes, 103⁄16 × 9¾ in. Earth, ca. 1595/96–1606. Oil on canvas.
2. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Munich in Ceiling of the Golden Chamber, Bücke-
(25.8 × 24.7 cm). Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München (41419 z)
1613 (Piccard-Online, no. 154028; accessed August 15, 2011). burg Castle
3. The dealer Claude Kuhn thanks Geissler for his attribution
(C. Kuhn 1987, p. 52), which Sotheby’s either was unaware of or
ignored at the time of the sale in 1990. The attribution was reestab-
lished by Monroe Warshaw (in Warshaw 2002, no. 10).
12. Although there is some speculation about the dating of these
4. See the correspondence between Falk and Warshaw, 2001, in the paintings, there is evidence that they were painted while Rottenham-
Museum’s departmental files. The greatest concentration of Reiter mer was still in Venice. For the debate over the dating of the paint-
drawings is in the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München; Falk ings, see Dobalová 2007, p. 126.
notes approximately twenty there.
5. Andrews 1990, p. 246. Provenance: [Galerie Claude Kuhn, Basel]; sale, Sotheby’s, New York,
6. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 34 (1993), pp. 10–11, nos. 1 (ill.), 2. January 12, 1990, lot 171; private collection, New York; [Monroe
Warshaw, New York]; purchased by the Department of Drawings
7. Ibid., no. 18, ill. Reiter’s print is a reverse copy of a Bloemaert
and Prints, 2001
etching (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 2 [1950], p. 61,
no. 4, ill.); there are several drawn variants of this print. For more Literature: C. Kuhn 1987, no. 28, ill.; Sotheby’s 1990, lot 171, ill. (as
on the Bloemaert etching and the variants, see Bolten 2007, no. 566, South German School, ca. 1600); Warshaw 2002, no. 10, ill.
and p. 200, n. 14, vol. 2, ill. p. 259.
8. Bloemaert’s painting is in the Alte Pinakothek, Munich, inv. 6526
(Roethlisberger 1993, vol. 1, no. 12, vol. 2, pl. 1, fig. 26). For Goltzius’s Michael Herr
print, see Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 8 (1953), Metzingen, 1591–1661, Nuremberg
p. 111, no. 322, ill. Bloemaert himself created a drawn version of
Fame; see Rotterdam, Paris, and Brussels 1976–77, no. 19, pl. 19;
Bolten 2007, vol. 1, no. 564, vol. 2, ill. p. 258. Michael Herr was most likely trained in Stuttgart
9. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 (1980), p. 170, between 1605 and 1609, possibly by the court painter
no. 529, vol. 22 (1980), ill.; Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007,
vol. 44 (1996), no. 1357, vol. 46 (1995), ill. Georg Donauer, before moving to Nuremberg in 1610.
10. This crown can also be seen in Hans Friedrich Schorer the Elder’s He traveled to Rome and Venice in 1614–15 and was
Triumph of the Earth (cat. 89). For contemporary prints, see Leesberg fascinated by the work of his Italian contemporaries,
1999, no. 165, ill.; Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 including the Carracci, Guido Reni, and Jacopo Palma
(1980), p. 169, no. 526.
il Giovane. He returned to Nuremberg in 1618 or 1619,
11. Italian examples include: Peruzzi Baldassare (1481–1536) in the
Villa Madama, Rome; Giorgio Vasari (1511–1574), cycle for the Palazzo becoming a master there in 1622. Herr established him-
Vecchio, Florence; Paolo Veronese (1528–1588), cycle for the Sale self as one of the city’s leading painters and was elected
dell’Olimpo, Villa Barbaro-Volpi, Treviso. A fascinating Northern to represent local artists in the Larger City Council
counterpart to these Italian examples is a series of paintings by Jan
Brueghel the Elder and Hendrick van Balen I (Sylvia Ferino-Pagden from 1639 onward. He not only produced historical,
in Essen, Vienna, and Antwerp 1997–98, no. 77, ill.). religious, and mythological paintings but also received
numerous commissions for epitaphs and portraits.

Herr also worked with prominent Protestant theolo-
gians designing illustrations for emblem books,
theological treatises, and Bibles. His collaborations
with the printer and publisher Matthäus Merian the
Elder are notable.
General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1,

pp. 220–21; Metzingen 1991; Gatenbröcker 1995
81 | Michael Herr
The Last Judgment; verso: Study of Figures from the Last
Judgment, 1615–20
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, a composite of black Fig. 1. Michael Herr, The Last Judgment, 1619. Pen and gray ink,
chalk and graphite underdrawing; verso: pen and carbon black brownish gray, reddish brown, and light blue washes, over graphite
ink, 12¾ × 15¾ in. (32.3 × 40 cm) or charcoal, 11¾ × 15⅜ in. (29.8 × 39 cm). Herzog Anton Ulrich-
Gift of Katrin Bellinger, 1998 (1998.41.3) Museum, Kunstmuseum des Landes Niedersachsen, Braunschweig
(z 638)
At bottom center, unidentified collector’s mark (Lugt 1539c). At
bottom right, inscribed 19 in pen and brown ink (19th-century
handwriting). Verso, at right, some figures traced in pen and
black ink from the recto; at upper right, inscribed 20 t (or f) in possible influence on Herr: Jacopo Tintoretto’s Last
graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting) Judgment (ca. 1560–62) in the church of the Madonna
Watermark: arms of Nuremberg1 dell’Orto, Venice.4 But Herr did, in fact, incorporate
features from both masters into his drawing. The bent
figure with his head on the ground in the lower right
This large-scale Last Judgment has been compared corner of Herr’s drawing seems to have tumbled out of
stylistically to one by Michael Herr in Braunschweig Tintoretto’s scene.5 The man with the prominent torso
that is monogrammed and dated 1619 (fig. 1).2 How- seated next to him in the right foreground, who shields
ever, the compositions are quite different, especially himself with his arms, evokes one of the Elect being
the scenes in the foreground. In the Museum’s draw- held from above by his crossed arms along the left
ing, the masses being either cast down to Hell or raised edge of Michelangelo’s fresco.6 Another relevant exam-
up to Heaven form a definitive V-shape, leaving the ple, which was in nearby Neuberg during the period
center of the scene strangely quiet; in the Braunschweig Herr created his drawing, is Rubens’s Large Last Judg
drawing, the writhing bodies form a triangular focal ment (ca. 1615–17), executed for the Jesuit church there.7
point at center. Although differing in other aspects as As David Freedberg explains, the monumental work
well, such as Christ’s pose and the prominence given to for the high altarpiece—with its masses of writhing
the middle ground, both drawings evince Herr’s dis- bodies—also depended heavily on the examples of
tinctive use of washes and his scalloped pen lines, which Tintoretto and Michelangelo.8 As Heinrich Geissler
define the prominent musculature of the figures. Also notes, Rubens appears to have had a continued influ-
evident in both is his delight in showing the nude bod- ence on Herr’s style.9
ies from every angle as they fall and twist while engag- Herr returned to the theme of the Last Judgment
ing in tumultuous battle with angels and demons. throughout his career. In addition to the versions
This celebration of the human form within a scene of included in painted epitaph monuments for Mathilde
the Last Judgment demonstrates Herr’s awareness of von Leubelfing (1624) for the evangelical parish
Italian art, most notably Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel, church of Saint Bartholomäus, Nuremberg, and for
Fig. 2. Michael Herr, The Last Judgment, which continued to be at the center of a theological Johann Schlitter (ca. 1646; whereabouts unknown),
ca. 1620. Pen and black ink, over red chalk, debate about decorum in religious images.3 Herr’s con- there is a drawing in pen and black ink over red chalk
16¼ × 12⅞ in. (41.3 × 32.7 cm). The Metro- centration of action along the foreground plane seems in the Museum’s collection that has been dated to
politan Museum of Art, New York, The Elisha
Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey more reminiscent of Michelangelo than of another about 1620 (fig. 2).10 In this work, Herr created a much
Fund, 2000 (2000.580) Italian model mentioned by Silke Gatenbröcker as a more stratified composition, with four distinct levels

filled with figures. Rather than reflecting a direct Ital- 1. The watermark is similar to ones found in paper used in Nurem-
berg in 1620 and 1621 (Piccard-Online, nos. 25123 and 25127, respec-
ian influence, it is more reminiscent of Christoph tively; accessed August 10, 2011).
Schwarz’s influential painting of the Last Judgment 2. Gatenbröcker 1995, no. z 28. In Bassenge 1997 (p. 22, lot 5458), it
(ca. 1580), which is now known only in a preparatory is speculated that both drawings are preparatory for the same large-
drawing in Stuttgart and multiple printed versions.11 scale painting; however, this does not seem to be the case.
Herr created an extensive underdrawing in both of the 3. For a discussion of the contemporary criticism of the Sistine
frescoes, see Barnes 1998. Along with Herr, other artists north of the
Museum’s drawings, which he then corrected and Alps, such as Hans Mielich, were greatly influenced by Michelan-
manipulated in pen, but the underdrawing is less evi- gelo’s Judgment scene. Mielich’s Last Judgment panel (1554) was part
dent in the wash drawing because the black chalk has of an epitaph for Leonhard von Eck, now owned by the Bayerisches
Nationalmuseum, Munich, on loan to the Diözesanmuseum, Frei
faded. He also used the same rushed, squiggly lines to sing (Wimböck 1998, p. 59, fig. 6).
denote shadow and his characteristic scalloped lines
4. Gatenbröcker 1995, p. 314.
to create contour, even in the much smaller-scale fig-
5. Ilchman 2007, p. 89, fig. 40. Ilchman (pp. 87–91) demonstrates
ures of the red chalk drawing. Herr’s depictions of the that Tintoretto’s painting is in direct response to the theological
Last Judgment are varied but demonstrate the consis- criticism of Michelangelo’s Judgment scene.
tent style of his draftsmanship as well as the range of 6. Acidini Luchinat 2007, p. 297 (detail of the Ascent of the Elect,
influences on this early Baroque artist. fs there described as Zone f).
7. Alte Pinakothek, Munich, inv. 890 (Freedberg 1984, no. 49,
fig. 137; Renger 2002, pp. 320–23, ill.).

8. Freedberg (1984, pp. 202–3) notes that Rubens owned a painting 82 | Hinrich Degener
and an oil sketch of the Last Judgment by Tintoretto. He goes on to
say, “There may, as suggested by [Michael] Jaffé, be some recollection Allegory of Hope, ca. 1615
of that artist’s painting of the subject in the church of the Madonna
dell’Orto in Venice” (Freedberg 1984, p. 203; see also Jaffé 1977, p. 36). Pen and iron gall ink, brown and gray washes, lead white height-
For the Tintoretto oil sketch owned by Rubens, see J. M. Muller 1975, ening, underdrawing in a composite of black chalk and graphite,
p. 372. incised lines, 127⁄16 × 77⁄16 in. (31.7 × 18.9 cm)
9. Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 220. Purchase, Anne and Jean Bonna Gift, 2000 (2000.155)
10. Keil 2000, no. 8, ill., where it is noted that this drawing is pre At lower center, inscribed SPES (Hope) in pen and brown ink,
paratory for a painting. For the epitaphs, see Gatenbröcker 1995,
by the artist. Verso, at center, signed Hinrich Degener in pen and
nos. g 4 and g 11, respectively.
brown ink (see fig. 2). On old mount, at bottom center, inscribed
11. Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, inv. c 1967/1474 (Kaulbach 2007, H. Degener in graphite and 71156 in graphite and red chalk (19th-
no. 629, ill. p. 21). Prints after Schwarz’s composition are known
or 20th-century handwriting)
by Matthäus Merian the Elder (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 25
[1989], p. 98, no. 7, ill.); Johann Sadeler I (Hollstein, Dutch and Watermark: two towers with archway1
Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21 [1980], p. 123, no. 260, vol. 22 [1980],
p. 129, fig. 260); and Bartholomäus Kilian II (Hollstein, German,
1954–, vol. 16 [1975], p. 93, no. 31, ill.). For a more comprehen-
sive discussion of Last Judgment imagery during this period, see This striking allegorical drawing of Hope, presum-
Harbison 1976. ably conceived as part of a series of the Seven Virtues,
was created with a quick succession of thick, sweeping
Provenance: Unidentified private collection; sale, Galerie Gerda
Bassenge, Berlin, November 28, 1997, lot 5458; Katrin Bellinger,
strokes of both pen and brush. Hope, Faith, and Love
Fig. 1. Hinrich Degener, Allegory of Hope, Munich; given by her to the Department of Drawings and Prints, constitute the three theological Virtues, while Justice,
ca. 1615. Brush and black wash, height- 1998 Temperance, Fortitude, and Prudence are the four car-
ened with white gouache, 12⅞ × 79⁄16 in.
(32.7 × 19.2 cm). Staatliches Museum
Literature: Bassenge 1997, lot 5458, ill. dinal Virtues. Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann argues that
Schwerin (1475 Hz) Degener created two series of Virtues: one employed
Old and New Testament stories to personify a Virtue,
such as Judith with the Head of Holofernes as Prudence and
Hinrich Degener
The Temptation of Saint Anthony as Patience;2 a second
Hamburg (?), active ca. 1615
series comprised purely allegorical figures, including
the Museum’s Allegory of Hope.3 In addition to the draw-
Very little is known about the life and art of Hinrich ing of Justice noted by Kaufmann at the Fogg Museum,
Fig. 2. Detail of signature on verso of
cat. 82 Degener. He belonged to an extended family of paint- there is a Justice in Schwerin, a Fortitude in Avignon,
ers in Hamburg, but the city archive makes no mention and two curious figures of Patience—another central
of him, so he may have lived elsewhere. His name and Christian virtue—also in Schwerin.4 Most notably,
an approximate period of activity are known only Schwerin also has a personification of Hope (fig. 1)5 that
through inscriptions on his drawings. The Staatliches is signed on the verso by Degener, as is the Museum’s
Museum Schwerin holds the largest concentration of drawing (fig. 2).The Schwerin drawing is similar to the
works by Degener, numbering twenty-one, including drawing under discussion in technique, but the torsion
Christ on the Cross, a drawing in pen and brown ink with of the body, the facial features, and the placement of the
gray wash, signed and dated 1615. His style has been anchor are completely different.
compared to that of contemporaneous Venetian paint- The inscriptions on Degener’s allegorical figures are
ers, specifically Jacopo Tintoretto, and he may have written in two distinct ways: in a fluent script (as on the
taken a trip to Italy. Degener’s use of pen and brown ink Schwerin Hope) and in Roman capitals (as on the Muse-
heightened with white on prepared paper became char- um’s). Whether he created three or possibly more series
acteristic of Hamburg artists during this period and of Virtues remains unknown; however, what is evident
remained popular into the late seventeenth century. He in all of these works is the wild exuberance of his
may have been father-in-law to Johann Joachim Pfeiffer strokes and his painterly approach to drawing, which
the Elder, whose works demonstrate a great reliance on depends on intense contrasts between light and dark.
Degener’s style of draftsmanship. Past scholars such as Heinrich Geissler and Thomas
Fig. 3. Crispijn van de Passe the Elder, DaCosta Kaufmann have attributed this penchant for
Allegory of Hope, 1600. Engraving with General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2, chiaroscuro effects to the influence of Tintoretto; the
etching, 9¼ × 69⁄16 in. (23.5 × 16.6 cm). p. 137; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and
Pittsburgh 1982–83, pp. 68–69; Hela Baudis in Schwerin 2009, impact of Northern artists such as Abraham Bloemaert
British Museum, London (1868-6-12-
474) pp. 22–25 and Hendrick Goltzius is also evident.6

Degener’s allegorical personages can also be closely
associated with near-contemporary printed series of the
Virtues by Netherlandish artists.7 In a set of engravings
by Crispijn van de Passe the Elder representing the
theological Virtues, a full-length Hope is shown within
a framing oval (fig. 3).8 Almost identical to Degener’s
image in pose, van de Passe’s Hope gazes toward the
heavens, and some of her hair is loosely gathered at the
center of her forehead with a small diadem. Degener’s
Hope wears more diaphanous drapery, which barely
covers her body and is blowing around her. In both she
is shown with her standard attributes: an anchor dem-
onstrating her steadfastness and strength, and a bird
representing her ability to soar toward Christ.9 Van de
Passe included a vast landscape behind Hope, with
scenes of the Annunciation and the Nativity. Although
Degener did not incorporate landscape into his purely
allegorical drawings, he combined symbolic and narra-
tive imagery in a drawing at the Pierpont Morgan
Library, New York,10 for example, by isolating the pro-
tagonist from his narrative and transforming him into a
lone allegorical figure accompanied by his a ttributes.
The function of drawings such as Allegory of Hope is
not known. Perhaps, as Kaufmann suggests, it was
made as a presentation piece; it does seem to be a fin-
ished work in its own right. Although he is assumed to
have been a painter, Degener (like Hermann Weyer; see
cat. 79) may also have earned his livelihood by selling
his virtuoso drawings. fs
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Altdorf in
1604 (Piccard-Online, no. 103182; accessed August 10, 2011).
2. Staatliches Museum Schwerin, inv. 1476 Hz (Möller 1979,
p. 67, ill. p. 22); Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, acc. 1981.25
no. 17, ill.). There are also John the Baptist as Temperance, Kupferstich
kabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. KdZ 11997, and Judgment
of Solomon as Justice, Princeton University Art Museum, acc. 82-23
p. 68, n. 4).
3. Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83,
p. 68.
4. Fogg Museum, Harvard Art Museums, Cambridge, acc. 1985.49;
Staatliches Museum Schwerin, inv. 1477 Hz (Hela Baudis in Schwerin
2009, no. 3, ill.); Musée Calvet, Avignon, inv. 996-7-371 (Teréz Gerszi
in Béguin, Di Giampaolo, and Malgouyres 1998, no. 145, p. 290, ill.);
Staatliches Museum Schwerin, inv. 1479 Hz (Baudis in Schwerin 6. Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2, p. 137; Kaufmann in
2009, no. 2, ill.). Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83, p. 68. Teréz Gerszi
mentions Degener’s connection to Bloemaert in her description of
5. Möller 1979, p. 68, ill. p. 22. The signatures on the versos are the Fortitude in Avignon (see note 4).
identical to the one on the recto of Degener’s 1615 Crucifixion
in Schwerin, inv. 1474 Hz (Baudis in Schwerin 2009, no. 1, ill.). 7. For example, those by Jan Saenredam after Goltzius (Hollstein,
This signature also appears on a drawing of the Five Senses with Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 23 [1980], p. 36, nos. 41, 43, p. 38,
Hill-Stone, New York (May 2011), and on the Morgan’s drawing by nos. 44–46, p. 39, nos. 47–49); and Jacob Matham (Widerkehr
Degener (see note 2), among others. According to Ingrid Möller, 2007–8, vol. 2 [2007], nos. 138–44, ill., and nos. 145–49, ill.).
seventeen drawings in Schwerin also have signatures on the verso 8. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 15 (1964), p. 181,
(Möller 1979, pp. 67–68). no. 434; for the three other series of Virtues by van de Passe, see
p. 179, nos. 412–18 and nos. 419–25, p. 180, nos. 426–32.

9. Hebrews 6:19: “which hope we have as an anchor of the soul, both 84 | Hans Ulrich Frank
sure and steadfast.” Hope is shown with wings of her own by Giotto
in the Arena Chapel, Padua. Neptune and Amphitrite in a Chariot Drawn by H
ippocampi,
10. See note 2. ca. 1620–40 (?)
Provenance: [Hill-Stone, New York]; purchased by the Department Pen and carbon black ink, red chalk, gray ink and sanguine
of Drawings and Prints, 2000 washes, white gouache heightening, traces of black and red
chalk underdrawing, on paper made of dark pulp (now discol-
ored brown) (laid down), 12 × 143⁄16 in. (30.5 × 36 cm)
Purchase, Ian Woodner Family Collection Fund, 2002
(2002.86)
Hans Ulrich Fr ank At lower center, inscribed Christoph Schwartz fac. in pen and
Kaufbeuren, ca. 1590/95–1675, Augsburg brown ink (17th-century handwriting); at lower right, collector’s
mark of Giuseppe (or Gustavo?) Chiantorre (Lugt 540; see also
Lugt 1956, p. 82). Verso of the secondary support, at upper center,
inscribed A Coller Sur Vergé 198 H / 58-48 P in graphite (20th-century
Although Hans Ulrich Frank worked as a painter—at
handwriting)
first in his native town, then in Augsburg, from the
mid-1630s—today he is known almost exclusively for a
series of etchings depicting the Thirty Years’ War (1618–
48). Only in recent decades has it been recognized that The largest group of securely attributed works by Hans
Frank was also a highly gifted draftsman and that his Ulrich Frank are his etchings, most of which are signed.1
works have often been confused with those by his col- The lanky figures with sharp features seen in these works
league Johann Heinrich Schönfeld, who is generally are closely comparable to those in several of the artist’s
thought to have influenced him. Frank appears to have drawings, including the surviving model for one of the
been active as a designer of goldsmith work, and he is etchings and a signed drawing of comparable composi-
also documented as an organist. tion with subjects taken from the Bible and classical
mythology.2 The former can be dated 1656 on the basis
General literature: Bruno Bushart and Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg of the related print; the latter is dated 1669 by the artist.
1968, pp. 105–6, 181–87; Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg 1987,
Fig. 1. Hans Ulrich Frank, Allegory of pp. 34–39; Falk 1994; Kunze 2005 These dates, together with those on the etchings (1643–
Prudence, ca. 1620–45 (?). Pen and 56), suggest that Frank developed this “sharp” style in the
brown ink, brown wash, heightened later decades of his career; it is often related to the influ-
with white gouache, over black chalk,
diameter: 71⁄16 in. (17.9 cm). Rijkspren- 83 | Hans Ulrich Frank ence of the German painter Johann Heinrich Schön-
tenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam Allegory of Vigilance, ca. 1620–45 (?) feld, for whom Frank acted as a witness at his wedding
(rp-t-1960-15) in 1655.3 However, a Stammbuchblatt (a sheet from an
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, white gouache album amicorum) by Frank from 1650 in a more rounded,
heightening, underdrawing in a composite of black chalk and graceful, and decorative manner makes clear that he
graphite, incised lines, on paper prepared with a gray wash (laid must have been working in both styles at that point.4
down), diameter: 6¾ in. (17.3 cm) At the same time, Frank’s prints from the 1640s suggest
Purchase, Guy Wildenstein Gift, 2000 (2000.261)
a connection with Schönfeld’s oeuvre even before the
On the secondary support, at lower left, inscribed 86 in graphite latter returned from Italy to Augsburg in 1652.
(19th- or 20th-century handwriting). Verso of the secondary
support, at lower left, inscribed N 67 in graphite (19th- or 20th-
The characteristics of Frank’s more rounded manner
century handwriting); below, inscribed 3 x in graphite (20th- are well defined thanks to a number of securely attrib-
century handwriting); below, inscribed 341 in graphite (19th- or uted drawings (some of which, however, were previ-
20th-century handwriting); to the right, inscribed N 16 in graph- ously believed to be by Schönfeld).5 The Museum owns
ite (20th-century handwriting); at lower center, inscribed 108 in two outstanding examples of Frank’s works in this
Sadler in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
style. The first of these (cat. 83) was formerly thought to
Fig. 2. Hans Ulrich Frank, Allegory of be by an artist in the circle of Lucas Kilian; an attribu-
Fidelity, ca. 1620–45 (?). Pen and brown Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support
tion to the North German artist Christoph Gertner has
ink, brown wash, heightened with white
gouache, over black chalk, diameter: also been suggested.6 However, it clearly is by the same
71⁄16 in. (17.9 cm). Kupferstich- hand and belongs to the same series as a slightly sketch-
Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen ier drawing in Amsterdam, which bears Frank’s mono-
Dresden (c 1944-36)
gram and depicts a personification of Prudence (fig. 1).7

cat. 83
A third, unpublished drawing of identical style, subject,

and size is in Dresden (fig. 2).8 The Virtue in the Muse-
um’s drawing, though identified at one point as Chas-
tity, in fact represents Vigilance, as indicated by the
cat. 84
presence of the stork (a second one is seen guarding its
nest on the rooftop in the background).9 The women in
these three images, with their small heads and distinc-
tive dresses, compare well with the daughters of Lot in but was recently recognized by Tilman Falk as a work by
another round drawing, with Frank’s monogram, in Frank.14 Closer in technique—and of comparably gen-
Munich.10 Because these three sheets are more decora- erous size—is a chalk drawing of Diana and her com-
tive in style than those in the Stammbuchblatt of 1650, panions resting from the hunt.15
and certainly more decorative than the etchings and Regarding the purpose of the Museum’s drawings, it
drawings in the sharper style, it is likely that they are should be remembered that several of Frank’s round
relatively early works by Frank.11 drawings, including the one in Amsterdam, have been
The second drawing by Frank to be acquired by the connected with goldsmith work.16 The possibility that
Museum, which was first attributed to the artist by Til- Frank provided designs to goldsmiths is also evident
man Falk, is also characteristic of his rounded style.12 from a drawing of a friezelike procession that is here
The oval form and the features of the horses compare attributed to Frank on stylistic grounds (fig. 3).17 This
well with a sheet dated 1645 in Dresden.13 Both of the composition was clearly meant to decorate a cylindrical
Museum’s drawings share similarly drawn drapery object, since the ends of the two trumpets held by the
folds heightened by fine lines in white gouache; the man at left appear on the right-hand side of the draw-
women’s small heads, pretty feminine hairdos, chins, ing. Moreover, several of Frank’s round drawings bear
pronounced noses, heavy eyelids, and elegant hands; the monogram—sometimes in addition to his own—of
the nervous outline of the clouds; the lightly indicated the Augsburg goldsmith Philipp Jakob Drentwett I.18
mountains in the background; and the ornamental flow Because Drentwett died in 1652, this provides yet
of the ribbons and horses’ tails. The figure of Neptune, another argument for situating these drawings rather
the hippocampi pulling the sea god’s shell boat (which early in Frank’s career.
he shares with his spouse, Amphitrite), and Neptune’s This attempt at a chronology of Frank’s drawings
trident are almost identical to those in a chalk drawing raises the question whether Schönfeld’s influence
in Vienna, which bears an old attribution to Schönfeld should be reconsidered. Schönfeld, who spent the years

