From The Ground Up - Buddhism and East Asian Religions

31/05/2018 From the Ground Up: Buddhism and East Asian Religions
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON BUDDHIST MANUSCRIPT CULTURES: ABSTRACTS
From The Ground Up: Buddhism & East Asian Religions / Blog / International Conference On Buddhist Manuscript Cultures: Abstracts
Identity and Networks in Buddhism and East Asian Religions – Panelists
International Conference: From the Silk to the Book Road(s): Panelists
International Conference on Buddhist Manuscript Cultures: Abstracts
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1. T. H. Barrett (SOAS, University of London 英國倫敦大學亞非學院): Liu Yan’s 劉宴
(716780) Essay on “Three religions”: Its Manuscripts Found in Dunhuang and
Japan
The eminent financial expert Liu Yan 劉宴 (716780) is better known for his fiscal
innovations than for his writings on Buddhism. Yet an essay of his on Buddhism,
Daoism and Confucianism was found at Dunhuang and was even published
by Makita Tairyō in 1961 in the Japanese volume in honour of Tsukamoto Zenryū.
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This essay was however known at least in part in seventeenth century Japan a
couple of centuries before it was rediscovered at Dunhuang, as can be shown by a
English (English)
substantial quotation by a commentator of that period. The purpose of this paper
therefore is to introduce this second source on Liu’s essay and to reflect on the
status of the Dunhuang manuscript archive in relation to materials transmitted by
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other means.
http://frogbear.org/international-conference-on-buddhist-manuscript-cultures-abstracts/ 1/20
2. Sainbileg Byambadorj (National Library of Mongolia 蒙古國家圖書館):
Establishment of Mongolian Collections of Buddhism: Highlights of Physical
Appearances and Translations
Mongolian Buddhism has more than seven hundred years’ history. Mongolian
collections of Buddhism were established from the thirteenth to the twentieth century.
Mongolian Buddhist collections refer to the Mongolian Buddhist Canon and
handwritten, blockprinted texts. As many countries did, Mongolians adopted scripts,
book producing technologies and translation methodology from other countries who
previously imported Buddhism from India. However, every step of development of
producing books and translating Buddhist texts of Mongols exemplified own specific
contributions to Buddhist culture. In this paper, I will introduce panoramic view of the
Mongolian collections. I will discuss some important characteristics of productions by
reflecting upon important aspects, periodization of translations and multilingual texts.
Actually, Mongolian Buddhist collections are rich and diverse, but they have not
studied satisfactory by global scholars. Therefore, I expect, this paper will be helpful
to those who interest in Mongolian Buddhism and collections.
3. Chen Jinhua 陳金華 (UBC 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): 東亞宗教多媒質資料與跨學科
研究芻議
佛學研究者多奉刊本《大藏經》為圭臬，而忽略寫本《大藏經》以及碑銘、摩崖、圖
像、族譜、方志等藏外文獻，此外諸藏中晚出文獻徵引早出文獻的豐富資料也未受到足
夠重視。東亞宗教文本的載體形式，是從寫本到刊本的嬗變，不啻傳播媒質的一場真正
的革命。與寫本相比，刊本可以讓無數人隨時、隨機地獲取存儲於一種易簡的、廉價的
載體中標準化了的知識；其影響所及，不僅改變了宗教觀念和實踐的網絡，甚至會衝擊
社會的制度性結構以及文化知識體系。伴隨互聯網誕生的數碼載體，是傳播媒質的又一
次大躍進；對人文科學而言，既是挑戰也是機遇。我們不但要研究東亞宗教對技術的影
響，也應考察後者如何影響前者的發展。新媒質的產生，並不意味舊媒質的滅絕，寫本
的生命力在於讀者/抄寫者/編者無休止的「協商」中推陳出新；宗教文本在多媒質並存的
網絡中流通，形成獨特的「書業市場」。在這一流變多元的網絡中，「中心」與「邊
地」的關係並非人們所想象得那麼單純，兩者的距離不僅是地理上的，同時也是文化
上；而「邊地」的後發優勢，體現在經過尊崇、追隨、模仿「中心」之後，給文化及宗
教範式帶來了一些創造性的形塑與重塑，從而變得比中心更為「中心」。
4. Chen Ruifeng 陳瑞峰 (McMaster University 加拿大麥克馬斯特大學): A Survey of
the Dunhuang Chinese Manuscripts of the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 (Sūtra GO TO TOP
on Upāsaka Precepts) and a Study of Their Colophons
In this paper I survey the extant Dunhuang Chinese manuscripts of the Youposai jie
jing 優婆塞戒經 (T no. 1488) from Dunhuang, a pivotal city on the Silk Road in
medieval China, to try to determine how many Chinese manuscripts of this Buddhist
text are preserved in Dunhuang corpus. I also study the colophons on these
manuscripts to understand the purposes for which medieval Chinese Buddhists in
Dunhuang copied this scripture.
As far as I know, there are 57 fragments of Dunhuang Chinese manuscripts of the
Youposai jie jing. In addition, there are two fragments (Дx 9431 and Дx 14344) that
may be from the Youposai jie jing, and one fragment, S. 8099, which has not yet
been published. After studying the colophons from nine manuscripts, I learnt that the
medieval Chinese Buddhists in Dunhuang patronized or copied this scripture to
create blessings for the deceased father and praying for meeting Maitreya, neither of
which is the main theme or is consistent with the contents of this scripture. This
contradiction suggests interesting relationships between the medieval Chinese
Buddhists’ aspirations for copying Buddhist scriptures and the contents of these
scriptures.
