Psicologia Positiva en Los Dominios Clinicos

Chiara Ruini
Positive
Psychology
in the Clinical
Domains
Research and Practice
Positive Psychology in the Clinical Domains
Chiara Ruini
Positive Psychology
in the Clinical Domains
Research and Practice
Chiara Ruini
Department of Psychology
University of Bologna
Bologna, Italy
ISBN 978-3-319-52110-7 ISBN 978-3-319-52112-1 (eBook)

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016963591
© Springer International Publishing AG 2017

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I am deeply grateful to many people that
contributed in various ways to this book:
To my mentors, whose expertise, knowledge,
and teachings constitute the core contents of
each chapter of the book,
To my students, whose enthusiasm and
curiosity gave me the input to start writing
the book,
To my dear colleagues and friends, whose
passion for clinical research and practice
enlightened the writing of each chapter,
To my patients, whose difficulties, resources,
and quest for happiness have been essential
in understanding the complex relationships
between positive functioning and distress,
To my family, whose unconditional love and
support have encouraged and sustained this
project
Preface
This book has been conceived as an integration between clinical and positive
psychology fields of research and practice. Clinical psychology has a long tradition
and several theoretical contributions that have addressed issues such as happiness,
resilience, and optimal functioning. However, the medical model that conditioned
clinical practice has overshadowed these contributions and given privileged attention
to distress and negativity in human existence.
On the other hand, the emerging field of Positive Psychology has devoted
attention and resources to the investigation of positivity. However, it has often been
criticized for not fully considering the complexities of human experience and the
relationships with distress and psychopathology. The purpose of this book is
building a useful bridge between positive and clinical psychology.
This book could provide clinical psychologists and mental health practitioners
with insights and recent findings derived from the positive psychology research.
This would indeed improve clinical practice by integrating the evaluation of patients’
strengths and resources, by enlarging therapeutic goals to the restoration and
maintenance of well-being, and by using specific positive interventions.
The book is also addressed to positive psychologists and researchers who aim to
address their field of investigation to the clinical domains, since it may provide
insightful perspectives derived from the historical and theoretical background
of clinical psychology. These contributions indeed call for a whole consideration of
individuals’ characteristics and specificities, and they may provide suggestions for
overcoming the “one-size-fits all approach” often criticized inside the positive
psychology research.
The book is conceived in two parts. The first one provides an introduction and a
theoretical framework for describing concepts such as hedonic and eudaimonic
well-being, resilience, character’s strengths, positive health and positive functioning,
with a special reference to their clinical implications.
The second part provides a review of positive interventions aimed at promoting
positivity in clinical practice/psychotherapeutic settings. The variety of positive
interventions described in the second part of the book is aimed at providing clinicians
with different strategies that could be easily chosen according to patients’ needs and
vii
viii Preface
peculiarities. A specific focus on a balanced application of positive interventions

with clinical populations strongly characterizes this book. Controversies emerging
from current research in positive psychology, in fact, have suggested that the
promotion of happiness and well-being sometimes may yield paradoxical results.
These considerations and the complex relationship between well-being and distress
are discussed along all chapters of this book. They aim at providing useful insight
for choosing the most appropriate therapeutic strategy, at the most appropriate
timing, according to patients’ characteristics and clinical needs.
Bologna, Italy Chiara Ruini

Acknowledgments
The assistance and support of Dr Francesca Vescovelli in the preparation of this

book was essential, and I wish to express her my deepest gratitude.
ix
Contents
Part I Positive Constructs and Their Role in Clinical Domains

1 Positive Psychology and Clinical Psychology: Common
Philosophical Backgrounds, Early Contributors,
and Possible Integrations.......................................................................... 3
1.1 Introduction......................................................................................... 3
1.2 Hedonic and Eudaimonic Well-Being: Basic Concepts...................... 4
1.2.1 Hedonic Well-Being and Its Assessment................................. 5
1.2.2 The Influence of Personality Traits, Genes
and Life Circumstances on Hedonic Well-Being:
The Homeostatic Model........................................................... 7
1.2.3 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Its Assessment............................ 9
1.2.4 The Integration of Hedonic and Eudaimonic
Well-Being: Optimal Well-Being............................................. 12
1.3 Philosophic Contributions to Positive and Clinical Psychology
(Seneca, Aristotle, Buddhism and Eastern Philosophy)...................... 13
1.3.1 Western Theories of Well-Being and Mental Health............... 13
1.3.2 Eastern Theories of Well-Being and Mental Health................ 14
1.4 Traditional Contributions to Positivity in Clinical Domains:
Humanistic, Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy......................... 15
1.4.1 Humanistic and Existential Psychotherapy.............................. 15
1.4.2 Traditional Clinical Psychology and Psychodynamic
Perspectives.............................................................................. 16
1.4.3 Cognitive Behavioral Therapies and Other
Psychotherapeutic Approaches................................................ 17
1.5 Definitions of Well-Being Deriving from Psychiatric Research......... 20
1.6 The Integration Between Positive and Clinical Psychology................ 23
References.................................................................................................... 24
xi
xii Contents
2 Positive Human Health, Positive Mental Health, Resilience

and Their Psychosomatic Underpinnings................................................ 31
2.1 Early Contributors in the Psychosomatic Fields:
Commonalities with Positive Psychology Perspective........................ 31
2.1.1 The Concepts of Salutogenesis and Sense of Coherence......... 33
2.1.2 Resilience................................................................................. 33
2.1.3 Hardiness.................................................................................. 35
2.2 Allostatic Load Versus Optimal Allostasis
and Optimal Experience...................................................................... 36
2.2.1 Allostatic Load and Allostatic Overload.................................. 36
2.2.2 Toughness and Optimal Allostasis........................................... 37
2.2.3 Optimal Experiences or Flow.................................................. 38
2.3 The Protective Role of Positive Emotions
(Broaden & Build Theory).................................................................. 40
2.3.1 Neurological and Biological Correlates of Hedonic
Well-Being............................................................................... 41
2.4 The Protective Role of Eudaimonic Well-Being:
Positive Human Health........................................................................ 43
2.4.1 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Allostatic Load.......................... 43
2.4.2 Neurological and Biological Correlates
of Eudaimonic Well-Being....................................................... 45
2.4.3 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Health......................................... 46
2.5 The Concept of Positive Mental Health and Flourishing:
Their Relationship with Psychological Well-Being
and Psychological Distress.................................................................. 47
2.5.1 Well-Being and Recovery........................................................ 48
2.5.2 Flourishing Mental Health....................................................... 49
2.5.3 Mental Health, Positive Emotion Regulation and
Psychopathology...................................................................... 49
2.5.4 The Balance Between Positivity and Negativity...................... 53
References.................................................................................................... 55
3 Positive Personality Traits and Positive Human Functioning................ 63
3.1 Personality Traits and Well-Being....................................................... 63
3.1.1 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Personality Traits....................... 65
3.2 Temperament and Character Model.................................................... 65
3.3 Character’s Strengths........................................................................... 69
3.3.1 The Diagnosis of Positive Personality:
The Four Front Approach......................................................... 69
3.3.2 Character’s Strengths and Well-Being:
A Non-linear Relationship....................................................... 71
3.4 Positive Personality Traits and Personality Disorders......................... 72
3.5 Positive Functioning Manifested as Balanced Expression
of Positive Traits.................................................................................. 74
References.................................................................................................... 75
Contents xiii
Part II The Promotion of Positivity in Clinical Practice

4 Positive Interventions and Their Effectiveness with
Clinical Populations................................................................................... 81
4.1 Clinical Interventions and Positive Interventions:
Possible Integrations............................................................................ 81
4.1.1 Common Therapeutic Techniques
and Possible Integrations......................................................... 82
4.2 Well-Being Therapy............................................................................. 84
4.2.1 Well-Being Therapy in Children.............................................. 87
4.3 Quality of Life Therapy....................................................................... 88
4.4 Positive Psychotherapy........................................................................ 90
4.5 Strengths Based Interventions............................................................. 91
4.6 The Effects of Positive Interventions................................................... 93
4.6.1 Beneficial Effects and Mechanisms of Action......................... 93
4.6.2 Controversial and Paradoxical Effects..................................... 94
4.6.3 Ambivalence, Fear, and Defense Mechanisms
Related to Positivity................................................................. 97
4.7 Clinical Psychology as Source of Expertise for Positive
Psychology: The Use of Psychotherapeutic Research Design............ 98
References.................................................................................................... 103
5 Hope, Optimism, Goals and Passion: Their Clinical Implications........ 109
5.1 The Concepts of Hope and Optimism................................................. 109
5.2 Hope in Psychotherapy........................................................................ 110
5.2.1 Hope Therapy........................................................................... 112
5.3 Optimism and Cognitive Therapy....................................................... 113
5.3.1 The Nuances of Optimism in Clinical Settings:
Defensive Pessimism and Naïve Optimism,
and False Hope......................................................................... 115
5.4 Goals, Passion and Psychopathology.................................................. 119
5.5 Implications for Depression and Mood Disorders............................... 120
5.6 Conclusions and Therapeutic Recommendations................................ 122
References.................................................................................................... 123
6 Life Adversities, Traumatic Events and Positive Reactions................... 129
6.1 Stressors and Life Adversities, and Their Impact
on Well-Being...................................................................................... 129
6.1.1 Mortality Salience, Distress and Well-Being........................... 130
6.1.2 The Curvilinear Model............................................................. 131
6.2 Different Definitions: Benefit Finding, Stress Related
Growth and Post-traumatic Growth..................................................... 132
6.3 Forgiveness and Wisdom..................................................................... 134
6.3.1 Wisdom.................................................................................... 134
6.3.2 Forgiveness.............................................................................. 135
6.3.3 Self-Forgiveness....................................................................... 138
xiv Contents
6.4 Psychotherapeutic Steps to Promote PTG, Forgiveness

and Wisdom......................................................................................... 139
6.4.1 Facilitating Post-traumatic Growth.......................................... 140
6.4.2 Facilitating Wisdom................................................................. 142
6.4.3 Facilitating Forgiveness and Self-Forgiveness......................... 143
References.................................................................................................... 148
7 Love, Empathy and Altruism, and Their Clinical Implications............ 155
7.1 Well-Being in Couples and Families................................................... 155
7.1.1 Love Styles and Positive Relationships................................... 156
7.1.2 Hedonic Well-Being and Marital Satisfaction......................... 158
7.1.3 Positive Parenting.................................................................... 159
7.2 Positive Psychology and Positive Couple Therapy............................. 160
7.3 Empathy in the Psychotherapy Room (Vicarious PTG,
and Clinicians’ Well-Being)................................................................ 163
7.3.1 Empathy................................................................................... 163
7.3.2 Vicarious PTG and Vicarious Resilience................................. 166
7.4 Altruism and Altruism Born of Suffering............................................ 168
7.4.1 Altruism: Lights and Shadows................................................. 168
7.4.2 Altruism Born of Suffering...................................................... 171
References.................................................................................................... 173
8 Gratitude, Spirituality and Meaning: Their Clinical Implications....... 179
8.1 Theories and Research on Gratitude, Spirituality
and Meaning........................................................................................ 179
8.1.1 Gratitude in Clinical Practice................................................... 179
8.1.2 Spirituality, Transcendence and Meaning
in Clinical Practice................................................................... 181
8.2 Interventions........................................................................................ 183
8.2.1 Interventions to Improve Gratitude.......................................... 183
8.2.2 Mindfulness and Acceptance and Commitment
Therapy.................................................................................... 184
8.2.3 Meaning-Making Interventions and Existential
Therapies.................................................................................. 189
8.2.4 Narrative Strategies in Clinical Settings:
The Use of Fairytales............................................................... 193
References.................................................................................................... 196
Concluding Remarks, Future Perspectives and Author’s Comments......... 205

Part I
Positive Constructs and Their Role in
Clinical Domains
Chapter 1
Positive Psychology and Clinical Psychology:
Common Philosophical Backgrounds, Early
Contributors, and Possible Integrations
“No medicine cures what happiness cannot.”

Gabriel García Márquez
Abstract The chapter provides the historical, philosophical and theoretical under-
pinnings shared by positive and clinical psychology. A brief overview of definitions
and paradigms of well-being (hedonia versus eudaimonia) is presented, with a
cross-cultural perspective (Eastern and Western perspectives). Finally, early contri-
butions to the study of positive functioning within the clinical psychology literature
are articulated, with a concluding remark of possible integrations between positive
and clinical psychology research and practice.
1.1 Introduction
Historically, the movement of positive psychology was born as a criticism to current

research within the field of traditional psychology, that was dominated by a medical
model of human functioning (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). In the abstract
of a pivotal article, Authors stated:
“The exclusive focus on pathology that has dominated so much of our discipline results in
a model of the human being lacking the positive features that make life worth living. Hope,
wisdom, creativity, future mindedness, courage, spirituality, responsibility, and persever-
ance are ignored or explained as transformations of more authentic negative impulses”
(p 5)
They proclaimed the mission of a new era of psychology research:

“The aim of positive psychology is to begin to catalyze a change in the focus of psychology
from preoccupation only with repairing the worst things in life to also building positive
qualities.” (p.5)
Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) thus, identified specific “positive dimen-

sions” of human functioning (hope, wisdom, courage, spirituality, etc.…) that have
been neglected by traditional psychology research and they claimed a change in the
© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 3

C. Ruini, Positive Psychology in the Clinical Domains,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1_1
4 1 Positive Psychology and Clinical Psychology: Common Philosophical…
focus, with the building of such positive dimensions as primary mission for psy-
chologists (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000).
Traditional psychology, in fact, after World War II had been mainly focused on
relieving and healing people from the sufferings of the war, and had moved into a
discipline based upon a medical model of psychological distress and disorders.
However, it was inside the clinical arena that the term “positive psychology” was
coined. In fact as early as 1954, Abram Maslow wrote a chapter on his book
“Motivation and Personality” entitled Toward a Positive Psychology (Maslow,
1954). He advocated that psychology, and particularly the clinical domains of coun-
seling and psychotherapy should pay more attention to the positive sides of human
beings and facilitate their maturation and growth. Officially, the birth of the Positive
Psychology as an ideological movement is attributed to Martin E.P. Seligman, who
served as president of the American Psychological Association (APA) from 1998 to
1999 and made the promotion of positive psychology his key presidential initiative
of his term in office (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000).
In any case, many of the theoretical roots of positive psychology could be tracked
back within the clinical domains. Since its early stages, clinical psychology research
emphasized issues such as the concept of individuation (Jung, 1933), the concepts
of resilience and meaning (Frankl, 1959), and developed criteria for positive mental
health (Jahoda, 1958). Similarly, humanistic psychology suggested concepts such
as self-realization and self-actualization as final therapeutic goal (Maslow, 1954;
Rogers, 1961). More recently, Keyes (2002) and Huppert and So’s (2013) defini-
tions of flourishing mirror the DSM diagnostic criteria for psychiatric disorders
(American Psychiatric Association, 2000) by identifying each symptom’s opposite.
Thus, current definitions of well-being and flourishing derive (by opposite or inverse
mechanisms) directly from clinical psychology/psychopathology classification sys-
tems. These issues will be deeply discussed in the next sections of this chapter.
More generally, it could be asserted that the roots of positive psychology can be
found in the history of the humankind, that constantly inquired on what makes life
worth living, with the aim of seeking for a satisfactory life and an optimal human
functioning. This theoretical perspective can be found in Athenian as well Eastern
philosophy, in religion, in social and clinical sciences, as it will be briefly described
in the following sections.
The first scientific investigations within the positive psychology domains stressed
out the juxtaposition of two lines of research: the hedonic and eudaimonic
perspectives.
1.2 Hedonic and Eudaimonic Well-Being: Basic Concepts
Historically, psychosocial research on well-being has been dominated by two oppo-

site approaches: the hedonic/subjective one, and the eudaimonic/psychological per-
spective. A seminal review by Ryan and Deci (2001) examined these two concepts.
1.2 Hedonic and Eudaimonic Well-Being: Basic Concepts 5
In the subsequent sections their main characteristics, theoretical contributors and

assessment tools will be briefly summarized.
1.2.1 Hedonic Well-Being and Its Assessment
According to the hedonic perspective, well-being consists of subjective happiness,

pleasure and pain avoidance. Thus, the concept of well-being is equated with the
experience of positive emotions over negative emotions, and with satisfaction in
various domains of one’s life. The hedonic perspective appears to be particularly in
accordance with the core values and ethos of modern western culture, namely lib-
eral modernity, hedonism, and romantic individualism, (Joshanloo, 2013). Thus, in
the contemporary Western society, happiness is defined by the absence/presence of
pleasure and positive emotions (Kahneman, Diener, & Schwarz, 1999).
Hedonic well-being has also been labeled as “subjective well-being” (SWB) in
order to stress out the importance of individuals’ evaluations of their lives, in two
broad domains: the affective (emotions) and the cognitive one (Diener, Suh, Lucas,
& Smith, 1999). The term “subjective” is put in juxtaposition to the objective condi-
tions of living, such as material good or health status, even though these can influ-
ence ratings of SWB. Accordingly, SBW or hedonic well-being may be described
as the presence of positive emotions over negative ones and a global positive evalu-
ation of one’s life condition, namely life satisfaction (Diener et al., 1999).
Psychosocial research has traditionally assessed hedonic/subjective well-being
by psychometric instruments devoted to measure the affective components and the
cognitive one. One of the pioneer researcher in assessing both positive and negative
emotions was Bradburn (1969) who created the “Affect balance scale” for measur-
ing the positive affect (five items) and the negative affect component (five items).
This scale simply asks individuals if, in the past few weeks, they have felt certain
emotions. The scale provides a final score by subtraction the “No” score from the
“Yes” score to create a positive/negative affect equilibrium. By a theoretical view-
point, Bradburn considered positive and negative affect as independent, although
related dimensions. However, subsequent research disconfirmed this model and
pointed out the psychometric limitations of the Affect Balance Scale (Kim &
Mueller, 2001).
In order to overcome these limitations Watson, Clark, and Tellegen (1988) cre-
ated the Positive and Negative Affect Scale (PANAS) a 20-item self-report measure
of positive (10 items) and negative affect (10 items) where subjects have to answer
with a 5 point Likert scale that adds information on the intensity of the emotions
reported. The independence of positive and negative affect is recognized by keeping
two separate scores for the two dimensions. PANAS displayed good psychometric
properties (high test-retest reliability in the long term; high internal consistency for
the two subscales) and has been used conjunctly with personality inventories and
clinical scales for assessing anxiety and depression, showing significant correla-
tions with traits and affective symptoms (Crawford & Henry, 2004). The PANAS
scale is nowadays largely applied in clinical settings, and may provide useful
information on patients’ mood, encompassing the positive, as well as the negative

components. Similarly, the PANAS has become one of the most used questionnaires
for measuring hedonic well-being in the field of positive psychology research. Thus,
a first bridge between these two disciplines could be represented by this shared
assessment tool.
On the other hand, the cognitive component of hedonic/subjective well-being has
been evaluated by a variety of instruments. Historically, one of the first scale is the
Life Satisfaction Index (Neugarten, Havighurst, & Tobin, 1961) which comprises 20
items for assessing five components: zest (as opposed to apathy), resolution and
fortitude, congruence between desired and achieved goals, positive self-concept and
mood tone.
More recently, Diener, Emmons, Larsen, and Griffin (1985) developed the
Satisfaction with Life scale (SWLS), a short 5-item instrument designed to measure
global cognitive judgments of satisfaction with one’s life, by using a 7 point Likert
scale. For its good psychometric properties and its easiness to be filled, it has been
translated and validated cross –culturally. Some criticism derives from the fact the
SWLS provides an index of general positive evaluation of individuals’ life, without
considering various domains and area of functioning (i.e., work, familiar, income,
etc.…). However, SWLS has been one of the first instruments to be applied in clini-
cal populations for assessing their positive features together with their symptoms.
These investigations involved patients with severe psychopathology, such as
depression and schizophrenia (Fervaha, Agid, Takeuchi, Foussias, & Remington,
2016; Palmer, Martin, Depp, Glorioso, & Jeste, 2014). Also in this case the disci-
plines of positive psychology and clinical psychology indeed share assessment
methods.
In order to overcome to the limitations of the SWLS in terms of domains’ speci-
ficity, the International Wellbeing Group developed the Personal Wellbeing Index
(PWBI) (The International Well Being Group, 2006) that evaluates individual’s sat-
isfaction in eight domains (standard of living, health, relationships, achievements in
life, safety, community connectedness and spirituality) using a 10 point Likert scale.
The domains resulted to be strongly intercorrelated, and taken together, they still
provide a general evaluation of individuals life, that displayed a convergent validity
with the SWLS.
Finally, often the term “happiness” has been commonly used in regards to
SWB. In this case, happiness could be defined as “satisfaction of desires and goals”
(therefore related to life satisfaction), or as a “preponderance of positive over nega-
tive affect” (therefore related to emotional components of SWB). Thus, by using the
term “happiness” researchers have tried to combine and evaluate together these two
components. For instance, Sonja Lyubomirsky (Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999) one
of the pioneer researcher on happiness and life satisfaction, developed the Subjective
Happiness Scale (SHS): a short scale where two items ask respondents to character-
ize themselves using both absolute ratings and ratings relative to peers, whereas the
other two items offer brief descriptions of happy and unhappy individuals and ask
respondents the extent to which each characterization describes them. The SHS has
high internal consistency, which has been found to be stable across samples. Test-
retest and self-peer correlations have suggested good to excellent reliability.
Box 1.1 Measures for Subjective Well-Being (Hedonic Well-Being)

–– Affect Balance Scale (ABS; Bradburn, 1969)
–– Positive and Negative Affect Scales (PA.NA.S; Watson et al., 1988)
–– Life Satisfaction Index (LSI; Neugarten et al., 1961)
–– Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS; Diener et al., 1985)
–– Personal Well-being Index (PWBI; Cummins, Eckersley, Van Pallant, Van
Vugt, & Misajon, 2003)
–– Subjective Happiness Scale (SHS; Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999)
These instruments represent only a limited sample of currently available inven-

tories for assessing positive emotions and life satisfaction. Even though reviewing
current assessment tools for measuring SWB and happiness falls beyond the scope
of this book, these paragraphs aimed at providing various options and tools to be
applied in well-being research, as well as in clinical investigations.
1.2.2 T
he Influence of Personality Traits, Genes and Life
Circumstances on Hedonic Well-Being: The Homeostatic
Model
These instruments for assessing subjective well-being, life satisfaction and happi-
ness have being extensively applied in investigations aimed at discovering predic-
tors and sociodemographic factors associated to these positive characteristics.
Considering their high stability over time, the major empirical hypotheses that were
tested, concerned their association with specific personality traits. Even though the
description of positive personality characteristics will be analyzed in Chap. 3 of this
book, indeed high levels of extroversion were found to be linked to stable indexes of
SWB. Conversely, the trait of neuroticism was found to be linked to negative affect
and lower levels of SWB. Subsequently, other studies documented the roles of other
basic personality traits: agreeableness and conscientiousness that are related to
positive affect and life satisfaction.
The stability of SWB and its link with personality traits lead investigators to
hypothesize a genetic component of well-being embedded in DNA. Early contribu-
tors in this area of research were Tellegen et al. (1988) that estimated that 40% of the
variability in positive emotions and 55% for negative emotions could be predicted by
genes. Confirming this prior genetic finding, Lykken and Tellegen (1996) reported
stable positivity levels in adults, and they proposed the “set-point” levels of happi-
ness”. Thus, this set point could provide a valuable explanation for the stability of
SWB over time. Accordingly, people move above or below their baseline level of
SWB, depending on the nature of experienced events, and over time they return to
their genetically determined SWB set-point (Diener et al., 1999). This theory emerged
from a seminal investigation in which paralysis accident victims as well as major lot-
tery winners returned to prior levels of SWB shortly after their major life event, and
did not differ from the average person (Brickman, Coates, & Janoff-Bulman, 1978).
This process of adaptation is commonly referred to as the hedonic treadmill (Diener,
Lucas, & Scollon, 2006) or “homeostatic control” (Cummins, 2003). These phenom-
ena have been conceptualized into the “Happiness Set Point Theory”, also known as
the “Dynamic Equilibrium Theory”, which asserts that happiness levels remain stable
over time despite changes in life circumstances, even major events.
Using the Personal Well-being Index in national and international surveys,
Cummins, Eckersley, Van Pallant, Van Vugt, and Misajon (2003) confirmed the hap-
piness set point theory and explained that the happiness set point is similar to other
human homeostatic systems, whereby the body endeavors to maintain a predeter-
mined level of happiness despite of external factors. While happiness levels may
alter temporarily after significant life events, they soon return to a physiologically
determined set point for each individual. In fact, the findings from these surveys
documented that most people experience a moderately positive level of well-being,
with the population average normally held at about 75% of maximum. This homeo-
static system is designed to hold this value within a narrow, positive, set-point-range
and to prevent SWB from falling below its set-point (Cummins, 2003). This homeo-
static process is activated by each individual using different psychological devices.
First, the personality traits determine the set-point range for each individual.
Secondly, a set of cognitive buffers involving perceived control, self-esteem and
optimism, modulates the impact of different life events, such as trauma, stressors,
chronic illnesses etc. Other buffers implicated in this process of habituation and
adaptation are social support, relationships and income. Most of these processes of
habituation and adaptation constitute the first line of defense against the threat of
changed extrinsic conditions that may influence the individual levels of SWB. The
failure of this homeostatic system of defense may lead to the development of depres-
sion and anxiety disorders (Cummins, Li, Wooden, & Stokes, 2014). In fact,
Cummins et al. (2014) found elevated anxiety levels in people that presented an
homeostatic breakdown and decreased SWB levels outside of normal range.
Further, recent findings in general population documented that certain life transi-
tions have a different impact on individuals, according to various sociodemographic
variables. For instance, transition into widowhood is more harmful to men than to
women, and divorce is much more harmful to young males (below 35) than to any
other age or gender group (Naess, Blekesaune, & Jakobsson, 2015). Longitudinal stud-
ies on changes in marital status also documented a more complex picture. For instance,
the event of marriage provides, on average, only a small increase in SWB levels, that
gradually disappear over few years of marriage. The event of widowhood, on the other
hand, seems to determine long-lasting effects on SWB. Widows and widowers, in fact,
presented a decline in average satisfaction, which was due to strong initial reactions
followed by relatively slow adaptation. These results show that although adaptation
does often occur, it can be slow and partial, and there are many people who show no
evidence of adaptation (Lucas, Clark, Georgellis, & Diener, 2003).
In medical settings, Silver (1982), used a longitudinal design to follow individu-
als with spinal-cord injuries from 1 to 8 weeks after the accident that produced their
disability. Immediately after the accident negative emotions were stronger than
positive, but happiness gradually increased, and by the 8th week, positive emotions
were stronger than negative ones. These longitudinal data offer support for some
degree of adaptation, though it is unclear whether respondents ever returned to their
preaccident baseline levels of SWB. These findings prompted authors to recom-
mend major revisions to the set point theory to accommodate the evidence of mal-
leability in well-being for some people, especially those with particular personality
profiles (Diener et al., 2006; Lucas et al., 2003).
Similarly, Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, and Schkade (Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, &
Schkade, 2005) developed a model of well-being that estimates that 50% of the
variance in happiness is attributable to genetics and 10% to life circumstances and
socio-economic status. However, this model also acknowledges that 40% of one’s
happiness depends on the extent to which an individual engages in intentional activ-
ities aimed at fostering well-being. Such activities can be cognitive (e.g., adopting
an optimistic outlook), behavioural (e.g., physical activity), or volitional (e.g., using
signature strengths to help others), paving the way for the development of positive
interventions aimed at improving individuals’ levels of well-being, that will be
described in the next chapters of this book.
1.2.3 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Its Assessment
According to the eudaimonic perspective, well-being consists of fulfilling one’s

potential in a process of self-realization. Under this umbrella some researchers
described concepts such as fully functioning person, self-actualization and vitality.
Eudaimonic theories also emphasized traits as self-esteem, meaning in life, opti-
mism, enjoyment of activities as personally expressive, and autonomy (Ryan &
Deci, 2001; Ryff, 1989; Waterman et al., 2010). Thus, providing a complete and
conclusive definition of eudaimonia is not an easy task, since it is a multifaceted
concept (Huta & Waterman, 2014).
One of the first contributors who extensively studied eudaimonic well-being is
Carol Ryff (1989). She summarized several points of convergence in psychological
literature related to positive functioning and she proposed a multidimensional model
of eudaimonia. She initially referred to it as psychological well-being (PWB) in
order to differentiate it from the predominant approach on subjective well-being.
Her model of psychological well-being encompasses six dimensions: autonomy,
environmental mastery, purpose in life, personal growth, self-acceptance and posi-
tive interpersonal relationships. Taken together, these dimensions characterize indi-
vidual’s optimal functioning:
–– Autonomy: This construct refers to independence, self-determination and the
ability to resist social pressure to think or act in certain ways. The person who
has autonomy possesses an internal locus of control and can evaluate the self by
a personal standard.
–– Environmental mastery consists of taking advantage of environmental opportuni-
ties, participating in work and familial activities and possessing a sense of com-
petence in managing everyday activities.
–– Personal growth: This construct consists of being open to new experiences, being
capable of facing challenges and tasks at different periods of life and considering
the self as growing and expanding over time (process of self-realization).
–– Positive relations with others: It consists of possessing warm and trusting rela-
tionships with others, being capable of strong empathy, affection and intimacy.
–– Purpose in life: A person who has a purpose in life has goals, intentions, and a
sense of direction which contributes to the feeling that life is meaningful.
–– Self-acceptance: This construct consists of possessing a positive attitude toward
the self, recognizing various parts of oneself, such as one’s good and bad quali-
ties, feeling self-confident and accepting one’s past life and all its positive and
negative experiences.
The operationalization of this model led to the creation of the “Psychological
Well-Being Scales” (PWBS), which are well validated and reliable (Ryff, 1989).
The six-factor structure has been confirmed in the MIDUS (Midlife in the United
States) study (Ryff, 2014) and up to date PWB is the most used inventory to evalu-
ate eudaimonic well-being.
The other relevant contribution to the study of eudaimonia comes from Waterman
(Waterman, 1990, 1993) who described it as “personal expressiveness” This con-
cept indicates the perceived identification and development of one’s “true self” by
an intense involvement in activities (flow), and enjoyment of them as personally
expressive. In Waterman formulation, other components of eudaimonic well-being
include a sense of meaning and purpose in life, and a personal effort in the pursuit
of excellence. Recently, a group of investigators developed a new questionnaire to
assess these issues: the Questionnaire for Eudaimonic Well-Being (QEWB)
(Waterman et al., 2010). It includes 20 items and evaluates dimensions of self-
discovery, perceived development of one’s best potentials, a sense of purpose and
meaning in life, intense involvement in activities, investment of significant effort,
and enjoyment of activities as personally expressive. Differently from Ryff’s PWB,
the QEWB displayed a high internal consistency of its items, and one single com-
mon factor. Sociodemographic and personality variables appear to be weakly pre-
dictors of QEWB, but more investigations are needed in order to verify its validity
as a measure of eudaimonic well-being.
A theoretical approach to eudaimonia comes from the Self-Determination Theory
(SDT) (Ryan & Deci, 2000) that posits that individuals are proactive organisms who
actively pursuit opportunities to feel effective, who choose their goals and work for
the realization of their talents. This theory strongly emphasizes personal, intrinsic
motivation as a natural human tendency toward self-realization. Thus, according to
SDT human beings possess a natural tendency toward optimal functioning which is
possible if their social environment provides the necessary nutrients for fulfilling
three basic human needs: autonomy, competence and relatedness. The first need
(autonomy) refers to the possibility of acting through choice and volition; the
second basic need refers to the capacity of successfully dealing with the surround-
ing environment; and the third need concerns interpersonal bonds. Based on this
model, Deci and Ryan developed the “General Causality Orientations Scale”
(GCOS) as a measure of autonomous motivation (Deci & Ryan, 1985). The measure
consists of the three subscales: autonomy orientation, control orientation and imper-
sonal orientation. Individuals high on autonomy orientation tend to seek interesting
and challenging activities, take responsibility for their own behavior and are more
self-initiated in relation to activities and choices. Individuals high on controlled
orientation depend on rewards or external controls (such as what others might
demand) to initiate and regulate their own behavior. Finally, individuals high on
impersonal orientation tend to feel ineffective and perceive their behavior as beyond
their internal control. They also find it hard to cope with environmental demands or
changes (Deci & Ryan, 2000). In subsequent research, Authors (Ryan, Huta, &
Deci, 2008) produced a more comprehensive definition of eudaimonia. They inte-
grated the importance of satisfying the needs for autonomy, competence and relat-
edness (being autonomously motivated), with the dimensions of personal growth,
relationships, community contribution, physical health and behaving with a “mind-
ful” attitude. Within the Self-Determination Theory of motivation (Deci & Ryan,
2000), another two measures were developed, namely the Need Satisfaction Scale
(Sheldon, Elliot, Kim, & Kasser, 2001) and the Balanced Measure of Psychological
Needs (Sheldon & Hilpert, 2012). These scales similarly assess fundamental needs
such as autonomy, competence, and relatedness.
Another perspective on eudaimonia was formulated by Martin Seligman, who
equated eudaimonic well-being with “life of meaning”. He differentiated it from the
pursuit of pleasure, and measured it with the Orientation to Happiness Scale
(Peterson, Park, & Seligman, 2005). This scale contains two related scales (i.e., the
life of meaning and the life of engagement) and another one measuring hedonic
well-being (i.e., the life of pleasure). This latter appears to be weakly associated to
the previous two, supporting the empirical distinction between hedonic and eudai-
monic well-being. Further, Seligman suggested that eudaimonic well-being might
be achieved by living according to one’s signature strengths (Park, Pererson, &
Seligman, 2004). He later enlarged his model by including interpersonal relation-
ships and accomplishments. Taken together, these dimensions constitute the
PERMA model, where the acronym stands for Positive Emotions, Relationships,
Meaning and Accomplishments (Seligman, 2011). Recently, some Authors
(Schultze-Lutter, Schimmelmann, & Schmidt, 2016) underlined the resemblances
of the PERMA model with Ryff’s multidimensional model of eudaimonia in
describing and determining a complete paradigm of resilience in youth. These
authors (Schultze-Lutter et al., 2016) suggested that the two models largely overlap
in many conceptual definitions of positive functioning, with the exception of posi-
tive emotions (not included in Ryff’s model) and of autonomy (not included in the
PERMA model). Both models, hence, share a strong emphasis on positive interper-
sonal relationships, whereas the PERMA dimension of engagement corresponds to
Ryff’s purpose in life, the dimension of meaning corresponds to Ryff’s self-
acceptance, and the dimension of accomplishments can be described by combining
together Ryff’s dimensions of personal growth and environmental mastery
(Schultze-Lutter et al., 2016). In this article, the authors demonstrated that the defi-
nitions and assessment of resilience often included the various formulations of
eudaimonic well-being, and they advocate future agreement on the use of these
terms and their specific theoretical frameworks.
Box 1.2 Measures for Eudaimonic Well-Being

–– Psychological Well-Being Scale (PWBS; Ryff, 1989);
–– Orientation to Happiness Scale (OHS Peterson et al., 2005)
–– Pemberton Happiness Index (PHI) (Hervás & Vázquez, 2013)
–– Eudaimonic and Hedonic Components of Happiness (Delle Fave et al.,
2011)
On the European side, Vitterso has operationalized eudaimonia including dimen-

sions such as personal growth, openness to experience, interest, engagement and
challenge (Vitterso, 2004). He differentiated eudaimonia from hedonia by suggest-
ing that the former is more associated with processes of personal change, growth
and accommodation, whereas the latter is related to stability, homeostasis, savoring
and assimilation (Vitterso, 2004; Vitterso & Nilsen, 2002; Vitterso & Soholt, 2011).
Finally, two international groups of investigators recently developed self-report
instruments that combines together hedonic and eudaimonic dimensions of well-
being, with the aim of providing an integrative assessment. The Pemberton
Happiness Index (PHI) (Hervás & Vázquez, 2013) makes an interesting distinction
between remembered well-being and actual experience of well-being in present life.
PHI contains eleven items that measure remembered well-being (general, hedonic,
eudaimonic, and social well-being) and ten items related to experienced well-being
(i.e., positive and negative emotional events that possibly happened the day before);
the sum of these items produces a combined well-being index. Initial results from
this cross-cultural, international validation study provided support for the good psy-
chometric properties of the PHI (i.e., internal consistency, a single-factor structure,
and convergent and incremental validity) and Authors suggest that it could be used
as an instrument to monitor changes in well-being in individuals and communities.
The second group of investigators (Delle Fave, Brdar, Freire, Vella-Brodrick, &
Wissing, 2011) provided a definition of eudaimonic well-being as being composed
of two core components: flow and long-term meaning making. The “Eudaimonic
and Hedonic Happiness Investigation” is an instrument consisting of open-end
questions addressing objects such as the respondent’s definition of happiness and
what is perceived as most meaningful in life. The instrument also includes ratings
of happiness levels and meaningfulness in different life domains.
1.2.4 T
he Integration of Hedonic and Eudaimonic Well-Being:
Optimal Well-Being
Recently, with the diffusion of positive psychology movement, there have been
important tentatives to integrate hedonic and eudaimonic approaches, since they
complement each other in defining the overall construct of well-being (Ryan &
1.3 Philosophic Contributions to Positive and Clinical Psychology… 13
Deci, 2001). Some Authors have also suggested that they can compensate each
other; thus individuals may have profiles of high eudaimonic well-being and low
hedonic well-being, or vice versa. These profiles were found to be associated with
sociodemographic variables, such as age, years of education and employment
(Keyes, Shmotkin, & Ryff, 2002). Comparing the subjects of a national sample
composed of 3032 adult Americans, Keyes et al. (2002) suggested a typological
model based on cross characterization of SWB and PWB:
–– Optimal well-being (high SWB and high PWB),
–– Low well-being (low SWB and low PWB), and
–– Off-diagonal type of well-being (high PWB and low SWB / or high SWB and
low PWB).
Adults with higher PWB than SWB (one of the two off-diagonal type) were
younger, had attained higher level of education, and showed more openness to expe-
rience. However, they presented higher levels of neuroticism and consciousness.
Adults with higher SWB than PWB (the other off-diagonal type) were midlife or
older with less education, and with low levels of openness to experience.
These findings suggest that when SWB and PWB existed at equivalent levels
(on-diagonal types) they may complement each other. When SWB and PWB existed
at disparate levels (off-diagonal types) they may compensate each other. Finally, the
probability of optimal well-being (high SWB and PWB) increased as age, educa-
tion, extraversion, and conscientiousness increased and as neuroticism decreased.
Importantly, only a small proportion of people reported optimal well-being, paving
the way for possible psychosocial interventions.
Another important issue raised by cross cultural research suggests that the
hedonic and eudaimonic dimension of well-being could be differently combined
and expressed according to cultural values (Delle Fave et al., 2011). For instance,
eastern populations are more collectivistic and tend to pay more attention to social
dimensions of positive functioning, and to moral issues connected with personal
happiness as the following section will illustrate.
1.3 P
hilosophic Contributions to Positive and Clinical
Psychology (Seneca, Aristotle, Buddhism and Eastern
Philosophy)
1.3.1 Western Theories of Well-Being and Mental Health
Both hedonic and eudaimonic perspectives of well-being have specific philosophi-

cal background deriving from Greek traditions: the eudaimonic is certainly more
linked to Aristotelian approach, whereas the hedonic is more linked to Aristippus
and Epicurus theories (Ryff & Singer, 2008). The former underlined the importance
of pleasure, regardless of its cause. According to the hedonic philosophy, happiness
can be defined as the total amount of pleasure experienced in life. According to this
line of thought, the truly happy person is blessed with fortune along his/her life.
Similarly, epicurean philosophers equated happiness with “pleasure in tranquility”,
“and pain avoiding” (aponia). Contemporary utilitarian philosophy strictly refers to
these Greek approach, by affirming the principle of utility. It states that thanks to
individual’s attempt to maximize pleasure and self-interest, the good society is
developed and maintained.
In overt contrast to this approach, other ancient philosophers as Aristotle, Plato
and Socrates stated that happiness is something more noble, and argued that plea-
sure comes from exercising individual’s virtues, in a process of self-realization. In
the “Nichomachean Ethics”, written in 350 B.C., Aristotle asserted that human
beings are basically virtuous and aspire to the highest of all goods: “eudaimonia.”
He used this term to refer to activities of the soul in accordance with virtue.
Accordingly, each person receives a call to know and to live in line with his daimon
(a sort of spirit given to all individuals), thereby progressively actualizing an excel-
lence (from the Greek “arête”). Aristotle’s deeper message about virtues was that it
involves achieving the best that is within the individual, each according to his/her
unique talents and capacities. This achievement leads to happiness. Importantly,
Aristotle admonished to seek “that which is intermediate”, avoiding excess and
extremes. Those of virtuous character thus, engage in deliberate actions chosen to
avoid excess or deficiency, whether they are extremes of pleasure or pain, fear or
confidence, vanity or humility. In fact, the pursuit of well-being may be so solipsis-
tic and individualistic to leave no room for human connection and the social good;
or it could be so focused on responsibilities and duties outside the self that personal
talents and capacities are neither recognized or developed (Ryff & Singer, 2008).
Other body of literature from the Greek tradition provided similar definitions of
harmony, as in the Stoics’ ideal of evenness of judgment and detachment, in Plato’s
description of the just man. This latter refers to the balance between reason, spirit
and appetites, whereas Epicure’s concept of ataraxia refers to freedom from worries
or anxiety through the ability of maintaining balance and serenity in both enjoyable
and challenging times (Li, 2008).
1.3.2 Eastern Theories of Well-Being and Mental Health
Concepts of harmony, balance and equilibrium strongly characterize Eastern philo-

sophical definitions of happiness and well-being (Joshanloo, 2013). In these tradi-
tions hedonism as a way of pursuing happiness is not favored, since positive
emotions and pleasures are considered too temporary and marginal to be the crite-
rion against which happiness is measured (Joshanloo, 2013). Confucianism,
Buddhism Taoism, and Hinduism, as major philosophical traditions in Eastern
countries such as China, India, Japan, indeed share more similarities with the eudai-
monic perspective. For instance, Confucianism emphasizes the importance of self-
cultivation, self-conquest, and self-discipline, and this may lead to valuing
self-abnegation and asceticism. Pleasure and positive emotions are not especially
1.4 Traditional Contributions to Positivity in Clinical Domains… 15
emphasized in this notion of happiness (Lee, 2004). In Confucianism optimal func-

tioning can be achieved by sticking to virtues, disciplined self-governance, and by
maintaining a harmonious attachment with others and the world. Similarly,
Hinduism emphasizes virtues and righteousness, rather than hedonism, in conceptu-
alizing happiness (Shamasundar, 2008). Cardinal virtues of Hinduism include grati-
tude, non-violence, compassion, and generosity. Acting in accordance with these
virtues is believed to lead to a state of harmony inside and with the outer world
(Shamasundar, 2008).
Buddhism advocates a state of happiness which is not dependent on any external
or internal pleasurable stimuli (Wallace & Shapiro, 2006). In this doctrine, there is
no direct relationship between pleasure and happiness. Pleasure is temporary, and
generally it is centered on the self, which can make individuals selfish and some-
times in conflict with the well-being of others. The Buddhist version of well-being
is based on mental balance and contentment, which can be cultivated by “reflecting
on the transitory, unsatisfying nature of hedonic pleasures and by identifying and
developing the inner causes of genuine well-being”(Wallace & Shapiro, 2006) .
Importantly, in the Buddhist approach, happiness is not necessarily incompatible
with suffering, sadness, and tragedy, confirming that in this approach well-being is
not premised on the hedonic balance.
Finally, in Taoism happiness and unhappiness complement one another, and are
mutually dependent. Taoism embraces the idea that the positive is hidden in the
negative and vice versa (yin and yang) and happiness occurs as the by-product of
living in accordance with Tao, that is the principle regulating nature, heaven, and the
lives of human beings (Littlejohn, 2007).
Considering that such suffering and negative emotions are not regarded as
entirely bad in Eastern cultures, and are thought to contribute to spiritual develop-
ment, hedonism cannot be the basis for defining optimal human functioning in these
cultures . Instead, the Eastern conceptualization of happiness is more consistent
with the eudaimonic perspective (Joshanloo, 2013). Compared to the Western
eudaimonic perspective, embedded in an individualistic model of society, Eastern
conceptualization of eudaimonia emphasizes positive qualities such as selflessness,
adjustment to the environment, social unity, and transcendence. These issues have
important clinical implications, as illustrated in the next section.
1.4 T
raditional Contributions to Positivity in Clinical
Domains: Humanistic, Clinical Psychology
and Psychotherapy
1.4.1 Humanistic and Existential Psychotherapy
Humanistic psychology suggested concepts such as self-realization and self-

actualization as final therapeutic goal (Maslow, 1954; Rogers, 1961). The “person
centered approach” developed by Rogers explicitly emphasized the positive nature
of human beings and their natural tendency toward personal realization. Accordingly,
the emphatic listening and understanding of the client, the unconditional support
and positive regard are the core ingredients of humanistic counseling. These are
considered the necessary and sufficient conditions to trigger individual’s healing
and pursuit of happiness. Recently, an important author referring to the positive
psychology movement, Prof. Stephen Joseph (2015) suggested the person centered
counseling to be the father of all subsequent positive psychotherapies. Even though
some important contributors inside positive psychology strongly underlined its
independence from the humanistic psychology (Waterman, 2013), indeed they both
share the fundamental assumptions about the positivity of human nature and its
innate tendency toward self-actualization. This crucial theoretical assumption ori-
entates subsequent research and clinical applications of the two disciplines. As Prof
Joseph asserted:
“…person centered psychology with its emphasis on becoming fully functioning
is a positive psychology” (Joseph, 2015; p. 37)
Other early contributors emphasized the importance of finding meaning and pur-
pose in life, sometimes in a world that makes no sense (e.g., times of war). For
instance, Vicktor Frankl developed a clinical approach called Logotherapy. In
Frankl’s conceptualization of resilience and meaning (Frankl, 1959), each person is
seen as an authentic and unique being, striving for finding meaning and realization
even in the midst of severe life adversities. His clinical approach, derived from psy-
chodynamic tradition, was also labeled as “Existential Analysis” and is focused on
assisting individuals in perceiving and removing those factors that hinder them in
pursuing meaningful goals in their lives. Logotherapy as an intervention for promot-
ing meaning in life will be further described in Chap. 8 of this book.
1.4.2 T
raditional Clinical Psychology and Psychodynamic
Perspectives
Many contributions from clinical psychology have addressed the task of defining
positive functioning. A major contribution in this field comes from Erickson’s for-
mulations of stages of developments, which puts an emphasis on human growth and
development (Erikson, 1959). Accordingly, each stage encompasses a specific task
to be achieved. The successful achievement leads to positive outcome and growth,
conversely, the negative outcome leads to crisis and impasse. Interestingly, Erickson
described specific lines of development of positive human functioning across the
lifespan, from childhood to old age. In Erickson’s theory of human development,
thus, the possibility of growth and self-improvement was indeed recognized across
the whole life span.
However, other major contributions in defining well-being and positive function-
ing could date back to traditional clinical psychology and psychodynamic perspec-
tives. Since its early stages, clinical psychology research emphasized issues such as
the concept of individuation, formulated by Jung (1933). This concept refers to the
process of self realization, which encompasses the discovery and experience of
meaning and purpose in life. Jung postulated that this process depends upon the
interplay and synthesis of opposites (e.g. conscious and unconscious, personal and
collective, psyche and soma, divine and human, life and death). Thus, he strongly
emphasized a more holistic approach to human being, that encompasses also spiri-
tual or more noble needs beyond Freudian instincts and emotional conflicts. Jung
also suggested that the clinical work (i.e., the psychoanalytic psychotherapy) could
be considered itself as an individuation process leading to well-being.
Inside the psychodynamic approach, another important contribution comes from
Karen Horney’s formulation of the “self”. In her book “Neurosis and Human
Growth: The Struggle Toward Self-Realization”, published in 1950, she made a dis-
tinction between real and ideal self (Horney, 1991). The former defines who and
what we actually are, the latter is the type of person we feel that we should be.
Importantly, according to Horney, the real self has the potential for growth, realiza-
tion of talents, and happiness, whereas the ideal self is used as a model to assist the
real self in developing its potential. The healthy person’s real self is aimed at reach-
ing self-actualization throughout life by overcoming its deficiencies and neuroses.
Even though Jung and Horney were indeed considered outsiders from the tradi-
tional Freudian psychoanalytic approach, they indeed challenged it by emphasizing
the positive characteristics of human nature. These positive dimensions, such as
transcendence and the process of self-individualization an self idealization, coexist
with negative impulses and destructive parts of human beings, in the complexity of
human conditions. Accordingly, both positive dimensions and negative impulses
should be included in the psychodynamic work with clients, as Jung and Horney
underlined in their seminal formulations.
1.4.3 C
ognitive Behavioral Therapies and Other
Psychotherapeutic Approaches
Other traditional approaches in the clinical psychology domains underlined the