Fig. 3. Hans Ulrich Frank, A Procession of Virtues and Vices, ca. 1620–40 (?). Pen and black ink, gray wash, over Fig. 4. Johann Heinrich Schönfeld, The Rape of Proserpina, ca. 1640–42.
black chalk, heightened with white chalk, on gray paper, 87⁄16 × 16⅛ in. (21.4 × 41 cm). Location unknown Oil on canvas, 18½ × 21¼ in. (47 × 54 cm). Deutsche Barockgalerie,
Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsammlungen und Museen Augsburg (12079)
between 1633 and 1651 in Italy, was in fact Frank’s no. 211, fig. 152; Biedermann in Augsburg 1987, no. 12, ill.). For the
difficulty in establishing a chronology of Frank’s drawings, see Falk
junior by some fifteen years. As noted earlier, connec- 1994, pp. 120–21.
tions between the two artists’ works can be made even 5. To the chalk drawings discussed in Falk 1994 can be added a sheet
before Schönfeld settled in Augsburg. Another example in the Hamburger Kunsthalle, inv. 22968 (Prange 2007, vol. 1,
is true of a painting by him dated to the early 1640s no. 323, vol. 2, ill. [as attributed to Frank]).
(fig. 4).19 A comparison of the dynamic span of horses, 6. Both former attributions are recorded in Christie’s 1999, p. 73,
lot 476. A previous attribution to a member of the Sadeler family
the background landscape, and the decoratively flutter- of Netherlandish artists is recorded in a modern inscription on the
ing drapery in that painting with those in the Museum’s verso of the drawing.
Neptune and Amphitrite is especially striking. Could it be 7. A. W. F. M. Meij in Rotterdam 1974, no. s 25, ill. The drawings, and
that Schönfeld knew of Frank’s composition before he the one in Dresden reproduced in fig. 2, must share the same prov-
enance, as they were laid down on identical mounts (as reproduced
left for Italy and was inspired by the older artist when here). For the monogram, see G. K. Nagler 1858–79, vol. 3 (1863),
working on this painting? However that may be, it is no. 1640. It a ppears in the same form on some of Frank’s prints
probably wise to bear in mind Falk’s remark that “one (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 8 [1968], pp. 171, 173, nos. 12, 16, ill.),
and on drawings in the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München,
should be cautious not to judge Frank, on the basis of inv. 1963:412 z (Biedermann in Augsburg 1968, no. 213, fig. 151), and
his rare extant works, as all too indebted to his more in the Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. 1944.90 (Tilman Falk in Basel 1973,
famous contemporary Schönfeld.”20 sa no. 3, ill.). The figure closely corresponds to the personification of
Prudence in Ripa 1603, p. 416.
8. The figure closely corresponds to the personification of Fidelity in
1. For Frank’s etchings, see Hämmerle 1923; Hollstein, German, Ripa 1603, p. 153.
1954–, vol. 8 (1968), pp. 164–79, nos. 1–29; Rowlands 1968, p. 542, 9. Compare ibid., p. 502. The figure was correctly identified in Chris-
fig. 74; Knauer 1997. tie’s 1999 (p. 73, lot 476) but later considered to represent Chastity
2. The print model is in the Grafische Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais, (in Brady and T. Williams 2000, no. 16).
Kunstsammlungen und Museen Augsburg, inv. g.4959-74 (Rolf 10. See note 7 above.
Biedermann in Augsburg 1968, no. 214; Biedermann in Augsburg
1987, no. 14, ill.; Falk 1994, p. 112, fig. 1); for the related print, see 11. Another argument in favor of this early dating can be seen in
Biedermann in Augsburg 1968, no. 219, fig. 153; Hollstein, German, a comparison between the body type and features of the female
1954–, vol. 8 (1968), p. 164, no. 1, ill.; Biedermann in Augsburg figures and those in prints after designs by Hendrick Goltzius of the
1987, p. 38, ill. The signed drawing is recorded in a private collection late 1590s—for instance, a series of divine couples engraved by Jan
(Biedermann in Augsburg 1968, no. 215, fig. 150; John Rowlands in Saenredam (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 23 [1980],
London, Washington, and Nuremberg 1984, no. 66, ill.). pp. 45–46, nos. 57–59, ill.). The breast-baring dresses seen in the
Metropolitan and Dresden drawings are also common in Nether-
3. As suggested, for instance, in Augsburg 1968, p. 105. For Schön- landish prints of the period (see, for instance, Hollstein, Dutch and
feld, see Friedrichshafen and Stuttgart 2009–10. Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 23 [1980], pp. 18, 47, 48, 53, 58, nos. 17, 60,
4. Grafische Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsammlungen und 62, 69, 75).
Museen Augsburg, inv. g.7553 (Biedermann in Augsburg 1968,

12. Tilman Falk to George Goldner, March 28, 2002, and May 16, Georg Vischer
2002 (letters preserved in the Museum’s departmental files). Until at
Riedlingen, ca. 1595 (?)–ca. 1637, Munich (?)
least 1919, it was attributed to the late sixteenth-century Munich art-
ist Christoph Schwarz; when sold in 2001, it went under the name of
Matthäus Gundelach (see Provenance). Nothing is known of Georg Vischer’s early training,
13. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, but a signed and dated drawing after Bartholomeus
inv. c 2328 (Muchall-Viebrook 1925, pp. 35, 52, ill. p. 33).
Spranger in the École des Beaux-Arts, Paris, records
14. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 23496 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 654,
vol. 2, pl. 184 [as by Schönfeld]; Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg 1968,
that Vischer was working in Munich by 1613. He
no. 342, fig. 167 [as by Schönfeld]; Falk 1994, pp. 118–20, fig. 6). became a master in Munich in 1621 and shortly there-
15. Private collection (Falk 1994, p. 120, fig. 7). after worked as court painter to Elector Maximilian I
16. For the suggestion that Frank’s drawings were made as models of Bavaria. Vischer played an important role in the so-
for decorative objects, see Biedermann and Hannelore Müller in called Dürer Renaissance—a movement in the later
Augsburg 1968, p. 182, under nos. 213, 214, p. 280; Biedermann
and Hannelore Müller in Augsburg 1987, p. 36, no. 13; Falk 1994,
sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries that sought
pp. 111–12. to both preserve and catalogue the works of the great
17. Formerly in the sale Galerie Gerda Bassenge, Berlin, Novem- German master and to create new works that paid hom-
ber 29, 2008, lot 6173 (as by Erasmus Quellinus; illustrated in the age to his style (see also cats. 59 and 60). His paintings
catalogue).
also demonstrate his interest in Italian art, especially in
18. See the allegories of Autumn and Summer in Basel (mentioned
in note 7 above) and in the Grafische Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais,
the Baroque style of Caravaggio.
Kunstsammlungen und Museen Augsburg, inv. g.1991-12 (T. Williams
and Riester 1991, no. 15, ill.). For the identification of the monogram General literature: Gisela Goldberg and Barbara Heine in Munich
as Drentwett’s, see Falk in Basel 1973, pp. 8–9, under nos. 3, 4; Falk 1971, pp. 14, 15, 18–21; Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1,
1994, p. 112. For Drentwett, see also Däubler 2001, pp. 378–79. pp. 160–61; Goldberg 1980
A monogram SM, which has also been thought to be that of a
goldsmith, is found on two chalk drawings by Frank, one in a private
collection and one in the Kunstmuseum Basel, inv. Bi. 381.28 (Falk in
Basel 1973, no. 4, ill.; Falk 1994, pp. 114, 116, figs. 2, 3). An Augsburg 85 | Georg Vischer
goldsmith known as the Monogrammist S. M. was active mainly af- Christ Presented to the People, ca. 1630
ter Frank’s death (Hannelore Müller in Augsburg 1968, pp. 342–44)
but may have been related to the one working with him.
Pen and brown ink, brown ink washes, lead white heightening,
19. Pée 1971, no. 36, fig. 39; Michaud 2006, no. a 44, fig. 52; Stefanie
black chalk underdrawing, squared for transfer in red chalk, on
Müller in Augsburg 2010, no. 4, ill. Similar horses, falling from the
sky with Phaeton, can be seen in another painting from Schönfeld’s paper prepared with a transparent brown wash, 111⁄16 × 8¾ in.
Italian years, now at the Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica di Palazzo (28.1 × 22.2 cm)
Barberini, Rome, inv. 4220 (Pée 1971, no. 13, fig. 15; Michaud 2006, Carl Selden Trust, 1999 (1999.309)
no. a 18, pl. iii, fig. 20). Watermark: none
20. Falk 1994, p. 121: “Man sollte sich hüten, Franck—auf Grund
der spärlichen Überlieferung seines Werks—dem berühmteren
Zeitgenossen Schönfeld gegenüber als allzu untergeordnet zu Heinrich Geissler recognized this as a work by Vischer
beurteilen.”
in his fundamental survey of German drawings. He
cat. 83
came to this conclusion about the unsigned drawing
Provenance: Sale, Christie’s, Amsterdam, November 10, 1999, based on his observation that the work combined a
lot 476; [Thomas Williams Fine Art, London]; purchased by the Düreresque composition with the Baroque sensibility
found in the works of Rubens and Caravaggio.1 Under
Literature: Christie’s 1999, lot 476, ill. (as by an artist in the circle of Maximilian I’s patronage, Vischer executed paintings
Lucas Kilian); Brady and T. Williams 2000, no. 16, ill.
for the elector’s gallery that combine these two
cat. 84 approaches, including three scenes from the Life of
Provenance: Giuseppe (or Gustavo?) Chiantorre (b. 1870), Turin; his
sale, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, May 12, 1919, lot 106; sale, Tajan, Paris, Christ now in the Bayerische Staatsgemäldesamm
November 23, 2001, lot 70; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, lungen, Munich.2
Munich]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, Though an original composition, Vischer’s Christ
2002
Presented to the People also recalls painted and printed
Literature: Drouot 1919, lot 106 (as by Christoph Schwarz); Tajan
2001, lot 70, ill. (as by Matthäus Gundelach)
sources that may have suited the taste of his patron,
using what Gisela Goldberg calls a “mosaic of quota-
tions.”3 The figure of Pilate at the right in Christ Presented
to the People relies on Dürer’s seated monarch in The
Martyrdom of John the Evangelist (ca. 1496/97), from

chalk, this finished drawing was preparatory for a work
in another medium, probably a painting or a plaquette.9
A very comparable silver and gilt relief of approximately
the same size, executed by an anonymous South Ger-
man (perhaps Augsburg) sculptor, has been in the
Museum’s collection for almost forty years (fig. 2).10 The
relief differs somewhat in the background and perhaps
most noticeably in the gilded elements—Christ’s reed
“scepter” and crown of thorns—which are completely
absent from the drawing and serve to emphasize
Christ’s suffering.11 There is a comparable ivory relief in
the Louvre (fig. 3),12 attributed to the late seventeenth-
century Ulm artist Johann Christian Braun, with an
uncrowned Christ holding a cattail, as well as three
known painted copies, one of which is attributed to
Hendrick Bloemaert.13 fs
1. Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 160. The only securely at-

Fig. 1. Raphael Sadeler, after Jacopo tributed drawing is the signed and dated Fame in the École Nationale
Ligozzi, Christ Presented to the People, 1598. Supérieure des Beaux-Arts, Paris, inv. Mas. 151, which is mentioned
Engraving, 9¾ × 7⅝ in. (24.7 × 19.3 cm). by Geissler (in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, p. 160). Other drawings
British Museum, London (x-1-109) have been noted by Geissler and are available in the Heinrich
Geissler Papers, ca. 1927–90, housed in the Getty Research Institute,
Los Angeles, acc. 2001.m.9, but none is securely attributed. These
include: Esther and Ahasuerus, Städelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt,
Fig. 2. Anonymous (Augsburg), after Georg Vischer, Christ inv. 15689; two drawings in the Szépművészeti Múzeum, Budapest;
Presented to the People, after 1630. Silver relief; rosewood and and a drawing in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. I have been
ebony frame with silver and gilt-silver details, relief: 7½ × unable to identify which drawings Geissler was referring to in these
6⅝ in. (19.1 × 16.8 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, cases. Hans-Martin Kaulbach has recently attributed the drawing
New York, Ann and George Blumenthal Fund, 1973 (1973.286) Ecce Homo (Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, inv. c 166) to Vischer, which
Geissler also noted as perhaps by the artist; however, this attribution
does not seem correct (Kaulbach 2007, no. 687, ill.).
The Apocalypse.4 Dürer’s ruler presides over the scene 2. The Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Munich, houses three
wearing ermine-lined robes and a double chain-link paintings by Vischer: The Capture of Christ (1633), Christ and the Adulter
necklace with a brooch at the center; he holds a scepter ess (1637), and Christ Carrying the Cross (inv. 17, 1411, and 635, respec-
tively). The fourth, thought to be a collaborative effort between Jan
in one hand while gesturing to the saint with the other. van Hemessen and Vischer, The Calling of Saint Matthew, is in the Alte
The arrangement of Vischer’s Pilate and Christ also Pinakothek, Munich, inv. 11. All four of these paintings are included
recalls Dürer’s Ecce Homo (1512), from the Engraved by Gisela Goldberg and Barbara Heine in Munich 1971, nos. 7, 17, 18,
19, ill.; for a more in-depth discussion, see Goldberg 1980.
Passion: Christ wears an almost identical cape that falls
3. Goldberg 1980, p. 144.
from his right shoulder, and he is held up on the left by
4. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 7 (1962), no. 164, ill. For dating
Pilate, who holds a scepter (simplified from the one in and further explanation, see Peter Krüger in Schoch, Mende, and
The Martyrdom of John the Evangelist) in the same hand.5 Scherbaum 2001–4, vol. 2 (2002), no. 112, ill.
The beautiful face and body of Christ in the Museum’s 5. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 7 (1962), no. 10, ill. A simpli-
drawing—seemingly untouched by the instruments of fied version of this arrangement is also seen in Dürer’s Ecce Homo
(ca. 1509) from the Small Passion, which places the figures behind a
the Passion that lie before him—recall Dürer’s drawing parapet, just below Christ’s groin (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 7
Man of Sorrows (1522), which shows a similarly [1962], no. 144, ill.).
unmarked Christ holding the scourge and birch whip.6 6. Formerly Kunsthalle Bremen, inv. kl. 30, lost in World War II
In addition to Dürer (Vischer’s greatest influence), the (F. Winkler 1936–39, vol. 4 [1939], no. 886, ill.; Strauss 1974, vol. 4,
no. 1522/8, ill.).
composition and figures in Christ Presented to the People
7. Sadeler’s print (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 21
also relate to Italian painted examples by Correggio, [1980], p. 187, no. 26, ill.) after Ligozzi’s Ecce Homo is in the col-
Jacopo Ligozzi, and Ludovico Cigoli, as well as prints lection of Stonyhurst College, England (inv. 48). Although not
after their notable works (fig. 1).7 specific sources for Vischer, these Italian paintings have a similar
composition and demonstrate the prevalence of this subject during
Vischer’s Christ Presented to the People also inspired a this period. See also Correggio’s Ecce Homo (ca. 1525–30) in the
number of its own variants.8 Squared for transfer in red National Gallery, London, inv. ng15. There are also several prints

Fig. 3. Attributed to Johann Christian
Braun, after Georg Vischer, Christ
Presented to the People, after 1630. Ivory
relief, 10⅝ × 713⁄16 in. (27 × 19.9 cm).
Musée du Louvre, Paris (oa 2303)
cat. 85
after Correggio’s painting, most notably a 1587 engraved copy in 8. There is another group of images of Christ Presented to the People
reverse after the painting by Agostino Carracci (Illustrated Bartsch that come out of Munich from the same period, which are similar
1978–, vol. 39 [1980], p. 69, no. 20, ill.); and one by Cornelis Galle to but not the same as the Vischer composition. For a listing of the
I (seemingly unrecorded; an impression is in the British Museum, references, see Kaulbach 2007, p. 331, under no. 687. There is also
London, inv. 1837-4-8-85). Cigoli’s painting (1607) is in the Palazzo a group of paintings on the subject not mentioned by Kaulbach
Pitti, Florence, inv. 1912-90.

that are directly related to the Dürer Renaissance. For more on this 86 | Johann Isaak Ehe
group, see Walicki 1963.
Design for a Chandelier with Sixteen Candles, 1632
9. Philippe Malgouyres (2010, p. 108) notes that the Stuttgart draw-
ing (see note 1) is squared as well; however, this is incorrect. The
author does not mention the Museum’s drawing. Watercolor, metallic paint and gum, over black chalk, on vellum
10. For more on this work, see James David Draper in Metropolitan prepared with calcite, 11⅞ × 101⁄16 in. (30.1 × 25.6 cm)
Museum of Art 1975, p. 246. Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1953 (53.600.32)
11. The frame with angels bearing instruments of the Passion and the At lower center, inscribed Schuh (foot) in a mixed gummed car-
arms of Pope Alexander VII (r. 1655–67) at the bottom was added at a bon and iron gall ink; beneath, inscribed Dieser hangente Leuchter
later date (probably in Utrecht). Affixed to the back of the frame is a ist von Meister Isaac Ehe Trompetten macher in Nurnberg / A°1632.
letter written in a seventeenth-century hand, stating that Alexan- also gefertigt worden (This hanging chandelier was made in this
der conferred an indulgence on the relief (Draper in Metropolitan manner by Master Isaac Ehe trumpet maker in Nuremberg in
Museum of Art 1975, p. 246).
1632) in pen and black ink, by the artist
12. Malgouyres 2010, no. 77, ill. The ivory relief must be considerably
later, as Braun’s dates are 1654–1738.
13. Notably, all of the painted variants have been attributed to
Flemish or Netherlandish artists. The one attributed to Bloemaert This drawing is the only one known by the renowned
dates to the 1630s and is housed in the Archbishop’s Palace, Utrecht instrument maker Johann Isaak Ehe, and it casts a new
(Roethlisberger 1993, vol. 1, no. h52, fig. h55). The other painted
variant was attributed to the “School of Flanders, ca. 1580” in the
light on his artistic production. As a member of the
sale at Hôtel Drouot, Paris, March 30, 1998, lot 32 (illustrated in the Handwerk guild (founded 1625), Ehe presumably
catalogue), but this dating and attribution are untenable. The current inscribed this work with his full name, position, and
location of that work is unknown. A new variant has just surfaced on
the art market at the Galerie Mendes, Paris, in 2011. The large-scale
primary profession.1 A bass trombone dated 1612 in the
painting is attributed to Artus Wolfordt, an Antwerp painter, and is Germanisches Nationalmuseum (fig. 1) is more simply
dated ca. 1630 (Ludovic Demathieu in Mendes 2011, pp. 12–14, ill.). signed, “I, Isaac Ehe from Nuremberg, made this.”2
Whether Ehe made the Museum’s drawing to celebrate
Provenance: Sale, Galerie Gerda Bassenge, Berlin, November 1–6,
1976, lot 236; Anton Schmid (1904–1991), Vienna; private collec-
his craftsmanship or another draftsman composed it
tion, Vienna; purchased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, after the remarkable object remains unknown.
1999 The finely wrought chandelier is built up through
Literature: Bassenge 1976, lot 236, ill.; Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart layers of opaque watercolor over a precise preliminary
1979–80, vol. 1, no. d 28, ill.; Kaulbach 2007, p. 331, n.6, under sketch. The chandelier could have been made in either
no. 687
brass or carved wood with gilt and would have spanned
an impressive four feet, based on the Nuremberg Schuh
(or Fuß) marker indicated below the chandelier.3 The
Johann Isa ak Ehe complex and beautiful geometric embellishments on
Nuremberg, 1586–1632, Nuremberg the arms of the chandelier, which would reflect and
amplify the light from the candles, stem from ideas
Johann Isaak represents the first generation of the pres- about perspective that emerged in Nuremberg during
tigious Ehe family of trumpet makers, who would be the second half of the sixteenth century (compare
active in Nuremberg for five generations. Johann Isaak cats. 30a–e). In the Perspectiva corporum regularium
may have been apprenticed to Jobst Schnitzer, and he (The perspective of regular solids; Nuremberg, 1568),
became a master in 1607. Extant instruments by Isaak the goldsmith Wenzel Jamnitzer explores the shape
are rare, but a few exceptional examples still exist. His
works were highly prized in their own time. Although
there is some dispute about attribution, Ehe is credited
with producing twenty trumpets for Holy Roman
Emperor Matthias in 1612 and thirty-six silver trum-
pets for the elector of Brandenburg in 1619.
General literature: Wörthmüller 1954, pp. 215–19; Wörthmüller 1955,

pp. 405–8; Waterhouse 1993, pp. 101–2
Fig. 1. Johann Isaak Ehe, A Trombone, 1612. Brass. Germanisches National-

museum, Nuremberg (m168)

Fig. 2. Jost Amman, after Wenzel Jamnitzer, Two Complex Poly
hedrons, from Perspectiva corporum regularium, Nuremberg, 1568,
plate f.iiii. Engraving, 71⁄16 × 101⁄4 in. (17.9 × 26.1 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Harris Brisbane
Dick Fund, 1924 (24.45.1)
and variations of five regular solids.4 The title page of 1. I want to thank Herbert Heyde, associate curator in the Depart-
ment of Musical Instruments at The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Perspectiva states that Jamnitzer based his variations for his assistance with finding information on the Ehe family and for
on Plato’s Timaeus and Euclid’s Elements, which associ- sharing his knowledge of instrument making in Nuremberg during
ated the tetrahedron with fire, the octahedron with this period.
air, the hexahedron with earth, the icosahedron with 2. Van der Meer 1979, pp. 93–94; Hauschke 2011. The original signa-
ture reads: macht ich isac ehe nurmbe.
water, and the dodecahedron with heaven. Ehe’s geo-
3. A Nuremberg Schuh (or Fuß) was 30.379 cm—almost as long as a
metric elements are most similar to the complex modern foot, or 30.48 cm (www.stadtarchiv.nuernberg.de; accessed
polyhedron that demonstrates a seemingly endless November 20, 2011).
penetration of forms (“ohne Endt,” or without end), 4. Other near-contemporary publications regarding perspective
just as Jamnitzer anticipates in his preface (fig. 2).5 fs include the Perspectiva corporum regularium (Nuremberg, 1571) by
goldsmith Hans Lencker; and Architectura Kunst Buch (Strasbourg,
1598) by cabinetmaker Hans Jakob Ebelmann (see cat. 78) and

Jacob Guckeisen (Irmscher 1999, p. 111, no. i.1). These two works 87 | Francis Cleyn
are heavily dependent on Jamnitzer. I would like to thank Wolfram
Koeppe, curator in the Museum’s Department of European Pyrrhus Killing Priam during the Sack of Troy, 1654
Sculpture and Decorative Arts, for pointing out carved ivory objects or slightly earlier
from the late sixteenth century that imitate Jamnitzer’s geometric
variations (Jutta Kappel in Hamburg, New York, and Rome 2004–5,
Brush and gray ink washes, black chalk, incised for transfer;
nos. 87, 88, ill.).
verso: stumped red chalk, 107⁄16 × 7¾ in. (26.5 × 19.7 cm)
5. Klaus Pechstein in Nuremberg 1985, no. 757, ill.; National Gallery Ian Woodner Family Collection Fund, 2002 (2002.484)
of Art 1998, no. 45, ill.; Seelig 2002–3, vol. 2 (2002), no. 44.35, ill.
Framing line in black chalk, by the artist
Provenance: Princes of Liechtenstein, Vaduz and Vienna; [P. & D. Watermark: countermark (?)
Colnaghi & Co., London]; purchased by the Department of Prints,
1953
Literature: Kaufmann 1985, p. 81 (as by Isaac Echs)
In the last years of his life, after having worked for
nearly two decades as the principal tapestry designer
at the Mortlake Manufactory, near London, Francis
Fr ancis Cleyn Cleyn seems to have devoted himself mainly to the
Rostock, 1582–1658, London illustration of books published by the polymath John
Ogilby.1 In 1649 Ogilby published his first translation,
The son of a goldsmith in northern Germany, Francis an unillustrated octavo of Virgil’s works.2 Two years
Cleyn (born Frantz Clein) left his home country rela- later, he published The Fables of Aesop, Paraphras’d in
tively early, pursuing a varied and ultimately successful Verse, and Adorn’d with Sculpture, the “sculpture” being a
career in several countries in Europe. He may have been generous number of prints, at least some of which were
partially trained in the Netherlands and seems to have after designs by Cleyn.3 Cleyn had already illustrated
been in Denmark about 1611. In the middle of the 1610s an English translation of Ovid’s Metamorphoses, which
he was in Rome and Venice, and his experience of six- was published in 1632,4 but Ogilby’s Aesop was the start
teenth-century Italian art would influence Cleyn’s style of Cleyn’s intensified involvement with the illustration
throughout his life. He moved to Copenhagen, where of books, which continued until the artist’s death in
he worked for King Christian IV from 1619 until 1623, 1658. In 1654 Ogilby published a revised and illustrated
before being called by King James I to England, where edition of his Virgil—a sumptuous folio for which
he settled in 1625. Highly regarded, Cleyn became head Cleyn provided most of the designs: The Works of Publius
designer of the tapestry manufactory at Mortlake (then Virgilius Maro, Translated, Adorn’d with Sculpture, and
to the southwest of London but now part of the city). In Illustrated with Annotations. This book was followed in
the 1630s he designed several tapestry series and 1658 by a Latin edition of the text, for which the illus-
adapted existing ones by Raphael, while continuing to trations were reused; it was Ogilby’s first collaboration
work as a painter as well as a book illustrator and print- with the London publisher Thomas Roycroft.5 Ogilby
maker. He influenced contemporary British art with his and Roycroft went on to publish two more luxurious
Italian-inspired, imaginative designs; his style was per- folios: Homer’s Iliad in 1660, and the Odyssey in 1665.6
petuated by his many pupils and students, including One illustration designed by Cleyn for the Iliad is dated
three of his children. 1656; he was probably prevented from finishing the
project only by his death, two years before the book
General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 2, came out.7
pp. 144–45; D. B. Brown 1996; D. B. Brown 1998; Wendy Hefford in
New York and Madrid 2007–8, pp. 172–201; Howarth 2011 The Museum’s drawing served as the model for an
illustration engraved by Pierre Lombard, first used for
the 1654 illustrated Virgil (fig. 1).8 (The other main
printmaker involved in the project, as well as in the two
Homer editions, was the etcher Wenzel Hollar.)9 The
Latin inscription beneath the print quotes from Virgil’s
poem and dedicates the print to a John Stone of Stewk-
ley, whose coat of arms is also depicted; in the Latin
edition of 1658, this dedication was changed to one to
John Egerton, second Earl of Bridgewater. A clever

s ubscription system, which allowed members of Eng- Lombard’s print, the attribution is confirmed by com-
land’s prominent families to “buy” an illustration, parison with other drawings by Cleyn that do relate to
allowed Ogilby and Roycroft to offset the financial signed prints for the same project, including three
risks involved in such a lavish publication.10 Although sheets in London.11 In Cleyn’s technique for these
the name of the print’s designer does not appear in designs, the brushwork dominates the chalk drawing

Fig. 1. Pierre Lombard, after Francis Cleyn, Pyrrhus Killing Priam during the Sack of Troy, from The Works of Publius Virgilius Maro, translated by
John Ogilby, London, 1654, opposite p. 219. Engraving, 103⁄16 × 711⁄16 in. (25.8 × 19.5 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1917 (7.3.2641[1])
with which he first outlined the composition. This dis- skies, an ancient laurel bending over the shrine.”13
tinguishes them from the drawings from his Danish Pyrrhus pursues Priam’s son Polites and, having
period, when he appears to have relied mainly on pen.12 arrived in the courtyard, kills him; Polites is the figure
His more painterly English drawings allowed for seen in somewhat awkward foreshortening in the
sophisticated modeling, competently translated into foreground. Enraged, Priam tries to avenge this
the medium of print by Lombard and Hollar; Cleyn’s death, but in vain: Pyrrhus (in Ogilby’s translation):
imaginative compositions make them among the best . . . dragging him, convey’d
illustrations produced in England at the time. Trembling to th’Altars; then his Hair he wreaths
The Museum’s drawing and the print related to it In his Left Hand, his Right his Sword unsheaths
depict a climactic moment during the Trojan War, Which to the Hilts he buries in his side.
So finish’d Priam’s Fates, and thus he dy’d,
described by Virgil in book two of the Aeneid (verses Seeing Troy burn . . .14
469–558). At the height of the sack of Troy, Pyrrhus
(son of the Greek hero Achilles) has entered the palace Despite the complexity of the scene he had to illustrate,
of his enemy, King Priam. The latter’s wife and daugh- and without many visual precedents, Cleyn invented an
ters have sought refuge in a courtyard of the burning admirably clear composition that does justice to all the
palace, where “an ample altar stood, naked under the details of Virgil’s poem. sa

1. For the remarkable career, or rather careers, of Ogilby, see 10. For this subscription system, see Schuchard 1973, pp. 48–49,
Schuchard 1973; Van Eerde 1976; Withers 2004. 63–66.
2. The Works of Publius Virgilius Maro, London, 1649. Later unillus- 11. British Museum, London, inv. 1968-10-12-23, 1968-10-12-24,
trated editions came out in 1650 and 1665. 1968-10-12-25 (Christopher White in London and New Haven 1987,
3. Although only the title page is signed with Cleyn’s name, some no. 31, ill.); the prints after these drawings, signed with both Cleyn’s
of the prints can be attributed to him on the basis of a drawing and the printmaker’s name, are those opposite pp. 401, 465, and 481,
stylistically comparable with securely attributed drawings by Cleyn respectively, in the 1654 Virgil. The same collection owns a fourth
at the British Museum, London, inv. 1970-10-31-3; the drawing drawing by Cleyn for the same book, inv. 1968-10-12-22 (the print is
is the model for the plate opposite p. 11 in Ogilby’s book. See also opposite p. 351). Two more are in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford,
Schuchard 1973, p. 49. inv. wa1863.1002, wa1863.1003 (D. B. Brown 1982, nos. 105, 106,
pls. 63, 64; the prints are opposite pp. 205 and 337). One other is
4. Ovid’s Metamorphosis Englished, Mythologiz’d, and Represented in in the Yale Center for British Art, New Haven, inv. b1977.14.5222
Figures. An Essay to the Translation of Virgil’s Aeneis, translated by (White in London and New Haven 1987, no. 30, ill.; the print is op-
George Sandys, Oxford, 1632. posite p. 269).
5. Publii Virgilii Maronis Opera, London, 1658. A English octavo edi- 12. Compare the group of drawings at the Statens Museum for
tion appeared in London in 1675 (The Works of Publius Virgilius Maro: Kunst, Copenhagen (see Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80,
Translated, Adorned with Sculptures, and Illustrated with Annotations) vol. 2, no. n 30, ill.). For drawings in black chalk only, see an example
with crude engraved copies of some of the engravings (not the one depicting the sacrifice of Marcus Curtius in the National Gallery of
made after the Museum’s drawing); these were reused in another Art, Washington, D.C., acc. 1984.45.1; and one of unknown location
London edition published in 1684 (The Works of Publius Virgilius published in Boerner 1982b, no. 11, ill.
Maro).
13. Virgil 1934 (ed.), p. 328: “aedibus in mediis nudoque sub aethereis
6. Homer His Illiads, Translated, Adorn’d with Sculpture, and Illustrated axe / ingens ara fuit iuxtaque veterrima laurus, / incumbens arae
with Annotations, London, 1660; and Homer His Odysses, Translated, atque umbra complexa Penatis”; the translation by Ogilby is quoted
Adorn’d with Sculpture, and Illustrated with Annotations, London, 1665. from the 1654 edition, pp. 217, 219.
Second editions of both books came out in 1669.
14. Virgil 1934 (ed.), p. 330: “. . . altaria ad ipsa trementem / traxit
7. For Hollar’s print after Cleyn, dated 1654, see S. Turner 2009–, et in multo lapsantem sanguine nati, / implicuitque comam laeva,
vol. 6 (2011), no. 1748, ill. After Cleyn’s death, Ogilby must have dextraque coruscum / extulit ac lateri capulo tenus abdidit ensem. /
approached a gifted follower of Peter Paul Rubens, the Fleming haec finis Priami fatorum; hic exitus illum / sorte tulit, Troiam
Abraham van Diepenbeeck, who had proven himself to be an incensam . . . videntem”; Ogilby’s translation is quoted from the
exceptional illustrator, having worked on one of the most beautiful 1654 Virgil, pp. 218–19.
illustrated books of the seventeenth century (Michel de Marolles,
Tableaux du temple des Muses tirez du cabinet de feu Mr Favreau . . . ,
Paris, 1655; for van Diepenbeeck’s illustrations for Ogilby, see Provenance: Sale, Christie’s, Paris, March 21, 2002, lot 196; [Lutz
Steadman 1982, pp. 12–15). For the Odyssey, van Diepenbeeck was Riester, Freiburg]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and
the main if not the only designer of the illustrations. Prints, 2002
8. In the Latin edition of 1658 (see note 5 above), the print appears Literature: Christie’s 2002b, lot 196, ill.
opposite p. 161.
9. For Hollar’s prints for Ogilby’s Virgil and Iliad, see S. Turner
2009–, vol. 5 (2011), nos. 1340–99, vol. 6 (2011), nos. 1744–51, ill.