5. Daisy Sze Yui Cheung (University of Hamburg 德國漢堡大學): How a Buddhist
Sanskrit Manuscript Travels from India and Nepal to Germany via Tibet: Göttingen
Cod. Ms. Sanscr. 259 and Kambala’s Navaślokī
After the Muslim conquest of East India in the 12th century, many Indian Buddhist
monks sought refuge in Nepal and Tibet, bringing their sacred books (i.e. Sanskrit
palmleaf manuscripts) with them. These palmleaf manuscripts were subsequently
studied and translated by Indian, Nepalese and Tibetan scholars of that time.
However, several hundred years later the Sanskrit manuscripts in Tibet were largely
forgotten by the Tibetans. They lay covered in dust on bookshelves in libraries and
monasteries, until the 1930s when Rāhula Sāṅkṛtyāyana “rediscovered” these
Sanskrit manuscripts again in his three expeditions to Tibet. One of these Sanskrit
manuscript is Göttingen Cod. Ms. Sanscr. 259, which Sāṅkṛtyāyana discovered in the
Sa skya monastery in 1936. It was subsequently brought back to India by Mr. Kanwal
Krishna, one of Sāṅkṛtyāyana’s travel companion in his 1938 Tibet trip. Later it was
bought by Prof. Gustav Roth in India and was brought to Germany in 1978.
It is now preserved in the Niedersächsische Staatsund Universitätsbibliothek,
Göttingen. Göttingen Cod. Ms. Sanscr. 259 is a multitext Sanskrit manuscript. It
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contains Kambala’s Navaślokī (Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitāpiṇḍārtha) together with
the autocommentary, and a fragment of Abhayākaragupta’s mnāyamañjarī.
Navaślokī is Kambala’s summary of the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā in 9 verses,
which is extant in Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese. It is an important text for us to
understand late Indian Buddhist philosophy, especially the socalled Yogācāra
Madhyamika school. The Sanskrit text of the Navaślokī has been published several
times (root text at least two times, root text with commentary once6), but none of the
Sanskrit editions have made use of the Göttingen manuscript. The Sanskrit text of
Navaślokī and its commentary as transmitted in Göttingen Cod. Ms. Sanscr. 259
provide better readings in many places. In this paper I will provide a list of better
readings in order to improve upon existing editions. In the future I hope to bring out a
new critical edition of the Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese text of the Navaślokī (with
commentary) based on all available sources.
In this paper I will also argue against Tucci’s assumption that the author of the
Navaślokī is the Siddha Kambalācārya. There is textual evidence to show that there
are at least two Kambalas in the history of Indian Buddhism: an earlier Kambala
(active at around the 8th century) and a later Siddha Kambala (active at the end of
the 9th century). The author of the Navaślokī and the lokāmālā is most probably the
earlier Kambala.
The Navaślokī together with commentary has been translated into Chinese by
Dharmapāla 法護 during the Song dynasty. This Chinese translation, which is
included in the Taishō Tripitaka (Taishō no. 1516《聖佛母般若波羅蜜多九頌精義論》),
has not been adequately studied before. After comparing the Chinese translation of
the text with the Sanskrit original and its corresponding Tibetan translation, I find the
quality of the Chinese translation to be quite good. I will comment on a few variant
readings in the Chinese translation at the end of this paper.
6. Mark Dennis (Texas Christian University 美國德克薩斯基督教大學): An
Investigation of the Relationship between Prince Shōtoku’s Shōmangyōgisho and
Two Dunhuang Buddhist Manuscripts: A Debate over Originality and Canonical
ValuePart II
This presentation will examine the relationship between Nai 93 and Tama 24—two
manuscript fragments discovered at Dunhuang—and the Shōmangyōgisho, a
Buddhist text written in classical Chinese that has traditionally been attributed to
Japan’s Prince Shōtoku (574–622). The presentation will elaborate on an article I
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published in the “Annotations” section of Manuscript Studies titled “An Investigation
of the Relationship Between Prince Shōtoku’s Shōmangyōgisho and Two Dunhuang
Buddhist Manuscripts: A Debate over Originality and Canonical Value” (Fall 2017:
499507). That 3,000word article offered a brief introduction to the Japanese scholar
Fujieda Akira’s discovery that the text attributed to Shōtoku clearly postdates and is
strikingly similar to these Dunhuang manuscripts.
Fujieda’s research, some of which was produced in collaboration with Koizumi Enjun,
caused heated scholarly debate by seeming to question the text’s value and led to
the production of a substantial body of research in the late 1960s and 1970s seeking
to clarify the relationship between the Shōmangyōgisho and the Dunhuang
manuscripts. These scholarly efforts were seen to be crucial in Shōtoku Studies
because perceptions of the Shōmangyōgisho’s originality have been central to its
perceived value and canonical status. This research, which continues in the present,
can be viewed as part of the broader search for the “true record,” a goal that has
informed much of the scholarship on the Shōmangyōgisho and two other Buddhist
commentaries attributed to the prince. This presentation will elaborate on the
Manuscript Studies article by focusing on how scholars who support the Shōmangyō
gisho’s canonical status have tried to respond to the key findings of Fujieda and
Koizumi.