importance of considering positive functioning in clinical work. For instance, in
1954, Parloff, Kelman and Frank suggested that the goals of psychotherapy were
increased personal comfort and effectiveness (Parloff, Kelman, & Frank, 1954).
Further, Ellis and Becker (1982) formulated the classical cognitive behavioral ther-
apy (CBT) approach for treating anxiety disorders, and entitled their book as “A
guide to personal happiness”. Together with principles of rational-emotional ther-
apy, Ellis argued that the most general and far-reaching goal people have is to live a
long and happy life. According to Ellis, the attainment of this goal is facilitated
when three conditions (or sub-goals) exist: (1) People are achieving to the best of
their ability in their chosen field of work, that they find interesting and absorbing;
(2) People are involved in satisfying and loving relationships with significant others
(partner, family, friends, social group); and (3) People experience a minimum of
needless pain and emotional misery, as well as a maximum of comfort and pleasure.
Thus, the basis of current evidence-based psychotherapy (CBT) encompasses a
complete formulation of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being.
Similarly, Fordyce (Fordyce, 1977, 1983) developed a program to increase hap-
piness. This program includes activities such as socialising more, focusing on the
present, being organised and adopting an optimistic mindset. Participants in the
happiness program reported increased happiness compared to control participants.
According to Fordyce (1983), the program fostered “the development of new behav-
iors and attitudes, changes in life-style, new insights and understandings, better
copings with bad moods, enhancement of happy moods, and a better awareness of
happiness itself” (p. 495). Fordyce’s (1977, 1983) work provided some preliminary
evidence that happiness could be improved using deliberate strategies.
Along this tradition, CBT adopted a directed, collaborative therapeutic relation-
ship, which encompasses the consideration of patients as experts of their own prob-
lems and their full involvement in clinical decision making (Dudley, Kuyken, &
Padesky, 2011; Padesky & Mooney, 2012). Hence, CBT indeed calls for an empow-
ered vision of the patients, similar to the one endorsed by humanistic psychology
first, and positive psychology afterwards (Joseph, 2015). In such approach, CBT
can be considered a pioneer form of positive intervention. Further, CBT already has
a 20-year research tradition of clinical interventions where protocols have been
modified to integrate specific strategies to promote positivity and well-being, as
briefly summarized here below.
Christine Padesky (Padesky, 1994; Padesky & Mooney, 2012) was one of the
first within the cognitive therapy tradition to highlight the importance of positive
thinking. She realized that patients were often unable to correct their negative think-
ing as a result of being unable to process positive experiences. Over the therapy
patients discovered that these positive experiences would easily be forgotten or
explained away. Padesky (1994) suggested that positive corrective experiences were
important in challenging negative beliefs, and that current CBT should include a
specific work for helping patients in building up a positive self-schema that could
assimilate and benefit from these positive experiences. Later formulations of this
model (Padesky & Mooney, 2012) included specific strategies to help clients to
identify their strengths, in order to reinforce their self-identity, to reduce distress
and to pursue significant life goals. Importantly, this approach tends to be incorpo-
rated as an element within CBT, rather than as an alternative stand-alone approach.
According to Dudley et al. (2011), in fact, the incorporation of a strength and resil-
ience model to clinical practice could greatly improve the case conceptualization
process and could individualize therapy, with a long-lasting beneficial effect for
patients.
Other contributions from the CBT arena called for the implementation of posi-
tive interventions with clinical populations (D’raven Lamber & Pasha-zaidi, 2014;
Karwoski, Garratt, & Ilardi, 2006; Schrank, Brownell, Tylee, & Slade, 2014).
Karwoski et al. (2006) proposed to integrate standard CBT protocol for depression
with strategies derived from positive psychology. Based on the observation that not
all patients fully benefit from standard CBT, they suggested that the inclusion of
positive psychology exercises could greatly improve the CBT efficacy for depressed
individuals. In fact, both CBT and positive interventions already share conceptual
overlaps, such as a focus on the present, on discrete goals, and a collaborative, direct
alliance with the patients. Karwoski et al. (2006), thus, highlighted that it seems
quite feasible and beneficial to add a specific work on the promotion of patients’
well-being. Accordingly, CBT practitioners should assess and capitalize on their
clients’ strengths during the course of therapy, they should promote optimal experi-
ence, and should integrate some mindfulness techniques (see Chap. 8 of this book).
Further, together with standard problem solving techniques, CBT therapists should
add a training in optimism as well as in wisdom, in order to help their clients to cope
with adversities and unsolvable life problems (see Chaps. 5 and 6 of this book).
Such an extension of standard CBT would guarantee a better treatment response
with durable positive benefits for depressed patients.
These observations are well summarized in the work of Bannink (2014), who
proposed a Positive CBT approach, aimed at improving CBT cost-effectiveness and
at shifting its focus into the improvement of patients and therapists well-being. Also
in this case, Positive CBT is focused on client’s strengths, on building a positive
therapeutic alliance and on setting common therapeutic goals. However, Positive
CBT calls for a shift from “problem talk” to “strengths and solutions talk”, meaning
that no details about the nature and severity of the problem are asked during ses-
sions, rather its possible solutions. Alternatively, symptoms, complaints and prob-
lems are first collected and then ‘translated’ into therapeutic goals (Bannink, 2014).
The intervention plans are focused on increasing the use of appropriate skills that
clients already possess to realize therapeutic solutions to their problems. The Author,
thus, stated that this approach
“…shifts the focus of therapy from what is wrong with clients to what is right
with them, and from what is not working to what is. This transition represents a
paradigm shift from problem analysis to goal analysis, from a focus on deficits and
weaknesses to one that builds on resources …” (Bannink, 2014, p. 8)
A similar shift of paradigm, however, has been advocated by “Third wave psy-
chotherapies”. These approaches expanded their targets from the mere reduction of
symptoms to the development of skills aimed at significantly improving the quality
and quantity of activity in which the patient finds value and well-being (Kahl,
Winter, & Schweiger, 2012). The new therapies , such as Behavioral activation
(BA), Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT) and Mindfulness Based Stress
Reduction (MBSR) emphasize patients’ empowerment and increase in skills and
behavioral repertoires that may be used to overcome psychological distress (Hayes,
2004). Importantly, third wave psychotherapies adopted a model of well-being
which is deeply rooted in the Eastern perspective, encompassing dimensions such
as harmony, transcendence and detachment form materialism. By a technical view-
point, this is realized by using relaxation techniques derived from Buddhist tradi-
tion, namely mindfulness meditation and exercises (see Chap. 8 of this book for a
deeper description of these approaches).
In conclusion, as briefly demonstrated in this section, a large number of clini-

cians and psychotherapists advocated for an integration of positive dimensions of
human functioning in their clinical work since many years. Unfortunately, these
issues were neglected for a long time, or considered as a byproduct of symptom’s
reduction, or even a luxury that clinicians cannot afford (Fava, Ruini, & Belaise,
2007). In almost all Western countries, in fact, a negativity bias that drives research-
ers and clinicians to attend to and to be more affected by the negativity has prevailed
(Maddux, 2008; Ryff & Singer, 1996).The concept of recovery in psychiatry, for
instance, did not include the restoration or the achievement of patients’ well-being
and positive functioning (Fava et al., 2007). Thus, when patients did not meet full
criteria for DSM disorders, they were judged to be remitted and not requiring fur-
ther treatment. However, as Ryff and Singer (1996) remarked, the route of recovery
lies not exclusively in alleviating the negative, but in engendering the positive.
Recently, the new approach labeled as “Positive Psychiatry” (Jeste, 2013) is gradu-
ally advocating for an inclusion of patients’ personal resources and well-being in
the clinical work. Also in this case, the roots of this modern positive psychiatry
could be tracked back to previous seminal contributions, as described below.
1.5 D
efinitions of Well-Being Deriving from Psychiatric
Research
Early contributions from clinical psychiatry sought to define mental health in posi-
tive terms, rather than to focus on dysfunction. For instance, as early as 1958, Mary
Jahoda developed criteria for defining positive mental health (Jahoda, 1958). These
criteria encompassed five out of the six dimensions of eudaimonic well-being that
were subsequently reformulated by Carol Ryff in her model of positive functioning
(see paragraph before). Jahoda (1958) considered the term “mental health” as
vague, elusive and ambiguous (p. 3), but a needed concept. In fact she argued that
“the absence of mental illness was not a sufficient criterion for mental health”
(Jahoda, 1958, p. 15). In her seminal work, Jahoda (1958) described these criteria
for positive mental health: regulation of behavior from within (autonomy), environ-
mental mastery, satisfactory interactions with other people (positive interpersonal
and social functioning), individual sense of growth and self-actualization, integra-
tion and positive attitudes toward his/her own self (self-perception/self-acceptance).
This latter dimension describes the awareness of individual strengths and weak-
nesses, whereas self-perception refers to a positive connotation in one’s own judg-
ment, ability and power. The sense of personal growth, development and
self-actualization refers to what a person does with his self over a certain period of
time and his/her trajectories of positive human development. Moreover, Jahoda
added the criterion of integration of the personality, which refers to the balance of
psychic forces (flexibility), to a unifying outlook on life, and to resistance to stress.
She defined it as the criterion that guides actions and feelings for shaping the future
1.5 Definitions of Well-Being Deriving from Psychiatric Research 21
and includes concepts such as anxiety/ frustration tolerance and resilience when
facing life adversities. Another indicator of mental health is represented by the
autonomy or independence from social influences, which refers to the conscious
discrimination by the individual of accepting or rejecting the environmental factors.
Jahoda also articulated the concept of environmental mastery, referring to the efforts
to achieve success in some social roles, to the ability to have positive social relation-
ships and to solve problems in an efficient way. In sum, according to Jahoda criteria,
mental health basically refers to the adequacy of an individual’s functioning in his/
her reality. It includes the individual’s perception free from need distortion, the abil-
ity to successfully deal with stressors and environmental demands and possessing a
personal sense of growth. At interpersonal levels, Jahoda underlined the importance
of feeling empathy or social sensitivity (p. 49), which refers to the capability of an
individual to perceive situations from others’ standpoint, anticipating and predict-
ing their behaviors.
Even though some criticisms could be raised to this model (i.e., overgeneraliza-
tion, Western-culturally orientation, and the absence of practical assessment tools
that operationalized these concepts), the work of this Jewish psychologist indeed
challenged the dominant medical model of that time. In fact, it paralleled the release
of the first version of DSM by the American Psychiatric Association. Thus, Jahoda
formulation challenged the development of the DSM by the American Psychiatric
Association (APA) for the classification of mental disorders, and it was aimed to
provide a positive connotation to the concept of mental health. Later on, Maddux
(2008) replicated the work of Jahoda by claiming the necessity to overcome the ill-
ness ideology, which is deeply rooted in the biomedical model, and is still dominant
in modern clinical psychology. The Classification of Strengths (Peterson &
Seligman, 2004) that will be described in Chap. 4 of this book, continued these
seminal works and served as an antithesis of the DSM, by providing psychologists
and therapists a common terminology for defining, diagnosing and promoting the
strengths of individuals.
Similarly, in his complete mental health model, Keyes (2002) suggested to paral-
lel the DSM diagnostic criteria for psychiatric disorders (American Psychiatric
Association, 2000) to identify each symptom’s opposite, and to formulate a diagno-
sis of flourishing (or complete mental health). According to this model, psychopa-
thology and well-being coexist along a continuum, where languishing is a state of
emptiness, where no specific criteria for a psychiatric disorder are met; nevertheless
no instances of positivity are present. Flourishing, on the opposite end of the spec-
trum, requires the combined presence of high levels of emotional, psychological
and social wellbeing (Keyes, 2002). Social well-being includes social acceptance,
social actualization, social contribution, social coherence and social integration.
Keyes developed the questionnaire “Mental Health Continuum” (Keyes, 2002) as a
measure of these dimensions. In addition to providing a continuous measure of
mental health, this instrument can be used to categorize individuals according to
specific criteria, ranging from the conditions of pure mental illness, to languishing,
to pure mental health or flourishing. To be categorized as flourishing in life, indi-
viduals are required to display high levels on indicators of emotional well-being
(positive affect, low negative affect and high life satisfaction) and high levels in six
out of 11 subscales of eudaimonic well-being (psychological and social well-being).
The model will be further described in Chap. 2 of this book, but it is of crucial
importance to underline its connections with traditional classification systems.
Hence, in the same way that a diagnosis of depression requires indications of low
mood and malfunctioning over a certain period of time, Keyes’s model requires the
presence of hedonic symptoms and positive functioning for a person to be classified
as flourishing.
On the same vein, Huppert and So’s theoretical and conceptual definition of
flourishing (Huppert & So, 2013) was designed to mirror both DSM (American
Psychiatric Association, 2000), and the International Classification of Diseases
ICD-10 (World Health Organization, 1993), by requiring the presence of opposite
symptoms of Major Depressive Episode (DSM-IV), Depressive Episode (ICD-
10), and Generalised Anxiety Disorder (terminology common to both systems) to
be classified as a flourishing person. Identifying the opposite symptoms of these
mental illnesses gave Huppert and So a list of ten positive features (competence,
emotional stability, engagement, meaning, optimism, positive emotion, positive
relationships, resilience, self-esteem, and vitality) that were taken as ingredients
of flourishing. Huppert and So proposed a categorical diagnosis for flourishing
that required a strong endorsement of positive emotions, together with a strong
endorsement of eight out of ten positive features (Huppert & So, 2013). Like
Keyes, this system intentionally mirrors the DSM’s methodology by not requiring
the simultaneous presence of all symptoms, but a specified number, for a specific
timeframe.
Thus, current definitions of well-being and flourishing derive (by opposite or
inverse mechanisms) from clinical psychology / psychopathology classification
systems. The formal establishment of a positive psychiatry approach (Jeste, 2013)
would indeed determine future developments and applications of these issues into
the clinical domain. Considering that positive psychology movement was born as
a criticism to traditional psychology, it may appear as a paradox that its core
definitions of well-being and positive functioning actually mirror those of psycho-
pathology. Indeed, positive psychologists may look at the positive spectrum, nev-
ertheless positive psychology still relies on a medical model psychology, where
distress is described, categorized and conceptualized according to specific crite-
ria. These clinical criteria guide the diagnostic process of psychopathology, and
the diagnostic process guide the therapeutic prescription(s). By paralleling this
medical model, positive psychology seems to classify individuals according to
their levels of well-being, and this process paves the way for implementing posi-
tive interventions (described in the second part of this book). Positive psychology,
thus, challenged the focus of traditional psychology by introducing the shift to the
positive domains, but it never really challenged the theoretical and conceptual
model, by embracing its classification systems, research methods, and strategies
of interventions. On the other hand, this common theoretical background could
serve as an important base for a fruitful integration of the two disciplines, as
described in the next paragraph.
1.6 The Integration Between Positive and Clinical Psychology 23
1.6 T
he Integration Between Positive and Clinical
Psychology
This chapter was aimed at underlying the common theoretical background, shared
by clinical psychology and modern positive psychology approach. Even though
conceptualizations and models of positive functioning were indeed available in
clinical settings, for a long time these were viewed only as by-products of the symp-
toms’ reduction of or as a luxury that clinical investigators could not afford. The
medical model in mental health research, indeed dominated over last century. As a
result, mental health research has been dramatically weighted on the side of psycho-
logical dysfunction and health was equated with the absence of illness, rather than
the presence of wellness (Ryff & Singer, 1996). The growth of positive psychology
has therefore served as a wakeup call for clinicians, psychotherapists, and psychia-
trists, by underling the limitations of their reductionist approach.
First of all, individuals were labeled and considered mainly for their psychopa-
thologies (Maddux, 2008). As consequence of this pathologization, psychological
symptoms and disorders have been studied mainly by their biological, genetic and
medical components, rather than applying a holistic approach to the patients. This
holistic approach calls for a recognition of important human issues, such as positiv-
ity, meaning and eudaimonic well-being, that indeed have been neglected in clinical
practice. The medical model is also limited in describing the full reality of human
beings and their psychopathology. The medical model, in fact, exacerbates dichoto-
mies between normal and abnormal emotions, behaviors and populations (clinical
vs. non clinical). Most importantly, the medical model entails a passive view of
human beings, that are regarded as victims of genetic, biological and intrapsychic
factors and are considered passive recipients of therapeutic treatments (Joseph,
2015; Maddux, 2008). Finally, as underlined in the previous pages, cultural issues
may have an important role in defining well-being dimensions. The medical model
in mental health research does not fully take these cultural issues into consideration
(Ruini & Fava, 2014). Thus, positive psychology has introduced an alternative,
more holistic consideration of human beings, and its positive approach could be
applied to address the limitations of the medical model.
Conversely, clinical psychologists and psychiatrists have strongly criticized the
positive psychology movement, without fully considering some positive initiatives
and possible contributions (Fernández-Ríos & Novo, 2012). Many clinicians, in
fact, underlined the over-simplification of current positive psychology theories and
accused positive psychologists to neglect negativity, symptoms and problems, and
the complexity of human nature (Held & Bohart, 2002). Positive psychology
research and interventions have been criticized for adopting a “one size fits all”
approach in studying positive experiences and in planning interventions. It means
that models describing the features of positive emotions, optimism and character’s
strengths have been proposed and indiscriminately applied to a large variety of pop-
ulations from American college students to work-teams and finally to older adults.
Indeed, current research in positive psychology has underlined some methodologi-
cal flaws of this simplistic approach. Moreover, some negative and paradoxical
effects of promoting some positive dimensions have recently emerged, particularly
in clinical populations, as described in the second part of this book. By a cultural
viewpoint finally, positive psychology has been labeled as being culturally biased
toward a Western/American perspective. Only recently, in fact, research on positive
psychology has spread in Asian countries. Thus, positive psychology has been
harshly criticized by traditional psychology, that considered it biased in the formu-
lations of research designs, and in implementing interventions.
However, this juxtaposition and mutual criticisms seem to be quite unfruitful to
both disciplines. They indeed share the same scientific methodologies for studying
human nature (i.e., the use of standardized assessment tools-whether self-reports or
observed rated measures). They also share some common theoretical background
referring to the medical model implicitly endorsed by traditional psychology
research. For instance, both positive and clinical psychology share the mission of
improving individual’s life, by specific interventions. The former (positive psychol-
ogy) targeted a larger number of individuals, form normal to clinical populations.
Conversely, clinical psychology restricted its line of intervention to the second type
of populations. Nevertheless, as underlined along the chapters of this book, only by
analyzing psychological symptoms and dysfunction, can positive human function-
ing be fully understood and conceptualized. Further, understanding and promoting
well-being was found to predict psychopathology (Wood & Joseph, 2010). Hence,
the benefit of an integrative line of research seem to be twofold: it may help clini-
cians to conceptualize distress and plan appropriate interventions, and it may guide
positive psychologists to better understand positive dimensions and their relation-
ships with distress and negativity.
Thus, an increasing body of literature (that will be reviewed in this book) calls
for an integration between positive and clinical psychology. This integration can be
considered as a constructive and modern scientific approach, which calls for a num-
ber of different strategies and interventions to be selected based on individual
specific needs. Wood and Tarrier (2010) referred to this integrated clinical approach
as “Positive Clinical Psychology” (Wood & Tarrier, 2010). According to this per-
spective, there is no need to develop
“.. a new fragment of clinical psychology, but rather a change or reorientation of clinical
psychology itself, so that positive and negative functioning are considered equally when
predicting, understand and treating distress” (Wood & Tarrier, 2010, p.825)
This book aims to provide further clinical and scientific support to the integration
between positive, clinical psychology, psychotherapy and psychiatry (Fava & Ruini,
2003; Jeste, 2013; Rashid, 2009; Wood & Tarrier, 2010).
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AID-EVAN2>3.3.CO;2-P
Chapter 2
Positive Human Health, Positive Mental
Health, Resilience and Their Psychosomatic
Underpinnings
Mens Sana in Corpore Sano

Giovenale
Abstract This chapter offers a review of various theoretical and clinical contribu-
tions that have described positive health, positive mental health and resilience, start-
ing from the classical psychosomatic perspective. The concepts of hardiness,
toughness and sense of coherence are illustrated, underlying their similarities with
positive psychology perspective. The role of positive emotions and eudaimonic
well-being in influencing physical health is also reviewed. Finally, the concepts of
flourishing and positive mental health are presented, with a particular emphasis on
their relationships with psychopathology and psychological distress.
2.1 E
arly Contributors in the Psychosomatic Fields:
Commonalities with Positive Psychology Perspective
Early experts in psychosomatic realm, such as Alexander, Kissen (1966, 1967), Engel
(1977), and Lipowski (1988) suggested the importance of evaluating the complexity
of clinical phenomena. Alexander argued that every illness could be considered “psy-
chosomatic” since emotional reactions inevitably influence somatic processes by
activating neuro-affective ways. On the same vein, Kissen (1966, 1967) clarified that
the relative weight of psychosocial factors may vary considerably from one individ-
ual to another within the same illness, and he underscored the basic conceptual flaw
of considering diseases as homogeneous entities. Each patient thus, could have a
different emotional reaction(s) to an illness. At the same time, psychosocial variables
may have different roles on patients who present the same illness. Alexander, Kissen
and Lipowsky, thus, challenged the traditional approach to medical illnesses by intro-
ducing the role of psychosocial variables, which was largely neglected at that time in
medical settings. They also challenged the medical model by emphasizing the com-
plexities of human conditions and the inter-individual differences.
These innovative perspectives converged into the biopsychosocial model of ill-
ness and disease that emerged from psychosomatic research. It was developed by

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1_2
32 2 Positive Human Health, Positive Mental Health, Resilience and Their…
George Engel, who suggested that health and disease are the result of interacting
systems at the cellular, tissue, organismic, interpersonal and environmental levels.
In Engel’s view (Engel, 1977), the study of the diseases must then include the indi-
vidual, his body and his surrounding environment as essential components of the
total system. In the same vein, Lipowski (1969) underlined the importance of study-
ing the relationships of biological, psychological and social determinants of health
and disease. These authors indeed renovated the medical approach and clinical
interventions and they opened a fruitful path of research in psychosomatics (Fava &
Sonino, 2009). Unfortunately, researchers, clinicians and consultation-liaison psy-
chiatrists embracing this biopsychosocial model seldom included the study of posi-
tivity in their work.
Subsequently, in 1948 the World Health Organization (WHO) defined health as
a “state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the
absence of disease or infirmity” (World Health Organization, 2005). Since then,
researchers recognized the need for multiple indicators in assessing health and treat-
ment outcomes (Hunt, McEwen, & McKenna, 1985). Later on, the Ottawa Charter
(World Health Organization, 1986) produced “The central document of health pro-
motion” which declared that health promotion is the process of enabling the indi-
viduals to increase control over and to improve their health in order to reach a state
of complete physical, mental and social well-being and to lead an active and pro-
ductive life, that is, a good quality of life (World Health Organization, 1986). This
document paved the way to modern research and to clinical developments in psy-
chosomatic medicine, by focusing on health, rather than on disease (Kickbusch,
2006). This direction indeed is in line with current positive psychology perspective,
particularly the research on positive human health, as briefly summarized along this
chapter.
Some pivotal theorethical insights were provided by Fava and Sonino (2009). In
their review of the literature on psychosomatic medicine, Fava and Sonino (2009)
summarized these historical contributions and underlined their modern develop-
ments. In particular, they suggested that modern psychosomatic approach should
investigate the role of chronic stress, traumatic events, early life adversities and
personality factors and their interactions with physical health and disease.
Importantly, on the same call of the WHO and the Ottawa Charter, Fava and Sonino
(2009) argued that personal well-being should be considered an important protec-
tive factor, influencing both physical and mental health.
The positive psychology perspective could be indeed similar to this holistic
approach, which assigns well-being a key role in individual’s life. Thus, issues such
as resilience, personal strengths, psychological adaptation and individual empower-
ment in managing his own health status appear to be common lines of research
characterizing modern psychosomatic approach as well as positive psychology
(Delle Fave, 2007).
In the following sections of this chapter the main points of convergence between
these disciplines will be presented. Taken together, these points of convergence
describe main concepts of positive human health, and its related discipline: positive
mental health.
2.1 Early Contributors in the Psychosomatic Fields… 33
2.1.1 The Concepts of Salutogenesis and Sense of Coherence
As early as 1987 Aaron Antonovsky focused on resources for health and health-
promoting processes. He described a state of health and well-being, characterized
by the presence of competence, internal and external resources and active use of
coping strategies, and he referred to this phenomenon as “Salutogenesis”.
Antonovsky began his investigations with a group of subjects who stayed healthy,
despite the fact that they had had experiences from the concentration camps of the
Second World War. He postulated that this happened as the result of the way they
were able to fully understand life around them, to manage the situation on their own
or with the support of others, and to find meaning in the situation. According to
Antonovsky, these people had a certain life orientation, precisely called “sense of
coherence”, which helped them dealing and coping with external stressors.
Antonovsky then introduced the salutogenic concept of “Sense of Coherence”
(SOC) (1993, 1996). The SOC refers to an enduring personal attitude and evaluates
how people view life and, in stressful situations, identify and use their resources to
maintain and develop their health. SOC consists of three dimensions: comprehensi-
bility (cognitive), manageability (instrumental/behavioural), and meaningfulness
(motivational). Antonovsky emphasized that the sense of coherence concept is a
dispositional orientation, rather than a personality trait/type or a coping strategy,
which reflects a person’s capacity to respond to stressful situations.
Subsequently, Antonovsky developed the Sense of Coherence (SOC) scale, a
self-rated questionnaire for assessing the cited construct (1993, 1996). The original
version contains 29 items measuring the three salutogenic factors. The SOC scale
was translated in many different languages and used in Western, Eastern and African
countries, suggesting the questionnaire to be a cross culturally applicable instru-
ment. A large body of research has documented how SOC is strongly related to
perceived health, especially mental health, and is an important contributor for health
maintenance (Antonovsky, 1996).
2.1.2 Resilience
The concept of resilience was extensively defined and formulated by various

authors. One of the most used definitions of resilience states: “the ability to bounce
back effectively in the face of adversities, challenges, traumas and setbacks (Brooks
& Goldstein, 2003; Masten, 2001). Resilience is also defined as reduced vulnerabil-
ity to environmental risk experiences, the overcoming of a stress or adversity, or a
relatively good outcome despite risk experiences (Rutter, 1993).
The initial research on resilience stemmed from the observation that many chil-
dren were able to achieve a positive developmental outcome despite early adverse
experiences (Yates & Masten, 2004), such as poverty and violence. Poverty includes
poor nutrition, lower educational achievement, and insufficient medical care,
whereas violence often entails physical, sexual, emotional, psychological and finan-
cial abuse (Brackenreed, 2010). Studies of resilient children have underscored the
importance of both internal factors (character strengths) and environmental ele-
ments (such as family cohesion and warmth) when dealing with these adversities
(Kumpfer, 1999; Yates & Masten, 2004). Despite a full review on resilience in
developmental settings falls beyond the scope of this chapter, this is still a dominant
field of research, which shares commonalities with positive psychology. In particu-
lar, the positive youth development model (Catalano, Hawkins, Berglund, Pollard, &
Arthur, 2002) has been receiving increasing attention in these last decades. It mainly
refers to the identification and use of youth assets in order to counterbalance poten-
tial risks factors and adversities.
Research now has progressed to include the study of resilience in early, middle,
and late adulthood. In their work examining aging adults, Ryff, Love, Essex, and
Singer (1998) defined resilience as the capacity to maintain or recover high well-
being in the face of life adversity. They underlined that certain dimensions of eudai-
monic well-being (such as positive interpersonal relations, purpose in life and
personal growth) can be considered key ingredients of resilience in adulthood and
older age (Ryff, 2014). This approach was further confirmed by Fava and Tomba
(2009) who suggested the promotion of eudaimonic well-being as a mean to sustain
resilience in clinical settings (see Chap. 4 of this book).
When describing his model of resilience in adulthood, Bonanno (2004) referred
to “potentially traumatic events” for indicating that negative events may become
disrupting and trigger psychopathological symptoms only in certain individuals,
whereas others may successfully adapt to them, or even find maturation and growth
(i.e., see Chap. 6 of this book). When adopting a life span perspective, in fact, adver-
sities and traumatic experiences in people’s life are quite common, but the effects of
these events are not uniformly negative. Bonanno described different trajectories of
resilience versus disruption after loss or traumatic experiences. Resilient individuals
may experience transient perturbations in normal functioning (e.g., several weeks of
worries or sleep disturbances) but generally they may exhibit a stable trajectory of
healthy functioning across time, as well as the capacity for generative experiences
and positive emotions. Other individuals, by contrast, display a trajectory in which
normal functioning temporarily falls into the threshold or sub-threshold forms of
psychopathology (e.g., symptoms of depression or posttraumatic stress disorder),
and eventually and gradually returns to pre-event. Interestingly, using a longitudinal
perspective, Bonanno found that indicators of disruption following a traumatic
event could be manifested also after a certain amount of time (several months or
even years) (delayed disruption). He argued that this should not be considered nec-
essarily as a pathological defense mechanism, nor a delayed grief reaction, but
rather as an indication of healthy adjustment. Most importantly, the work by
Bonanno and colleagues supports the idea that human resilience is a quite common
phenomenon, in different life stages. Notably, resilience should be considered in the
complexity of a clinical and longitudinal approach (Bonanno, 2004). In fact,
Bonanno found that the majority of resilient individuals reported emotional distress,
low mood and negative intrusive cognitions following the stressors. However, these
2.1 Early Contributors in the Psychosomatic Fields… 35
experiences were transient, rather than enduring, and did not interfere with the abil-
ity to continue to function in other areas of life, including the capacity for positive
affect.
On the wake of these findings, nowadays current literature considers resilience
not as an entirely fixed personality predisposition, but as a malleable ability that can
be acquired by specific interventions, such as the Penn Resiliency program (Freres,
Gillham, Reivich, & Shatté, 2002), the Bounce Back program (Noble & McGrath,
2005) (to be performed at school), or the Strength Based Resilience (Rashid et al.,
2014), or Well-being Therapy (to be performed in the psychotherapeutic setting)
(Ruini, Belaise, Brombin, Caffo, & Fava, 2006; Tomba et al., 2010). The former are
designed to foster resilience in children and young populations, whereas the latter
are more feasible in clinical or therapeutic settings. These approaches will be fur-
ther described in the second part of this book.
2.1.3 Hardiness
Later developments of the salutogenic/resilient approach could be recognized in the

work of Deborah Kobasa and Salvatore Maddi (Kobasa, 1979; Kobasa, Maddi, &
Kahn, 1982) who formulated the model of hardiness in the 80’s. Accordingly, hardi-
ness could be defined as “a pattern of learned attitudes and skills that helps in turn-
ing stressful circumstances from potential disasters into growth opportunities that
do not only merely maintain, but also enhance performance and health” (Maddi
et al., 2013, p. 1).
Authors defined hardiness as a personality trait comprising three related general
dispositions: commitment, control, and challenge. Taken together, they function as
a resistance resource in the encounter with stressful conditions. Challenge refers to
the consideration of difficulties as a challenge rather than as a threat, and to the
acceptance of the fact that the only thing in life that is constant is change.
Commitment refers to an active involvement in family, work, community, social,
friends, religious activities, which gives meaning to lives. Control refers to a strong
sense of control on everyday life. The balanced combination of these dimensions
(the 3Cs) constitutes hardiness. In their pioneer investigations, Kobasa (1979) and
Kobasa et al. (1982) found that people with high levels in these 3Cs were productive
at workplace and presented a lower risk of developing illness. In this view, illness is
considered the result of a coping deficiency. Hardy people in fact resulted to be
engaged in hardy coping, hardy social interaction and hardy self-care. The former
refers to correctly identifying a situation as stressful and trying to efficiently solve
the actual problems. The o pposite negative attitudes are avoiding, or denying the
problems. Hardy social interactions involve giving and receiving social support
from significant other, in opposition to social isolation, self-victimization and blam-
ing others for the stressful situation. Hardy self-care, finally, refers to engage in
healthy life habits, such as moderate physical activity, relaxation, healthy eating. In
short, hardy self-care refers to keep the bodily arousal at an optimal level (i.e.,
toughness, see below). The combination of these three characteristics results into
the “hardy pattern”, which facilitates turning stressors into personal advantage;
decreasing the strain, and avoiding the physical or psychological breakdowns asso-
ciated with chronic or severe stress (Selye, 1976).
Importantly, these skills could be learned and trained. Khoshaba and Maddi
(2004) developed a program—HardiTraining—that has been applied to clinical set-
tings and counseling, as well as to school and organizational settings. The results
are promising, and HardiTraining could indeed be subsumed under the rubrics of
positive psychology interventions.
2.2 A
llostatic Load Versus Optimal Allostasis and Optimal
Experience
2.2.1 Allostatic Load and Allostatic Overload
The role of acute and chronic stress in influencing human health has been exten-
sively studied in traditional psychosomatic approach. Authors such as Selye (1976),
Sterling and Eyer (1981), and McEwen and Stellar (1993), documented the modifi-
cations in systems such as the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis (HPA-axis), the
autonomic nervous system (ANS), and the immune system, that do vary in response
to challenges/demands from external world. The modifications of such systems
occur in order to facilitate the maintenance of homeostasis in human body. This
process of actively maintaining homeostasis has been labeled “allostasis” (Sterling
& Eyer, 1981). In normal situations, the allostatic response is initiated by a stressor,
sustained for an appropriate interval and then turned off when the stressor has
stopped (McEwen, 2007). However, when the allostasis mechanism occurs too fre-
quently and/or when it is inefficiently carried out, the body pays a price for being
forced to suddenly adapt to adverse psychological or physical challenges.
The concept of allostatic load, as introduced by McEwen and Stellar (1993),
represents the cost of the continual adjustment of the internal milieu required by the
organism to adapt to different social, environmental and personal challenges.
Allostatic load thus, represents the long-term cumulative view of the process of
allostasis and its negative consequences in terms of risks of pathology.
Allostatic load has been evaluated considering several biological markers: sys-
tolic and diastolic blood pressure as indices of cardiovascular activity; waist-hip
ratio as an index of metabolism and adipose tissue deposition; serum High-Density
Lipoprotein (HDL) and total cholesterol as indices of atherosclerotic risk; plasma
levels of glycosylated hemoglobin as an indication of glucose metabolism; 12-h
urinary cortisol excretion as an indicator of hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis
activity; urinary epinephrine and norepinephrine levels as index of sympathetic ner-
vous system activity. These correlates have been used to measure a threshold
between tolerable level of stress (a physiological state buffered by the personal and
2.2 Allostatic Load Versus Optimal Allostasis and Optimal Experience 37
interpersonal resources of the individual within a time-limited period) and toxic

stress (strong, frequent and/or prolonged activation of the body stress response sys-
tem in the absence of buffering factors/protection). Indeed, the distinction between
tolerable and toxic stress is not easy to identify (Shonkoff, Boyce, & McEwen,
2009).
McEwen and Wingfield (2010) defined allostatic overload as the transition to
this extreme state. Thus, the physiological unbalance in these biomarkers is the
consequence of the ‘wear and tear’ resulting from repeated or chronic challenges, or
from the failure of the allostasis management. A growing body of literature on
mind-body connection documented the impact of allostatic overload on individuals’
health (Offidani & Ruini, 2012) and on the onset of various physical and mental
diseases, such as cardiovascular diseases, cognitive functioning decline, and mortal-
ity (Ryff, Singer, & Love, 2004).
2.2.2 Toughness and Optimal Allostasis
On the opposite vein, some researchers and clinicians have underlined the biologi-
cal risks of the opposite scenario, i.e., the lack of a proper stimulus from external
world and a poor or insufficient activation of the allostasis. Richard Dienstbier
(1989) proposed a physiological model that operates on the premise that “all physi-
ological systems are strengthened through use” and “intermittent stress over time
causes some physiological changes that promote effective coping”, rather than a
damaging response (Dienstbier, 1989, p. 849). Thus, he described an optimal level
of physiological arousal (achieved with a proper stimulation) that is related to main-
tain organs and tissues in good health. He introduced the “Toughness” model, which
relies on the mechanisms of catecholamine (dopamine, epinephrine and norepi-
nephrine) production and depletion. These are secreted and activated as a result of
stress. The changes in the catecholamine functioning activated by this proper stimu-
lation may produce an “increased central nervous system (CNS) catecholamine
capacity, lower peripheral catecholamine base rates, but increased capacity and
responsivity with severe or prolonged stressors, an increased tissue-specific sensi-
tivity, and finally, a delay or suppression of pituitary-adrenal-cortical responses”
(Dienstbier, 1989, p. 850, 1991).
These modifications are associated with positive effects in the individual: the
ability to tolerate stress successfully, and to cope with it, without developing a men-
tal illness; the ability to maintain positive performance in contexts that an individual
would appraise as stressful or challenging, and the presence of greater emotional
stability (Dienstbier, 1989, 1991). According to the toughness model, tough indi-
viduals will likely seek out challenging situations, which will make them even
tougher (Dienstbier, 1989, 1991). This consideration indeed parallels the “Hardiness
model” described in the previous section of this chapter. An important distinctive
point of the toughness model posits that tough individuals will likely maintain calm
in stressful situations and will therefore be more emotionally stable as they are less
Stressors, challenges from Individual resources,

externalworld interests, skills
allostatic
overload
Risk factors for
mental and
Homeostasis Allostasis physical health
Allostatic
load
optimal
allostasis
Positive mental and
physical health
Fig. 2.1 Allostasis outcomes
likely to have “strong negative emotional reactions” in response to stressful situa-

tions (Dienstbier, 1991, p. 93). When situations arise that do stress them out, though
individuals are able to quickly return to base rates once the stressful event has con-
cluded (Dienstbier, 1991; Dienstbier & Zillig, 2009). In short, according to this
model, stressful experiences both early and later in life, coinciding with a sense of
control or followed by sufficient recovery, increase the likelihood of a specific pat-
tern of physiological responses to subsequent challenging events. These physiologi-
cal responses tend to optimize emotional stability and performance.
This process has been identified also as “Optimal Allostasis” (Ryff et al., 2004)
that encompasses the cumulative long-term pattern of resistance to catecholamine
depletion (SNS activity), rapid return of cortisol to normal levels following expo-
sure to stress (normal HPA axis activity) and maintenance within optimal ranges
various biological markers (immune, cardiovascular and metabolic parameters).
The optimal allostasis model suggests that mental and physical health may be pre-
served and even enhanced by the complexity of these processes. Thus, the effects of
stressors on individuals’ physical and mental health largely depend on the combina-
tion of individual resources, coping skills and personal interests, ranging from the
damaging effects of allostatic load and overload, to the beneficial one of optimal
allostasis, as described in Fig. 2.1.
2.2.3 Optimal Experiences or Flow
A similar model of balance between environmental challenges and individual

resources is represented by the Flow model. Originally described as a hedonic expe-
rience, flow is “….The state in which people are so intensely involved in an activity
2.2 Allostatic Load Versus Optimal Allostasis and Optimal Experience 39
that nothing else seems to matter; the experience itself is so enjoyable that people
will do it even at great cost, for the sheer sake of doing it” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990,
p. 4). This positive experience emerges when there is harmony between goals,
thoughts, and affect, which enables the full engagement of physical and mental
resources of the individual. Importantly, no matter the specific activities that trigger
this subjective state of flow, this experience begins only when the challenges
required by the performance and the individuals’ skills are balanced and above a
certain level. When the skills are high and challenges low, a state of boredom more
likely will ensue. Conversely, when skills are low and challenges are high (i.e., not
balanced) a state of anxiety will be activated. Thus, the flow state is also labeled
optimal experience, since it entails a pleasurable activation of individuals’ talents
and capacity in order to deal with balanced challenges associated with selected
activities (i.e., sports, learning, work, leisure time, etc.). The end of the flow-
inducing activity, in fact, is usually followed by intense feelings of strength, greater
positive affect, increased sense of autonomy and competence, and desire to repeat
the experience (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996, 2002).
However, even in structured activities, the flow state changes as internal resources
and external opportunities change. The dynamic and chaotic nature of the flow state
relies on the dynamic interchange between individual resources and contextual
opportunities, which must be in constant balance. The need to balance internal
resources and external opportunities to achieve and maintain this experience leads
the individual to develop his/her skill set, and to search for greater challenges. The
flow experience contributes to the development of the individual by guiding behav-
ior toward challenging opportunities that develop personal resources and resilience.
Thus, the engagement (flow state) in specific activities is connected both to hedonic
(pleasure), and eudaimonic (meaning) well-being (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996, 2002).
Recent investigations on optimal experiences have found peculiar associations
with physical and mental health. Bruya (2010) reports that even if “optimal experi-
ence” is characterized by high concentration and attention on the activity, by a neu-
rocognitive point of view there is no energy-consuming pattern, as it should be
expected. On the contrary, a phenomenon called “effortless attention” has been
observed. When the challenges presented by the activity are matched by the indi-
vidual’s skills, they are conceived as opportunities rather than obstacles, and the
mind gets into a state of exceptionally focused and effortlessly maintained attention.
Thus, optimal experience with its own positive effects can promote and enhance
cognitive and attentive skills. Further, de Manzano, Theorell, Harmat, and Ullén
(2010) asked professional classical pianists to play a musical piece (using piano
playing as a flow-inducing behavior) in order to study the relationship between
subjective flow reports and psychophysiological measures. A significant relation
was found between flow and decreased blood pressure and heart rate variability,
together with increased activity of the zygomaticus major muscle (associated with
positive emotions) and respiratory depth. Again, a state of optimal experience is
correlated with a healthy and balanced biological pattern.
These various approaches to investigate the role of challenges and stressors on
mental and physical health has gradually documented that not only they compro-
mise health and are associated with various disorders in a negative spiral of diathesis-
stress dynamics. On the contrary, an opposite pattern of relationships may even be
triggered, with a “crescendo” of individuals’ personal, cognitive, physical and resil-
iency skills (Fig. 2.1).
A growing number of recent investigations further supported these findings and
documented the buffering effect of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being on human’s
equilibrium of health and disease. Ryff and Singer (1996) have hypothesized that,
as well as the presence of distress, negativity and psychosocial diseases could influ-
ence the onset and the prognosis of many illnesses, well-being and positive experi-
ences could similarly have an important role.
2.3 T
he Protective Role of Positive Emotions (Broaden &
Build Theory)
Positive affect and subjective well-being are extremely important for health, dis-
playing many correlations with biological indexes (Chida & Steptoe, 2008; Steptoe,
Wardle, & Marmot, 2005).
Barbara Fredrickson (1998; Fredrickson and Joiner, (2002) was one of the first
researchers who studied and highlighted the importance of positive emotions. She
developed the Broaden and Build Theory of Positive Emotions (1998, 2002), which
affirms that positive emotions play a crucial and adaptive role in human being’ evo-
lution comparable to the one of negative emotions. If negative emotions are linked
to survival by the activation specific action tendency (i.e., fear-escape; anger-attack,
disgust-expel), Fredrickson’s theory supports that positive emotions can broad and
improve cognitive, social and behavioral skills, showing an equally crucial role in
evolutionary system. According to Broaden and Build Theory, positive emotions
broaden the thought-action repertoires of individuals. For instance, joy and interest
trigger the urge to play and explore, contentment the urge of savoring, love, etc. As
with the previous theories on flow, hardiness and optimal allostasis, positive emo-
tions enlarge and improve individuals’ physical, social, cognitive and psychological
resources over time. Positive emotions, thus, carried adaptive significance for our
human ancestors over longer time scales, by building new personal resources and by
increasing the odds of experiencing subsequent positive emotions, thus creating an
upward spiral toward improved odds for survival, health, and fulfillment. This the-
ory found confirmation in many empirical investigations. Importantly, these investi-
gations documented that positive emotions represent an antidote against
physiological arousal produced by negative emotions (undo mechanism). Therefore,
they could be considered important ingredients for resiliency and recovery pro-
cesses. Tugade and Fredrickson (2004) for example, found that positive emotions
may contribute to recovery from cardiovascular diseases: independently form the
stressful illness experience and its negative emotions, individuals who experience
many positive emotions can heal faster. In particular, the regulation of blood pres-
2.3 The Protective Role of Positive Emotions (Broaden & Build Theory) 41
sure in the aftermath of a negative event is more rapid in those who are happy and
satisfied with their lives.
Consistently with these findings, authors posited that positive emotions are active
ingredients within trait resilience. Fredrickson and colleagues (Tugade &
Fredrickson, 2004) published a seminal investigation where U.S. college students
(18 men and 28 women) were tested in early 2001 and again in the weeks following
the September 11th terrorist attacks. Mediational analyses showed that positive
emotions such as gratitude, interest and joy experienced in the wake of the attacks
significantly explained for the relations between (1) precrisis resilience and later
development of depressive symptoms, and (2) precrisis resilience and postcrisis
growth in psychological resources. Findings suggested that positive emotions are
active ingredients for resilience, that might be used as buffers against depression.
Further, these positive emotions may fuel thriving and growth, consistent with the
Broaden-and-Build Theory.
2.3.1 N
eurological and Biological Correlates of Hedonic
Well-Being
Modern neuropsychology has documented that the two hemispheres play a different
role in the positive and negative affect experience (neural asymmetry), providing
further confirmation for the independence of negative and positive states (Davidson,
1992a, 1992b, 1995, 2000). The functional asymmetry at the electroencephalogram
(EEG) emerges with a greater activation of left prefrontal cortex when individuals
engage in pleasant and relaxing activities, and experience positive affect (Tomarken,
Davidson, Wheeler, & Doss, 1992). It is associated with higher levels of well-being,
positive affect as dispositional trait (Tomarken et al., 1992), greater skills in gaining
benefits from compliments, rewards and positive experiences (Tomarken & Keener,
1998; Wheeler, Davidson, & Tomarken, 1993) and in overcoming critical situations
(Jackson et al. 2003). On the contrary, anxious and depressive symptoms are more
related to a greater activation of right prefrontal cortex. Further investigations con-
firmed that when left prefrontal cortex hypo-activity individuals (versus left pre-
frontal cortex hyper-activity) are exposed to stressors, they could be at higher risk
of developing depressive symptoms (Davidson, 1995, 2000).
By a neurobiological viewpoint, hedonic well-being is associated with the
release of dopamine, following pleasurable or rewarding experiences. Recent
investigations found that high levels of dopamine are associated with improved
cognitive performances (memory, creativity and problem solving). These findings
may provide a neurobiological underpinning to the Broaden & Build Theory of
positive emotions. Further, extroverted personalities have been found to display
greater dopaminergic activation. Dopaminergic system, which has much more pro-
jections in the left hemisphere and is involved both in goal-directed behaviors and
in the experience of positive emotions, may play an important role both in the left
prefrontal cortex activation and in the phenotypic differences in positive emotions