Artists Born after 1600
Nicol aus Knüpfer

Leipzig, ca. 1609–1655, Utrecht
More commonly considered a Dutch artist (with his

name spelled without the umlaut), Nicolaus Knüpfer
was born in eastern Germany and was trained there,
by a possibly Netherlandish artist. He left his home
country about 1630 to work with Abraham Bloemaert
in one of the North’s most thriving artistic centers, the
Dutch city of Utrecht, southeast of Amsterdam, where
he is first documented in 1637. Knüpfer developed
such a refined painting style that his work is some-
times confused with that of Holland’s most celebrated
seventeenth-century painters, such as the considerably
younger Gabriel Metsu, who may have been influenced,
and even taught, by him. Knüpfer appears to have spent
time during the 1640s in The Hague; there he may have Fig. 2. Nicolaus Knüpfer, Interior with Venus and Cupid, ca. 1630–40. Oil
met Jan Steen, whose work at times is also reminiscent on panel, 11⅛ × 11¾ in. (28.2 × 29.8 cm). Private collection, New York
of Knüpfer’s. By 1647 Knüpfer is again recorded in
Utrecht. Rediscovered as an exceptional artist only brothel scene in Amsterdam.2 It was previously thought
recently, he created work of very high quality that to represent the Prodigal Son squandering his inheri-
engages both by its technique and by its often original tance, but recent scholarly debate has centered on the
subject matter. possibility that the artist took this scene of promiscuity
from a less obvious source.3 The Museum’s drawing and
General literature: Saxton 2005b; Saxton 2006 two paintings related to it are equally likely to raise eye-
brows—and not just those of students of iconography.
88 | Nicolaus Knüpfer The luscious nude of the Museum’s drawing is nearly
Interior with Venus Reclining and Cupid Urinating; identical to the one in a signed painting by Knüpfer in
verso: Two Studies of the Head of a Woman, ca. 1630–40 Oldenburg (fig. 1).4 It has been proposed that Knüpfer
based that figure on a composition by Abraham Bloe-
Pen and mixed iron gall ink and carbon black ink, brown ink maert (his teacher in the 1630s), recorded in an engrav-
washes, lead white heightening, traces of black chalk under- ing dated 1610.5 The large parasol in the background of
drawing, on paper prepared with brown iron gall ink wash; both the drawing and the painting, a somewhat incon-
verso: pen and dark brown ink, 15 × 12¼ in. (38.1 × 31.1 cm) gruous attribute for an indoor scene, is of identical
Ian Woodner Family Collection Fund, 1999 (1999.151)
type. And in both works, the woman is accompanied by
Framing line in pen and brown ink, probably by a later hand; a winged boy, leaving little doubt that they represent
framing line in pen and brown ink around the cut out and later
Fig. 1. Nicolaus Knüpfer, Interior with Venus
reinserted piece at lower left, by a later hand. Verso, on a piece of
Cupid and his resting mother, Venus. The back of the
and Cupid, ca. 1630–40. Oil on panel,
paper at lower right used to reinforce the paper behind the cut drawing, when turned forty-five degrees, reveals two
12⅜ × 159⁄16 in. (31.5 × 39.5 cm). Landes-
museum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte out and reinserted piece, some erased inscriptions in graphite studies of a woman with closed eyes. In the lower one,
Oldenburg (lmo 15691) (different 19th- or 20th-century handwriting) the woman’s quickly sketched hand takes approxi-
Watermark: house, snake on cross above1 mately the same position as that of the woman in the
painting, suggesting that the drawing was made in
Nicolaus Knüpfer’s taste for uncommon, “cheeky and preparation for, or at least preceded, that painting,
titillating” subjects is evident in a number of his works, which has been dated to the 1630s, within the first
including what is perhaps his most famous painting, a decade after the artist’s arrival in Holland. The sharp,
194
195
vivid drawing style evident on both sides of this sheet is 3. See Schoemaker 2004 (where the subject is identified as the mar-
riage of Messalina and Gaius Silius, told by Tacitus); Saxton 2005a.
entirely typical for Knüpfer.6 Bold washes model the
4. Saxton 2005b, no. 47, fig. 46.
scene effectively, but in the figure of Venus—the lumi-
5. For this engraving by Jacob Matham, see Roethlisberger 1993,
nous center of the composition—the artist limited vol. 1, no. 106, vol. 2, fig. 183; Widerkehr 2007–8, vol. 2 (2007),
himself to delicate brushstrokes with minimal white no. 188, ill. The connection was first suggested by Rüdiger Kless-
heightening to evoke the goddess’s soft curves. mann in Berlin 1966, p. 44. It may be no coincidence that the subject
of the print, Jupiter visiting Danaë in the guise of a golden shower,
Not composition but iconography relates the draw- has some connection with the iconography of the drawing and the
ing to another signed painting by Knüpfer (fig. 2).7 second painting discussed below.
Holding Cupid on her lap, Venus sits on a bed in a 6. Compare, among many other examples, a signed drawing in
graceful pose,8 reaching toward a chamber pot that she the Bogdan and Varvara Khanenko Museum of Arts, Kiev (Saxton
2005b, no. d 17, ill.); and a monogrammed one recorded in a private
has apparently just knocked over, spilling its contents collection (Saxton 2005b, no. d 23, ill.).
on the oriental rug. It is this detail that connects the 7. Saxton 2005b, no. 46, fig. 46; Kennedy 2010. The painting was
painting to the most eye-catching feature of the Muse- previously in the collection of Gustav Rau, Düsseldorf, and subse-
um’s drawing: the laughing Cupid, peeing while miss- quently in his sale, Sotheby’s, New York, July 9, 2008, lot 25.
ing the chamber pot. A former owner of the drawing 8. This pose of Venus has been related to that of a Venus by Lambert
Sustris, the sixteenth-century Netherlandish artist active in Venice,
must have objected to the little rascal’s inclusion, going now at the Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 1978 (Foucart 2009, p. 70,
so far as to cut out the lower left corner of the drawing. ill.).
Fortunately, the piece was preserved, and it was given 9. This intervention is already evident in the reproduction in Chris-
Two Studies of the Head of a Woman (verso of
its own framing line so the prudish intervention could tie’s 1977 (ill. p. 60); it is likely to have occurred in the eighteenth or
nineteenth century.
cat. 88, detail) be reversed at some later point.9
10. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 40 (1995), p. 16, no. 2, ill.; at least
Although this motif was not widely used, it does two Dutch copies after the etching exist (nos. 2a, 2b).
have precedents, including an etching by Joachim von 11. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, acc. 1986.138 (Christiansen
Sandrart the Elder, dated 1640, in which a standing 1986; Everett Fahy in Fahy 2005, no. 2, ill.; Andrea Bayer in New
Cupid urinates into a cup held up by an old woman.10 York and Fort Worth 2008–9, no. 148, ill.). For the iconography of
Venus in the company of a urinating Cupid, including examples by
The most famous example is arguably a painting by the Dutch seventeenth-century painters Pieter de Hooch and Eglon
Lorenzo Lotto, dated about 1526–30, in the Museum’s van der Neer, see Christiansen 1986; de Jongh 2006–7.
collection, in which Cupid urinates through a wreath 12. The leaves seen in the drawing are not ivy and a symbol of “conju-
held up by the reclining Venus.11 As in Lotto’s painting, gal fidelity” (as proposed in Saxton 2005b, p. 228), but grape leaves.
which was likely made as a marriage gift, Cupid’s behav-
Provenance: Sale, Christie’s, London, November 29, 1977, lot 144;
ior in the Museum’s drawing must be understood as a sale, Christie’s, London, December 17, 1998, lot 303; [Kunsthandel
symbol of intercourse and thus of fertility. The object Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Department of Draw-
on the stand next to Venus’s bed in the painting repro- ings and Prints, 1999
duced in fig. 2 appears to be a censer, in which myrtle is Literature: Christie’s 1977, lot 144, ill.; Christie’s 1998b, lot 303, ill.;
burnt—another symbol of love and fertility, also Saxton 2005b, pp. 91–92, 142, 223, no. d 19, ill.
included by Lotto. The basket of fruit and glass of wine
in the drawing may carry similar meanings.12 In the
Hans Friedrich Schorer the Elder
drawing, the putti emerging from smoke at upper right
Active Augsburg, ca. 1607–after 1654 (?)
remind the viewer that what he sees is myth, not reality.
But in the paintings, the scene seems to be entirely
The son of a painter and sculptor, Hans Friedrich
domestic (apart from Cupid’s wings); both works even
Schorer seems to have worked primarily as a draftsman.
include a maidservant in the background. It is one of
In 1616 he became a master in Augsburg, but dated
Knüpfer’s great charms that he could bring to life
sheets by him are known from almost a decade earlier.
mythology—or history, or the Bible—like a director
The number of surviving drawings—most, if not all,
staging a play, with an unerring sense of what would
copies after other artists—makes clear that he was very
surprise his audience and keep it entertained. sa
prolific and must have worked for collectors of works
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Culemborg on paper. Others of his drawings appear to have served
in 1642 (T. Laurentius and F. Laurentius 2007, no. 691, ill.). as models for goldsmiths. His son, Hans the Younger,
2. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. sk-a-4779 (Saxton 2005b, no. 28, became a painter in Augsburg.
pl. viii; see also the publications cited in the following note). The
quotation is from Saxton 2005b, p. 228, under no. d 19. For the General literature: Heinrich Geissler in Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1,
originality of Knüpfer’s subject matter, see Saxton 2005b, pp. 53–75. pp. 266–67

89 | Hans Friedrich Schorer the Elder
After Pauwels Franck (1540/46–1596)
Triumph of the Earth, 1634
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, lead white heighten-
ing, black chalk underdrawing, 8⅛ × 11½ in. (20.6 × 29.3 cm)
Gift of Katrin Bellinger, 1998 (1998.41.8)
At lower left, possibly an unidentified collector’s mark (i ★ z [?],
stamped in brown or gray ink; not in Lugt); at upper right,
inscribed 3 in black chalk or graphite (18th- or 19th-century
handwriting). Verso, at top, inscribed, dated, and mono-
grammed nach des paul franceßgo [?] / · i634 · / · HFS · (HFS inter-
twined) in pen and brown ink (see fig. 1); at lower left, inscribed
Hans Friedrich Schorer in graphite (20th-century handwriting); to
the right, inscribed 419 in graphite (20th-century handwriting);
at lower center, inscribed H. F. Schorer in graphite (20th-century
handwriting)
Watermark: unidentified
Many of Hans Friedrich Schorer’s drawings are signed

or monogrammed and dated, as is this one. On the
back, it bears the artist’s characteristic monogram and
the date 1634, as well as an indication of the source
from which it was copied (fig. 1): Pauwels Franck, also
known as Paolo Fiammingo, a Netherlandish artist
who became a landscape specialist in Jacopo Tintoret-
to’s studio in Venice during the 1570s.1 Between 1580
and the early 1590s, Franck received several commis-
sions from the Augsburg banker Hans Fugger for paint-
ings to decorate his castle at Kirchheim.2 Although
Franck’s earliest works for Fugger, a series of the Four
Elements dated 1580, appear to have been lost, work-
shop replicas have survived, as does one version consid-
ered to be autograph of the Triumph of the Water and
two of the Triumph of the Earth (fig. 2).3 The latter
composition corresponds with Fugger’s description of
Fig. 1. Detail of signature and inscription on verso of cat. 89
the painting in his collection, in a letter dated 1580, as
representing the “dea della terra on a triumphal chariot
with two lions.”4 Schorer chose to deviate from the painting he was copy-
The Museum’s drawing goes back to one of the ver- ing or that Fugger’s version of the composition differed
sions of this composition,5 but rather than copying slightly from those still known today. Arguably the
Franck’s entire work, Schorer concentrated on its main most important difference is in the figure of the “dea
motif—the chariot surrounded by rustic figures cele della terra,” identifiable as the Phrygian goddess Cybele,
brating the fecundity of the earth—leaving out the who in the Museum’s drawing wears something that is
satyrs and the fruit still life in the foreground as well as most likely a Phrygian cap; in the known versions of
the landscape background. Differences in the grouping Franck’s paintings, the figure wears a turreted crown,
of the figures and their clothes suggest that Schorer did as Cybele has most often been depicted since antiquity.6
not work from one of the extant versions. There is no Representations of the goddess accompanied by two
reason to doubt that the artist made his drawing after lions also go back to ancient times and remained popu-
the version at Kirchheim Castle, just southwest of his lar as allegories of fertility and prosperity well after
hometown Augsburg, so it must be assumed either that Franck’s time.
a rt i st s b orn a f t er 1600 | 197

7. Compare other examples of drawings by Schorer, including those
discussed and illustrated in Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, nos. 408–11,
vol. 2, pls. 139, 140; by Heinrich Geissler in Augsburg 1968,
nos. 349–53, figs. 145–48; in Thöne 1972, no. 128, ill.; by Geissler in
Stuttgart 1979–80, vol. 1, nos. f 33, f 34, ill.; by Dieter Kuhrmann in
Munich 1983–84, no. 123, ill.; in Kaulbach 2007, nos. 610–22, ill.;
and in Volrábová 2007, nos. 34–69, ill.
Provenance: [Galerie Siegfried Billesberger, Moosinning]; sale, Galerie

Gerda Bassenge, Berlin, November 28, 1997, lot 5488; Katrin Bellinger,
Munich; given by her to the Department of Drawings and Prints, 1998
Literature: Billesberger 1990, no. 6, ill.; Bassenge 1997, lot 5488, ill.
Fig. 2. Pauwels Franck, Triumph of the Earth, after 1580. Oil on

canvas, 389⁄16 × 63¾ in. (98 × 162 cm). Obrazárna Pražského
Hradu, Prague (96) Jacob Marrel
Frankenthal, 1613/14–1681, Frankfurt am Main
Even if the drawing is a copy after the painting,
Franck’s original is transformed by the nervous yet Though often considered a Dutch artist, Jacob Marrel
rounded, curly, and lobate contours and by the use of was born in Germany and trained with the distin-
washes—all entirely typical of Schorer’s style. Although guished still-life painter Georg Flegel in Frankfurt.
often tight and somewhat dull, especially in the artist’s None of Marrel’s works from this period seem to have
later years, here his style is applied in a more vivid way, survived. By 1632 he had moved to Utrecht, where he
resulting in one of the more attractive examples of the came under the influence of some of the best Dutch
artist’s work.7 The number 3 on the drawing suggests still-life painters active there, including Ambrosius
that it was part of a series, probably copies after each of Bosschaert the Younger and Jan Davidsz. de Heem.
the paintings of the Four Elements that Franck made Marrel moved back to Frankfurt in 1650 (though occa-
for Fugger. sa sionally visiting the Netherlands), where he became the
teacher of Abraham Mignon and Maria Sibylla Merian,
who was also his stepdaughter. His paintings and
1. For Franck, see Mason Rinaldi 1978; A. J. Martin 2004; and the
literature referred to in the following note. drawings all depict fl owers.
2. For these commissions, see Lill 1908, pp. 138–45; Fučíková and
Konečný 1983; A. J. Martin 1999, pp. 618–21; A. J. Martin 2007b; General literature: De Kruyff 1892; Bergström 1984; Bott 2001,
Wölfle 2009, pp. 275–78. pp. 127–49, 223–43; van der Willigen and Meijer 2003, pp. 138–39;
Ella Reitsma in Amsterdam and Los Angeles 2008, pp. 40–44, 46,
3. Mason Rinaldi 1978, p. 70 (as a copy after Franck); Fučíková and and passim
Konečný 1983, p. 69, fig. 3 (as by Franck); Belluno 1994, pp. 80–81,
ill. For the other version of the Triumph of the Earth considered to be
autograph, recorded in a private collection, see Mason Rinaldi 1978,
no. 40, fig. 4. For the autograph version of the Triumph of the Water,
90 | Jacob Marrel
formerly on the London art market, see Mason Rinaldi 1978, no. 16, Four Tulips, ca. 1635–45
fig. 5. The replicas of the complete series are at the Museo del Patri-
arca, Valencia (Benito Domenech 1980, pp. 176, 264–65, nos. 66–69,
ill.; Meijer 1983, pp. 26–27, figs. 21–24; Benito Domenech 1991,
Opaque and transparent watercolors, white gouache heighten-
pp. 31, 33, ill.). Another series surfaced at the sale Sotheby’s, Munich, ing, black chalk underdrawing, on vellum prepared with calcite,
October 9–14, 2000, lot 333 (reproduced in the catalogue); see 13⅜ × 1711⁄16 in. (34 × 44.9 cm)
A. J. Martin 2007b, p. 199 (as by Franck). Rogers Fund, 1968 (68.66)
4. Lill 1908, p. 139, n. 1: “die dea della terra uff ainem karren trium- At upper left and right, inscribed No 23 and No 24 in pen and
phalen mit 2 loewen gemalt.” brown ink (17th-century handwriting); to the left and the right
5. Already noted by Billesberger 1990, no. 6. of the flowers, inscribed Boter man, Joncker., Grote geplumaceerde.,
6. For the iconography of Cybele, see Steinbrucker and von Erffa and Voorwint. in pen and brown ink, possibly by the artist
1954. The turreted crown refers to the Phrygian city of Pessinus, the
origin of the goddess’s cult; I have not been able to find any other de-
piction of Cybele wearing the Phrygian cap. In the inscription on an It may be more than a coincidence that Jacob Marrel
etching by Salvator Rosa (Wallace 1979, no. 112, ill.), a figure wearing moved to Holland in the early 1630s, arriving there just
a turreted crown is identified as the Roman goddess of fertility and
agriculture, Ceres; however, Ceres (unlike Cybele) is more often before the frenzied height of “tulipomania.” (A former
seen wearing a wheat crown (Ettlinger 1954, cols. 397, 398, 399, 401). owner of the drawing under discussion, the Dutch

orticulturist and businessman Ernst Heinrich
h least seven folios are known from the second of these,
Krelage, wrote a classical account of this phenomenon, which was given the rather inelegant name Codex kw2:
published in 1942.1) During his first years in Utrecht, one each in the print rooms in Amsterdam and Haar-
in addition to painting Marrel also devoted himself to lem; two in the collection of George Abrams; two for
producing drawings of tulips, mostly on vellum—the which the present location is unknown, one in another
only drawings known by him. Most of these seem to private collection (fig. 1);8 and the drawing under dis-
have been made for “tulip books,” manuscript cata- cussion here. The attribution to Marrel of these draw-
logues of the most valued cultivars.2 The last such book ings—and, indeed, of all others known by him—is
that he is known to have undertaken is one of ninety- secured by comparison with the signed or mono-
nine sheets depicting tulips, dated 1642 and made “as a grammed sheets, dated between 1637 and 1645, of the
reminder of the senseless trade, conducted with them album in Amsterdam, which are equally fine in quality
in the years 1635, 1636 and 1637.”3 Marrel may have had and identical in technique. Comparable are the tulip
personal experience with that senselessness: he is docu- drawings by Ambrosius Bosschaert the Younger (or his
mented as a dealer in paintings but is thought to have brother Abraham?), by whom an intact tulip book is
traded in the flower bulbs as well.4 preserved in Cambridge.9 It is possible that Marrel was
Although intact tulip books have been preserved only influenced by him—or the other way around.
rarely,5 four by Marrel are known. One is in the Amster- The inscriptions on the Museum’s sheet identify
dam print room, and three are in private collections.6 the tulips by their imaginative Dutch nicknames: from
Two others by him have been dismembered, with the left to right, “Boter man” (Butter man), “Joncker”
drawings now scattered among several collections. Both (Nobleman), “Grote geplumaceerde” (Great plumed
belonged to Krelage and later to Otto Wertheimer.7 At one), and “Voorwint” (With the wind).10 Information

of paintings sold by Marrel, part of the inventory made up after the
death of his wife in 1649, is published in de Kruyff 1892, pp. 58–89.
5. See the literature mentioned in note 2 above.
6. Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. rp-t-1950-
266, named Codex rp (Bergström 1984, p. 40, figs. 25–28; Bott
2001, pp. 131, 133, 137, figs. 115, 116); one recorded in a Swedish
private collection, named Codex el (Bergström 1984, passim,
figs. 1–3, 9, 11, 13, 15–18, 21–24; Bott 2001, pp. 131, 132); and, in the
collection of Mrs. Paul Mellon, Upperville, Virginia, Codex lus (see
note 3 above), and a second (Tongiorgi Tomasi 1997, pp. 279–84,
ill.). A third album in this collection has been attributed to Marrel
(Tongiorgi Tomasi 1997, pp. 288–91).
7. For the first of these, named Codex kw, see Bergström 1984, p. 36,
figs. 10, 12, 14, 19. Sheets from this album measure approximately
8⅞ × 6½ in. (22.5 × 16.5 cm) and include the price and weight of the
bulbs. Four of them are now in the Erkenbert-Museum, Franken-
thal, inv. 2231–2234 (Frankfurt and Haarlem 1997–98, no. 20, ill.).
Ingvar Bergström identified a third dismembered album of drawings
Fig. 1. Jacob Marrel, Four Tulips, ca. 1635–45. Watercolor on vellum, (the only one with sheets of paper, not vellum), named Codex par
13⅜ × 16⅞ in. (34 × 43 cm). Private collection, Amsterdam and measuring about 13 × 811⁄16 in. (33 × 22 cm; Bergström 1984,
p. 41, fig. 20). A sheet from this album is in the Teylers Museum,
Haarlem, inv. t 83b (Plomp 1997, no. 253, ill.).
about the prices fetched by the bulbs and their weight, 8. Formerly in the sale Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, May 3, 1976, lot 116
which was often included in tulip books (for instance, (one-half illustrated in the catalogue); other drawings in this sale
in the first album from the Krelage and Wertheimer (possibly in lots 117 and 133) may have also belonged to the same al-
bum. The other drawings mentioned are in the following locations:
collections), is missing here. The Museum’s example Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. rp-t-1967-86
stands out from most of Marrel’s drawings because of (Bergström 1984, p. 40; Bott 2001, fig. 112; Marijn Schapelhouman
the greater variation in the position of the flowers, with in Paris 2009–10, no. 12, ill.); Teylers Museum, Haarlem, inv. t 83a
(Plomp 1997, no. 252, ill.); and two sheets in the collection of
the magnificent petals of the outer two facing left and George Abrams, Cambridge, Massachusetts, published respectively
right, respectively, their stalks gracefully bent, making by William W. Robinson in Amsterdam and other cities 1991–92,
it arguably the most attractive double sheet from Codex no. 99, ill., and in London, Paris, and Cambridge 2002–3, no. 103.
For one of the untraced drawings, see Robinson in London, Paris,
kw2. The stitching holes visible in the central fold are and Cambridge 2002–3, p. 232, fig. 2. The second Abrams drawing
reminders that the sheet was originally bound with was sold with the collection of Anne Wertheimer, the wife of a for-
others, making it possible that each pair of flowers now mer owner of the Museum’s sheet, at the Hôtel Drouot, Paris, on
April 21–22, 1982 (lot 36), together with the second drawing (lot 35;
seen together on the Museum’s sheet in the book was present location unknown). Both drawings in the Wertheimer sale
originally paired with a different one.11 However, the are incorrectly described in the auction catalogue as measuring
numbers 23 and 24 inscribed in the upper corners of the 22.5 × 16 cm.
two pages in a seventeenth-century hand also allow for 9. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, inv. pd.123-1973 (Scrase 1997,
no. 5, ill.).
the possibility that the drawing was the central bifolium
10. The handwriting is possibly identical to that of the signed
of Marrel’s now dismembered book. sa drawings in the Amsterdam album (see note 6) and could be that
of Marrel himself. For the names of the tulips, see Krelage 1942,
1. For Krelage, see de Jonge 1989. For tulipomania, see also Tongiorgi pp. 34–36, 126–47.
Tomasi 1997, pp. 267–79; Goldgar 2007.
11. Among Marrel’s tulip books, this format, which groups the
2. For tulip books, see Krelage 1942, pp. 55–61, 201–2; Bergström tulips together on both pages of an opening (leaving every second
1984, p. 33. Four independent still lifes on vellum by Marrel, all dated opening entirely blank), is found only in Codex kw and Codex kw2
1634, are in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, inv. pd.793-1973 to (Bergström 1984, p. 36).
pd.796-1973 (David Scrase in Washington and other cities 1983–84,
nos. 58, 59, ill.; Bergström 1984, pp. 42–43, figs. 33, 34; Scrase 1997,
no. 6, ill.; Amsterdam and Los Angeles 2008, figs. 22, 23, 40). Provenance: Ernst Heinrich Krelage (1869–1959), Haarlem; Otto
Wertheimer (1878–1972), Paris; purchased by the Department of
3. Quoted from the first page of the eighteenth-century manuscript Drawings, 1968
index (reproduced in Bergström 1984, fig. 6): “ter gedagtenis van
den spoorlozen handel, daar mede gepleegt in den Jare 1635, 1636 Literature: Bean and McKendry 1969, p. 316, ill.; Butler 1969, p. 62,
en 1637.” The album in the possession of Mrs. Paul Mellon, Up- ill., no. 5; Orsay 1979, n.p. (under lot 13); David Scrase in Washington
perville, Virginia, is named Codex lus in Bergström 1984, p. 33, and other cities 1983–84, p. 42; Bergström 1984, p. 40; Pinault 1990,
figs. 5–8; see also Tongiorgi Tomasi 1997, pp. 284–88, ill.; Arthur p. 149, ill. pp. 146, 147; Kisluk-Grosheide 1991, p. 742, ill. p. 741;
K. Wheelock Jr. in Washington 1999, nos. 36–40, ill.; Bott 2001, Pinault 1991, p. 147, ill. pp. 146, 147; William W. Robinson in
pp. 131, fig. 114. Amsterdam and other cities 1991–92, p. 216; Plomp 1997, p. 234,
4. I know of no primary source for the assertion that Marrel dealt under no. 252; Robinson in London, Paris, and Cambridge 2002–3,
in bulbs (as repeated, for instance, in Bott 2001, pp. 127, 128). A list p. 232