7. Feng Jing 馮婧 (Cambridge University 英國劍橋大學): Continuity and Discontinuity:
Some Reflections on the Layout of the Dunhuang Manuscripts
In recent years, there has been an increased interest in studying manuscripts as
physical objects. As part of the new approach towards manuscripts, this essay
focuses on the layout of the Dunhuang manuscripts and presents three aspects of it:
the arrangement of titles, the design of lists of headings and the alternate use of two
character sizes. The abovementioned three aspects illustrate how texts were
structured and presented visually and reveal how people utilised different skills to
built clear structure within texts and denote the hierarchies of knowledge in medieval
China. More importantly, this essay examines the medieval layout from a broader
perspective and traces their origins in early manuscripts and later developments in
printed books. Through breaking boundaries of different vehicles for textual
transmission, this research grants us better understanding of the continuity and
discontinuity between early manuscripts and medieval manuscripts, between
manuscripts and printed books, and further, the role medieval layout played in
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8. Imre Galambos 高奕睿 (Cambrodge 英國劍橋大學): Hyphenationtype marks in
Chinese manuscripts from Dunhuang and Kharakhoto
Hyphenation marks are not a device usually associated with Chinese texts because,
as a rule, the script has no notational apparatus for marking word boundaries. While
it is tempting to explain this with the predominantly monosyllabic nature of the
earliest strata of written sources, this assumption fails to explain why such notation
was not introduced in later periods when compound words became used in large
number. In fact, modern Chinese writing still does not mark word boundaries, and
neither does Japanese. When Westernstyle punctuation was introduced in the
twentieth century, no notation was implemented for marking word boundaries, which
is a clear sign that the users of the script did not think it was important.
Punctuation marks in general were not compulsory in Chinese manuscripts and we
know of no attempts to standardize them, which is why there is a great deal of
inconsistency in their use. Looking at the Dunhuang manuscripts, the majority of
which were produced during the ninthtenth centuries, we can say that punctuation
marks were typically used in less formal contexts, in manuscripts intended for
personal use or pragmatic purposes, as opposed to official copies of authoritative
texts which were executed in a highly consistent manner. Despite the variety of
functions punctuation marks had, marking bits of text split by a line break was
usually not a necessity. Yet there is a handful of manuscripts from Dunhuang and
Kharakhoto that contain examples of such marks, which have a function that is
similar to the lineend hyphenation used in the West. This brief paper introduces
such examples and attempts to outline the functionality of the mark. Purely for the
sake of convenience, I will refer to them as “hyphenation marks,” although as we will
see, despite some similarities, they also exhibit a number of discrepancies in
comparison with those used in the West.
9. Agnieszka HelmanWazny (University of Hamburg 德國漢堡大學): Manuscripts
from the Silk Roads: Stories Told by Paper
This study outlines some of the crucial aspects of research on the earliest surviving
archive of paper preserved in the manuscripts found along the Silk Roads and dated
to the first millennium. The objects in this study are Chinese, Tibetan, Uighur,
Manichaean, Tokharian and Sogdian manuscripts drawn from the Stein Collection in
the British Library in London; the Turfan collection in the Berlin BrandenburgGO TO TOP
Academy of Sciences (BBAW) and the Berlin State Library (BSL); the Pelliot
collection in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in Paris; and the Oldenburg
collection in the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts in St. Petersburg. The examined
manuscripts contain the earliest written on paper and surviving examples of literacy,
artistic expression, scribal practice and recorded materials. Study of paper offer a
story of the manuscript that critically supplements its content, revealing the untold
details of its making. By using fiber analysis and the technological study of paper
combined with codicological and textual information, research has aimed to explore
the possibilities for dating these materials and fingerprinting their places of origin.
The fact that many of Chinese manuscripts being studied (which are the oldest
preserved and dated artefacts from Central Asia) are fixed in time by dates
mentioned in colophons makes them valuable and reliable references for building a
typology of paper, and for comparative study of any yet to be discovered papers from
that region. Thus, this study to some extent also informs us about the technological
transfer of local knowledge on papermaking spread along the Silk Roads (or Paper
Roads).
0. George Keyworth 紀强 (University of Saskatchewan 加拿大薩斯喀徹溫大學): “On
Manuscript editions of the Suvarṇaprabhāsottamasūtra 金光明最勝王經from
Dunhuang and Ancient Japan”
Based upon colophons to manuscript editions of Buddhist texts found at Dunhuang
and in Nara and Heian (7101185) Japan, Yijing’s 義淨 (635713) translation of the
Suvarṇaprabhāsottamasūtra 金光明最勝王經 (Z no. 158, T no. 665) was
unquestionably one of the most important scriptures for a variety of thisworldly
reasons. While several important studies of the Suvarṇaprabhāsottamasūtra in
Tibetan, Khotanese, and in Japan have been published (Nobel 1958, Skjærvø 2004,
Ludvik 2007, Sango 2015), little to no attention has been awarded to how often and
cautiously this scripture was copied in manuscript form across East Asia from the 8th
to 13th centuries. First, using colophons I will survey evidence from Dunhuang of a
special status for the Suvarṇaprabhāsottama. Next, I examine colophons and
surviving ritual paraphernalia that speak to specific veneration of the
Suvarṇaprabhāsottama in Japan. Then I investigate several rolls from the Matsuo
shrine canon 松尾社一切經 that not only show how long after the scriptures were
initially copied the Suvarṇaprabhāsottama seems to have been an object of
reverence for this community, but also why we find kundoku 訓讀 readings for rolls 4
最淨地陀羅尼品第六) and 8 (with chapters on
(with the most pure dhāraṇī chapter
Sarasvatī 大辯才天女品第十五之二, Śrīmahādevī (Lakṣmī) 大吉祥天女品第十六,
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Śrīmahādevī increasing benefits 大吉祥天女增長財物品第十七, the earth goddess
堅牢地神品第十八, Saṃjñāya (a Yakṣa general) 僧慎爾
Dŗḍhāyamahāpṛthivīdevatayā
耶藥叉大將品第十九, and “Instructions concerning Divine Kings” 王法正論品第二十).
Finally, I address the question: what can this evidence of handcopying the
Suvarṇaprabhāsottamasūtra across East Asian tell us about the people who used
and produced it?