(Depue & Collins, 1999).
Similarly, Guillemin, Cohn, and Melnechuk (1985) observed that endorphins,
which are involved in cardiovascular and immune system activities, are released
during euphoric moments. Pleasant experiences, which produce positive affect play
a key role in protecting and strengthening the body system, representing thus pro-
tective health factors. In fact, it has been extensively demonstrated that positive
emotions and well-being, with the contribution of other factors, can also influence
the healing process from various diseases and longevity (Chida & Steptoe, 2008). A
review of the literature conducted by Chida and Steptoe in 2008 on 35 studies with
healthy subjects and 35 studies with people who had received a diagnosis of HIV/
AIDS, showed that positive affect and positive traits (such as optimism and hope)
were associated with longer life expectancy, especially among healthy people.
Authors observed that well-being was associated with reduced mortality in both
groups of populations, independently of the potential effect of negative affect. Both
positive affect (e.g., emotional well-being, positive mood, joy, happiness, vigor,
energy) and positive trait-like dispositions (e.g., life satisfaction, hopefulness, opti-
mism, sense of humor) resulted related to lower mortality also in healthy population
studies (Steptoe, Dockray, & Wardle, 2009; Steptoe, O’Donnell, Badrick, Kumari,
& Marmot, 2008).
Some studies displayed how positive affects are negatively correlated to heart
rate (Steptoe et al., 2005), systolic pressure and cardiovascular reactivity induced by
negative emotional states (Ong & Allaire, 2005). Similarly, Kubzansky and Thruston
(2007) used a cohort-longitudinal study design for evaluating possible predictors of
a cardiovascular illness onset. They found that those with a greater sense of emo-
tional vitality (a mix of vitality, hedonic well-being and emotional self-control) dis-
played a significantly lower risk of developing coronary disorders. Authors observed
this relation even when they considered the potentially confounding effects of vari-
ables as age, gender, ethnicity, marital status, educational level, blood pressure, cho-
lesterol, body mass index (BMI), smoking, alcohol, physical activity, diabetes,
hypertension, and psychological diseases.
Hedonic well-being influences also inflammatory processes. In particular, it
modulates the number of Natural Killer Cells (NK) and the immune system activity.
Individuals who experience many positive emotions were found to be up to three
times less likely to develop symptoms of respiratory infections after inoculation
with a rhinovirus, and they had lower risk of a cold (Cohen, Alper, Doyle, Treanor,
& Turner, 2006; Cohen, Doyle, Turner, Alper, & Skoner, 2003; Feldman et al.,
1999). A large number of control factors (including age, gender, education, negative
affect, and virus-specific antibody status before challenge, optimism) were not able
to explain decreased risk for colds among persons with higher dispositional positive
affect and there was no relationship between negative emotional styles and colds.
These findings are similar to those of Marsland, Cohen, Rabin, and Manuck (2006).
They observed a greater immune function indicated by higher antibody responses
following vaccination for hepatitis B, in those who experienced more positive affect
regardless of age, gender, health behaviours and negative affect.
2.4 The Protective Role of Eudaimonic Well-Being: Positive Human Health 43
Concerning the inflammatory pattern, an inverse association between positive

affect and InterLeukin 6 (IL-6), was found by Friedman et al. (2007). Confirming
these results, Steptoe et al. (2008) observed an inverse relation between positive
affect and IL-6, C-reactive protein (CRP) concentration, and fibrinogen stress
responsivity in women. Less happy people displayed greater fibrinogen responses,
and coped worse with stressful events (Steptoe et al., 2005).
Similarly, Tsenkova, Love, Singer, and Ryff (2008), through a longitudinal study,
displayed how problem focused coping strategies and positive emotions contributed
to the decreasing of glycosylated hemoglobin (Hba1c) and to a better glycemic
control. On the opposite, when people cannot use active coping strategies and, at the
same time, do not experience hedonic well-being, their vulnerability to stressful
events increases. Authors concluded that positive emotions can moderate the lack of
functional coping strategies, increasing its negative consequences when they are not
experienced, and enhancing their positive benefits when they are available.
Similarly, Moskowitz, Epel, and Acree (2008) showed an association between
subjective well-being and reduced risk factors for mortality in people with diabetes
(type II). Thus, recent scientific evidences showed how positive emotions and
hedonic well-being are strongly associated with biology and human health. They
can be independent predictors of health conditions per se and promoters of more
positive health behaviours (Steptoe et al., 2009).
2.4 T
he Protective Role of Eudaimonic Well-Being: Positive
Human Health
Ryff and Singer (1998) proposed the concept of “positive human health”, which
refers to a comprehensive—holistic consideration of health, where stressors but also
positive resources are taken into account. Accordingly, health is maintained by posi-
tive and healthy habits (i.e., good nutrition, regular physical activity, no smoking, or
use of drugs and other risky habits) and by the presence of emotional and psycho-
logical well-being (see Fig. 2.2). Ryff and Singer (1998) have suggested that, by an
etiological point of view, the presence of stress and negativity as well as the absence
of well-being work together to influence human health. The absence of positivity
represents a vulnerability factor, whereas the presence of well-being can be consid-
ered a protective factor in case of adversities.
2.4.1 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Allostatic Load
Considering the reciprocal and interactive nature of well-being and distress in deter-
mining positive human health, Ryff et al. (2006), verified whether psychological
well-being would be associated to modifications of the same biological parameters
Fig. 2.2 Positive human

health Eudaimonic
Well - being
Positve
Positive Health
healthy Hedonic
habits well - being
identified for allostatic load (see paragraph before). Ryff et al. (2006) have found all
dimensions of psychological well-being, but autonomy, to be associated with lower
levels of allostatic load. These relations presented gender differences: women
reported lower levels of allostatic load than men. Women with higher levels of
autonomy, however, experienced also higher levels of allostatic load. It was argued
that autonomy in certain women might activate a physiological stress response.
The association between positive relations and allostatic load has been studied
also considering age, gender and socio-economic differences (Seeman, Singer,
Ryff, Love, & Levy-Storms, 2002). Younger individuals (between 58 and 59 years),
who experienced positive relationships, tended to have lower levels of allostatic
load. Among older people (70–79 years), men who described more pleasant rela-
tions, reported lower (but non-significantly) levels of allostatic load than those of
women. Cumulative positive relations seemed to be a protective factor also against
socio-economic disadvantageous life conditions. Poor individuals tended to report
higher levels of allostatic load. However, these levels decreased when people were
supported by satisfying relations with others (Singer & Ryff, 1999).
In a representative sample of 7189 individuals (age = 25–74 years), Brim, Ryff,
and Kessler (2004) investigated the relations between biological correlates of allo-
static load and psychological well-being. Higher levels of positive relations with
others were negatively linked with weight, waist–hip ratio and glycosylated hemo-
globin. These effects were evident for the whole sample. Personal growth was posi-
tively correlated to good cholesterol (HDL), and negatively to the total/HDL
cholesterol ratio. Purpose in life was positively correlated with HDL cholesterol and
negatively with waist–hip ratio. Individuals with higher levels of these two dimen-
sions also reported lower levels of daily salivary cortisol, than those who reported
less purposeful engagement and growth (Ryff et al., 2004). Those with higher levels
of environmental mastery and self-acceptance had significantly lower levels of gly-
cosylated hemoglobin.
These results have been confirmed by an Italian study (Offidani, Bevilacqua, &
Ruini, 2009). Findings showed that when people experienced distress, anxious and
depressive symptoms, they presented also higher levels of platelet count (other indi-
cator of cardiovascular risk). This biological index seemed to be negatively corre-
lated to environmental mastery.
2.4 The Protective Role of Eudaimonic Well-Being: Positive Human Health 45
Research on social inequalities documented that those with lower levels of edu-
cational standing had higher levels of interleukin-6 (IL-6), after adjusting for
numerous factors (Morozink, Friedman, Coe, & Ryff, 2010). However, among
those with a high-school education or less, higher eudaimonic well-being (multiple
dimensions) was associated with lower IL-6, thus revealing a possible protective
influence.
In conclusion, there is substantial evidence (Ryff, 2014; Ryff et al., 2004) that
psychological well-being is an important contributor to general quality of life and it
plays a buffering role in coping with stress. In fact, it is consistently linked to indica-
tors of allostatic load.
2.4.2 N
eurological and Biological Correlates of Eudaimonic
Well-Being
The neural correlates of eudaimonic well-being have been studied quite extensively.
Urry et al. (2004) found that greater left than right superior frontal activation was
associated with higher levels of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. Urry and col-
leagues claimed that hemisphere differences depended on goal-directed approach
tendencies, characteristic of higher left than right baseline levels of prefrontal acti-
vation. Mesolimbic dopaminergic system, that is involved in goal-oriented behav-
iors, has many projections in left hemisphere (Depue & Collins, 1999). Thus, it
could be responsible for the functional hemisphere asymmetry and for its associa-
tions with higher levels of positive affect and eudaimonic well-being.
Using functional magnetic resonance imaging, those who were faster to evaluate
negative emotional stimuli showed increased amygdala activation, but the effects
varied according to the reported levels of eudaimonic well-being (van Reekum
et al., 2007). Those with higher levels of well-being were slower to evaluate nega-
tive information and they showed reduced amygdala activation. Thus, these find-
ings suggest that eudaimonic well-being is associated with a specific pattern of
amygdala activation.
Another study documented that higher eudaimonic well-being was linked with
sustained activity in reward circuitry (e.g., ventral striatum) while viewing positive
stimuli, as well as with lower cortisol output (Heller et al., 2013).
Finally, eudaimonic well-being has been linked with insular cortex volume,
which is involved in higher-order functions. Those with higher levels of personal
growth, positive relations with others and purpose in life showed greater right insu-
lar cortex great matter volume (Lewis, Kanai, Rees, & Bates, 2014).
By an endocrine point of view, the role of oxytocin has been studied as a hor-
monal underpinning for positive relations. It is released during pleasant social expe-
riences, such as sexual activity, delivery and breastfeeding (Uvnäs-Moberg, 1998).
In stressful situations, it is associated with down regulation of HPA axis and with
low levels of epinephrine. A recent research (Ishak, Kahloon, & Fakhry, 2011)
observed the key role of oxytocin in fostering well-being. It can induce a general
sense of well-being characterized by calm, positive social interactions, trust, and
decreased fear, as well as with endocrine and physiological changes. It was found
that oxytocin release was associated with activation of secondary biochemical
actions, which mediated the long-term benefits in terms of blood pressure reduction
and calm and affiliated behaviours. Its dysfunction, on the contrary, was found to be
associated with morbidity and decreased quality of life (Ishak et al., 2011). Lower
levels of oxytocin are observed in neuropsychiatric conditions such as autism,
schizophrenia and social phobias. Thus, it could play a key role in neuropsychiatric
disorders characterized by persistent fear, repetitive behaviour, reduced trust and
avoidance of relations.
A recent Italian study was not primarily focused on oxytocin, but it demonstrated
that low levels of environmental mastery and positive relations (PWBS; Ryff, 1989)
during pregnancy represented risk factors for developing obstetrical complications
and pre-term delivery (Facchinetti, Ottolini, Fazzio, Rigatelli, & Volpe, 2007).
Considering that oxytocin has a fundamental role just in inducing delivery, this
investigation documented that it could be linked to decreased levels of psychologi-
cal well-being.
2.4.3 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Health
Numerous studies, as reviewed by Ryff (2014), have linked eudaimonia to physical

health outcomes. Some have shown diminished well-being when people are dealing
with health problems (e.g., frailty, disability, fibromyalgia, Parkinson’s), but others
have examined possible protective benefits of higher well-being, measured in terms
of having fewer chronic conditions, greater productivity, and lower use of health
care. For instance, maintenance of psychological well-being following the onset of
breast cancer implied longer survival time (Spiegel, Kraemer, Bloom, & Gottheil,
1989), whereas impaired well-being tended to shorten it (Ramirez et al., 1989).
Engaging in better health behaviors (exercise, not smoking) has been shown to pre-
dict higher eudaimonic well-being as well as good sleep (Ryff, 2014).
Recent investigations highlighted the peculiar role of “purpose in life”, a key
existential aspect of eudaimonia. Longitudinal inquiries have shown that those
higher in purpose in life had decreased risk for mortality, after adjusting for numer-
ous potential confounds (Boyle, Barnes, Buchman, & Bennett, 2009; Hill & Turiano,
2014). Higher levels of purpose in life also predicted reduced risk for incident
Alzheimer’s disease and mild cognitive impairment (Boyle, Buchman, Barnes, &
Bennett, 2010), even in the presence of organic pathology in the brain (Boyle et al.,
2012). Higher levels of purpose in life also predicted reduced risk of stroke and
myocardial infarction (Kim, Sun, Park, Kubzansky, & Peterson, 2013; Kim, Sun,
Park, & Peterson, 2013) as well as better preventive healthcare practices (Kim,
Strecher, & Ryff, 2014). In summary, growing evidence indicates that eudaimonic
well-being plays a protective role in the face of disease risk and earlier mortality.
Further, benefits have linked it with lower stress hormones and lower inflammatory
2.5 The Concept of Positive Mental Health and Flourishing: Their Relationship… 47
markers, including in contexts of adversity or challenges. Together, these investiga-

tions underscore the reciprocal relationships between eudaimonic well-being and
health.
Recent investigations have also discovered some genetic underpinnings that
could explain the positive influence of eudaimonic well-being on health. In consecu-
tive investigations Fredrickson et al. (2013, 2015) found that dimensions of eudai-
monic well-being are associated with a reduced activation of the conserved
transcriptional response to adversity (CTRA) gene expression. This response is char-
acterized by up-regulated expression of pro-inflammatory genes and down-regulated
expression of Type I interferon- and antibody-related genes. Thus, CTRA is gener-
ally activated by stress and adversities, and this activation produces many of the
negative physiological effect described under the umbrella of allostatic load. As
reported by Fredrickson et al. (2013, 2015), this mechanism is modulated by eudai-
monic well-being. Eudaimonic well-being, either measured with Ryff PWB or Keyes
Mental health continuum, showed a significant association with reduced CTRA gene
expression. Conversely, hedonic well-being showed no significant predictive effect.
Hence, promoting well-being largely implies promoting a better physical health,
less morbidity and delayed mortality, in a spiral of positive feedback. In the follow-
ing section, the role of eudaimonic well-being and hedonic well-being will be
explored in determining mental health.
2.5 T
he Concept of Positive Mental Health and Flourishing:
Their Relationship with Psychological Well-Being
and Psychological Distress
As illustrated in Chap. 1 of this book, the movement of positive psychology was

born as a criticism to traditional psychology, which largely relied on a medical
model of well-being and distress. Chap. 1 described how humanistic psychology
provided seminal contributions and theoretical background to positive psychology.
For instance, when it comes to psychopathology, the Rogersian person-centered
approach provides a peculiar point of view. Accordingly, psychological disorders
are viewed as determined by negative interactions between the individual and his/
her own living environment, where he/she finds little opportunity for self-
actualization (Joseph, 2015). The concept of psychopathology, thus, overlaps with
the concept of incongruence in personal development (i.e., not entirely following
one’s organismic value tendency) (Joseph & Worsley, 2005). The medical model
with its biological characterization, its diagnostic and classification systems does
not fit with this person centered approach, that indeed put the client and his/her own
intrinsic motivation to personal growth as essential determinants of mental health or
psychopathology.
Conversely, the medical approach to mental health maintains a naive conceptual-

ization, where psychological well-being and distress may be seen as mutually
exclusive (i.e., well-being is lack of distress). According to this model, well-being
should result from the removal of distress. Yet, there is evidence both in psychiatric
(Rafanelli et al., 2000) and psychosomatic (Rafanelli & Ruini, 2012) research to
call such views in question.
2.5.1 Well-Being and Recovery
A substantial residual symptomatology (anxiety, irritability, interpersonal prob-

lems) was found to characterize the majority of patients who was judged to be
remitted according to psychiatric criteria and no longer in need of active treatment.
Further, remitted patients with mood and anxiety disorders presented significant
impairments in well-being compared to healthy control individuals (Rafanelli et al.,
2000). In this controlled investigation (Rafanelli et al., 2000), 20 remitted patients
with mood or anxiety disorders displayed significantly lower levels of well-being
according to the Ryff’s Scales of Psychological Well-being (PWB) (Ryff, 1989)
compared to healthy control individuals matched for socio-demographic variables.
Similarly, Fava et al. (2001) administered the PWB to 30 remitted patients with
panic disorder and 30 matched controls and found impairments in some specific
areas, but not in others. These investigations were pioneering the assessment of
well-being in individuals with a previous diagnosis of mood and anxiety disorders.
Further, in psychiatric settings, Thunedborg, Black, and Bech (1995) highlighted
that quality of life measurement, and not symptomatic ratings, could predict recur-
rence of depression. Similarly, it was found that treatment of psychiatric symptoms
induced improvements of well-being. In these clinical trials, that used composite
measures of well-being and symptomatology, the subscales assessing well-being
were more sensitive to drug effects than subscales describing symptoms (Rafanelli
& Ruini, 2012).
Various clinical observations, thus, pointed out that well-being may play a cru-
cial role in the process of recovery from a mental disorder (Fava, Ruini, & Belaise,
2007). Experiences of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being can thus be considered
as a key component of what is required to define recovery from affective disorder
and to prevent relapses (Fava, Ruini, & et al., 2007). In their seminal work Fava,
Ruini, et al. (2007) suggested to add the restoration of well-being (at least in one of
the eudaimonic dimensions described by Ryff) as a criterion for defining recovery
from depression. The restoration of well-being is considered by these authors as
important as the normalization of biological parameters that resulted modified dur-
ing the acute phase of depression (i.e., sleep pattern, cortisol levels, etc.).
2.5.2 Flourishing Mental Health
Outside the clinical domains, the relationship between psychological well-being

and psychological distress/symptomatology has been increasingly studied. One of
the main contributions comes from the seminal work of Corey Keyes. In his com-
plete model of mental health, Keyes (2002, 2005) described the condition of flour-
ishing, which refers to the presence of high levels of hedonic, eudaimonic, and
social well-being. Keyes proposed a continuum model ranging from complete men-
tal illness (low levels of well-being and criteria for a mental disorder), to languish-
ing, to moderate mental health and flourishing. Of particular clinical interest, the
condition of “languishing” is characterized by impaired levels of these aspects of
well-being, albeit without suffering from anxiety, depression, panic disorder, or
alcohol dependence. Keyes suggested that a state of languishing could characterize
both the prodromal (early symptom stage) and either the residual phase of mental
disorders. This approach indeed embraced a staging model of mental illness (Fava,
Tomba, & Grandi, 2007) that received crucial attention in previous psychiatric
research, and was considered essential in understanding the phenomena of recur-
rences, relapse, and chronic trends in affective disorders. Even though Keyes clearly
adhered to such a medical/psychiatric model, he openly introduced the role of well-
being and its implications, when it is lacking. In fact, the condition of languishing
could be considered a state of vulnerability that has negative implications in terms
of work productivity, use of health care system and physical morbidities similar to
those associated with mental disorders. The absence of well-being was also linked
with an increased probability of all-cause mortality (Keyes & Simoes, 2012).
Longitudinal investigations showed that cross-time gains in well-being predicted
cross-time declines in mental illness, and alternatively that losses in well-being over
time predicted increases in mental illness (Keyes, Dhingra, & Simoes, 2010). Such
work underscored that mental health involves a complex balance of positive and
negative psychological characteristics, and importantly, it emphasized that impaired
levels of well-being may constitute risk for psychological distress, including relapse
and recurrence in psychiatric disorders (Wood & Joseph, 2010). Further, change in
positive mental health predicted the prevalence and incidence of major depressive
disorders, panic disorders, and generalized anxiety disorders 10 years later (Keyes
et al., 2010).
2.5.3 M
ental Health, Positive Emotion Regulation
and Psychopathology
The growth of positive clinical psychology (Wood & Tarrier, 2010) and positive
psychiatry (Jeste, 2015) has indeed contributed to provide pivotal data on the com-
plex relationship between psychopathology and well-being. For instance, Kashdan
(2007) pioneered this area of research and found that patients with mental disorders
such as anxiety, depressive, schizophrenia present attenuated positive emotions and
miss opportunities for enriching and meaningful life experiences.
In a recent review, Carl, Soskin, Kerns, and Barlow (2013) proposed a transdiag-
nostic clinical model that connects common disturbances in positive emotion regu-
lation across emotional disorders such and depression, bipolar and anxiety disorder.
This model refers to four specific problems/bias in processing and regulating posi-
tive emotions, that could be detected in these disorders. Individuals, in fact, are
usually involved in natural processes of emotion regulation, which encompasses
which emotions they have, when they have them and how they experience and
express those emotions (Gross, 1998, p. 227). The first process has to do with situ-
ation selection and modification (i.e., how people influence their emotional experi-
ences by choosing which situations to enter or to avoid); the second refers to
mechanism of attentional deployment (i.e., how people direct attention within a
situation in order to modify the emotional qualities of the situation); the third refers
to cognitive change (i.e., the regulation of emotions through the modification of
one’s appraisals of emotional information). Finally, the forth area pertaining to
emotion regulation refers to the response modulation for positive emotionality (i.e.,
how people consider the qualities of an emotion through one’s response to the emo-
tion once elicited). The Authors reviewed in details current evidence from the clini-
cal and laboratory research that documented how these four processes are differently
affected by emotional disorders when patients have to deal with positive emotions.
Anxiety disorders, for instance, are characterized by control and avoidance of
negative stimuli. These constant and excessive efforts deplete personal resources to
engage in meaningful life experiences, to derive positive reward from present life
(savoring), to pursue goals and to develop social relationships (Kashdan, 2007). This
latter aspect appears to be particularly important in terms of well-being impairment.
In fact, the fear of social rejection and the associated social withdrawal in patients
with social anxiety may lead to a negative spiral of fewer positive emotions and
fewer positive reward in interpersonal experiences. (Kashdan, 2007). Agoraphobia
was found to entail avoidance of a wide variety of positive situations such as social
and leisure activities (Morissette, Bitran, & Barlow, 2010), whereas panic disorder
was found to be associated with decreased participation in activities that generate
arousal or excitement such as physical exercise and events involving a large number
of people (Morissette et al., 2010). By a neurological viewpoint, anxious patients
were found to have deficiencies in the brain dopaminergic system, associated with
reward sensitivity and approach behaviors (Carl et al., 2013; Kashdan, 2007).
Kashdan, Ferssizidis, Farmer, Adams, and McKnight (2013) also found that
these well-being impairments in people with social anxiety influenced a person’s
ability to receive and provide support for shared positive events; and that these defi-
cits had adverse romantic consequences. In particular, Kashdan et al. (2013) found
that socially anxious people viewed themselves, and were viewed by their partners,
as unenthusiastic and disinterested following partner disclosures of positive events.
This may suggest that they are particularly vulnerable because they fail to recog-
nize, receive, and/or provide positive behaviors to their partner, hampering the pos-
sibility to have a flourishing relationship.
Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD) on the other hand, is characterized by
excessive worry, somatization and pessimism (catastrophic cognitive attitude).
Unfortunately, patients with GAD often display a positive evaluation of their wor-
ries and consider the worry rumination as an effective coping style (Wells, 1995).
These negative cognitive attitudes and the metacognitive model of GAD (Wells,
1995) underline that patients are over-concerned with future negative expectations
and therefore they manifest inability to relax and savor present moments. These
negative expectations may lead to disengagement and missing of important oppor-
tunities for personal growth and well-being in their life. Further, Carl et al. (2013)
suggested that when it comes to positive emotion regulation, anxious patients are
characterized by elevated avoidance motivation, by attentional bias toward negative
stimuli and away from positive ones, and by a chronic cognitive deficit in positive
appraisal. By a motivational point of view, anxious individuals are motivated to
identify and prioritize entering situations that increase safety and security, rather
than situations supporting attainment of positive goals. The authors argued that
approaching positive goals for these patients might entail potential risks of personal
failure, social rejection, physical danger, or other negative outcomes. Thus, the
problem of anxious individuals may rely on the fact that they disproportionately
weigh these risks over the potential benefits of entering positive situations judged to
be important for their goals. Therefore, researchers and clinicians are suggested to
better understand social anxiety by exploring a wider range of interpersonal con-
texts and positive constructs, that may facilitate a better understanding and treat-
ment of these disorders, as described in the second part of this book.
However, depressive disorders (encompassing depression and dysthymia) deter-
mine the most severe impairments in positive functioning (Carl et al., 2013). First of
all, they are characterized by anhedonia (the diminished capacity to experience plea-
sure), and apathy (deficit in motivation and engagement). Patients also lose the capac-
ity of goal setting and pursuing because of their negative expectations for the future.
When it comes to positive emotion regulation, depressed patients are mainly charac-
terized by a decreased approach motivation, that it is often associated with a decreased
reward sensitivity (Carl et al., 2013). By a cognitive point of view, these patients were
found to present attentional bias away from positive information and toward negative
one; together with severe deficits in positive appraisal (presence of negative interpre-
tative bias and decreased positive reappraisal) and deficits in the capacity of forecast-
ing future positive emotions and/or their impact. Importantly, these cognitive biases
in depressed populations were found to be not entirely automatic, but involving stra-
tegic attentional control (Mathews & MacLeod, 2005). In sum, depressed individuals
have difficulties in cognitively maintaining or upregulating their positive emotions.
The result is a decreased capacity of savoring (Eisner, Johnson, & Carver, 2009) of
present (“savoring the moment”), past (“reminiscing”), and future (“anticipating”)
experiences (Bryant, 2003), with severe impairments in positive functioning.
Finally, bipolar disorders (mania and hypomania) have the opposite character-
ization; thus, they display an excessive and inappropriate positivity (Carl et al.,
2013). Patients in fact present an excessive sensitivity to positive events and
responses to reward opportunities, together with excessive excitement and enthusi-
asm. Differently from anxious and depressed patients, bipolar individual do not
generally present deficits in situation selection, rather they excessively search for
positive emotions. However, while mania is associated with increased pursuit of

positive emotion-related situations, it is also marked by decreased participation in
other types of positive situations, such as prosocial interactions. As a matter of fact,
the mood elevation is often accompanied by irritable mood and severe difficulties in
interpersonal functioning (Fava, Rafanelli, Tomba, Guidi, & Grandi, 2011). Patients
with bipolar disorders often neglect or under-estimate the risk associated to possible
rewarding external stimuli and situations (i.e., unprotected sexual encounters,
excessive shopping etc.), while they over-evaluate their goals and the expected posi-
tive impact, as described in Chap. 5 of this boor. By a cognitive point of view, bipo-
lar patients present an automatic interpretive biases of positive information leading
to excessive positive appraisal, which has also been labeled as “positive overgener-
alization”. It can be described as a cognitive style characterized by inappropriate
overextension of positive results or feedback (Eisner, Johnson, & Carver, 2008).
Finally, in order to keep their positive emotion up-regulated, bipolar patients were
found to display a greater use of emotion-focused and self-focused positive rumina-
tion strategies compared to healthy controls (Feldman, Joormann, & Johnson, 2008;
Gruber, Eidelman, Johnson, Smith, & Harvey, 2011; Raes, Daems, Feldman,
Johnson, & Van Gucht, 2010). These strategies were positively associated with fre-
quency of manic and depressive episodes in bipolar I disorder (Gruber et al., 2011).
Empirical evidences have also indicated that bipolar individuals are more sensi-
tive to incentives in the environment (Alloy, Abramson, Urosevic, Bender, & Wagner,
2009) and show greater positive emotions in a variety of contexts, such as during a
viewing of positive, negative and neutral film, as demonstrated by Gruber, Harvey,
and Johnson (2009). At the same time, individuals with bipolar disorder, have even
a greater negative emotion reactivity during period of depression. In fact, it has been
illustrated by several clinical investigations (i.e., Malhi et al., 2004) that depressed
patients with bipolar disorder have a more subcortical activation in response to nega-
tive pictures. Recent research suggested that individuals with bipolar disorder pres-
ent a difficulty in the emotion recovery, which is the natural decline in emotion
intensity over time. This difficulty in decreasing emotional response over time may
be a possible explanation of the intensified positive emotional states in their every-
day lives (Gruber, 2011). Gruber and Purcell (2015), moreover, defined the ampli-
fied positive emotions’ pattern in bipolar disorder as “positive emotion persistence
(PEP)”. It refers to the persistence of positive mood states across different situations.
The author considers this PEP mechanism as a benchmark between clinical popula-
tions (bipolar individuals) and non-clinical populations who are just very happy
people, but not bipolar. Specifically, the difference between clinical and non-clinical
populations refers to the persistent elevation in happiness and positivity even in non-
emotional and neutral contexts, in which emotional responses are inappropriate. In a
manic episode, in fact, individuals display an excessive euphoria, manifested in the
form of excessive laughter and exuberant speech, which can become inappropriate,
disturbing or even dangerous when leading bipolar individuals to ignore important
life problems. Thus, the need of experiencing and/or maintaining pleasure and posi-
tive mood elevated entails an elevated cost for patients with bipolar disorders.
Gruber and Purcell (2015) recently articulated the clinical problems emerging
form dealing ineffectively with positive emotions by proposing a model of positive
emotion disturbance. It describes six key positive emotion processes linked to prob-
lematic reactions to positivity:
1. size or magnitude of positive emotion response: an intensely experienced level of
happiness may lead to negative outcomes, rather than leading to benefits, as in
the case of bipolar patients.
2. situation or context in which positive emotions unfold: individuals who experi-
ence positive feelings in inappropriate contexts—such as when watching sad
films or listening to a distressed partner—were found to be at greater risk for
developing mania.
3. specificity of which positive emotions are experienced: certain kinds of positive
emotions—such as those that are too self-focused, as pride—may at times hinder
individuals’ ability to adaptively connect and build bonds with others.
4. self-regulation: controllability over positive emotions, which entails both
increasing positive emotions and decreasing or dampening positive emotions.
This mechanism is associated with beneficial mental health outcomes, and it is
the mechanism that basically lacks in bipolar patients.
5. stability or the degree by which positive emotions dynamically change over
time. Greater oscillations in self-reported positive emotions have been associated
with worse psychological health, including lower well-being and life satisfaction
and greater depression and anxiety.
6. striving or the degree to which one exerts effort in pursuing or attaining positive
feelings: the pursuit of happiness may sometimes lead to maladaptive outcomes
because it may lead to higher disappointment. Recent work has suggested that
the pursuit of happiness was often reported by individuals with a history of
depression (Ford, Shallcross, Mauss, Floerke, & Gruber, 2014).
The Authors concluded by advocating new lines of research aimed at providing
the causes related to the phenomena of positive emotion disturbances, either involv-
ing cognitive or neuroscientific research design. Further, Gruber and Purcell (2015)
suggested that psychological interventions should be aimed at targeting distur-
bances in positive emotion, encompassing the promotions of savoring healthy posi-
tive emotions, but also interventions that carefully moderate or even decrease overly
intense or inappropriate positive emotions, as described below.
2.5.4 The Balance Between Positivity and Negativity
Considering the beneficial effect of positive emotions, Keyes and Fredrikson pos-
ited that they constitute active ingredients for flourishing. According to Fredrikson
and Losada,
“To flourish means to live within an optimal range of human functioning, one that connotes
goodness, generativity, growth, and resilience” (Fredrickson & Losada, 2005, p. 678).
In that paper, they used a mathematical model applied to psycho-social experi-

ments to predict the exact amount of positive emotions that are require to flourish.
Accordingly, they found that flourishing individuals experience a ratio of 2.9:1 posi-
tive to negative emotions. They posited that to overcome the toxicity of negative
affect and to promote flourishing, experiences of positivity should outnumber expe-
riences of negativity at a ratio of about 3. In the Authors’ argument, feeling good
drives optimal function by building the enduring personal resources upon which
people live a better and more successful life (Fredrickson et al., 2013). Interestingly,
Frederickson and Losada predicted also an upper limit of this ratio. They calculated
that a ratio of 11.6 to 1 could characterize excessive mood elevation, which may
turn positivity into dysfunctional.
Even though these ratios and the mathematical models behind them have been
strongly criticized, and they have been found to be empirically inconsistent (Brown,
Sokal, & Friedman, 2013), the issue of balancing positive and negative affectivity
has an important clinical value, and has been addressed by many other investigators
in previous research. For instance, in 1991, Garamoni et al. (1991) suggested that an
optimal balance of positive and negative cognitions or affects characterizes healthy
functioning, and that deviations from the optimal balance might indicate psychopa-
thology. In their original states of mind (SOM) model (Schwartz & Garamoni,
1986), Schwartz and Garamoni proposed that a balance of 62% positive cognition
or affect correlated to general psychological adaptation and healthy functioning.
They proposed a simple formula for calculating a balanced ratio between positive
and negative affectivity: p/[p + N].
Their model relied on Lefebvre’s theory of mind. Lefebvre (1990) proposed that
humans have an “inner computer” that allows them to precisely regulate the ratio of
positive and negative thoughts and feelings in a variety of human contexts. The
positive-negative regulatory process can be functionally described using a Boolean
algebra (i.e., an algebra of bipolar situations) to calculate a ratio, which, depending
on situational demands and the internal responses of the person, represents the out-
come probability of the individual making a positive response to the environment,
with “1” for positive states of mind, and “0” for negative states of mind.
Schwartz corrected his initial .62 value (Schwartz, 1997), that characterized clin-
ical populations or people under severe stress, and proposed a balanced states of
mind model (BSOM), which differentiated diverse set-points corresponding to dif-
ferent psychological states of mind: from coping with severe negativity and low
mood (SOM = .50) to coping with stress (SOM = .62), to normal functioning (SOM
= .72), optimal functioning (SOM = .81) and deep positive mood (SOM = .87).
Importantly, this revised model affirms that this latter value (.87) may be linked to
excess of positivity associated with denial, grandiosity, and current manic states.
Subsequent research applied this ratio to clinical populations (depressed and anx-
ious patients) as well as to children and general populations (Kendall & Treadwell,
2007; Treadwell & Kendall, 1996). Recently it has been applied to monitor patients’
response to cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) or other treatments (Wong, 2010).
Hence, a converging body of research emphasizes the clinical need of considering
the complex dynamics between positivity and negativity in analyzing individuals’
experience.
References 55
Even though the exact mathematical model has yet to be discovered and empiri-
cally tested, these robust bodies of research seem to agree in highlighting that posi-
tivity and negativity are not linked by a linear relationship. The prevalence of
positive states over the negative ones indeed characterizes people, couple and
groups of individuals who flourish or present an optimal human functioning
(Fredrickson et al., 2013). Conversely, clinical observations found that a prevalence
of negative emotions and cognitions characterized depressed, anxious or distressed
individuals (Schwartz, 1997). Over the course of the therapy, this prevalence gradu-
ally reverse, as recovery from the mental disorder appears (Schwartz, 1997).
Thus, it is strongly recommended that clinicians pay attention both to symptom
reduction (negativity) and well-being improvement, and to their reciprocal influ-
ence. It has been suggested that if a phenomenon called negative potentiation (as
greater negative emotional sensitivity) has been found to seed and maintain depres-
sion, a parallel positive potentiation process appears to seed and maintain the ben-
eficial state of human flourishing (Catalino & Fredrickson, 2011).
A more controversial issue that needs further investigation concern the toxicity
of excessive positivity and the unbalanced relation with appropriate and functional
negativity. Clinical as well as positive psychologists have poorly investigated these
issues so far. The clinical background and expertise deriving from clinical psychol-
ogy might be crucial in investigating these important issues and in filling this gap of
research, as highlighted in the following chapters of this book.
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Chapter 3
Positive Personality Traits and Positive Human
Functioning
“Consider your origin. You were not formed to live like brutes,
but to follow virtue and knowledge.”
Dante Alighieri, The Divine Comedy
Abstract This chapter offers a brief overview of various personality traits and
models that were found to be linked with happiness and positive functioning.
Among these, Cloninger’s psychobiological model and Peterson and Seligman’s
character’s strengths model are described, underlying their specificities, as well as
their commonalities. A particular emphasis is given to the importance of evaluating
and considering positive personality traits together with personality disorders (and
their mutual relationships) in the clinical practice. Individuals may present different
combinations of strengths and vulnerabilities, and a balanced expressions of posi-
tive traits could be considered a manifestation of positive human functioning.
3.1 Personality Traits and Well-Being
When studying well-being, personality matters. Lucas and Diener (2008) suggested
that some lines of research provide the evidence for the conclusion that the most
important factor in determining a person’s well-being is personality. First of all,
studies on objective life circumstances—including factors such as a person’s
income, education level, age, doctor-rated health, and social relationships—show
that the associations with these factors tend to be quite small. Secondly, well-being
was found to be moderately heritable (Tellagen et al., 1988). Third, well-being tends
to be stable over time (sometimes even when life circumstances change) and finally,
correlations with personality traits tend to be much larger than correlations with
external circumstances (Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade, 2005).
An important study of Costa and McCrae (1980) across a 10-year interval found
that a global happiness or well-being factor was related to chronic negative affect
and chronic positive affect, which were themselves independent. The same investi-
gation documented that negative affect was associated with neuroticism, whereas
positive affect was associated with extraversion. This study paved the way for

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1_3
64 3 Positive Personality Traits and Positive Human Functioning
c onsidering extraversion as the core personality trait associated with happiness and
well-being. Subsequently McCrae and Costa (1991) explained these findings by
using instrumental and temperamental theories. According to the former, p ersonality
has an indirect impact on well-being, for example through the selection of certain
situations over other situations: extraverts may enjoy and participate in social activi-
ties, which may in turn affect the amounts of positive affect that they experience.
The instrumental perspective suggests that individuals who possess high levels of
extraversion or low levels of neuroticism are more likely to position themselves in
positive life situations. The temperamental theory suggests a direct linkage between
personality and well-being, due to genetically inherited differences in affective
reactivity, reward or punishment sensitivity and chronic level of affect (McCrae &
Costa, 1991). According to the temperament theories, the association between per-
sonality and well-being does not flow through life choices, life events, or life experi-
ences, rather this association depends on biological underpinnings. Of particular
interest is research that directly connects serotonin to the neuroticism scale of the
NEO Personality Inventory (Costa & McCrae, 1992) and another one that connects
it to depression and affective disorders (Lasky-Su, Faraone, Glatt, & Tsuang, 2005).
These contributions confirmed the biological underpinnings of negative affect,
which has a subsequent influence on experiences of happiness and well-being.
The importance of neuroticism was further confirmed by Vittersø and Nilsen
(2002) in their article “The conceptual and relational structure of subjective well-
being, neuroticism, and extraversion: Once again, neuroticism is the important pre-
dictor of happiness”. They affirmed that neuroticism explained eight times as much
of the well-being variance as does extraversion, it contributed heavily to predict nega-
tive affect (explaining 56% of the variance), and Authors suggested that extraversion
is more fragile and mainly dominates the facets representing positive emotions (it is
shown to have a large and unique influence on positive affect, explaining 26% of the
variance). Vittersø (2001) questioned the dominance of extraversion as the cardinal
well-being trait and he affirmed that emotional stability should more properly assume
this role. Similarly, studies on conscientiousness, have shown weaker relations to
well-being in comparison to neuroticism and extraversion, but still this dimension
was found to be generally positively related to well-being (DeNeve & Cooper, 1998;
Schmutte & Ryff, 1997). McCrae and Costa suggested that this trait affects well-
being in an instrumental way: being efficient, competent, and hardworking facilitates
the creation of life conditions that promote well-being (McCrae & Costa, 1991).
Research on agreeableness is not numerous, but the relation between this trait
and well-being was found to be weak for positive interpersonal relations (DeNeve
& Cooper, 1998; McCrae & Costa, 1991; Schmutte & Ryff, 1997). Again, McCrae
and Costa suggested that agreeableness affects well-being in an instrumental way.
Individuals that possess high levels of agreeableness have generally more close rela-
tionships, that can contribute to their well-being.
The dimension of openness to experience was found to be linked to different
aspects of well-being. This trait shows interesting results, because it seems to be
related both to positive and negative affect (McCrae & Costa, 1991). McCrae and
Costa suggested that open individuals “experience both the good and the bad more
intensely” (p. 228).
3.2 Temperament and Character Model 65
3.1.1 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Personality Traits
A large body of research documented strong associations between eudaimonic well-

being dimensions and personality traits (Ryff, 2014). An early investigation used
the big five model of traits and found that openness to experience was linked with
personal growth, agreeableness was linked with positive relations with others, and
extraversion, conscientiousness and neuroticism were all linked with environmental
mastery, purpose in life and self-acceptance (Schmutte & Ryff, 1997). Longitudinal
inquiries have addressed links between early personality profiles and midlife well-
being, finding that teenage females who were more extraverted had higher well-
being in all Psychological Well-Being Scales (PWBS) in midlife (Abbott et al.,
2008). Teenage neuroticism, in contrast, predicted lower well-being on all dimen-
sions, with the effects mediated through emotional adjustment. In another recent
investigation Authors compared the prediction of well-being from personality in
two samples of adolescents and older adults (Butkovic, Brkovic, & Bratko, 2012).
They found that emotional stability and extraversion significantly predicted well-
being in both samples. However, personality explained more variance in eudaimonic
well-being, rather than hedonic well-being. Further, interactions among personality
traits were used to predict changes in well-being over the course of community
relocation (Bardi & Ryff, 2007). Older women who experienced relocation dis-
played different combinations of personality and well-being profiles. Those with
higher environmental mastery, autonomy and personal growth before the move also
showed better emotional reactions after the move, particularly if the transition was
difficult. However, the trait openness to experience played a key role in amplifying
extraversion and, as a consequence , in further influencing well-being levels. Thus,
it seems that eudamonia entails a dynamic relationship with personality in defining
individuals’ stable attitude toward positive functioning.
3.2 Temperament and Character Model
Robert Cloninger’s work on the psychobiological model of personality (Cloninger,

1998) could be considered one of the seminal theory combining personality dimen-
sions, neurobiological functioning and well-being, or positive functioning. He
developed his model in the last 20 years, trying to explain the normal and abnormal
differences of the two major components of personality: temperament and charac-
ter. From this model, Cloninger has also developed the Temperament and Character
Inventory (TCI) which is widely used in clinical practice and research (Paris, 2005).
This model is able to give a global understanding of human personality at multiple
levels of analysis, beginning from the genetics of personality, and the neurobiologi-
cal basis of behavior, to cognitive and emotional structures. The models describes
personality development, behavioral correlates of individual differences, and the
interaction between the components of personality and factors related to the vulner-
ability to psychiatric disorders.
The temperamental component is considered the emotional basis of the personal-

ity. It contains neurobiological dispositions, the automatic behavioral reactions, and
the answers to specific external stimuli. It encompasses four dimensions: Novelty
Seeking (NS); Harm Avoidance (HA), Reward Dependence (RD) and Persistence
(P). These traits are genetically independent, relatively stable over time during the
life course, and universal in different cultures (Cloninger, 2004). Temperament
refers to the constitutionally given and largely genetically determined, inborn dispo-
sition to particular reactions to environmental stimuli. These reactions pertain to the
intensity, rhythm, and thresholds of affective response (Kernberg, 2005). In this
model, the single dimensions of temperament are influenced by a complex network
of cerebral connections. These interactions and the modifications of the nervous
system conduce to the different profiles of behavior. Accordingly, the different tem-
peramental traits are associated with the release and regulation of specific neu-
rotransmitters: high levels of NS are associated with low levels of dopamine; high
levels of HA (dimension of behavioral inhibition) are correlated positively with
serotonin and gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA); high levels of Reward
Dependence (dimension of behavioral maintenance) are negatively correlated with
the central noradrenergic activity (Norepinephrine) and the dimension of Persistence
(persevering) is modulated by a reduced noradrenergic activity (Cloninger, 2004).
The three-dimensional character component: Cloninger subsequently added the
character components to his model, in order to describe learned characteristics and
attributes of people. Differing from temperament, the character traits change over
time, while the person grows up. The character, in Cloninger’s model, includes cog-
nitive processes, encompassing logics, concepts, symbolical interpretation, and
memory. The three dimensions of character are: Self-directedness (S);
Cooperativeness (C) and Self-Trascendence (ST) (Cloninger, 2004). Self-
Directedness is the extent to which a person identifies the self as autonomous;
Cooperativeness expresses empathy and identification with others, and Self-
Transcendence involves self-awareness of being an integral part of the unity of all
things.
According to Cloninger (2004) the definitive character could be seen as a non
linear function (or a result) of temperamental traits that existed before, the social-
cultural influences, and the unique casual events of every individual. Due to a bidi-
rectional interaction, the temperament influences what individuals perceive, and the
character modifies the meaning, so the meaning and the value of every experience
depends on both temperament and character.
Temperament and character are thus two crucial aspects of personality. Their dif-
ferent combinations have been explored in clinical populations and they were found
to describe the majority of personality disorders (Cloninger, 2006; Paris, 2005). In
particular, Cluster B and C personality disorders were found to be associated with
the dimensions of Novelty Seeking and Harm Avoidance, respectively. The low
scores on the character dimensions of self-directedness and cooperativeness, on the
other hand, were found to characterize individuals with diagnosed personality
disorder from those without (Jylhä et al., 2013). Other investigators (Kaess et al.,
2013) applied the TCI for measuring personality profiles in female adolescents with
3.2 Temperament and Character Model 67
borderline personality disorders. They were found to display high scores in novelty
Seeking and Harm Avoidance, and low scores on Reward dependence.
However, it’s the combination of high scores in the three character’s traits that
identify individuals who are healthy, happy and fulfilled (Cloninger and Zohar,
2011). Using TCI, Cloninger (2006) distinguished people who were in the top third
of self-directedness, cooperativeness, and self-transcendence, from those in the
lowest third, or in the middle third on each dimension. About a third of people
whose results were low in self-directedness were depressed. If self-directedness or
cooperativeness resulted high, but not both, then individuals did not differ much in
their mood from those with average character profiles. If both self-directedness and
cooperativeness were elevated, then happiness was more frequent than sadness
(19% versus 1%). Finally, individuals that were elevated on all the three aspects of
character had the highest percentage of happiness. Explained in other words,
according to Cloninger, the development of well-being depends on the combination
of all the three aspects of character. If any of the three factors fails in development,
this leaves the person vulnerable and can lead into a state of depression (Cloninger,
2006).
Thus, Cloninger model may offer important points of convergence for positive
and clinical psychology, by providing a complete system of descriptions of both
pathological functioning, normal functioning and optimal functioning. Unfortunately,
the application of this model is still neglected in well-being and positive psychology
research.
Notable exceptions are some work by Ruini et al. (2003) on an Italian sample of
450 subjects in the general population. They reached to the conclusion that the rela-
tionship of well-being to distress and personality is complex. They also suggest that
it is not true that the presence of well-being can be explained simply by the lack of
distress. This study linked eudaimonic well-being with personality profiles as
assessed by TCI. Results partially replicates Schmutte and Ryff’s (1997) findings
within an Italian sample: Personal Growth was positively correlated with Novelty
Seeking; Positive Relations showed positive correlations with Reward Dependence,
and Harm Avoidance showed negative correlations with all the six Ryff’s dimen-
sions. Thus, the TCI could be used to partially mirror individual’s profiles in terms
of eudaimonic well-being
Importantly, the TCI model proposed by Cloninger displayed many points of
convergence also with another model stemming from the positive psychology per-
spective, namely, the character’s strengths model (Peterson and Seligman, 2004).
Dimensions as persistence, cooperativeness, transcendence, caution, modesty and
self-transcendence are equally described as positive character’s dimensions, as
illustrated in Fig. 3.1.
68
Virtues and
Character’s strenghts
(Peterson and Seligman ,

2004)
Wisdom Courage
Transcendence Humanity
Temperance Justice
Creativity; Curiosity; Authenticity; Bravery;
Appreciation of beauty Kindness; Love;
Forgiveness; Modesty; Love of Learning; Enthusiasm; Fairness; Leadership;
Gratitude; Hope; Social Intelligence.
Caution; Self-Regulation Judgement; Persistence; Teamwork
Perspective. Humour; Spirituality.
Harm Avoidance Reward Novelty Seeking Persistence Self-Transcendence Self-Directedness

Dependence Exploratory Cooperativeness
Worry; Fear of Eagerness of Responsibility Purposeful
Self-forgetful; Transpersonal Social acceptance;
Uncertainty; Shyness Sentimentality Excitability ; effort; Work hardened Resourcefulness Self-
identification; Spiritual Empathy; Helpfulness
Asthenia Openness to warm Impulsiveness; Ambitious Perfectionist acceptance; Enlightened
acceptance Compassion
communication Extravagance second nature
Attachment
Dependence Disorderliness
Temperament and Character Model

(C.R Cloninger, 2006)
3 Positive Personality Traits and Positive Human Functioning
Fig. 3.1 Points of converges between TCI and character’s strengths models
3.3 Character’s Strengths 69
3.3 Character’s Strengths
In the early 2000s, positive psychology movement criticized the medical model
characterizing mental health research and scientists began to advocate the formula-
tion of a classification system for positive aspect of human functioning (Peterson
and Seligman, 2004). As the previous versions of the Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual for psychiatric disorders (DSM) provided a full description of psychopatho-
logical state (Axis I) and dysfunctional personality traits (Axis II), some scientists
mirrored this line of research by defining positive attributes of the individual and by
developing a classification system. This resulted in the Value In Action (VIA) clas-
sification of character strengths and virtues (Peterson & Seligman, 2004), which
provides a classification of positive traits in human beings.
The VIA classification of Character Strengths is composed of 24 character
strengths that fall under six broad virtue categories: wisdom, courage, humanity,
justice, temperance and transcendence. These virtues are morally and universally
valued, encompass capacities for helping the individuals and others, and produce
positive effects when expressed in real life context. Character’s strengths, hence,
could be considered as psychological processes or mechanisms that define the vir-
tues. For instance, the virtue of courage may be displayed by the strength of bravery
and persistence; wisdom by creativity, perspective and love of learning, transcen-
dence by the strengths of gratitude, hope and spirituality, etc. Some of these strengths
indeed parallel the character’s components in Cloninger’s model of personality (for
a full description, see Fig. 3.1).
Similar to Cloninger’s perspective, also in Peterson and Seligman formulation
each human being has a constellation of positive character traits (character strengths)
that makes him or her distinct or unique. The combination of character strengths are
ways of thinking, feeling, and behaving that facilitate optimal performance and
when used are both energizing and intrinsically motivating. Of particular interest
are “signature strengths”, or those character strengths most central to an individual’s
identity (Peterson & Seligman, 2004), which researchers frequently operationalize
as a person’s top five character strengths (e.g.; Mongrain & Anselmo-Matthews,
2012) as measured with the VIA questionnaire.
3.3.1 T
he Diagnosis of Positive Personality: The Four Front
Approach
Traditionally, psychodiagnosis has focused on symptomatology and dysfunction.