Johann Jakob Walther the Elder The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund,
Strasbourg, 1604–1679 (?), Strasbourg 2006 (2006.495)
At upper right, inscribed Anas Fera vulgo Ein Kernel in pen and
Johann Jakob Walther seems to have been a man of brown ink, probably by the artist. Framing line in pen and black
ink, by a later hand. Verso of the secondary support, at upper
many talents and interests: a traveler, a collector, and a
right, inscribed De Bry (?) in graphite (20th-century hand
chronicler of the city of Strasbourg, as well as an out- writing); at lower left, inscribed 2. in graphite (20th-century
standing naturalist painter and miniaturist, focusing handwriting); at lower center, inscribed 4,45 in graphite (20th-
on flowers, plants, and birds. He worked for several century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed 2 des[. . .] meme
aristocratic patrons, of which the most important was exter (?) in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Count Johann von Nassau-Idstein, an enthusiast of the Watermark: none visible because of the secondary support
arts as well as of botany who resided in Idstein, between
Koblenz and Frankfurt. Two of Walther’s sons, Johann The German-speaking countries produced some of the
Friedrich and Johann Georg, also became painters— most accomplished artists specializing in the depiction
the former specializing in portraits. of nature.1 For the seventeenth-century, Maria Sibylla
Merian and her teacher and stepfather Jacob Marrel
General literature: Rudolf Reuss in J. J. Walther 1879 (ed.); A. Schmidt (see cat. 90) are well known; both hailed from Frank-
1901; Thieme and Becker 1942a; Geus 1982; Beaumont-Maillet
1993, pp. 72–79
furt but spent an important part of their careers in the
Dutch Republic.2 Johann Jakob Walther, who also
seems to have traveled to the Netherlands (his personal
91 | Johann Jakob Walther the Elder motto was in Dutch),3 is less well known. This may have
A Male Garganey, ca. 1650–70 to do with the fact that, in the words of Joachim von
Sandrart the Elder, he “left fine reminders of his art
Opaque and transparent mixed and layered watercolors selec-
tively glazed with gum, pen and carbon black ink, lead white with many prominent figures,” making them visible
heightening (laid down), 103⁄16 × 16 in. (25.9 × 40.6 cm) only to the very limited audience of the noblemen who

commissioned them.4 Count Johann von Nassau- 1. For sixteenth-century examples, see Fritz Koreny in Vienna 1985.
Idstein seems to have been Walther’s most notable 2. For Merian, see Frankfurt and Haarlem 1997–98; Amsterdam and
Los Angeles 2008.
patron.5 With the exception of a florilegium made for
3. See Rudolf Reuss in J. J. Walther 1879 (ed.), p. 6, n. 4.
the count, formerly in Darmstadt and now destroyed,
4. Sandrart 1675–79, vol. 2, p. 310: “bey vielen fürnehmen Herren
several of these commissions survive more or less
schöne Gedächtnußen seiner Kunst aufgerichtet habe.”
intact: two other collections of flowers and fruit for
5. For Johann von Nassau-Idstein and his garden, see Lentz and
Nassau-Idstein in Paris and London; and two collec- Nath-Esser 1990; Lentz 1995; Ella Reitsma in Amsterdam and
tions of drawings of birds, one also in Paris, the other Los Angeles 2008, pp. 39, 48–50, and passim.
in Vienna.6 6. Formerly Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Darmstadt,
MS 3468, destroyed in World War II (A. Schmidt 1901; Beaumont-
Count Johann may also have figured in the ori- Maillet 1993, pp. 80–81; de Gex 1997, pp. 12–13); Bibliothèque
gins of the Museum’s drawing, although I have not Nationale de France, Paris, shelf marks Ja. 25 rés., Jb. 36 rés. (Lugt
been able to find any firm proof of this.7 A drawing 1936, nos. 55–109, pls. 24–29, 31; Beaumont-Maillet 1993); Victoria
and Albert Museum, London, inv. 9174, 9175 (Beaumont-Maillet
Fig. 1. Johann Jakob Walther the Elder, similar to the Museum’s sheet—of identical dimen- 1993, pp. 81–82; Simulacrum scenographicum 1995 [ed.]); Albertina,
A Golden Plover and a Male Garganey, ca. 1650–
70. Watercolor, gouache, 17⅛ × 187⁄16 in.
sions and with an inscription in the same handwriting Vienna, inv. 15496-15598 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, nos. 744–844,
(43.5 × 46.8 cm). Albertina, Vienna (15590) (undoubtedly the artist’s own)—may have belonged vol. 2, pl. 197; Geus 1982). Other watercolors by Walther are in the
Musée des Beaux-Arts, Strasbourg. Exceptional, both technically
to a now-dismembered album of the type mentioned and iconographically, among Walther’s works are five chalk drawings
above.8 Both it and the Museum’s drawing display the related to a ceiling painted for Count Johann, now in the Kunst
same highly refined technique and elegant calligraphic sammlung der Universität, Göttingen, inv. h 675–h 678, h 683
(Matthias Ohm in Koblenz and other cities 2000–2001, no. 90, ill.).
inscriptions as those in the Vienna Ornithographia
7. A provenance for the sheet going back to the count and his son, as
mentioned above, where the ground on which all of well as to the French naturalist artist Claude Aubriet, was suggested
the birds are standing is also only summarily indicated in Christie’s 2006, p. 52, lot 51.
in watercolor. An unfinished drawing of a cock in the 8. The drawing, inscribed Haec avis dicta Gallinago. capta est. 16. Septem
Vienna collection suggests that Walther started by mak- bris. Ao 1648. Eine Wasserschnepff and Fulix Fulica / Ein Wasserhunlein
and depicting a common snipe (Gallinago gallinago) and a young com-
ing a quick sketch in black chalk of the animals he was mon moorhen (Gallinula chloropus), measures 101⁄16 × 195⁄16 in. (25.5
to draw.9 Although no underdrawing can be detected in × 49 cm) and was offered by Mireille Mosler, New York, in January
the Museum’s sheet, it is likely that he made one, which 2011.
he later either completely covered or thoroughly erased 9. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 15563 (Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 810).
Compare also A. Schmidt 1901, p. 376.
before completing the gouache.
10. Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 836; Geus 1982, p. 74, pl. 33.
Not surprisingly, the same bird seen in the Muse-
11. The inscription relating to the drawing reproduced here as
um’s drawing turns up in the section on indigenous fig. 1 (see the previous and following notes) also calls the garganey
German birds in the collection in Vienna, although a “Kernel” but gives its Latin name as Anta amarellus. Elsewhere,
slight differences suggest that the drawings were based Walther calls—incorrectly, at least according to modern practice—
a ferruginous duck (modern German Moorente, Latin Aythya nyroca)
on at least two different life studies. The duck of the a “Trößel” or “Querquedula” (on inv. 15582; see Tietze et al. 1933,
drawing seen here is depicted with a golden plover vol. 1, no. 828; Geus 1982, pl. 27).
(Pluvialis apricaria) in the sheet in Vienna (fig. 1).10 12. The inscription is found on the verso of the drawing in Vienna
Called simply an Anta fera (wild duck) in the inscription preceding the one reproduced here as fig. 1 (inv. 15589; see Tietze
et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 835; Geus 1982, p. 72, pl. 32): “Neben vielen
on the Museum’s drawing, it can be more precisely anderen Wilden Enten geschlechten, wirt auch dieße bey unß
identified as an Anas querquedula, known in English as gefangen, so ins gemeyn von Weydleuten ein Kernel genant wird, die
a garganey and in modern German as a “Knäkente.”11 Italianer nennen sie Cercella, Ist ein schöner Vogel, wirt zur Zeiten
gantz zahm gemacht, sie Tauchen sich auch vnder das Wasser ihre
The inscription on the sheet in Vienna provides a partic Nahrung zu suchen, freßen doch wenig fisch, seint lieblich zu eßen,
ularly informative description of the bird: “In addition vnd wirt in ihrem Magen nichts, als sandt vnd schleym gefunden.”
to many other species of wild ducks, this bird is also
caught in our regions, which hunters colloquially call Provenance: Possibly Johann von Nassau-Idstein (1603–1677), Idstein,
and his son, Georg-August von Nassau-Idstein (1665–1721), Wies-
‘Kernel,’ and the Italians call ‘Cercella.’ It is a beautiful baden and Idstein; possibly acquired from the latter by Claude Aubriet
bird, which is sometimes entirely domesticated. They (1665–1742), Paris; possibly Chrétien-Guillaume de Lamoignon de
dive under water to feed themselves, but eat little fish. Malesherbes (1721–1794), Paris; sale, Christie’s, London, July 4,
2006, lot 51; [Thomas Williams Fine Arts, London]; purchased by the
They are delicious; in their stomachs, one finds only Department of Drawings and Prints, 2006
sand and mud.”12 sa
Literature: Christie’s 2006, lot 51, ill.

Conr ad Meyer
Zurich, 1618–1689, Zurich
After studying with his father, Dietrich, and brother

Rudolf, Conrad Meyer became an apprentice to the
Frankfurt printmaker Matthäus Merian the Younger.
Merian, too, had studied early on with Dietrich in
Zurich. Returning to the city of his birth in 1643, Conrad
became the successor to the portrait painter Samuel
Hofmann, producing some two hundred paintings of
prominent local citizens; he also executed over a hun-
dred portrait prints, including successive mayors of
Zurich and many of the city’s priests. Meyer’s style
became increasingly influenced by Dutch artists, includ-
ing Abraham Bloemaert. In 1655 he and the Dutch artist
Jan Hackaert, perhaps along with his student Rudolf
Werdmüller, spent several weeks in the Alps drawing
the landscape.
General literature: Rahn 1880–82; Gustav Solar in Zurich 1979;

Solar 1987; Ströle 1999
92 | Conrad Meyer
A Standing Wild Man, 1649
Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, lead white height-
ening, graphite underdrawing, on paper prepared with an
opaque reddish brown iron-based earth wash (laid down),
1513⁄16 × 9½ in. (40.1 × 24.1 cm)
At bottom right, signed and dated Con. Meÿer fecit ./ A°. [1]649.
in pen and black ink. On the secondary support, at lower left,
collector’s mark of Peter Vischer (Lugt 2115); below, inscribed
K 42 (?) in graphite (20th-century handwriting); to the right,
inscribed Lugt Nr. 2115. in graphite (19th- or 20th-century hand-
writing); at lower center, inscribed 244. in graphite (19th- or
20th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed H. n.o5 in
graphite (20th-century handwriting); below, inscribed 20
[changed from 28] in graphite (20th-century handwriting). Verso
of the secondary support, at upper left, inscribed 40 in graphite
(20th-century handwriting); at lower left, inscribed N.° Dessin de
Conrad Meyer de Zurich, 1649 in pen and black ink, possibly by
Peter Vischer
Watermark: none
In this striking drawing, in which each stroke plays an

integral part in defining the form, a wild man stands
facing front, his torso turned slightly to the right, his
right leg thrust forward. He wears a garland of leaves on
his head and another one around his waist. In his right
hand he holds his weapon—a slender uprooted tree
trunk—while his left rests on an unfinished but subtly

As in Lindtmayer’s Arms of Lucerne, those shield-bearers
are commonly portrayed as wild men, using their
superhuman strength to protect those represented.5
The stance of Meyer’s wild man is very close to one in
what appears to be an unfinished drawing of about
1590–95 by Hans Heinrich Wägmann.6 In that draw-
ing, thought to be a design for stained glass, the wild
man holds his weapon, this time an oversized club, in
his right hand; his left hand hovers in space without a
coat of arms to rest on. Another close comparative, this
time in technique as well as subject matter, is Tobias
Stimmer’s Study of Two Naked Men with Fantastic Head
dresses (fig. 2), which is relatively large in scale and
highly finished.7 Working on red prepared paper, Stim-
mer employs the same precise technique as Meyer and
portrays two muscular men—one wearing a crown of
feathers, the other one of leaves—dramatically posed
holding a blank piece of canvas between them. Like the
escutcheon in Meyer’s drawing, the canvas could be
filled in later, perhaps personalized with a coat of arms.
Meyer’s drawing was most likely a finished drawing
Fig. 1. Hans Holbein the Younger, A Wild Man Fig. 2. Tobias Stimmer, Study of Two Naked Men with meant for sale. It demonstrates his dexterity as a drafts-
Brandishing an Uprooted Tree Trunk, ca. 1528. Fantastic Headdresses, ca. 1564–65. Pen and brown ink,
Pen and black ink, gray, brown, and blue washes, heightened with white gouache, on red prepared paper,
man, evident in the precision he employed in creating
12¼ × 87⁄16 in. (31.1 × 21.5 cm). British Museum, 15⅜ × 11⅜ in. (39.2 × 29 cm). Kupferstichkabinett, a complex system of shading through line and color. A
London (1895-9-15-992) Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (KdZ 902) comparable drawing, Study of a Female Nude, is com-
posed in the same careful fashion, this time in shades of
rendered shield or escutcheon. As Timothy Husband red chalk (fig. 3).8 In both, the expressions and poses
notes, the wild man as a symbolic form had a dual adopted by the figures seem studied, perhaps inspired
nature: he could represent the positive values of archa- by ancient sculpture or by more contemporary models.
ism, strength, and desire for freedom or the negatives The Wild Man relies on near-contemporary Swiss exam-
of the corruption of body and soul as well as an uncivi- ples, while Study of a Female Nude may relate more to
lized state.1 Meyer’s interest in the Dutch artist Abraham Bloe-
The subject of the wild man appears frequently in maert.9 In both, Meyer sets a monumental figure with
Swiss imagery from the sixteenth and seventeenth carefully defined forms against a blank ground. The
centuries, most conspicuously in stained-glass figures gaze beyond the frame, the wild man confront-
designs.2 Conrad Meyer’s wild man, who boldly reveals ing his viewer with an oblique but challenging stare, the
his powerful musculature while maintaining a pose of woman demurely tilting her head with a beguiling
restraint, is generously bearded but not covered in smile. The refinement of their expressions attests to
fur—unlike so many other Swiss images of the subject Meyer’s success as a portrait painter. fs
from this period, including Daniel Lindtmayer the
Younger’s drawing Arms of Lucerne in London.3 Hans 1. For a comprehensive discussion of the wild man, see Husband in
New York 1980–81.
Holbein the Younger’s A Wild Man Brandishing an
2. See Giesicke and Ruoss 2000, p. 46; Lee Hendrix in Los Angeles
Uprooted Tree Trunk, also in London, is a design for a and Saint Louis 2000–2001, nos. 120, 151, ill.
Fig. 3. Conrad Meyer, Study of a Female glass painting meant for the meetinghouse of the civic 3. British Museum, London, inv. 1926-4-12-2 (Thöne 1975, p. 231,
Nude, ca. 1645–55. Two colors of red society Zur Hären in Basel; it shows a similar bearded no. 343, ill.; Rowlands 1993, vol. 1, no. 716, vol. 2, pl. 206).
chalk, 16¼ × 10⅝ in. (41.1 × 27 cm).
Collection of Tom Rassieur, Minneapolis figure (fig. 1).4 Holbein’s wild man, however, wields his 4. Hendrix in Los Angeles and Saint Louis 2000–2001, nos. 151,
weapon with powerful energy, bursting through the 152, ill.
classical arch that frames him. More typical stained- 5. Giesicke and Ruoss 2000, p. 46.
glass designs adhere to a heraldic type in which shield- 6. Kunsthaus Zürich, volume o 1, fol. 35 (Thöne 1967, no. 34, fig. 90).
Wägmann was also involved in the decoration of the renowned
bearers hold the coat of arms of a family, society, or city.

Kapellbrücke (Chapel Bridge) in Lucerne (see cat. 49), which has a
vignette of the Wild Man of Reiden.
7. Thöne 1936, no. 28, fig. 44; Monica Stucky in Basel 1984b, no. 198.
Dieter Koepplin discusses Stimmer’s chiaroscuro drawings, their
fantastical subjects, and how they could be preparatory for larger
allegorical scenes, perhaps facade paintings (Koepplin 1984, p. 295).
8. Formerly at the sale Sotheby’s, New York, January 26, 2011, lot 571
(illustrated in the catalogue). Its signature, C Meÿer fecit., is similar to
that on the Museum’s sheet; the drawing is not dated.
9. For Bloemaert, see Roethlisberger 1993; Bolten 2007.
Provenance: Peter Vischer (1751–1823), Basel; possibly his sale,

Delbergue-Cormont, Paris, April 19, 1852, and following days,
lot 105 or 115; sale, Schuler Auktionen, Zurich, December 6–10,
2004, lot 4380; [C. G. Boerner, New York]; sale, Galerie Gerda
Bassenge, Berlin, December 1–2, 2005, lot 5612; [Kunsthandel
Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; purchased by the Department of
Literature: Schuler 2004, lot 4380, pl. 24; Bassenge 2005, lot 5612,
ill.; Sotheby’s 2011, p. 86, under lot 571
93 | Conrad Meyer
Allegory of the Transience of Life, 1651
Pen and carbon black ink, on vellum, 41⁄16 × 63⁄16 in.

(10.3 × 15.7 cm)
Purchase, Jean Bonna Gift, 2007 (2007.223.26)
In the upper half within the framing lines, inscribed HERR,
Lehr uns, daß wir unsere tag zellind, und weÿßlich zu hertzen fassind.
(Lord, teach us to number our days, that we may apply our
hearts unto wisdom.), and in the lower half, inscribed Psalm xc.
v. 12. in pen and black ink, by the artist; at lower right, inscribed,
signed, and dated: Seinem Hochehrenden Hern / Johan Rudolff
Werdmüller / macht diß zu günstigem / angedanken in / Zürich den
14. October / A.° 1651. / Conradt Meÿer / Maaler. (To his honorable
sir Johan Rudolff Werdmüller make this favorable to your mem-
ory of me, Zurich, 14 October 1651. Conrad Meyer, Painter.) in
pen and black ink. Verso, at upper right, twice inscribed 6 (?) in
graphite (20th-century handwriting)
This charming drawing with framing text echoes the

format of small series of emblems or allegories that
were extremely popular in the Netherlands in the late
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.1 Meyer himself
created an etching, The Four Times of Day (1667), that
represents almost identical putti, with long wavy curls
and large jowls, holding symbols within landscapes
encircled by moralizing text (fig.1).2 Evident in both the
drawing and the print is Meyer’s meticulous graphic
line, which fluctuates between thick inky lines used in
the cross-hatching and fine, lightly inked tapering lines.
If not for the vellum support and the personal inscrip-
Fig. 1. Conrad Meyer, The Four Times of Day, 1667. Etching,
tion to Werdmüller, this drawing could be mistaken as 119⁄16 × 7⅜ in. (29.4 × 18 cm). Staatliche Graphische
preparatory for a print. Sammlung München (119396 d)

As with other drawings for friendship albums, Mey- Jacob Weyer
er’s allegory is a memento mori, with both its image and Birthplace unknown, 1623–1670, Hamburg
its text reinforcing the message. The putto blows bub-
bles from a seashell holding soapy water and stands Little is known with certainty about the Hamburg art-
before a bouquet of flowers celebrating the (fleeting) ist Jacob Weyer; it has even been debated whether he is
glories of the world—triumphantly spelled out on the identical with a Hamburg painter of battles named
stone pedestal—while reminders of the futility of gain Jacob Weyer, who became a master in 1648. However,
and the imminence of death are scattered on the ground paintings traditionally attributed to Jacob or Johann
and drawn delicately into the background. This message Matthias all seem to be by the same hand and can be
is addressed to Johann Rudolf Werdmüller, a renowned related to some of the drawings discussed below. The
Zurich general and diplomat, for whom Meyer also paintings have been compared to those by Philips
made a portrait print in 1654 (fig. 2).3 An inscription on Wouwerman, the great Dutch painter of horses and
the portrait compares Werdmüller’s nobility and battle scenes, who spent some time in Hamburg at the
strength to Hector and Hercules, respectively. Shortly end of the 1630s, apparently in the studio of Evert
after the portrait was made, Werdmüller—accused of Decker. The latter, a history painter, may have been
blasphemy—became the center of a highly public battle related to—or identifiable as—a certain J. A. Decker,
Fig. 2. Conrad Meyer, Portrait of Johann over the nature of religious tolerance.4 fs known as Weyer’s master.
Rudolf Werdmüller, 1654. Etching, 85⁄16 ×
6⅞ in. (21.1 × 17.5 cm). Rijksprenten 1. This kind of moralizing print series can be found in emblem General literature: Thieme and Becker 1942b; Levey 1959, pp. 108–9;
kabinet, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam books—for example, in Jacob de Gheyn II’s engravings for Daniël Holm Bevers in Munich 1983–84, p. 10; Boerner 1986, p. 24; Jacoby
(rp-p-1917-1038) Heinsius’s Emblemata amatoria (Emblems of love; Amsterdam, 1601; 1989, pp. 256–59; Sitt 2007, pp. 371–73; Morsbach 2008, pp. 119–23,
see Filedt Kok and Leesberg 2000, vol. 2, no. 307, ill.); and Crispijn 375, 381
van de Passe’s Arcus Cupidinis (Cupid’s arrow, ca. 1611; see Hollstein,
Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 16 [1974], pp. 259–60, no. 228 ad;
Veldman 2001, pp. 135–37). In both of these illustrated books, the
images show cupids as the protagonists within small circular-format 94 | Jacob Weyer
prints that are ringed with text, as in Meyer’s Allegory.
An Infantryman Drawing His Sword, ca. 1650–70 (?)
These putti are characteristic of Meyer and also appear, along with
Brush and gray ink, lead white heightening, pararealgar or
moralizing verses, in the collection of prints known as Die Kinderspiel
(Children’s games); see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 27 (1980), litharge (yellow) and realgar (orange) compounds, on paper
p. 114, no. 189. with an opaque green preparation of mixed pigments (including
3. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 27 (1980), p. 82, no. 103, ill. For
massicot, carbon black, iron earth, and copper green), 7¼ ×
Meyer’s portraits of Werdmüller, see Solar 1987. For more on 5½ in. (18.4 × 13.9 cm)
Werdmüller, see Loetz 2008. Johann Rudolf was the son of Hans Harry G. Sperling Fund, 2005 (2005.149)
Georg Werdmüller (b. 1616), who is regarded as Zurich’s first col- At lower right, monogrammed J.W. (intertwined) in brush and
lector of art, and the brother of Meyer’s student Rudolf Werdmüller
carbon-based gray ink. Framing line in pen and black ink, prob-
(1639–1668).
ably by a later hand. Verso, at upper left, collector’s mark of
4. Loetz 2008. Philipp Hermann (Lugt 1352a); at center right, inscribed Jakob
Weyer d. Ä. in graphite (19th-century handwriting); at lower
Provenance: Given by the artist to Johann Rudolf Werdmüller (1614– right, inscribed 2091x in graphite (20th-century handwriting);
1677), Zurich; Hans Wilpert Zoller (1673–1757), Zurich; Wilhelm below, inscribed Uha in graphite (20th-century handwriting); to
von Muralt-von Planta (1845–1937), Zurich, from ca. 1860;* [Hans
the right, inscribed 413 in graphite (20th-century handwriting);
Rohr Buchhandlung und Antiquariat zum Obderdorf, Zurich, from
ca. 1970];† sale, Auktionshaus Stuker Bern, November 28, 2006, part
at lower center, inscribed Jacob Weyer / signiert in graphite (20th-
of lot 9060; [Arnoldi-Livie, Munich]; purchased by the Department century handwriting); below, inscribed 40014 (?) in graphite
of Drawings and Prints, 2007 (20th-century handwriting); at lower right, inscribed 1=7/6 in
graphite (19th- or 20th-century handwriting)
Literature: Stuker 2006, fig. 58
Watermark: none
†
In his drawings as in his paintings, Jacob Weyer favored
battle scenes and depictions of soldiers at rest; other
subjects include market scenes and beggars. He treated
these in a spirited, sometimes angular, sometimes
softer manner in numerous red chalk studies—an
example is in the Museum’s collection (fig. 1).1 Stylisti-
cally rather less coherent is a group of pen drawings by

his hand or attributed to him.2 At least some of these dress, pilgrims; examples can be found in Berlin,
must have been made in preparation for paintings. In Frankfurt, Moscow, Schwerin, and Weimar.5 Stylisti-
contrast, the chalk drawings were probably meant as cally, they compare closely to figures in some of Weyer’s
finished works of art for collectors of works on paper. paintings, including a group of four in Braunschweig.6
Without doubt the latter is also the case with Weyer’s These paintings are undated but differ sufficiently from
drawings on colored grounds, some of which (including the only known dated works by Weyer—early paintings
the present example) bear his monogram.3 Among the in Hamburg and London from 16457—to situate them,
most attractive sheets of this type is a round composi- and thus the Museum’s drawing, somewhat later in the
tion with two couples in Munich (fig. 2).4 Most of artist’s career. The popularity of Weyer’s drawings of
Weyer’s drawings, however, depict isolated figures— this type is attested by drawings copied after or inspired
soldiers, elegant gentlemen and ladies, men in oriental by them, including a number dated to the 1670s and

Fig. 1. Jacob Weyer, Italian Comedians Performing in a Public Square, ca. 1645–55 (?). Red chalk, 7⅜ × 1113⁄16 in. Fig. 2. Jacob Weyer, Two Couples in a Landscape, ca. 1650–70 (?). Pen
(18.7 × 30 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of Mrs. O’Donnell Hoover, 1973 (1973.173) and brush and black ink, heightened with white gouache, on blue
prepared paper, diameter: 6 in. (15.3 cm). Staatliche Graphische
Sammlung München (19477 z)
1680s by (or attributed to) two apprentices inscribed in

4. Graf in London and other cities 1975–76, no. 112, ill.; Morsbach
the Hamburg painters’ guild: Johann Joachim Pfeiffer 2008, no. ia z 25.2, ill. Comparable in its landscape setting and in
the Elder and Johann Moritz Riesenberger the Younger.8 the blue preparation of the paper is a composition of two horses,
A comparison between the drawings by these younger other animals, and some figures in the Albertina, Vienna, inv. 13354
(Tietze et al. 1933, vol. 1, no. 717, vol. 2, pl. 194; Morsbach 2008,
artists and works by Weyer such as the present sheet no. ia z 25.1, ill.); and one of three horses and poultry, formerly at
makes evident the latter’s greater subtlety. The entire the sale Hauswedell & Nolte, Hamburg, June 2, 2007, lot 852 (illus-
figure is swiftly conjured in brush and various shades of trated in the catalogue). See also a drawing of a black chief with bow
and arrow in the sale Christie’s, London, July 2, 1991 (illustrated in
gray ink; the spiky style is reminiscent of the artist’s red the catalogue).
chalk drawings. The highlights on the soldier’s armor, 5. Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin, inv. KdZ 16553 (Klessmann in Berlin
fancy trousers, gloves, and parts of his body are effec- 1966, no. 213, fig. 208); Städel Museum, Frankfurt, inv. 5463, 5464,
tively conveyed in strokes of white gouache. sa 14394, 14265 (Schilling 1973, vol. 1, nos. 554–57, vol. 2, pl. 104);
Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow, inv. 7666 (Kislykh
2009, no. 55, ill.); Staatliches Museum Schwerin, inv. 1543 Hz, 1542
1.Kaufmann 1985, p. 112. For other similar drawings, see Dieter Graf
Hz (Kristina Hegner in Schwerin 2009, nos. 9, 10, ill.; another
in London and other cities 1975–76, no. 111, ill.; Thomas DaCosta
drawing in the same collection [inv. 1265 Hz; Hegner in Schwerin
Kaufmann in Princeton, Washington, and Pittsburgh 1982–83,
2009, no. 11, ill.] appears to be the work of a follower); Graphische
no. 86, ill.; Holm Bevers in Munich 1983–84, no. 131, pl. 85; Boerner
Sammlungen, Klassik Stiftung Weimar, inv. kk 4231–kk 4235
1986, no. 12, ill.; Rainer Schoch in Nuremberg 1992a, no. 74, ill.;
(Darmstadt 1914, no. 240).
Prange 2007, vol. 1, nos. 1141–43, vol. 2, ill. The attribution of these
drawings is based on a sheet, monogrammed in the same way as 6. Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, inv. 568–71
the drawing under discussion, in a sketchbook in the Kupferstich ( Jacoby 1989, pp. 256–59, ill.; Morsbach 2008, no. ia 25.3, ill.).
kabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. 79 b 30 (Bock 1921, 7. Hamburger Kunsthalle, inv. 591 (Sitt 2007, p. 371, ill.); National
vol. 1, p. 360; Rüdiger Klessmann in Berlin 1966, no. 210, fig. 211; Gallery, London, inv. ng1470 (Levey 1959, p. 109).
Sibylle Gross in Berlin 1996, no. 81, ill.). For paintings by Weyer, see
8. Hamburger Kunsthalle (Prange 2007, vol. 1, nos. 660–63, 669–73,
Izergina 1955; Levey 1959, pp. 108–9; Jacoby 1989, pp. 256–59; Sitt
719, 721–29, 732–39, 740.2–740.9, 740.11–740.13, ill. p. 61, vol. 2,
2007, pp. 371–73.
ill.); see also some drawings attributed to or by an artist from the
2. For examples, see Möhle 1947, no. 19, ill.; Wolf Stubbe in Ham- circle of Weyer in the same collection (Prange 2007, vol. 1, nos. 1144–
burg 1965, nos. 40, 41, ill.; Klessmann in Berlin 1966, nos. 211, 212, 47, vol. 2, ill.).
figs. 209, 210; Hasse 1969, no. 43, ill.; von Baeyer 2000, no. 48, ill.;
and a sheet formerly in the sale Phillips, London, December 11, 1991,
Provenance: [Kunsthandlung Gustav Nebehay, Vienna]; Philipp Her-
lot 71 (illustrated in the catalogue).
mann (1899–1958), Karlsruhe; sale, Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, Novem-
3. For other monogrammed drawings of this type, see the one repro- ber 2, 2004, lot 28; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich];
duced here as fig. 2; the one in Moscow mentioned in note 5 below; acquired by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2005
and one at the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin, inv. KdZ 17836 (Gross in
Berlin 1996, no. 80, ill.). Literature: Nebehay 1927, no. 31, ill.; Sotheby’s 2004b, lot 28, ill.