金知姸 (Geumgang University 韓國金剛大學): Distribution and
1. Kim Jiyun
Preservation of the manuscript of Shi moheyan lun 釋摩訶衍論 in East Asia
The Shi moheyan lun 釋摩訶衍論 (T 1668; abbreviated as SML) is one of many
extant commentaries on the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith 大乘起信論 (T 1666). Like
the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith, the SML has held an important place in East
Asian Buddhism, attested to by the existence of more than three hundred
釋
subcommentaries composed in China and Japan such as the Shi moheyan run ji
摩訶衍論記, and much modern research such as that done by Kashiwagi Hirō 栢木弘
雄.
However, although the SML putatively ascribed to the great Indian philosopher
Nāgārjuna (23rd century), the doubts regarding the text’s authorship can be seen
expressed from as early as 779, when the Japanese monk Kaimyō 戒明 brought the
SML from Tang China to Japan. The time of production accordingly has been
questioned, and it is estimated to be around the 8th century by Mochizuki Shinko 望
月信亨, Kim Jiyun金知姸, etc. Then, how the SML was distributed from the time of
publishing to now? Are they the same texts? No clear answers have been provided
until now.
The key to the solution of these problems is the consideration of the extant
manuscripts and woodblockprinted book of the SML. The Japanese scholar Nasu
那須政隆 have only paid attention to the manuscript, but it was just putting the
Seiryu
woodblockprinted book of SML which is housed in the Narita成田 Library into print.
Therefore, I would like to shed light on various other manuscripts and woodblock
printed books of SML.
First, I examine the manuscripts and woodblockprinted books of SML which were
敦煌 manuscript in the Russian
made by different times and places: Dunhuang
Academy of Sciences, Ishiyamadera石山寺 manuscript, Fangshan shijing 房山石經
(N.1073), Tripitaka Koreana 高麗大藏經 (K1397) of Woljeongsa月精寺Temple,
manuscripts in National Diet Library 國立國會圖書館, Todaiji 東大寺 Library, Tokyo
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University 東京大學 Library, Omani University 大谷大學 Library, Minobusan
University 身延山大學 Library, and Toyo University 東洋大學 Library. Based on them,
I try to reveal what is the relation to these manuscripts and how the SML was
brought from China to Japan through Korea.
Next, I make a comparison with of texts and I tabulate results which show their
differences. More specifically, I centered around the manuscripts of Dunhuang which
remains three pages (дх3855[1], дх3855[2], дх3855[3]) and Ishiyamadera which
could check four pages (the first and last pages of the first and fifth volume
respectively of the book 石山寺古經聚英) because they are presumed to be oldest.
By comparing, I would like to verify that the texts of SML were distributed the same
form or changed in process of propagation through East Asia.
There was no apparent record that when and where the SML was made, so it is the
only way to infer the historical stream from the extant manuscripts. Therefore, I treat
the manuscripts of the SML, and reveal how the SML was conveyed. Furthermore,
by comparing and finding differences of them, I find modification and system of
editions between them.
2. Lin Peiying 林佩瑩 (Fu Jen Catholic University 輔仁大學): The Relationship
between a Portrait of Prince Shōtoku (c.573622) and Tang Royal Murals: On the
Materiality of the Cultural Identity of the Tang
The Tōhon miei 唐本御影 (“Tangedition royal portrait”) is traditionally claimed to be
the earliest portrait of Japanese Prince Shōtoku 聖德太子, allegedly the first royal
patron of Buddhism, and hence of great cultural importance. While the painter of this
portrait remains a matter of dispute, most scholars agree that it was painted during
the eighth century. As the title mentions “the Tang edition”, the author’s identity as of
the Tang seemed obvious to medieval Buddhists in Japan and China. Since it is
certainly comparable to a number of Tang murals, I will focus on those of Prince Yide
懿德太子 (682701), Princess Yongtai 永泰公主 (685701) , and Prince Zhanghuai 章
懷太子 (653684). First, I will examine to what extent this Japanese painting is akin to
the Tang style, if at all. Secondly, what impression of Tang culture would the image
have conferred and how it represented the Tang dynasty from the aspects of material
culture and religious identity.
This paper will discuss these paintings from two viewpoints: the cultural identity of its
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artists (and the narrators), comparing the painting style with the Tang murals, and the
historical background of the eighth century. The process of conception, mutual
learning, and reinterpretation between the two cultures is crystallised in these artistic
products of royal portraiture. The conclusion sheds light on cultural interaction in
eighthcentury East Asia in cases of these royal paintings and the complexity of
mutual understanding between Tang China and her neighbours.
3. Long Darui 龍達瑞 (University of the West 美國西來大學): A Preliminary Report on
the Chinese Buddhist Literature Kept at Jagiellonian Library in Poland
In 2010, three Polish scholars published A preliminary report on the Wanli Kanjur
kept in the Jagiellonian Library, Kraków. The world began to know that Jagiellonian
Library has an incomplete collection of Tibetan Kanjur printed in the Wanli period
(15731620) ，as well as many other Tibetan texts, manuscripts and xylographs. The
library also possesses a huge collection of Chinese Buddhist literature, including the
Yongle Northern Canon. There is a scripture that does not belong to Buddhist
canon, or Daoist canon, or baojuan 寶卷. In June 2017, the author rediscovered one
volume of Saddharmapuṇdarīka Sūtra in the Tangut language, which is particularly
precious as it is the only extant copy in the world. Three volumes are still missing.
These volumes of the Tibetan Kanjur and the Yongle Northern Canon were obtained
by a German scholar and collector named Eugen Pander. He got acquainted with the
Tibetan Buddhist reincarnated Master Thu’u bkvan Khutugtu of Yonghe Temple in
Beijing. Pander obtained over 700 artefacts and huge book collection including
Tibetan texts. They were shipped to Berlin around 1889. They were placed in the
Museum of Ethnography in Berlin and later moved to the State Library.