Within the framework of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(DSM-V) (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) each diagnosis represents a
negative syndrome comprising a cluster of symptoms associated with clinically sig-
nificant impairment or distress. The new edition of DSM has deleted the rigid, axial
classification of the previous DSM IV system, and advocated for an higher
consideration of psychosocial and cultural issues related to a manifestation of a

specific mental disorder. However, DSM V is still largely focused on negative
aspects, at the expense of identifying the strengths of individuals and their environ-
mental resources. Many clinicians still arise criticisms to this DSM classification ad
call for a wider focus when diagnosing individuals’ functioning. Widening the diag-
nostic focus, for instance, involves the consideration of the psychological strengths,
environmental influences on behavior, and of developmental forces that affect the
manifestations of problems as well as strengths.
One useful framework for strengths’ assessment and diagnosis was formulated
by Wright (1991; Wright & Lopez, 2002). In this four-front approach, authors sug-
gested clinicians to gather information about:
I. strengths and assets of the client,
II. deficiencies and undermining characteristics of the client,
III. resources and opportunities in the environment, and
IV. deficiencies and destructive factors in the environment.
Clinicians can use multiple methods, including observation, interviews, and
standardized measures, to gather this information and should attempt to include the
four-front data in their case conceptualization. This would broaden the current lim-
ited approach of the DSM to encompass the evaluation of patients resources and
active interplay within his/her environment.
Further, Lopez, Edwards, and Larue (2006) criticized the medical model behind
the DSM-IV and suggested to broaden its Axis IV (psychosocial and environmental
factors) to consider psychosocial and environmental resources that, alongside the
problems, might facilitate the conceptualization of the ways in which the client
copes and solves problems in his or her life. They also advised to re-anchor Axis V
(the Global Assessment of Functioning- GAF) in order to be able of capturing the
absence of functional deficits and the areas of optimal living. Alternatively, they
suggested to add a further axis to measure positive functioning: the Global
Assessment of Positive Function (GAPF). Accordingly, the GAPF anchors of 1, 50,
and 100 would be reflective of severely impaired functioning, good health, and opti-
mal functioning, respectively. Unfortunately, current DSM V dropped the GAF as a
severity index of the disorders. Thus, it appears unlikely that clinicians will consider
also positive resources and character’s strengths with current DSM V classification
system. In the near future, it would be recommended that the movement of Positive
Psychiatry (Jeste, 2015) would make a contribution in improving this classification
system.
On the same vein, Lopez et al. (2006) suggested to add one more axis (Axis VI)
to specifically identify and diagnose patients’ strengths, alongside with patients’
personality disorders/dysfunctional traits. Unfortunately, the controversial classifi-
cation of personality disorders has not been revised in the current version of DSM
(APA, 2013). Again, mental health research has neglected an important opportunity
of providing a complete and exhaustive classification of mental health. The growing
trend of positive psychology/positive psychiatry might advocate for future revisions
that encompasses these suggested integrations (Jeste, Palmer, Rettew, & Boardman,
2015)
3.3 Character’s Strengths 71
3.3.2 C
haracter’s Strengths and Well-Being: A Non-linear
Relationship
The diagnosis and recognition of individual’s character’s strengths has been docu-
mented to be essentially linked to increase in well-being. Seligman, Steen, Park, and
Peterson (2005) found that the process of identifying and using one’s strengths
resulted in increase in happiness and decrease in depressive symptoms after a
month. These gains lasted through 6-month follow-up among those individuals who
continued to practice it. The actual use of one’s strengths, above and beyond learn-
ing what one’s strengths are, is an essential ingredient of this activity; participants
in an “assessment-only” condition (where they learned their strengths but were not
asked to use that information in any way) were indistinguishable from those who
practiced a placebo activity (Seligman et al., 2005). As a matter of fact, a converging
evidence points out that it is worthwhile to identify and promote the development of
strengths, and that these benefits are both psychological and motivational. It means
that developing strengths feels intrinsically rewarding to people, and so they are
more driven to engage in a strengths-development process. For instance, it was
found that among youth, the use of signature strengths in novel ways along with
personally meaningful goal-setting led to increases in student engagement and hope
(Madden, Green, & Grant, 2011). Recently, Sheldon, Jose, Kashdan, and Jarden
(2015) have identified ten core characters’ strengths (Grit, Gratitude, Curiosity,
Savoring, Control Beliefs, Meaning in Life–Presence, Strengths Use, and
Engagement, Pleasure, and Meaning-Based Orientations Toward Happiness) and
examined their role in goal pursuit and long term boosting well-being. Interestingly
enough, they found that only grit was associated to goal attainment at follow up,
whereas curiosity and meaning had a major role in influencing well-being. The
authors did not intend to dismiss the other positive personality dimensions, but they
argued that they probably have a minor effect in the process of goal striving.
In clinical domains, the assessment and use of character’s strengths in psychotic
patients was found to improve positive affect, by directing attention towards memo-
ries associated with strengths and imagining of future positive experiences (Sims,
Barker, Price, & Fornells-Ambrojo, 2015). However, no effect on self-esteem and
self-efficacy was observed in psychotic patients. A possible hypothesis is that this
activity may have triggered negative self-evaluations (i.e. “Lack of Confidence”
theme). These negative self-evaluations reflect negative information-processing
biases, that are common cognitive characteristics of patients with very low self-
esteem (Sims et al., 2015). Similarly, another recent investigation documented that
the use of signature strengths is particularly important for individuals with low lev-
els of meaning and aspirations in life (Allan & Duffy, 2013).
Despite these promising findings, researchers have begun to examine the poten-
tial drawbacks of treating strengths as stable traits. Biswas-Diener Kashdan, and
Minhas (2011) warned that an “identify and use” approach, in fact, may encourage
individuals to think of strengths as permanent and unchangeable, which may in turn
lower the individual’s motivation to improve.
Further, Grant and Schwartz (2011) confirmed that all positive traits, states, and
experiences have costs that, at high levels, may begin to outweigh their benefits,
creating the nonmonotonicity of an inverted U. The authors underlined that even
though positive psychology research and interventions have produced fundamental
advances in scientific knowledge of positivity, they erroneously assumed that posi-
tive traits, experiences, and emotions have monotonic effects on well-being and
performance. This theory assumes that “the more developed any strength is, the
better people are” (Schwartz & Sharpe, 2006, p. 380).
“Positive psychologists have recognized that the deficiency of a strength or virtue can harm
well-being and performance, but they have paid little attention to understanding when, why,
and how the excess of a strength or virtue can harm well-being and performance” (Grant
& Schwartz, 2011, p. 62).
In their pivotal work, they demonstrated that virtues (such as wisdom, optimism,
courage, generosity etc.) that positive psychology has linked to higher well-being
and performance can, at high levels, undermine the outcomes they are intended to
promote. They described a nonmonotonic inverted-U-shaped effect, which could be
explained by mechanisms such as conflicts between virtues, and different slopes
and thresholds for positivity and negativity.
On the same vein, Parks and Biswas-Diener (2014) argued that strengths research
would benefit from the inclusion of nuances. In line with Schwartz and Hill’s (2006)
call for “practical wisdom,” one should aim not only to use one’s strengths more
often, but to use those strengths well and appropriately. Humor, for example, can be
an invaluable tool for building relationships, and for coping with stress; if used inap-
propriately, however, humor can be insensitive or hurtful. Similarly, the strength
“love for learning” may become “inefficient or even dysfunctional” (Bunderson &
Sutcliffe, 2003; p. 554) as demonstrated by Bunderson and Sutcliffe’s (2003) stud-
ies on learning orientations of management teams. They argued that a too high focus
on learning can distract attention away from performance results. Thus, an emerg-
ing line of investigations warned against an overplay of character’ strengths, that
turns out to be dysfunctional, as explained in the next paragraph.
3.4 Positive Personality Traits and Personality Disorders
Peterson and Seligman model of character’s strengths (2004), assessed by the VIA
inventory was fond to display specific correlations with adaptive personality traits,
such as conscientiousness and openness to experience, as well as negative correla-
tions with neuroticism. However, when it comes to link character’s strengths to
DSM personality disorders, the research is still limited.
Cloninger model, on the other hand, has extensively correlated temperament and
character dimensions with specific personality disorders (Paris, 2005; Svrakic,
Whitehead, Przybeck, & Cloninger, 1993). With the later formulation of his model,
involving the three character dimensions, Cloninger documented that deficits in
3.4 Positive Personality Traits and Personality Disorders 73
these dimensions may be find across DSM clusters of personality disorders

(Cloninger, Zohar, Hirschmann, & Dahan, 2012; Svrakic et al., 2002). Further, the
temperol dimension of Persistence has also an important role in relation to psycho-
pathology. While at balanced levels it may foster happiness and well-being, at
excessive levels it characterizes individuals with anxiety disorders and obsessive
compulsive personality traits (Cloninger et al., 2012).
Other authors that attempted to link personality disorders to personal strengths
were Oldham and Morris (1995). They provided particular support for the dimen-
sional approach with their unique conceptualization of personality disorders. These
two authors contended that each of the 14 personality disorders listed in the DSM
can be viewed as lying on its own continuum of adaptation. Less acute presentations
of these personality types lie at one end of these continua, with the actual manifesta-
tions of the personality disorders at the other end. Oldham and Morris posited that
an individual may move along this continuum, depending on the environmental and
endogenous stressors in his or her life at any one point in time. In this conceptual-
ization, an individual may exhibit behaviors more indicative of the actual disorder
at times of high stress, whereas clinical presentation may resemble a less intense
version of the disorder in times of less stress. For instance, individuals with narcis-
sistic personality disorder may find that certain aspects of this disorder allow him or
her to be autonomous and self-confident and therefore able to function at a superior
level. It is only when these characteristics become extreme that they are no longer
beneficial to the client. The Oldham and Morris (1995) conceptualization leaves
room for individuals to be diagnosed according to the degree of dysfunction or mal-
adaptation as well as to the degree of positive use of personal resources.
Similarly, Evans (1993) described a model of psychological assessment that
moved from a deficit-oriented perspective to one that emphasizes a client’s assets
and strengths. Accordingly, the essential step is to evaluate interactions between
characteristics of the social environment and the set of individual behavioral reper-
toires. This perspective allows to identify parallelism between normal and abnormal
functioning (psychopathology). Each personality characteristic, thus, could be
regarded as a severe form of deviance, as a neutral state, or a desirable attribute.
Courage, for instance, could negatively characterize individuals who commit
crimes, violent behaviors or even suicide (Pury, Starkey, Kulik, Skjerning, &
Sullivan, 2015); it could be view as a virtue (Peterson & Seligman, 2004) or it could
be considered a desirable outcome for individuals with anxiety disorders and avoid-
ant personality traits (Kashdan, 2002, 2007). This approach confirms that personal-
ity characteristics are neither positive or negative “a priori”. Rather, it is the external
context that indicates their appropriateness and valence.
A recent but unfinished model that connects personality disorders and personal-
ity strengths was conceptualized by Chris Peterson and described by Martin
Seligman (2015). Peterson used his character strengths model to complement the
DSM-V. Interestingly, Peterson argued that the “real madness” (i.e. psychopathol-
ogy) could be derived by unbalanced levels in one or more of the 24 character’
strengths. In fact, various definitions of psychopathology may be represented by the
opposite, absence or excess of one of the 24 character’s strengths (Seligman, 2015).
For instance, the strength of persistence, that falls into the virtue of courage, could
become pathological by its excess and transformed into obsessiveness; or by its
absence, that is laziness. It’s opposite (helplessness) represents a relevant clinical
sign of dysfunctionality as clearly documented by many clinical studies. Similarly,
impulsivity could be considered the opposite of self-regulation (virtue of temper-
ance), that could be nuanced into self-indulgence (its absence) or inhibition (its
excess). On the same vein, courage has been found to be impaired in individuals
with anxiety disorders (Kashdan, 2002, 2007), but it turns out to be bad in certain
social context, by facilitating acts of violence and suicide (Pury, Starkey, Kulik,
Skjerning, & Sullivan, 2015). Courage, impulsivity, self-indulgence and inhibition
are common issues that clinicians often face in working with their patients.
Rashid (2015) continued this clinical approach by translating each DSM symp-
tom of personality disorder in terms of character’s strengths dysregulation. For
instance, antisocial personality disorder could be conceptualized as a lack of citi-
zenship, empathy, kindness, and honesty, as well as an excess of courage, passion
and vitality. Histrionic Personality disorder, on the other hand, could be described
as a lack of persistence, of authenticity and modesty, as well as an excess of enthu-
siasm, friendliness and spontaneity.
However, in the clinical domain Peterson, Seligman and Rashid emphasized the
importance of recognizing and promoting patients’ strengths, rather than focusing
on the negative. This novel approach represents indeed an important area of innova-
tions in classifying personality traits (either positive or dysfunctional) that each
clinician should seriously take into consideration (Rashid, 2015; Seligman, 2015).
3.5 P
ositive Functioning Manifested as Balanced Expression
of Positive Traits
Taken together, these contributions suggest that although positive psychology

overtly decided to focus the research field to positive dimensions (Seligman &
Csikszentmihalyi, 2000), it clashed with the complexities of the human condition,
which inevitably encompasses the negativity. Wood and Tarrier (2010) emphasize
that characteristics (such as gratitude and autonomy) that are generally regarded as
positive, often exist on a continuum. They are neither “negative” or “positive”: their
impact depends on the specific situation and on the interaction with concurrent dis-
tress and other psychological attitudes. On the same vein, Kashdan and Rottenberg
(2010) suggested that optimal human functioning is linked to the dimension of psy-
chological flexibility, which permits to define, use and moderate positive character-
istics according to the specific context. They therefore suggested to avoid a “priori”
definition of what is positive and what is negative.
Accordingly, there is a growing need of integrating previous knowledge on “neg-
ativity” derived from clinical psychology into positive psychology research, par-
ticularly when it comes to plan and perform psychosocial interventions (Ruini &
References 75
Fava, 2013; Wood & Tarrier, 2010). This insight has important implications for
positive and clinical psychology. Indeed, in clinical domains of research, psycholo-
gists have increasingly discovered that at high levels, positive affects begin to turn
negative. This phenomenon has been described as the “ubiquitous U” (i.e., X
increases Y to a point, and then it decreases Y). Common examples include the
Yerkes-Dodson law (Yerkes & Dodson, 1908) and classic theories of optimal
arousal (Eysenck, 1967; Smith, 1983).
For this reason, traditional clinical psychology has a crucial role in providing
integration to positive psychology research. The important insight that comes from
studying and dealing with psychopathology, could thus be used in determining the
“right” amount of positivity for a certain individual, considering his/her global situ-
ation and needs. Without this clinical framework, the risk is to lead individuals at
having too high levels of certain positive dimensions (e.g. self-confidence), with
unrealistic expectations that may become dysfunctional and/or stressful to individu-
als (Ruini & Fava, 2013). Thus, this optimal-balanced well-being could be different
from patient to patient, according to many factors, such as other personality traits,
social roles and cultural and social contexts. It implies a multiple pathway approach,
the idea that there is no single right way to be well and that people have different
combinations of strengths and vulnerabilities (Ruini & Fava, 2013). As a result,
positive interventions should be more articulated than simply increasing positivity,
but should take into consideration individual’s specific needs and complexities, as
described in the second part of this book.
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Part II
The Promotion of Positivity in Clinical
Practice
Chapter 4
Positive Interventions and Their Effectiveness
with Clinical Populations
Different men seek after happiness in different ways and by

different means,
And so make for themselves different modes of life and different
forms of government
Aristotle
Abstract This chapter is aimed at emphasizing the importance of promoting posi-

tive functioning in clinical settings. Common technical strategies shared by positive
and clinical interventions are discussed. In order to provide clinicians with a toolkit
of positive psychology strategies, the main positive psychotherapeutic strategies
aimed at promoting positive functioning, that have been developed and tested in
clinical trials are described: Well-being Therapy, Quality of Life therapy, Positive
Psychotherapy and Strengths based Counseling. Finally, the chapter provides an
overview on the beneficial effects of positive interventions, as well as on their pos-
sible paradoxical effects. Clinical implications are then discussed, with a special
recommendation of integrating psychotherapy research design when testing and
implementing positive interventions.
4.1 C
linical Interventions and Positive Interventions:
Possible Integrations
As described in the first part of this book, the growing of positive psychology
research has documented the beneficial effects of positive emotions, well-being and
character’s strength. The question emerges of whether they can be fostered through
specific interventions and techniques. As a matter of fact, the second era of positive
psychology research has witnessed the development of positive interventions aimed
at promoting positive characteristics of human functioning. Positive emotions, sub-
jective well-being (Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999), human strengths (Peterson
& Seligman, 2004) and other positive personality characteristics such as compas-
sion, hope, and altruism (Seligman, Steen, Park, & Peterson, 2005) could be consid-
ered as specific ingredients in these “positive interventions” (Rashid, 2009).

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1_4
82 4 Positive Interventions and Their Effectiveness with Clinical Populations
The primary targets of these interventions were normal populations, encompass-

ing children, college students, employees and workers and, more recently, aging
populations (Huppert, 2004). However, these interventions were soon tested in clin-
ical populations as well, particularly in depressed patients (Rashid, 2009; Sin, Della
Porta, & Lyubomirsky, 2011). Also in this case, thus, the artificial boundaries
between clinical and positive psychology have been trespassed, and, interestingly
enough, positive interventions have been found to be particularly effective when
applied to such clinical populations (Bolier et al., 2013). Moreover, new lines of
research are concerned with the applications of positive interventions also in severe
psychiatric disorders (Krentzman, 2012; Sims, Barker, Price & Fornells-Ambrojo,
2015), showing promising results.
These interventions encompass various techniques, that indeed are derived from,
and overlap with traditional psychology and clinical psychology in particular, as
described in the next pages.
4.1.1 C
ommon Therapeutic Techniques and Possible
Integrations
By a technical view point, the majority of positive interventions promote positive

emotions, gratitude, resilience and positive functioning using traditional strategies
that are applied in clinical psychology and cognitive behavioral therapy—CBT
(Walker & Lampropoulos, 2014). For instance, the use of a journal where positive
emotions, positive events and blessings are recorded by participants is similar to the
one used in CBT to monitor anxiety or depressive symptoms, of course with an
opposite focus. However, self-observation (Emmelkamp, 1974) is a common thera-
peutic ingredient in both positive interventions and traditional CBT.
Similarly, homework assignments and behavioral prescriptions (i.e., acts of
kindness exercise) are used in both approaches. Also in this case, the focus is very
different: in positive interventions homework assignments are aimed at increasing
the amount of positive emotions and well-being experienced by participants;
whereas in CBT they are often associated with negative emotions (i.e., anxiety in
case of exposure to feared stimuli), but are necessary to help patients to tolerate,
habituate and finally overcome psychological distress (Walker & Lampropoulos,
2014). Particularly, the scheduling of pleasant activity is an integral part of tradi-
tional CBT as well as of many positive interventions. This therapeutic ingredient
has been found to be particularly effective for depressed patients, since it contrasts
anhedonia and low mood (MacLeod & Luzon, 2014; Ruini & Fava, 2013). These
therapeutic gains can now be interpreted and promoted by clinicians in the light of
positive psychology research: the documented beneficial role of positive emotions
(Fredrickson, 2001) as well as the engagement in intrinsically motivated activities
(i.e., flow) (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000).
4.1 Clinical Interventions and Positive Interventions: Possible Integrations 83
Finally, another common ingredient used in positive interventions as well as in

CBT is cognitive restructuring. In order to promote optimism, Seligman (2006)
suggested to identify negative, pessimistic thoughts and to correct them by changing
the individual’s explanatory style (see Chap. 5). Similarly, Aaron Beck, the father of
modern CBT, discovered that depression was caused by a set of specific cognitive
distortions (cognitive triad of depression) and developed specific techniques to
address and correct them (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979). Thus, cognitive tech-
niques used to promote happiness and optimism seem to mirror those traditionally
and successfully used to treat anxiety and depression (Beck et al., 1979).
Further, a recent comparison of CBT versus positive psychology (PP) self-help
homework assignments in the treatment of mildly depressed college students found
that they had similar positive effects, but PP exercises also yielded significant
improvements on well-being and positive affect (Walker & Lampropoulos, 2014).
Walker and Lampropoulos (2014) randomly assigned college students with mild to
moderate depressive symptoms to three interventions with homework assignments
and to a control group. One intervention was based on positive psychology and the
two others were based on cognitive behavioral therapy (one with and one without an
interpersonal element). The control group did not receive any kind of homework
assignments, instead participants were asked to continue with “life as usual”. All of
the three experimental conditions showed a significant decrease in depressive symp-
toms and distress scores relative to the control condition, but only participants in the
positive psychology homework condition experienced an increase in behavioral
activation. Authors found no differences in terms of eudaimonic well-being improve-
ments for neither groups when compared to controls. However, compared to con-
trols, both the positive-psychology based intervention and the interpersonal
CBT-based intervention enhanced positive affect, compared to the control group.
Thus, the added value of using a positive psychology intervention was supported
only for hedonic dimensions (Walker & Lampropoulos, 2014). Future research
should verify if such benefits and similar effects are still valid when more severe
forms of depression will be included, or which specific ingredient(s) in positive
psychology and CBT intervention is (are) the most powerful in terms of final
outcome.
On the same vein, Karowski, Garrat and Ilardi (2006) proposed to integrate stan-
dard CBT protocol for depression with strategies derived from positive psychology.
As briefly mentioned in Chapter 1 of this book, according to these authors, both
CBT and positive interventions already share conceptual overlaps, such as a focus
on the present, on discrete goals, and a collaborative, direct alliance with the
patients. For instance, exposure to feared situations may serve to address the
strengths of courage and bravery, which indeed are necessary to patients to fulfill
the exposure homework (Rashid, 2015). Anxious patients, in fact, have been found
to be particularly low on these strengths and would benefit from some training
(Kashdan, 2007). Such training could be represented by the exposure homework

itself. Similarly, a focus on the importance of positive interpersonal relationships
could be particularly beneficial for patients with social anxiety in order to better
motivate them to engage in social interactions and (more importantly) to derive
some positive feedback from such interactions (Kashdan, 2002, 2007). While tradi-
tional CBT emphasized the need to overcome social phobia through exposure to
social situations, the integration of such positive psychology research would clarify
to patients the necessity and utility of engaging in social interactions in order to
address their deficits in well-being and positive interpersonal functioning (see Chap.
2 for a more detailed discussion on these issues).
As suggested by Padesky and Bannink (Bannink, 2014; Padesky & Mooney,
2012), the clinical approach could be the same, but the focus is shifted from symp-
toms to clients’ strengths and resources. Accordingly, CBT practitioners should
assess, their clients’ strengths should promote the experience of well-being, and,
together with standard problem solving techniques, they should add a training in
optimism as well as in wisdom, in order to help their clients to cope with adversities
and unsolvable life problems (see Chap. 6 for a more detailed description of wisdom
and other positive coping strategies). Such an extension of standard CBT would
guarantee a better treatment response with durable positive benefits for patients, as
described in the following pages.
In order to provide clinicians with a toolkit of positive psychology strategies, the
main positive psychotherapeutic strategies will be presented in the next sections.
Well-being Therapy, Quality of Life therapy, Positive Psychotherapy and Strengths
based counseling/coaching.
4.2 Well-Being Therapy
Fava and Ruini (2003) pioneered the inclusion of positivity in CBT protocol and
developed an integrated psychotherapy aimed at promoting eudaimonic well-being:
Well-being therapy (WBT). It is a structured, sequential approach, where CBT tech-
niques are followed by strategies addressed to the improvement of well-being
dimensions, according to Ryff’s model of eudaimonic well-being (Ryff, 2014). It
was originally developed as a strategy for the residual phase of affective disorders
and targeted the promotion of well-being, which was still impaired in clinical popu-
lations after standard pharmacological or psychotherapeutic treatments. Almost a
decade ago, in fact, an emerging body of research was documenting the clinical
need of addressing residuals symptoms in mood and anxiety disorders, which pre-
dicted future relapses and recurrences (Fava et al., 2004). A parallel body of research
documented the protective role of eudaimonic/psychological well-being for mental
health (Ryff & Singer, 1996). The novelty and the uniqueness of WBT, thus, relied
on the combination of these two lines of research (Fava & Ruini, 2003). It was based
on the assumption that impairments in well-being may represent a vulnerability
4.2 Well-Being Therapy 85
Table 4.1 Well-being therapy protocol (adult)

Sessions Therapeutic goal(s) Activities
Initial sessions Identification of episodes of Patients are asked to report in a structured
(1–2) well-being, self-observation diary their episodes of well-being (0–100)
Intermediate Identification of well-being Patient are encouraged to engage in
sessions (3–5) related automatic thoughts, pleasant, rewarding activities. They are
identification of negative asked to identify thoughts and beliefs
attitudes toward well-being, leading to premature interruption of
scheduling of pleasant well-being, or to a distorted interpretation
activities. of happiness and well-being.
Final sessions Positive Cognitive Ryff’s six dimensions of psychological
(6–8) Restructuring, promotion of well-being are progressively introduced to
flourishing patients. Patients are not encouraged
pursing the highest possible levels in
psychological well-being, in all
dimensions, but to obtain a balanced,
individualized, positive functioning.
factor for adversities and relapses (Ryff & Singer, 1996; Wood & Joseph, 2010).
Well-being therapy is a short-term psychotherapeutic strategy, that extends over
three main phases, which are usually articulated into eight sessions. The develop-
ment of sessions is described in Table 4.1.
WBT has been tested in several controlled investigations (Fava, Ruini, Rafanelli,
& Grandi, 2002; Fava et al., 2004, 2005) and was found to be effective in mood and
anxiety disorders. Importantly, the combination of CBT and WBT techniques was
found to be associated with a long lasting recovery form recurrent depression, up to
a 6-year follow-up. In this investigation patients with recurrent major depression,
who had been successfully treated by pharmacotherapy, were randomly assigned to
either WBT or clinical management (CM) and followed up for 6 years. During this
period no antidepressant drugs were used unless a relapse ensued. This happened in
eight (40%) of the 20 patients in the WBT group, compared to 18 (90%) in the CM
group. The WBT group had a total of 12 depressive episodes during the follow-up,
compared to 34 of the CM group. Importantly, in the WBT group patients tended to
relapse after 4 year from treatment, whereas patients in the CM conditions relapsed
after 2 years. Even though it is not possible to distill the single contribution of well-
being promotion from the sequential treatment package (CBT followed by WBT),
indeed it is possible to observe its highly significant effect in decreasing and delay-
ing the number of relapses into depression compared to CM (Fava et al., 2004).
Further, WBT was found to be particularly effective in treating anxiety disorders
(Fava et al., 2005; Ruini & Fava, 2009) with long-lasting effects. Twenty patients
with generalized anxiety disorders (GAD) were randomly assigned to eight sessions
of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) or the sequential administration of four ses-
sions of CBT followed by other four sessions of well-being therapy (WBT). In both
groups, self-acceptance and environmental mastery were impaired before treatment
and greatly improved after treatment, together with anxiety symptoms. Further, the
CBT-WBT approach displayed significant advantages over CBT only, and these
improvements were maintained at 1 year follow-up. Ruini and Fava (2009) provided
subsequent clinical evidence for the efficacy of WBT in treating anxious patients.
They described a case of a woman with generalized anxiety disorder, perfectionism
and obsessive compulsive personality traits, who was treated with a sequential com-
bination of CBT and WBT. CBT was particularly effective in providing cognitive
restructuring to worries and catastrophic thinking style, whereas WBT was particu-
larly valuable in addressing perfectionism by promoting self-acceptance. These
gains were maintained in the long term and provided protection to the patients when
she faced major life changes (work relocation, death of her father in law) (Ruini &
Fava, 2009).
WBT was also found to be particularly efficacious in the treatment of complex
cases, such as depressed patients not responding to drug treatment, (Fava et al.,
2002) as well as patients with comorbid psychiatric disorders or other psychosocial
stressors (Ruini, Albieri, & Vescovelli, 2015; Ruini & Fava, 2009). Ruini et al.
(2015) described the case of a woman with a severe depressive episode following a
marital crisis who was treated by WBT over 1 year. She had no relapses up to 2 year
after treatment, even when she faced another marital crisis that led to divorce. The
clinical story of this patient illustrates how improved levels of eudaimonic well-
being buffered against relapse, which is usually triggered by psychosocial stressor.
The sequential administration of CBT and WBT protocol, in fact, made patients
more able to address their symptomatology, as well as to actively engage in pursu-
ing well-being. This could be achieved using specific behavioural homework assign-
ments of pleasurable activities, but also using cognitive restructuring aimed at
reaching a more balanced positive functioning in well-being dimensions. The clini-
cal protocol of WBT, thus, could vary from person to person, according to his/her
own specific needs, personality traits, social roles and cultural factors (Ruini &
Fava, 2012; Ryff, 2014). For example, a patient with an initial diagnosis of social
phobia, and with low levels of extraversion, could improve his/her interpersonal
relationships, as well as his/her autonomy levels (i.e., the capacity to voice out his/
her opinions), but it is clinically unrealistic (and probably detrimental) to expect
that this patient could transform into an extraverted person. Unlike standard cogni-
tive therapy, which is based on specific assumptions (e.g., the cognitive triad in
depression), WBT develops on the basis of findings from self-observations in the
patient’s diary. WBT is driven by a theory based model of positive functioning
(Ryff, 1989, 2014) which is progressively described and implemented in patients
according to their clinical characteristics.
Later refinements of the protocol of WBT called for a more balanced interaction
between the various dimensions of eudaimonia. In fact, it has been observed that
patients may report distress and psychological suffering due to an excess or imbal-
anced functioning in one or more area of functioning (Ruini & Fava, 2012). These
dimensions can compensate each other (some being more interpersonally oriented,
some more personal/cognitive) and the aim of WBT should be the promotion of an
optimal-balanced functioning between these dimensions, in order to promote a state
of euthymia (Fava & Bech, 2016). This means that sometimes, patients should be
4.2 Well-Being Therapy 87
encouraged to decrease their level of positive functioning in certain domains of

psychological well-being that can become inappropriate in certain situations.
For instance, an excess of autonomy could determine conflicts in interpersonal
functioning. In fact, certain individuals develop the idea that they should rely only
on themselves for solving problems and difficulties and are thus unable to ask for
advice or help. Also in this case, an unbalanced high level of autonomy can become
detrimental for social/interpersonal functioning. Some patients treated with WBT
complained they were not able to get along with other people, or to work in team or
to maintain intimate relationships, because they were constantly fighting for their
opinions and independence. Conversely, an excess of pro-social behavior could
become detrimental as well. An individual with a strong pro-social attitude can
sacrifice his or her needs and well-being for those of others, and this becomes stress-
ful and sometimes disappointing in the long time. This individual can also become
over-concerned and overwhelmed by others’ problems and distress and be at risk for
burnout syndrome. Finally, a generalized tendency to forgive others and be grateful
towards benefactors could mask low self-esteem and low sense of personal worth
(Ruini & Fava, 2012). These controversies in interpersonal functioning will be fur-
ther explored in Chap. 7 of this book. The protocol of WBT, thus, has developed
following a converging line of research that merge positivity with negativity and
follows the comprehensive approach of positive clinical psychology (Wood &
Tarrier, 2010).
Recent and promising development of WBT relies in its applications with
younger populations, as described below.
4.2.1 Well-Being Therapy in Children
A modified form of WBT has been developed and applied at first in school settings
(Well-Being Therapy-School Program, (Ruini, Belaise, Brombin, Caffo, & Fava,
2006). It was tested in several controlled studies both with middle and high school
students (Ruini et al., 2009; Tomba et al., 2010). Results showed the effectiveness
of the WBT-School protocol (six sessions) in improving psychological well-being,
(personal growth particularly), compared to the attention placebo group. Further, it
was found to be effective also in decreasing multiple indicators of distress (anxiety
and somatization), and the results were maintained at follow-up (Ruini et al., 2009;
Tomba et al. 2010). These outcomes suggest that promoting positive functioning
and building individual strengths in developmental settings could be more benefi-
cial in the long term than simply addressing depressive or anxious symptoms.
Considering these promising outcomes, Albieri, Visani, Offidani, Ottolini, and
Ruini (2009) applied a modified WBT protocol (Child-WBT, CWBT) in a group of
clinically distressed children, reporting emotional and behavioural disorders. The pro-
tocol encompassed a sequential administration of CBT sessions, followed by sessions
focused on well-being restorations (particularly autonomy, self-acceptance, positive
relations with others) (Albieri et al., 2009). Preliminary clinical cases evaluation
Table 4.2 Well-being therapy (children protocol)

Initial sessions Psychoeducation, parent The child is trained to identify, recognize and
(1–2) training express a wide variety of emotions, both
positive and negative, by face expressions or
body gestures. Through role-playing the child
is encouraged to communicate his/her emotions
Intermediate Self-observation and Child is asked to report his/her daily situations
sessions (3–5) cognitive restructuring in a diary for helping him/her realize that the
way he/she interprets situations can influence
his/her emotions. If needed, cognitive
restructuring may be implemented
Final sessions Well-being promotion Ryff’s six dimensions of psychological
(6–8) well-being are progressively introduced to the
children, with particular emphasis to autonomy,
self-acceptance, positive relations and purpose
in life. Behavioral and narrative strategies are
used to address these dimensions.
showed encouraging results and children significantly improved after eight sessions
of CWBT (Albieri et al., 2009) (see Table 4.2). Future, controlled investigations are
needed to confirm the efficacy of this protocol, that may have important implications,
both as a preventive and treatment option to promote positive youth development.
4.3 Quality of Life Therapy
Another comprehensive, evidence based positive intervention that derives directly

from clinical psychology is Frisch’s Quality of Life Therapy, recently evolved into
Quality of Life Therapy and Coaching (QOLTC) (Frisch, 2006, 2013). It is based on
the clinical observations that depression and other forms of psychological distress
derive from a sense of dissatisfaction in various life domains. Thus, differently from
Fava and Ruini’ WBT (Fava & Ruini, 2003), which relies on promoting eudaimonic
well being, QOLT is focused on promoting hedonic well-being and life satisfaction
in various significant life domains. These areas have been labeled as “Sweet 16” and
include: health, self esteem, goals, money, work, play, creativity, helping, love,
friends, children, relatives, home, neighborhood, and community.
In QOLTC clients are taught specific strategies and skills aimed at helping them
to identify and fulfill their most valued needs and goals in these sixteen areas of life.
The protocol usually starts by administering the Quality of Life Inventory (Frisch,
2013) to clients, in order to map possible area of dissatisfaction. Then, it offers both
specific, tailored treatment strategies for each area, as well as general strategies to
improve individual’s well-being and satisfaction, conceived as the sum of satisfaction
in various areas deemed to be important for the individual. This latter therapeutic
4.3 Quality of Life Therapy 89
Table 4.3 Quality of life therapy (Frisch, 2006, 2013)

C Circumstances, or characteristics of an Problem solve to improve situation
area, or objective living conditions
A Attitudes or interpretations concerning one Find out what is really happening and what it
area means for you and your future.
S Standards or fulfillment in one area Set realistic goals and experiment with raising
and lowering standards.
I Importance given to an area Re-evaluate priorities in life and emphasize
what is most important and controllable.
O Overall satisfaction Increase satisfaction in any areas you care
about for an overall boost to happiness
Modified from Frisch (2013)
technique relies on the CASIO acronym (see Table 4.3), that represents the “5 Path
to Happiness”. QOLTC, in fact, is aimed at helping clients to change the objective
circumstances (C) of an area, or their personal attitudes (A), or their standards (S)
of fulfillment and importance (I) given to that area, or the overall satisfaction (O) in
other area not previously considered by clients (Frisch, 2006). The “O” element of
CASIO, in fact, refers to the assumption that overall satisfaction may be increased
by boosting satisfaction in any valued area of life, even areas “ Other” than those of
immediate concern. Further, this Five Paths is also used as a guide for problem solv-
ing in Quality of Life Therapy and Coaching.
The manual for QOLTC which is the book entitled Quality of Life Therapy
(Frisch, 2006), provides step-by-step instruction and case illustrations for assessing
well-being, planning and tailoring intervention for various situations, from serious
psychopathology to retirement, work difficulties, interpersonal frictions, etc. These
latter interventions may be conceived as forms of coaching. In fact, this approach
has been applied in several businesses and non-profit organizations in order to make
their employees more satisfied and productive in their work.
In the clinical domains, QOLTC has been used in marital therapy, group therapy,
drug and alcohol abuse counseling, and with caregivers of people with DSM mental
disorders. It has also been integrated with treatments for depression, bipolar disor-
ders, and anxiety disorders, among other DSM disorders. Further in general medical
conditions, QOLTC and the QOLI have been used in cases of heart disease, kidney
disease, diabetes, chronic pain, obesity, cancer, traumatic brain injury, and organ
transplantation. In each case QOLTC has been applied to both patients and their
caregivers and families. In the same vein, it has been used in the contexts of occu-
pational therapy, physical therapy, bariatric surgery, and cardiac rehabilitation
(Frisch, 2013). In conclusion, QOLTC may be easily implemented in several clini-
cal contexts, with a specific textbook and toolkit ready to be delivered to clients and
to their caregivers.
4.4 Positive Psychotherapy
Positive Psychotherapy (PPT) represents positive psychology’s therapeutic effort to

broaden the scope of psychotherapy from the alleviation of suffering to systemati-
cally enhancing happiness through the building of positive emotions, strengths, and
meaning in clients’ lives. PPT is based primarily on Seligman’s idea that the notion
of “happiness” can be decomposed into five scientifically measurable and manage-
able components: (1) Positive emotion, (2) Engagement, (3) Relationships, (4)
Meaning and (5) Accomplishment, with the first letters of each component forming
the acronym PERMA (Seligman, 2011). PPT was initially validated with clients
experiencing moderate to severe symptoms of depression in individual and group
settings (Seligman, Rashid, & Parks, 2006). PPT can be a standalone treatment, or
its protocol can be adapted to meet specific needs, or its exercises can be incorpo-
rated in other treatment approaches.
The ideal individual PPT’s protocol is composed of 14 sessions wherein each
exercise is designed to enhance one or more of the PERMA dimensions, as described
in Table 4.4. Recent developments of this approach include a specific, integrative
approach which merges symptoms with strengths, resources with risks, weaknesses
with values, and hopes with regrets in order to understand inherent complexities of
human experiences in a balanced way (Rashid, 2015). PPT can be divided into three
phases. The first phase focuses on exploring a balanced narrative of the client and
exploration of her/his signature strengths from multiple perspectives. The middle
phase focuses on cultivating positive emotions and adaptively dealing with negative
memories. The final phase include exercises on fostering positive relationships,
meaning and purpose.
In the first session patients are encouraged to introduce themselves through a
real-life story that described the best in their lives, or a story of overcoming a sig-
nificant challenge or adversity in their life. They are then invited to subjectively
identify their strengths, by selecting from the pool of 24 signature strengths model
Table 4.4 Positive psychotherapy (Rashid, 2015)

Initial sessions Identification and Positive Introduction, individualized
(1–3) exploration of client’s strength profile, strengths and
character’s strengths vulnerabilities
Intermediate Promotion of positive Three good thing exercise
sessions (4–9) emotions, management of Good memories and bad memories journal
negative emotions (balance) ; writing forgiveness and gratitude letters
One door close, one door opened exercise
(optimism and hope)
Final sessions Positive relationships, Positive Communication, Family Strengths
(10–14) meaning and purpose in life Tree; Positive legacy and gift of time
exercise; future goals planning and life
meaning
Adapted from Rashid, 2015
4.5 Strengths Based Interventions 91
(see Chap. 3 of this book). Importantly, and differently from the Strength based
coaching and counselling, in Positive Psychotherapy therapists invite clients to con-
ceptualize their presenting problems as lack or excess of strengths, as suggested by
the latest formulation of Chris Peterson (Seligman, 2015). For instance, indecision
could be conceptualized as a lack of determination; feeling inadequate as lack of
self-efficacy; and difficulty making decisions as an excess of prudence. Furthermore,
therapists also address the problematic consequences of overusing certain strengths
(i.e., forgiveness and love, which lead to taking individuals as granted) or under
using certain strengths (i.e., self-regulation may turn into self-indulgence). This
recent refinements of PPT protocol are indeed in line with those proposed by Ruini
and Fava (2012) for WBT.
PPT has been tested and validated in various studies, at international levels. In
clinical domains it has been tested for the treatment of depression, anxiety, psycho-
sis, borderline personality disorder, and to support smoking cessation (Rashid,
2015). Most trials have offered PPT as a group intervention, and treated community
samples (outpatients in hospital settings, community mental health clinics, college
students with depressive disorders). Some studies reported by Rashid (2015) have
compared PPT with two other treatments, Dialectical Behavior Therapy (DBT) and
Cognitive Behavior Therapy (CBT). In these investigations PPT yielded similar
benefits, even though DBT was found to have a higher impact on emotion regulation
and distress tolerance. Despite being promising, these are pilot investigations that
need to be replicated and confirmed by controlled trials, involving longer follow-
ups and larger clinical samples.
4.5 Strengths Based Interventions
The general paradigm characterizing strengths interventions is the same: an indi-

vidual measure his/her strengths with the Value In Action test (VIA-IS, Peterson &
Seligman, 2004) in order to identify his/her strengths. After receiving a hierarchic
feedback on them (with the Top Five endorsed as “signature strengths”), the client
is advised to change his/her behavior in order to use his/her strengths more often, or
in novel ways. In practice, this is done to the extent of experiencing specific adap-
tive behaviors and allowing people to deploy their strengths in order to feel more
fulfilled and satisfied (see paragraph on character’s strengths and well-being in
Chap. 3). This approach has been applied to clinical populations as well as in work
psychology, educational settings, demonstrating positive effects (Gander 2013).
There is no specific manualized protocol to be used in these different settings.
However, some specific exercises have been created to tackle each of the 24 charac-
ter’s strengths (Rashid, 2009).
On the other hand, some Authors (Young, Kashdan, & Macatee, 2015) recently
suggested to adopt a more balanced approach to strength based interventions, as an
alternative to the typically used “signature strengths” model endorsed by positive
psychologists (Mongrain & Anselmo-Matthews, 2012; Seligman et al., 2005). Even
though the identification and use of one’s top strengths was found to be associated
with increase in well-being and life satisfaction, together with decrease in depres-
sive symptoms (Seligman et al., 2005), some researchers and clinicians belonging
to the positive psychology movement started to argue if addressing less developed
positive characteristics (weaknesses) may yield similar or even better effects. For
instance, Biswas-Diener Kashdan, and Minhas (2011) underlined the importance of
helping clients in increasing less-developed strengths, alongside the novel use and
development of signature strengths. In fact, they suggested that a signature strength
could be appropriately used, underused, but also overused, or used across life situa-
tions even when it is inappropriate. This could underline a certain rigidity in deploy-
ing one’s positive personality trait, that indeed may become detrimental to the
individual.
Few investigations have then compared the typical signature strength exercise
(use your top strengths in a novel way) versus addressing and developing lesser
strengths/weaknesses. Haidt (2002) found that participants preferred working with
their signature strengths, whereas Rust, Diessner, and Reade (2009) found no sig-
nificant differences on life satisfaction when comparing students receiving a signa-
ture strength intervention versus students receiving a strength and weakness
intervention. More recently and with a more sophisticated design, Proyer, Gander,
Wellenzohn, and Ruch (2015) aimed at testing whether both types of interventions
(signature strengths-SS vs lesser strengths-LS) would increase happiness and
decrease depression compared to a controlled condition, and whether participants
would prefer one or the other intervention. They found that both strength conditions
had similar effects on depression and happiness, and were similarly enjoyed by
participants. However, those participants that reported generally higher levels of
strengths benefitted more from working on LS rather than SS, and those with com-
paratively lower levels of strengths tended to benefit more from working on SS,
similarly to participants whose strength’s profile differed from the average one
derived from a national sample. Hence, authors suggested that the general level of
strengths possession may play crucial role in this positive exercise allocation.
Starting by the observation that strengths are interdependent and context-
depended, Young et al. (2015) argued that a more balanced strength model would
contribute both to well-being and to psychological flexibility. They analyzed how
traditional top signature strength approach vs a balanced approach (i.e., average
score in the 24 character’s strengths) predicted well-being (in terms of competence,
relatedness and autonomy) and found that the strength balance one accounted for
unique variance in the model. Strength balance instrument predicted life satisfac-
tion, relatedness, and competence, but had no significant effect on autonomy.
Authors therefore suggested a dynamic approach to strength-based interventions
where the growth of less-developed strengths occurs alongside the novel use and
development of signature strengths, in order to have a greater assortment of strengths
that indeed increase individual’s flexibility and adaptation to environmental
demands. Thus, these Authors suggest clinicians and coaches to adopt a wider per-
spective on the promotion of character’s strengths, that encompasses both the iden-
tification and use of one’s signature strengths and the promotion and use of less
4.6 The Effects of Positive Interventions 93
developed individual strengths for their clients. This balanced approach would
indeed allows therapists to address a wider spectrum of human behaviors (Young
et al., 2015).
4.6 The Effects of Positive Interventions
4.6.1 Beneficial Effects and Mechanisms of Action
Under the broad umbrella of “positive interventions, researcher have included the
aforementioned psychotherapeutic protocols, as well as single activity and exercises
to promote one specific positive emotion or character’s strength (Bolier et al., 2013;
Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009). These positive interventions have been addressed to
clinical as well as non clinical populations and, taken together, an increasing line of
research documented their benefits and effectiveness (Bolier et al., 2013). For
instance, interventions to increase gratitude are as effective in reducing body dis-
satisfaction and worry as commonly used cognitive behavioral techniques (Geraghty,
Wood, & Hyland, 2010; Wood, Joseph, & Maltby, 2008). Act of kindness or spend-
ing money on others (that is prosocial behaviors) and/or making choices that pro-
vide a sense of freedom and autonomy (Ryan & Deci, 2000) can boost happiness
(Dunn, 2012; Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013). In the clinical settings interventions
to increase positive characteristics prospectively predicted depression (Wood &
Joseph, 2010) and were found to reduce the residual effects of affective disorders
(Fava, Rafanelli, Cazzaro, Conti, & Grandi, 1998; Ruini & Fava, 2012).
Overall, positive psychology interventions have proven to be efficacious for both
enhancing psychological well-being and reducing depressive symptoms (Bolier
et al., 2013; Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009). Interventions that yielded major benefits
were longer, delivered on individual setting and to clinical populations. Another
recent meta-analysis (Weiss, Westerhof, & Bohlmeijer, 2016) confirmed that posi-
tive interventions delivered in clinical and non-clinical populations yielded modifi-
cations in eudaimonic well-being dimensions (measured with Ryff’s scale or with
the Mental health continuum—see Chap. 1 of this book). Even though the effect
sizes range from small to moderate, the heterogeneity between population is high,
and the methodological quality of the trials sometimes is poor, dimensions usually
considered stable over time are amenable to improvements by specific behavioral
and psychological interventions as documented by this recent meta-analysis.
Lyubomirsky and Layous (2013) suggested that the increase in well-being due to
a positive activity is moderated by a variety of interdependent features, such as the
features of the activity itself (e.g. its dosage, frequency, variety and duration of the
performance); the features of the person (i.e. general demographics, personality
characteristics, and baseline levels of well-being and motivation); and finally the
“fit” between the activity and the person (i.e. the extent to which the intervention
matches an individual’s preferences and characteristics). These observations have