Wenzel Holl ar General literature: Parthey 1853; Pennington 1982; Godfrey 1994;
Roberts 2002; S. Turner 2009–
Prague, 1607–1677, London
The Bohemian etcher, draftsman, and illustrator Wenzel

95 | Wenzel Hollar
(or Vaclav) Hollar may have received his earliest instruc-
The Eastern Facade of Old Saint Paul’s Cathedral in London,
tion from the Prague court engraver Egidius Sadeler II.
ca. 1656–58
Hollar recorded his extensive travels within Germany,
the Netherlands, and England in innumerable draw-
Pen and iron gall ink, mixed iron gall ink and carbon black ink
ings and prints, becoming known primarily for his washes, black chalk or graphite underdrawing, incised construc-
naturalistic landscapes. Having accompanied Thomas tion lines, incised squaring lines for transfer, 615⁄16 × 813⁄16 in.
Howard, second Earl of Arundel, from Cologne to (17.7 × 22.4 cm)
England in 1636, Hollar settled there for several years, Purchase, Guy Wildenstein Gift, 2010 (2010.529)
working primarily as an illustrator of books. During a At upper right, inscribed East Window of S.t Pauls in pen and
subsequent stay in Antwerp (1644–52), Hollar perfected brown ink, by the artist
his etching technique, producing startlingly tactile Watermark: none
prints of things such as seashells and muffs that dem-
onstrate not only his dexterity with the etching needle Construction of the magnificent London cathedral
but also the influence of artists such as Joris Hoefnagel. now known as Old Saint Paul’s began in 1083. In 1561
a fire destroyed the spire and damaged the roof, which

were rebuilt in 1566. In the early years of the seven-
teenth century, the architect Inigo Jones was brought
in to replace the medieval crossing tower; he was later
also commissioned to refurbish and restyle the medi-
eval building as a classical edifice. Shortly after the
refurbishment, during the Civil War (1642–51), the
building was taken over as a stable for soldiers’ horses,
and it later became a storeroom for local merchants.
In 1656, in an effort to restore the cathedral, William
Dugdale, an antiquarian and scholar with a vast knowl- Fig. 2. Wenzel Hollar, The Northern Facade of Old Saint Paul’s Cathedral
in London, ca. 1656–58. Pen and brown ink, gray wash, over black
edge of the building, sought to document it and its his- chalk, incised and rubbed for transfer, 6¼ × 13¾ in. (15.9 × 35 cm).
Fig. 1. Wenzel Hollar, The Eastern Facade of Old
Saint Paul’s Cathedral in London, from William tory.1 He commissioned Hollar to illustrate the text Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford (c.1.222)
Dugdale, The History of St. Paul’s Cathedral in with etchings showing how the cathedral originally
London from Its Foundation untill These Times, looked inside and out. Dugdale’s study was published of smaller details that are found in the corresponding
London, 1658, plate 166. Etching, 7⅝ × 9⅝ in.
(19.3 × 24.5 cm). Private c ollection, New York in 1658 as The History of St. Paul’s Cathedral in London from print.7 Both have been incised for transfer; the Ash-
Its Foundation untill These Times, and Hollar’s plates pro- molean’s has also been rubbed with chalk on the
vide the most comprehensive visual survey of the cathe- reverse—offering further proof that it was preparatory
dral before the Great Fire of 1666, which caused such for the print. In both instances, Hollar created his ini-
destruction that it was decided to tear down the ruins tial sketch in black chalk, working up the detailing of
of the medieval edifice. the building with pen and brown ink and then adding
Hollar’s preparatory drawing, which he drew using a tone with wash. Furthermore, both views set the build-
grid of incised construction lines to help create an accu- ing against a blank space, creating a sense of depth
rate perspectival view, presents—in reverse—the east- through shadows made with light touches of wash. fs
ern end of the cathedral as thoroughly Gothic, with its
large rose window, flying buttresses, and ogive-arched 1. In London, Dugdale published several important works of English
history, including Monasticon Anglicanum (1655–73); The Antiquities
windows. These medieval aspects are further elaborated of Warwickshire Illustrated (1656); History of Imbanking and Drayning
in Hollar’s etching (fig. 1),2 which is similar to the draw- (1662); Origines juridiciales (1666); and Baronage of England (1675–76).
ing but not identical to it. The print also includes two As Marion Roberts notes, Dugdale was inspired to work on the Saint
Paul’s project after finding a cache of documents related to the his-
clerestory windows on the north transept and Jones’s tory of the cathedral in the basement of a London house belonging
revetment of rusticated stone on the walls of the clere- to John Reading, former commissioner to Parliament in charge of
story and on the buttresses flanking the transept property confiscated from cathedrals throughout Britain. Roberts
devotes an entire chapter to the Saint Paul’s project in her examina-
facades (but not on the walls of the aisles).3 According tion of Dugdale’s histories (Roberts 2002, pp. 73–104).
to Marion Roberts, this seemingly precise view of the 2. Pennington 1982, no. 1022; S. Turner 2009–, vol. 6 (2011),
east end of the church contradicts others made before no. 1700, ill. For all of Hollar’s illustrations for Dugdale’s book, see
the Great Fire and should be understood as a reimagin- S. Turner 2009–, vol. 6 (2011), nos. 1669–1705, ill.
ing of its medieval splendor rather than an accurate 3. Roberts 2002, p. 87.
rendering of its makeshift state in 1656.4 4. Ibid. Roberts states that in plan and views this record contradicts
others made before and after the fire of 1666, namely by Christopher
Hollar not only incised the lines of his perspectival Wren and Thomas Wyck.
grid and various orthogonals to aid in the construction 5. This drawing was last recorded in the collection of Iolo Aneurin
of this complex image, but he also meticulously incised Williams (1890–1962) in 1933 (see I. A.Williams 1933). It differs
all of the contour lines. Corrections and additions to the from the Museum’s in focusing on a discrete doorway rather than an
overall view of a portion of the cathedral; it is in pen and ink only,
drawing were made with incised lines that are reflected without any wash. This kind of Gothic doorway flanked the choir
in the print—for example, in the shift and elaboration screen and appears in Hollar’s etching Saint Paul’s Choir-Screen
of the roof line of the northern transept. Apart from a (Pennington 1982, no. 1024).
small sketch for one of the choir doors,5 there is only one 6. Oxford 1977, pp. 15–16, under desk case no. viiib; D. B. Brown
1982, no. 138, pl. vi; S. Turner 2009–, vol. 6 (2011), p. 57, under
other extant preparatory drawing for the book’s illustra- no. 1697. The Ashmolean drawing is not mentioned in the exten-
tions: a drawing of the north side of Old Saint Paul’s, sive entry on the Museum’s drawing in the Sotheby’s catalogue
now in Oxford (fig. 2).6 Like the Museum’s drawing, (Sotheby’s 2010, p. 16, lot 109).
this sheet shows a simplified exterior, but in the upper 7. Pennington 1982, no. 1019.
right quadrant it also depicts the Gothic ornamentation

Provenance: Alfred Scharf (1900–1965), Königsberg; acquired from
him by an unidentified private collector, 1956; given by the previous
owner to an unidentified collector, ca. 1985; sale, Sotheby’s, London,
July 6, 2010, lot 109; [Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich]; pur-
chased by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2010
Literature: Sotheby’s 2010, lot 109, ill.; S. Turner 2009–, vol. 6
(2011), p. 58, under no. 1700
Johann Christophorus Storer

Constance, 1611 or 1620–1671, Constance
Having first been a student of his father, Johann

Christophorus Storer continued his training with
Ercole Procaccini II, pupil and nephew of the better-
known Giulio Cesare Procaccini, in Milan. Although
it is not clear why, Storer moved there about 1639–40,
and he was soon in high demand as an accomplished
painter of frescoes. By 1657 he had returned to his
native Constance, from where he was active through-
out southern Germany, mainly as a church decorator.
The Jesuits were arguably his main patrons. His drawn
oeuvre, including works from both his Italian and his
German periods, is small but distinguished.
General literature: Thöne 1938–39; Felder 1961; Bora and Appuhn-

Radtke 1991; Appuhn-Radtke 2000
96 | Johann Christophorus Storer

Christ on the Cross between the Virgin and Saint John the
Evangelist, 1662
Pen and carbon black ink, brown ink washes, lead white height-
ening, graphite underdrawing (laid down), 1213⁄16 × 6¼ in.
(32.6 × 15.9 cm)
At lower left, signed and dated Storer F. i662. in pen and black
ink. On the secondary support, of the Oettingen-Wallerstein
collection, at lower left, inscribed 220 in pen and black ink (19th-
century handwriting); below, inscribed Hz. No. 1080 in graphite
Signed and dated, this drawing establishes a touchstone

for Johannes Christophorus Storer’s mature drawing
style, after he returned from Milan to Constance; few
other dated drawings by him are known.1 The powerful
washes, spirited and nervous fine pen lines, and elon-
gated figures with expressive hands, long faces, restless
locks, deep-set eyes, and sharp noses are all characteristic

of his style.2 It was the Museum’s drawing that allowed 6. What must be a preliminary drawing of a composition of an
unidentified subject is in the National Gallery of Art, Washington,
Sibylle Appuhn-Radtke to attribute a painting in the D.C., acc. 2007.111.165 (Peter Prange in Washington 2010–11,
choir of the Heilig-Geist-Kirche (Church of the Holy no. 5, ill.); a more finished version is in the collection of the Duke
Ghost) in Munich to the artist (fig. 1).3 of Devonshire at Chatsworth, inv. 1077 (Jaffé 2002, vol. 5, no. 1768,
ill. [as by an artist of the “Second School of Fontainebleau”]). The
The signature, date, and relatively high finish—many third sheet, related to another composition for the same commis-
of Storer’s works are even more freely drawn4—point sion but even more freely drawn than the one in Washington, is
to this having been a modello made for the patron of the now in the British Museum, London, inv. 1993-12-11-7.
work. Notwithstanding the lively penmanship of his 7. Martin von Wagner Museum, Julius-Maximilians-Universität
Würzburg, inv. 9781 (Appuhn-Radtke 2000, no. z-a 42, ill.). Cer-
drawings, Storer seems to have prepared his designs for tain details, such as John’s wavy hair, make it very plausible that this
paintings and prints rather deliberately: in the case of drawing is a copy of a lost original work by Storer rather than one
two earlier works, the different stages in the develop- based on a common source, as suggested in Appuhn-Radtke 2000,
p. 290. Friedrich Thöne (1938–39, p. 228) mentions a wooden relief
ment of the composition can be recognized in the draw- dated 1682 by the Constance sculptor Christoph Daniel Schenck as
ings related to them. One is a painting from the second probably going back to the composition of the Museum’s drawing
half of the 1650s for which two drawings—a preliminary by Storer. Although Schenck was indeed inspired by Storer on occa-
sion (see Appuhn-Radtke 1996), this does not seem to have been the
sketch and a modello—have been preserved.5 The other case with the relief referred to by Thöne, now in the Landesmuseum
is the decoration of the Milan cathedral on the occasion Württemberg, Stuttgart, inv. 1928-81 (Fritz Fischer in Constance,
of the funeral in 1644 for Isabella of Bourbon, wife Freiburg, and Stuttgart 1996, no. 21, ill.).
of Philip IV of Spain: two drawings of varying finish
Provenance: Princes of Oettingen-Wallerstein, Harburg Castle,
exist for one of the compositions invented by Storer; a inv. 1080; [Trinity Fine Art, London]; purchased by the Department
third drawing related to the same project is sketchier.6 of Drawings and Prints, 1996
It can thus be assumed that the Museum’s sheet was Literature: Thöne 1938–39, pp. 223, 225, no. 9, fig. 10; Appuhn-
preceded by one or more preliminary sketches. Given Radtke 1999, pp. 32–33, fig. 2; Appuhn-Radtke 2000, no. z 6, ill.
that it differs from the painting in its proportions as
well as in certain details (the position of the angels and
Fig. 1. Johann Christophorus Storer,
that of Christ’s head, to mention the most obvious), the
Christ on the Cross between the Virgin and Museum’s drawing is likely to have been followed by a Joachim von Sandr art the Elder
Saint John the Evangelist, 1662 or slightly drawing adapting the composition to the required for- Frankfurt am Main, 1606–1688, Nuremberg
later. Oil on canvas, approximately
16 ft. 5 in. × 47 in. (500 × 120 cm).
mat. That presumed drawing might have been squared
Heilig-Geist-Kirche, Munich for transfer, as is a similar Crucifixion in Würzburg Exceedingly versatile and productive as both an artist
attributed to one of Storer’s followers.7 sa and a theorist, Joachim von Sandrart received his first
1. Among Storer’s few securely dated drawings is one of 1658 in training under Sebastian Stosskopf in Frankfurt and
the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, album f 254 inf., no. 1398 (see learned to engrave with Egidius Sadeler II in Prague.
Appuhn-Radtke 2000, no. z 4, ill.); see also the following note. He then trained with Gerrit van Honthorst in Utrecht,
2. Compare, for instance, a drawing for an altarpiece dated 1661 where he met Peter Paul Rubens. From Utrecht, San-
in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, album f 232 inf., no. 418
(Appuhn-Radtke 2000, no. z 7, ill.); for the altarpiece in the church of drart traveled to Rome, Amsterdam, Munich, Stochov,
Saint Augustine, Kreuzlingen in Thurgau, see Appuhn-Radtke 2000, Augsburg, and Nuremberg to secure commissions. His
no. g 37, ill. Very similar in style are two probably faithful copies after patrons included Maximilian I, duke of Bavaria; Holy
a lost original drawing related to a painting dated 1660 in the church
of Saint John the Baptist and Saint John the Evangelist in Edelstetten Roman Emperor Ferdinand III; King Charles X Gustav
(for these copies, see Appuhn-Radtke 2000, nos. z-? 26a, z-? 26b, ill.; of Sweden; and the marquis Vincenzo Giustiniani in
for the painting, see no. g 21, ill.). For a discussion of Storer’s mature Rome. Sandrart’s true fame is dependent on his publi-
style, see Thöne 1938–39, pp. 222–24; Sibylle Appuhn-Radtke in Bora
and Appuhn-Radtke 1991, p. 6; Appuhn-Radtke 2000, pp. 88–89. cation L’academia todesca della architectura, scultura &
3. Appuhn-Radtke 1999, pp. 29–38, fig. 1; Appuhn-Radtke 2000, pittura: oder, Teutsche Academie der edlen Bau-, Bild- und
no. g 27, pl. xv. For other drawings by Storer connected to altar- Mahlerey-Künste (German academy of the noble arts of
pieces, see Appuhn-Radtke 2000, nos. z 1, z 4, z 5, z 8, z 9, ill. architecture, sculpture and painting; Nuremberg,
4. For instance, a drawing in the Grafische Sammlung, Schaezler- 1675–79), an extensive publication that combines biog-
palais, Kunstsammlungen und Museen Augsburg, inv. g 4984-74
(Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg 1987, no. 70, ill.; Appuhn-Radtke raphies of contemporary and older artists, theoretical
2000, no. z 8, ill.). sections, and records of ancient art and architecture. In
5. Both drawings are in private collections (Appuhn-Radtke 2000, the latter part of Sandrart’s career, he received numer-
nos. z 1a, z 1b, ill.). For the related painting in the Jesuit church of ous commissions to paint altarpieces for, among oth-
Saint Francis Xavier in Lucerne, see Appuhn-Radtke 2000, no. g 1,
pl. 1.

ers, the Würzburg cathedral (1646), Bamberg cathedral
(1651), and Saint Stephan’s cathedral in Vienna (1653).
General literature: Klemm 1986; Frankfurt 2006; Ebert-Schifferer

and Mazzetti di Pietralata 2009; Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011
97 | Joachim von Sandrart the Elder

Pygmalion and Galatea, 1662
Black watercolor, gray washes, lead white heightening, black

chalk underdrawing, 16 × 119⁄16 in. (40.7 × 29.4 cm)
Karen B. Cohen Gift and Sotheby’s Inc. Gift, 1996 (1996.414)
At lower left, signed and dated J. V. Sandrart / a Stockau Inuenit
1662 in pen and brown ink. Verso, at lower right, inscribed un
Dessein de Sandrart. / acheté de Groote pour 15.fl: in pen and brown
ink (18th- or 19th-century handwriting)
Watermark: M in circle1
In a dark, cluttered interior, the sculptor Pygmalion

stands before his brightly illuminated masterwork,
Galatea, who has just been brought to life by the flames
of Cupid’s torch (as told in Ovid’s Metamorphoses,
book x, verses 251–83). The room is crowded with
ancient vases, statues, and fragments of sculpture and
sarcophagi, reflecting Sandrart’s time in Rome and his
use of these ancient works as sources of inspiration. The
drawing is composed largely of bold strokes of gray
wash and black watercolor, with highlights in white
gouache that are limited to the radiant marble figure
and those close to her. This chiaroscuro technique—so
common in works from this period that were made
under the influence of Caravaggio—is used by Sandrart
in several of his drawings.2 In these he often places an
artificial light source that heightens the dramatic
effects—a strategy similar to that used about 1622 by
his teacher the Utrecht Caravaggist Gerrit van Hont
horst.3 In Sandrart’s drawing Death of Seneca, now in
Augsburg, an attendant holds a flaming torch behind
the figure at center, who presumably assists Seneca in
the severing of his veins (fig. 1).4 This kneeling figure is
cast in deep shadow and serves to set off the scene of
anguish behind him. Related to a now-lost painting by
Sandrart produced at the end of his Roman period Executed some thirty years after his Roman
(1635), the drawing is based on a drawing (ca. 1622) and sojourn, Pygmalion demonstrates Sandrart’s contin-
a painting (ca. 1623–27) of the same subject by Hont ued fascination with the monuments of the ancients.
horst.5 Although Sandrart’s drawing of Seneca is clearly Employed by the marquis Vincenzo Giustiniani in
related to his own 1635 painting, Pygmalion and Galatea Rome to help produce a visual record of his vast col-
appears to be a finished work in its own right. lection of paintings, ancient statues, and vessels,

loose women Pygmalion had shunned. Pygmalion’s
ideal creation stands luminous and full of life at the
center of Sandrart’s drawing. Her pose recalls the
ancient figure type of the Venus Pudica, “the prude
Venus,” shielding her breasts and genitals. Made
famous by the Greek sculptor Praxiteles, this figure
type was found in dozens of copies—including the
Medici Venus, which was in Rome until 1677—and
appears in reverse in the Teutsche Academie (fig. 2).12
Sandrart shared the same desire as Giustiniani to make
ancient and contemporary artworks come alive for
future generations of artists. fs
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Memmingen

Fig. 1. Joachim von Sandrart the Elder, The Death of Seneca, 1635. 2. For examples of Sandrart’s chiaroscuro drawings that employ an
Black watercolor, gray washes, white gouache, over black chalk, on artificial light source for dramatic effect, see the drawing reproduced
brown prepared paper, 1011⁄16 × 1315⁄16 in. (27.2 × 35.4 cm). Grafische here as fig. 1; The Nocturne: Fall from a Window, 1684, Albertina,
Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsammlungen und Museen Vienna, inv. 3518 (Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011, no. 385, ill.); The Night,
Augsburg (g.4818-71) 1643, Albertina, Vienna, inv. 3519 (Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011,
no. 65, ill.); Cimone and Pero, ca. 1645, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,
Munich, MS Cod. Icon. 366, fol. 114, no. 76 (Mazzetti di Pietralata
Fig. 2. Richard Collin, after Joachim Sandrart created a large number of preparatory draw- 2011, no. 75, ill.).
von Sandrart the Elder, Venus de’ Medici, 3. Judson and Ekkart 1999, p. 336. They discuss Honthorst’s use of
from Teutsche Academie, vol. 1, Nuremberg, ings for prints.6 A selection of engravings from the
chiaroscuro effects in the context of their discussion of the sepia-
1675, plate p. Engraving, 12½ × 83⁄16 in. two-volume Galleria Giustiniana (Rome, ca. 1636–37) toned drawing Death of Seneca, ca. 1622, in the Centraal Museum,
(31.7 × 20.8 cm). The Metropolitan appears in Sandrart’s Teutsche Academie (Nuremberg, Utrecht, inv. 7395b (Judson and Ekkart 1999, no. d 29, pl. 75).
Museum of Art, Gift of Susanne Udell,
New York, 1981 (1981.1206) 1675–79) as well as in his Latin volume on sculpture, 4. Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011, no. 51, ill.
Sculpturae veteris admiranda (Admired works of ancient 5. Sandrart’s painting Death of Seneca was formerly in the Gemälde
galerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, but was lost in World War II
sculpture; Nuremberg, 1680).7 Sandrart believed that (Klemm 1986, no. 11, ill.). The location of Honthorst’s original paint-
by publishing the Galleria Giustiniana, his patron was ing is unknown, but there are four extant versions that Judson and
fostering an interest in the art of antique sculpture well Ekkart discuss (1999, p. 139). For more on Sandrart’s Death of Seneca
and discussion of his nocturnal scenes, see Ebert-Schifferer 2009.
beyond the walls of his palazzo—in fact, to the world
6. The largest concentration of Sandrart’s drawings after the antique
at large.8 Further testimony to the project’s aspirations is in the Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dres-
is a painting by Angelo Caroselli showing Pygmalion den (Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011, nos. 14–35, 141–51, ill.). According
standing in front of his own Venus, now flesh and bone, to Elizabeth Cropper (1992, p. 113), Giustiniani’s collection (not all
contained in his palazzo) comprised over sixteen hundred pieces.
and holding an open book.9 In a 1638 inventory, the
7. The first volume of the Galleria was put together between 1631 and
book in Caroselli’s painting is described as “alluding to 1635 but not circulated until 1636; the second was under way in 1635
the book of the Galleria Giustiniana”; furthermore, it but not released until between 1636 and early 1637. The first edition
states, “Signor Marchese Vincenzo Giustiniani, of fond of the Teutsche Academie was published in two volumes in 1675 and
1679 in Nuremberg. Later editions include the same images.
memory, by sending to the presses his ancient statues,
8. Sandrart 1675–79, vol. 1, book 2 (Sculpture), p. 40: “Galeria
brought them alive.”10 Sandrart shared this sentiment, Justiniana, verfärtiget worden / damit der ganzen Welt / eine
and his own works, including the Museum’s drawing, Lehrschule der Bildhauerey-Kunst / vor den Tag geleget würde.”
reflect his increasing devotion in the mid-1660s to 9. Formerly in a palace in Berlin, but missing since World War II
(Voss 1924, no. 109, ill.; Cropper 1992, p. 113, fig. 7, p. 116, n. 45).
art theory and his role as an educator. Not only did he
Cropper believes this figure is based on the Venus drawn and en-
champion the founding of the art academies in both graved by Claude Mellan for the Galleria Giustiniana, vol. 1, pl. 39.
Nuremberg (1662) and Augsburg (1670), but his exten- 10. Cited by Cropper 1992, p. 116: “alludendo al libro della Galleria
sively illustrated Teutsche Academie was also intended as Giustiniana, cioè, che la bo. Mem.a del S.r Marchese Vincenzo
Giustiniani, con mandar alle stampe le sue statue antiche le habbia
the first encyclopedic history of art in German. In addi- vivificate.” Cropper subtitles her essay on the Galleria “The Pygma-
tion, the book includes his own translation of Karel van lion Effect.”
Mander’s exegesis of Ovid’s Metamorphoses.11 11. Sandrart 1675–79, vol. 2, Metamorphosis, pp. 1–174. Van Mander’s
Galatea is described by Ovid as modest and ashamed Wtlegghingh op den Metamorphosis Pub. Ovidij Nasonis (Explanation of
the Metamorphoses of Publius Ovidius Nason) is part of his seminal
to move while posing for fear that she might mimic the book of artist’s biographies, Het schilder-boeck (Haarlem, 1604).

