Plaintiff,: Motion For Expedited Hearing
Plaintiff,: Motion For Expedited Hearing
Plaintiff,: Motion For Expedited Hearing
JEFF MERKLEY,
Plaintiff,
No. 18-cv-2226 (ABJ)
v.
Electronically Filed
DONALD J. TRUMP et al.,
Hon. Amy Berman Jackson
Defendants.
Plaintiff Senator Jeff Merkley, by and through his counsel, respectfully moves this Court
for an expedited hearing on his motion for a temporary restraining order pursuant to Federal Rule
Support of Its Opposition to Plaintiff’s Motion for Temporary Restraining Order and Motion to
Dismiss is due by 5:00 PM on Friday, October 5, 2018 and Plaintiff’s Consolidated Reply
Memorandum in Support of Its Motion for Temporary Restraining Order and Opposition to
Plaintiff’s Motion for Temporary Restraining Order is then set for Tuesday, October 9, 2018.
1
Under Local Rule 7(m), Plaintiff has contacted counsel for Defendants regarding this motion.
On behalf of his clients, Mr. Pezzi has stated that he opposes this motion and intends to file a
short opposition promptly. Mr. Landau responded that he also opposes this motion.
2
Any submission from Defendant William Burck is due by 9:00 AM on Monday, October 8,
2018, however Defendant Burck is not implicated in Plaintiff’s motion for a temporary
restraining order.
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Since Plaintiff’s October 3, 2018 conference with the Court, Defendant McConnell has
petitioned for cloture on Judge Brett Kavanaugh’s nomination.3 This new factual development
makes it extremely likely that a vote will be held on his nomination on Saturday, October 5,
2018. Once the vote is held, Plaintiff’s opportunity to satisfy his constitutional obligation to
provide “advice and consent” will be permanently extinguished, and many aspects of this case
will be moot. Cf. League of Women Voters of the United States v Newby, 838 F 3d 1, 9 (D.C. Cir.
1. This is a suit brought under the Advice and Consent Clause of the United States
meddling of private actors, with conflicts of interest, in the advice and consent
3. “It is well established that district courts enjoy broad discretion when deciding case
and in what order cases should be heard and determined.” Florida v. United States,
Antitrust Class Actions, 327 F.3d 1207, 1210 (D.C. Cir. 2003); McSheffrey v. Exec.
Office for the United States Attys., No. 00-5268, 2001 U.S. App. LEXIS 13898 at *1
3
During the October 3, 2018 hearing, the Court requested that the parties file a notice if the
Senate schedule regarding the confirmation process were formalized. See (Oct. 3, 2018 Hr’g. Tr.
at 27).
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(D.C. Cir. May 4, 2001) (per curiam)). Under this general principle, courts have
granted motions for expedited hearings on temporary restraining orders when there is
an imminent threat of irreparable harm absent such a hearing. See, e.g., Curtis v.
Dec. 4, 2013).
4. New facts have arisen since the October 3, 2018 scheduling conference. That which
Plaintiff anticipated has now become fact: on the evening of October 3, 2018,
Defendant McConnell filed a petition for a “cloture vote,” which would allow such a
vote to take place on Friday, October 5 and a final vote to take place 30 hours later on
U.S. Senate Republicans Set Kavanaugh Procedural Vote For as Early as Friday,
https://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2018/10/03/us/politics/03reuters-usa-court-
vote on the nomination this week, yesterday’s action now makes the vote real and
imminent, and not merely speculative or hypothetical. Clare Foran, McConnell takes
key step toward vote on Kavanaugh nomination, CNN (Oct. 3, 2018), available at
https://www.cnn.com/2018/10/03/politics/mcconnell-kavanaugh-nomination-
vote/index.html?utm_term=image&utm_source=twCNN&utm_content=2018-10-
04T02%3A12%3A38&utm_medium=social.
5. Plaintiff comes to this Court as a last resort, and refrained from doing so until the
nominee was voted out of Committee and turned over for deliberation by the full
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EXHIBIT #1
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JEFF MERKLEY,
Plaintiff,
No. 17-cv-255 (TSC)
v.
Electronically Filed
DONALD J. TRUMP et al.,
Hon. Amy Berman Jackson
Defendants.
Pursuant to Title 28 U.S.C. Section 1746, I, Jeff Merkley, hereby declare and state as
follows:
2. I could not believe that the President could proceed, after nominating Judge
Kavanaugh, to prevent the Senate from having full access to his record. Because of my earlier
investigations during the nominations of Judge Merrick Garland by President Obama and of now-
Justice Neil Gorsuch by President Trump, I had read and studied a great deal about the Founders’
3. I learned that the Founders deliberately designed the process to maximize the
chance that individuals selected to serve in executive and judicial posts would be of “fit
character.” They decided that the responsibility for nominating an individual should rest with one
person, the President, because if assigned to an Assembly there would be too much horse trading
between members of the Assembly. But they also felt that there needed to be a check in case the
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President should go off track and show inappropriate favoritism or select individuals unfit to
serve.