been further confirmed by Proyer, Wellenzohn, Gander, and Ruch (2015) who found
that the “person x intervention fit” predicted happiness and depression over a
3.5 year follow up. In particular, continued practice, effort (conducting the interven-
tion as instructed), preference (liking and perceived benefit), and early reactivity in
happiness predict long term changes in happiness, whereas continued practice and
early reactivity in depression predicted long-term changes in depression. These
results are particularly important since they suggest that positive interventions could
contribute to individual well-being and depression also in the long term, pending
some conditions. In fact,
“the way people think about positive psychology interventions, the way they
work with them, and the way they react to them play a role in predicting well-being
at a later point in time” (Proyer, Wellenzohn et al., 2015, p. 121).
Authors suggested that
“If a person does not show improvements in well-being or depressive symptoms
at an early stage when doing an exercise, it could be more efficient, also in the long
run, to continue with a different exercise. Also, if a person shows a preference for
certain types of exercise, similar exercises could be assigned” (p.123).
In fact, the long term beneficial effects of the positive interventions might be
attributable to the prevention of the hedonic adaptation effect (participants continue
to enjoy their positive activity), which constitutes one of the problematic effects
encountered by positive psychology interventions, as described in the next
paragraph.
4.6.2 Controversial and Paradoxical Effects
In line with the homeostatic model of well-being (see Chap. 1) some form of satura-
tion point that impedes a further gain in hedonic well-being has been largely docu-
mented for specific positive interventions (e.g. Gander, Proyer, Ruch, & Wyss,
2013; Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade, 2005). For instance, Seligman et al.
(2005) found that the exercise “gratitude visit” (i.e., a person is asked to write a
gratitude letter and personally deliver it to the recipient) significantly improved hap-
piness, but these improvements faded away in a 3 month period, probably because
it was perceived as powerful the first time, and became stale or awkward
afterwards.
Further, recent meta-analysis concluded that positive interventions are generally
beneficial, but the effect sizes were small for depressive symptoms and psychologi-
cal well-being (Bolier et al., 2013). Unfortunately, this meta-analyses has also high-
lighted that the quality of the methodology and the heterogeneity in samples are
important weaknesses of research concerning these positive interventions, that
should be addressed in the future.
Another recent review (Hone, Jarden, & Schofield, 2015) the pointed out the
high attrition rates of these positive interventions, higher than those usually reported
for other psychosocial interventions. Even though the Authors advocated that future
investigations would provide valid explanations to this phenomenon, some prelimi-
nary hypotheses could be driven from existing literature in positive psychology, but
also in clinical psychology.
First of all, Lyubomirsky et al. (2005) discovered that some of these positive
interventions yielded unexpected and sometimes paradoxical results. They found
that individuals who counted their blessings once a week achieved increases in well-
being over 6 weeks, but those who counted their blessings three times a week did
not. They suggested that the “counting blessing exercise” could have a negative
impact on individuals well-being because it may cultivate feelings of indebtedness
and promoting guilt (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005). They also suggested that for certain
individuals it could be difficult to recall events and experiences for which one is
grateful. Individuals may use the cognitive difficulty of the exercise as a signal of
the rarity of positive experiences in their lives and evaluate their lives less favorably
as a result. Similarly, Gander et al. (2013) investigated 1- and 2-weeks long versions
of the “Three Good Thing” exercise (consisting of listing three positive events that
happened in the day) and found that there was no effect of the exercise on depressive
symptoms, whereas happiness increased only in the group with the shorter period of
the exercise. The authors hypothesized that asking people to do the exercise for 2
weeks could be counterproductive as it could be felt too forced, and thus evokes
negative affect in participants.
Furthermore, Sin et al. (2011) reported that writing gratitude letters reduced
immediate well-being for individuals with mild or moderate depressive symptoms.
These findings suggest that to enhance psychological well-being, the optimal
frequency and duration of certain exercises (those concerning gratitude in particu-
lar) should be better monitored and identified, considering the individual’s charac-
teristics, such as personality traits, age, sociodemographic and cultural variables.
Thus, even though the growing and variety of these positive interventions are indeed
additional tools to be used with clinical and non clinical populations, future advances
are needed in order to address the problems that emerged from current literature.
An appropriate and original alternative may be provided by the person-centered
approach deeply rooted in positive therapy, as described by Joseph (2015). In order
to overcome these paradoxical effects of positive exercises, Joseph suggested that
clinicians should adopt the Rogersian approach that affirms that “clients are their
own best experts”, and thus, they should be left free choice when it comes to activity
selection and frequency/intensity of the exercise. Rather than referring to a set of
pre-determined list of activities aimed at promoting well-being, and fitting them to
the clients’ need, Joseph suggested that therapists
“…follow the client’s lead and co-creates something unique for that person”
(Joseph, 2015, p.73).
This approach would allow more creativity, flexibility both to the clients and to
therapists, in line with a positive psychology perspective.
4.6.2.1 P
ossible Explanatory Mechanisms and Emotion Regulation
Strategies
Quoidbach and colleagues (Quoidbach & Gross, 2015) provided a well detailed
review of the literature where they linked the effectiveness and possible weaknesses
of positive interventions/psychotherapies, to the emotion regulation strategies. They
referred to a model of emotion regulation that encompasses the following mecha-
nisms: (a) situation selection/modification, (b) attention deployment, (c) cognitive
change and d) individual response modulation, that are differently targeted by the
positive interventions. Positive interventions are in fact characterized by the overt
aim of up-regulating positive emotions, in view of increasing individuals’ well-
being and down-regulating their negative emotions (following the broaden and built
theory of positive emotions, as described in Chap. 2). Accordingly, in order to maxi-
mize positive emotions, people not only need to make accurate predictions about
which situations are more likely to bring them positive emotions (situation selec-
tion/modification), but they also need to act on these predictions “during an event”
to actually enter these situations (situation selection and modification during an
activity). Cognitive changes are considered necessary in order to have an accurate
positive perception of the event, whereas response modulation refers to the expres-
sion of positive emotions both physically and verbally during the positive situation.
In order to up-regulate positive emotions these various strategies can be applied
before, during, and after a positive event by appropriate and structured interven-
tions. For instance, specific rituals may help individuals to optimize the savouring
of their positive situations. Cognitive change implies reappraisal of positive emo-
tions by increasing the perceived value of positive situations, and by promoting
people’s explanatory flexibility about their causes, as well as the role they play in
those situations. Finally, the expressions of positive emotions indeed booster them.
These are considered the core mechanisms of happiness promotion, and the review
by Quoidbach and Gross (2015) described how the majority of existing positive
interventions, such as WBT, QOLTC, and PPT target one or several specific compo-
nents of the emotion regulation process. For instance, attention deployment (i.e.,
savouring); cognitive change (i.e., optimism, WBT) and response modulations (i.e.,
expressing gratitude) are emerged as core ingredients of the three positive interven-
tions described in this chapter.
However, this review (Quoidbach & Gross, 2015) documented a well-established
short-time effectiveness of the majority of positive interventions in all emotion reg-
ulation strategies but situation selection before the event, which remains largely
unaddressed. It means that positive interventions have provided individuals with
tools and strategies to help them engage in positive, prosocial, or intrinsically val-
ued activities, but there is still scarce evidence suggesting that accurate forecast of
positive events may actually increase happiness. Regarding longer-term indicators
of treatment effectiveness (i.e., increases in positive emotions) strategies such as
situation selection during an event and attentional deployment before, during, and
after an event have received strong empirical support and are at the center of many
positive interventions (Quoidbach & Gross, 2015).
This review can be considered important for the clinical domains, since it may
provide a possible explanation to the controversial findings and paradoxical effects
of positive interventions that emerged in recent literature, as discussed in the previ-
ous pages. Further this review may provide practitioners with a clear guideline to
identify their clients’ specific strengths, needs, and weaknesses in terms of emotion
regulation, and to help them select the best strategies to increase their happiness. For
instance, recent research has shown that schizophrenic patients with anhedonic
symptoms present a specific deficit in the ability to derive positive emotions from
anticipation (i.e., before positive events). On the other hand, their ability to derive
pleasure during positive events remains largely intact (Edwards, Cella, Tarrier, &
Wykes, 2015; Horan, Kring, & Blanchard, 2006). This clinical observation lead to a
development of a specific cognitive-sensory intervention aimed at improving antici-
patory pleasure in schizophrenic patients (Favrod, Giuliani, Ernst, & Bonsack,
2010). Even though it was a pilot study, the findings are promising and pave a new
way to address a common and vexing problem (anhedonia) observed in psychiatric
settings (Jeste, Palmer, Rettew, & Boardman, 2015).
In contrast, depressed individuals seem to maintain a relatively intact ability to
derive positive emotions from anticipation before positive events, but present a
reduced capacity to experience positive emotions during these events (Fletcher
et al., 2015; Shankman, Sarapas, & Klein, 2011).
Thus, according to the patients’ deficits in one or more of the emotion regulation
strategies, a certain positive activity/positive homework assignment may yield more
clinical benefits for well-being, compared to another one, which provides only mar-
ginal effect in the patients’ clinical status.
4.6.3 A
mbivalence, Fear, and Defense Mechanisms Related
to Positivity
It is a common clinical observation that certain individuals with (or without) a diag-
nosed form of psychological distress may manifest a non-linear relationship with
well-being and positivity. As described in the previous sections of this book, psy-
chopathology and personality disorders may results form an excess or distorted
manifestation of positive characteristics (Rashid, 2015; Seligman, 2015). On the
same vein, deriving from their clinical experiences, Ruini and Fava (2013) described
the polarities of eudaimonic well-being dimensions. In their article they provided
evidence that not only deficits in Ryff’s dimensions of well-being are associated
with psychological distress and psychopathology, but also excessive or distorted
levels in the same dimensions.
Clinical psychology practice and research, thus, has documented that certain
individuals - those with psychological distress or dysfunctional personality traits-
may develop ambivalent attitudes toward well-being. For instance, they complain of
having lost it, or they long for it, but at the same time they are scared when positive
moments actually happen in their lives. Recently, some authors have described the
concept of aversion to happiness (Joshanloo & Weijers, 2014), that may be linked
to cultural, philosophical and existential issues, but also to difficulties in dealing
with intense emotions. Gilbert and colleagues (Gilbert et al., 2012) also found that
fear of happiness is frequently observed in clinical settings and is significantly cor-
related to depression. According to these authors, (Gilbert et al., 2012) happiness
can be “frightening” because patients often think that something bad will happen,
following instances of well-being. Ben-Shahar (2002, p. 79) also suggested that
people might be averse to happiness because they fear the devastating loss of newly
attained happiness more than they value the actual attainment of it.
Further, clinical psychology research has also documented the activation of spe-
cific defense mechanisms (such as a repressive coping style, illusory cognitive bias
or even denial) when individuals self-evaluate their levels of well-being, happiness
and optimism (Shedler, Mayman, & Manis, 1993; Taylor, Kemeny, Reed, Bower, &
Gruenewald, 2000). These defense mechanisms are particularly activated in patients
with symptoms of depression, anxiety and neurotic or narcissistic traits (Myers &
Brewin, 1996). It was documented that individuals who habitually use defensive
strategies (repressors and deniers) and who have biases to see themselves and their
world in a positive light may be categorized as mentally healthy, but they are pre-
senting some positive illusions (see Chap. 5 for further discussion).
In conclusions, recent advances in the positive interventions literature found that
the sole promotion of positive dimensions (i.e., gratitude exercises) may sometimes
backfire and lead to unexpected and paradoxical effects in terms of positive emo-
tions and well-being. As a result, positive interventions should be more complex
than simply increasing well-being, but should interact with a number of issues,
related to the frequency and dosage of sessions, to the external environment as well
as to personality predispositions. These phenomena has lead researchers and clini-
cians to better formulate and plan positive ingredients for their interventions, espe-
cially among clinical populations.
4.7 C
linical Psychology as Source of Expertise for Positive
Psychology: The Use of Psychotherapeutic Research
Design
Clinical psychology and psychotherapy has a long tradition of research that docu-
mented controversies and drawbacks encountered when planning treatments and
interventions (Schimmel, 2010). For instance, specific therapeutic ingredients have
been isolated from general, aspecific factors connected with treatment effectiveness
and adherence (Wampold, Minami, Tierney, Baskin, & Bhati, 2005; Spielman et al.,
2007). According to Wampold (2015) psychotherapy works through various mecha-
nisms, related to the patient-therapist relationship, to the patient’s expectations and
to the specific techniques addressed to specific symptoms. The first mechanism
(therapeutic alliance) is particularly important in determining initial benefits and
engagement in the process. Interestingly enough, it has been found that it was the
therapist contribution which was important, not the client one: more effective
4.7 Clinical Psychology as Source of Expertise for Positive Psychology: The Use… 99
therapists were able to form a strong alliance across a range of patients (Baldwin,
Wampold, & Imel, 2007). The second mechanism refers to the promotion of
patients’ sense of mastery, self efficacy and response expectancy. This mechanism
indeed shares similarities with positive psychology interventions that are overtly
addressed at improving these positive dimensions during the course of interven-
tions. Up to date, there are only few data on therapeutic alliance and on the thera-
pist’s role within the wide range of positive interventions.
Concerning specific therapeutic ingredients, they can vary from one therapeutic
approach to another, but also inside a certain psychotherapeutic approach, accord-
ing to the problems presented by patients. Also in this case, Wampold (2015) docu-
mented that more competent therapists display a greater adherence to the protocol
and to its ingredients, and this translates into better treatment outcomes. However,
it is also true that rigid adherence to a protocol can attenuate the alliance and increase
resistance to the treatment and that therapist’ s flexibility in adherence is related to
better outcomes (Goldberg et al., 2016). This clinical mechanism could be extended
to positive interventions, that are usually composed of several sessions and activi-
ties, delivered in specific sequential order. Up to date, no research within positive
psychology examined the therapist’s adherence to the positive protocols, and its
beneficial effect in terms of intervention effectiveness. Hopefully, this gap would be
filled in future research.
Concerning patients’ resistances, they also have found to display a strong influ-
ence in the final outcome of traditional psychotherapies. First of all, they may inter-
fere with treatment outcome (Beutler, Moleiro, & Talebi, 2002; Ruini & Ottolini,
2014). Resistance was also found to act as a moderating variable in determining the
effectiveness of different levels of therapist directiveness. Some clinical evidence
suggested that patients who enter treatment with high levels of resistance will ben-
efit most from nondirective interventions, whereas those who enter treatment with
low levels of resistance benefit most from therapist directed interventions.
This body of previous research in clinical psychology, thus, underlined the com-
plexity of the “client x therapist” interaction. The same pattern of complexity may
be present in planning and implementing positive interventions. In these case,
expectations could be particularly high (i.e., patients who extremely value their hap-
piness) or particularly low (i.e., patients who are hopeless, or think they do not
deserve to be happy). Participants may eventually equate positive interventions with
Pollyanna teaching (Vazquez, 2013) and thus, they may enter the protocol with very
low expectations or even skepticism. Furthermore, the concept of prioritizing posi-
tivity, recently described by Catalino, Algoe, and Fredrickson (2014) may play a
relevant role in entering, participating and influencing positive interventions. This
concept describes the extent to which individuals organize their lives and select
daily activities in order to maximize their experience of happiness. These individu-
als reported higher levels of subjective well-being, and the authors explained that
this was due to the higher likelihood of experiencing more positive emotions in
daily life. A recent longitudinal study confirmed the significant correlations between
prioritizing positivity, positive emotions and life satisfaction (Alfonso, Datu, &
King, 2016). The Authors suggested that prioritizing positivity could be considered
an effective strategy to pursue happiness, more effective than other alternative strat-
egies (such as putting too much emphasis on one’s personal happiness, or constantly
monitoring one’s happiness). However, this longitudinal research also found that
baseline positive emotions predicted subsequent prioritizing positivity, and authors
explained this finding in the light of the upward spiral of positivity postulated by the
broad and build theory of positive emotions (Alfonso et al., 2016).
Up to date no research in positive psychology is available that included these
mechanisms in predicting interventions effectiveness. Neither is the one concerning
variables related to the therapists/coaches, their expertise, their training, their super-
vision in promoting well-being. The person x fit model described in the previous
pages of this chapter could provide explanations to the paradoxical effect encoun-
tered with some positive activities, but research on therapists/clients’ expectations
and characteristics could shed new light into these phenomena as well.
Moreover, a body of literature on side effects of traditional psychotherapies has
also been documented in psychotherapy research (Schimmel, 2010). Lilenfeld
(2007) reviewed existing literature on negative effect of psychotherapies and sug-
gest that almost 10% of patients would not benefit from the intervention, rather, they
may actually feel worse. This has been found to be particularly the case for sub-
stance abuse treatments and treatments for adolescents conduct disorders. These
negative effects could be measured in terms of negative effect sizes in meta-analyses,
or in patients’ clinical deterioration. Deterioration includes symptom worsening,
the appearance of new symptoms, heightened concern regarding extant symptoms,
excessive dependency on therapists, reluctance to seek future treatment, and possi-
ble harmful effects to patients’ family members and friends (i.e allegation of abuse,
separation, divorce). The Authors identified a list of potentially harmful treatments.
Among these, two are notably interesting: the first one is stress debriefing to prevent
PTSD, that paradoxically triggered more PTSD symptoms than no treatment. The
second one is grief counseling following bereavement, which was found to trigger
patients’ deterioration in 38% of cases. Lilenfeld (2007) argued that these treatment
could interfere with the natural trajectory of adaptation and resilience (see Chap. 6
of this book for further discussion of these issues). Thus, it seems that iatrogenic
effects of treatments may be related to the complex relationship between negativity
and personal resources, and this observation could be particularly important for the
implementation of positive interventions, that are often addressed to resilience,
growth or positive coping strategies.
Further, another related phenomenon, shared by traditional psychotherapies and
positive interventions is related to attrition rates. Clients usually drop-out from
either especially successful or unsuccessful treatments (Lilenfeld, 2007). Some cli-
ents who drop out of therapy, in fact, have improved quickly and no longer perceive
a need for therapy, whereas others have deteriorated and are dissatisfied with treat-
ment. Since high attrition rates appears to be quite frequent in positive interventions
(Hone et al., 2015) it should be important to distill which conditions determined
such phenomenon (rapid improvements in positive emotions, or dissatisfaction with
the protocol).
4.7 Clinical Psychology as Source of Expertise for Positive Psychology: The Use… 101
Psychotherapy research provides also a description of various long-term trajec-

tories of chance following a psychological treatment. For instance, Owen et al.
(2015) classified patients in three classes according to their initial clinical status and
their pattern of change following a certain psychological treatment. Class 1 includes
the great majority of patients in this naturalistic investigation and is characterized
by moderate initial psychological functioning, with improvements evidenced early
in treatment, followed by a plateau of functioning until a certain number of sessions
(usually around ten) when another notable improvement in functioning was demon-
strated. Given the trajectory pattern, Authors referred to this group as “Early and
Late Change.” Class 2 represents the minority of patients with worse initial psycho-
logical functioning, that reported a deterioration in functioning in the early phase of
treatment, followed by rapid improvement in functioning around session five and
lasting until session nine when the trajectory flattened. For this group Authors
referred to them as “Worse before Better”. Finally, Class 3 groups those clients
(around 20% of the total sample) who tended to stay in therapy longer compared to
the other two classes. Clients in this class had levels of initial psychological func-
tioning similar to those in class 1, but displayed slow and steady progress over the
course of therapy in a more linear manner. Accordingly, Authors referred to this
group as “Slow and Steady Change.” The Authors concluded that the majority of
patients included in this large naturalistic design, were typified by improvements
occurring within the first five sessions, followed by a stability of change and a later
additional period of improvement, that was experienced only from those who
remained longer in therapy. Patients in class 3 improved more gradually, but without
a plateau effect, and Authors suggest that their change could be “dose dependent”.
Finally, patients in class 2 had a more severe initial psychological distress and, para-
doxically, deteriorated in the first sessions of treatment. However, if they remained
in therapy, they equally benefitted from the intervention. The authors argued that
these clients are struggling with life crises and throughout the therapy process are
generally able to cope and improve their psychological functioning. This recent
investigation adds important information to clinicians and therapists by providing
different trajectories of change for diverse clients’ clinical status, suggesting flexi-
bility in evaluating the dose-response patterns and the clinical parameters for
improvement, particularly in the long-term.
Future research in positive psychology should indeed mirror this typology of
research, in order to identify the “right dose” of sessions required to promote well-
being and the long term trajectory of response provided by participants, according
to their initial set points of positive affect and initial dimensions of eudaimonic
well-being. Again, clinical psychology research could provide pivotal research par-
adigms and methodologies to address these issues. The Personalized Advantage
Index (PAI) (Derubeis et al., 2014) is a research design, that allows to predict
patients’ differential responses to treatments according to baseline variables (i.e.,
age, marital status, symptoms, personality traits, medications). It resulted to be
effective in identifying the optimal treatment modality for a certain patient, depend-
ing on his/her clinical and sociodemographic characteristics. Importantly, PAI may
also provide a general prediction concerning the percentage of patients that would
derive some beneficial outcome from any treatment modality. Recently, it was used
to evaluate the most appropriate psychotherapy (CBT vs interpersonal psychother-
apy) for depressed patients (Huibers, Cohen, Lemmens, & Arntz, 2015). The authors
concluded that PAI provides a great opportunity for the development of a treatment
selection approach that can be used in regular mental health care, advancing the
goals of personalized medicine. It could be expected that such methodology may
find place in positive psychology research as well, by comparing and selecting the
interventions that more likely will yield beneficial effects in terms of well-being,
based on participants’ baseline characteristics.
Future research should also distill the single role of specific activity/exercise to
promote positivity. Psychotherapy research performed this type of investigation
using a dismantling design (Wampold, 2015), where single components of a thera-
peutic protocol were removed one by one, in order to verify their actual beneficial
role. For instance, as early as 1970s, psychotherapy research documented that relax-
ation and other self-reassuring techniques had a detrimental effect when combined
to exposure in the treatment of agoraphobia (Barlow, 2010). Thus, exposure alone
was more effective in treating anxious patients. In this case, indeed “less is more”.
As briefly described in this chapter, positive psychotherapies tend to be composed
by multiple ingredients and various activities, and these packages are more or less
uniformly implemented with a large variety of populations, from college students to
depressed individuals and, lately also to psychotic patients. A rigorous research
aimed at identifying the most powerful therapeutic ingredient(s) for targeting spe-
cific outcome(s) is indeed needed to provide possible solutions to the controversies
emerged in positive interventions. As the case for agoraphobic patients and relax-
ation, the implementation of gratitude interventions (i.e, gratitude journaling)
together with other activities for eliciting positive emotions may not be fully appro-
priate to address low mood and depression.
Considering and referring to prior clinical experience in psychotherapy designs
and tests of efficacy could tremendously advance positive interventions’ planning
and implementation, with greater success. Thus, positive psychology would benefit
from the integration of clinical psychology research, that could provide crucial
input in:
(a) Balancing positive and negative dimensions and personal attitudes;
(b) Selecting effective therapeutic techniques, ingredients and their right dosage
according to the targeted populations (Ahn & Wampold, 2001; Hansen,
Lambert, & Forman, 2002; Kuyken, Dalgleish, & Holden, 2007);
(c) Identifying paradoxical mechanisms triggered by positive psychological inter-
ventions and
(d) Identifying different trajectories of client’s outcome, with appropriate

follow-up.
These recommendations may open a new and fruitful line of integrative research
between clinical and positive psychology, with mutual beneficial outcomes for both
disciplines.
References 103
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Chapter 5
Hope, Optimism, Goals and Passion: Their
Clinical Implications
“If a man knows not to which port he sails, no wind is

favorable.”
Seneca
Abstract In this chapter the concepts of hope, optimism and goal setting are
explored and analyzed in their important roles in the clinical domains. Hope has
been considered a common therapeutic ingredient in psychotherapy research.
Similarly, the optimistic thinking style has been traditionally promoted by cognitive
psychotherapies. However, some controversies emerged when addressing the issues
of false hope syndrome, or naïve optimism, which emerge in clinical domains. The
related phenomena of obsessive passion and conditional goal setting are discussed,
with final recommendations for clinicians, positive psychologists and future psy-
chotherapy research.
5.1 The Concepts of Hope and Optimism
In the last decades, the concepts of hope and optimism characterized research within
the positive psychology domain. Both these concepts are conceived as positive ori-
entations toward the future, with direct relationships with goals and purpose in life
(Gallagher & Lopez, 2009; Ruini & Fava, 2013; Seligman, 2006).
According to hope theory, this concept entails three intercorrelated components:
(1) clear conceptualization of goals; (2) pathways thinking, that is the capacity of
developing the specific strategies to reach those goals; and (3) agency thinking, thus
the motivation for using those strategies. These three components interplay in goal
planning and pursing, regardless the type of goal (trivial or meaningful for the indi-
vidual, long versus brief term, attainable versus unrealistic) (Snyder, 2000)
On the other hand, optimism has been defined as positive “generalized outcome
expectancies” (Scheier & Carver, 1985, p. 219), or as a stable personality trait that
reflects the extent to which one believes that his or her own future will be prosper-
ous and favorable (Gallagher & Lopez, 2009). It was thus distinguished that the
optimistic person believes “that somehow—either through luck, the actions of oth-

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1_5
110 5 Hope, Optimism, Goals and Passion: Their Clinical Implications
ers, or one’s own actions—his or her future will be successful and fulfilling”(Carver
& Scheier, 2014; Scheier & Carver, 1985). Conversely “the hopeful person, believes
specifically in his or her own capability for securing a successful and fulfilling
future” (Alarcon, Bowling, & Khazon, 2013, p. 822). Further, by a methodological
point of view, hope and optimism have been studied and measured with different
tools: the Life Orientation Test (LOT; Scheier & Carver, 1985) and the Hope Scale
(HS; (Snyder, 2000) as mainly used self-report questionnaires.
A recent meta analysis on these two important concepts highlighted that both are
intercorrelated, and related to several indexes of psychological and physical well-
being (Alarcon et al., 2013). Optimism, for instance, was strongly related to life
satisfaction, self-esteem, self-efficacy, happiness, general psychological well-being,
general physical health. It was negatively related to anxiety and depression.
Similarly, hope was related to happiness, depression and stress (negative correla-
tions with these two dimensions). Thus, this important meta-analysis confirms the
beneficial effects of hope and optimism. Authors suggest that these beneficial effects
may be explicable in terms of protective resources (such as resilience, effective cop-
ing strategies, social support) that hopeful and optimistic individuals activate in
daily life, as well as in stressful situations (Alarcon et al., 2013; Gallagher & Lopez,
2009).
This recent meta-analysis disconfirms the pivotal work of Cohen et al. (1999),
that demonstrated that dispositional optimism was associated with better physical
health (in terms of immune response) among people facing more acute stressors,
whereas it was associated with worse immune responding among people facing
more chronic stressors. Further, in case of chronic illnesses and pain, it was recently
found that optimism was a unique predictor of quality of life, and contributed to
better functioning by minimizing pain-related fear and catastrophizing in children
and adolescents attending a chronic pain clinic and in their parents (Cousins, Cohen,
& Venable, 2014). Conversely, Isaacowitz and Seligman (2002) found that opti-
mism was associated with increased depression over a 6 month time in a sample of
older participants. Thus, even though the debate on the positive nature of optimism
and hope is still controversial (McNulty & Fincham, 2012; Shah, 2012) recent find-
ings in the medical settings seems to highlight that their promotion could be worth-
while, as described below.
5.2 Hope in Psychotherapy
In clinical domain hope and optimism received attention since many years. As early
as 1968 Jerome Frank, for instance, conceptualized hope as a process that is com-
mon to all psychotherapy approaches (Frank, 1968). Frank and Frank (1993) in fact,
asserted that psychotherapeutic interventions in clinical setting combine specific
techniques (such as cognitive restructuring, or the use of a specific drug or treatment
modality) and non specific ingredients, such as providing attention to patients, facil-
itating their disclosure, providing interpretation and a frame of explanation to their
5.2 Hope in Psychotherapy 111
symptoms, and providing a specific clinical setting, with rules, rituals and proce-
dures, that are therapeutic di per se. It has been suggested that such common non-
specific factors may trigger a phenomenon similar to the placebo effect, where
expectancies and beliefs of the therapist and the patient that the treatment being
administered is effective, influence the therapeutic process as well as its final out-
come (Ahn & Wampold, 2001; Frank & Frank, 1993; Wampold, 2015) (see Chap. 4
of this book for a further discussion on therapeutic ingredients in positive interven-
tions). Roberts, Kewman, Mercier, and Hovell (1993) also documented that dimen-
sions such as optimism, strong conviction, and persuasive abilities of the therapist
concerning anticipated positive responses to a treatment should be considered
important aspects of healing. In their seminal review of the literature, Roberts et al.
(1993) advocated that when it comes to psychosocial treatments, the power of non-
specific effects may account for as much as two thirds of successful treatment out-
comes when both the clinician and the patient believe in the efficacy of a treatment
(Roberts et al., 1993). As Frank and Frank (1993) suggested, the clinician applies
his/her healing skills in order to activate individuals’ inner resources and motivation
to change. This phenomenon has been describe also as “remoralization” (Howard,
Krause, Saunders, & Kopta, 1997), as opposed to the state of demoralization
(Connor & Walton, 2011), which is commonly observed in individuals with affec-
tive disorders. Remoralization is characterized by enhanced subjective well-being,
a sense of relief from distress and a renewed hope that the clinical problem can and
will improve. Some Authors have recently developed an useful scale to directly
measure this construct, the Remoralization Scale (Vissers, Keijsers, Van Der Veld,
De Jong Cor, & Hutschemaekers, 2010).
Snyder and colleagues (2000) have suggested that the components of hope (i.e.,
agency and pathways) might help to explain the role of common and specific treat-
ment factors in psychotherapy. They advocated that the initial improvements of
patients (i.e., remoralization) may be explicable as an increase in the agency com-
ponent of hope, that is, the motivation to change and the efforts put in making
improvements in one’s life. Accordingly, Authors stated that increases in agency, as
opposed to increases in pathways thinking, will be related to positive changes in the
first stages of therapy. The first stages of the psychotherapeutic process have been
labeled also as “honeymoon phase”, where both patients and therapists develop a
positive working alliance focused on common goals: resolution of symptoms, as
well as increase in well-being. (Fava, Tomba, & Grandi, 2007; Howard, Lueger,
Maling, & Martinovich, 1993)
Different Authors in the clinical domain of psychotherapy (Cheavens, Feldman,
Woodward, & Snyder, 2006; Larsen & Stege, 2010) suggested that the ingredients
of hope (agency and pathway) may also have a crucial function in subsequent phases
of the therapeutic process, and clinicians should be more aware of their role in pro-
moting hope. For instance, in the acute stage the client may experience increased
agency by observing the therapist as a model of hopeful thinking. The therapist
could act as an “in vivo” example of how to set a realistic therapeutic plan into
action and how to devote, energy, enthusiasm and commitment to it. In this way, the
client’s dedication to the therapeutic process is challenged and often promoted.
Further, traditional psychotherapeutic approaches, such as cognitive behavioral

therapy (CBT), often use specific therapeutic ingredients, such as monitoring and
challenging dysfunctional automatic thoughts and these techniques may foster hope
in clients as well. For instance, statements such as “I can’t do this” denote a sense
of stagnation, which should be substituted by a more positive, goal oriented thought.
According to Cheavens et al. (2006), much of the standard cognitive work that often
is done in therapy increases hope and goal pursuit. This latter issue is often addressed
by using a graded approach. It means that cognitive therapists usually work with a
client to develop an incremental and graded hierarchy of goals. Accordingly, this
process of creating subgoals, or hierarchies of goals, is likely to increase hopeful
thinking in the client, along the course of the therapy.
Finally, in the concluding sessions, clients’ hope may be fostered during the
standard activities, that usually involve reviewing the therapeutic gains and plan-
ning strategies to maintain those gains also after treatment cessation, as well as
planning strategies for relapse prevention. In the first case (reviewing gains) agency
could be increased and positive emotions and memories could be triggered
(Cheavens et al., 2006). In this way the client will probably remain motivated to
maintain gains and continue setting goals in order to make additional gains after
therapy discontinuation. Relapse prevention techniques usually imply instilling
problem solving and helping clients to find alternatives, and these activities may
increase pathway thinking. Importantly, as the Authors noted (Cheavens et al.,
2006), these hopeful aspects of the termination phase are rarely explicitly acknowl-
edged by therapists or conveyed to clients, missing important opportunities to inte-
grate positive psychology into traditional clinical work. Moreover, traditional
psychotherapy is usually focused on removing or reducing hopelessness as opposed
to actively building hopeful thoughts (Cheavens et al., 2006; Larsen & Stege, 2010).
For this reason a specific intervention dedicate to hope promotion has been devel-
oped, as described in the subsequent pages.
5.2.1 Hope Therapy
Starting from the observation that the majority of people has the cognitive and moti-
vational skills needed to enhance their positive expectations for the future, Snyder
(2000) developed specific strategies to be applied in the context of supportive help-
ing relationships, such as counseling and psychotherapy. According to this model,
four essential steps are involved:
I. Hope finding: clients and therapist work together in identifying new methods of
detecting hope (initial stage of psychotherapy)
II. Hope bonding: instilling hope through the working alliance (form hopeful ther-
apist to low-hope clients) as well as identifying high hope persons in the client’s
social context
5.3 Optimism and Cognitive Therapy 113
III. Hope enhancing: the specific technical methods, composed by different sub-
steps: Conceptualization of reasonable goals; development of various pathways
to goal attainment; maintenance of motivation and energy to goal pursuit
(agency); Reframing insurmountable obstacles as challenges to be overcome
IV. Hope reminding: a set of different strategies used at the end of the protocol,
with the aim of promoting a daily and effective use of hopeful thoughts in cli-
ents. They include review of hope narratives, correct identification of goal
thoughts and barrier thoughts, reviewing personal hope statements, and plan-
ning booster sessions with the therapist
A complete description of the protocol is available elsewhere (Lopez et al.,
2004). Its efficacy has been largely demonstrated in various settings, from adult
psychotherapy, to children and adolescents school interventions, to college students
to support their academic achievements, to patients with cancer and other chronic
illnesses (Cousins et al., 2014; Gallagher & Lopez, 2009; Geraghty, Wood, &
Hyland, 2010; Marques, Lopez, & Pais-Ribeiro, 2011; Schrank, Stanghellini, &
Slade, 2008).
Even though some critical issues recently appeared when promoting hope (i.e.,
cultural factors, personality predisposition and psychopathology, as described
below), hope therapy is still the recognized legacy to Jerome Frank observation that
hope is an essential ingredient in all psychological interventions (Frank, 1968;
Schrank et al., 2008)
5.3 Optimism and Cognitive Therapy
In current research optimism has been defined according to two main perspectives:
dispositional optimism (Scheier & Carver, 1985) and optimistic explanatory style
(Seligman, 2006). Dispositional optimism has been described as the general ten-
dency to expect good rather than bad outcomes, even in time of adversity (Scheier
& Carver, 1985). Optimists have a set of positive beliefs which are relatively stable
over the years and in different contexts. Scheier and Carver (1985), developed the
Life Orientation Test (LOT) in order to assess optimism as a bipolar dimension,
defining optimists by high scores and pessimists by low scores. Authors found that
optimists differed from pessimists on the tendency to use more problem-focused
strategies, which could remove or reduce the cause of the stress. Pessimists, on the
other hand were found to be inclined to use emotion-focused coping, to be oriented
to reduce or eliminate emotional distress and they tended to disengage from the
goal’s achievement (Scheier, Weintraub, & Carver, 1986).
The second perspective (optimism as an explanatory style) derives directly from
the clinical psychology tradition. Aaron Beck, the father of modern CBT, based his
own clinical work on the assumption that many psychopathological conditions are
associated with negative expectations about the future, encompassing depression,
suicidal ideation, and completed suicides. Beck’s defined hopelessness as a “system
of cognitive schemas whose common denomination is negative expectations about

the future” (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979, p. 864). In particular, he suggested
that depression was caused by a set of specific cognitive distortions that led patients
to formulate negative views of themselves, of their world and their future (cognitive
triad of depression). He subsequently developed specific techniques to address and
correct these cognitive bias (Beck et al., 1979). Disputing pessimistic thoughts in
cognitive therapy, in fact, means identifying cognitive errors such as generalization,
personification and all-or-nothing-thinking, with the final goal of restoring a posi-
tive view of the self, the world, and the future. Similarly, Seligman (2006) suggested
to identify negative, pessimistic thoughts and to correct them by changing the indi-
vidual’s explanatory style, which is considered as an habitual manner of explaining
the causes of events. It is composed of three central dimensions: permanence (tem-
porary vs. long standing), pervasiveness (global vs. specific) and personalization
(internal vs. external causes of the event). According to Seligman model of “Learned
Optimism” (Seligman, 2006) some individuals (particularly those with depression,
anxiety and other forms of psychopathology) need to be helped in moving form a
pessimistic explanatory style to an optimistic one. The former consist of making
attributions that are external, unstable, and specific for good events, and internal,
stable, and global for bad events. Conversely, the optimistic explanatory style con-
sists of making attributions that are internal, stable, and global for good events, and
external, unstable, and specific for negative events (Seligman, 2006). Thus, cogni-
tive techniques proposed by positive psychology research to promote happiness and
optimism share those traditionally and successfully used to treat anxiety and depres-
sion (i.e., cognitive restructuring) (Beck et al., 1979). Also in this case some com-
monalities between the two disciplines are emerging.
The benefits of an optimistic explanatory style have been documented, such as
good physical health and longevity, decreased depressive symptoms and faster
recovery from depression (Boehm & Kubzansky, 2012; Carver, Scheier, &
Segerstrom, 2010; Gallagher & Lopez, 2009). Moreover, a scientific study showed
a positive association between optimistic explanatory style and reduced suicide ide-
ation, while pessimistic college students tended to develop more suicidal thoughts
and behaviours when facing negative life events (Hirsch, Wolford, LaLonde, Brunk,
& Morris, 2007).
Beside the adult clinical setting, this model of optimism promotion has been
applied to the preventing setting, by administering a group intervention to school
children and adolescents at risk for depression. The Penn Resiliency program was
developed and tested in a number of controlled investigation (Gillham et al., 2007).
A recent review of its application described the beneficial effects of this cognitive
training for preventing and treating depression as well as for promoting resilience in
youth (Brunwasser, Gillham, & Kim, 2009).
5.3.1 T
he Nuances of Optimism in Clinical Settings: Defensive
Pessimism and Naïve Optimism, and False Hope
Norem and Chang (2002) analyzed optimistic versus pessimistic explanatory styles
and highlighted that one cannot simply conclude that “optimism is good” and “pes-
simism is bad”, because “optimism” and “pessimism” cover several different con-
cepts. For instance, these authors distinguished between: defensive pessimism
(Norem, 2008; Norem & Cantor, 1986) versus dispositional pessimism (Scheier &
Carver, 1985), and naïve and unrealistic optimism (Epstein & Meier, 1989) versus
dispositional optimism (Scheier & Carver, 1985). The former (dispositional pessi-
mism) can have debilitating motivational effects, by making individuals believe that
nothing they can do will have positive outcomes. Scheier and Carver (1985) sug-
gested that dispositional pessimism is intrinsically linked with giving up syndrome
and demoralization, often observed in clinical practice. On the other hand, the con-
cept of defensive pessimism describes the tendency of setting unrealistic low expec-
tations and devoting energy to mentally reflecting on all the possible negative
outcomes that can be imagined for a given situation (Norem, 2008). It was recently
found that it may help anxious individuals to cope with their anxiety so that it does
not interfere with their performance (Norem, 2008). In particular, defensive pessi-
mists were found to have better outcomes in their performance when they were
allowed to keep their expectations low and to reflect on several negative possibilities
before the performance. If this process was disrupted by positive thinking or posi-
tive expectations, anxious individuals felt more anxious, with the risk of worsening
their performance.
Conversely, strategic optimism is described as a strategy whereby individuals set
optimistic expectations for their own performance and actively avoid extensive
reflection (Norem & Chang, 2002). When facing performance situations, strategic
optimists were found to set high expectations, felt calm and avoided to extensively
reflect on the situation itself. This aspect of self-confidence, which is typical of the
strategic optimism could sometimes be considered as a cost of optimism, because
optimists could miss important details when the situation is particularly complex,
and their performance could be derailed. Norem and Chang (2002) concluded that
both defensive pessimists and strategic optimists get successful performances
through opposite strategies, which could turn as adaptive/maladaptive for both of
them, as described in Fig. 5.1.
On the opposite side, naïve or unrealistic optimism describes a universal human
tendency to believe that good outcomes are more likely and bad outcomes are less
likely to happen to oneself than they are to other people (Sharot, Korn, & Dolan,
2011; Shepperd, Klein, Waters, & Weinstein, 2013). This statement highlights the
general individuals’ belief of having less chances to experience negative events than
the average, which implies an error in judgment concerning future expectations.
This optimistic bias may depend on various factors, such as age, socio-economic
conditions and health status (Shepperd, Waters, Weinstein, & Klein, 2015; Weinstein
& Klein, 1996) and several investigations have tried to identify the mechanisms
Well-being, positivity, mental and

physical health
• Defensive pessimism
Pessimism
• Dispositional pessimism
• Unrealistic optimism
Optimism
• Strategic optimism
Hope, • False hope

goals
• obsessive passion
Psychopathology, negativity, mental

and physical distress
Fig. 5.1 Pessimis, optimism and hope: their nuances and their consequences
responsible for this phenomenon. The basic assumption of the unrealistic optimism
consists in the individual’s tendency to believe in being invulnerable to adversity.
This phenomenon could be linked to various psychological mechanisms and defense
systems. For instance, Kirscht, Haefner, Kegeles, and Rosenstock (1966) explained
the unrealistic optimism as caused by a defensive refusal of accepting one’s own
vulnerability, since it would produce an unbearable feeling of anxiety. A work of
Weinstein (1982) suggested the early appearance phenomenon as a predictor of
optimistic distortions. Specifically, it concerns the idea that if a problem, such as a
chronic illness, did not manifested during a certain age, usually in childhood, the
individual is inclined to believe it will not happen in the future. Consequently, it
originates the perception that the personal risk of developing a disease is lower than
the average (Weinstein, 1989). More recent findings about the possible causes of the
unrealistic optimism come from the investigations of Shepperd et al. (Shepperd,
Carroll, Grace, & Terry, 2002; Shepperd et al., 2013). Exploring the processes
underlying biased thinking, these researchers argued that unrealistic optimism may
be motivated by the desire for self-enhancement. Positive expectations about the
future or the belief that negative events will happen only to others, make people
more satisfied and comforted, increasing their feeling of being in a better condition
than other individuals. Since unrealistic optimism’s construct presumes a social
comparison, it can be described also as comparative optimism (Shepperd et al.,
2002), because it implies a comparison between risk judgments made for the self
and the risk judgments made for the average (Shepperd et al., 2002). Unlike
d ispositional optimism which refers to the general expectation of positive outcomes

(Scheier & Carver, 1985), comparative optimism concerns the specific belief to
expect a threatening event will occur to others, not to oneself.
Even though criticisms on the statistical and methodological procedures used to
study the phenomenon of unrealistic optimism emerged (Harris & Hahn, 2011),
other recent research in neuroscience shed also new lights into its neural correlates
such as an up-regulation of brain dopaminergic systems (Shah, 2012). These new
findings have a crucial clinical impact, since unrealistic optimism may be the cause
of several problems and mistakes in personal, social and economical decision mak-
ing. Further, it was found that it may prevent individuals from striving and strug-
gling to reach their goals (Shepperd et al., 2015). Conversely, dispositional optimism
may motivate people to effectively engage in action in prevision of positive out-
comes, by compensating potential problems resulting from avoidance or distortion
of negative feedback (Alarcon et al., 2013; Gallagher & Lopez, 2009).
Some authors have proposed the similar concept of False Hope, considered as
the tendency to generate hope based around personal fantasies, that can affect one’s
life or habit despite a track record of failure. False hope syndrome refers to cases in
which individuals repeatedly try and fail to achieve a goal because they have unre-
alistic expectations about their likelihood of success (Polivy & Herman, 2000;
Snyder, Rand, King, Feldman, & Woodward, 2002). Often this phenomenon is
linked to overconfidence which engenders inflated expectations of success and
eventually the misery of defeat (Polivy & Herman, 2002). This model has been
particularly used to describe processes of self-change (i.e., being on a diet, smok-
ing/drug cessation etc.) and their realization or failure. Polivy and Herman (2002)
have suggested four specific sources of failure: amount, speed, ease, and effects on
other aspects of one’s life. Each of them is associated with an unrealistic expectation
about self-change. The first one (amount) concerns individuals’ exaggerated expec-
tations about their self-changes: they believe they can change more than it is actu-
ally feasible, refusing more realistic and achievable goals. Speed refers to the
optimistic bias in individuals’ anticipated speed in achieving their goals. Specifically,
they believe to change more quickly than is possible (e.g., to lose weight more
quickly and with much less effort than it is actually possible). Ease describes peo-
ple’s belief that their goals are more feasible and easier to obtain than they actually
are. Ease’s evaluation is often determined and maintained by an overestimation of
people’s abilities in many domains, such as in losing weight or in quitting smoking,
which are often inaccurate (Weinstein, Marcus, & Moser, 2005).Regarding the
effects on one’s life, people often consider that a change or pursuing a goal will
ameliorate their lives more than it actually does. For example, people believe that
following a diet will involve not only a physical change in terms of a weight loss,
but also a change of other life’s aspects, such as a job promotion or finding a roman-
tic partner (Polivy & Herman, 2002).
The false hope syndrome is documented as a serious mental health problem,
because of the frustration and depression that follow such condition, and the general
negative effect on physical health. The phenomenon of false hope syndrome, in fact,
could be particularly deleterious in chronic illnesses (Hart, Vella, & Mohr, 2008)
and critical life stages, such as adolescence (Greenaway, Frye, & Cruwys, 2015).
Adolescents usually have the tendency of setting unrealistic goals for themselves
because of their characteristic nature of having a false impression of their self image
and capabilities, as well as because of their adventurous nature. Excessive or unre-
alistic levels of hope in young individuals was recently documented as associated
with their level of depression in educative settings (Greenaway et al., 2015). False
hope syndrome was documented in many health conditions and was found to influ-
ence treatment adherence and a beneficial working alliance with therapists (Alarcon
et al., 2013; Bohart, 2002; Cohen et al., 1999; Greenaway et al., 2015; Hart et al.,
2008; Held & Bohart, 2002). Moreover, Gibson and Sanbonmatsu (2004), reported
three studies showing that optimists are less likely to disengage from gambling—
even after experiencing gambling losses. This phenomenon could be indeed
explained in light of the false hope syndrome, or the similar concept of naïve/ unre-
alistic optimism.
In conclusion, Norem and Chang (2002) claimed that both optimism and pessi-
mism (or positive and negative thinking styles) have potential benefits and costs,
which are highly sensitive to the context, and have to be clearly kept in mind in
research designs, interpretations of results, clinical interventions and teaching, as
illustrated tin Fig. 5.1. According to these authors, defensive pessimists perform
better when they can maintain low expectations and reflect on negative possibilities
before a task, while their performance is impaired (and they feel more anxious)
when disrupted by positive thinking (Norem & Cantor, 1986). This was confirmed
in a longitudinal study (Norem, 2008) where anxious people who used defensive
pessimism performed better than anxious people who did not use it. Similarly but
opposite to defensive pessimists, strategic optimists are susceptible to derailment of
their positive approach when reflecting about possible (positive) outcomes, as this
thought may impair their performance due to an excess of self-confidence.
On the same vein, and following his clinical experience as therapist, Bohart
(2002) confirmed that some forms of pessimism can be adaptive, since complaining
might have positive consequences. Bohart (2002) also suggested that false hope/
unrealistic optimism is not necessarily bad in clinical setting because it may repre-
sent a form of clients’ “ecological wisdom” in solving their problems, or a defense
mechanism aimed at protecting self-esteem. It should therefore be understood and
respected, as long as it serves to provide clients with a task-focused orientation
towards problems. He also highlighted the relevance of a client’s cultural context in
order to assess if a certain behavior can be dysfunctional or not. Pessimism, for
instance, is not as dysfunctional in Asian culture as it is in American culture (Bohart,
2002). When it comes to plan specific cognitive restructuring interventions in clini-
cal practice, thus, it could be important to carefully evaluate the type of psychologi-
cal disorder(s) as well as the personality characteristics of clients, in order to
reinforce their most effective and adaptive explanatory styles, avoiding priori clas-
sification of optimism as always beneficial versus pessimism as deleterious.
5.4 Goals, Passion and Psychopathology 119
5.4 Goals, Passion and Psychopathology
In clinical settings it was found that often patients display impairments in eudai-
monic well-being, particularly when referring to meaningful goals and in develop-
ing a sense of personal growth (Fava & Ruini, 2003; Ruini & Fava, 2013). Ruini and
Fava (2013) described the polarities of eudaimonic well-being dimensions. In their
article they provided evidence that not only deficits in Ryff’s dimensions of well-
being are associated with psychological distress and psychopathology, but also
excessive levels in the same dimensions. For instance, they stated that depressed
patients often lack a sense of purpose in life, and often tend to emphasize their dis-
tance from expected goals much more than the progress that has been made toward
goal achievement. A basic impairment that emerges is the inability to identify the
similarities between events and situations that were handled successfully in the past
and those that are about to come (transfer of experiences). As described in the previ-
ous pages of this chapter, therapy itself offers a sense of direction and hence a short-
term goal. However, this does not persist when acute symptoms abate and/or
premorbid functioning is suboptimal. In fact patients may perceive a lack of sense
of direction and may devalue their function in life, prolonging an internal state of
demoralization (Frank, 1968; Larsen & Stege, 2010; Snyder et al., 2000). In this
case interventions that promote goal achievement and purpose in life, such as hope
therapy and well-being therapy (see Chap. 4 of this book) might be extremely
beneficial.
On the other hand, it was well documented in traditional clinical psychology
research that specific defense mechanisms (such denial, repression and illusory cog-
nitive bias) may lead people to display levels of personal growth and of future ori-
entations that are excessive. Such individuals tend to forget or not to give enough
emphasis to past experiences because they are exclusively future-oriented. Negative
or traumatic experiences could particularly be under-estimated, as a sort of extreme
defense mechanism (denial), i.e., “I just need to get over this situation and go on
with my life” (Norem & Chang, 2002; Schrank et al., 2008). Dysfunctional high
personal growth is similar to a cognitive benign illusion, or wishful thinking, which
hinders the integration of past (negative) experiences and their related learning
process.
Similarly, many other conditions worthy of clinical attention may arise from
inappropriately high levels of purpose in life. First of all individuals with a strong
determination in realizing one (or more) life goal(s) could dedicate themselves fully
to their activity, thereby allowing them to persist, even in the face of obstacles, and
eventually to reach excellence. The goal, thus, could turn into a passion that accom-
pany one’s life. Cultivation this passion, then, could have a cost in terms of allostatic
load and stress (see Chap. 2 of this book). In fact, while this passion may ensure
dedication toward the activity and, eventually, a better performance, it may also be
associated with distress, depending on the type of affect involved. Vallerand (2012)
proposed a Dualistic Model of Passion, where he defined passion as a strong incli-
nation toward an activity that individuals like, that they find important, in which
they invest time and energy, and which comes to be internalized in one’s identity.
Such a passion becomes a central feature of one’s identity and serves to define the
person. In this case the author proposed the concept of obsessive passion. Such an
internalization originates from intra and/or interpersonal pressure, either because
certain contingencies are attached to the activity (such as feelings of social accep-
tance or self-esteem), or because the sense of excitement derived from activity
engagement becomes uncontrollable. Individuals with an obsessive passion come to
develop ego-invested self-structures and, eventually, display a rigid persistence
toward the activity thereby leading to less than optimal functioning (Vallerand,
2012). Such persistence is rigid because it not only occurs in the absence of positive
emotions and sometimes of positive feedback, but even in the face of important
personal costs such as damaged relationships, failed commitments and conflicts
with other activities in the person’s life (Vallerand, 2008).
The individual engagement for a certain goal could thus become a form of psy-
chological inflexibility (Kashdan & Rottenberg, 2010) which is more connected
with psychopathology, than well-being. Some individuals, in fact, remains attached
to their goals even when they seem unattainable. This phenomenon has been called
“painful engagement” (MacLeod & Conway, 2007). The painful engagement was
studied in a sample of depressed patients, and received explanation through the
mechanism of “Conditional goal setting” (Hadley & MacLeod, 2010). Accordingly,
patients presented a dysfunctional attributional cognitive style toward their goals:
they believed that they would be happy and fulfilled only if those particular goals
were achieved. Conditional goal setting theory is based on a hierarchical model of
goals with the most concrete goals at the bottom (i.e., cooking a meal) and the most
abstract goals at the top, as those involving a sense of the idealised self and, often
also the concept of happiness. This attributional style was found to be related to
hopelessness, rather than depression or anxiety. It means that hopeless people can-
not disengage from their goals because they believe that their future well-being
(happiness, self-worth, fulfillment) is dependent on those goals being achieved, and
often they perceived the unlikelihood of this conditions. Further, this process con-
firms the idea that hope can become paralyzing and hampers facing and accepting
negativity and failures (Held & Bohart, 2002), particularly when hope triggers a
false hope syndrome, as previously described.
5.5 Implications for Depression and Mood Disorders
Hope and optimism reflect the generalized expectancies for desirable future out-
comes (Carver et al., 2010). They can have positive effects but also some draw-
backs, particularly in the realm of mental health. In relation to depression, a
prospective, observational study found that in a cohort of community Finnish sam-
ple followed up to 4 years, 4% of them developed depression. The likelihood of
initiating psychotherapy for depression was lower for those reporting higher initial
levels of dispositional optimism. Dispositional pessimism, on the other hand, did
5.5 Implications for Depression and Mood Disorders 121
not significantly predicted initiating psychotherapy (Karlsson et al., 2011). Thus,

according to this research, optimism seems to be an obstacle for proper help-seeking
behavior.
Similarly, other Authors investigated the presence of future positive life expec-
tancies in depressed patients (Busseri & Peck, 2014). Contrary to common sense,
the belief that life gets better over time was found to be as common in individuals
with major depressive disorder as in controls. Apparently, this finding contradicts
Beck cognitive triad of depressions, that would imply depressed individuals antici-
pating a dark or darker future. Busseri and Peck (2014) indeed documented that
their depressed patients imagined an improved future life (in terms of life satisfac-
tion) compared to past and present life. However, they also found that such beliefs
predict heightened (rather than less) risk of future depression up to 10 year later.
They explained this paradoxical phenomenon either by arguing that depressed indi-
viduals perceive this brighter future as an obligation, or a comparison standard
against which they fail; or by a form of wishful thinking that even impairs their
clinical status. Whatever the explanations, the implications for psychotherapy are
relevant, particularly when involving CBT as well as other goal-focused
interventions.
On the same vein, the phenomenon of obsessive passion and painful engagement
have been found to be implicated in developing hopelessness and parasuicidal
behaviors (MacLeod, 2012; Vincent, Boddana, & MacLeod, 2004). As explained
before, the mechanism of painful engagement makes individuals unable to change
perspective, to set new goals, and makes them believe that they would be happy and
fulfilled only if those particular goals were achieved. At the same time, those indi-
viduals clearly perceive the unlikelihood of their goal pursuit. Consequently, suicide
attempts are considered possible solutions to exit from such painful situations
(Vincent et al., 2004). As a result, some clinicians suggested to help depressed
patients to set achievable, self-concordant, daily goals and to plan well towards
them. A specific group intervention called Goal Setting and Planning–GAP (Coote
& Macleod, 2012; MacLeod, 2012) is focused on developing positive goals to
improve well-being through solving problems, rather than on reducing depressive
symptoms or distress. GAP entails five sessions, where patients are taught how to
set achievable goals, how to overcome possible obstacles and how to maintain their
progress. Interestingly, it was found to improve well-being and life satisfaction of
participants, but also their depressive symptoms.
Other mood disorders have been found to be particularly associated with a dis-
torted sensitivity toward happiness and future expectancies. For instance, individu-
als with bipolar disorder who are in remission as well as those at risk for developing
the disorder have been found to experience greater positive emotions relative to
healthy controls in response to both current and anticipated pleasant stimuli (Gruber,
2011). Similarly, psychiatrist and psychotherapists are well aware of clinical prob-
lems related to unrealistic goals, sense of grandiosity and associated risks taking in
bipolar patients. These phenomena are explicable with the underestimation of dan-
ger, in view of expected rewards and future positive emotions.
These clinical findings have been recently confirmed by (Ford, Mauss, & Gruber,
2015) who found that people who extremely value happiness (i.e., consider happi-
ness as one core goal for their current and future life) tend to be at general risk for
mood disturbances, both depressive and manic. Supporting their clinical observa-
tion, these authors found that the extreme valuing of happiness was associated with
an increased risk for developing Bipolar Disorder (BD), increased likelihood of past
diagnosis of BD, and worse prospective illness course in BD, even when controlling
for patients’ current mood symptoms (Ford, Shallcross, Mauss, Floerke, & Gruber,
2014). Taken together with previous evidence, these findings suggest that the
extreme valuing of happiness, as well as the positive emotions that people strive to
feel, may play a critical role in influencing psychological health (Gruber, Mauss, &
Tamir, 2011).
Similarly, it was found that extreme (i.e., excessively pessimistic or optimistic)
attributional styles were predictors for the onset of hypomanic, manic or mixed
episodes among bipolar adults receiving psychosocial treatment for depression
(Stange, Sylvia, da Silva Magalhães, Frank, et al. 2013; Stange, Sylvia, da Silva
Magalhães, Miklowitz, et al. 2013). Also in this trial, patients presenting extreme
(both positively- and negatively-valenced) attributions were predicted as having a
higher likelihood of (and shorter time until) transition from depression to a (hypo)
manic or mixed episode. They were retrospectively associated with more lifetime
episodes of (hypo)mania and depression. Authors therefore concludes that the eval-
uation of extreme attributions may help clinicians to identify patients who are at risk
for experiencing a more severe course of bipolar illness, and who may benefit from
treatments that introduce greater cognitive flexibility, rather than simply address
pessimism.
5.6 Conclusions and Therapeutic Recommendations
This chapter analyzed the important role of hope, optimism and goal setting during
the course of psychological interventions and in influencing mental health. A brief
review on the link between these issues and various form of psychological disorders
was provided. Form such review a fist observation is that psychological disorders
are both related to the impairments and to the excessive levels of hope, optimism
and future expectations. Thus, a certain clinical caution should be recommended
when addressing these issues in patients with mood and anxiety disorders. When
dealing with affective and mood disorders, in fact, it seems that clinicians should
carefully evaluate patients’ cognitive styles, their meaningful goals, as well as their
internal defense mechanisms, before proposing any of the positive interventions
described so far. As McNully and Fincham (2012) suggested, positive emotions and
positive characteristics have been found to have beneficial effects in normal or opti-
mal conditions. When such conditions are sub-optimal, as it is often the case with
clinical populations, the promotion of positivity can backfire and become more
harmful than helpful. Norem and Chang (Norem, 2008; Norem & Chang, 2002)
References 123
underlined the positive effect of defensive pessimism on the performance of anxious

patients. Other authors described the negative effect of excessive optimism in indi-
vidual with (or at risk of) bipolar disorders (Ford et al., 2015; Stange, Sylvia, da
Silva Magalhães, Frank, et al. 2013; Stange, Sylvia, da Silva Magalhães, Miklowitz,
et al. 2013).
Future investigations are needed to shed new lights on these controversial mech-
anisms. In the meantime, clinicians should keep in mind that it is important to pro-
mote hope in early stage of interventions, in order to improve treatment adherence
and developing a positive working alliance with clients (Frank, 1968; Lopez et al.,
2004). When it comes to address pessimism, however, clinician should use more
caution because it could serve to certain anxious patients, or, at balanced levels, it
could facilitate entering psychotherapy, and finally it could influence mood switches
in bipolar patients.
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Chapter 6
Life Adversities, Traumatic Events
and Positive Reactions
“Only in the darkness can you see the stars.”