12. The Venus was in the Villa Medici in Rome by 1638, taken to
Florence in 1677, and finally installed in the Uffizi in 1688 (Haskell
and Penny 1981, pp. 325–28, no. 88, fig. 173; Bober and Rubinstein
2010, pp. 65–66). Sandrart’s drawing for the engraving is in the
Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
inv. c 7189 (Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011, no. 147, ill.). Sandrart also
made an earlier version without the architectural setting, now in
the Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
inv. Ca 19, no. 35 (Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011, no. 20, ill.). He also
included a Venus Pudica in his Moonscape with Cupid and Venus (1636),
recorded in the collection of Karl Blehle, Seligenstadt (Klemm 1986,
no. 14, pl. 48).
Provenance: Possibly Johann Nikolaus Grooth (1723–1797), Stuttgart;

princes of Oettingen-Wallerstein, Harburg Castle, inv. 1009; [Trinity
Fine Art, London]; purchased by the Department of Drawings and
Prints, 1996
Literature: Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg 1968, no. 328, fig. 182;
Klemm 1986, pp. 344, 353, n. 65; Blühm 1988, p. 70, fig. 26; Mazzetti
di Pietralata 2011, no. 119, ill.
98 | Joachim von Sandrart the Elder

The Enthroned Virgin and Child Adored by Saints, ca. 1665–75
Red chalk, 129⁄16 × 715⁄16 in. (31.9 × 20.2 cm)

Verso, at center, inscribed with two lines of text in graphite
(erased; 19th-century handwriting?)
Watermark: horn, snake above, flanked by the initials C and M1
In this monumental composition in red chalk, the

Madonna and Child are seated in a classical niche. Bal-
anced on his mother’s lap, Christ reaches to embrace
the young John the Baptist, while the Virgin benevo-
lently surveys the crowd of apostles standing far below
the Baroque canopy that frames the scene. Flanking the
Virgin and Child with Saint John are Peter and Paul;
at the far left, Joseph holds a branch, perhaps of lilies;
and interspersed among them are two female figures—
including, perhaps, John’s mother (and Mary’s first
cousin), Saint Elizabeth. Sandrart repeated the central
group of three in a 1678 altarpiece of the Holy Family
for the church of Saint Stephen in Neukirchen (fig 1).2
Here again Sandrart places the Virgin, Child, and Saint
John beneath a canopy and combines the traditional
Northern motif of the Holy Kinship (the family of
Christ extended through his maternal grandmother,
Anne) with an Italian sacra conversazione. Titian’s Pesaro
Madonna in the church of Santa Maria Gloriosa dei
Frari in Venice (1519–26) provides a model not only for
Sandrart’s Virgin on her elevated throne surrounded by
columns, but also for the complex group of saints that

line the foreground.3 This renowned Italian example 7. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, MS Cod. Icon. 366, fol. 92,
no. 48 (Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011, no. 124, ill.).
likely also had a great influence on Peter Paul Rubens’s
8. Westfälisches Landesmuseum, Münster, inv. 591 la 27-88 (Klemm
Virgin and Child Adored by Saints (fig. 2), painted for the 1986, no. 74, ill.).
Antwerp church of Saint Augustine and installed in the
summer of 1628, during the period when Sandrart was Provenance: German art market; [Lutz Riester, Freiburg]; purchased
working in Utrecht and encountered Rubens.4 Christian by the Department of Drawings and Prints, 2005
Klemm points out that, in addition to the overall simi- Literature: Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011, no. 392, ill.
larity of Rubens’s and Sandrart’s compositions, one of
the angels in Sandrart’s altarpiece recalls the angel of
Saint Matthew in Rubens’s Four Evangelists.5 Although Jonas Umb ach
Sandrart did not replicate this figure in the Museum’s Augsburg, ca. 1624–1693, Augsburg
drawing, he did follow Rubens by singling out the four
Evangelists among the gathering of apostles by depict- Although some of Jonas Umbach’s paintings are still
ing their attributes hovering above them—Matthew’s extant, he is primarily known as the author of a consid-
angel, Mark’s lion, Luke’s ox, and John’s eagle. erable number of landscape etchings and drawings. In
Many of Sandrart’s red chalk drawings provided addition to about 250 etchings he made himself and
models for prints and paintings.6 Associated with the another 350 prints made after his designs, more than
Museum’s drawing is a smaller, most likely trimmed, 300 drawings by his hand seem to be known. The chro-
sheet in red chalk of a saint gesturing toward an nology of his works has not yet been firmly established,
Fig. 1. Joachim von Sandrart the Elder,
unrolled scroll he is holding.7 Cecilia Mazzetti di but the most characteristic may all be from the second
The Holy Family, 1678. Oil on canvas, 23⅜ × Pietralata points out that the figure is quite similar to half of his career. Umbach became a master painter in
1315⁄16 in. (59.3 × 35.4 cm). Church of Saint a saint in the foreground of the Museum’s drawing Augsburg in 1654, and he seems to have been based
Stephen, Neukirchen
and may have been used in the workshop to fill in fig- there all his life. Evidence for early trips to the Nether-
ures for larger painted compositions; she dates the lands and Italy is scarce, but he was profoundly influ-
drawing to about 1655–70. The emotive central group- enced both by seventeenth-century Dutch landscapists
ing under the canopy in the Museum’s sheet does not and by the style of the Roman Baroque.
reappear in another drawing, but it can be found in a
much earlier painting by Sandrart, the so-called Friedens General literature: Thöne 1939; Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg 1968,
pp. 271–75; Pellicer-Acezat 1982; Kosel 1994
madonna (Madonna of Peace) of 1648, which celebrates
the Peace of Westphalia.8 Very similar in style to his
output of painted altarpieces, this drawing may have 99 | Jonas Umbach
served as an initial sketch early in the conception of a The “Bavarian Electoral Fruit Tree,” 1665 or slightly earlier
painting and can be dated to the latter part of the art-
ist’s career, when he was exploring the design of com- Pen and carbon black ink, gray ink washes, black chalk under-
plex religious compositions. fs drawing, 26⅝ × 18⅝ in. (67.7 × 46.5 cm)
Purchase, Jean A. Bonna Gift, 2005 (2005.75)
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Munich in Verso, at upper center, inscribed Arbre généalogique / union Hollande
1662 (Piccard-Online, no. 160086; accessed August 18, 2011). Autriche Bavière / fleuves et paysage de Hollande. fleuves et paysage
2. Klemm 1986, no. 143, ill. There is also an oil sketch of the scene Baviere (Munich) / arbre d’orange / Vente Wouwernan [?] Anvers 1920
mentioned by Klemm that was formerly in the Benedictine monas- / (Vente Wouwernan [?] Anvers 1920) in graphite (20th-century
tery in Lambach and is now missing (Klemm 1986, p. 297, ill.). handwriting)
3. Wethey 1969–75, vol. 1 (1969), no. 55, figs. 28–31. Watermark: none
4. Rooses 1886–92, vol. 1 (1886), no. 214; Held 1980, vol. 1, pp. 519–
22; van Hout 2010, pp. 162–63, ill.
Fig. 2. Peter Paul Rubens, The Enthroned
5. Klemm 1986, p. 297. Rubens’s Four Evangelists is in the palace of Between 1664 and 1676 Jonas Umbach, whose prints
Virgin and Child Adored by Saints, 1628. Oil on
Sanssouci, Potsdam, inv. gk i 7580 (Vlieghe 1972–73, vol. 1, no. 54,
panel, 18 ft. 6 in. × 13 ft. 1⅞ in. (564 × 401 cm). and drawings are usually no larger than a postcard,
fig. 96).
City of Antwerp, on long-term loan to the
Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten 6. For example, a double-sided drawing, The Virgin and Child with designed more than fifteen ambitious “thesis prints”
Antwerpen (ib 1958.1) Saint Anne and Saints, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu (Thesenblätter), most of them allegorical in nature and
Berlin, inv. KdZ 8329 (Klemm 1986, pp. 230–31, ill.; Mazzetti di the size of a large folio.1 Such engravings, which were
Pietralata 2011, no. 103, ill.); and The Last Judgment, Bayerische Staats
bibliothek, Munich, MS Cod. Icon. 366, fol. 90, no. 44 (Klemm 1986, commissioned on the occasion of a dissertation
pp. 278–79, under no. 135, ill.; Mazzetti di Pietralata 2011, no. 123, ill.). defense, would integrate into a grand composition the

text of the candidate’s “theses” and an elaborate dedi-
cation—usually to someone of the highest rank.2 The
imagery of the print would allude less to the subject of
the dissertation than to the nature of the person to
whom it was dedicated. Largely under Jesuit influence,
this genre flourished in Europe’s Catholic countries
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, pro-
viding many outstanding artists with an outlet for
Baroque exuberance. In the Holy Roman Empire, the
Germans Johann Christophorus Storer, Johann Heiss,
and Umbach plus the Bohemian Karel Škréta earned
special distinction for their contributions to the genre.3
Their designs are generally Italianate in style, showing
the influence of artists such as Pietro da Cortona, who
himself designed thesis prints on o ccasion.4
The Museum’s drawing (previously attributed to the
French painter Jacques Stella) served as the model for a
signed print of equal size by the Augsburg engraver
Bartholomäus Kilian I, dated 1665 (fig. 1).5 A prolific
printmaker, Kilian produced more than 125 Thesen
blätter.6 He also worked on almost 150 engravings after
Umbach, including most of the known thesis prints
after the latter’s designs.7 At least two other drawn
models by Umbach for thesis prints have survived; one
in Vienna is particularly close to the Museum’s example
in style, technique, and dimensions.8
Although these full-scale drawings are admirably
detailed, the compositions can be fully understood
only in their engraved forms, in which inscriptions and
other additions illuminate the decidedly overwrought
iconography. The cartouche at lower center in Kilian’s
engraving based on the Museum’s drawing gives it the
title Pomus Electoralis Bavarica, or “Bavarian Electoral
Fruit Tree.”9 It is exceptional in being dedicated to a
woman: Henriette Adelaide of Savoy, represented as
the Moon and seated in the chariot at upper right. Her
husband, as the Sun at upper left, was Ferdinand
Maria, the prince-elector of Bavaria. Irrigated by the
Danube, Lech, Isar, and Inn rivers, the tree that domi-
nates the composition is a true pomological wonder:
on a rootstock decorated with lozenges that refer to the
blue-and-white fusils of the Bavarian coat of arms is
grafted a scion bearing a small escutcheon with the
arms of the house of Savoy. From this successful union
sprout four fruits, whose identities are revealed by the
putti in the tree. They are the electoral couple’s four Diana, probably referring to Bavaria’s fertility and to
children, two boys and two girls—two of whom would the princess’s virtue, respectively. In the background,
die during the year the print was made. In the left and six virgins hold the arms of the Wittelsbach and Savoy
right foreground appear the goddesses Ceres and families; behind them, providing some balance for this

quite conceptual design, is a view onto the real world:
the city of Munich, easily recognizable by the towers
of the Frauenkirche at right.
At lower left, Joseph Covellaet (Covellatus) humbly
presents the dedication of his thesis while gazing up at
Henriette Adelaide. On the pedestals of the river gods
are inscribed his forty conclusiones philosophicae. Covel-
laet is absent from the drawing, which means that the
figure in the print must have been based on a separate
drawing. Other differences between print and drawing
include the emblazoned trunk, the position of the flying
putto seen from the back, and the missing oar of the
river gods at left; the signs of the zodiac at top are also
different. These minor changes may have resulted from
discussions between the artist and Kilian or Covellaet,
who would have had some say as the client who com-
missioned the print. The lion at the top could be a refer-
ence to the coat of arms of Dillingen, the Bavarian town
where Covellaet defended his thesis in August 1665. He
was awarded the doctor’s title cum laude, but if not for
Umbach’s successful design, his academic accomplish-
ments would no longer be remembered. sa
1. Thöne 1939, pp. 565–66; Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 16 (1975),

pp. 175–96, nos. 403, 410, 414, 438, 465, 467, 469, 472, 483, 489,
492, 503, 505, 512, 514, 523–26, vol. 18 (1976), p. 79, no. 469, vol. 20
(1977), p. 98, no. 274; Pellicer-Acezat 1982, catalogue d, nos. 159–73,
180, 190, 201, 202, fig. 321; Appuhn-Radtke 1988, nos. 16, 20, 22,
32, 36, 50, 65, f 6a, f 6b, ill.
2. For thesis prints in general, see Henggeler 1948–49; Henggeler
1961; Baudouin 1975; Göttweig 1985; Appuhn-Radtke 1988; Linz
1994; Rice 1998; Rice 1999; V. Meyer 2002; Rice 2007.
3. For Storer’s thesis prints, see Appuhn-Radtke 2000, nos. d 1–
d 19, ill.; for Škréta’s, see Appuhn-Radtke 1988, nos. 1, 2, 5, 8, 28,
38, 64, ill. For an overview of other Central European designers of
thesis prints, see Appuhn-Radtke 2000, pp. 31–37.
4. For Cortona’s thesis prints, see Rice 1998. Perhaps because of
this shared influence, works by Umbach and Storer are sometimes
quite similar in manner; compare, in particular, the drawing under
discussion with one dated 1656 by Storer in the Codex Bonola at the
Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, Warsaw (Maria Mrozinska in
Venice 1959, no. 58, ill.; Bora 2000, p. 190, fig. 11).
5. Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 16 (1975), p. 190, no. 483; Pellicer-
Acezat 1982, catalogue d, nos. 160, 171; Appuhn-Radtke 1988,
no. 21, fig. 73. A thesis print by Bartholomäus Kilian I mentioned in
Thöne 1939 (p. 566: “Baum, oben Maximilian v. Bayern, Dillingen
1665”) and in Pellicer-Acezat 1982 (catalogue d, no. 161) is probably
identical to the print reproduced here as fig. 1. As can be expected
Fig. 1. Bartholomäus Kilian I, after Jonas Umbach, The “Bavarian Electoral Fruit Tree,” 1665. Engraving, of an oversize, essentially ephemeral publication, the engraving is
24 × 1613⁄16 in. (60.9 × 42.7 cm). Albertina, Vienna (album hb 52 [1] 6, fol. 84, no. 124) very rare; apart from the one reproduced here, Appuhn-Radtke 1988
(p. 138) lists only two other known impressions, in the Universitäts-
bibliothek Salzburg and the Staats- und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg.
I have not been able to find out who first connected the drawing
with the print; although it was initially offered as by Jacques Stella
(see Coatalem 2004), the correct attribution had already been made
before the drawing entered the Museum’s collection.

6. For Kilian’s thesis prints, see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 16
(1975), pp. 175–97, nos. 402–528.
7. For Kilian’s prints after Umbach, see ibid., passim; Pellicer-Acezat
1982, catalogue d, nos. 31–179, 325, figs. 315–22; Appuhn-Radtke
1988, nos. 16, 20–22, 32, 36, 50, 65, ill.
8. Albertina, Vienna, inv. 15467 (Appuhn-Radtke 1988, p. 34, fig. 16).
The engraving after this drawing was made by Melchior Küsel and
used as a thesis sheet in 1672 in Dillingen (Pellicer-Acezat 1982,
catalogue d, no. 202; Appuhn-Radtke 1988, p. 34, n. 200). The other,
smaller drawing, which seems never to have been made into a print,
is in the Grafische Sammlung, Schaezlerpalais, Kunstsammlungen
und Museen Augsburg, inv. g 14061 (Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg
1968, no. 391; Pellicer-Acezat 1982, catalogue a, no. 9, fig. 9).
9. The reading of the iconography and the historical details given
here follow Appuhn-Radtke 1988, pp. 138, 140.
Provenance:* [Galerie Éric Coatalem, Paris]; purchased by the

Literature: Coatalem 2004, n.p., ill. (as by Jacques Stella)
* I have not been able to identify the 1920 sale mentioned in the
inscription on the verso of the drawing.
100 | Jonas Umbach
The Labors of the Months, 1690 or slightly earlier
Red chalk, twelve sheets, each between 213⁄16 × 45⁄16 in.

(7.2 × 10.9 cm) and 3⅜ × 4¾ in. (8.6 × 12.1 cm)
Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1917 (17.97.25–17.97.36)
Framing line in red or black chalk, by the artist. Verso, at upper
center, inscribed illegibly (most inscriptions cropped, some
erased), in red or black chalk, possibly by the artist (best pre-
served on acc. 17.97.25, 17.97.26, 17.97.34, 19.97.36); at center,
each drawing inscribed with number from 1 to 12 in graphite
(20th-century handwriting), following the order of the Muse-
um’s accession numbers; at lower left, each drawing inscribed
35028 in graphite (20th-century handwriting)
Watermark: horn with M at right (in acc. 17.97.25)1
Fig. 1. Daniel Steudner, after Jonas Umbach, The Month of January,

1690. Etching, 39⁄16 × 4¾ in. (9.1 × 12.1 cm). Graphische Sammlung,
A large part of Jonas Umbach’s drawn oeuvre consists Staatsgalerie Stuttgart (a 2007/7454.1 [kk])
of landscapes in black chalk, mostly heightened with
some white, often on buff or even dark brown paper.2 supper, with ice skaters in the background; in February,
Their compositions (and dimensions) can be compared drinking and smoking at fireside, with Carnival revelers
to those of the artist’s etchings, which also treat reli- passing by; in March, pruning trees; in April, sowing
gious, mythological, and bucolic subjects, all executed the fields plus making flower garlands; in May, fash-
in a quietly refined style and technique. These most ionable youngsters enjoying music and food in a park;
common of Umbach’s drawings are not represented in in June, shearing sheep; in July, haymaking; in August,
the Museum’s collection, but in addition to the excep- harvesting grain; in September, bird catchers offering
tional design for a thesis print also included here their wares; in October, picking grapes; in November,
(cat. 99), the Museum does own a series of twelve genre returning from the hunt; and in December, slaughter-
scenes in red chalk, a medium rarely used by the artist.3 ing pigs.4
They represent the Labors of the Months, featuring None of the drawings shows any sign of having been
seasonal pleasures and duties: in January, a hearty transferred, but there can be scant doubt that they were

220
made in preparation for a rare series of twelve etchings 3. For other of his drawings made using red chalk, see Pellicer-Acezat
1982, catalogue a, nos. 3, 5, 9, 228–30, figs. 3, 5, 9, 13–15.
by a little-known Augsburg publisher and engraver,
4. The order of the scenes was not correctly identified when the
Daniel Steudner.5 The print for January bears Umbach’s drawings were accessioned. The correct order is: acc. 17.97.36
name as inventor, confirming the traditional attribu- (January); 17.97.25 (February); 17.97.35 (March); 17.97.28 (April);
tion of the Museum’s drawings (fig. 1).6 The plate is 17.97.30 (May); 17.97.27 (June); 17.97.31 (July); 17.97.32 (August);
17.97.29 (September); 17.97.33 (October); 17.97.26 (November);
also inscribed m.dc.lxxxx, providing an accurate date 17.97.34 (December).
not only for the rest of the etchings but also for the 5. For this series, see Pellicer-Acezat 1982, catalogue d, nos. 213–24,
drawings, and making the Museum’s series an impor- figs. 327, 338; Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 78 (2010), pp. 93–99,
tant touchstone for the draftsmanship of the artist’s nos. 14–25, ill. For Steudner, see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 78
(2010), p. 81. An inscription on the print for May specifies that
later years. Steudner also published the series (“Zu finden beij Daniel Steidner.
As is common in such depictions of the Labors of Kupfferstecher in Ausgpurg”); see Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 78
the Months, each print shows the astrological sign (2010), p. 93, ill.
corresponding to the month depicted—in the case of 6. Pellicer-Acezat 1982, catalogue d, no. 213, fig. 327; Hollstein,
German, 1954–, vol. 78 (2010), p. 93, no. 14, ill.
January, that of Aquarius.7 Umbach did not include
7. For the iconography of the Labors of the Months in antique and
these signs in his drawings, focusing solely on the sim- medieval art, see Calkins 1996.
ple chores and pastimes of the seasons, often against a 8. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Northern examples include
backdrop of gently hilly landscapes. He probably did print series by Sebald Beham (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 3
not follow a specific model in settling on the activities [1954], p. 1239, nos. 1199–1210, ill.; Gerszi 1957b, pp. 53–60,
figs. 34–36); Virgil Solis (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 64 [2004],
depicted, but he was no doubt well aware of the rich nos. 377, 388, ill.; O’Dell 1977, nos. e10–e21, ill.); Adriaen and Hans
tradition of this genre, which flourished especially in Collaert the Younger after Joos de Momper the Younger (Diels and
Northern Europe, to which his series made a late con- Leesberg 2005–6, vol. 6 [2005], nos. 1326–49, ill.); Adriaen Collaert
after Hans Bol (Diels and Leesberg 2005–6, vol. 6 [2005],
tribution.8 Like others before him, he alternated scenes nos. 1350–52, ill.); Crispijn van de Passe the Elder after Maerten de
from peasant life with more elegant gatherings. In the Vos (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 44 [1996],
bare trees at right in the design for March, one recog- nos. 1441–52, vol. 46 [1995], ill.); Wolfgang Kilian after Johann
Mathias Kager (Hollstein, German, 1954–, vol. 18 [1976], p. 191,
nizes the bizarrely shaped trees of many of Umbach’s nos. 416–28); several engravers after Joachim von Sandrart the Elder
finished landscape drawings, probably inspired by (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 5 [1951], p. 105, no. 22,
Dutch artists active somewhat earlier in the seven- vol. 6 [1952], p. 212, nos. 81, 82, vol. 8 [1953], p. 198, no. 6, vol. 11
[1954], p. 253, no. 33, vol. 17 [1976], p. 72, nos. 8–10, ill., vol. 28
teenth century.9 More surprising is that the towers of [1984], pp. 206–7, nos. 10–13, ill.); Pieter Nolpe after Paulus Potter
the village church seen in May take the form of those (Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, 1949–2007, vol. 14 [1956], p. 178,
of Munich’s Frauenkirche (compare cat. 99) and that, nos. 255–62, ill.).
in the cityscape for January, the frozen canal has an 9. Compare Kaulbach 2007, p. 328, under no. 681; Robison 2010,
p. 15.
incongruous Venetian look. Interestingly, these two
details were not followed in the etchings. sa Provenance: Probably acquired by the Department of Paintings, 1917
1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Vienna in Literature: Kaufmann 1985, p. 110; Kaulbach 2007, p. 331, n. 2, under
1673 (Piccard-Online, no. 119616; accessed November 29, 2011). no. 685
2. For examples, see Rolf Biedermann in Augsburg 1968, nos. 385–
88, figs. 175–78; Pellicer-Acezat 1982, catalogue a, nos. 234–91,
figs. 19–74; Biedermann in Augsburg 1987, nos. 76, 77, ill.; Kaulbach
2007, nos. 680–83, ill.; Prange 2007, vol. 1, nos. 1059, 1060,
vol. 2, ill.