4. The division of responsibilities created by the Founders requires that the Senate
not be able to interfere with the nomination process, and that the President not be able to interfere
with the confirmation process. But the latter is exactly what we see right now.
6. In no case do I consider this duty more important than for a nomination to the
Supreme Court. This group of justices has final say over the interpretation of the Constitution.
These positions are lifetime appointments. The views of each Justice will determine whether we
truly have a government “of, by, and for the people” or whether it is one that makes
interpretations of our Constitution bend in the direction of government by and for the powerful.
The character of each Justice will determine whether the Supreme Court is viewed as a thoughtful
8. And yet here I am, unable to review Judge Kavanaugh’s full record because
President Trump has exercised “presidential privilege” (interpreted to mean the same as
“executive privilege”) to keep me and my fellow Senators from seeing more than 100,000 pages
of documents related to his service in the White House Counsel. We know that this was a
critical time in which the nominee was involved in many issues. He was involved in the issues of
torture. There are allegations that he was in receipt of stolen documents related to Senators’
strategy related to nominations. He was involved in discussions of why individuals were suited or
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unsuited to serve as judges. He wrote at least one email about whether Roe v. Wade was viewed
as settled law. And he was undoubtedly involved in dozens of other important issues. Thus, there
is much to be learned about his judicial temperament and judicial philosophy from those
9. These documents were requested by the Chair of the Judiciary Committee. So the
Senate, in a bipartisan manner, felt that these documents were relevant and important.
10. And yet the President has blocked them. What is in these documents that the
President does not want the Senators to know? And on what grounds were these documents
blocked? Surely the President does not have a unilateral right to decide how the Senate reviews
the record of nominees. This would be a plain violation of the separation of powers and the
precedent for the direct and extensive use of presidential privilege to block the Senate’s ability to
12. And surely the reason it hasn’t been done before is that other Presidents
13. My understanding is that there has been no explanation of why each of these
100,000 pages has been blocked. These documents pertain to when President Bush was in office,
but the privilege is being asserted by President Trump on behalf of President Trump. In other
words, we should be dubious that the assertion of this power has legitimacy given that the
documents are not about confidential deliberations of the President asserting the privilege.
“committee confidential.” I and other Senators who are not on the Judiciary Committee have
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severely limited access to them. To my knowledge, and to the knowledge of experts I have
consulted, there is no precedent for such extensive use of confidentiality designations to block
separate processes of nomination and confirmation, and the latter serving as a check on the abuse
16. The constitutional duty to provide advice and consent does not belong to one
Senator or a small group of Senators. That duty is given to each of the 100 Senators. Like each
17. If the Senate is not given a chance to provide meaningful, informed advice and
consent, the integrity of the confirmation process and the Supreme Court itself are severely
compromised. If this president is permitted to blatantly interfere with the Senate’s constitutional
responsibilities to avoid scrutiny of his nominee’s record, future presidents will have every
18. I know that asking the Court to intervene to protect the separation of powers and
the integrity of the confirmation process is an unusual request. I have made this request because
we have never seen such an extraordinary use of executive privilege to block the Senate’s ability
19. Prior to filing this lawsuit and motion, I frequently asked myself: when is it the
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20. In the Senate, the confirmation process has two phases. The first phase is
consideration by the Senate Judiciary Committee. Eventually, the Committee votes on whether to
21. Because I am not on the Judiciary Committee, my role in this process began the
moment that the Judiciary Committee voted to send the nomination to the full Senate for
consideration. It is at that moment that my role was initiated and at that moment that my ability
to review Judge Kavanaugh’s full record was compromised by President Trump’s use of
“presidential privilege.”
22. While I had initially filed the Complaint in the lawsuit on September 26, I chose
not to ask for the Court’s intervention at that time because I had reason to believe that judicial
intervention might turn out to be unnecessary. The Judiciary Committee voted Judge
Kavanaugh’s nomination out of committee on Friday, September 28th. I filed the motion asking
the court to intervene shortly thereafter after asking my counsel to carefully review the caselaw
23. I come to the Court as a last resort. I thought that it was such an unusual request
that I should hold back until my role was directly obstructed. That became true the moment the
Judiciary Committee voted the nominee out of Committee and thus turned over the issue to
deliberation by the full Senate. This reflects the respect I have for the judicial process.
24. I seek the ability to faithfully carry out my obligation to provide advice and
25. I believe, based on my experience in the Senate to date, that a limited order from
this Court of the type that I have requested has the potential to positively impact the confirmation
process. For example, such an order, even if issued shortly before a final vote on Judge
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Kavanaugh takes place, when combined with other considerations suggesting the propriety of a
brief delay, may prompt the Senate to postpone the final vote on his confirmation pending
President Trump's production of the previously withheld privilege log or documents, or pending a
more realistic opportunity for Senators to review documents marked as confidential. This will
allow for the type of informed deliberative process that the Founders of our great Republic
envisioned.
I, Jeff Merkley, declare under penalty of perjury that the foregoing is true and correct to