Martin Luther King Jr.
Abstract This chapter addresses the issue of not simply adapting positively to life
adversities, but the description of various processes that lead to self-development
and self-maturation, as results of a struggle with such life adversities. In particular,
the concepts of post-traumatic growth (PTG) wisdom, forgiveness and self-
forgiveness are reviewed, by emphasizing their clinical relevance and by describing
specific psychotherapeutic strategies aimed at their promotion. Finally, possible
controversial issues concerning the implementation of such interventions are dis-
cussed. Clinical recommendations are then suggested.
6.1 S
tressors and Life Adversities, and Their Impact
on Well-Being
Traumatic experiences in people’s life are quite common, but the effects of these
events are not uniformly negative: the process of adaptation to stressful life events,
in fact, can be different from person to person, leading to distress and psychopathol-
ogy (such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), mood and anxiety disorders,
adjustment disorders) but also to positive changes. Negative events may become
disrupting and trigger psychopathological symptoms only in certain individuals, or
under specific circumstances, whereas other individuals may successfully adapt to
them, or even find maturation and growth (Bonanno, 2004). Various authors have
labeled such positive reactions as post-traumatic growth, benefit finding, stress
related growth, or adversarial growth, among others. Some authors underlined the
emotional component, others the cognitive one or the transcendent/spiritual compo-
nent. In Chap. 2 other similar concepts, such as resilience, hardiness and sense of
coherence have been reviewed. In this chapter the focus will be addressed to the
description of a process of self-development and self-maturation that results out of
a struggle with such life adversities, which is more than simply adapting positively
to them. Linley and Joseph (2004) suggested that stressful events may trigger a

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1_6
130 6 Life Adversities, Traumatic Events and Positive Reactions
process of psychological maturation of the individuals, where new priorities, mean-

ingful life goals and more empathic relationships are pursued by traumatized indi-
viduals. Such dimensions seem to parallel those of eudaimonic well-being, rather
than hedonic well-being (Joseph & Linley, 2008). According to this perspective,
trauma may serve as a turning point out of which individuals reframe their life
meaning, goals and expectations.
This process of growth appears to be related to the shattering of individual’s
basic assumptions in life, which occurs in the aftermath of a traumatic event (Cann,
Calhoun, Tedeschi, & Solomon, 2010; Linley & Joseph, 2004). Tedeschi and
Calhoun (2004) suggested that the “seismic nature” of the event, characterized by
uncontrollability, irreversibility and threatening qualities may play an important
role in influencing growth following adversities. Some Authors (Linley & Joseph,
2004) on the other hand, suggested that threats of impending mortality and the
awareness of mortality more likely lead to positive changes and growth and to a new
sense of meaning (see Chap. 8 for further discussion on meaning making).
6.1.1 Mortality Salience, Distress and Well-Being
The theory of terror management (Greenberg, Solomon, & Pyszczynski, 1997) pro-
vided a frame of reference for describing these phenomena. It postulates that mor-
tality salience, (which involves conscious thoughts about death) affects the personal
attitudes and behaviors that protect against death anxiety, with the moderating effect
of self-esteem. The theory posits that mortality salience and self-esteem (as a buffer
of anxiety) are tied to an heightened accessibility of death-related thoughts and
existential values, such as those related to transcendence, spirituality and immortal-
ity. Hence, the sense of vulnerability and finites that are normally neglected or
denied, when activated by trauma may lead to improved well-being and personal
growth.
Mortality salience is an important mechanism implicated in the model of “Hostile
World Scenario” (HWS) as proposed by Shmotkin (2005). HWS refers to a set of
beliefs or images of actual or potential self-perceived threats to one’s life or, to one’s
integrity:
“…. This image of adversity functions as a system of appraisal that scans for any potential-
ity of a negative condition, whether dangerous or distressing, or for an even worse condition
when a negative one already prevails.” (Shmotkin, 2005, p. 295)
Thus, HWS entails a specific (negative) existential concern. In its mild manifes-
tation, it could be considered a form of vigilance and prudence regarding negative
eventualities, and in this case it has an adaptative function. Conversely, in its extreme
manifestation, it generates a general sense of survivorship or of imminent calamity.
According to the Author, subjective well-being (SWB), in its cognitive and emo-
tional components (see Chap. 1 of this book) may regulate the disturbing beliefs
entailed in the HWS. In fact, SWB is described as a “favorable psychological envi-
ronment”, or as a positive state of mind that allows an individual to maintain ongo-
6.1 Stressors and Life Adversities, and Their Impact on Well-Being 131
ing tasks without being mentally disrupted. SWB, thus, has a role in adjusting
individuals’ evaluations of their life and world. This positive mechanism may be
associated to further processes of coping, meaning making and existential growth.
According to the model of hostile world scenario (that is often activated in the after-
math of a traumatic event) baseline SWB serves as a protective factor and may elicit
further eudaimonic well-being.
Even though these issues have not developed or applied in medical settings, they
are particularly important when the traumatic event concerns an illness, such as
cancer. In fact, life-threatening illnesses, with the continuous check-ups and medi-
cal treatments required, may be conceived as potentially traumatic events or stress-
ors that could elicit psychological symptoms and stressor-related disorders, such as
anxiety, fear of death, adjustment disorders or even a post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) (Barskova & Oesterreich, 2009; Ruini & Vescovelli, 2013; Ruini, Vescovelli,
& Albieri, 2013). On the other hand, when facing these life-threatening conditions,
patients’ personal cognitive efforts may elicit also positive changes as benefits, psy-
chological growth and maturation (Barskova & Oesterreich, 2009; Cordova,
Cunningham, Carlson, & Andrykowski, 2001). The majority of investigations in
this area suggests that the experience of growth or benefits—with the contribution
of other bio-psycho-social factors—can facilitate patients’ adaptation to the illness
(Barskova & Oesterreich, 2009).
The common theoretical background of these concepts underlines that people
may experience distress and positivity as coexisting in the aftermath of traumatic
events. Such coexistence has been largely studied, with inconsistent findings. For
instance, Linley and Joseph (2004) reported mixed results with PTSD symptoms
negatively associated with positive life changes following sexual assault, but posi-
tively related to stress-related growth in survivors of the Oklahoma bombing.
Results seemed to be quite inconsistent also across studies on medical trauma.
Some of them did not find any relations between PTG and distress, anxiety and
quality of life (Helgeson, Reynolds, & Tomich, 2006), whereas others pointed out
that higher levels of PTG were associated with lower levels of distress (Barskova &
Oesterreich, 2009; Shakespeare-Finch & Lurie-Beck, 2014), of depression and
more positive well-being (Helgeson et al., 2006).
6.1.2 The Curvilinear Model
Recently, some researchers suggested that the relationship between traumatic symp-
toms and personal growth is best explained as a curvilinear relationship where dis-
tress is required to start the growth process, but high levels of distress prevent the
growth process from occurring (Kleim & Ehlers, 2009; Lechner, Carver, Antoni,
Weaver, & Phillips, 2006). Helgeson et al. (2006) conducted a meta-analysis exam-
ining the relation of growth to psychological health. Results supported the curvilin-
ear model for describing the association between growth and distress. Results
described how the theoretical curve moved from low levels of distress and low
growth, through a group of traumatized individuals with some growth and mostly
distress, to those with high levels of growth and lower distress. Kleim and Ehlers
(2009) confirmed the curvilinear association between growth and distress in a popu-
lation of physical assault survivors: individuals with high or low growth levels
reported fewer symptoms than those with an intermediate growth level. Therefore,
some people may not consider the traumatic event as a crisis or may be resilient,
reporting low symptomatology and little personal growth.
This non-linear mechanism could be due to the fact that there is no full consensus
on the definition of traumatic event. Epidemiological data suggest that some events
generally not considered outside the range of “normal” human experience, could
still evoke the full range of PTSD reactions. For example, PTSD symptoms were
experienced by individuals following events such as childbirth (Olde, Kleber, van
der Hart, & Pop, 2006; Sawyer & Ayers, 2009); marital problems and divorce
(Dattilio, 2004); economic problems and work-related stress (Scott & Stradling,
1994). Some of these events could be considered challenging, but not exactly “trau-
matic”. Cameron, Palm, and Follette (2010) argued that it is the individual’s cogni-
tive and behavioural response to the event, rather than the event itself, that entails a
significant risk factor for psychological distress. Consequently, for the same rea-
sons, certain important events may activate specific cognitive processes, eliciting
the reconstruction of the meaning of the event, that has the quality to transform
person’s pre-trauma functioning and to trigger personal growth (Tedeschi &
Calhoun, 2004). Adverse events perceived as central to one’s identity are more
likely to activate a search for meaning and thus, to elicit growth and personal matu-
ration (Boals, Steward, & Schuettler, 2010). In conclusions, independently from
their “traumatic nature” certain life adversities can cause psychological distress and
impair dimensions of hedonic well-being and life satisfaction in the short run.
However, in the long-run, they could serve as a trigger point out of which individu-
als activate a process of inner maturation and growth, that leads to several changes,
as described in the next paragraph.
6.2 D
ifferent Definitions: Benefit Finding, Stress Related
Growth and Post-traumatic Growth
Many conceptualizations refer to growth in the aftermath of trauma. However,

Tedeschi and Calhoun (1996) originally proposed the term “post-traumatic growth”
(PTG), suggesting that people may trigger a cognitive process of rumination as a
personal tentative to accommodate to a new reality in the aftermath of traumatic
events. This struggle seems to generate a cognitive recognition of improvements in
individuals’ personal strengths and spirituality, in their relationships with others,
and in the appreciation of their own life, considering the stressful experience as an
opportunity to engage in new possibilities. Taken together, these five characteristics
constitute the original concept of PTG. This model has been recently found to be the
dominant one among studies (Jayawickreme & Blackie, 2014).
6.2 Different Definitions: Benefit Finding, Stress Related Growth… 133
Other authors have referred to these positive changes with similar labels, each of
which having its own characteristics. For instance “Benefit finding” (BF) refers to
the benefits obtained from the adverse experience (Collins, Taylor, & Skokan, 1990;
Tennen & Affleck, 2002), which similarly consists of an improvement in personal
relationships, changes in life priorities and a better appreciation for life (Harding,
Sanipour, & Moss, 2014). However, the difference between PTG and BF seems to
be the time of appearance. BF is more prone to emerge just in the close aftermath of
an adversity, while PTG tends to appear after a certain amount of time since trauma
(Harding et al., 2014; Mols, Vingerhoets, Coebergh, & van de Poll-Franse, 2009;
Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1998). This seems to be due to the fact that PTG develops as
a result of the rumination and restructuring of the self/world relationship which
occur in the weeks, months, and even years following trauma (Tedeschi & Calhoun,
1998). Therefore, PTG seems to require a modification of deeper cognitive repre-
sentations, involving changed ‘rules for living’ and ‘core schema’. Thus, BF may be
more superficial and transient in nature. In fact, Sears, Stanton, and Danoff-Burg
(2003) added the concept of “positive reappraisal” and differentiated it from BF
and PTG: BF concerns the benefits perceived from the adversity itself, which, if
used as a coping strategy, represents a positive reappraisal of the adverse experi-
ence. The sum of these two phenomena—BF and positive reappraisal—may result
in a later PTG.
Other labels have been proposed to describe changes in interpersonal relation-
ships, in the view of oneself, and in the philosophy of one’s life (Joseph et al.,
2012): adversial growth, stress-related growth and positive posttrauma life changes
(Joseph et al., 2012; Kaler, Erbes, Tedeschi, Arbisi, & Polusny, 2011; Linley &
Joseph, 2004). This latter (Joseph et al., 2012) emphasized the role of eudaimonic/
Psychological Well-Being, that could be considered a substantial ingredient of PTG,
since it implies high “levels of autonomy, environmental mastery, relationships with
others, openness to personal growth, purpose in life and self-acceptance” (Joseph
et al., 2012, p. 819). Joseph (2015) also equated the characteristics of PTG to those
pertaining to the “fully functioning person” according to Rogers. In fact, Carl
Rogers posited that individuals are intrinsically motivated toward growth and fully
functioning individuals are those accepting their strengths and weaknesses, those
who are compassionate toward others, and consider life as a process of change and
are able to find meaning and purpose in their existence. Thus, these characteristics
parallel the core features of PTG, and are similar to dimensions of eudaimonic well-
being, more than subjective (hedonic well-being).
Finally, thriving has also been used to describe a positive reaction when facing
a traumatic event, but Carver (1998) posited that psychological thriving results
from a continued growth and gains in one or more important psychosocial areas,
like personal relationships, self-confidence, and important life skills. The Author
also explained that thriving does not always appear out of stressful situations, as
the case of PTG. Ickovics and Park (1998) stated that thriving is something more
than PTG, being the result of growth and of an increased well-being (WB). A list
of questionnaires and instruments currently used to measure these issues is pro-
vided in Table 6.1.
Far from being exhaustive, this paragraph aimed at briefly illustrating the differ-
ent conceptualizations and characteristics of positive individual reactions to life
adversities. They share common characteristics, such as changes in life philosophy
and meaning in life (cognitive component), changes in interpersonal relationships,
with more openness and empathy, and changes in spirituality and/or increased
capacity for forgiveness and wisdom. These latter two dimensions will be described
in the next section of the chapter.
6.3 Forgiveness and Wisdom
6.3.1 Wisdom
Wisdom could be defined as the highest form of expertise in coping with difficult or
unsolvable life-problems. It is a psychological competency, which helps people to
master everyday life and to tolerate or cope with negative life events or particularly
difficult life-situations.
According to Sternberg (1990), there are three major scientific approaches to
define wisdom: philosophical, implicit, and explicit theories. The first one defines
wisdom as a special form of knowledge. The second one refers to common-sense-
concepts usually reported by ordinary persons (i.e., intelligence, problem solving,
empathy, intuition, etc.). The third perspective refers to scientific and academic defi-
nitions of wisdom. For instance, Erikson (1950), in his life-span theories of human
development, considers wisdom has a capacity that appears in later life, and is asso-
ciated with meaningfulness and acceptance of life finiteness.
Kramer (2000), on the other hand, defines wisdom as a special expertise in rela-
tion to life situations, consisting of multiple responses and a sense of cognitive,
emotional, and behavioral maturity. Accordingly, the wise person displays high
openness for new experiences, dialectic thinking, empathy, and reduced despair or
unhappiness in negative situations of life. Dialectical thinking, particularly, refers to
the ability to view problems from multiple perspectives and to reconcile seemingly
contradictory information (Manzo, 1992). This capacity plays a crucial role also in
Sternberg’s theory of wisdom (1998) that defined it as a balance of cognitive, emo-
tional, and cognitive functions of a person, as well as a balance between the indi-
vidual and the environment. Thus, wisdom refers to a form of practical intelligence,
which allows to adapt to the environment and also to change it.
It has been shown that people who are not successful in coping with negative life
events lack wisdom capacities (Linden, 2008). These capacities can be summarized
as follows: (a) change of perspective, (b) empathy, (c) perception and acceptance of
emotions (including the “unacceptable” ones), and (d) emotional serenity (to keep a
clear mind and not be overwhelmed by one’s own emotions), (e) factual and proce-
dural knowledge (what can be done and what cannot), (f) contextualism and value
relativism (to put the negative events in a broader context of meaning and life devel-
opment), (g) uncertainty acceptance (to let the person acts without knowing the
6.3 Forgiveness and Wisdom 135
outcome for granted), (h) long-term perspective, (i) distance from oneself, and (j)
reduction of level of aspiration (to accept that life is not always following one’s
wishes and goals). Thus, it seems that wisdom-related knowledge involves problem-
solving strategies. As such, they are needed in order to cope with several life adver-
sities. This model has been formulated by a group of German investigators and is
known as the “Berlin Paridigm of Wisdom” (Linden, 2008).
6.3.2 Forgiveness
Forgiveness is another essential psychosocial dimension, activated when individu-

als face stressors, particularly of interpersonal nature, such as injuries and transgres-
sions. For many researchers and clinicians, forgiveness is a controversial term, with
positive and negative connotations. Usually, the victim of a transgression experi-
ences an immediate negative affective state characterized by fear and/or anger,
resentment and often by the desire of retaliation. According to McCullough and
Hoyt (2002), in fact, the two typical reactions following a transgression are avoid-
ance and revenge, that could be easily measured by a specific questionnaire: the
Transgression—Related Interpersonal Motivations Inventory (TRIM, see Table 6.1)
(McCullough et al., 1998).
A large body of applied research seems to agree that forgiveness is a positive
method of coping with a hurt or an offense that primarily benefits the victim through
a reorientation of emotions, thoughts and/or actions toward the offender. It’s impor-
tant to specify that forgiveness is not necessarily reconciliation, and certainly it is
not tolerating, condoning or excusing hurtful behaviour (Wade & Worthington,
2005). Forgiveness can be defined as: (a) response (prosocial change in a victims
thoughts, emotions and behaviour toward a transgressor), (b) a personal disposition
(propensity to forgive others across interpersonal circumstances) and; (c) a charac-
teristic of social unities (as an attribute of social structure, e.g. marriage).
Forgiveness includes decisional, emotional, and behavioral components.
Decisional forgiveness is a cognitive intention to eliminate negative behaviors and
to increase positive behaviors toward the transgressor. Emotional forgiveness is the
replacement of negative unforgiving emotions with positive other-oriented emo-
tions (Worthington, Witvliet, Pietrini, & Miller, 2007). However, one may sincerely
decide to forgive and continue in those benevolent behavioral intentions, without
experiencing full emotional forgiveness (Hook, Worthington, & Utsey, 2009). As a
matter of fact, forgiveness involves change, and is best viewed as a process of trans-
formation that occurs over time (McCullough, Fincham, & Tsang, 2003; McCullough
& Root, 2005). In fact, it could be extremely difficult because it involves working
through-emotional pain, not avoiding it.
6.3.2.1 The Beneficial Effects of Forgiveness
Forgiveness was found to display important benefits in terms of physical health. In

fact, anger and hostility, which are often triggered by transgressions, have been
found to be risk factors for cardiovascular diseases (Friedberg, Suchday, & Shelov,
2007). Forgiveness, on the other hand, seems to be an antidote against such toxic
reactions. This protective role of forgiveness was recently studied by controlling the
modulation of blood pressure, the sympathovagal balance and the aortic hemody-
namics. Results confirmed that anger was associated with a more cardiotoxic auto-
nomic and hemodynamic profile, whereas forgiveness was associated with a more
cardioprotective profile (May, Sanchez-Gonzalez, Hawkins, Batchelor, & Fincham,
2014). Further, it seems that forgiveness was found to predict longevity (Toussaint,
Owen, & Cheadle, 2012).
Other lines of research supported the beneficial effects of forgiveness. For
instance, forgiveness can facilitate the repair of supportive close relationships and
such relationships are known to protect against negative health outcomes. For exam-
ple, marital conflict is associated with poorer health (Burman & Margolin, 1992)
and with specific illnesses such as cancer, cardiac disease, and chronic pain
(Schmaling, Sher, & Kim Halford, 1997). Hostile behaviors during conflict relate to
alterations in immunological (Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 1997), endocrine (Kiecolt-
Glaser et al., 1997), and cardiovascular (Ewart, Taylor, Kraemer, & Agras, 1991)
functioning. It has been suggested that forgiveness may be associated with well-
being and health because it helps people to maintain stable and supportive relation-
ships (McCullough, 2000).
Thus, forgiveness has been quite extensively studied in interpersonal settings,
particularly in the family and couple settings, documenting again its beneficial
effect (Fincham, 2009). For instance, married couples reported that the capacity to
seek and grant forgiveness is one of the most important factors contributing to mari-
tal longevity and marital satisfaction (Fenell, 1993). Conversely, lower levels of
forgiveness predicted psychological aggression and protracted conflict in marriage
(Fincham & Beach, 2002; Fincham, Beach, & Davila, 2003).
On the same vein, Fincham, Beach, and Davila (2007) showed that wives’ for-
giveness was positively associated with improvements in husbands’ self-reported
communication 12 months later. Also, there is emerging evidence that marital qual-
ity predicts forgiveness (Paleari, Regalia, & Fincham, 2003), as well as data that trait
forgiveness predicts later marital satisfaction (Vaughan, 2001). Thus, it appears that
the association between forgiveness and relationship quality may be bidirectional.
Further, Fincham and Kashdan (2004) found that retaliation and avoidance (i.e.,
negative dimensions of forgiveness) among husbands and a lack of benevolence
(i.e., positive dimension of forgiveness) among wives were linked to ineffective
conflict resolution. Although the causal direction of these associations is unclear,
Fincham and Kashdan (2004) suggested that unresolved transgressions may spill-
over into future conflicts and, in turn, impede their resolution, thereby putting the
couple at risk for developing the negative cycle of interaction that characterizes
distressed marriages. This explanation would provide a mechanism that links for-
giveness and relationship satisfaction.
6.3 Forgiveness and Wisdom 137
Finally, rumination often occurs also after interpersonal transgressions. Using

short-term longitudinal methods McCullough et al. (2003) confirmed that forgive-
ness is a process of psychological change, and they found that rumination was
inversely related to forgiveness in the long run. Thus, the more forgiving a victim is,
the less ruminative he/she will be.
6.3.2.2 Controversial Effects of Forgiveness
A few studies suggest that forgiveness may not always be so beneficial in interpersonal
settings (Gordon, Burton, & Porter, 2004; McNulty, 2010, 2011). Gordon et al. (2004),
for example, sampled women at a domestic violence shelter and documented that more
forgiving women reported being more likely to return to their abusive partners. McNulty
(2008) used a sample of 72 newlywed couples that reported their marital satisfaction up
to four times over the course of 2 years. Although forgiveness was positively associated
with marital satisfaction initially, the association between spouses’ forgiveness and
changes in their marital satisfaction depended on the frequency with which their part-
ners directed hostile behaviors (e.g., sarcasm, insulting, swearing) toward them. Even
though forgiveness helped to maintain marital satisfaction among spouses married to
partners who rarely engaged in hostile behaviors, forgiveness was associated with
steeper declines in satisfaction among spouses married to partners who more frequently
engaged in hostile behaviors. Moreover, McNulty (2010) recently found that less for-
giving spouses experienced declines in the frequency with which their partners perpe-
trated psychological and physical aggression over the first 5 years of marriage, whereas
more forgiving spouses actually experienced stable or growing levels of psychological
and physical aggression over those years.
Other controversial effects of forgiveness may be subscribed under the rubric of
the dormat effect. Luchies, Finkel, McNulty, and Kumashiro (2010) documented
that forgiving a perpetrator who has not signaled that the victim will be safe and
valued may erode one’s self-respect and self-concept. Thus, according to these
authors, whether forgiveness leads to positive or negative consequences depends on
the perpetrator’s behavior and attitude. On the same vein, Hall and Fincham (2008)
showed that offenders who felt to be forgiven by their victims became more self-
forgiving, that is more compassionate and benevolent toward themselves. This
result suggests that forgiveness may have positive effects on transgressors as well.
Contrary to this line of reasoning, however, Kelln and Ellard (1999) found some
support for the idea that forgiveness may exacerbate rather than ameliorate perpe-
trators’ distress, by increasing their sense of guilt and indebtedness, especially when
forgiveness is perceived as an unsolicited gift. Hence, the victim’s and the perpetra-
tor’s responses following a transgression should not be considered as conflict reso-
lution strategies in isolation; they should be considered in tandem.
In conclusions, McNulty and Fincham (2012) argue that forgiveness is a process
that can be either beneficial or harmful, depending on characteristics of the relation-
ship in which it occurs (for instance equity and reciprocity), and on individual’s
characteristics (agreeableness, self-regulation, remorse).
6.3.3 Self-Forgiveness
A less studied issue is self-forgiveness. Enright and The Human Development Study
Group’s (1996) described self-forgiveness as the facing of one’s wrong doing while
abandoning negative thoughts, feelings, and behaviors directed at the self, and replac-
ing them with compassion, generosity, and love. Enright and colleagues argued that
self-forgiveness is synonymous with self-reconciliation and that its outcome is asso-
ciated with an increase in self-esteem. Self-forgiveness does not excuse behaviour
nor should it be mistaken for guiltlessness or narcissism. Indeed, Authors specified
that self-forgiveness involves accepting one’s responsibility and pain in the process
of feelings of remorse. In their study, Wohl, DeShea, and Wahkinney (2008) defined
self-forgiveness as a positive attitudinal shift in the feelings, actions, and beliefs
about the self, following a self-perceived transgression or wrongdoing. Halling
(1994) defined self-forgiveness as the acceptance of those parts of oneself that have
previously been thought of as unacceptable due to self-directed inappropriate
thoughts or actions. Thus, Halling suggested a parallelism between self-forgiveness
and self-acceptance, a key dimension of eudaimonic well-being (see Chap. 1).
Likewise, Burton-Nelson (2000) stated that self-forgiveness is the act of generosity
and kindness toward the self, following self-perceived inappropriate actions.
Wohl et al. (2008) argued that a failure to forgive the self reflects an intrapersonal
disciplinary style, whereas a failure to forgive others reflects an interpersonal disci-
plinary style. The first one is considered a representative characteristic of patients
with anorexia nervosa, obsessive-compulsive disorders and obsessive-compulsive
personality disorders. In their study, Authors documented a strong correlation
between self-forgiveness and mental health. This correlation, however, is twofold.
On one hand, people who are severely depressed because of a single harmful event
perpetrated by the self might be inhibited from forgiving themselves. In these cases,
Wohl et al. (2008) suggested that the process of self-forgiveness may be the catalyst
for personal growth. Those who come to forgive themselves for their mistakes and
transgressions may convey more meaning to their future actions and behaviors (i.e.,
a commitment to behave better in a subsequent romantic relationship might be asso-
ciated with self-forgiveness following the unwanted end to a romantic relationship).
On the other hand, self-forgiveness for a specific event might lead to a continua-
tion of wrongful behaviors within that situational context. Specifically, extremely
high levels of self-forgiveness might result in an unwillingness to alter behavioral
patterns. That is, too much self-forgiveness may undermine motivation to initiate
behavioral change (Tangney, Boone, & Dearing, 2005; Wohl & Thompson, 2006).
In such instances, forgiving the self would be a rather selfish act and may be highly
related to narcissism (Wohl et al., 2008).
According to reviewed studies, it is very important for clinicians to know about
forgiveness and its positive and negative implications, both when it comes to intra-
personal or interpersonal settings. These issues have implications when translated
into interventions aimed at helping individuals overcoming stressful life circum-
stances as described in the following section of this chapter.
6.4 Psychotherapeutic Steps to Promote PTG, Forgiveness and Wisdom 139
6.4 P
sychotherapeutic Steps to Promote PTG, Forgiveness
and Wisdom
Interpretations of events and attributions are important processes in influencing

individuals’ reactions: they are a core feature in explaining how a person reacts to
demands or burdens (Peters, Constans, & Mathews, 2011). An important approach
in such interpretations and attributions is to give sense to what happened. This could
be promoted by a series of different interventions, as summarized in Table 6.1 and
described below.
Table 6.1 Positive reactions following traumatic events: assessment and treatment options
Concept Instruments Positive treatment
Post-traumatic Post-traumatic growth inventory (Tedeschi & Positive psychotherapy
growth/tress Calhoun, 1996)
related growth Ryff’ Psychological Well-being Scale modified WBT (Belaise et al.,
(Joseph et al., 2012) 2005)
Interventions addressing
PTG (Joseph, 2015)
Wisdom Three-Dimensional Wisdom Scale (3D-WS) Wisdom psychotherapy
(Ardelt, 2003) emotional and reflective (Linden, Baumann,
components Lieberei, Lorenz, &
Reflective Judgement Interview (RJI) (Kitchener Rotter, 2011)
& Brenner, 1990): wisdom related problem
solving using dilemma situations
Forgiveness Enright Forgiveness Inventory—(Subkoviak Forgiveness Therapy
et al., 1995): six subscales that assess the (group and couple
extent to which the victim experiences positive settings) (Enright &
and negative effects, cognitions and behaviors/ Fitzgibbons, 2000)
behavioral intentions regarding a transgressor
(60 items adult version; 30 item children
version)
Transgression—Related Interpersonal REACH program
Motivations Inventory (TRIM) (McCullough (Worthington, 2001)
et al., 1998); 12 items assessing avoidance and
revenge motive toward an offender
Treatment for marital
infidelity (DiBlasio,
2000)
Self forgiveness Forgiveness of Self (FOS) scale, Mauger, Perry, Compassion focused
Freeman, and Grove (1992) 15 item scale therapy (Gilbert, 2010)
State Self-Forgiveness Scales (SSFS) Wohl
et al. (2008) respondents’ feelings, actions, and
beliefs about themselves in relation to a
specific wrongdoing
6.4.1 Facilitating Post-traumatic Growth
Regardless of the type of traumatic events, a growing number of recent findings

advocated that similar personal transformations can occur, following a similar pro-
cess (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). PTG after traumatic events is determined by the
interaction between personal resources as well as the environmental ones (Woodward
& Joseph, 2003). According to Helgeson et al. (2006), growth does not necessarily
reflect the absence of mental health symptoms, however PTG is significantly related
to positive well-being measures (Helgeson et al., 2006), and this relationship sug-
gests that perceptions of positive changes may be an indicator of positive mental
health in trauma survivors. Thus, PTG may be an important outcome for interven-
tions with individuals exposed to trauma (Prati & Pietrantoni, 2009).
However, other clinicians recommend caution with individuals who have experi-
enced a potentially traumatic event. First, they may not need help. Most of them
(50–60%) spontaneously reports positive life changes after an adverse event
(Helgeson et al., 2006; Linley & Joseph, 2004), suggesting that this may be a natu-
ral process that does not necessarily require clinical intervention. This approach
follows the person-centered theory, that posits that human beings have an inner
intrinsic motivation toward self-actualization. Accordingly, growth is considered a
natural endpoint of trauma resolution, when the social environment provides the
facilitative conditions, such as supportive and empathic relationships (Joseph,
2015). PTG indeed shares similar characteristics of psychological/eudaimonic well-
being and its presence may di per se buffer against trauma and its negative conse-
quences, such as PTSD, depression and other forms of psychological distress (Ryff,
2014a).
Joseph et al. (2012) suggested that in the aftermath of crisis, psychological WB
is implicated in the process of assimilation/accommodation to the new trauma-related
information. Recovery from trauma, in fact, may be explained as deriving from
assimilation of traumatic memory into one’s cognitive schema, or as deriving from
a revision of existing schema in order to accommodate new and disconfirming infor-
mation. According to the person centered approach, the process of growth is embed-
ded in the accommodation mechanism, rather than assimilation (Joseph, 2015). The
latter, in fact, implies that trauma survivors would try to maintain their sense of self
and their assumptions about the world exactly as before the negative event. This
could be manifested, for instance, in survivors’ self-blaming for the event itself: in
order to maintain a belief in a just world, where everyone gets what he/she deserves,
the survivor may blame himself/herself for what happened, with high distress and
emotional costs. Indeed, assimilation may be conceived as a rigid defense mecha-
nism, that leaves individuals more vulnerable when facing future adversities.
Conversely, the process of accommodation requires the rebuilding of the assump-
tions and core schema, following the new reality of the trauma (i.e., negative events
occur randomly and are often unfair). Accommodation may have a negative direc-
tion (hopelessness, helplessness and depression), but if the traumatized person is
able to follow his/her the self-actualizing tendency, accommodation may turn into
positive and the person can reappraise the meaning of the event and its existential
implications. Accordingly, the rebuilding of the shattered assumptive world may
trigger the individual’s PTG (Joseph & Hefferon, 2013)
This process may happen naturally (Joseph, Linley, & Harris, 2004), or may
require a specific professional help in order to activate a positive re-experience and
confrontation with the meaning of the trauma in one’s life. Following a person-
centered approach, Joseph (2015) suggested that therapist should act as a facilitator
of the clients’ organismic valuing process, through the authentic, empathic and
unconditional listening of their clients’ trauma narratives. Traumatized individuals
should be helped in hearing and following their inner voice of wisdom, that will
activate a positive accommodation in the aftermath of a trauma. Joseph (2015) also
indicated specific therapeutic steps, that may facilitate PTG. For instance, clinicians
should stress out the importance of social support, and make specific suggestions to
clients in order to help them obtaining an effective supportive system in their living
environments. Further, clinicians may plan some exposure activities, or some relax-
ation techniques, in order to address client’s negative or fearful emotions, distress
and anxiety symptoms. The characteristics of PTSD symptoms may also be
described to clients, in order to normalize their immediate reactions following a
trauma. Finally, therapists may also promote new, or diverse coping skills, in order
to counterbalance the sense of helplessness and to facilitate the cognitive accom-
modation. Importantly, Joseph (2015) suggested that the therapeutic process should
follow the clients’ inner motivation for self-actualization and should not be driven
by therapist’s values or beliefs. In line with the person centered approach, PTG may
be promoted by the empathic assistance of a facilitator (the clinician) that removes
the potential obstacles in the clients’ organismic valuing process.
On the same vein, Tedeschi and Kilmer (2005) developed a clinical guide to
promote PTG, suggesting to integrate this new approach with different psychothera-
peutic orientations. Its goal would be to compensate for traditional clinical
approaches more focused on the negativity, with greater integration of positive ele-
ments of growth and personal development (Tedeschi & Kilmer, 2005). Also in this
case, Tedeschi and Kilmer (2005) emphasized the importance of the empathic lis-
tening of client’s narratives about trauma, which is essential to promote the cogni-
tive process of the event. Similar to the clinical approach described by Joseph
(2015), Tedeschi and Kilmer (2005) underlined that the therapist should act as
“expert companion” throughout the process of trauma elaboration, and should adopt
an attitude of “listening without necessarily trying to solve”. For instance, benign
positive illusions (such as unrealistic optimism, as descried in Chap. 5 of this book)
may serve to help survivors feeling safe and calm after the trauma, and should not
be addressed by cognitive restructuring, or other therapeutic techniques. Thus, PTG
may be clinically facilitated simply by providing a supportive and protected envi-
ronment, where survivors may gradually face the negative outcomes of the trauma,
and then they may be able to develop a new existential reality. This protocol may be
suitable for integration with other well-established therapeutic strategies, such as
CBT, counseling or positive psychotherapy.
An example of this integration could be also represented by the Well-being

Therapy (WBT; Ruini & Fava, 2012), specifically aimed at promoting eudaimonic
well-being according to Ryff’s model (Ryff, 2014a, 2014b), which resulted to be
promising in treating patients with PTSD (Belaise, Fava, & Marks, 2005) (see Chap.
4 for a full description of WBT). Even though Belaise et al. (2005) did not directly
aimed at promoting PTG, they did not address the trauma with standard CBT tech-
niques, or debriefing strategies. Rather, they aimed at improving patients’ levels of
eudaimonic well-being in the aftermath of a traumatic event, and this process
yielded improvements in their levels of anxiety and depression. It was indeed a pilot
clinical trial, but findings confirmed the observation that eudaimonic well-being is
intrinsically related to positive reactions following adversities.
6.4.2 Facilitating Wisdom
Starting by the observation that feelings like helplessness, powerlessness, anger,

and aggressivity are caused by failing to understand why something negative has
happened (Tausch, 2004), Linden and colleagues (Linden, 2008; Linden, Rotter,
Baumann, & Lieberei, 2006; Linden et al., 2011) developed the Wisdom
Psychotherapy to treat the Post-Traumatic Embitterment Disorder (PTED). These
authors conceptualized it as a special form of Adjustment Disorder with its own
etiology and psychopathological characteristics. PTED arises from a trigger event
that is not anxiety-provoking or life-threatening, but is a relatively normal, negative
life event (i.e., conflict at workplace, unemployment, death of relative, marital infi-
delity etc.), which is perceived by the victim as unfair, immoral and unacceptable.
A common characteristic of the negative events experienced by patients with PTED
is a violation of basic beliefs and values and the psychopathological reaction in
PTED (avoidance, rumination, depression and high level of anger) can be explained
in terms of a disconfirmation of basic beliefs and values caused by the negative
event. The main psychological reaction is a prolonged feeling of embitterment,
injustice and helplessness. Its treatment is rooted on cognitive-behavioral models
and includes specific sequential strategies to enhance wisdom-related
competences.
In Wisdom psychotherapy there is an initial part concerned with problem solv-
ing, reframing, change of dysfunctional cognitions, and exposure (Linden &
Hautzinger, 2011), followed by specific techniques aimed at teaching and learning
wisdom. One of those is the method of unsolvable life problems, where vignettes are
used to describe severe, unsolvable problems in life, which can happen to every-
body, like divorce, death, loss of job, infidelity, etc. Usually, three main characters
are involved: (1) The victim, (2) The offender, (3) A third person that has become
part of the situation without being intentionally involved. Patients do not get direct
help in coping with their personal present problem, rather they exercise their skills
through role playing with these characters. Then the patient is asked to imagine how
experts for the management of difficult problems in life (e.g. manager, priest, elderly
person with much life experience, psychologist, lawyer, etc.) would approach the
situation.
By this method patients are taught core wisdom elements like: (a) “factual
knowledge and procedural knowledge”; (b) “change of perspective”, “empathy”
and “emotional serenity” which help to keep a clear mind and not be overwhelmed
by one’s own emotions; (c) “contextualism”, “value relativism” and “long-term per-
spective” which put the negative event in a broader context of meaning and life
development; (d) “uncertainty acceptance” which allows to act without knowing for
sure the outcome, and to accept that life is not always following one’s wishes and
goals. Further, the use of metaphors, aphorisms and proverbs to contextualize prob-
lems may also be used.
A recent randomized trial (Linden et al., 2011) has provided evidence of its
effectiveness in promoting recovery from PTED and in promoting resilience. Future
trials are however needed to generalize these promising results to other traumatic
conditions.
6.4.3 Facilitating Forgiveness and Self-Forgiveness
Forgiveness interventions have been discussed in a variety of modalities, including

individual, couples, and group. Wade and Worthington (2005) wrote an article that
reviews the contents of published interventions designed to promote forgiveness.
The review revealed a consensus among applied researchers regarding several broad
ingredients to promote forgiveness: (a) defining forgiveness, (b) helping patients
remember the hurt, (c) building empathy for the perpetrator, (d) helping patients
acknowledge their own past offenses, and (e) encouraging commitment to forgive
the offender. A brief description of the main interventions currently available to
promote forgiveness is provided below.
Enright group. Enright and his colleagues reported the first empirical investiga-
tion of an intervention designed specifically to promote forgiveness: Forgiveness
Therapy (Hebl & Enright, 1993). They based their intervention strategies on an
extensive 20-stepmodel (Enright & Fitzgibbons, 2000) of forgiveness that incorpo-
rates cognitive, affective, and behavioral elements (Enright & The Human
Development Study Group, 1991). This model describes many possible steps that
an injured person might go through before forgiving. The first part of the model
(Steps 1–7) describes the importance of identifying psychological defenses, con-
fronting and releasing anger, and realizing the additional psychological pain that the
offense has caused (such as shame, unjust suffering, and mental anguish from
replaying the event over in one’s mind). The victim may experience a “change of
heart” toward the offender and may make a commitment to work toward forgiveness
(Steps 8 and 9; Hebl & Enright, 1993). Together with the willingness to consider
forgiveness as an option for dealing with the offense (Step 10), victims could be
helped to see offenders in their life context and to develop compassion and empathy
for them on the basis of mitigating situations that may have contributed to the
offense (Steps 10–13). In addition, the individual who was harmed may need to
accept or absorb the pain of the offense, which implies sacrificing the psychological
benefit that comes through seeking revenge (Step 14). To achieve this, the individual
may need to recall times when she or he was the offender and caused other people’s
pain (Step 15). Doing so helps the victim experiencing changes in affect toward an
offender (increasing positive feelings and decreasing the negative ones) and it helps
the victim in finding meaning; (Step 16). Finally, the victim could be able to release
the burden of unforgiveness (Step 17); gaining the awareness that one is not alone
in the experience of being hurt (Step 18). The last steps consist of realizing that the
injury may produce a new purpose for one’s life (Steps 19 and 20).
A second set of interventions can be grouped together under the theoretical ori-
entation developed by McCullough and Worthington (McCullough & Worthington,
1995; McCullough, Worthington, & Rachal, 1997) and refined into the Pyramid
Model to REACH Forgiveness (Worthington, 2001). The REACH model delin-
eates five steps to develop forgiveness for a specific harm or offense: participants
recall (R) the hurt or offense. Recalling the offense is conducted in a supportive,
nonjudgmental environment, with encouragement to remember the hurt (and the
associated thoughts, feelings, and behaviors) as fully as possible. The next step of
this model encourages participants to build empathy (E) for the offender. Empathy
is developed through different exercises and discussions that assist the participant in
seeing the situational factors that led to the hurt. Empathy continues through the
next step, giving an altruistic (A) gift of forgiveness (see Chap. 7 of this book for a
further discussion on altruism). Before the idea of giving a gift of forgiveness is
presented, participants remember times when they received forgiveness for hurts
that they caused to other people. Participants are encouraged to remember what it
felt like to be forgiven. In the fourth step, participants publicly commit (C) to the
forgiveness they have experienced for the offender. Committing to forgive is linked
to holding (H) on to forgiveness or maintaining the gains achieved.
These two interventions have been widely used in community settings, together
with other preventive and educational campaigns on forgiveness (Fincham &
Kashdan, 2004).
Among the marital settings, Forgiveness Therapy (FT) has been applied to
abused women and yielded important results. FT, in fact, assists the emotionally
abused woman to examine the injustice of the abuse, to consider forgiveness as an
option, to make the decision to forgive, to do the hard work of forgiving (to grieve
the pain from the injustice, to reframe the wrongdoer, to relinquish resentment, and
to develop goodwill). Also in this case the last steps of this protocol consist of find-
ing meaning in the unjust suffering, and in discovering psychological release and
new purpose.
Seagull and Seagull (1991) described an obstacle to recovery for emotionally
abused women labeled accusatory suffering, which entails maintaining resentment
and the victim status. The assumption in accusatory suffering is that healing the
wounds of the abuse will somehow let the perpetrator off the hook. At a deeper
level, accusatory suffering may be seen as a defense against the fear that the woman
is somehow responsible for her own victimization, a fear that is often inculcated by
the victimizer (Sackett & Saunders, 1999). Seagull and Seagull (1991) argued that
although accusatory suffering (resentment and victim status) may function as a tem-
porary strategy to help the woman adapt to the extreme experience of spousal emo-
tional abuse, it seriously hinders substantial post-relationship, post-crisis recovery.
By contrast, FT supports the patient in appropriately expressing anger about the
abusive relationship and grieving the pain from the abuse. Furthermore, it specifi-
cally targets the debilitating resentment toward the former abusive partner and
explicitly targets this pattern of accusatory suffering.
Within the marital therapy, DiBlasio (2000) presented a decision-based defini-
tion of forgiveness that paved the way for an immediate intervention in marital
therapy for infidelity. A step-by-step strategy was developed. It is aimed at making
a forgiveness decision in the beginning of marital treatment possible. Decision-
based forgiveness is defined as the cognitive letting go of resentment, bitterness, and
need for vengeance. Consequently, couple can choose to forgive or not to forgive.
This approach may be part of a standard cognitive-behavioral approach. Patients
reported a significant reduction in negative emotions after deciding to forgive. The
actual forgiveness session in this protocol is usually lengthy (2 or 3 h) and includes
13 steps. The steps are organized into three sections: defining and preparing (Steps
1–3), where the therapist explains that forgiveness is an opportunity to create good-
will between spouses and a sense of peace within oneself. Subsequently, the therapy
concentrates on seeking and granting forgiveness (Steps 4–12), where each partner
has an opportunity to seek forgiveness, and the one who was offended may grant or
withhold forgiveness. After the offence has been formally stated (step 4), the
offender provides explanations and then questions are raised and answers given
about the offense (step 6). In Step 7 the offended person gives emotional reactions
followed by the offender who provides empathy for the hurt he or she caused (step
8) and develops a plan to stop/prevent behavior (step 9). In Step 10 the victim identi-
fies with the offender’s hurt, and an emphasis is placed on choice and commitment
in letting go. Finally (Step 12) a formal request for forgiveness is made, and a cer-
emonial act (Step 13) as symbolic expression that the offense has been formally
forgiven is planned and performed. Di Blasio approach has been found to be par-
ticularly effective in repairing marital infidelity and in giving partners a second
chance for marital satisfaction.
When it comes to self-forgiveness, a critical therapeutic ingredient is self-
compassion, which consists of three main domains: (a) being kind and understand-
ing toward oneself rather than being self-critical, (b) seeing one’s fallibility as part
of the larger human condition and experience, rather than as isolating, and (c) hold-
ing one’s painful thoughts and feelings in mindful awareness rather than avoiding
them or over identifying with them (Neff, 2003). Patients with anorexia nervosa,
obsessive-compulsive disorders and obsessive-compulsive personality disorders
have severe difficulties in developing self-forgiveness. If clinicians promote self-
compassion, then self-forgiveness could have good chance of being developed.
A specific psychotherapy aimed at increasing self-compassion has been recently
proposed. Compassion focused therapy (CFT) is a multimodal therapy that builds
on a range of cognitive-behavioural (CBT) and other therapies and interventions.
Hence, it focuses on attention, reasoning and rumination, behaviour, emotions,

motives and imagery. CFT is based on an evolutionary-neuroscience approach. It
was developed with and for people who have chronic and complex mental-health
problems linked to shame and self-criticism, and who often come from difficult
(e.g., neglectful or abusive) backgrounds (Gilbert, 2010). According to Gilbert
(2010) people have “threat mind” if their threat-protection system is active. This
will influence their feelings and motives, what they attend to, what they think about
and how they think about it, their behavior, their images and fantasies. In contrast, a
compassionate mind can organize their minds in different ways: compassionate
attention, compassionate thinking, compassionate behaviors, compassionate feel-
ings, compassionate motives and compassionate imagery and fantasies, that are
quite different from threat-focused ones. The goal is helping patients to move from
threat mind to compassion mind using different strategies such as: cognitive restruc-
turing, role playing, compassion focused imagery, mindfulness, behavioral experi-
ments, exposure, graded tasks, enactment of different selves, learning emotional
tolerance, learning to understand and to cope with emotional complexities and con-
flicts, making commitments for effort and practice, illuminating safety strategies,
and mentalizing forgiveness (Gilbert, 2010).
Preliminary findings suggest that this CFT has positive effects on patients with
eating disorders, panic attacks, obsessive compulsive disorder, body dysmorphic
disorder and depression (Gilbert & Irons, 2004). Pauley and McPherson’s investiga-
tion (2010) explored the meaning and experiences of compassion and self-
compassion for individuals with depression and anxiety. Participants reported that
they thought having compassion for themselves yielded meaning in their experi-
ences and was useful in helping with their depression or anxiety. Compassion
Focused Therapy for Eating Disorders (CFT-E) has been developed as a transdiag-
nostic approach to eating disorders, specifically to address affect regulation difficul-
ties, shame, self-directed hostility, and pride in eating disordered behaviors (Goss &
Allan, 2010). These results are indeed promising, considering the pervasiveness of
eating disorders. They all need to be further confirmed in future studies.
The integration of positive psychology in the psychotherapeutic room (see Chaps. 1

and 4 of this book) has raised wide variation in the response of clinical researchers
and practitioners, ranging from enthusiastic acceptance, wary openness, and vigor-
ous opposition. These issues appear to be particularly crucial when it comes to the
promotion of post-traumatic growth, forgiveness and wisdom, as a “positive treat-
ment” for trauma and interpersonal injuries (Coyne & Tennen, 2010). In fact,
explicitly addressing these issues in therapy may be therapeutic in its own right
because it permits open discussion, provides information about the patient and the
offense, and can lead to healing.
6.5 Conclusions and Therapeutic Recommendations 147
On the other hand, therapists must exercise caution when addressing forgiveness,
PTG and wisdom explicitly with their patients. Because these issues are normally
addressed in religious convictions, or in ethic and cultural norms (particularly in
Western cultures dominated by Christianity), broaching the topic in therapy might
invoke feelings of moral responsibility in some patients, or the sense of being pres-
sured or judged by their therapists. Patients who are struggling with the emotional
and relational aftermath of serious offenses, in fact, might perceive a moral failure
(i.e., “I should forgive and I am not able to; therefore there is something wrong with
me”). In worse case situations, not only might the therapeutic relationship be dam-
aged, but the patient might be further victimized as well (Murphy, 2002). Thus,
when deciding whether to explicitly address forgiveness, or PTG, or wisdom, thera-
pists should be particularly sensitive to patients cultural or religious framework, as
well as to their clinical status. At the same time, practitioners should always be
aware of their own moral and ethic concerns, and may require specific supervision
if these are in conflict with those of their patients.
The issue of a proper timing during the course of the therapy should also be con-
sidered. PTG, forgiveness and wisdom, as described in the previous pages, are dif-
ficult emotional/cognitive and motivation processes that require time to appear in
traumatized individuals. Thus, they should not be explicitly addressed at initial
phases of treatment, when patients are still overwhelmed by distress and symptoms,
to leave room for positive reactions to be triggered or even to be accepted. Conversely,
if a sense of growth and the motivation to forgive appear quite early in the course of
treatment, clinicians should be warned on their illusory nature. In fact, they may
serve as defense mechanisms (denial) and hamper any real process of healing from
the traumatic event (see Chaps. 2 and 5 for a more detailed description of possible
defense mechanisms associated with positivity).
Coyne and Tennen (2010) also questioned whether post traumatic growth is even
something that can be defined and promoted, given that people can’t really quantify
their own growth and even if they could, they couldn’t really identify how much to
attribute to their experience with trauma. Authors suggested that interventions based
on these assumptions are being developed on scant science. Indeed Tedeschi and
Calhoun (2004) warn on some points: for many trauma survivors PTG and distress
often coexist. Thus, it is important to focus on these positive issues not at the
expenses of the empathy for the pain and the suffering of trauma survivors: PTG is
neither universal nor inevitable, and clinicians should not give it for granted. Neither
should they expect trauma survivors to experience these positive reactions for con-
sidering them recovered. Similarly, some authors suggest that PTG, forgiveness and
wisdom may be end goals that patients reach late in therapy, or on their own after
therapy, or not at all (Wade, Johnson, & Meyer, 2008).
In any case, in clinical settings these issues should be explored considering
patients’ benefits in terms of emotional, relational and psychological well-being,
rather than from societal (or therapist’s) point of views.
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Chapter 7
Love, Empathy and Altruism, and Their
“Being deeply loved by someone gives you strength,

while loving someone deeply gives you courage.”
Lao Tzu
Abstract The focus of this chapter is on positive interpersonal relationships, from

couple to parenting, to therapeutic alliance and finally to altruism. The final mes-
sage is that from significant dual relationships (such as marriage and parenting) to
larger social interactions, it seems that human beings are capable of bonding
together and helping each other. More interestingly, these capacities are deeply
embedded in our brain, where specific circuits make us able to feel empathy and
sympathy for other human beings. Psychotherapy and healing settings could be
considered ideal places to observe and promote these phenomena. The majority of
clinical problems are in fact concerned with impairments in social functioning.
Psychologists, social workers, and practitioners could help their clients to develop
empathy, compassion, and altruism. This would improve their patients’ social func-
tioning and, in turn, this may trigger a process of maturation and growth, connected
to resilience and to a better recovery from their disorders. Importantly, these bene-
fits could be extended to therapists and clinicians as well, throughout the process of
vicarious resilience and vicarious growth.
7.1 Well-Being in Couples and Families
From a historical point of view, psychological research focused on the dark and
negative side of human behaviors, investigating problems, symptoms, negative
affectivity and neglecting resources and positivity (Ryff, 2014). This approach con-
cerned also close and intimate relationships.
Indeed, when studying close and intimate relationships, many studies have
examined how couples respond to each other’s misfortune, problems, or bad rela-
tional behaviors, but little is known about how partners respond to each other’s posi-
tive events, and how they share these positive events (Gable & Haidt 2005).
The importance of positive relationships is nowadays well established (Ryff,
1989, 2014). Ryff’s psychological well-being model postulates that the presence of