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index
Names in bold type refer to artists whose works are
catalogued in the present publication.
Page numbers in italics refer to figures.
Aachen, Hans von (cats. 62, 63), xi, xiv, 137–41, 138, Augsburg, xii–xiii, xiv, 33, 47–54 Bernhart, Max, 54
143n15 art academy, 214 Biest, Hans van der, 117–18, 118
Abbott, Francis, 113 city hall, 150 Black, Leon D. and Debra R., 60
Abrams, George, 199, 200n8 Kunstsammlungen und Museen, 86n9, 213, 214 Blehle, Karl, 215n12
Achtienhoven, Johannes Baptista Josephus, 27 Saint Catherine’s convent, 47, 49 Bloemaert, Abraham, 176, 180, 188n13, 194, 203, 204
Adamska, Magdalena, 135 Schaezlerpalais, Kunstammlungen und Museen, 123n9, Bloemaert, Hendrick, 186
Adelaide, Henriette, 217, 218 131n5, 131n12, 148n2, 148n3, 151-2n2, 184, 185n18, Blumenreich, Leo, 67
Albert of Saxony, duke of Teschen, 16 212n4, 214, 219n8 Bocksberger, Johann Melchior, 128, 134
Alberti, Leon Battista, 17 Auktionhouse von Zengen, Bonn, 173n4 Boerner, C. G., 7, 55, 62, 86, 109, 156, 205
Albrecht, Cardinal of Brandenburg, 53 Auktionshaus Stuker Bern, 70, 72, 84, 104n10, 206 Boerner, Johann Andreas, 132, 134
Albrecht V, duke of Bavaria, 90 Avignon, Musée Calvet, 180, 181n4 Bøgh Rasmussen, Mikael, 11n1
Aldegrever, Heinrich (cats. 35, 36), x, xiii, 51, 78–80, 80 Böhler, Julius, 67n2
Alexander, Pope, 188n11 Backer, Jacob de, 105, 105 Böhm, Joseph Daniel, 5, 7
Alsteens, Stijn, 30 Baeyer, Emmanuel von, 170 Bol, Hans, 221n8
Altdorfer, Albrecht (cats. 18, 19), ix, xii, xiii, 32, 42–47, 43, Baldassare, Peruzzi, 177n11 Bologna, Pinacoteca Nazionale di Bologna, 145n9
46, 55, 84, 89, 91n8 Baldung, Hans (cat. 16), ix, x, xii, 34n10, 36–38, 36, 39, Bolte, Johannes, 52
Altdorfer, Erhard, 45 41n4, 44n12, 56n4, 58n5, 61, 67n6, 71, 84, 86n4 Boltraffio, Giovanni Antonio, 49n11
Altdorfer, Ulrich, 42 Balen, Hendrick van I, 175n6, 177n11 Bonhams, London, 160
Altenburg, 160 Bamberg: Bonna, Jean, 134
Altmark, Germany, 87–88 Bamberg cathedral, 170, 213 Boon, Karel G., 5–6
Amberger, Christoph, 50n12 Staatsbibliothek, 54n3 Borries, Johann Eckhart von, 38n5
Amerbach, Johannes, 56 Banks, Thomas, 75, 76 Bosschaert, Abraham, 199
Amman, Johann Jakob, 96 Barbari, Jacopo de’, 17, 19–20, 27, 29, 30, 92, 93 Bosschaert, Ambrosius the Younger, 198, 199
Amman, Jost (cats. 43, 44), x, xi, 70, 70, 80, 81, 82n4, 87, Barbieri, Giovanni Francesco, see Guercino Brand, Hans, 101
94–98, 96, 97, 98, 100, 165, 189, 189 Barendsz., Dirck, 176 Brandenberg, Christoph, 104
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, 78, 182, 196n2, 199, 200n6, Basel, 60, 65, 66 Brandenburg, elector of, 188
200n8, 206 Charterhouse, 58n8 Brant, Sebastian, 12
Andréossy, Antoine-François, 27, 128n9, 142, 144 Kunstmuseum Basel, xi, xii, 34n10, 58, 62, 67n15, 139, Braun, Augustin (cats. 75, 76), xiv, 125n6, 166–70, 166
Angolo, Battista, 91 141n7, 185n18 Braun, Johann Christian, 186, 186
Annesley, Noël, 32 Bátori, Cardinal Andras, 140 Braunschweig, 2
Anonymous (active ca. 1477), 5, 5 Bátori, Sigismund, 139–40 Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, 3n4, 44n10, 131n7,
Anonymous (after Hans Rottenhammer), 123, 125, 125 Bauhof, Hans Georg, 154, 154 147n7, 175n7, 178, 208n6
Anonymous (after Hans Suess von Kulmbach), 30–31, 30 Baumgartner, Bernhard, 54 Bremen, Kunsthalle Bremen, 21n5, 27n13, 120n2, 128n9,
Anonymous (Bohemian, active ca. 1360–65) (cat. 1), x, xii, 2–3 Baur, Johann Wilhelm, 170 153n3
Anonymous (Bohemian, active ca. 1405–10) (cat. 2), x, xii, Bayonne, Musée Bonnat, 25–26, 25 Bresanch, Giovani, 36
3–5, 4 Bayr, Hans Jakob the Elder, 121–22, 124, 125 Breu, Jörg the Elder (cat. 22), xi, xii, 51–53, 52, 60
Anonymous (German, second half of 16th century), x, x Bean, Jacob, x Bril, Paul, 152, 175
Anonymous (Middle Rhine, active 1470–90), 6, 6 Beck, Leonhard, 49 Brno:
Anonymous (Middle Rhine, active ca. 1460–70) (cat. 3), Beck, Reinhard, 41n4 Moravské Galerie, 137, 143n15, 160
x, 5–7 Becker, Franz, 171 Moravské Zemské Muzeum, 135, 137, 156, 160
Anonymous (Munich, active ca. 1590–1600), 116, 116 Beckmann, Heinrich, 169, 170 Brockhaus, M., 55
Anonymous (Nuremberg?), 84, 84 Beham, Barthel, 72 Brockhaus, Pauline Campe, 55
Anonymous (Nuremberg, active late 16th century–ca. 1640) Beham, Georg (cat. 58), ix, 128–31, 129 Brueghel, Jan the Elder, 123, 153n4, 177n11
(cat. 74), x, xii, xiv, 162–65 Beham, Sebald (cats. 32–34), ix, x, xiii, 29n11, 34, 72–78, Bruni, Leonardo, 111
Anonymous (Prague, active 1405), 4, 4 74, 76, 77, 221n8 Brüning, Adolf, 151
Anonymous (South German, ca. 1580), 116, 116 Bellini, Giovanni, 24 Brunswick, Maine, Bowdoin College Museum of Art,
Anonymous (South German, perhaps Augsburg), 186, 186 Benesch, Otto, 2 153n3
Anonymous (Swabian or Bavarian [?], active ca. 1529) Berlin: Brussels, Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique/
(cat. 27), 52, 60–62 Gemäldegalerie, 49, 64n5 Koninklijke Musea voor Schone Kunsten van België,
Anonymous (Upper Rhine, active ca. 1480–90) (cat. 4), 7–9 Kaiser Friedrich Museum, 25 142n6
Antwerp: Kunstgewerbemuseum, Staatliche Museen, 150, 150, 152n6 Bruyn, Nicolaes de, 161
church of Saint Augustine, 216 Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen, 11n6, 27n13, 32n5, Bryn y Gwin, 78
Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerpen, 216 41n6, 42, 43, 44n3, 44n12, 54, 55, 56, 62n4, 72n2, 76n9, Buchner, Ernst, 36
Appuhn-Radtke, Sibylle, 212 77, 77, 83n2, 83n4, 86n9, 93n6, 94, 96, 115–16, 115, 131n7, Bückeburg Castle, 177
Arnold, G. M. D., 134 139, 141n7, 153n3, 159, 181n2, 204, 208n1, 208n5, 216n6 Budapest, Szépművésti Múzeum, 29n8, 86, 106, 128n10,
Arnoldi-Livie, Munich, 3, 41, 70, 72, 84, 147, 206 Münzkabinett, Staatliche Museen, 54 134, 139, 140n4, 144, 145n7, 147n8, 148n4, 186n1
Arpino, Cavaliere d’ (Giuseppe Cesari), 145 Bern: Burgkmair, Hans (cats. 20, 21), x, xi, xi, xii, 24n1, 32, 33,
Artaria, August, 84, 86 Bernisches Historisches Museum, 84, 101n1, 101n4, 102n8 33, 47–50, 48, 50, 51, 53, 162
Aubriet, Claude, 202 Universitätsbibliothek, 109n9 Burgkmair, Thoman, 47
250
Burroughs, Bryson, ix Danner, Leonhard, 76 Feldmann, Arthur, xi, 137, 160
Butterfield and Butterfield, San Francisco, 143n8 Darmstadt, Hessisches Landesmuseum, 83n1 Felix, Eugen Ferdinand, 22
Butts, Barbara, 28, 29, 30 Decker, Evert, 206 Felix, Hans E. C., 22
Degener, Hinrich (cat. 82), 180–82, 180 Ferdinand I, Holy Roman Emperor, 92
Calando, Émile, 144, 145 Dennistoun, Isabella, 113, 114 Ferdinand III, Holy Roman Emperor, 212
Callin collection, 171 Dente, Marco, 66 Ferdinand Maria, prince-elector of Bavaria, 217
Cambridge: Derschau, Hans Albrecht von, 55 Feyerabend, Sigmund, 94
Fitzwilliam Museum, 53n10, 138n4, 200n2, 200n9 Deschler, 19 Finke, Gustav, 22
Pembroke College, 88n9 Dessau, Anhaltische Gemäldegalerie, 58n1, 70n7, 72, 72, Fischart, Johann, 100, 104n8
Cambridge, Massachusetts, Fogg Museum, Harvard Art 123, 125 Fischel, Lilli, 57
Museums, 4, 4, 74n3, 86n4, 180 Devonshire, Duke of, see Chatsworth Flechsig, Eduard, 21n5
Campe, Heinrich Wilhelm, 53, 55 Diepenbeeck, Abraham van, 193n7 Flegel, Georg, 198
Campen, Arnt van, 54 Dietterlin, Wendel the Elder (cat. 61), xi, xiv, 135–37, 136, 172 Flensburg, Lorck-Schierning collection, 88n5
Candid, Peter (cats. 52, 53), x, xi, xiv, 114–18, 115, 118, 119, Dimsdale, Thomas, 170, 171 Florence, 110–13
120, 175 Dodgson, Campbell, 41n1 Arazzeria Medicea, 110, 117
Caravaggio, Michelangelo Merisi da, 185, 213 Doetecum, Jan and Lucas van, 137n6 Archivio di Stato, 112n6
Caravaggio, Polidoro da, 142 Donauer, Georg, 177 Baptistery, 112
Carducho, Vicente, 170 Dörnhöffer, Friedrich, 28 Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, 112n4, 116n3,
Caroselli, Angelo, 214 Douglas, Robert Langton, ix, 76 122n4
Carracci, Agostino, 144, 145, 145, 177, 187n7 Drentwett, Philipp Jakob I, 183 Galleria degli Uffizi, 29n6
Carracci, Ludovico, 145n9 Dresden: Museo Nazionale del Bargello, 83
Cellini, Benvenuto, 82, 83 Gemäldegalerie, 64n10 Palazzo Pitti, 110, 187n7
Cennini, Cennino, 17, 96n5 Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, 11, Palazzo Vecchio, 110–11, 177n11
Cesari, Giuseppi, see Arpino, Cavaliere d’ 19, 21n9, 29, 29n3, 29n9, 83n3, 91n7, 129, 131n4, 138n7, Flötner, Peter (cats. 30, 31), x, xi, xiii, xiv, 68–72, 70, 72, 92, 93
Chantilly, Musée Condé, 22, 24–25, 26n5 139, 140n5, 172, 182, 185n13, 214n6, 215n12 Forster, Lavinia, 76
Charles E. Slatkin Galleries, New York, 29 Drey, Paul, 16 Fraisinger, Caspar (cat. 57), 126–28, 126, 127
Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, 54, 92 Dugdale, William, 210 Francis M. Naumann Fine Art, New York, 96
Charles X Gustav, king of Sweden, 212 Dumas, Catherine Marcou, 141 Franck, Pauwels (Paolo Fiammingo), 197, 198, 198
Chatsworth, Duke of Devonshire collection, 121, 122n3, Du Pan, Jean-Marc, 80, 81, 82, 158, 160 Frank, Hans Ulrich (cats. 83, 84), xiv, 161n1, 182–85, 182, 184
123, 125n4, 125n6, 212n6 Dürer, Agnes, 15, 19n6 Frankenthal, 175
Chiantorre, Giuseppe (or Gustavo?), 182, 185 Dürer, Albrecht (cats. 6–11), ix, ix, x, xii, xiii, xiv, 8, 9, 12– Erkenbert-Museum, 200n7
Christian IV, king of Denmark, 190 27, 15, 18, 22, 22n15, 23, 25, 29n4, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34n9, Frankfurt:
Christie’s, Amsterdam, 147n6, 185 36–37, 38n8, 41n4, 41n5, 53, 54, 55, 58n5, 67n6, 72, 74, Städel Museum, 6, 6, 11n2, 52, 52, 96n7, 138n7, 142n5, 208n5
Christie’s, London, 41n6, 55, 78, 82, 88n5, 93, 113, 122n2, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 82, 83n3, 83n4, 84, 94, 95, 96, Städelsches Kunstinstitut, 186n1
156, 196, 202, 208n4 106, 132, 132, 134, 162, 165n12, 185–86 Frauenholz, Johann Friedrich, 89
Christie’s, New York, 32, 34 Dürer, Albrecht the Elder, 12 Frederick I, Holy Roman Emperor (called Barbarossa), 117
Christie’s, Paris, 193 Dürer, Hans, 36 Frederick II, king of Denmark, 86
Christina of Sweden, 122n5 Dürer, Ursula, 22 Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, 165n15
Cigoli, Ludovico, 186 Düsseldorf, Museum Kunstpalast, 139, 141n7, 170 Frederick the Wise, elector of Saxony, 12, 19, 27, 32, 47, 62,
Cima da Conegliano, 24 64n10
Cleveland Museum of Art, 4, 84, 86n3, 93n4 Ebelmann, Hans Jakob (cat. 78), 172–73, 172, 189n4 Freedberg, David, 178
Cleyn, Francis (cat. 87), xiv, 190–93, 192 Eck, Leonhard von, 179n3 Freiburg cathedral, 36
Coburg, Kunstammlungen der Veste Coburg, 32n10, 50, Edelstetten: Freisig, Diözesanmuseum, 179n3
161n2 church of Saint John the Baptist, 212n2 Frenzel, J. G. A., 11
Codussi, Mauro, 126 church of Saint John the Evangelist, 212n2 Friedländer, Max, 49, 62, 71
Collaert, Adriaen, 116, 221n8 Edinburgh, National Galleries of Scotland, 123n12 Friedrich August II, king of Saxony, 11
Collaert, Jan (Hans) the Younger, 116n9, 131n6, 221n8 Eeles, Adrian, 5 Friedsam, Michael, 22
Collin, Richard, 214, 214 Egerton, John, second Earl of Bridgewater, 190 Fry, Roger, ix
Cologne: Ehe, Johann Isaak (cat. 86), x, xii, 188–90, 188 Fryszman, Jacques, 173
Kölnisches Stadtmuseum, 170n4 Ehlers, Ernst Heinrich, 156 Fučíková, Eliška, 137
Wallraf-Richartz-Museum und Fondation Corboud, Eleanor of Toledo, 110 Fuckeradt, Bernhard, 170n3
34n7, 48n5, 72n2, 166, 170n3 Eleonara Dorothea, duchess of Saxony-Weimer, 161n5 Fugger, Hans, 110, 197, 198
Coningham, William, 24, 27 Elsner von Gronow, Harald, 85, 86 Fugger, Jakob, 53
Constance: Engelsing, Tobias, 156
Rosgartenmuseum, 156 Enne collection, 171 Galerie de Bayser & Strolin, Paris, 75
Städtische Museen, 156 Erasmus, 20, 65 Galerie Claude Kuhn, Basel, 177
Copenhagen, Statens Museum for Kunst, 11n1, 44n3, Erlangen: Galerie Éric Coatalem, Paris, 219
75n3, 88n3, 88n10, 159n4, 175, 193n12 church of Saints Peter and Paul, Erlangen-Bruck, 30, 30 Galerie Fischer, Lucerne, 104
Correggio (Antonio Allegri), 144–45, 145, 186 Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg, 2, 15, 16, 46, Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, 22
Cort, Cornelis, 141 46, 56n2, 84, 84, 115, 116n2 Galerie Gerda Bassenge, Berlin, 162, 180, 185n17, 188, 198, 205
Cottbus, Stiftung Fürst Pückler-Museum, 29n9 Ernest, duke of Bavaria, 56 Galerie Grünwald, Munich, 177n1
Covellaet (Covellatus), Joseph, 218 Evelyn, C. J. A., 89 Galerie Koller, Zurich, 50
Cranach, Lucas the Elder (cat. 28), xiii, 27, 30, 38, 41n3, Evelyn, John, 87, 89 Galerie Les Tourettes, Basel, 38
41n5, 43, 44n10, 62–64, 64, 67n5, 67n6, 83n3, 94–96, Galle, Cornelis I, 187n7
95 Fairfax Murray, Charles, 22 Gaston de Foix, 81
Crozat, Pierre, 82 Falk, Friedrich, 5 Gatenbröcker, Silke, 178
Custos, Dominicus, 160, 160 Falk, Tilman, 32, 33, 49, 150, 176, 183 Gdańsk, 157, 158
Cysat, Renward, 108 Farnese family, 156n6 Muzeum Narodowe w Gdańsku, 159n2
Czeczowiczka, Edwin, 7 Federigo the Fleming, see Sustris, Friedrich Gębarowicz, Mieczysław, 18
251
Geissler, Heinrich, 91, 155, 171, 174, 176, 178, 180, 185 Helm, MacKinley, 114 Jones, Inigo, 210
Gelle, Johann, 166 Hemessen, Jan van, 186n2 Jost de Negker, 47
Gerhard of Augsburg, 49 Hemmel, Peter, 9
German occupation forces, 16, 137, 160 Hennenberger, Andreas, 175 Kager, Johann Mathias (cat. 68), xiv, 150–52, 150, 221n8
Gertner, Christoph, 182 Henry VII, king of England, 65 Karlsruhe, Staatliche Kunsthalle, 103, 104
Geuder, Georg Friedrich, 22 Hermann, Philipp, 206, 208 Karlštejn Castle, 2, 3
Gheyn, Jacob de II, 131n4, 206n1 Herr, Michael (cat. 81), 177–80, 178 Kassel, Gemäldegalerie, 64n10
Giambologna, 142 Heseltine, John Postle, 24, 27 Kastenholz, Richard, 54
Gilhofer, H., 98 Heydenreich, Gunnar, 62, 63 Katzenberger, Balthasar (cat. 77), 170–71, 170
Giustiniani, marquis Vincenzo, 212, 213, 214 Hille, Dr., 131 Kaufmann, Thomas DaCosta, xi, 87–88, 155, 180, 181
Göding, Andreas, 125n6 Hill-Stone, New York, 89, 182 Kaulbach, Hans-Martin, 174
Goes, Hugo van der, 5 Hirsch, Robert von, x Ketterer Kunst, Munich, 116
Goldberg, Gisela, 185 Hirschvogel, Heinz, 29n10 Kieslinger, Franz, 3
Goldner, George R., x Hirschvogel, Veit the Elder, 29n10, 74, 74 Kiev, Bogdan and Varvara Khanenko Museum of Arts, 196n6
Goldschmidt, Lucien, 120 Hoechstetter, Georg, 52 Kilian, Bartholomäus I, 217, 218, 218
Goltzius, Hendrick, 120, 156n3, 174, 176, 180, 184n11 Hoefnagel, Joris, xvn23, 209 Kilian, Bartholomäus II, 180n11
Gossaert, Jan, 24n1, 52, 52, 116n9 Hof, church of Saint Michael, 7, 9 Kilian, Lucas, 142, 142, 150, 182
Gotha, Schlossmuseum, 64n5 Hofer, Philip, 27 Kilian, Wolfgang, 221n8
Gottfried Keller-Stiftung, Zurich, 60 Hoffmann, Hans (cats. 59, 60), xiv, 83n3, 132–34, 134 Kirchheim Castle, 197
Göttingen, Kunstsammlung der Universität Göttingen, 91, Hofmann, Samuel, 203 Kisters, Heinz, 34n4
114n1, 143n14, 202n6 Hogenberg, Abraham, 166, 166 Klein, Adolf, 49, 50
Gottorf Castle, 63 Hogenberg, Johann, 167n2 Kleinberger, Paris, 22
Graf, Urs (cats. 25, 26), x, xi, xiii, 36, 44n12, 56–60, 59, 60, Holbein, Ambrosius, 34 Klemm, Christian, 216
61, 62, 67n5, 67n6, 111 Holbein, Hans the Elder, 11, 32, 33, 51, 65, 66 Kloek, Walter, 142
Graupe, Paul, 7 Holbein, Hans the Younger (cat. 29), x, xi, xii, xiii, 34, Knipperdolling, Bernt, 78
Grenoble, Musée de Grenoble, 128n5 44n12, 65–67, 66, 82, 85, 86, 204, 204 Knoblouch, Johannes, 58
Grooth, Johann Nikolaus, 215 Hollar, Wenzel (cat. 95), xiv, 190, 209–11, 210 Knüpfer, Nicolaus (cat. 88), xiv, 194–96, 194
Groß, Philipp, 150, 150, 163 Hollstein & Puppel, Berlin, 98 Koegler, Hans, 41n1
Grünling, Joseph, 16, 78 Holzschuher, Lazarus, 31n2 Koenigs, Franz, xi, 65–66, 67, 93
Guckeisen, Jacob, 172, 190n4 Homer, 190 Kölderer, Jörg, 162
Guercino (Giovanni Francesco Barbieri), 83n6 Hondius, Henrick, 136, 136 Koreny, Fritz, 4, 5–6, 10, 11n1, 17, 23, 32, 36, 54, 134
Gundelach, Matthäus (cat. 67), xiv, 131n12, 141, 148–50, Honorius of Autun, 48 Kortrijk, Broelmuseum, 126, 128
148, 159n4, 185n12 Honthorst, Gerrit van, 212, 213 Krelage, Ernst Heinrich, 199, 200
Gutekunst, H. G., 58, 147 Hooch, Pieter de, 196n11 Kreuzlingen, church of Saint Augustine, 212n2
Gutmann, Adam (cat. 70), 154–56, 158 Horace, 172 Krieg, Hans, 158, 159, 159
Hornick, Erasmus, xvn23, 92 Krumpper, Hans, 113
Haarlem, Teylers Museum, 143n8, 200n7, 200n8 Hornstain, Gabriel, 128n11 Kulmbach, Hans Suess von (cats. 12, 13), ix, x, xi, xii,
Habich, Edward, 58 Hôtel Drouot, Paris, 122n3, 123n12, 125, 128n9, 141, 144, 21n5, 27–32, 29, 30, 31, 36
Habich, Georg, 54 147n4, 168, 185, 200n8 Kunst, Pieter Cornelisz., see Pieter Cornelisz. Kunst
Habsburg dynasty, 16, 47 Houston, Museum of Fine Arts, 125n8, 138n6 Kunsthandel Katrin Bellinger, Munich, 9, 32, 34, 36, 47, 50,
Hackaert, Jan, 203 Howard, Thomas, second Earl of Arundel, 209 53, 60, 67, 82, 86, 91, 93, 104, 109, 125, 131, 134, 137,
Hainhofer, Philipp, 150 Huber, Wolfgang (cat. 24), ix, xiii, 32, 44n12, 55–56, 56, 141, 144, 145, 156, 160, 162, 168, 171, 173, 180, 185, 196,
Haller von Hallerstein, Christoph Joachim, 22 84 198, 205, 208, 211
Haller von Hallerstein, Hans Christoph Joachim, 22 Hugelshofer, Walter, 65 Kunsthandlung Gustav Nebehay, Vienna, 208
Halm, Felix, 91 Hunt, John, 55, 78 Kuppitsch, M., 147
Halm, Peter, 49 Husband, Timothy, 204
van Ham, Cologne, 147 Lahmann, Johann Friedrich, 137, 139
Hamburg, 87–88, 180 Imhoff, Willibald the Elder, 16, 19, 22n10, 132, 134 Lamoignon de Malesherbes, Chrétien-Guillaume de, 202
Hamburger Kunsthalle, 27n13, 56n4, 184n5, 208n7 Ingolstadt: Lang, Hieronymus, 94
Hampel, Munich, 147n5 Cathedral Zur Schönen Unserer Lieben Frau, 90, 90 Lanna, Adalbert von, 2, 3, 145, 147
Hans Rohr Buchhandlung und Antiquariat zum Stadtarchiv, 91n6 Laube, August, 36, 102, 106
Obderdorf, Zurich, 70, 72, 84, 206 Innsbruck, Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum, 152, 153 Laube, Daniela, 106
Hardenrath, Johann, 170 Isabella of Bourbon, 212 Lautensack, Hanns Sebald, 72n5, 88
Harrach, Count, 56 Isselburg, Peter, 168n7 Lawrence, Thomas, 24, 26, 27
Hartmann, Max, 38, 60 Ivins, William M., ix Lefebvre, François-Joseph, 16
Hartmann, Stella, 38 Lehman, Robert, x, xii, 7, 11, 16, 18, 22, 26, 27, 38, 54, 55, 78
Haunsheim church, 142 Jackson, A. Ward, 148 Lehrs, Max, 9
Hauser, Alois, 19 James I, king of England, 190 Leiden, Jan van, 78
Hauslab collection, 36 Jamnitzer, Christoph, 93n6 Leipzig, Museum der Bildenden Künste, 64n5, 67n15, 96, 97
Heberle, J. M., 171 Jamnitzer, Wenzel (cat. 42), xi, xiv, 70, 70, 80, 92–93, 150, Lely, Peter, 24, 27
Heem, Jan Davidsz. de, 198 188–89, 189 Lemberg, see Lviv
Heinsius, Daniel, 206n1 Jegli, Hans the Younger, 103 Lemberger, Georg, 45
Heintz, Joseph the Elder (cats. 64–66), xi, xiv, 137, 141–47, Jenichen, Balthasar, 80 Lempertz, Cologne, 167n7
142, 144, 146, 147, 148, 171 Joanna of Austria, 110 Lencker, Christoph, 150
Heintz, Joseph the Younger, 141, 147n5 John XV, Pope, 49 Lencker, Hans, 189n4
Heiss, Johann, 217 John the Steadfast, 32, 64n10 Leonardo da Vinci, 77, 132
Helbing, Hugo, 131 Joint, Don, 96 Lessing, Julius, 151
Heller, Joseph, 54, 85 Jolles, Boguslaw, 129, 131 Leu, Hans the Younger, 44n12, 45, 84
Helm, Frances H., 114 Jones, David, 160 Leubelfing, Mathilde von, 178