In 1943, the Allied Forces began to bomb Berlin and the Germans made an effort to
hide their treasures. They transported 500 boxes of books from the State Library in
Berlin to a castle Książ, and then to the Cistercian Monastery in Krzeszów. After
WWII the region was on the Polish side of the border. All the treasures, including
Beethoven’s manuscript of the “Ninth Symphony,” and Mozart’s manuscript of “Magic
Flute,” were transferred as a deposit to the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków.
The author visited Jagiellon University twice in 2016 and 2017. He is planning to
visit Poland again to examine its collection of Yongle Northern Canon and other
Buddhist manuscripts.
4. Lu Yang 陸揚 (Peking University 北京大學): The making of Buddhist exegetical GO TO TOP
tradition in medieval China: new evidences from medieval epigraphy and
manuscript
5. Costantino Moretti (École française d’ExtrêmeOrient 法國遠東學院): Philological
and Codicological Notes on a Buddhist Cosmological Chart in the Dunhuang
Manuscript Collection
Manuscript P.2824 contains a beautiful and complex cosmological chart which
represents theBuddhist universe, and is certainly one of the most fascinating and
interesting documents found among the thousands of manuscripts of the French
collection of Dunhuang material acquired by Paul Pelliot at the beginning of the last
century. With a captivating combination of iconography and text, this vertical scroll,
entitled Chart of the Three Realms and the Nine Lands (Sanjie jiudi zhi tu 三界九地之
圖), provides the practitioner with a schematic representation of Buddhist cosmology
which is linked to specific scriptural sources. The latter accompany the illustrations
and help explain of the multiple elements constituting the various planes of
existence, which are arranged one on top of the other, in their tripartite division,
along the central structure of Mount Sumeru, acting as an axis mundi.
In a recent paper which is the current reference work on the subject, Professor
Françoise WangToutain has analyzed each component of this chart providing an in
depth study of the cosmological aspects of this complex scroll. In the present paper I
would like to point out a few additional philological and codicological considerations
concerning a specific enigmatic text block which accompanies the lower section of
the chart where the realm of the hells is represented. At first glance, the precise
nature of this passage, composed of only thirteen columns, is extremely difficult to
determine due to the puzzling sequential order of the various sentences which would
seem to be mixed up in a somewhat chaotic way and result in an incomprehensible
text. In the present analysis, I will argue that the enigmatic structure of this textual
unit is the consequence of a macroscopic scribal error, linked not only to erroneous
copying of the sourcetext itself but also to changes in its layout. By retracing the
hypothetical copying phases, and reconstructing the textual layout of the source
manuscript, I will show how the scribe, produced a corrupt and incomprehensible
inscription from a coherent source text. Furthermore, this analysis will lead us to
more general considerations concerning scribal work, manuscript copying and
production processes. GO TO TOP
6. Joerg Plassen (RuhrUniversität Bochum 德國波鴻大學): The Production and
Transmission of Hwaôm Commentaries during Silla and Koryô Periods: Some
Slightly Disturbing Glimpses into an Understudied Manuscript Culture Based on
Textual Parallels, Colophons and Historiography
This contribution will present a range of materials – mainly gleaned from colophons
and notes in catalogues, but also from the commentaries as such – that provide
some insight into manuscript production and circulation in, to and from Silla and
Koryŏ, and thus to some extent in contemporary East Asia as a whole.
The first part will be dedicated to some evidence suggesting a rather fragile, if not
haphazard dissemination of manuscripts to and from the Korean peninsula. The
main part then will take notes on works ascribed to Ŭisang (625702) and Kyunyŏ
(917973) as the starting point for an inquiry into the at times confusing issues of
multiple authorship as manifest in the production, rewriting and reuse of manuscripts.
By way of conclusion, the extra layer of complexity added by the diglossic situation
of Buddhism on the peninsula will be addressed.
As to be seen through the somewhat sobering examples to be discussed, changing
authorial ascriptions and at times stunning degrees of mouvance, facilitated by a
regional manuscript cultures that underwent rather late canonization, should leave
the intellectual historian somewhat pensive, especially in the not so uncommon
cases where only comparably recent or no manuscripts at all have survived.
7. Asuka Sango (Carleton College 美國卡爾頓學院): Buddhist Debate (rongi) and the
Production of Shōgyō Manuscript in Medieval Japan
Medieval scholar monks in Japan produced a massive body of texts—sacred works
or shōgyō. This paper focuses on one such monk, the Tōdaiji monk Sōshō (1202–
1278), who produced the total of 351 bound books and 129 handscrolls. Sōshō
produced most of his texts in the process of preparing for and participating in state
sponsored debate rituals (rongie). Modern scholars have tended to depict debate
related textual production primarily as a tool for upward social mobility, but I will
reveal its intellectual significance. Sōshō copied various types of texts as different
cognitive tools, appropriate for particular stages of learning. In addition, Sōshō’s
texts were not only the means and products of his learning, but their circulation and
transmission generated social relations such as a lineage. This paper will
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demonstrate the intellectual and sociopolitical importance of the production of
shōgyō in medieval Japan.