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1_7
156 7 Love, Empathy and Altruism, and Their Clinical Implications
positive relations with others may play a key role in promoting both psychological
and physical health (Ryff, 2014). Many Positive Psychology researchers
demonstrated that the most significant ingredients for living a completely satisfying
and even healthier life, are positive intimate relationships, and positive emotions
(Greenberg & Goldman, 2008; Reis & Aron, 2008). The exploration of how positive
relations and relational variables (satisfaction, intimacy, sexual desire, etc.) may
correlate to each other and how they influence and may be influenced by hedonic
and eudaimonic well-being represents an important new area of research. These
issues may help clinicians to develop specific tools for promoting happier and
healthier couples and family.
Married people seemed to be happier than those who are not married (Lucas &
Clark, 2006) but Stutzer and Freya (2006) found large differences in the benefits
from marriage between different kind of couples. For instance, research showed a
positive association between marital status and subjective well-being, but a recent
longitudinal study pointed out how happiness may drop after a childbirth.
Satisfaction appeared to be higher before couples have a child and when their chil-
dren leave home, because they are at lower risk of being involved in conflicts on
child management (Schulz, Cowan, & Cowan, 2006).
Considering personality, Shiota and Levenson (2007) found that greater overall
personality similarity (especially on conscientiousness and extraversion among
midlife and older sample) predicted more positive marital satisfaction trajectories.
A meta-analysis that included 19 samples with a total of 3848 participants (Malouff,
Thorsteinsson, Schutte, Bhullar, & Rooke, 2010) showed that low levels of neuroti-
cism, together with high levels of agreeableness, conscientiousness, and extraver-
sion correlated significantly with relationship satisfaction.
Happier couples were found to display peculiar belief systems and interactive
patterns (Carr, 2002; Gottman, Levenson, & Carstensen, 1993; Harvey & Wenzel,
2001) that were characterized by a positive combination of respect, acceptance,
dispositional attributions for positive behaviors (McNulty, James, O’Mara, &
Karney, 2008), and more positive than negative interactions (5 positive interactions
out of 1 negative ones). They also tended to focus argument on specific issues, to
rapidly repair breaches, to manage different male and female conversational styles
(problem focused versus emotion focused, respectively), and to address needs for
intimacy, power and forgiveness (Maio, Thomas, Fincham, & Carnelley, 2008).
These characteristics of positive couple functioning, derived from recent research in
positive psychology may have a crucial importance in complementing standard
intervention for repairing couple maladjustment, as described in the next sections of
the chapter.
7.1.1 Love Styles and Positive Relationships
Historically, many love theories and psychometric scales have been developed and
tested. They were based on different psychological approach (e.g., psychodynamic,
cognitive, systemic, etc.) and each of them focused on different aspects (Berscheid,
7.1 Well-Being in Couples and Families 157
1994; Clark & Mills, 1979; Kelley & Braiker, 1979; Rubin, 1970). Some of the most
well established ones may represent the epistemological basis upon which positive
psychologists have recently based and developed innovative strategies to promote
personal and couples optimal functioning and well-being (Lee, 1977; Sternberg,
1997).
A pivotal central model of love and couple positive functioning is the one formu-
lated by Stemberg. Sternberg’s Triangular Theory of Love (Sternberg, 1986, 1997)
conceived love as the result of the combinations of three components: intimacy,
passion, decision/commitment. They interact and can form a number of different
types of loving experiences. Although all of them are crucial aspects within a rela-
tionship, their importance can change in different relations and in different moments
and life stages. For instance, romantic love may result from the combination of
intimacy and passion, whereas the combination of intimacy and commitment
describes a companionate form of love. Importantly, a relationship characterized by
one component only is considered somewhat unsatisfactory and problematic.
Conversely, the balanced expression of all the three components represent an ideal
love relationship. This theory provided a comprehensive basis for understanding
many aspects of couple love.
Lee’s theory of love appeared to be one of the most accredited (Lee, 1977). He
described love in terms of personal “love styles”: Eros, Ludus, Storge, Pragma,
Mania, and Agape. Each of these styles is characterized by different ingredients
(respectively passion, fun, friendship and similar interests, practical support and
common goals, desire to hold one’s partner and to be unconditionally loved, altruis-
tic and selfless love).
Another important scientific approach to love was the one proposed by Susan
and Clyde Hendrick (1986, 1989). Based on Lee’s theory, they developed and vali-
dated the Love Attitude Scale, a 42 item self-report scale, which investigated the six
main love styles (Eros, Ludus, Storge, Pragma, Mania, Agape). Gender differences
in these love styles were documented. Accordingly, men appeared higher in Ludus,
and women in Storge, Pragma and Mania; Eros correlated to couples satisfaction
and this relation was not influenced by age, gender or sex (Hendrick & Hendrick,
1986). Hendrick and Hendrick (2002) found that love was more important than sex
in couples, but its lack was predictive of lower relational involvement. In a subse-
quent research, Hendrick and Hendrick (2002) observed a negative association
between neuroticism and relationship satisfaction, that for females was completely
mediated by possessive, dependent love (Mania and Agape Styles). Extraversion
and agreeableness, which correlated positively to Eros, positively associated with
relational satisfaction and intimacy, especially for males. Conscientiousness posi-
tively related to Eros, Storge, Pragma and intimacy for males and negatively to
Ludus.
Sprecher and Hendrick (2004) found positive correlations between individuals
who were higher in self-disclosure and higher levels of self-esteem, relational-
esteem (confidence with and intimate partner) and responsiveness. Self-disclosure
was also positively associated with relational satisfaction, love, and commitment.
With a longitudinal study, they found that a higher perception of partners’ self-
disclosure associated with lower risk of later breakups.
Thus, self-disclosure appeared to promote positive affects and to serve as a main-

tenance strategy. Mitchell et al. (2008) confirmed the importance of self-disclosure
and empathy for intimate feelings, but the way through which they influence inti-
macy differed according to gender. In particular, men’s disclosure and empathy pre-
dicted their personal feelings of intimacy, whereas women’s intimacy was predicted
by their partner’s disclosure and empathic responding.
These findings may provide clinician with a useful map to investigate love styles
and communication pattern in distressed couples during marital therapy.
7.1.2 Hedonic Well-Being and Marital Satisfaction
Based on Fredrickson’s Broaden and Build Model of Positive Emotions (Fredrickson,

1998; Fredrickson & Joiner, 2002), which suggested how positive emotions could
create coping resources and life satisfaction by building resilience, Gable found that
experiencing and sharing positive events with others was associated with increased
daily positive emotions, well-being and health, above and beyond the impact of the
positive events itself and other daily events (Gable, Reis, Impett, & Asher, 2004;
Ryff, 2014). Gable and colleagues focused on active and constructive responses to
intimate friends and partners’ positive events and good fortune, and called this pro-
cess as capitalization (Gable et al., 2004). This constructive capitalization was asso-
ciated with more commitment, relational satisfaction, love and less break-ups
compared to what happened when partners used to discuss about negative events
(Gable, Strachman, & Gonzaga, 2006). Since sharing positive events is generally
more pleasant and people prefer speaking about them, partners are supposed to bet-
ter memorize them and, as a matter of fact, their impact on their well-being is stron-
ger. An enthusiastic reaction to a positive event may enhance gratitude, trust, feel of
connection and encourage sharing more amusing and relaxing activities (Gable
et al., 2004). Men have been found to expect these kinds of responses regardless of
the importance of the events, whereas women only for meaningful events. In Gable’s
studies, capitalization resulted to be the unique variable that was able to distinguish
couple that remained together from those that separated.
Similarly, Gottman et al. (1993) documented that the expression of positive
affects during a conflict, as humor and glow, was the only variable that was able to
predict both couple stability and satisfaction 6 years after marriage. According to
Driver and Gottman (2004) the way through which couples respond to their daily
and ordinary moments may cumulatively contribute to marital satisfaction, creating
a foundation upon which the major, more memorable events unfold. This study was
in line with Fredrickson’s model of positive emotions (Fredrickson & Joiner, 2002)
that suggested how positive affect may be cultivated over time, thanks to a series of
enjoyable events. Thus, Driver and Gottman (2004) suggested adapting marital
interventions for improving daily life. Indeed, couples build intimacy through hun-
dreds of very ordinary moments in which they try to make emotional connections
and to improve their intimacy, satisfaction, and happiness.
7.1 Well-Being in Couples and Families 159
Gottman, Coan, Swanson, and Carrere (1998), Gottman and Levenson (1999)
investigated the possible predictors of divorce also. One of the most important is
represented by coping strategies used in dealing with problems. In particular,
through a 14-years longitudinal research, these authors created a two factor model,
which can predict the marriage’s length. The more critical periods for divorce
resulted after 7 years and after 14 years when sons are supposed to be adolescents
and the relational satisfaction between partners may collapse (Gottman & Levenson,
2002). Gottman identified two main dysfunctional affective strategies that couples
adopt to cope with conflicts: an emotionally disengaged strategy that is devoid of
positive affect (either during conflict or when discussing the events of the day) and
an attack-defend modality during arguments. Both of them resulted to be associated
with marital dissolution: the latter earlier in time, the former later in time. Belas
(2008) confirmed that the most common causes of divorce depend on an increased
distance and a reduced friendship between partners.
According to Gottman and Levenson (1999), elderly couples showed more posi-
tive affects and more ability to gain joy and pleasure from a larger number of argu-
ments. This greater positivity appeared to be associated with less somatic symptoms,
with lower irritability, and better health profiles (Levenson, Carstensen, & Gottman,
1994; Ryff, 2014).
7.1.3 Positive Parenting
In the framework of Positive Psychology, recent interventions based on the promo-

tion of positive emotions and positive communication styles appeared to be effica-
cious at promoting positive parenting roles and consequently, both parents’ and
children’s well-being. A robust body of investigation in fact, has evidenced that the
most important factors associated with children, youth and adults’ happiness are
some specific dimensions such as love, hope, and optimism experienced in their
families (Park, Peterson, & Seligman, 2005; Snyder & Lopez, 2007). Thus, treat-
ments aimed at fostering these issues resulted to be protective for both children and
parents’ well-being and to promote personal and interpersonal resources
(Bodenmann, Cina, Ledermann, & Sanders, 2008; Gottman & Levenson, 2002;
Schulz et al., 2006). These interventions are mainly based on psychoeducation and
focused on teaching parents the importance of cultivating well-being and positivity
inside the family. These aims are addressed by using constructive communication
style, by sharing and capitalizing on positive events and by successfully negotiating
conflicts and roles’ functioning. They were found to be helpful in vulnerable period
for the couple, such as during the perinatal phase, since they protected parents from
the possible decrease of marital satisfaction, and reduced their psychopathological
symptoms (Bodenmann et al., 2008; Gottman & Levenson, 2002; Schulz et al.,
2006).
Interventions focused on positive parenting and on promoting parental warmth
appeared to be effective also for buffering children from the detrimental effects of
harsh physical discipline, which appeared to be associated with later behavioral

problems (Stolk et al., 2008).
Furthermore, positive parenting interventions were able to help adolescents to
strengthen their identity maturation and psychological growth (Sanders, Kirby,
Tellegen, & Day, 2014).
In sum, positive psychology may provide a contribution through the stimulation
of resources and competencies of partners and parents, which could potentially
limit negative consequences of stressful events, such as miscarriage, abortion, sepa-
ration, divorce, relocation, economical crisis, diseases, disabilities and premature
death, among others.
7.2 Positive Psychology and Positive Couple Therapy
Many well-established and validated couple therapy approaches, such as Cognitive

Behavioral Therapy (Epstein, Baucom, & Rankin, 1993a; Fincham, Bradbury, &
Beach, 1990; Gottman et al., 1993; Margolin & Weiss, 1978), Emotion Focused
Therapy (Gottman et al., 1998; Johnson, 2007), Problem Centered Systems Therapy
of the Family (Bishop, Epstein, & Levin, 1978) have been found to effective in
treating couple and family distress, mainly by focusing on solving problems and
reducing symptoms.
An important exception from this medical model based on distress and dysfunc-
tion was represented by the McMaster Model of Family Functioning (MMFF;
Epstein, Baldwin, & Bishop, 1983). Indeed, it was developed in clinical settings,
with a twofold aim of assessing and enhancing positive dimensions and strengths of
family functioning, together with reducing family dysfunctional patterns (Epstein
et al., 1983). Clinicians should first identify the family functioning in the most
important domains (Problem Solving, Communication, Roles, Affective
Responsiveness, Affective Involvement, and Behavioral Control) and then help
family members to negotiate changes and improve these skills (Miller, Ryan,
Keitner, Bishop, & Epstein, 2000). Thus, this model was developed and applied in
psychiatric settings (mainly with depressed patients and their families), but it
included the evaluation and promotion of healthy family function as an ingredient
for recovery.
The dimensions of MMFF could be compared and integrated with many of those
of eudaimonic well-being (see Chap. 1 of this book). Problem solving and commu-
nication skills, the number and characteristics of playing specific roles, affective
communications and responsiveness, affective involvement, and behavioural con-
trol appear to mirror the interpersonal counterpart of the eudaimonic well-being
dimensions of environmental mastery, positive interpersonal relationships, auton-
omy, and purpose in life as illustrated in Table 7.1. For the promotion of an optimal
family functioning and individuals’ well-being, both these models and both their
dimensions should be considered as roadmaps and should be integrated in family
therapeutic protocols (see Table 7.1).
7.2 Positive Psychology and Positive Couple Therapy 161
Table 7.1 Positive family models

McMaster model of family Eudaimonic well-being
functioning model
Theoretical approach Systemic and cognitive-behavioural Eudaimonia, positive
relations
Dimension of family Problem solving Environmental mastery
functioning Behaviour control
Communication Positive relationships with
Affective responsiveness others
Affective involvement Purpose in life
Roles Autonomy
Therapy Problem-centered systems therapy CBT + well-being therapy
of the family
Similarly, Positive Psychology may provide strategies to strengthen couple and

family resilience. Indeed, at an individual level positive interventions may help indi-
viduals in recognizing and expressing their personal resources such as self-esteem,
environmental mastery, self-acceptance, hope, optimism and many other traits,
whereas at a relational level they may be useful for promoting emotional compre-
hension and expression, sympathetic, communication skills and reciprocal support
(Gable & Haidt, 2005; Gottman et al., 1998).
In this framework, de Fátima Perloiro, Neto, and Marujo (2009) aimed at enhanc-
ing optimal couple’s functioning using positive psychology concepts and strategies.
They developed a therapeutic protocol model characterized by specific ways of
questioning and specific time dimensions (past, present, future). Questions are
based on three concepts:
(a) Questions that introduce positive information (e.g. “What is your biggest
strength as a couple?”);
(b) Questions that induce the search for solutions (e.g. “What does your wife has to
do in order to make you happy?”);
(c) Questions that follow appreciative inquiry characteristics—being positive, pro-
vocative, applicable, collaborative and motivated to identify the best qualities of
the couple (e.g. “Tell me about a moment when you both felt you were an
exceptional couple”).
A specific focus on time dimensions is also included: the past, the present, and
the future of the relationship. Authors created a group of questions devoted to dif-
ferent time periods of the relationship, to explore and improve partners’ affiliation:
(a) considering past, the work could be centered on gratitude to help couple to feel
connected and thankful for their shared experiences (“Think about the moments
when you were dating: What are you proud of saying/doing at those moments?”;
“How these years as a couple made you grow as a person, even when experienc-
ing more troubled times?”);
(b) considering present, therapists could enhance couple’s savoring of positive

moments and maintaining an optimistic view of their current shared experi-
ences (following Seligman’s explanatory style research, as described in Chap. 5
of this book);
(c) when working on future, therapists could develop hope for the future of the
relationship (following Snyder’s model of hope, with its related concepts of
agency and pathways, as described in Chap. 5 of this book).
The model appeared to be clinically helpful for couples in promoting a more
positive communicative style focused on optimism and hope, but any controlled
trial is available, up to date.
Similarly, Balancho and Marujo (2006) developed a positive preventive program
in order to promote family’s well-being and happiness in Portugal. The program
used teleconferences and internet-chats with experts in order to get in touch with
each family from different countries and reduce problems in participation. This
project provided families with scheduled exercises aimed at developing individual,
relational and parental skills linked with happiness, optimism, hope, and creativity,
as much as at creating more pleasurable, positive, and efficacious emotional cli-
mates and communicational patterns within the family. Also children were involved
and provided with weekly happiness focused assignments. The preliminary results
confirmed the feasibility of this virtual training and these new technologies as a
frame for creative and innovative psychological interventions to collectively create
and increase happiness, positive emotions, and well-being directly in the family
context.
Based on previous systemic approach and positive psychology research, Conoley
and Conoley (2009) proposed a model of Positive Family Therapy. This approach
aimed at involving each family member in the construction of a new family context
in which everyone can recognize and accept a responsibility for himself/herself and
for his/her family’s success. The family unit, whatever it is, may progressively cre-
ate and transmit a “shared culture” that shapes and changes single individuals. This
shared knowledge, which is made of shared culture, talents, enjoyed activities, is the
family’s strength, that may play a crucial role in promoting family’s growth. During
the sessions, family members are asked to contribute and remind that they may
always make a difference in the family’s development, recognizing, and applying
their strengths. Families’ goals are common: they should provide nurturing environ-
ments, communicate and preserve values and virtues, and help each family member
to reach an optimal level of personal attainment. When family members behave
according to these common goals, improvements begin to appear. Statements with
positive thoughts, positive behaviors, or expression of positive feelings are accentu-
ated through restatement, deeper questioning, or thanks to the involvement of other
family’s members. Negative thoughts, feelings, or behaviors are noted but not cel-
ebrated and rewarded, and, finally they are actively avoided. During sessions part-
ners are encouraged to plan and pursue goal-oriented actions. Each person should
have a role in the goal-oriented actions, have some benefits and have to monitor the
process and the outcome. According to this protocol, the change is promoted by
7.3 Empathy in the Psychotherapy Room (Vicarious PTG, and Clinicians’ Well-Being) 163
building new goals, using new skills and positive feelings. Harm, blame, and useless
discussions are in general minimized by actively interrupting and structuring the
process (Conoley & Conoley, 2009). The outcome of a successful Positive Family
Therapy should be the feeling of happiness of every member of the family (Conoley
& Conoley, 2009).
More recently, Worthington et al. (2015) compared two positive interventions for
early married couples: one was focused on positive communication and effective
problem solving (HOPE), another one on forgiveness and reconciliation with empa-
thy (FREE). The former HOPE (= Handling Our Problems Effectively) integrated
behavioral techniques with problem-focused family therapy and solution-focused
therapy and was delivered for a total of 9 h. In this protocol married couple were
first assessed in their standard communication styles and problem resolution skills.
Then, with a preventive purpose, they were explained that it is better to learn strong
communication and conflict resolution skills early in the marriage. This would
maintain the marriage satisfaction higher and would prevent serious and long last-
ing discussions later in time. At the end of the protocol, couple received a clinical
report with assessment data and recommendations for improving their marriage
(Worthington et al., 2015). The second protocol (FREE), combined forgiveness and
reconciliation with the dimension of empathy (see next paragraph of this chapter).
Participants were explained that forgiveness is a vital ingredient for happy mar-
riages and they were taught to forgive using the five steps to the REACH Forgiveness
(described in Chap. 6 of this book). Each Partner practiced using a past event, and
then applied the method to the transgressions in their current marriage. Also in this
case the protocol had a duration of 9 h. Both FREE and HOPE programs produced
lasting positive changes in communication styles, and in empathy. They also mod-
erately reduced cortisol reactivity, as indicator of stress within the marriage. Thus,
as described in Chap. 6 of this book, when individuals are trained to forgive their
partners through their empathic understanding, they trigger benefits both at inter-
personal (couple) and at subjective levels.
Other important findings concerning empathy are described in the following
sections.
7.3 E
mpathy in the Psychotherapy Room (Vicarious PTG,
and Clinicians’ Well-Being)
7.3.1 Empathy
As described in the previous lines, human relationships are often built on the capac-
ity to understand and match another person’s emotions. This is one of the definitions
given to “empathy”. It has been defined also “as accurately perceiving the internal
frame of reference of another” (Gold & Rogers, 1995, p. 79), and includes affective
and cognitive components (Zahn-Waxler & Radke-Yarrow, 1990). The former
refers to the concept of empathic emotions also known as emotional contagion (i.e.,
perception of other’s welfare and internal state and/or feeling as another person
feels). The cognitive component of empathy refers to the accurately imagining or
intuiting how another person would feel in a specific situation (intellectual empa-
thy) (Batson, Ahmad, & Lishner, 2002). Both components are considered essential
ingredients in intimate relationships, as well as in developing therapeutic alliance in
clinical settings.
As a matter of fact, empathy was found to be strongly associated to attachment,
and this was recently confirmed by findings in the neuroscience. They documented
specific brain circuits activated during social interactions. These circuits include the
mirror neurons as well as the anterior insula, dorsal anterior cingulate cortex, the
anterior midcingulate cortex, supplementary motor area, amygdala, brainstem pre-
optic area of the thalamus, and periaqueductal gray matter (Coutinho, Silva, &
Decety, 2014), suggesting that empathy and the capacity of building significant
social interactions are widely embedded in human brains. Further, it emerged that
empathic people may manifest an increased level of autonomic arousal that tends to
mirror the other person’s internal state (synchrony in autonomic response), that
could be considered a physiological component of empathy.
Coutinho et al. (2014) suggested that these biological correlates of empathy may
entail important implications in the psychotherapy room. First of all, the majority of
psychological disorders are characterized by impairments or distortions in social
functioning and empathic capacities (i.e., depression, social phobia, paranoia,
autism, antisocial and narcissistic personality disorders). Thus, in order to address
these clinical phenomena, the therapeutic relationship should correct these impair-
ments through the empathic process. In the clinical settings it may change the thera-
pist and the clients’ mind set, via activation of the mentioned brain circuits and
related physiological arousal (Coutinho et al., 2014).
Apart from these recent discoveries, as early as 1954, Rogers and Dymond
(1954) considered empathy to be one of the several “necessary and sufficient condi-
tions” of psychotherapeutic change and defined it as: “to sense the client’s private
world as if it were your own, but without ever losing the ‘as if’ quality”. Together
with therapist’s congruence and unconditional positive regard for the client, empa-
thy is considered a core ingredient of the person-centered approach. Empathy, in
fact, is central in the therapeutic work since it allows the understanding of the cli-
ent’s frame of reference, and consequently, his/her behavior. According to Rogers
and Dymond (1954) all psychotherapies could be considered effective if the neces-
sary and sufficient conditions are met. More recently, Joseph (2015) articulated this
concept and suggested that psychotherapists’ training should devote more attention
to their personal attitude, to their ability to listen and understand empathically other
people, rather than focusing on specific techniques for addressing symptoms.
According to this perspective, essential to the good outcome of interventions, are
the therapist’s qualities in terms of empathy and congruence, rather that his/her own
technical education (Joseph, 2015, p. 61). Similarly, the three core conditions of the
person centered approach (congruence, unconditional positive regard of the client
and empathy) have been considered essential characteristic of the virtuous therapist,
according to a neo-Aristotelian concept of virtue (Robbins, 2015). In fact, when

empathy is associated with the other core conditions, a positive setting for interper-
sonal healing could be created.
Even outside the person-centered approach, a converging line of research in the
psychotherapy domains confirmed empathy as one of key ingredients of treatment
efficacy (Wampold & Imel, 2015). In fact, more empathic therapists were found to
develop a stronger alliance with their patients, and resulted to be more effective in
triggering improvements in their clients, compared to less empathic therapists
(Moyers & Miller, 2013; Watson, Steckley, & McMullen, 2014). Empathic counsel-
ors were also perceived as more competent by their patients (MacFarlane, Anderson,
& McClintock, 2015).
Coutinho et al. (2014) recently reviewed the concept of empathy in the counsel-
ing domains, and considered it a “dynamic process by which one infers the affective
state of another person and experience a similar state in ourselves, while at the same
time keeping a distinction between the self and the other”. They described empathic
bottom-up components, linked to the emotional contagion between therapist and
patient’s distress, but also top-down components, related to the process of thera-
pist’s mentalization and the ability to self-regulate his/her own emotions. Considering
the biological correlates of empathy described before, Coutinho et al. (2014) also
underlined the physiological and cognitive costs that clinicians pay as a result of
being empathic, and suggested several strategies to deal with these costs (for
instance, a proper clinical supervision, the use of mindful techniques to down regu-
late therapist’s stress autonomic response, devoting time and attention to clinician’s
well-being etc.).
However, recent research deriving from positive psychology domain, suggested
a shift of perspective in investigating empathy in therapeutic settings. First of all,
Conoley et al. (2015) described a positive form of empathy (Positive empathy) and
suggested that it may be even more powerful in determining patients’ positive out-
comes. While traditional empathy focuses on negative or difficult emotions shared
by therapists and clients, positive empathy focuses on the message of desire hidden
within a client’s communication, and is hypothesized to facilitate the client’s experi-
ence of positive emotions, the identification of significant goals and the identifica-
tion of personal strengths. The Authors compared the effect of traditional versus
positive empathy and found out that both were associated with the same amount of
empathic understanding, but the latter triggered more positive emotions and stimu-
lated more statements of approach goals and strengths in clients. Even if these find-
ings are preliminary, they introduce a new therapeutic ingredient, worth of further
inquiries.
However, it could be hypothesized that the process of positive empathy could be
directly related to other positive dynamics associated to health care professions ,
such as those described in the next paragraphs. They all deal with the benefits of
sharing meaningful relationships. Thus, traditional empathy is an essential compo-
nent of helping relationships, but it could expose practitioners to negative feelings,
mental and physical exhaustion. Conversely, a new perspective, deriving from posi-
tive psychology, has opened new trajectories that connect empathy to positive
Empathy
(sharing negative or difficult emotions

with someone)
Empathy and
Empathy- Positive
based guilt Vicarious PTG Empathy
Vicarious trauma Vicarious
(distress and Resilience
guilt resulting
(sharing
from the Compassion Compassion positive
belief of being
fatigue satisfaction emotions,
responsible
goals, and
for other’s
personal
misfortune
resources)
and/or for its Burn-out
resolution) Shared resilience
syndrome
Fig. 7.1 Empathy, its nuances and its consequences (positive and potentially negative)
o utcomes in the therapists as well, such as vicarious growth, resilience and compas-
sion satisfaction. The process is described in Fig. 7.1 and in the subsequent
paragraphs.
7.3.2 Vicarious PTG and Vicarious Resilience
A second shift introduced by positive psychology research in the therapist’s empa-

thy literature concerns the concepts of vicarious post-traumatic growth (V-PTG),
vicarious resilience and compassion satisfaction. They can be conceptualized as
processes of psychological growth and maturation derived from an indirect expo-
sure to traumatic events and narratives.
Vicarious PTG was originally manifested in individuals employed in helping
professions, such as those working in the mental health field (Herman, 1995). It can
be viewed as a juxtaposition to the conditions of burnout (Maslach & Goldberg,
1999), compassion fatigue (Figley, 2002), and vicarious trauma (Pearlman &
Saakvitne, 1995) often reported in health care professions. Herman (1995) reported
that clinicians indirectly exposed to trauma narratives developed a better under-
standing of themselves and others, more compassion, new relationships and more
appreciation of life. Similarly, Arnold, Calhoun, Tedeschi, and Cann (2005) found
that, as a result of their work with trauma survivors, clinicians presented gains in
sensitivity, compassion, insight, tolerance, empathy, and interpersonal relation-
ships. Other qualitative investigations described in the following pages documented
how the empathic skills of clinicians working with traumatized individuals lead
therapists to experience psychological distress, ruminations, and intrusions, but,

thanks to their metacognitive abilities (Coutinho et al., 2014), they finally developed
growth and maturation in the same area reported by traumatized patients (see Chap.
6 of this book).
However, Cohen and Collens (2012) criticized the lack of theoretical models
explaining how the phenomenon of vicarious PTG occurs. In attempts to provide
such explanation, Hyatt-Burkhart (2014) interviewed 12 mental health individuals
working with traumatized children and adolescents. They all reported some level of
personal growth as a result of being exposed to the post-traumatic growth of chil-
dren. In particular, participants became more open-minded, more tolerant, and more
flexible (change in self-perception), they tended to make comparison between their
own lives and those of the children and their families (change in life philosophy),
resulting in an higher appreciation for their life. However, the authors reported that
these benefits were reported by mental health workers only when directly asked by
the interviewer, suggesting a negative bias still dominant in the clinical work.
Similarly, another qualitative study (Silveira & Boyer, 2015) investigated coun-
selors who work with child and youth victims of interpersonal trauma and indicated
that they experienced an increased sense of hope and optimism, and were inspired
by the strengths of their young clients for developing their own resilience. Authors
described the phenomenon of vicarious resilience and its role in the counseling set-
ting. This term was coined by Hernandez, Gangsei, and Engstrom (2007), to
describe resilience occurring in therapists as a common and natural phenomenon
resulting from their work with trauma survivors. It is a term that refers to positive
meaning making, growth, and transformation in the therapist’s experience, which
results from exposure to clients’ resilience in the course of therapeutic processes.
Vicarious resilience can be manifested by a variety of behaviors such as (1) reflect-
ing on human beings’ capacity to heal, (2) reaffirming the value of therapy, (3)
regaining hope, (4) reassessing the dimensions of one’s own problems, (5) under-
standing and valuing spiritual dimensions of healing, (6) discovering the power of
community healing, and (7) making the professional and lay public aware of the
impact and multiple dimensions of violence (Hernandez et al., 2007).
Another similar phenomenon has been labeled as compassion satisfaction, a
term coined by Figley (2002), to illustrate pleasure, or professional satisfaction that
results from helping others as opposed to compassion fatigue. According to Figley
and Stamm (1996), compassion satisfaction is affected by internal motivational fac-
tors (i.e., self-efficacy) as well as by external factors (i.e., environmental working
demands) and by direct feedback from supervisors and colleagues. Recently, it was
documented that compassion satisfaction in trauma counselors was related to the
experience of positive emotions (in line with the broaden and build theory of posi-
tive emotions, see Chap. 1 of this book) and was partially mediated by positive
reframing (Samios, Abel, & Rodzik, 2013). Accordingly, compassion satisfaction
might play a protective role for therapists’ well-being by strengthening their sense
of worthiness. Further, it may paradoxically contribute to preserve optimism and a
profound belief in the good of humanity, as opposed to cynicism and despair com-
monly reported in burn out syndrome.
These positive dimensions have been observed also in other clinical context,
such as oncological settings. A qualitative study (Vishnevsky, Quinlan, Kilmer,
Cann, & Danhauer, 2015) examined whether oncology nurses experienced personal
growth and wisdom as a result of caring for patients. All 30 nurses that were inter-
viewed cited at least one example of growth and wisdom (see Chap. 6 of this book).
The former included appreciation of life, new perspective on life, relating to others,
spiritual/religious growth, and personal strength. The latter varied from benevo-
lence to altruistic attitudes toward patients and the community. The Authors con-
cluded that nurses developed personal growth, wisdom, and benevolence as a result
of the emotional connections formed with patients and the subsequent struggle to
cope with their loss.
Finally, some Authors (Nuttman-Shwartz, 2014) recently proposed a new con-
cept, that includes a variety of positive effects deriving from exposure to traumatic
events in helping professions: “shared resilience in a traumatic reality” (SRTR). It
refers to the perception of shared traumatic situations and the ability of trauma
workers to cope, to show resilience, and to grow as a result of the mutual relation-
ship with their clients. The Authors reviewed many concepts referring to the posi-
tive effects of working with trauma survivors on therapists, and underlined the
importance of empathic mutual aid relationships, which are basic components for
promoting resilience in a shared traumatic reality. Among others, they describe the
concepts of altruism and cooperation, as described below.
7.4 Altruism and Altruism Born of Suffering
7.4.1 Altruism: Lights and Shadows
Altruism can be considered a positive personality trait (Petersen & Seligman, 2004),
associated with positive functioning and positive emotions. According to the posi-
tive psychology perspective, prosocial behaviors are considered indicators of good
interpersonal functioning and contributors to social integration and social well-
being (Keyes, 1998), as well as external manifestations of character’s strengths and
virtues (Peterson & Seligman 2004).
However, the debate on the real “positive nature of altruism” has a long tradition
in psychological and social sciences. Even though such debate falls outside the
scope of this chapter, it is worth mentioning that some theories consider altruism as
a form of self-benefitting, or benefitting one group at the expenses of another (paro-
chial altruism) (Lucas & Wagner, 2005). Thus, such theories question the real posi-
tive motivations under the altruistic behaviors.
In the medical settings as well, altruism and altruistic behaviors, such as organ,
tissues and blood donation, are considered with caution, or even with skepticism.
Blood donation, for instance, has been categorized as an act of benevolence, rather,
than “pure” altruism (Ferguson, Farrell, & Lawrence, 2008), since blood donors
7.4 Altruism and Altruism Born of Suffering 169
may receive several benefits in terms of health monitoring and personal self-efficacy
as direct feedback from the act of donation. Similarly, living donors are carefully
screened for mental health problems before the medical team gives its consent to
accept their organs. While this caution is absolutely necessary in order to protect
prospective donors and recipients, this attitude indeed represents a negative bias
characterizing the consideration of human nature in medical settings.
Also in mental health settings altruism has received a negative connotation, and
was labeled as pathological altruism. It could be observed in many forms of psy-
chopathology, such as depression, obsessive compulsive disorders and PTSD
(Oakley, Knafo, Madhavan, & Wilson, 2012; Widiger & Presnall, 2012). Pathological
altruism derives from the empathic-based guilt mechanism, which drives human
beings at acting altruistically when witnessing distress in others. In fact, in some
cases empathy-based guilt may become excessive, with unrealistic perspectives:
individuals may erroneously believe they caused the distress, and/or that they will
be able to relieve it (Tone & Tully, 2014). Altruism then becomes pathological
because based on these false beliefs, individuals may engage in pathological acts of
altruism, failing to help, or even harming the person in distress as well as them-
selves (Oakley et al., 2012). This mechanism is triggered by a rigid, overdriven
moral system, that produces an unrealistic judgment of the self, considered respon-
sible for the suffering of others. An extreme example of this pathological altruism,
observed in psychiatric settings is the depressed patient that thinks that by commit-
ting suicide he/she could substantially improve the lives of those around him/her.
Another example comes from clinical experience with PTSD patients and trauma
survivors, that overtly inhibit their own healthy goal-seeking, or their path toward
resilience because they are overwhelmed by survivor guilt. However, some other
survivors with well-developed skills in affect regulation are able to experience sur-
vivor guilt without it resulting in a compulsion to act altruistically. They are able to
process their empathic response to someone else’s suffering in a conscious way, and
are therefore able to successfully regulate the intensity and cognitive assessment of
the feeling/behavior. The nuances of altruism, from beneficial effects to these nega-
tive forms of altruism are described in Fig. 7.2.
Individuals with some personality characteristics, such as extroversion and nar-
cissism are considered less at risk of developing empathy-based guilt and pathologi-
cal altruism. However, other authors have found other relationships between
altruism and personality disorders (Widiger & Presnall, 2012). For instance, even
though the trait of altruism is generally conceived as positive, when it becomes
rigid, maladaptive and inflexible, it could turn into self-sacrificing selflessness, with
severe debilitating consequences, such as victimization and abuse. This is often the
case of depend—personality disorder patients, characterized by self-sacrifice and
pathological altruism. Apart from DSM classification, Costa and McCrae (1985,
p. 87) had suggested that “agreeableness can also assume a pathological form, in
which it is usually seen as dependency” (p. 12).
Although the nuances of personality and well-being are described in Chap. 3 of
this book, according to the majority of personality theories, altruism is a personality
attribute characterized by doing good actions such as giving and benefiting others
Witnessing others'
distress and/or
experiencing
personal adversities
Emotion/behavior
Empathy
regulation
Altruisim born of
Pathological Altruism Altruism
suffering
Fig. 7.2 Altruism, its nuances and consequences
without the expectation of personal gain (Ashton, Paunonen, Helmes, & Jackson,
1998; Midlarsky & Kahana, 1994). Accordingly, it can be defined in terms of its
underlying motivations or in terms of its behavioral characteristics (Baumann,
Cialdini, & Kendrick, 1981; Mikulincer, Shaver, Gillath, & Nitzberg, 2005; Rushton,
1980). Rushton (1980) considered altruism as a positive attribute of personality, and
emphasized the behavioral component, whereas “empathy” and “moral judgment”
were considered its main motivations. Although Rushton’ model of altruism raised
some criticism, particularly in its genetic underpinnings (Rushton, 1989), altruism
has been linked to interpersonal attitudes and emotions, such as empathy (Batson,
Bolen, Cross, & Neuringer-Benefiel, 1986; Batson & Shaw, 1991; Caprara et al.,
2012; Graziano, Bruce, Sheese, & Tobin, 2007; Tobin, Graziano, Vanman, &
Tassinary, 2000).
Also, individual differences in traits, values, and beliefs are supposed to be
important correlates of altruistic and prosocial behaviors (Alessandri, Caprara,
Eisenberg, & Steca, 2009; Caprara, Alessandri, Di Giunta, Panerai, & Eisenberg,
2010; Caprara et al., 2012; Graziano et al., 2007; Tobin et al., 2000). Some authors
have studied the Five-Factor Model of the personality structure in relation to kin
altruism (acting in order to benefit a genetic relative’s chance of survival or repro-
duction at some cost to one own chances) and to reciprocal altruism (acting in such
a way that someone else is benefited at some expense to oneself) (Ashton et al.,
1998). While traits such as empathy and attachment mainly facilitate kin altruism,
traits such as forgiveness and non-retaliation mainly favor reciprocal altruism, con-
firming the independence of the two types of altruism and their different personality
correlates.
Another key dimension in the modulation of altruism is oxytocin, a neuropeptide
produced in the hypothalamus and released during significant social interactions,
such as breast-feeding, sexual intercourse, and cuddle. In an interesting experiment,
it was found that oxytocin promoted both in-group trust and cooperation, and
7.4 Altruism and Altruism Born of Suffering 171
d efensive (but not offensive) aggression toward competing out-groups (De Dreu,
Greer, Van Kleef, Shalvi, & Handgraaf, 2011) (see Chap. 2 for further details on
biological underpinning of well-being).
7.4.2 Altruism Born of Suffering
Recently, Vollhardt et al. (Vollhardt & Staub, 2011; Vollhardt, 2009) proposed a
model that indeed link altruism, empathy, forgiveness and a sense of personal matu-
ration and growth. Authors observed that individuals who survived traumatic events,
or experienced some forms of physical or psychological sufferance, manifested
more prosocial behaviors and were found to be highly altruistic. Authors coined the
term “altruism born of suffering” and suggested that it could constitute a pathway to
develop post-traumatic growth and resilience. The authors put empathy and the
experience of suffering as key dimensions linked to subsequent altruistic behaviors.
The stressful event activates a more empathic understanding of other people distress
and the need to prevent any future form of similar suffering. Thus, traumatized indi-
viduals develop a feeling of personal responsibility for other’s welfare and conse-
quently they engage in more prosocial behaviors. This, in turn, gives traumatized
individuals a stronger sense of self (self-efficacy) and a more positive view of the
world, which could be transformed in a process of maturation and perceived per-
sonal growth. Importantly, Vollhardt (2009) underlines that, in order to be fostered,
altruism born of suffering needs traumatized individuals to be healed by therapy
(individual counseling or group therapy). Through the therapeutic process trauma
patients could reduce their feeling of vulnerability, identify themselves with their
helpers, rather than with the aggressors, and could maintain a positive view of
human beings. Thus, once their basic needs are addressed and healed by therapists
and other clinical workers, suffering individuals may manifest their need for tran-
scendence, (i.e., the need to go beyond themselves), which could be fulfilled by
altruistic behaviors. This creates a virtual circle of positive interpersonal relation-
ships, where love, compassion, empathy, and forgiveness are manifested.
Similarly, an important study found that a psychological training on compassion
(based on mindfulness techniques) triggered specific modifications in the brain in
those regions implicated in social cognition and emotion regulation (i.e., the inferior
parietal cortex and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex), and triggered subsequent increase
in pro-social behaviors by individuals who underwent such training (Weng et al.,
2013). These results suggest that compassion can be cultivated with specific training
and that greater altruistic behaviors may emerge from increased engagement of neu-
ral systems implicated in understanding the suffering of other people (see Chap. 6
for a more detailed description of Compassion Therapy).
Finally, confirming the hypothesis of altruism born of suffering, other authors
have suggested that the underlying facilitating mechanism is a redemptive narra-
tive, wherein the tragedy experienced is framed as leading to the prosocial behavior
in question, and this mechanism sustains this prosocial shift. Constructing such a
narrative infuses the resulting behavioral pattern with a sense of meaning and pur-
pose (Dunlop, Walker, & Wiens, 2015). These issues will be better described in the
following chapter (see Chap. 8 of this book).
If the focus of Chap. 6 were forgiveness, wisdom, and PTG, resulting from dealing
with negative events and interpersonal transgressions, the focus of current chapter
was entirely on positive interpersonal relationships, from couple to parenting, to
therapeutic alliance and finally to altruism. The final message is that from signifi-
cant dual relationships (such as marriage and parenting) to larger social interactions,
it seems that human beings are capable of bonding together and helping each other.
More interestingly, these capacities are deeply embedded in our brain, where spe-
cific circuits make us able to feel empathy and sympathy for other human beings.
These interpersonal bonds are a direct source of well-being, satisfaction, and sup-
port. Further, the literature examined here suggests that the direct or indirect sharing
of suffering leads individual to be even more concerned for other people’s welfare,
and, in turns, this triggers a process of personal maturation and growth.
These observations provide confirmation to the positive view of human beings,
entailed by positive psychology perspective. However, they also have important
clinical implications. First of all, psychotherapy and healing settings could be con-
sidered ideal places to observe and promote these phenomena. The majority of
clinical problems are in fact concerned with impairments in social functioning.
Psychologists, social workers, and practitioners could directly help their clients to
develop empathy, compassion, and altruism, or to modulate these dimensions when
they become detrimental to the individuals, as described in Fig. 7.2. Traditional
clinical interventions, in fact, address issues such as sense of guilt, remorse, rumina-
tion and perception of victimhood. The integration of positive nuances of empathy,
altruism and positive communication styles (as described in this chapter) may guide
clients toward a more substantial understanding of these issues and their importance
in human relationships. This clinical ingredient may improve clients’ social func-
tioning and, in turn, this may trigger a process of maturation and growth, connected
to resilience and a better recovery from their disorders.
Finally, psychologists, social workers and counselors may derive direct source of
maturation, wisdom, and well-being by listening to and accompanying their clients
in their process of healing. Thus, if burn out syndrome and personal exhaustion are
sometimes the price to pay in helping professions, maturation, growth, and shared
resilience are indeed the most rewarding awards.
References 173
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Chapter 8
Gratitude, Spirituality and Meaning: Their
“The function of prayer is not to influence God,

but rather to change the nature of the one who prays.”
Søren Kierkegaard
Abstract This chapter reports the most recent findings of scientific literature con-
cerning gratitude, spirituality, and meaning and their possible applications in clini-
cal settings. Although these dimensions were found to be protective for individuals’
physical and mental health, they sometimes showed controversial and paradoxical
effects. Finally, this chapter briefly describes some of the most recent psychothera-
peutic interventions that are based on the above-mentioned transcendental aspects
of human functioning and are focused on the importance of the mind-body connec-
tions. Among them, Mindfulness Based Cognitive Therapy, Mindfulness Based
Stress Reduction, Acceptance and Commitment Therapy, Meaning-Making
Intervention, Naikan Therapy and narrative strategies based on positive psychology
research are illustrated.
8.1 T
heories and Research on Gratitude, Spirituality
and Meaning
8.1.1 Gratitude in Clinical Practice
Gratitude derives from the Latin Gratia that refers to kindness, generousness, the
beauty of giving and receiving. In current psychological literature, it has been
considered:
(a) As a psychological state: it is a pleasant state related also to contentment, hap-
piness, pride, hope, a sense of wonder, thankfulness, and appreciation for life.
It can be expressed toward others, as well as toward impersonal (nature) or
nonhuman sources (God, animals).
(b) As a personality disposition to notice, appreciate and respond with grateful
emotions and thankfulness to other people’s acts of benevolence and kindness
(McCullough, Emmons, & Tsang, 2002). Within this perspective, when assessed