Levenson, Jay, 17, 18 Master F. V. B., 67n6 Muller, Frederik, 50, 53
Leyden, Lucas van, 30, 67n6, 81 Master MZ (Matthäus Zasinger?), 60, 61 Muller, Jan Harmensz., 174
Licht, Stefan von, 7 Master of Flémalle, 9 Müllner, Johannes, 165
Liebenstein, Simon von, 53, 54, 54 Master of the Amsterdam Cabinet (Master of the Munich, xiv, 113, 119
Liechtenstein, Vaduz and Vienna, princes of, xi, 29, 36, 60, Housebook), 6, 71 Alte Pinakothek, 7, 20–21, 22, 32n4, 146, 177n8, 179n7,
144, 190 Master of the Drapery Studies (Master of the Coburg 186n2
Ligozzi, Jacopo, 186, 186 Roundels), 8–9, 8, 9n3 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 50n3, 165n12, 214n2, 216n7
Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts, 44n11, 66 Master of the Holy Kinship, 48n5 Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, 64n5, 125n2, 185
Lindtmayer, Daniel the Younger (cat. 45), xi, 98–100, 100, Master of the Miracles of Mariazell, 61 Bayerische Verwaltung der Staatlichen Schlösser, Gärten
101, 102, 204 Master Theodoric, 2, 2, 3 und Seen, Residenz, 118, 119, 120
Lindtmayer, Felix the Younger, 98 Masters of Tarocchi, 92 Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, 50n12, 64, 165n11, 179n3
Lingg, Lorenz, 103, 104, 104 Matham, Jacob, 120n4, 120n5, 156n3, 160, 161n1, 176, Frauenkirche, 221
Linz: 181n7, 196n5 Heilig-Geist-Kirche (Church of the Holy Ghost), 212, 212
monastery of Sankt Florian, 45 Matthias, Holy Roman Emperor, 188 Staatliche Graphische Sammlung München, 101n5, 102,
Nordico–Museum der Stadt Linz, 131n4 Matthias, Jacob or Johann, 206 118n6, 123n9, 127, 161, 177, 184n7, 205, 208
Liphart, Karl Eduard von, 107, 109 Matthiesen Gallery, London, 7 Muralt-von Planta, Wilhelm von, 70, 72, 84, 206
Liphart, Reinhold von, 107, 109 Mauerbach, Carthusian monastery, 168–70 Murath collection, 41
List, Herbert, 91 Maurer, Thomas, 114n1 Murer, Christoph (cat. 47), xi, 100, 101n5, 102–4, 102, 103,
Löcher, Kurt, 32 Maximilian I, duke of Bavaria, 114, 117, 119, 185, 212 104, 107
Lochner, Stefan, 24n1, 48n1 Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, 12, 17, 19, 24, 32, 42, Murer, Jos, 102
Löhr, Alexander, 30 47, 53, 162 Murer, Josias, 102
Lombard, Pierre, 190–91, 192 Maximilian II, Holy Roman Emperor, 92, 93
London: Mayliss, F. A., 121, 123 Nagler, Karl Friedrich Ferdinand von, 54n11
British Library, 50 Mayor, A. Hyatt, 78 Nassau-Idstein, Georg-August von, 202
British Museum, 16n3, 18, 18, 27n13, 29n8, 30, 31, 32n14, Mazzetti di Pietralata, Cecilia, 216 Nassau-Idstein, Count Johann von, 201, 202
33, 34n10, 35, 37, 40, 41n1, 50n12, 52n8, 58, 60, 66, 66, Meckenem, Israhel van, 19, 58n5, 66, 72n7 Neer, Eglon van de, 196n11
67, 75n6, 81, 83n4, 88, 93, 105, 108, 114, 120, 123n11, Meder, Joseph, 55 Negker, Jost de, see Jost de Negker
131n9, 138, 142, 143n6, 149, 160, 166, 180, 186, 187n7, Medici, Duke Cosimo I de’, 110, 113n15 Neuberg, Jesuit Church, 178
193n11, 204, 212n6 Meissner, Kurt, 91, 107, 109 Neukirchen, church of Saint Stephen, 215, 216
Courtauld Gallery, 16n6, 146, 147n10 Meisterlin, Sigmund, 50 New Haven:
National Gallery, 44n6, 208n7 Melanchthon, Philipp, 64n10 Yale Center for British Art, 193n11
Old Saint Paul’s cathedral, 209–10, 210 Meldolla, Andrea, see Schiavone Yale University Art Gallery, 153, 175n7
Victoria and Albert Museum, 93, 93, 125, 202n6 Mellon, Mrs. Paul, 200n3, 200n6 New York:
Lorck, Melchior (cat. 40), xiv, 86–89, 88 Memling, Hans, 24 A. and R. Ball, 11
Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, 46, 46, 52n8, 75n4, 94, Menberger, Kaspar, 155 Pierpont Morgan Library, 22n14, 34n11, 75n8, 102, 111,
95, 96n2, 145, 153, 175n6 Merian, Maria Sibylla, 198, 201 112, 131, 142, 154, 181
Loth, Johann Carl, ix, xi Merian, Matthäus the Elder, 130, 131, 131, 178, 180n11, 203 Nicholas II, Pope, 112
Lotto, Lorenzo, 196 Metsu, Gabriel, 194 Niger, Petrus, 5
Löwensprung collection, 109 Metzger, Christoph, 32 Nijstad, Saam, and Lily Nijstad-Einhorn, 131, 173
Lübeck, church of Saint Mary, 129 Meyer, Conrad (cats. 92, 93), xi, 203–6, 204, 205, 206 Nolpe, Pieter, 221n8
Lubomirski, Henryk, 16 Meyer, Dietrich, 203 Nonnberg, monastery of, 154
Lubomirski, Jerzy Rafał, 16 Meyer, Johann Jakob, 107, 108, 108 Nuremberg, xii, xiii–xiv, 9, 12–41, 80, 92, 94, 132, 162–65,
Lubomirski collection, x, 12, 16, 17, 24 Meyer, Jost, 109 177–78, 188–89
Lucerne, 106–8, 108 Meyer, Rudolf, 203 art academy, 214
Kapelbrücke, 205n6 Michelangelo, x, 9, 110, 116, 142, 178 church of Saint Bartholomäus, 178
Stadtarchiv, 109 Mielich, Hans (cat. 41), xiv, 89–91, 90, 91, 179n3 church of Saint George Wendelstein, 30
Stiftung Joseph Willmann-Haus, 108 Mielke, Hans, 42, 44n3 church of Saint Lorenz, 30
Lüchteke, Jochim (cat. 71), xi, 156, 158–60 Mignon, Abraham, 198 church of Saint Sebald, 28, 31
Luther, Martin, 64n10, 86 Milan: Germanisches Nationalmuseum, 22n13, 24n3, 27n13,
Luxembourg, Artemis Fine Arts, 113 Biblioteca Ambrosiana, 27n13, 212n1, 212n2 49n11, 64n5, 129, 134n8
Lviv (Lemberg, also Lvov or Łwów), V. Stefanyk Library of Milan cathedral, 212 Nüscheler, Hans Jakob the Elder (cat. 48), 104–6, 106, 107
the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, 16, 17 Mirou, Anton, 175 Nüscheler, Heinrich, 104
Lyser, Lucas, 158 M. Knoedler & Co., New York, 27
Moeller Fine Art, New York, 5 Oberhuber, Konrad, 30
Madrid: Momper, Joos de, the Younger, 221n8 O’Dell, Ilse, 81
monastery of Las Descalzas Reales, 93 Monogrammist AW (cat. 39), xii, 84–86, 86 Oerschot, Arnold van, 54
Museo Nacional del Prado, 16n8, 116n5, 156n6 Monogrammist G. Z. (cat. 17), 38–41, 39, 40 Oettingen-Wallerstein, princes of, xi, 91n6, 98, 100, 147n6,
Mair von Landshut, 43 Monogrammist S. M., 185n18 211, 212, 215
Maitani, Lorenzo, 42, 42 Montebello, Philippe de, x Ogilby, John, 190, 191, 192
Major, Isaak (cat. 69), x, 152–53, 153 Montpellier, Commissaires Priseurs de, 9 Oldenburg, Landesmuseum für Kunst und
Mander, Karel van, 128n9, 137n6, 141, 160, 161n1, 176, 214 Moosinning, Galerie Siegfried Billesberger, 198 Kulturgeschichte, 194
Mantegna, Andrea, 42, 84 Moraht-Fromm, Anna, 9n3 Oppenheimer, Henry, 55, 78, 93
Manuel, Niklaus, 44n12 More, Thomas, 65 Ort, Arnold van, 54
Marcou, Paul-Frantz, 139, 141 Moscow, Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, 139, 141n7, Ortelius, Abraham, 88
Margaret of Austria, 27n14 208n5 Orvieto cathedral, 42, 42
Marrel, Jacob (cat. 90), x, xiv, 198–200, 200, 201 Motte, Nathalie, 175 Osborn, Mrs. William H., 27
Master bxg, 72n7 Mozart, Anton, xii, xiii, 150, 150 Osborn, William Henry, 27
Master D. S., 57, 58 Muchall-Viebrook, Thomas, 66 Oslo, Nasjinalmuseet for Kunst, Arkitektur og Design,
Master E. S., 19, 57, 58, 67n6 Müller, Christian, 57, 66 125n5, 131n4
i ndex | 253
Ostendorfer, Hans the Elder, 165 Rabeau collection, 34 Sacramento, Crocker Art Museum, 175n7
Ostendorfer, Hans the Younger, 175 Raimondi, Marcantonio, 66, 66, 114n4 Sadeler, Egidius II, 122, 122, 143n8, 148, 149, 152, 175n9,
Otmar, Silvan, 49 Raitenau, Wolf Dietrich von, 154 209, 212
Ottawa, National Gallery of Canada, 91n6 Randall, L. V., 24n11 Sadeler, Jan I, 114n3, 116n3
Ovid, 123, 146, 190, 213, 214 Ranschburg, H., 98 Sadeler, Johann I, 167, 176, 180n11
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 52n8, 70, 75n9, 186n1, Raphael, 66, 66, 114n4, 142, 190 Sadeler, Raphael, 186, 186
193n11, 210 Rascafria, Spain, charterhouse of Santa Maria de El Paular, Saenredam, Jan, 120, 120, 174, 181n7, 184n11
170 Salviati, Francesco, 113n15
P. & D. Colnaghi & Co., London, 44, 153, 190 Rassieur, Tom, 204, 204 Sandrart, Joachim von, the Elder (cats. 97, 98), xi, xiv, 128,
Palgrave, Francis Turner, 27 Ratdolt, Erhard, 47 196, 201, 212–16, 214, 216, 221n8
Palma il Giovane, Jacopo, 121, 122, 148, 149, 158, 176, 177 Ratjen, Wolfgang, 91 San Francisco, Fine Arts Museums, 88n4
Panckoucke, Charles-Louis-Fleury, 80, 81, 82 Rau, Gustav, 196n7 Sankt Gallen, Historisches Museum, 104n7
Panofsky, Erwin, 21n5, 23–24 Redmond, Johnston Livingston, 27 San Marino, Huntington Library, Art Collections and
Paolo Fiammingo, see Franck, Pauwels Redmond, Katharine S. Raven, 27 Botanical Gardens, 148n4
Paris: Redslob, Ernst, 98 Santvoort, Anthonie, 141
Bibliothèque Nationale de France, 82n2, 202n6 Reggio, Raffaellino da, 138, 138, 142 Savery, Jacob, 152, 153
École Nationale Supérieure des Beaux-Arts, 58n1, 83n2, Reichardt, Franz, 22 Savery, Roelant, xiv, 152, 153, 175
120n1, 153n2, 185, 186n1 Reichenau, Berno von, 49 Schab, William H., 56
Frits Lugt Collection, 120, 170n3 Reichle, Hans, 158 Schaeffer Galleries, New York, 7
Musée du Louvre, 15, 15, 24n4, 25, 26n6, 26n8, 27n13, Reiffenstuel, Gregor, 127, 127, 128 Scharf, Alfred, 211
34n10, 42, 44n3, 48, 50, 82, 112n4, 118n6, 125n4, Reiss & Sohn, Konigstein im Taunus, 86 Schäufelein, Hans (cats. 14, 15), x, xi, xii, 32n10, 32–36,
138n3, 143n8, 186, 196n8 Reiter, Bartolomäus (cat. 80), xiv, 175–77, 177 33, 35, 111
Parker, Karl, 41n1 Reiter, Johann, 175 Schellenberger, Hans, 33
Parma: Reiter, Michael, 175 Schenck, Christoph Daniel, 212n7
church of Saint Paul, 145n5 Reitlinger, Henry Scipio, 17 Schiavone (Andrea Meldolla), 89, 91
Galleria Nazionale di Parma, 144, 145 Reni, Guido, 177 Schickhardt, Heinrich, 135
Parmigianino, 81, 82, 82 Reveley, Hugh, 78 Schiele, Egon, 16
Pasadena, Norton Simon Foundation, 83n6 Richardson, Jonathan Sr., 44 Schilling, Edmund, 49, 52, 71
Passe, Crispijn van de, the Elder, 120n4, 180, 180, 181, Richter, Abraham, 160, 162 Schlitter, Johann, 178
221n8 Richter, Christian (cat. 73), 154, 160–62, 161 Schlossberger, Daniel, 135
Pauli, Gustav, 135 Ridolfi, Carlo, 122 Schmid, Anton, 3, 128, 188
Paumgartner, Hans, 33, 33 Rieger, Johann, 131n12 Schmidt, Peter (cat. 72), 157–60
Pencz, Georg, 72 Riesenberger, Johann Moritz the Younger, 208 Schnitzer, Jobst, 188
Perrenot de Granvelle, Antoine, 16 Riester, Lutz, 118, 193, 216 Schoch, Hans, 172
Petrie, Adam, 56 Ringgli, Gotthard, 104n8, 106, 129, 131 Schöffer, Peter, 6
Pfeiffer, Johann Joachim the Elder, 180, 208 Ringler, Ludwig, 84, 85 Scholz, Janos, 80
Pfinzing, Martin, 84 Roberts, Marion, 210 Schönbrunner, Joseph, 55
Pfinzing, Melchior, 53 Robinson, William W., 200n8 Schönfeld, Johann Heinrich, 182, 183–84, 184
Philip II, king of Spain, 156n6 Rodrigues, Eugène, 51, 52n8, 53, 58 Schongauer, Caspar, 9
Philip II, margrave of Baden-Baden, 82 Rolas du Rosey, Carl, 77, 78 Schongauer, Martin (cat. 5), x, xii, 9–11, 11, 12, 18, 24n1,
Philip IV, king of Spain, 212 Roller, Stefan, 9n3 28, 29, 47–48, 48, 57, 67n6
Philipp II, duke of Pomerania, 150 Rome: Schorer, Hans Friedrich the Elder (cat. 89), 177n10,
Phillipps-Fenwick collection, 66 Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica di Palazzo Barberini, 196–98
Phillips, London, 208n2 185n19 Schorer, Hans Friedrich the Younger, 196
Pieter Cornelisz. Kunst, 167, 168n8 Sistine Chapel, 178 Schubert, A., 145, 147
Pietro da Cortona, 217 Villa Borghese, 138 Schuler Auktionen, Zurich, 205
Pilz, Kurt, 98 Villa Madama, 177n11 Schwarz, Christoph, 128, 129, 179, 182, 185n12
Piombi, Sebastiano del, 142 Villa Medici, 215n12 Schwarz, Hans (cat. 23), x, 53–55, 54
Pirckheimer, Willibald, 12, 19n6 Rordorf, Hans Heinrich, 102, 102 Schwarz, Stephan, 53
Plassman, Otmar, 79 Rosa, Salvator, 198n6 Schwegler, Daniel, 58n7
Plepp, Hans Jakob (cat. 46), 98n2, 100–102, 102, 107 Rosenberg, Jakob, 10, 62 Schwerin, Staatliches Museum, 180, 180, 208n5
Pleydenwurff, Hans, 7, 7, 9 Rottenhammer, Hans (cats. 55, 56), x, xi, xiv, 102, 104, Schwieger, Jörg, 58n5
Plomp, Michiel P., 167n1 121–25, 122, 125, 150, 159n4, 175, 176, 177, 177 Seiter, Daniel, xii
Posonyi, Alexander, 22 Rotterdam, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, 52, 52, 66, Seligenstadt, Arnold von, 54
Posonyi, Vienna, 7 67n2 Sennfls, Ludwig, 54n10
Potter, Paulus, 221n8 Röttger, Bernhard Hermann, 91n4 Serlio, Sebastiano, 135
Poynter, Ambrose, 76 Röttinger, Heinrich, 28, 41n1 Sieveking, Hinrich, 64
Poynter, Edward John, ix, 76 Roupell, Robert Prioleau, 116n9 Sion, Musée d’Histoire du Valais, 107, 108, 109n3
Prague, xiv, 2–4, 139, 141, 152, 154, 158 Rouveyre, Édouard, 165 Škréta, Karel, 217
church of Saint Thomas, 144, 144, 145 Rowlands, John, 9n3, 40, 67, 74 Sladeczek, Leonhard, 41
Národní Galerie v Praze, 20, 26n4, 125n2, 143n15 Roycroft, Thomas, 190, 191 Sloane, Hans, 27
Obrazárna Pražského Hradu, 198 Rubens, Peter Paul, 170n3, 178, 185, 193n7, 212, 216, 216 Smith, Jeffrey Chipps, 28
Prague Castle, 143n14 Rudolf, Carl Robert, 100, 102 Solis, Virgil (cat. 37), xiii, 71, 80–82, 81, 84, 94, 221n8
Praun, Paulus, 134 Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor, x, xiv, 16, 92, 122n5, 132, Sollis, Hans, 80
Prestel, Frankfurt, 173 134, 137, 139, 140, 141, 144, 146, 148, 153, 154, 155, Somaré collection, 36
Princeton University Art Museum, 181n2 156n3, 158, 159n6 Sonnenberg, Hans Rudolf, 108
Procaccini, Ercole II, 211 Rudolph Lepke’s Kunst-Auctions-Haus, Berlin, 147 Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, 102, 128n11, 131, 139, 171, 173, 175,
Procaccini, Giulio Cesare, 211 Rupprich, Hans, 54 200n8, 208
Puppel, Reinhold, 170 Sotheby’s, London, 47, 76, 88n3, 89, 109, 131n4, 137, 160, 211

Sotheby’s, Munich, 198n3 Treviso, Villa Barbaro-Volpi, 177n11 Weih-Krüger, Sonja, 34n9
Sotheby’s, New York, 53, 67, 93, 98, 101n2, 144, 145, 153n3, Trinity Fine Art, London, 100, 212, 215 Weikersheim Castle, 170
177, 196n7 Troschel, Peter Paul, 160 Weimar:
Speckaert, Hans, 137–38, 141–44, 142 Tylicki, Jacek, 158 Ernestine dukes, 160, 161
Sperling, Harry G., 123 Klassik Stiftung Weimar, 16n9, 19–20, 21n9, 100, 125n4,
Speyer, 170 Umbach, Jonas (cats. 99, 100), xiv, 216–21, 219 208n5
Bishop’s Palace, 173n4 Unicorno Collection, 131, 173 Wenceslas IV, king of Bohemia, 3
Historisches Museum der Pfalz, 54n4 Utrecht, 194, 198–200, 201 Werdmüller, Hans Georg, 206n3
Spicer, Joaneath, 152, 153 Archbishop’s Palace, 188n13 Werdmüller, Johann Rudolf, 205–6, 206
Spitzer, Frédéric, 165 Werdmüller, Rudolf, 203, 206n3
Spranger, Bartholomeus, xiv xvn23, 137, 141, 148, 156n4, Valencia, Museo del Patriarca, 198n3 Werl, Hans (cat. 54), x, 113, 119–20, 120
158, 176, 185 Valkenborch, Gillis van I, 153n4 Werner, Hans, 90, 90
Sprüngli, Hans Jakob, 102, 105–6 Vanderbilt, Cornelius, ix Wertheimer, Anne, 200n8
Squilli, Benedetto di Michele, 110, 110, 111 Vasari, Giorgio, xiv, 9, 84, 110, 111, 112, 114, 177n11 Wertheimer, Otto, 29, 199, 200
Stams Monastery, 131n4 Vecellio, Cesare, 87 West, A. N., 160
Starcky, Emmanuel, 10 Venice, 121 Weyden, Rogier van der, 6, 9, 48n1, 48n3
Steen, Jan, 194 church of Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, 215 Weyer, Gabriel, 168n7
Steinberg, Leo, 37 church of the Madonna dell’Orto, 178 Weyer, Hans the Elder, 173
Steiner, Alice, 139 Galleria dell’Accademia, 23 Weyer, Hans the Younger, 173
Steiner, John, 139 Scuola Grande di San Marco, 126 Weyer, Hermann (cat. 79), xiv, 173–75, 174, 175, 181
Steinhammer, Friedrich Christoph, 125n6 Scuola Grande di San Rocco, 122 Weyer, Jacob (cat. 94), 206–8, 208
Stella, Jacques, 217 Verchère, E., 11 Wierix, Hieronymus, 105, 105, 106, 114, 114, 120n4
Sternberg-Manderscheid, Franz von, 11 Verhaecht, Tobias, 153n4 Wieser, Ludwig von, 153
Steudner, Daniel, 219, 219, 221 Vermeyen, Hans, 120n6 William, duke of Saxony-Weiner, 161n1, 161n5
Stevens, Pieter, 153 Veronese, Bonifazio, 123n7 William IV, duke of Bavaria, 42, 47, 165
Stimmer, Christopher, 82 Veronese, Paolo, 121, 142, 177n11 William V, duke of Bavaria, xiv, 110, 114, 119
Stimmer, Tobias (cat. 38), xi, xiii–xiv, 82–84, 94, 98, 99, Vianen, Paulus van, xiv, 152, 152, 153 Williams, Iolo Aneurin, 210n5
100, 102, 104n8, 107, 204, 204 Vico, Enea, 87 Willinges, Johann, 129
Stockholm, Nationalmuseum, 48n1, 48n3, 75n8 Vienna, 62 Windsor Castle, 82
Stone, John, 190 Albertina, 15, 16, 16n7, 22n13, 26n4, 32n5, 77n2, 83n3, Winghe, Joos van, 167
Stonor, Hon. Sherman, 89 120n3, 128n8, 128n11, 132, 134n7, 152, 170n3, 185n14, Winhart, Andreas, 84
Stonyhurst College, 186n7 202, 214n2, 218 Winkler, Friedrich, 28, 31n2, 34
Stör, Lorenz, 70 Hofbibliothek, 28 Winterberg, Arno, 171
Storer, Johann Christophorus (cat. 96), xi, xiv, 211–12, Kunsthistorisches Museum, 3n4, 4n5, 34n4, 48n2, 56, Winterthur, Gottfried Keller-Stiftung, 60
212, 217 120n6, 131n7, 139, 140n4, 143n6, 156n4 Winzinger, Franz, 9, 10
Stosskopf, Sebastian, 212 Österreichische Nationalbibliotek, 4n3 Wisreuter, Hans, 90, 90
Straet, Jan van der (Giovanni Stradano, or Stradanus), 110, Saint Stephan’s cathedral, 213 Witte, Pieter de, 117
111, 120n4 Virgil, 190, 192 Wittelsbach, Otto von, 117, 117, 118, 118
Strasbourg: Vischer, Georg (cat. 85), 185–88 Woensam, Anton, 41n1
cathedral, 82 Vischer, Hans, 41n1 Wolfaerts, Artus, 188n13
Musée des Beaux-Arts, 202n6 Vischer, Peter, 80, 82, 158, 160, 203, 205 Wolfegg Castle, 170, 175
Strauss, Walter, 18, 41n1 Visscher, Claes Jansz., 168n10 Wolgemut, Michael, 12
Strigel, Bernhard, 44n12 Vitruvius, 17, 18, 135 Wolleb, Hans Heinrich, 56–57
Strobel, Bartholomäus the Younger, 157, 158 Vivarini, Alvise, 24, 25, 25 Wood, Christopher, 50
Strölin, Alfred, 58 Volckamer, Berthold, 163, 165 Woodburn, Samuel, 27
Stuttgart: Volk-Knüttel, Brigitte, 117–18, 119 Woodner collection, 41n6, 74n3, 88
Landesmuseum Württemberg, 217n7 Voragine, Jacobus de, 45 Wouwerman, Philips, 206
Lusthaus, 135 Vos, Maerten de, 113, 129, 176, 221n8 Wrocław:
Staatsgalerie, 34n9, 36, 91n6, 125n3, 128n4, 131n4, Vrancx, Sebastiaan, 166 Bernardine church, 157
138n2, 148n2, 171n2, 174, 219 Vredeman de Vries, Hans, 136, 136 Muzeum Archidiecezjalne we Wroclawiu, 116n5
Subastas Segre, Madrid, 112n4 Vries, Adriaen de, 156n3 Würzburg:
Süleyman the Magnificent, Ottoman emperor, 169 Julius-Maximilians-Universität, 96n4, 114n3, 212n7
Sustris, Friedrich (cats 50, 51), xiv, 110–14, 110, 112, 119, Wägmann, Hans Heinrich (cat. 49), 106–9, 108, 109, 204 Würzburg cathedral, 213
150, 155 Wägmann, Ulrich, 106, 108 Wyss collection, 84, 101n1, 101n4
Sustris, Lambert, 110, 196n8 Waldburg-Wolfegg and Waldsee, princes of, 86n9, 125n5,
125n6, 171n2, 175 Zay, Johannes Carl, 154
Tajan, Paris, 185 Wallbaum, Matthias, xii, xiii, 150 Zbyněk of Hazmburk, 4
Taylor, Paul, 45 Walther, Johann Friedrich, 201 Zechetmayr, Thomas the Elder, 90, 90
Tempesta, Antonio, 142 Walther, Johann Georg, 201 Zehender, Gabriel, 38
Thiébault-Sisson, François, 58 Walther, Johann Jakob the Elder (cat. 91), xiv, 201–2, 202 Ziegert, Max, 158, 160
Thierry, Wilhelm Adam, 98 Wannenwecz, Hans Jörg, 98, 99, 100 Ziegler, Hugo von, 98
Thomas Williams Fine Art, London, 148, 185, 202 Ward-Jackson, Peter, 87 Zoller, Hans Wilpert, xi, xii, xiv, 68, 70, 72, 84, 206
Thompson, Cephas G., ix Warsaw, Muzeum Narodowe w Warsawie, 33, 218n4 Zuccaro, Federico, 142
Thöne, Friedrich, 107–8, 109, 170 Warshaw, Monroe, 48n1, 49, 114, 177 Zuccaro, Taddeo, 142
Tietze, Hans, 18 Washington, D.C., National Gallery of Art, x, xi, 10–11, 11, Zug, Switzerland, Stadtbibliothek, 104
Tintoretto, Jacopo, 121, 122, 122, 142, 178, 180, 197 29n6, 83n3, 87, 91n5, 116, 134, 175n7, 193n12, 212n6 Zurich, 104, 105
Titian, 110, 155, 156, 215 Weert, Jakob de, 161n1 Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule, 60
Trausnitz Castle, 155 Weigel, Hans, 88, 88 Kunsthaus Zürich, 103, 104n8, 109n2, 204n6
Tremmel, Ingeborg, xi, 116 Weigel, Rudolph, 58, 78 Zwicky collection, 50
i ndex | 255
This catalogue is published in conjunction with “Dürer and Beyond: Central 66, 81, 88, 93, 105, 108, 114, 120, 138, 142, 149, 160, 166, 180, 186, 204: © 2011
European Drawings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1400–1700,” The Trustees of the British Museum; p. 23: Ministero per I Beni e le Attività
on view at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, from April 3 through Culturali, Soprintendenza Speciale per il Patrimonio Storico Artistico ed
September 3, 2012. Etnoantropologico e per il polo museale della città di Venezia e dei comuni della
gronda lagunare; p. 25: © Bayonne, Musée Bonnat, Helleu / cliché A. Vaquero;
This catalogue is made possible by The Peter Jay Sharp Foundation. pp. 29, 139, 172, 182: Herbert Boswank, photographer; p. 33: © Ligier Piotr/
Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, 2011; pp. 36, 174, 219: © Staatsgalerie
Published by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Stuttgart; pp. 42, 83, 129, 145, 188: Scala / Art Resource, NY; pp. 43, 159:
Mark Polizzotti, Publisher and Editor in Chief Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz/ Art Resource, NY; p. 48: Réunion des
Gwen Roginsky, Associate Publisher and General Manager of Publications Musées Nationaux / Art Resource, NY (photograph Madeleine Coursaget);
Peter Antony, Chief Production Manager p. 50: © Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg/Germany; p. 50: © The British
Michael Sittenfeld, Managing Editor Library Board; pp. 54, 56, 96, 204: BPK, Berlin/ Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche
Robert Weisberg, Assistant Managing Editor Museen, Berlin, Germany/ Volker-H. Schneider/ Art Resource, NY; p. 56: Erich
Lessing / Art Resource, NY; p. 60: © Gottfried Keller-Stiftung, Winterthur;
Edited by Nancy Grubb, with Marcie M. Muscat pp. 66, 82, 187: Réunion des Musées Nationaux / Art Resource, NY; p. 72:
Designed by Christopher Kuntze Anhaltische Gemäldegalerie Dessau, Graphische Sammlung; p. 77: BPK, Berlin/
Production by Douglas Malicki, with Bonnie Laessig Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, Germany/ Art Resource, NY;
Bibliography by Jayne Kuchna p. 82: © 2011 Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II; p. 84: Bernisches Historisches
Image Acquisition and Permissions by Jane S. Tai Museum; pp. 93, 125: V&A Images/Victoria and Albert Museum; p. 97: BPK,
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Cover illustrations: (front) Albrecht Dürer, Sheet with a Self-Portrait and Studies (photograph Joerg P. Anders); p. 150: BPK, Berlin / Kunstgewerbemuseum,
of the Artist’s Left Hand and a Pillow, 1493 (cat. 6, detail); (back) Joseph Heintz the Staatliche Museen, Berlin, Germany / Art Resource, NY (photograph Saturia
Elder, Nymphs and Satyrs in a Landscape, 1599 or before (cat. 66, detail) Linke); p. 170: Stiftung Museum Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf; p. 216: Lukasweb.
Frontispiece: Isaak Major, Landscape with a Wooden House Built into a Rock,
ca. 1620–30 (cat. 69, detail) Copyright © 2012 by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Additional illustrations: p. viii: Jonas Umbach, The “Bavarian Electoral Fruit Tree,”
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted
1665 or slightly earlier (cat. 99, detail); pp. 222–23: Hans Ulrich Frank, Neptune
in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying,
and Amphitrite in a Chariot Drawn by Hippocampi, ca. 1620–40 (?) (cat. 84, detail)
recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission
in writing from the publishers.
Unless otherwise specified, all photographs were supplied by the owners of the
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Photographs of works in the Metropolitan Museum’s collection are by The
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Images courtesy National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.; pp. xii, 58, 62:
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© Kunstmuseum Basel (photograph Martin P. Bühler); p. 3: © Radovan Boček;
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p. 4: ©The Cleveland Museum of Art; p. 4: © President and Fellows of Harvard
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Dür er and Beyond

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p r i n te d i n ita ly cen t r a l europe a n dr aw ings, 1 400 –1700

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alsteens

Dür er and Beyond

The Metropolitan Museum of Art Yale University Press

Stijn Alsteens and Freyda Spira

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

vi Director’s Foreword | Thomas P. Campbell

xvi Note to the Reader

2 Artists Active before 1500

42 Artists Active outside Nuremberg in the Early Sixteenth Century

68 Artists Active in the Mid-Sixteenth Century

110 Artists Active Mainly in Munich about 1600

166 Artists Active in the Early Seventeenth Century

194 Artists Born after 1600

The history of the collection of Central European old

x | dür er and beyond

have needed to be discussed by comparing his drawings

xii | d ürer and beyond

Cranach the Elder and Hans Holbein the Younger, but

xiv | d ürer and beyond

Fig. 1. Circle of Master Theodoric, A Philosopher (?) and an Astronomer,

This is one of a small handful of seemingly independent

Fig. 2. Attributed to Master Theodoric, Saint Andrew, 1360–64.

Provenance: Adalbert von Lanna (1836–1909), Prague; Franz Kies-

1. G. Schmidt 2005, pp. 109–10.

4 | d ü rer and beyond

Pen and carbon black ink, traces of black chalk underdrawing,

a rt i st s act i ve b ef ore 1 500 | 5

shaped parallel lines of hatching. An even closer rela-

The praying Christ and the three sleeping disciples in

a rt i st s act i ve b ef ore 1 500 | 7

8 | dürer and beyond

a rt i st s act i ve b ef ore 1 500 | 9

10 | dür er and beyond

a rt i st s act i ve b ef ore 1 500 | 11

Albrecht Dürer 6 | Albrecht Dürer

14 | d ür er and beyond

Fig. 2. Albrecht Dürer, Three Studies of a Left Hand, ca. 1493–95.

al b r e ch t d ür e r an d arti st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 15

Provenance: Probably Willibald Imhoff the Elder (1519–1580) and his

16 | d ür er and beyond

Pen and iron gall ink, 12⅞ × 4¾ in. (32.7 × 12 cm)

When Henry Scipio Reitlinger first published Fortuna

al b r e ch t d ür e r an d art i st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 17

18 | d ürer and beyond

al b r e ch t d ür e r an d art i st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 19

20 | d ür er and beyond

1. As quoted in H. Budde 1996, p. 142: “Der Salvator, so Albrecht

al b r e ch t d ür e r an d arti st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 21

22 | d ürer and beyond

al b r e ch t d ür e r an d arti st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 23

24 | dürer and beyond

al b r e ch t d ür e r an d art i st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 25

1. The watermark is similar to one found in paper used in Innsbruck

26 | dürer and beyond

al b r e ch t d ür e r an d arti st s act i ve i n nu rem b erg | 27

General literature: F. Winkler 1942, pp. 7–110; S. Walther 1981;

12 | Hans Suess von Kulmbach

Fig. 1. Martin Schongauer, The Baptism of Christ, before 1481.

According to Heinrich Röttinger, this drawing was first

28 | dür er and beyond

or contemporaries. Comparison of individual figures—