8. SHENG Kai 聖凱 (Tsinghua University 清華大學): 《大乘義章》的組織結構與思想
框架——以敦煌遺書《菩薩藏眾經要》比較為中心
西魏、北周《菩薩藏眾經要》與東魏、北齊《大乘義章》皆是繼承北魏地論學派的傳承
而有不同的展開。《菩薩藏眾經要》代表著西魏、北周佛教融合南朝佛教「經抄」的最
新成果，依「五門」——佛性門、眾生門、修道門、諸諦門、融門等形成《一百二十法
門》的框架。《大乘義章》是北朝佛教「義章」類的佛法綱要，其「五聚」的框架結構
與「教理行果」「法寶五義」（教法、理法、助道法、涅槃法、化用法）完全相應，否
定了有些學者強調《大乘義章》是借鑒《成實論》「四諦」的組織結構說法。最後，
《菩薩藏眾經要》是根據「法門」摘錄相應的經論文字；而《大乘義章》則是引用經論
而進行自己的闡釋，根據「諸門分別」去剖析法義的內涵與同異。因此，後者在編撰意
圖與義學成就上，比前者更能體現北朝佛學的最高義學水平。
9. Henrik H. Sørensen (RuhrUniversität Bochum 德國波鴻大學): “Donations and the
Production of Buddhist Scriptures in Dunhuang during the 10th Century.”
This presentation will primarily address those Buddhist scriptures we encounter as
part of the circuit of giving during the Guiyijunrule (848– c. 1037), their contexts and
the purposes for which they were created. While canonical scriptures tend to
be dominant as votive gifts, a good part of the scriptures that were commissioned for
donation to the local Buddhist establishments in Dunhuang were apocryphal in
nature, something which reflects on the manner in which Buddhist beliefs and
practices spread in China during the 10th century. A series of casestudies will serve
as the basis for this presentation.
0. Brian Steininger (Princeton 美國普林斯頓大學): “Prayers for Mediation: 13 th
Century
Textual Culture between Kōya and Kamakura
This paper examines several esoteric doctrinal texts printed on Mt. Kōya in the late
1270s by the shogunate official Adachi Yasumori (12311285). Conventional histories
of Japanese xylography follow a developmental sequence from devotional printing by
wealthy aristocrats in the classical (Heian) period, through limited educational
printing by temples in the medieval period, to the arrival of widespread commercial
printing in the early modern period. This paper examines the complex interplay of
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soteriological, practical, political, and commercial elements in one medieval printing
project to both critique an “ends”based typology of textual reproduction and further
develop recent arguments on the role of esoteric Buddhism in coordinating medieval
power centers.
童嶺 (Nanking University 南京大學: 中國中世紀儒教與佛教的鈔本文化
1. Tong Ling
中國中世紀的大部分時間裡面，雖然早期交雜著簡牘的使用，但在晉末逐漸被廢止，完
全廢止大概要到南北朝之末。故而，儒教與佛教書籍在中世紀最重要的文化載體，還是
鈔本。
中國中世紀儒教經學史領域，受到逐漸隆盛的佛教影響，佛經解釋之際的討論形式也被
儒教經典解釋吸納。六朝至隋唐之間，對經注和經傳進行繁瑣注釋的學問勃興起來。這
樣對注的注，稱為“義”或“疏”，這種學問被稱為“義疏學”。比如原藏日本奈良興福寺舊鈔
本《講周易疏論家義記殘卷》殘卷等等。
鑑真大師於唐天寶十二載（753）渡海赴日本傳法，據《唐大和上東征傳》，鑑真大師帶
去的除了佛經鈔本，還有王羲之的真跡。又如：與隋唐天台宗有密切關係的鈔本《弘決
外典鈔》，其中也含有與義疏學關係密切的部分。而佛教鈔本中引用的這些儒教義疏學
典籍，很多是目前已經亡佚掉的珍貴文獻。學術意義非常重要。
2. Leonard van der kuijp (Harvard 美國哈佛大學): Apropos of the Manuscript
Transmission of Sa skya Paṇḍita’s (11821251) Tshad ma rigs pa’i gter
The transmission of the verse text of Sa skya Paṇḍita’s Tshad ma rigs pa’i gter [of
circa 1219] and the autocommentary is shot through with a large number of
fundamental textcritical problems. These problems already begin with the way in
which the verse text was structured. Disciples of Sa skya Paṇḍita himself, the
earliest commentators Ldong ston Shes rab dpal (circa 1260) and ‘U yug pa Rigs pa’i
seng ge (ca. 1195after 1267) wrote their studies of what I presume was the verse
text in, respectively, thirteen and eight chapters. On the other hand, the printing
blocks for the socalled Mongol xylograph (hor par ma) of the autocommentary that
were prepared in Dadu [more or less presentday Beijing] in 1284 had eleven
chapters, which suggests that the verse text with which its editors were working had
an identical number of chapters. Indeed, the autocommentary in all likelihood
included from the very beginning the verses of the verse text. Printing blocks for the
verse text were carved during the fifteenth century and this gave rise to more
problems of interpretation, as Glo bo Mkhan chen Bsod nams lhun grub (14561532)
pointed out on a number of occasions in his 1482 study of the autocommentary. The
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1736 printing blocks of the verse text and autocommentary that were carved in Sde
dge make it quite clear that the original manuscripts of the verse text and the auto
commentary contained verses that had quite different filiations, thereby creating a
disturbing dissonance between them.
3. Alan G. Wagner (CRCAO, Collège de France 法國法蘭西學院): The Discourse
Record of Layman Ruru, Transformed into Canonical Liturgical Materials
This paper examines how several pieces of an extraordinary Southern Song (1127
1279) manuscript collection, the collected writings of literatus and lay Zen Master
Yan Bing 顏丙 (d. 1212), were transformed as they were incorporated into canonical
liturgical and ritual materials. The Discourse Record of Layman Ruru 如如居士語錄,
which circulated throughout East Asia in woodblock and manuscript editions up to
seven volumes in length, comprises a remarkably wide range of genres including
essays, verses, prayers, detailed ritual protocols, and records of his formal “seated”
Zen teachings. While most of these materials were completely unknown to modern
scholarship until the 1970s, when copies of the Discourse Record were discovered in
Japan, at least a few of Yan’s writings were assimilated into other works, usually
without attribution and often edited or reworked. Here we shall look closely at two
prominent examples, to see how the canonical versions and the underlying
manuscript texts can illuminate one another, and to estimate the potential interest
this collection may present as a subject for further research.