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1_8
180 8 Gratitude, Spirituality and Meaning: Their Clinical Implications
in combination with the Big Five personality traits, it resulted to be correlated

to extraversion/positive affectivity, neuroticism/negative affectivity, and
agreeableness. It was also found to display negative correlations with narcis-
sism (Wood, Joseph, & Maltby, 2009).
In clinical psychology, one of the pioneer contributors to the study of gratitude
was Maslow, who believed that the ability to express and experience gratitude was
essential for psychological health. He considered gratitude as a central part of indi-
vidual’s self-actualization (Maslow, 1950).
Positive psychology research devoted much attention to the investigation of grat-
itude. First of all it was shown that people who are more consciously grateful lead
lives that are more fulfilling, meaningful, and productive (Park, Peterson, &
Seligman, 2004). In a study on September 11 terrorist attack Fredrickson, Tugade,
Waugh, and Larkin (2003) found that gratitude, considered as a positive emotion,
(Fredrickson, 1998) together with interest and love, was the most reported positive
emotion by traumatized people. It was positively related to resilience and growth
and negatively related to depressive symptoms (Fredrickson et al., 2003).
As a dispositional trait, gratitude may represent a common ingredient of resil-
ience and post-traumatic growth (PTG). Kashdan, Uswatte, and Julian (2006), com-
paring Veterans combats with and without Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD),
found that those with PTSD exhibited significantly lower dispositional gratitude. In
the PTSD group only, gratitude was associated with higher levels of hedonic and
eudaimonic well-being over and above effects attributable to PTSD severity and
negative and positive affect. These findings were further confirmed in a sample from
the general population, where gratitude predicted psychological well-being, dis-
playing small associations with autonomy, and medium to large associations with
environmental mastery, personal growth, positive relationships, purpose in life, and
self-acceptance (Sergeant & Mongrain, 2011; Wood et al., 2009).
Gratitude was also found to be directly linked to physical well-being. For
instance, Ruini and Vescovelli (2013) found that breast cancer survivors with higher
levels of gratitude manifested less psychological distress and somatisation and more
PTG compared to survivors with impaired levels of gratitude. Importantly, in this
research gratitude was not linked to eudaimonic well-being dimensions, probably
because of the peculiarities of the selected population, as opposed to findings con-
cerning general populations or college students (Park et al., 2004; Wood et al.,
2009).
In the large majority of investigations, in fact, it emerged that perceiving and
being thankful for the positivity in the self and in the world could promote eudai-
monic well-being and a sense of a more meaningful life and could strengthen tran-
scendental aspects, such as religiosity and spirituality (Emmons & Crumpler, 2000).
8.1 Theories and Research on Gratitude, Spirituality and Meaning 181
8.1.2 S
pirituality, Transcendence and Meaning in Clinical
Practice
Spirituality, on the other hand, can be conceptualized as “the search for the sacred”,
encompassing not only God’s power, but also other manifestations of the Divine and
His qualities in ordinary life. They can be perceived through individual subjective
experiences including intuitions and fantasies (Pargament, Mahoney, & Exline,
2013). Some authors described spirituality under the virtue category of
Transcendence, a strength that provides a broad sense of connection to something
higher in meaning and purpose than ourselves (Peterson & Seligman, 2004) (see
Chap. 3 for a detailed description of Character’s Strengths). Spirituality may be an
important existential resource, an identity component, which concerns a concrete
way of being in the world and implies the ability to accept and negotiate with the
unsolvable mystery in life (Gall, Malette, & Guirguis-Younger, 2011).
In the past few decades the interest for spirituality that in this chapter will be
considered interchangeably with the term religion (Spirituality/Religion-S/R), arose
consistently thanks to the common recognition of their influence on mental and
physical health. S/R can positively influence human health through multileveled
pathways. These pathways pertain to three main areas:
• psychological domain: the use of adaptive coping strategies, better emotional
regulation, reappraisal of life events, promotion of meaning processes and pur-
pose of life, internal locus of control;
• social domain: the development of socially oriented human virtues, a higher
exchange of information about health, the promotion of healthy behaviors, the
empowerment of social connectedness and support;
• biological domain: the impact on functional interactions among hypothalamus-
pituitary-adrenal axis, central nervous system, endocrine system, autonomic ner-
vous system and immune system (Aldwin, Park, Jeon, & Nath, 2014; Baetz &
Toews, 2009; Koenig, 2012; Seybold, 2007).
According to a growing body of literature, in fact, spirituality might be a per-
sonal resource to be used to cope with several medical diseases. Spiritual beliefs
resulted to improve hospitalized and chronic patients’ coping skills and manage-
ment of their suffering, to reduce disease severity and to protect patients from nega-
tive affectivity (Anema, Johnson, Zeller, Fogg, & Zetterlund, 2009; Ballew,
Hannum, Gaines, Marx, & Parrish, 2012; Delgado, 2007; Glover-Graf, Marini,
Baker, & Buck, 2007; Hollywell & Walker, 2009; Jafari, Farajzadegan, Loghmani,
Majlesi, & Jafari, 2014; Koenig, George, & Titus, 2004; Lucchetti, Almeida, &
Granero, 2010; Lynch, Hernandez-Tejada, Strom, & Egede, 2012; McCauley,
Tarpley, Haaz, & Bartlett, 2008; Peirano & Franz, 2012; Pizutti, Taborda, &
Tourinho, 2012; Rashiq & Dick, 2009; Rippentrop, Altmaier, Chen, Found, &
Keffala, 2005).
In neurological diseases, spirituality was found to promote quality of life and
adaptive coping strategies among patients living with epilepsy (Giovagnoli,
Meneses, & Da Silva, 2006; Tedrus, Fonseca, Magri, & Mendes, 2013). Among
traumatic brain injured patients, well-being, distress and functional outcomes were
predicted by the spiritual connection with a Higher Power (Waldron-Perrine et al.,
2011). Spiritual faith and practices worked as individual strengths in facing the
progressive decline of Alzheimer’s disease and were found to decrease the risk of
negative affectivity among post-polio syndrome patients (Beuscher & Grando,
2009; Pierini & Stuifbergen, 2010). Spirituality was associated with life satisfaction
in case of spinal cord injury, representing a resilience and meaning factor with ben-
eficial effects for rehabilitation in the long-term (Babamohamadi, Negarandeh, &
Dehghan-Nayeri, 2011; Brillhart, 2005; Chlan, Zebracki, & Vogel, 2011; Peter,
Müller, Cieza, & Geyh, 2012; White, Driver, & Warren, 2010).
In cardiovascular patients, spiritual well-being seemed to reduce cardiovascular
risk markers and mortality. It mitigated pain and increased quality of life of patients
with chronic heart failure, allowing the adaptation to coronary disease and promot-
ing medical adherence of hypertensive patients (Chida, Steptoe, & Powell, 2009;
Dekker, Peden, Lennie, Schooler, & Moser, 2009; Griffin et al., 2007; Holt-Lunstad,
Steffen, Sandberg, & Jensen, 2011; Kretchy, Owusu-Daaku, & Danquah, 2014;
Naghi, Philip, Phan, Cleenewerck, & Schwarz, 2012; Strada, Homel, Tennstedt,
Billings, & Portenoy, 2013; Westlake, Dyo, Vollman, & Heywood, 2008).
Overall, S/R was found to improve individuals’ quality of life with some dimen-
sions whose relevance change according to cases: a positive influence on mental
health and self-efficacy, meaning of life, inner peace, spiritual connections and
strength, coping with death and dying, hope, forgiveness, love, compassion and
optimism (Konopack & McAuley, 2012; O’Connell & Skevington, 2005). Ivtzan,
Chan, Gardner, and Prashar (2013) assumed that S/R have the power to improve
personal well-being throughout the mediation of self-actualization, personal growth
initiatives and meaning in life (see next paragraphs of this chapter).
Concerning mental health, many studies were focused on the beneficial effects
of spirituality on depressive mood disorders. Sorajjakool, Aja, Chilson, Ramírez-
Johnson, and Earll (2008) in fact, noticed that sometimes depression could create a
disconnection from God, from others and self. In such context, spirituality may help
to solve this disruption, letting individuals attributing a meaning to their condition.
These authors posited that the acceptance and awareness of the personal illness
might promote depression recovery and retrieval of connection to concrete and tran-
scendent reality. Similarly, Bennett and Shepherd (2013) found that higher levels of
spirituality and social support determined lower levels of depression and a narrowed
range of mental health problems. However, the influence of spirituality on depres-
sion was above and beyond the meditative effect of social support because spiritual-
ity accounted directly for a proportion of variance in depressive symptoms.
Archibald, Sydnor, Daniels, and Bronner (2013) found that spirituality was sig-
nificantly correlated to depressive symptoms throughout the mediation of sense of
control. Spirituality correlated positively with sense of control, which, in turn, had
negative effects on the relationship between stressful life situations and depressive
symptomatology. Similarly, Kim, Hayward, and Reed (2014) stressed how higher
levels of self-transcendence and a spiritual perspective managed to reduce d epression
8.2 Interventions 183
in Korean elders through the mediation of purpose in life. Subjective spirituality

was directly linked with purpose in life and it indirectly reduced depressive symp-
toms, thanks to the idea of a meaning behind existence and the presence of some-
thing to live for.
Finally, Alexander, Haugland, Ashenden, Knight, and Brown (2009) asked some
psychiatric patients to write five strategies used to control their suicidal thoughts.
Spirituality was indicated among the principle strategies to solve desperation. These
authors observed that psychiatric patients often recurred to spiritual beliefs and
practices more than to formal religious church affiliation. Such beliefs and practices
gave them the idea of personal meaning and connection, contrasting the sensation of
helplessness. Helplessness, in contrast, is considered a frequent characteristic in
clinical populations and a risk factor for suicide. Spirituality, thus, may support
recovering from a mental disorder by transforming anger and disempowerment,
linked with suicidal pulses, into self-agency.
Providing a full review of studies on spirituality and on its role in mental and
physical diseases falls outside the scope of this chapter. However, these paragraphs
were aimed at illustrating how spirituality and gratitude (two active components of
transcendence in human functioning) could be used in clinical practice with the aim
of facilitating patients’ recovery from their disorders and in finding meaning in their
experiences.
8.2 Interventions
8.2.1 Interventions to Improve Gratitude
Among positive psychology interventions, those concerning the promotion of grati-

tude are the most developed and investigated. They concern the “counting blessing
exercise”, or “the Three good things”, where individuals are asked to report and
remember positive things/beneficial acts experienced during a certain period of
time. Other interventions are more concerned with the expression of gratitude (writ-
ing letters, or pay a visit to a benefactor) as opposed to other techniques, which uses
meditation and contemplation as a way for fostering appreciation of life and
people.
Thus, the gratitude interventions so far available can be grouped into three cate-
gories: (a) daily listing of things for which to be grateful, (b) grateful contemplation,
and (c) behavioral expressions of gratitude (Joseph & Wood, 2010; Lee Duckworth,
Steen, & Seligman, 2005; Seligman, Rashid, & Parks, 2006; Toepfer, Cichy, &
Peters, 2012). These gratitude interventions have been effective for decreasing
depression and anxiety, and for increasing positive affect, optimism and physical
functioning in adults (Emmons & McCullough, 2003; Wood, Froh, & Geraghty,
2010; Wood, Joseph, & Maltby, 2008; Wood, Maltby, Gillett, Linley, & Joseph,
2008). However, they also displayed paradoxical effects on well-being, as described

in Chap. 4 of this book.
Strategies for increasing gratitude could be also part of other validated psycho-
therapeutic strategies, such as the Positive Psychotherapy (Rashid, 2015), the Well-
being Therapy (WBT) (Fava & Ruini, 2003), the Meaning Making Intervention
(Henry et al., 2010) (see next paragraph), and a specific cognitive-behavioral pack-
age (Miller, 1995). This latter psychoeducational program includes four sequential
steps: (1) Identify non-grateful thoughts; (2) Formulate gratitude-supporting
thoughts; (3) Substitute non-grateful thoughts; (4) Translate the inner feeling into
action. This program could be easily integrated into standard cognitive-behavioral
therapies.
However, one of the most integrative approach to promote gratitude was devel-
oped in Japan and has been labeled as Naikan therapy. Naikan therapy is a struc-
tured method of self-reflection developed by Yoshimoto Ishin in the 1950s
(Reynolds, 1982). The practice is based on three questions posed to the client: (1)
what have you received from person X? (2) What have you given to person X? (3)
What troubles and inconveniences have you caused to person X?
The clinical intervention starts by focusing on the above three questions, which
are expanded to include a number of significant persons in the client’s social envi-
ronment (parents, siblings, teacher, spouse, employer). Most clients soon realize of
having received a great deal, returned little, and caused troubles to the person on
whom they are reflecting. Initial difficulties in concentrating and feeling bitterness
toward others tend to naturally and gradually be replaced by feelings of regret, guilt,
and sorry over how one has treated significant others. This awareness prompts grati-
tude from within the individual which underwent Naikan treatment.
The emphasis of Naikan therapy is not necessarily on providing symptom relief,
but on promoting character development and maturation. Since its development, it
has been used for mental health counseling and treatment for addictions. With
regard to effectiveness, Yamamoto (1972) reported decreased self-evaluation and
increased evaluation of others in post-Naikan patients. Ishida (1969) reported over
90% effectiveness in treating neurotic and psychosomatic patients with Naikan
alone or in conjunction with other therapies. Thus, as with Mindfulness and other
meditative practices, this promising approach should be integrated in standard
Western psychotherapies or clinical interventions.
8.2.2 Mindfulness and Acceptance and Commitment Therapy
In line with the importance of personal values and strengths such as gratitude and
spirituality, the third wave psychotherapy movement (Hayes, 2004; Kahl, Winter, &
Schweiger, 2012) which developed as early as in the ‘80, called for a holistic con-
sideration of patients. Indeed it aimed at addressing also individuals’ values, spiri-
tual needs and motivation. Inside this framework, various clinical interventions
were developed and implemented.
Clinical interventions such as Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT),

Mindfulness based Cognitive Therapy (MBCT), Dialectical therapy (Kahl et al.,
2012) overtly emphasized the limited, reductionist cognitive behavioral (CBT)
approach and proposed to add therapeutic ingredients such as meditation, meaning
and acceptance techniques, in order to achieve a more complete and lasting recov-
ery from mental disorders. They all include a sense of transcendence, which is used
as therapeutic ingredient to help patients to achieve a detached perspective on their
problems and to reach a higher sense of self. Accordingly, Transcendence is mainly
promoted through mindfulness meditation.
Mindfulness refers to an aware attention, intentional and with no-judgment
toward individuals’ current experience (Kabat-Zinn & Santorelli, 1999). Its daily
practice appeared to induce a sense of profound inner calmness and a non-reactivity
attitude of the mind, allowing individuals to face, and even embrace, all critical and
stressful aspects of daily life, regardless of circumstances. By emphasizing being,
rather than doing, mindfulness meditation resulted to provide individuals with help-
ful strategies to deal with their psychological symptoms and distress. It was sug-
gested that mindful individuals promote the development of a compassionate
approach toward their own experiences, that help them to avoid making premature
decisions, and to be opened to new possibilities, transformation, and healing pro-
cesses. Mindfulness training can improve working memory capacity, and enhance
the ability of participants to talk about past crises remaining focused on specific
topic, rather than becoming overwhelmed by them (Williams, 2010). A robust body
of evidence provides support to the efficacy of mindfulness for a variety of physical
as well as mental problems, from chronic illnesses, cardiovascular diseases, and
psychiatric conditions, such as mood disorders, borderline personality disorders,
obsessive-compulsive disorders (OCD), etc.
The first introduction of mindful meditation in the psychotherapeutic treatment
was proposed by Teasdale et al. (2000), who found that it could address the contro-
versial problem of recurrences and relapses in major depressive disorder. Authors
developed and integrated mindfulness into the CBT protocol (Mindfulness Based
Cognitive Therapy—MBCT) for addressing depression and other affective disor-
ders. In a series of RCTs, they found that helping patients to accept their negative,
intrusive thoughts and observing them with a non-judgmental attitude was more
effective in preventing recurrences and relapses than the standard cognitive restruc-
turing. Importantly, this effect was larger for those patients with a longer depression
history, and judged to be more vulnerable to future relapses. These findings may be
explained by the fact that MBCT and mindfulness techniques are aimed at changing
patients’ relationships to their thoughts, rather than at changing their contents. Thus,
Mindfulness may promote meta-cognitive skills, together with the awareness of the
transient nature of thoughts, emotions and other (un)pleasant states (Segal, Williams,
& Teasdale, 2002).
Subsequently, mindful meditation has been applied to the prevention of suicidal
ideation in borderline patients and has become a central ingredient of the Dialectical
Behavioral Therapy (DBT) (Linehan, 1993). According to its developer, mindful-
ness can promote borderline patients’ wise mind (see Chap. 6) and help them to
down regulate their excessive emotional reactions, connected with symptom main-
tenance. Basically, the core features of all mindfulness meditation and practices are
to develop an accepting, compassionate, loving attitude toward one’s own inner
world. These positive connotations of mindfulness may explain its strong correla-
tions with well-being and quality of life (Kabat-Zinn, 2003).
In medical settings, mindfulness was applied using the protocol Mindfulness
Based Stress Reduction (MBSR), developed by Kabat Zinn in the 1980s (Kabat-
Zinn, 1982). Since then, a robust body of evidence has documented its efficacy in
improving patient’s adaptation to the illness. It was particularly applied in cancer,
cardiovascular diseases and chronic illnesses. For instance, a recent meta-analysis
(Hofmann, Sawyer, Witt, & Oh, 2010) based on 39 investigations with a total of
1140 participants with mood and anxiety disorders, oncological disorders and other
medical conditions treated with MBSR revealed a high effect size (0.97) in improv-
ing psychological distress in those populations. Thus, authors concluded that MBT
may represent a good treatment option to be used in mental and physical disorders,
particularly when anxious symptoms are the core features. Further, Grossman,
Niemann, Schmidt, and Walach (2004) conducted a structured meta-analysis where
they compared the efficacy of MBSR in promoting physical and mental health ver-
sus waiting list or controlled conditions. Authors included investigations that pro-
vided post-treatment and follow up data. They found that a total of ten controlled
studies, involving 771 individuals, (out of which 388 had been treated with MBSR)
that yielded a moderate effect size (Cohen’s = 0.54) when considering indicators of
disability, quality of life, depressive and anxious symptoms. Variables related to
physical health were reported for 203 individuals (out of which 122 had been treated
with MBSR), with an effect-size of 0.53 concerning pain, medical symptoms, and
compromised physical functioning. Authors concluded that even though the effect
sizes are moderate, mindfulness can be used to alleviate distress in a large variety of
chronic mental and physical conditions, by improving patients’ coping resources
and general well-being (Cramer, Lauche, Haller, Langhorst, & Dobos, 2016;
Godfrey, Gallo, & Afari, 2015; Gu, Strauss, Bond, & Cavanagh, 2015; Marikar
Bawa et al., 2015).
8.2.2.1 Neuronal Correlates of Mindfulness
Kang et al. (2013) examined the differences in the brain structures and functioning
between expert, long term meditators and controls (inexpert meditators). They
found that the former presented substantial modifications in those cerebral areas
that are involved in emotion regulations, attentive functioning and regulation of the
autonomous nervous system. Similarly, a recent review suggested that a large body
of literature documented that mindfulness meditation promotes a better and more
flexible emotion regulation, a sense of control and detachment from negative emo-
tions, by dowregulating the amygdala activation and increasing frontal cortex cere-
bral area (Chiesa, Brambilla & Serretti, 2010).
To further corroborate the efficacy of mindfulness interventions, Davidson et al.

(2003) compared an 8-week program of mindfulness meditation with a waiting list.
They found significant increases in left-sided anterior activation (a pattern previ-
ously associated with positive affect) in the meditators, compared with the non-
meditators of the waiting list condition. These two groups were also vaccinated with
influenza vaccine after the 8-week period. Authors found also significant increases
in immune functioning among subjects in the meditation group, compared with
those in the wait-list control group. Furthermore, they observed that the magnitude
of increase in brain left-sided activation predicted the magnitude of immune
response, suggesting that even a short program in mindfulness meditation may pro-
duce a protective effect on brain and immune function.
It has been therefore argued that mindfulness, as part of other behavioral inter-
ventions, may elicit more specific biological changes than any pharmacologic inter-
vention (Davidson, 2015; Kaliman et al., 2014, & Rosenkranz et al., 2013).
Moreover, pharmacotherapy is more likely to produce various side effects. Thus,
many authors have been suggesting that a fruitful alternative to pharmacological
interventions could be represented by the integration of ancient transcendental and
spiritual traditions that involved mind-body interventions (i.e., various forms of
meditation) (Davidson, 2015). These “neurally inspired” behavioral interventions
may produce specific important alterations both in behaviorally relevant neural cir-
cuits and in systemic biological processes, which could be associated with psycho-
logically and physically healthier profiles (Davidson, 2015).
In sum, Mindfulness techniques have the double benefits of triggering mental
relaxation, connected with symptom improvements and personal well-being.
Mindfulness, meditation and relaxation strategies are directly linked to the promo-
tion of savoring and pleasantness, (D’raven & Pasha-Zaidi, 2014; Kahl et al., 2012;
Karwoski, Garratt, & Ilardi, 2006). Further, meditation can promote gratitude, for-
giveness, savoring and other dimensions of positive functioning, which constitute
inner qualities of mindfulness (Shapiro, Schwartz, & Santerre, 2002). Thus,
Mindfulness could be fully enlisted among pioneer positive interventions performed
in clinical settings, with beneficial effects directly embedded in the brain and in the
body.
8.2.2.2 Acceptance and Commitment Therapy
The integration of meditation is also a consistent part of acceptance-based

approaches. They posit that individuals should not try and change their experiences,
but rather accept their experiences without judgment. Under this umbrella and
within the third way psychotherapies, Stephen Hayes and colleagues developed
Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT) referring to the Relational Frame
Theory (RFT; Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, & Roche, 2001), that links human language,
cognitions, emotions and behavior functioning. Accordingly, linguistic processes
(thoughts, images, subjective evaluations) are a form of individual, inner narration
that could become troublesome when it is characterized by negativity and rigidity.
ACT aims at helping patients to defuse from their inner negative self-dialogue and
at promoting psychological flexibility. Furthermore, ACT aims at modifying the
linguistic set that defines both problems and their potential solutions. Unlike CBT
that aims to change dysfunctional thoughts, ACT focuses on modifying contexts
which trigger problematic behavioral repertoires (Hayes, 2004).
This mental and behavioral attitude promotes emotional openness and helps to
balance desires and needs, connecting them with the more spiritual part of a person
(Kashdan & Rottenberg, 2010).
The acronym ACT has a particular meaning: Accept what cannot be changed,
Choose one’s values, and Take action toward the pursuit of these values. ACT
entails the use of paradox, metaphors, stories, exercises, behavioral tasks, and expe-
riential processes.
Harris (2007) explains that ACT follows six core principles:
• Defusion: this technique aims at breaking the mechanism of cognitive fusion,
which is the phenomenon experienced by a person who is completely involved in
a determinate thought, situation or emotion. Defusion allows the subject to
change the way he/she is interacting thanks to exercises of self-detachment;
• Expansion and Acceptance: it is opening up to unpleasant emotions rather than
repressing them and trying to reject them. This change of attitude usually leads
to less suffering and a more functional resolution of problems;
• Contact with the Present Moment: awareness of the here and now experience and
full engagement in present activities. This attitude results more adaptive than
fighting with the past problems or worrying about future expectations;
• Values clarification: contacting with the deepest part of oneself and finding what
is really meaningful, being aware of the direction of life and experiencing satis-
faction when goals are achieved;
• Committed Action: once values and goals are set, the person can take action and
plan how he/she can reach what is meaningful to him/her;
• Self as Context: ACT perceives the self as containing a transcendent and spiritual
part;
According to ACT approach, expressive writing about values results to be useful
in order to clarify personal values and life goals. This aspect is shared with the
phenomenological-existentialist perspective. ACT therapists use a particular tech-
nique for working on values, that is the exercise called Writing your Epitaph: the
client is encouraged to think and write what he would like people would say in his
memory. This exercise aims to clarify personal values and help to commit to them;
it allows to identify the direction that clients want to give to their life and to verify
if they really are travelling towards that path or have to modify the direction in some
measure (Hayes & Wilson, 1994).
Also in this therapy, mindfulness is applied to help clients to become more aware
of their internal processes, with a detached, non-judgmental attitude, so that also the
most negative thoughts and images do not influence behaviors, choices and mean-
ingful life activities (Hayes, Levin, Plumb-Vilardaga, Villatte, & Pistorello, 2013).
ACT has been developed and tested to be applied individually, in group format, in
couples, to address both mental and physical conditions. Evidence for its efficacy
has been reported for mood and anxiety disorders, OCD, work-related stress,
chronic pain, eating disorder, PTSD, psychosis and substance abuse (Kahl et al.,
2012; Pull, 2009).
Although it is hard to categorize, ACT can be considered a positive intervention
because the focus is on acceptance and promotion of skills. It concerns the focus on
meaningful life goals and values that provide patients with a sense of direction and
active engagement in their choices. For this reason, the phenomenological-existential
approach embedded in Acceptance and Commitment therapy may act as a bridge
that links the traditional clinical approach to the promotion of well-being. In fact,
ACT and other positive interventions pertaining to positive psychology perspective
have an important conceptual commonality: self-determination theory (Ryan &
Deci, 2000). ACT and positive interventions aim to help clients to pursue their goals
in a way that is authentic and self-driven; the techniques may differ, but the goals
are the same. However, an important distinction in ACT is the focus given to clients’
personal values, such as family, friendships, spirituality etc., that are expressly
addressed by clinicians to help their clients to develop specific therapeutic goals to
be reached.
Thus, in ACT there is specific room to be devoted for meaning making processes.
These meaningful values are integral part of ACT. It can be considered indeed a
pioneer approach within positive interventions, which integrated psychopathology
and suffering in the meaning perspective.
8.2.3 M
eaning-Making Interventions and Existential
Therapies
The issue of meaning has received increasing attention in many areas of psychol-
ogy, from clinical psychology, psycho-oncology, humanistic psychology and posi-
tive psychology. The main emphasis was given to the subjective experience of
meaning (i.e., having experienced meaning, or a meaningful life) (Hicks & King,
2009). As mentioned in the first part of this book (see Chaps. 1 and 2), early pio-
neers in the domain of meaning and its existential importance were Viktor Frankl,
and Aaron Antonovsky. Both had personally experienced the post World War II and
emphasized the important role of meaning in order to overcome the long-term con-
sequences of traumatic experiences deriving from the war (i.e., surviving concentra-
tion camps). As described in Chap. 2 of this book, Antonovsky developed a model
of Salutogenesis (1979), where coherence and life meaning are considered essential
ingredients that characterize healthy individuals and could help them to maintain
their mental and physical health when facing stress. Thus, meaning is intrinsically
connected to cope with traumatic events.
8.2.3.1 Logotherapy
Viktor Frankl (1959) developed a specific psychotherapeutic technique, logother-

apy, aimed at discussing with clients their source of meaning in life. Modern appli-
cations of this approach are subsumed under the rubric of existential psychotherapies.
Logotherapy finds application in the method of meaning-centered counseling and
therapy. The notion of Logotherapy comes from the Greek term logos that means
word; thus, logotherapy is an entirely word-based treatment, and words can be
expressed both orally or in written way. Logotherapy assumes that life has always a
meaning, even in the most crucial and negative circumstances. Accordingly, people
strive to find a personal meaning in their existence (assumption of will to meaning)
and the meaning in life can be discovered by three categorical values: creative value
(doing creative act or creating a work), experiential value (undergoing experiences
and featuring emotional involvement) and attitudinal value (using an attitude to
raise above an unchangeable fate) (Frankl, 1969). Another axiom refers to the will
of meaning that is the basic attempt of humans to find and fulfill a concrete meaning
in personal existence (Frankl, 2010).
Frankl also theorized the “tragic triad” of human existence, referring to pain,
death and guilt; later on he introduced also fate as the forth human limitation. The
way individuals respond to these limitations makes a difference and determines the
different modalities of coping style. In this perspective, writing a journal can be
considered a place where people find a meaning to life-threatening events.
Logotherapy, in fact, emphasizes the importance of words in creating a meaning and
writing techniques are particularly appropriated to this task. When people have to
confront with their human limitations, creative writing may be used in order to
make meaning to these existential challenges. Writing yields the opportunity to cre-
ate a reflective space that allows to develop a stance towards the difficult situation.
The phenomenological approach of Logotherapy provides also emphasis to the con-
cepts of self-distancing and self-transcendence (Frankl, 2004). Self distancing or
self detachment refers to the ability to detach from situations or from oneself; and
writing is a powerful tool by which self distancing can be practiced. Self-
transcendence is the process where the person can find a way of positioning herself
and analyzing events from an external point of view. Also in this case, the activity
of writing facilitates self-transcendence and it supports the active role of the client
in dealing with distress and adversities.
8.2.3.2 Meaning Making
The search for meaning is part of the individual’s coping process (Fife, 1994;
Folkman & Moskowitz, 2007). Taylor (1983) suggested that people coping with
severe negative events may find meaning by considering positive implications, or
benefits, of the events for their life, thus minimizing or mitigating the negative
implications. Accordingly, meaning-making is a way of changing individuals’ view
of life in order to integrate what happened and to give the event an existential value
in the persons’ life framework (Taylor, 1983).
Also Park (2010), who summarized a meaning-making model from previous

meaning-focused theories, explained that when stressful live events challenge one’s
life, meaning-making efforts begin to take place to restore one’s meaning in life.
Therefore, meaning seems to refer to the process of understanding how the event fits
in ones’ life. The Author suggested that the discrepancy between the appraised situ-
ational meaning linked to trauma and individual’s global meaning creates distress,
which, in turn, drives meaning making efforts.
Davis, Nolen-Hoeksema, and Larson (1998) suggested that the meaning-making
process seeks to understand the stressful event, and they differentiated it form ben-
efit finding (BF) and post-traumatic growth (see Chap. 6 of this book), since BF
refers to find positive implications in the event. However, meaning and growth were
found to be linked, since the identification of instances related to growth may help
to restore a sense that life is coherent and meaningful and that the world is predict-
able and fair (Park, 2010).
The underling mechanism that connects meaning to growth, wisdom and finally
to transcendence refers to the concept of mortality awareness, which was largely
examined under the terror management theory (Park, 2010). This model postulates
that when people are confronted with the concept of death and the thought of their
own death, they activate specific defense mechanisms, but they also become more
focused on intrinsic needs and goals and they actively fuel their desire to find mean-
ing (Cozzolino, 2006). This model was recently adapted to health settings—medical
traumatic events (Terror Management Health Model—Goldenberg & Arndt, 2008)
and was found to be associated with modifications in life styles, increase in healthy
habits and modifications in relationships with the own body. For these reasons, spe-
cific therapeutic protocols involving meaning making (Henry et al., 2010) were
developed and validated with oncological patients and in palliative care settings.
This Meaning-Making intervention is a brief existential intervention consisting of
one to four individual sessions that focuses on finding situational, global, and exis-
tential meaning, following a diagnosis of a life-threathening illness. It entails a flex-
ible approach, where therapists facilitate patients’ self-exploration during the
course of the illness. In this brief protocol patients and therapist discuss life priori-
ties that give meaning to one’s life, while considering illness-related limitations
(Henry et al., 2010).
However, it should be noted that, as for growth, forgiveness and other existential
positive domains, also meaning making is not entirely positive. In fact, the search
for meaning was associated with poor psychological well-being and more distress
(Steger, Frazier, Oishi, & Kaler, 2006), whereas the presence of meaning (the feel-
ing that one’s life is meaningful) was indeed associated with higher psychological
well-being and better mental health (Steger, Oishi, & Kashdan, 2009).
8.2.3.3 Autobiography and Meaning
An interesting contribution (Mc Lean & Morrison-Cohen, 2013; McLean, 2008)

posits that the gap between search for meaning and the actual presence of meaning
in life could be filled using narrative techniques. McAdams (2001) developed the
concept of narrative self-identity for describing a collection of personal stories

about past experiences that people use to define who they are and to find meaning in
their existences. These past events and their consequences in fact, provide informa-
tion for self-understanding and sense of future direction. According to McAdams
autobiographies are integrated and internalized in the personality (McAdams,
2008). Identity is thus considered an internalized story that is composed by many
narrative elements such as setting, plot, character and theme. In fact, people lives
are developed in time and space, include a protagonist and many characters and are
shaped by various themes. Mc Adams postulated that people implicitly start creat-
ing their narrative identities in adolescence and young adulthood, and this process
goes on during adulthood. Working on the creation of narrative identities allows to
reconstruct the past, to become aware of present and to have a future perspective
(McAdams, 2008). The act of writing an autobiography allows, thus, the identifica-
tion of main themes of self story and the coding of personal changes. Existence in
this framework is considered a complex set of episodes that in an autobiographical
act can be put in order and reconstructed of existential sense (Bauer, McAdams, &
Pals, 2008). The therapeutic act of transforming life in a text contributes to provide
stability in individuals’ identity. Moreover, autobiography clarifies the cultural con-
text which characterized individual path, and finally may lead to improvements in
eudaimonic well-being (Bauer et al., 2008),
However, one important aspect of autobiography refers to the instability of auto-
biographical memory: people often misremember details of events over time
(Schacter, 1996) or autobiography is influenced by distortion mechanisms. For this
reason, the temporal instability of memories introduces changes in life story
(McAdams, 2008); in addition to this, experiences are accumulated and every single
event is considered less important over time compared to others. In this way, also
meanings of life episodes may change across time. Consequently, some happenings
are more salient than others because they assume different and multiple meanings in
different life phases. They represent steps of a person’s life that led to the present
situation. Autobiography is thus useful not only to code events of self story, but it is
also able to integrate different experiences and analyze the life trail, evidencing both
continuity and changes. Accordingly, storytelling may be applied as an useful tool
to foster identity development, which indeed may promote positive human func-
tioning. Importantly, McAdams (2001) specified that a coherent narrative of self
provides individuals with a sense of purpose in life and telling the story may boost
such aim. It can be argued that any form of counselling and therapy, where clients
can tell their stories, could be considered positive interventions that promote life
purpose and well-being.
Thus, meaning making processes could be integrated and find a natural setting
within any psychotherapeutic/counseling approach, either individual or in group
setting. Useful examples that connect meaning and narratives are provided in the
next paragraphs.
8.2.4 N
arrative Strategies in Clinical Settings: The Use
of Fairytales
The use of narrative strategies in clinical psychology and psychotherapy has a long
tradition (Holmes, 2000). Following Jung (1964) and his theories on archetypes and
myths, Jungian psychoanalysts have applied his formulations in the treatment of
various emotional disorders (Kast, 1996). The importance of using narrative strate-
gies in clinical domains has likewise been documented by many authors within the
“narrative medicine” framework (Charon, 2006; Kleinman, 1988; Pennebaker,
2000; Riessman, 1990). This method calls for a holistic approach to patients that
encompasses not just their illness, but also their biography, personal narration and
cognitive interpretations of their illness, in line with the Terror Management Health
Model (Goldenberg & Arndt, 2008) and its concept of mortality awareness.
Further, a widespread use of narration in the psychological sphere comes from
Bettelheim’s (1976, 1987) analytic interpretations of fairy tales. Accordingly, some
clinicians in the psychoanalytic tradition employ folktales and their characters
(hero/heroine) during sessions, as a means of discussing the tales’ symbolic values
with their patients (Jacobs, 2011).
Another specific application of narrative therapy in the psychotherapeutic
domain, that makes use of the narrative structure of fairy tales as well as the meta-
phors they contain, has been recently developed and tested on patients with adjust-
ment disorders. It was labeled “Positive Narrative Therapy” and was delivered in
a group format to help people to solve problems in their daily life, to overcome
stressful events and to increase their well-being (Ruini, Masoni, Ottolini, & Ferrari,
2014). The group intervention consisted of seven 2-h sessions, held once a week.
The group was conducted by a folklorist and by a clinical psychologist. In each of
the first five sessions (‘lectures’) a different fairy tale (or part of it), with related
topics, was told and discussed with the participants. Specific topics were selected:
age and gender-related conflicts and tensions among characters, the ability to cope
with adversities and stressful situations, the use of inner resources and personal
strengths, couple and family dynamics, the importance of cooperation (asking for
and accepting help), and the role of helpers and magical gifts. In two concluding
workshops, participants were asked to work as a group to write their own original
fairy tale. Participants reported increased personal growth, self-acceptance, and an
enhanced sense of appreciation of life and personal strengths, together with
decreased levels of anxiety. This pilot investigation suggests the feasibility and posi-
tive effect of a group intervention based on narrative strategies for promoting well-
being and growth in stressed women. The integration of narrative strategies based
on fairytales within standard CBT was also performed in individual therapy for the
treatment of panic disorder in a young patient (Ruini & Ottolini, 2014).
The novelty of this narrative approach relies on the use of the psycho-educational
content of traditional fairy tales, their problem-solving approach and the process of
maturation experienced by their characters inside a clinical intervention. In fact the
narrative structure of the fairy tale (Propp, 1968) was used to help clients to write
their own story, either individually or in group.
The structure of the fairy tales contains an initial stressful event, that could be
compared to the critical life event described by Mc Adams (2008). This event signifi-
cantly changes the protagonists’ life conditions, and requires a process of assimilation
and accommodation (Joseph & Linley, 2005) to find adjustment and a new personal
identity. Thus, the use of fairy tales parallels Mc Adams approach to self-identity
construction (Mc Adams, 2001; 2008). The difference, however, is the use of fiction
characters and settings, rather than personal autobiographies In psychotherapy, auto-
biography is an essential content of session, whereas storytelling is an additive ingre-
dient, which has a double function: primarily, the production of stories allows to take
distance from inner feelings and it helps dissolving the typical tension of therapy situ-
ation where patient is asked to talk about personal troubles. Secondly, storytelling
allows to discuss inner disturbance in a soften and distanced way, that yields a new
awareness in clients. They are flooded in their story and internal representations of the
event become explicitly concrete. This process is very useful to the development of
constructive solutions to problems and to the transformation of destructive feelings
(King, 2002). Fairytales can teach people to discover implicit meanings and they can
learn from these stories. Furthermore, telling stories disclose individuals’ thinking
patterns and their connections between reality and imagination. There is also an inter-
personal component in storytelling because the act of telling entails a relational posi-
tion where each listener can feel connected to others and to the storyteller.
From a theoretical point of view, the use of fairy tales belongs to a specific
domain of bibliotherapy, called fairytale therapy, whose aim is promoting personal
growth and improving health. Lafforgue (2008) highlighted that fairytales are not
therapeutic ingredient themselves, but a key role is covered by the therapist that
must be able to work through them in order to have an impact on the client and show
his/her problematic issues. With this purpose many elements are taken into account:
the role of the hero/heroine, the concept of time, the use of myths, and the story
development. All these aspects represent real and daily themes that can be dealt
within the therapeutic work.
The part of the Positive Narrative Intervention where participants were encour-
aged to write their own narration can be considered as very creative and active. It was
aimed at stimulating playfulness, at exercising in finding new logical and causal con-
nections between events, and at increasing group cohesion (Proyer & Ruch, 2011;
Treadwell, Reisch, Travaglini, & Kumar, 2011). At the same time, it contributed to
improved awareness of problems in life and to find more flexible problem-solving
techniques. Furthermore, participants’ negative emotions were projected in a fic-
tional, impossible setting, and this provided them with the right distance from prob-
lems, connected with a more effective cognitive engagement in problem solving. This
emotional distance is an active ingredient also of Wisdom-Psychotherapy, as described
in Chap. 6 of this book (Linden, Baumann, Lieberei, Lorenz, & Rotter, 2011).
Creativity, self-awareness, wisdom and flexibility (Kashdan & Rottenberg, 2010)
are the focus of the majority of positive interventions nowadays (Seligman et al.,
2006), as described in the previous chapters of this book. Therefore, these positive
narrative interventions are in line with this trend of research and require future rep-
lications in larger controlled trials.
8.3 Conclusions and Therapeutic Recommendations 195
This chapter aimed at providing evidence of the beneficial implementation of tran-

scendent aspects of human functioning, such as gratitude, spirituality and meaning,
into the clinical domains. A brief description of psychotherapeutic interventions
where such implementation occurs, such as MBCT, MBSR, ACT, and narrative
strategies was provided.
However, despite these largely recognized beneficial effects of spirituality, mean-
ing and gratitude, they were found to be potentially dysfunctional for physical and
mental health in some circumstances. For instance, gratitude that showed contro-
versial and paradoxical effects when promoted in mildly depressed college students
(see Chap. 4 of this book) (Sergeant & Mongrain, 2011; Sin, Della Porta, &
Lyubomirsky, 2011). Parks and Biswas-Diener (2014) examined this issue and ana-
lyzed different “types” of depressed individuals. They found that individuals whose
depressive symptoms were more interpersonally oriented (“needy” rather than
“self-critical”) experienced no benefits, or in some cases, worsened when doing a
gratitude activity. The more self-critical people, by contrast, benefitted more than
average from doing the activity.
The same was found for individuals with severe psychiatric disabilities and/or
medical conditions tend to be less spiritual/religious and perceive less spiritual well-
being than healthy controls (Campbell, Yoon, & Johnstone, 2010; Fukui, Starnino,
& Nelson-Becker, 2012). S/R was also found to reinforce rigid thinking and associ-
ated obsessive religious practices. It may promote feelings of fear, anxiety and
guilty due to minor forms of disrespect of religious rules and traditions; or it may
work as a negative emotion-oriented coping in terms of avoidance. The phenomena
of negative religious coping or religious alienation were also described as maladap-
tive strategies applied in dealing with mental and physical illnesses (Aldwin et al.,
2014; Koenig, 2009). Religious alienation refers to the state in which one feels
disaffected from one’s church and/or abandoned or even punished by one’s God. In
this case, spirituality and religiousness yield negative feedback in individuals when
facing life adversities.
Similarly, a spiritual crisis, or the search for meaning following a negative event,
such as an illness, was found to be associated with more distress, rather than well-
being. Spiritual crisis (such as religious alienation) describes the loss of faith and a
sense of alienation following a negative life event, which usually sheds negative
light on God or other higher entities, responsible of such event. Similarly, the pro-
cess of search for meaning was found to be linked to personal distress, rather than
well-being. It is therefore essential for clinicians to be informed about these possi-
ble negative mechanisms related to gratitude, spirituality and meaning, as described
in Fig. 8.1.
On the other hand, personal well-being may derive from the positive resolution
of such crises, and clinicians may serve as facilitator in this process, either by using
emphatic listening, narrative strategies, or by providing standard problem solving
techniques.
Well-being, positivity, mental and

physical health, resilience
Gratitude • perception of being needy
Spirituality, • negative religious coping

transcendence • Spiritual crisis, religiuos alienation
• search for meaning

Meaning
• existential crisis
Psychopathology, negativity, mental

and physical distress
Fig. 8.1 Gratitude, spirituality and meaning: their nuances and their consequences
In conclusions, as for forgiveness, optimism, and other positive interventions, a

particular caution should be used in promoting gratitude, spirituality, and meaning.
Nevertheless, when these issues are properly addressed and promoted in clinical
populations, the benefits are indeed worth the efforts. A fruitful collaboration
between positive psychologists and researchers, clinicians, and psychiatrists is nec-
essary to guarantee future effective applications of these positive concepts into the
clinical settings.
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oncluding Remarks, Future Perspectives
C
and Author’s Comments
This book was born as a result of 10 years of parallel work in positive and clinical
psychology. As a clinician and as a teacher of positive psychology, I have always
been impressed by the fact that these two disciplines could be easily merged
together. However, when I approached my professional career as a researcher and as
a practitioner (back in 2000), positive psychology moved harsh criticism to tradi-
tional psychology that was based on medical models of research, intervention, and
consideration of human beings. On the other hand, clinical psychology defended
itself and refused the new paradigms proposed by positive psychology and accused
positive psychology of reductionism and oversimplification.
At the very early stages of my career, it was difficult for me to take a rigid stand
in favor of one or the other. Rather, I was deeply fascinated by both disciplines and
did not want to give up one for the other. At that time, I really wanted to integrate
positive psychology into my work as clinician and researcher in clinical psycology.
However, it was not easy, since European academic world in social sciences was
very traditional and judged positive psychology as another marketing product deriv-
ing from American/Western psychology.
The opportunity for a deeper reflection on positive and clinical psychology came
when I was asked to open and teach a new course at the University of Bologna,
School of Psychology. The course acted as a source of inspiration for the book.
Planning the course syllabus gave me that chance of studying and selecting the sev-
eral areas where positive psychology and clinical psychology actually met. Over the
years, positive psychology research has been exponentially growing, and I had to
reshape and reformulate the course syllabus. Indeed it was—and it still is—a pro-
cess of learning by doing, and it is so exciting!
My experience as a clinician gave me other vital inputs on how to integrate the
two disciplines in real practice. By working with patients over these years, I realized
how complex the relationship between well-being and distress is. In most cases,
distress finally leads to well-being (as in PTG or resilience models). Other times,
distress is the result of having lost well-being or of being scared by positivity.
Sometimes superficial positivity masks a profound and unconscious distress, as

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52112-1
206 Concluding Remarks, Future Perspectives and Author’s Comments
some of my patients taught me. In any case, analyzing the various nuances of well-
being and negativity and working day by day within therapeutic relationships pro-
vided me with the theoretical and practical bases of this book.
If the fields of positive and clinical psychology keep growing and expanding
with the same rapidity observed during the past years, their future common perspec-
tives are reasonably optimistic. Positive clinical psychology and positive psychiatry
recently received their scientific affirmations. New journals and an expanding num-
ber of articles appear regularly in scientific literature, and these are encouraging
results. My wishes for future developments of the two disciplines are that current
problems in positive psychology interventions (i.e., paradoxical effects, small effect
size of intervention, rapid adaptation effect) could be effectively addressed by inte-
grating previous research on psychotherapy, its ingredients, and its underlying
mechanisms (as described in Chap. 4 of this book). On the other hand, I hope that
clinical psychology and psychotherapy would take steps away from the medical
model adopted insofar and would include the restoration of positivity and flourish-
ing as a standard routine practice, in assessment methods, as well as in therapeutic
protocols as described along the chapter of this book. Only with the full integration
of positive psychology research, could this objective be fully accomplished.
In conclusion, according to my professional and personal experience positive
psychology may benefit from including clinical perspective, as well as clinical psy-
chology may improve the efficacy of its interventions by integrating positive
approaches. This book may represent a contribution to this integration. I hope that
current and future positive psychologists and clinical practitioners may have derived
intellectual and practical benefits from reading this book.

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What are the main topics discussed in the book?

What are the main topics discussed in the book?

What are some challenges in integrating positive and clinical psychology according to the author?

What are some challenges in integrating positive and clinical psychology according to the author?

Chiara Ruini

ISBN 978-3-319-52110-7 ISBN 978-3-319-52112-1 (eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016963591

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017

Printed on acid-free paper

This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature

peculiarities. A specific focus on a balanced application of positive interventions

Bologna, Italy Chiara Ruini

The assistance and support of Dr Francesca Vescovelli in the preparation of this

Part I Positive Constructs and Their Role in Clinical Domains

2 Positive Human Health, Positive Mental Health, Resilience

Part II The Promotion of Positivity in Clinical Practice

6.4 Psychotherapeutic Steps to Promote PTG, Forgiveness

Concluding Remarks, Future Perspectives and Author’s Comments......... 205

“No medicine cures what happiness cannot.”

Historically, the movement of positive psychology was born as a criticism to current

They proclaimed the mission of a new era of psychology research:

Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) thus, identified specific “positive dimen-

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 3

1.2 Hedonic and Eudaimonic Well-Being: Basic Concepts

Historically, psychosocial research on well-being has been dominated by two oppo-

In the subsequent sections their main characteristics, theoretical contributors and

1.2.1 Hedonic Well-Being and Its Assessment

According to the hedonic perspective, well-being consists of subjective happiness,

i­nformation on patients’ mood, encompassing the positive, as well as the negative

Box 1.1 Measures for Subjective Well-Being (Hedonic Well-Being)

These instruments represent only a limited sample of currently available inven-

1.2.3 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Its Assessment

According to the eudaimonic perspective, well-being consists of fulfilling one’s

Box 1.2 Measures for Eudaimonic Well-Being

On the European side, Vitterso has operationalized eudaimonia including dimen-

1.3.1 Western Theories of Well-Being and Mental Health

Both hedonic and eudaimonic perspectives of well-being have specific philosophi-

1.3.2 Eastern Theories of Well-Being and Mental Health

Concepts of harmony, balance and equilibrium strongly characterize Eastern philo-

emphasized in this notion of happiness (Lee, 2004). In Confucianism optimal func-

1.4.1 Humanistic and Existential Psychotherapy

Humanistic psychology suggested concepts such as self-realization and self-­

Other traditional approaches in the clinical psychology domains underlined the

In conclusion, as briefly demonstrated in this section, a large number of clini-

American Psychiatric Association (2000). DSM-IV. Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental

Waterman, A. S. (2013). The humanistic psychology-positive psychology divide: Contrasts in

Mens Sana in Corpore Sano

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 31

2.1.1 The Concepts of Salutogenesis and Sense of Coherence

The concept of resilience was extensively defined and formulated by various

Later developments of the salutogenic/resilient approach could be recognized in the

2.2.1 Allostatic Load and Allostatic Overload

interpersonal resources of the individual within a time-limited period) and toxic

2.2.2 Toughness and Optimal Allostasis

Stressors, challenges from Individual resources,

Fig. 2.1 Allostasis outcomes

likely to have “strong negative emotional reactions” in response to stressful situa-

2.2.3 Optimal Experiences or Flow

A similar model of balance between environmental challenges and individual

prefrontal cortex activation and in the phenotypic differences in positive emotions

Bologna, Italy Chiara Ruini

2 Positive Human Health, Positive Mental Health, Resilience

6.4 Psychotherapeutic Steps to Promote PTG, Forgiveness

1.2 Hedonic and Eudaimonic Well-Being: Basic Concepts

1.2.1 Hedonic Well-Being and Its Assessment

information on patients’ mood, encompassing the positive, as well as the negative

1.2.3 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Its Assessment

1.3.1 Western Theories of Well-Being and Mental Health

1.3.2 Eastern Theories of Well-Being and Mental Health

1.4.1 Humanistic and Existential Psychotherapy

Humanistic psychology suggested concepts such as self-realization and self-

2.1.1 The Concepts of Salutogenesis and Sense of Coherence

2.2.1 Allostatic Load and Allostatic Overload

2.2.2 Toughness and Optimal Allostasis

2.2.3 Optimal Experiences or Flow

2.4.1 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Allostatic Load

2.4.3 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Health

2.5.1 Well-Being and Recovery

2.5.2 Flourishing Mental Health

2.5.4 The Balance Between Positivity and Negativity

3.1 Personality Traits and Well-Being

3.1.1 Eudaimonic Well-Being and Personality Traits

A large body of research documented strong associations between eudaimonic well-

3.2 Temperament and Character Model

3.3 Character’s Strengths

3.4 Positive Personality Traits and Personality Disorders

4.2 Well-Being Therapy

4.2.1 Well-Being Therapy in Children

4.3 Quality of Life Therapy

4.4 Positive Psychotherapy

4.5 Strengths Based Interventions

4.6 The Effects of Positive Interventions

4.6.1 Beneficial Effects and Mechanisms of Action

4.6.2 Controversial and Paradoxical Effects

5.1 The Concepts of Hope and Optimism

5.2 Hope in Psychotherapy

5.2.1 Hope Therapy

5.3 Optimism and Cognitive Therapy

d ispositional optimism which refers to the general expectation of positive outcomes

5.4 Goals, Passion and Psychopathology