The first and most wellknown of these canonical sources is the Ritual Amplification
of the Diamond Sūtra 金剛經科儀 (X1494), a popular liturgical text composed by the
Chan monk Zongjing 宗鏡 in 1242. Daniel Overmeyer has identified this text as an
antecedent to the “precious volumes” (baojuan 寶卷) genre which flourished among
popular sectarian religious groups from the fifteenth century onward, through its
influence upon Luo Qing 羅清 (14421527), a layman who wrote some of the earliest
true baojuan and came to be regarded as the founding patriarch of the sectarian
Wuwei jiao 無為教 tradition.
The Ritual Amplification divides the Diamond Sūtra into thirty sections, and treats
each part with a commentary, a question, and an answer in sevencharacter verse.
This material is bookended by lengthy introductory and concluding sections
containing a mixture of invocations, doctrinal exposition, verses, and scripture
(including the complete Heart Sūtra). Embedded within the introduction we find a
entire essay by Yan, “A General Exhortation to Bring Forth the Aspiration [for
Enlightenment]” 普勸發心文, as well as about twenty of his verses scattered GO TO TOP
throughout the text. Overmeyer identifies the material in the essay as especially
significant for the history and development of the baojuan genre, for two reasons. He
shows that Yan’s vision of enlightenment, as a solution to the problem of karma
which is available to all beings without distinction, had a profound influence upon Luo
Qing, both in his personal religious journey and in the popular sectarian teachings he
developed. Overmeyer furthermore sees the combination of homage paid to non
Buddhist dieties and exemplars, the inclusion of Pure Land and Chan elements, and
Yan’s insistence upon the One Vehicle as the only path to salvation as an
initial step in the transformation of the Buddhist evangelistic tradition into a new
form. At the same time, Yan’s essay is transformed here as well, from an argument
to be read and discussed into a liturgy to be recited, in the process reaching a much
wider audience than its author could have imagined.
Although Zongjing does not acknowledge his sources in the text of the Ritual
Amplification, his borrowings were welldocumented in the several commentaries
which were written on it over the course of the following centuries. These were
collected and edited together in the sixteenth century by the monk Juelian 覺連 into a
ninefascicle work, Commentary for Understanding the Essentials of the Ritual
Amplification of the Diamond Sūtra ( 銷釋金剛經科儀會要註解, X467). While the many
citations from Layman Ruru’s Discourse Record have already been helpfully
summarized by Maekawa Toru 前川亨, much work remains to be done to place the
religious vision which is incorporated here into the larger context of Yan’s writings,
thereby further illuminating the origins of the “precious volumes” genre and the
development of the popular Buddhist evangelistic tradition. A close examination of
Juelian’s Commentary in turn reveals another unexpected consequence of Zongjing’s
borrowing: here the canonical text provides invaluable insights into this section of the
manuscript, for the portion that covers Yan’s essay offers a detailed exposition of the
text, explaining the essentials of his argument as well as the many allusions and
references he makes.
The second major canonical source we will consider has, in contrast, received
almost no scholarly attention, apart from a brief mention in my own doctoral thesis on
Yan’s works. This is the Assembled Sages Discourse Record of Master Yin of
Longquan Temple on Mount Gaofeng ( 高峰龍泉院因師集賢語錄, X1277) in fifteen
fascicles, which bears a preface dated 1287. The contemporary published edition
(Chanzong quan shu 禪宗全書, vol. 47) presents this volume as a somewhat curious
discourse record, explaining that Master Deyin 德因 “often used gāthās, hymns, and GO TO TOP
poems to teach his students.” Actually, what we find here is a large collection of
liturgical texts, organized and edited for use by ritual specialists, with a significant
amount of material taken from Yan Bing’s writings.
The most striking example is in the ninth fascicle, where a “Liturgy for [the Ritual of]
Freeing Life” 放生文 some two thousand characters in length appears. This text
consists primarily of a series of invocations and responses, preceded by an
introduction which cites some of the same animal exemplars found in Yan’s essay. In
fact, Master Yin’s Discourse Record reproduces nearly verbatim the text found under
the same title in Volume 2, fascicle 2 of Yan’s sevenvolume collection. Moreover,
immediately preceding this liturgy in both collections is a series of verse invocations
for “Rites of Scattering Flowers” 散花文, the last seven of which also come from Yan.
Here Deyin has reworked two of them, changing some lines or switching their order.
In addition to this block of texts, Deyin’s collection includes material from Yan
elsewhere as well. In the twelfth fascicle, for example, we find a substantially
modified version of Yan’s own “Offering for a Father on the Fifth Seventh [Day After
Death]” 薦父五七. In Deyin’s version, the description of the ritual space and
evocations of Buddhist doctrine have been eliminated, and the text simply refers to
“soandso” (mouren 某人) when identifying the deceased, as do many of the other
texts in this part of his Discourse Record. The effect here is to make Yan’s invocation
into a generic, “fillintheblank” text to be used by ritual specialists to address both
Buddhist and nonBuddhist judges in the underworld.
The examples presented here of Yan’s writings which are incorporated into these two
canonical sources include only those that I have come across in my limited study of
his works, which covers less than ten percent of his entire corpus in detail. I believe
it is highly unlikely that this research would have already uncovered all of Deyin’s
uses of Yan’s writing across fifteen fascicles of material, and moreover that given the
degree of influence observed so far it is possible that other collections and liturgical
texts from this era may also harbor undiscovered citations of his work. I would
suggest that the digitization and transcription of Yan Bing’s whole corpus, to enable
detailed automated crossreferencing across a wide body of published texts, would
be an important next step in advancing our knowledge of this unique manuscript, and
one with the potential to reveal new insights into the history and development of
popular Chinese Buddhist ritual and liturgical practice from the thirteenth century
onward.
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王麗娜 (Peking University北京大學/National Library of China 中國國
X. Wang Lina
家圖書館)：漢譯四部廣律中的佛傳研究
律藏中，佛陀為了說明法義或某一制度往往產生各種制戒因緣，因此關於佛及其弟子的
事跡在律藏中有不少記載。律藏一般被認為文學興味淡薄，但《律藏》中佛陀及其弟子
傳記主要是些有趣的故事。律藏佛傳主要見於《銅牒律》、《四分律》、《五分律》中
的「受戒鍵度」部分。這幾部廣律在成立「十眾受具」以前都有次第連貫的佛傳，但需
要注意的是《十誦律》中沒有佛傳。
律藏中佛傳的內容包括了王統次第、釋迦族興起、太子四門出遊，剔發出家（花數金請
求龍護菩薩），化諸弟子、詣瓶沙王、提婆達多破僧、三月食馬麥。律典佛傳內容表達
多平鋪直敘，較少使用修辭手法和華美辭藻，文體上主要使用長行，其間含有問答體偈
頌。律藏佛傳主要是制戒事緣，並非有意書寫佛傳，所以沒有內容完整的佛傳。「這些
事跡，不是次第連貫的、敘述詳細的佛傳」。早期律典佛傳是後起佛陀傳記的重要來
源。而漢地撰寫僧傳的基本都是律師，很可能受到律藏佛傳的歷史影響。
5. Wang Xiaolin 王小林 (City University of Hong Kong 香港城市大學): The Manuscript
of Man’yōshū 萬葉集 and the Thought of Tathāgatagarbha
Japan’s earliest literary anthology Man’yōshū 萬葉集 (Collection of Ten Thousand
Leaves) has nearly twenty different extant manuscripts preserved by various
libraries. The most distinctive feature of the Man’yōshū lies in the combined use of
Chinese characters in both purely phonographic (man’yōgana) and logographic
functions. The variety of orthography in the anthology and among the different
manuscripts causes great difficulties in the literary interpretation of the Man’yōshū.
Buddhism is the most important religious source of the Man’yōshū, and this paper
intends to use the example of a manuscript from chapter six of Man’yōshū to discuss
the possibility that the ideas of the Tathāgatagarbha sūtra had been introduced to
Japan at that time and how it impacted Japanese monks. At the same time, I also
hope to put forward my own opinions on the interpretation and application of the
manuscript in SinoJapanese cultural contexts.
6. Wei Zheng 韋正 (Peking University 北京大學): The Inscription of The Fifth Year of
Jianhong in No.169 Grotto of Bingling Temple and the Age of the Sixth Shrine:
Along with The Age when the Flower Adornment Sutra spread into the Helong
炳灵寺169窟“建弘五年”题记与第6龛的年代问题——兼及《大方广佛华严经》
Region
传入河陇地区的年代
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炳灵寺169窟“建弘元年”（420年）题记为“建弘五年”（424年）的可能性大。与第6龛相
距最近的不是西方三圣雕塑，而是壁画释迦牟尼佛和弥勒菩萨。在第6龛塑像与释迦、弥
勒壁画之间还有壁画十方佛。佛驮跋陀罗译《大方广佛华严经》不太可能在建弘元年就
传播到河陇地区。西方三圣塑像也与《大方广佛华严经》没有关系。“建弘五年”题记中提
及“慈氏”，这正好与壁画中的弥勒菩萨相应。因此，“建弘五年”题记所指当是壁画释迦、
弥勒与十方佛，第6龛的年代要晚。《大方广佛华严经》传播到河陇地区当与东晋南朝经
益州与吐谷浑等地保持良好关系有关。

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MATERIAL IN UBC OPEN COLLECTION
三清大殿), Fengxian guan (奉仙觀)
Great Hall of the Three Clarities (Sanqing dadian
The Great Hall of the Three Clarities (Sanqing dadian 三大清殿 ) in the Fengxian guan 奉仙觀 , a Daoist temple in Jiyuan,
Henan, China. This fivebay wide hall is the main building of the temple complex, and the oldest, dating to 1184 (the first
temple on the site was built in 685). The massive wooden beams and […]
台灣新北玉佛寺)
Taiwan xin bei yu fo si (
This is a Nichiren 日蓮宗 Buddhist temple. It was established in 1995, and was previously called Fa Zang Shan Ji Le Si 法藏
山極樂寺. Google maps has not yet updated the name change. Donors [1]. Main altar [2]. Exterior view [3]. Side altar 1 [4].
Side altar 2 [5]. Side altar 3 [6]. 360 video [7].
Cao pu wei fu an gong ( 草埔尾福安宮)
Established in 1985. List of donors contributing to the renovation in 2016 [1]. List of donors contributing to the renovation in
2003 [2]. This temple is dedicated to Tudi Gong [3]. This temple is decorated with martial scenes [4]. Directly across from
this temple building is a theatrical stage that likely serves locals performing traditional […]
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31/05/2018 From the Ground Up: Buddhism and East Asian Religions

4. Lu Yang 陸揚 (Peking University 北京大學): The making of Buddhist exegetical GO TO TOP

The Great Hall of the Three Clarities (Sanqing dadian 三大清殿 ) in the Fengxian guan 奉仙觀 , a Daoist temple in Jiyuan,

This is a Nichiren 日蓮宗 Buddhist temple. It was established in 1995, and was previously called Fa Zang Shan Ji Le Si 法藏

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